Adolescence in America: An Encyclopedia (2 Volumes) (The American Family)

ADOLESCENCE IN AMERICA An Encyclopedia

The American Family The six titles that make up The American Family offer a revitalizing new take on U.S. history, surveying current culture from the perspective of the family and incorporating insights from psychology, sociology, and medicine. Each two-volume, A-to-Z encyclopedia features its own advisory board, editorial slant, and apparatus, including illustrations, bibliography, and index.

Adolescence in America edited by Jacqueline V. Lerner, Boston College, and Richard M. Lerner, Tufts University; Jordan W. Finkelstein, Pennsylvania State University, Advisory Editor

Boyhood in America edited by Priscilla Ferguson Clement, Pennsylvania State University, Delaware County, and Jacqueline S. Reinier, California State University, Sacramento

The Family in America edited by Joseph M. Hawes, University of Memphis, and Elizabeth F. Shores, Little Rock, Arkansas

Girlhood in America edited by Miriam Forman-Brunell, University of Missouri, Kansas City

Infancy in America edited by Alice Sterling Honig, Emerita, Syracuse University; Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Michigan State University; and Holly Brophy-Herb, Michigan State University

Parenthood in America edited by Lawrence Balter, New York University

ADOLESCENCE IN AMERICA An Encyclopedia

Volume 1 A–M

Jacqueline V. Lerner, editor Boston College

Richard M. Lerner, editor Tufts University

Jordan Finkelstein, advisory editor Pennsylvania State University

Santa Barbara, California Denver, Colorado Oxford, England

Copyright © 2001 by Jacqueline V. Lerner and Richard M. Lerner All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 1-57607-205-3 (hardcover) 1-57607-571-0 (e-book)

06 05 04 03 02 01 00

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 (cloth)

ABC-CLIO, Inc. 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911

This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an e-book. Visit www.abc-clio.com for details.

This book is printed on acid-free paper ∞ Manufactured in the United States of America

About the Editors

Jacqueline V. Lerner is professor of psychology and chair of the Counseling and Developmental Psychology program at Boston College. Richard M. Lerner holds the Bergstrom Chair in Applied and Developmental Science in the Eliot-Pearson Department of Child Development, Tufts University. Jordan Finkelstein, advisory editor, is professor of behavioral health, human development, and pediatrics at Pennsylvania State University.

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Contents

A-to-Z List of Entries ix Contributors and Their Entries Foreword xxvii Preface xxxi Introduction xxxiii

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Volume 1: Entries A to M 1 Volume 2: Entries N to Y 465 Bibliography Index 903

827

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A-to-Z List of Entries

VOLUME 1, A–M

Autonomy

B

A

Body Build Body Fat, Changes in Body Hair Body Image Bullying Bumps in the Road to Adulthood

Abortion Abstinence Academic Achievement Academic Self-Evaluation Accidents Acne Adoption: Exploration and Search Adoption: Issues and Concerns African American Adolescents, Identity in African American Adolescents, Research on African American Male Adolescents Aggression Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in Alcohol Use, Trends in Allowance Anemia Anxiety Appearance, Cultural Factors in Appearance Management Apprenticeships The Arts Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Attractiveness, Physical

C Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence Career Development Cheating, Academic Chicana/o Adolescents Child-Rearing Styles Children of Alcoholics Chores Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence Cigarette Smoking Cliques Cognitive Development College Computer Hacking Computers Conduct Problems Conflict and Stress Conflict Resolution Conformity Contraception Coping Counseling Cults

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A-to-Z List of Entries

D

Freedom

Dating Dating Infidelity Decision Making Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems Delinquency, Trends in Dental Health Depression Developmental Assets Developmental Challenges Diabetes Discipline Disorders, Psychological and Social Divorce Down Syndrome Drug Abuse Prevention Dyslexia

G

E Eating Problems Emancipated Minors Emotional Abuse Emotions Empathy Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Environmental Health Issues Ethnic Identity Ethnocentrism

F Family Composition: Realities and Myths Family Relations Family-School Involvement Fathers and Adolescents Fears Female Athlete Triad Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors

Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and SexualMinority Youth Gender Differences Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development Gifted and Talented Youth Gonorrhea Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships

H Health Promotion Health Services for Adolescents High School Equivalency Degree Higher Education HIV/AIDS Homeless Youth Homework

I Identity Inhalants Intelligence Intelligence Tests Intervention Programs for Adolescents

J Juvenile Crime Juvenile Justice System

L Latina/o Adolescents Learning Disabilities Learning Styles and Accommodations

A-to-Z List of Entries Loneliness Lore Love

M Maternal Employment: Historical Changes Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents Media Memory Menarche Menstrual Cycle Menstrual Dysfunction Menstruation Mental Retardation, Siblings with Mentoring and Youth Development Middle Schools Miscarriage Moral Development Mothers and Adolescents Motivation, Intrinsic

VOLUME 2: N–Y

N Native American Adolescents Neglect Nutrition

P Parent-Adolescent Relations Parental Monitoring Parenting Styles Peer Groups Peer Pressure Peer Status Peer Victimization in School

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Personal Fable Personality Physical Abuse Political Development Poverty Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent Private Schools Programs for Adolescents Proms Prostitution Psychosomatic Disorders Psychotherapy Puberty: Hormone Changes Puberty: Physical Changes Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes Puberty, Timing of

R Racial Discrimination Rape Rebellion Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems Responsibility for Developmental Tasks Rights of Adolescents Rights of Adolescents in Research Risk Behaviors Risk Perception Rites of Passage Runaways

S Sadness School Dropouts School Engagement School, Functions of School Transitions Schools, Full-Service Schools, Single-Sex Self Self-Consciousness

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A-to-Z List of Entries

Self-Esteem Self-Injury Services for Adolescents Sex Differences Sex Education Sex Roles Sexual Abuse Sexual Behavior Sexual Behavior Problems Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of Sexually Transmitted Diseases Shyness Sibling Conflict Sibling Differences Sibling Relationships Single Parenthood and Low Achievement Social Development Spina Bifida Sports and Adolescents Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control Standardized Tests Steroids Storm and Stress Substance Use and Abuse Suicide

T Teachers Teasing

Teenage Parenting: Childbearing Teenage Parenting: Consequences Television Television, Effects of Temperament Thinking Tracking in American High Schools Transition to Young Adulthood Transitions of Adolescence Twins

V Violence and Aggression Vocational Development Volunteerism

W Welfare White and American: A Matter of Privilege? Why Is There an Adolescence? Work in Adolescence

Y Youth Culture Youth Gangs Youth Outlook

Contributors and Their Entries

Michelle Abdala Independent Scholar Niles, Illinois Spina Bifida

Sally Archer The College of New Jersey Ewing, New Jersey Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of

Gerald R. Adams University of Guelph Guelph, Ontario Family-School Involvement Identity Runaways

Andrea Bastiani Archibald Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Body Fat Jeffrey Jensen Arnett University of Missouri–Columbia Columbia, Missouri Media

Sandra Alcala Loyola University Chicago, Illinois Spina Bifida

Pamela Aronson Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana Allowance

David Almeida University of Arizona Tucscon, Arizona Fathers and Adolescents

Christopher Ashford University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Career Development

Billie V. Andersson St. Martin’s Episcopal School Metairie, Louisiana University of New Orleans New Orleans, Louisiana Learning Styles and Accommodations

Susan Averna University of Connecticut Farmington, Connecticut Anxiety Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Conduct Problems Personal Fable

Dita G. Andersson Independent Scholar Brighton, Massachusetts Moral Development

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Contributors and Their Entries

Catherine E. Barton Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence Learning Disabilities

Emily Branscum Florida International University Miami, Florida Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems

Jessica Beckwith Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Conflict Resolution

Jeanne Brooks-Gunn Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Body Fat, Changes in Body Image

Peter L. Benson Search Institute Minneapolis, Minnesota Assets Aida Bilalbegovic´ Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes Deborah L. Bobek Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Cults Prostitution Lynne M. Borden Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Programs for Adolescents Volunteerism Shireen Boulos Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Emancipated Minors Welfare Mary M. Brabeck Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development

Jennifer S. Brown Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts The Arts Jean-Marie Bruzzese College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University New York, New York Rights of Adolescents in Research Christy M. Buchanan Wake Forest University Winston-Salem, North Carolina Divorce Phame Camarena Central Michigan University Mount Pleasant, Michigan Self Maya Carlson Harvard University Cambridge, Massachussetts Rights of Adolescents Danielle Carrigo Texas Tech University Lubbock, Texas Chicana/o Adolescents Latina/o Adolescents

Contributors and Their Entries Domini R. Castellino Duke University Durham, North Carolina Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents Mothers and Adolescents Parent-Adolescent Relations Stephen J. Ceci Cornell University Ithaca, New York Single Parenthood and Low Achievement Heather Cecil University of Alabama at Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama HIV/AIDS Laurie Chassin Arizona State University Tempe, Arizona Cigarette Smoking Jana H. Chaudhuri Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Freedom Anna Chaves Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Eating Problems George P. Chrousos National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, National Institutes of Health Bethesda, Maryland Georgetown University Medical School Washington, D.C. Puberty

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Kenneth M. Cohen Counseling and Psychological Services, Cornell University Ithaca, New York Counseling Teresa M. Cooney University of Missouri–Columbia Columbia, Missouri Chores Deborah Corbitt-Shindler University of Houston Houston, Texas Sibling Conflict Sibling Differences Michael Cunningham Tulane University New Orleans, Louisiana African American Male Adolescents William Damon Stanford University Stanford, California Youth Outlook Nancy Darling Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Discipline Patrick Davies University of Rochester Rochester, New York Dating

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Contributors and Their Entries

Imma De Stefanis Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Cheating, Academic Ethnic Identity Middle Schools Private Schools School Transitions Schools, Single-Sex Transitions of Adolescence Joseph Solomon Dillard University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Adoption: Issues and Concerns Lorah D. Dorn University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Female Athlete Triad Puberty, Timing of Sanford M. Dornbusch Stanford University Stanford, California Homeless Youth Tracking in American High Schools Jennifer Douglas University of Massachusetts–Boston Boston, Massachusetts Welfare Elizabeth Dowling Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Love Candice Dreves Independent Scholar Eagan, Minnesota Academic Self-Evaluation Gender Differences

Jerome B. Dusek Syracuse University Syracuse, New York Bumps on the Road to Adulthood Dating Infidelity Sex Roles Why Is There an Adolescence? Felton Earls Harvard University Medical School Boston, Massachussetts Rights of Adolescents Patricia L. East University of California–San Diego Medical Center San Diego, California Sibling Relationships John Eckenrode Cornell University Ithaca, New York Neglect David Elkind Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Cognitive Development Douglas W. Elliott Cornell University Ithaca, New York Peer Pressure David Engberg Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts American Council on Education Washington, D.C. Higher Education

Contributors and Their Entries Elizabeth N. Fielding Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts The Meadowbrook School of Weston Weston, Massachussetts Homework Jordan Finkelstein Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Abortion Accidents Acne Aggression Anemia Birth Control Body Build Body Hair Gonorrhea Health Services for Adolescents Menarche Menstrual Cycle Menstrual Dysfunction Menstruation Miscarriage Puberty: Physical Changes Sex Education Steroids Lisa B. Fiore Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Lesley College Cambridge, Massachussetts Fears Proms Sean N. Fischer Loyola University Chicago Chicago, Illinois Parenting Styles

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Celia B. Fisher Fordham University Bronx, New York Racial Discrimination Rights of Adolescents in Research Constance Flanagan Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Political Development Rosalind D. Folman University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Foster Care Kristine Freeark University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Adoption: Exploration and Search Sara Gable University of Missouri–Columbia Columbia, Missouri Chores Laura A. Gallagher Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Self-Injury Suicide Jessica Goldberg Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Emancipated Minors Welfare Adele Eskeles Gottfried California State University–Northridge Northridge, California Motivation, Intrinsic

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Contributors and Their Entries

Julia A. Graber Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Body Image Sandra Graham University of California–Los Angeles Los Angeles, California Peer Victimization in School John W. Hagen University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Adoption: Issues and Concerns Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence Foster Care Monica J. Hanson Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Contraception Vinay Harpalani University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pennsylvania African American Adolescents, Identity in African American Adolescents, Research on Penny Hauser-Cram Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Down Syndrome James Henry Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan Emotional Abuse Physical Abuse Sexual Abuse

Donald J. Hernandez State University of New York at Albany Albany, New York Family Composition: Myths and Realities Maternal Employment: Historical Changes Poverty Laura Hess Olson Purdue University West Lafayette, Indiana Bullying Grayson N. Holmbeck Loyola University Chicago, Illinois Family Relations Parenting Styles Spina Bifida Storm and Stress Angela Howell Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Down Syndrome Sadness Wendy Hubenthal Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts High School Equivalency Degree Lisa R. Jackson GEAR UP, Boston Higher Education Partnership Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts School Engagement Lauren P. Jacobson Penn State Altoona Altoona, Pennsylvania Sports and Adolescents

Contributors and Their Entries Leanne J. Jacobson University of California–San Diego San Diego, California Juvenile Crime Sibling Relationships Matthew Jans University of Massachusetts–Boston Boston, Massachusetts Sex Differences Janna Jilnina Independent Scholar Cambridge, Massachusetts Attractiveness, Physical Conformity Empathy Intelligence Memory Personality Sara Johnston Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control Jasna Jovanovic University of Illinois–UrbanaChampaign Urbana, Illinois Academic Self-Evaluation Gender Differences Linda P. Juang California State University–San Francisco San Francisco, California Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts Tami Katzir-Cohen Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Dyslexia

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Sean Kennedy Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Computers Maureen E. Kenny Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Depression Intelligence Tests Psychotherapy Self-Esteem Marty Wyngaarden Krauss Brandeis University Waltham, Massachussetts Mental Retardation, Siblings with Deanna Kuhn Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Thinking George T. Ladd University of Connecticut Health Center Farmington, Connecticut Rebellion Substance Use and Abuse Susanna M. Lara Roth Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Psychosomatic Disorders Reed Larson University of Illinois–UrbanaChampaign Urbana, Illinois Emotions Christine M. Lee University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona Teenage Parenting: Consequences

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Contributors and Their Entries

Jacqueline V. Lerner Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts Academic Achievement Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Gender Differences School, Functions of Transition to Young Adulthood Richard M. Lerner Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Academic Achievement Cliques Developmental Challenges Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Gender Differences Intervention Programs for Adolescents Lore Mentoring and Youth Development Peer Status Risk Behaviors School, Functions of Schools, Full-Service Sexual Behavior Problems Television Transition to Young Adulthood Benjamin D. Locke Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Rites of Passage Barbara J. Long University of California–San Francisco San Francisco, California Female Athlete Triad Alexandra Loukas University of Texas–Austin Austin, Texas Inhalants

Christine M. Low Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Temperament Tom Luster Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Emotional Abuse Physical Abuse Sexual Abuse Maureen Sweeney MacGillivray Central Michigan University Rockford, Michigan Appearance Management Jennifer Maggs University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona Teenage Parenting: Consequences Kerry Maguire Tufts University School of Dental Medicine Belmont, Massachusetts Dental Health Beth Manke University of Houston Houston, Texas Sibling Conflict Sibling Differences Lyscha A. Marcynyszyn Cornell University Ithaca, New York Neglect

Contributors and Their Entries Deborah N. Margolis Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Catholic Memorial Middle/High School Gloucester, Massachussetts Disorders, Psychological and Social Self-Consciousness Teasing W. Alex Mason University of Alabama–Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama Delinquency, Trends in Cami K. McBride University of Illinois–Chicago Chicago, Illinois Sexual Behavior Daniel A. McDonald University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona Fathers and Adolescents Shirley McGuire University of San Francisco San Francisco, California Computer Hacking Loneliness Jeanne S. Merchant University of Alabama–Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama Sexually Transmitted Diseases Rachael B. Millstein Loyola University Chicago, Illinois Parenting Styles Susan Millstein University of California–San Francisco San Francisco, California Decision Making Risk Perception

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Maya Misra Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Social Development Raymond Montemayor The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio Parental Monitoring Jodi E. Morris Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Juvenile Justice System Jeylan T. Mortimer University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota Allowance Work in Adolescence Jennifer A. Murphy Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Juvenile Justice System Jennifer T. Myers University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence Katherine Nitz Independent Scholar Olney, Maryland Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent E. Ree Noh Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity

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Contributors and Their Entries

Anne E. Norris Boston College School of Nursing Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Abstinence Contraception

Erik J. Porfeli Penn State–University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Apprenticeships Vocational Development

Patrick M. O’Malley University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Alcohol Use, Trends in

Clark C. Presson Arizona State University Tempe, Arizona Cigarette Smoking

Alyssa Goldberg O’Rourke Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Standardized Tests

Nora Presson Independent Scholar Tempe, Arizona Cigarette Smoking

M. Kim Oh University of Alabama–Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama Sexually Transmitted Diseases

Kevin Rathunde University of Utah Salt Lake City, Uta Gifted and Talented Youth

Christine McCauley Ohannessian Independent Scholar Storrs, Connecticut Children of Alcoholics Twins

Geoffrey L. Ream Cornell University Ithaca, New York Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems

Roberta L. Paikoff University of Illinois–Chicago Chicago, Illinois Sexual Behavior

Melinda M. Roberts Youth Substance Abuse Program, Bay Area Community Resources San Francisco, California Drug Abuse Prevention

Paul B. Papierno Cornell University Ithaca, New York Single Parenthood and Low Achievement Daniel F. Perkins Penn State–University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Programs for Adolescents Risk Behaviors in Adolescence Volunteerism

Judith E. Robinson Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Violence and Aggression Lauren Rogers-Sirin Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Appearance, Cultural Factors in Rape

Contributors and Their Entries

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Jennifer Rose Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana Cigarette Smoking

Marsha Mailick Seltzer University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, Wisconsin Mental Retardation, Siblings with

Pamela A. Sarigiani Central Michigan University Mount Pleasant, Michigan Shyness

Wendy E. Shapera Loyola University Chicago, Illinois Family Relations Parenting Styles

Ritch C. Savin-Williams Cornell University Ithaca, New York Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and SexualMinority Youth Lawrence B. Schiamberg Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Environmental Health Issues Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships Barbara Schneider University of Chicago Chicago, Illinois College John Schulenberg University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan Alcohol Use, Trends in Diane Scott-Jones Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts Teenage Parenting: Childbearing Inge Seiffge-Krenke University of Mainz Mainz, Germany Conflict and Stress Coping Diabetes

Francine T. Sherman Boston College Law School Newton, Massachussetts Juvenile Justice System Steven J. Sherman Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana Cigarette Smoking Lonnie R. Sherrod Fordham University Bronx, New York Youth Culture Erika Shore Grady Memorial Hospital Atlanta, Georgia Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development Jason Sidman Tufts University Medford, Massachusetts Television Le Anne E. Silvey Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Native American Adolescents

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Contributors and Their Entries

Selcuk Sirin Boston College Chestnut Hill, Massachussetts Child-Rearing Styles School Dropouts

Jonathan G. Tubman Florida International University Miami, Florida Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems

Margaret Beale Spencer University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pennsylvania African American Adolescents, Identity in African American Adolescents, Research on

Wadiya Udell Teachers College, Columbia University New York, New York Thinking

Arlene Rubin Stiffman Washington University St. Louis, Missouri Services for Adolescents Jill C. Stoltzfus University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pennsylvania White and American: A Matter of Privilege? Elizabeth J. Susman Penn State–University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Puberty: Hormone Changes Dena Phillips Swanson Penn State University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Ethnocentrism Carl S. Taylor Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Youth Gangs Deborah M. Trosten-Martinez Independent Scholar Gainesville, Florida Responsibility for Developmental Tasks

Marcia Vandenbelt Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Nutrition Susan Verducci California State University–San Bernardino San Bernardino, California Youth Outlook Fred W. Vondracek Penn State–University Park University Park, Pennsylvania Apprenticeships Vocational Development Scyatta A. Wallace New York University New York, New York Racial Discrimination Kathryn R. Wentzel University of Maryland–College Park College Park, Maryland Peer Groups Teachers Venette C. Westhoven Loyola University Chicago, Illinois Spina Bifida

Contributors and Their Entries

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Wilma Novalés Wibert Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan Youth Gangs

Rebecca C. Windle University of Alabama–Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in

Christine Wienke University of South Florida Tampa, Florida Storm and Stress

Melanie J. Zimmer-Gembeck University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota Autonomy

Michael Windle University of Alabama–Birmingham Birmingham, Alabama Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in Delinquency, Trends in

Foreword

“Something’s happening here What it is ain’t exactly clear….” —Stephen Stills, For What It’s Worth, as sung by Buffalo Springfield

This movement shares much in common with the field of public health. Public health is grounded on four principles. These principles apply equally well to the transformational challenge facing the authors of Adolescence in America. First, this is a cause and effect world. If we can understand the causes, we can use that understanding to change the effects. Stephen Hawking has written that the whole history of science has been the realization that events do not happen in an arbitrary manner. This concept rests on the premise that there are rational answers that can be determined by rational, common sense approaches. Using a simple set of questions, public health researchers have learned that they can understand what happens in the world and change the outcomes. If we can understand the causes, we can change the outcomes. This leads to an activist stance with optimism as a value: we can change things and we can change them for the better. For public health practitioners, this means that understanding is the key to preventing disease, disability, and death. For those raising or working with adolescents, working in the field of youth development, or working with children who will become adolescents, this understanding means that we can improve the physical health and safety of adolescents, their cognitive

Adolescence: A Movement to Help Us Know It For the First Time This is much more than a book. This is part of a movement to make the world a better place. A former governor of Georgia was once approached by a group of reporters after a large-scale prison riot had just broken out and asked, “What are you going to do, Governor, to fix the prison system and make sure that deadly riots like this don’t happen again?” “Gentlemen,” the governor replied, “what we need here is really perfectly clear: we need a higher quality of prisoners!” This book is an attempt to make the world a better place, one that will help to generate a higher quality of people who populate it. But the quality of the world isn’t the responsibility of adolescents any more than improving prison conditions is the responsibility of the prisoners. The world at large has an important responsibility and this encyclopedia is part of the effort to help all interested parties do their part. It is an effort to improve the experience of adolescence in America. In that sense, this book is part of a movement.

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Foreword

development, and their socio-emotional development. Public health practitioners ask four types of questions to understand what happens in the world relevant to public health problems. First they ask, “What is the problem? How many people are affected? Who are they? Where does it happen? When does it happen?” The next question they might ask is “What are the causes? What are those factors that seem to lead to this problem and what are the factors that might prevent it?” Next, they would ask the question: “What works to prevent this problem? Do we have evidence to show that interventions designed to prevent this problem from occurring are effective?” And the final question would be: “Once you know what kind of interventions are effective, how do you get them to be carried out? How do you get resources to pay for them, how do you muster the political will to support these programs?” While it is important to equip adolescents, parents, and teachers to help adolescents avoid problems, Adolescence in America goes well beyond a concern with these problems that adolescents face. It also seeks to deliver information about how adolescents can acquire those strengths that will help them to overcome the challenges and problems they will encounter. The same four type of questions asked in the public health sphere can be reformulated to help acquire the type of information needed to understand and build strengths in adolescents. In this framework, the focus of the questions would shift: First, what are the strengths that can help adolescents to live rich and satisfying lives? What are these strengths that promote physical health and safety? Who has these strengths? Are there places or groups where they seem to be

concentrated? Second, what are the antecedents of these strengths, and how do they change over the life course of an individual? Third, what works to promote these strengths? How do you use the many possible influences in an individual’s life to promote these strengths, from the relationship with parents, to the physical environment in which a child lives, to the various individuals outside the immediate family, to the characteristics of the community, and the media, as well as macroeconomic factors? Finally, once you know what works to promote these strengths, how do you get individuals or communities to adopt these practices and programs? For many of these questions, there are answers and the big challenge is to deliver information to those who need it, an important way to accelerate support for adolescent programs. The second principle that grounds public health: Public health problems are constantly re-emerging in new forms. Public health practitioners know that they live in a constantly changing environment, where microorganisms and manmade hazards are constantly changing. When scientists thought most infectious diseases had been conquered, new ones emerged; just when we solved the problem of injuries to railroad passengers, automobile travel replaced trains as the most common form of transportation. Continuous surveillance and continuous improvement of our interventions is required to hold onto our health and safety. The same is true for the world in which adolescents live today. A look at the list of entries in these volumes suggests that many of the issues discussed in this book were not even considered to be significant issues for adolescents 10 years ago.

Foreword The third principle: Public health takes responsibility for people in the aggregate. Public health is everybody’s health. This drives public health to study people in relationships, in families, in communities, in nations, and globally. It provides efficiencies in interventions, when intervention programs are mounted at the community level, as with seatbelts or immunizations. Even more than that, it imposes a responsibility on those who enter public health. If you go into medicine you expect to use that knowledge for the benefit of your patient. But if you go into public health you have the obligation to use that knowledge for the benefit of everyone. Therefore, the philosophy behind public health is social justice. This is the secular version of “We are our brothers’ keeper.” Because public health takes responsibility for people in the aggregate, it works across national boundaries and without time boundaries. The vast majority of the public that public health serves has not yet even been born. In this same way, the movement to improve the well-being of adolescents looks to affect more than a single adolescent at a time. It thinks about involving schools, businesses, youth-serving organizations, and community-wide efforts. The fourth principle: Public health takes responsibility for the future health of people living now and for the health of the people of the future. Public health addresses the future health for everybody. Traditionally, the Good Samaritan story encourages us to think about helping our neighbors, people we don’t know, and even people we don’t know living in places we have never seen. Public health goes further and asks us to help people we don’t know because they will live in the future. This is a new dimension to the Good Samaritan story. The movement to

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improve the well-being of adolescents also looks to the future, paying attention not only to those who are adolescents now, but to the parents they will become, and their own infants and children who will become adolescents in the future. There are noteworthy aspects of this encyclopedia that underlie its organization. First, this is a collaborative effort. Realizing that no one group or discipline alone possesses all the knowledge necessary to inform the users of this encyclopedia, the editors have assembled contributors who collectively possess knowledge of children and parents, national and local groups, both public and private, and knowledge that crosses many areas, such as education, early childhood development, health, psychology, social services, faith communities, civic groups, and many others. Second, this volume is structured around a strength-based model for adolescent health and development. While it recognizes the need to provide information about the prevention of risks or even on the treatment of problems that face adolescents, the editors have made a strong effort to go beyond prevention models and look at the development of positive strengths such as the development of self-worth, trust, and attachment to positive role models, creativity, and habits to promote physical health. The idea is that promoting the health and well-being of children and adolescents can buffer risks and prevent problems. Third, this volume provides evidencebased information that results from scientific research and from practice. Knowledge about what works to foster the well-being of children and adolescents comes from many disciplines. This evidence-based information is the most

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valuable way to help support families and others who support children to make sound decisions. Fourth, a developmental approach recognizes that different positive characteristics are more or less prominent throughout different developmental periods across the lifespan. A developmental approach also implies a focus on developing strengths as early as conception, building a strong foundation in the early years. Fifth, the book’s approach is ecological, in that the authors and editors recognize the interaction among parents, children, caregivers, community, and the environment that shape an adolescent’s well being. Finally, the approach is universal. The authors and editors have made a special effort to make sure that the information applies to all adolescents, regardless of their socioeconomic status, their race, or their ethnicity. This book fills a very important niche in adolescent well-being: It provides valuable information that is stunningly clear and easily accessible to both adoles-

cents and the adults in their world. These adults include parents, teachers, mentors, family, and counselors. The information is concise, accurate, and written in a helpful and nonjudgmental way. And it is comprehensive in whole while succinct in each part. It covers all of the major issues that affect the lives of adolescents. What difference does this make? All the difference in the world. As I read the chapters in this magnificent work, I wished that I had known then what I know now. This is truly a work to enrich our lives.

“And the end of all our travels Shall be to return to the place From which we started And to know it For the first time.” —T. S. Eliot, Little Gedding —Mark L. Rosenberg Center for Child Well-Being The Task Force for Child Survival and Development Atlanta, Georgia

Preface

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the key social relationships (e.g., involving peer groups, siblings, parents, extended family members, teachers, or mentors) and institutional contexts (e.g., schools, community organizations, faith institutions, and the work place) that influence the development of today’s youth. Both normal development and problems of development (medical/physical, psychological, and social) are discussed in the encyclopedia. Policies and programs useful for alleviating problems, for preventing problems, and for promoting positive and healthy development are included. Our main audience is youth, parents, professionals, and researchers. We hope to reach these audiences through their use of middle school, high school, college, and public libraries, and by the dissemination of the information in this encyclopedia through the innovative electronic means used by our publisher, ABC-CLIO. The contributors to this encyclopedia are experts in either the study of adolescence or in the use of knowledge about adolescent development in programs designed to promote their positive development. All contributors have provided authoritative but nontechnical entries based on their scholarship but at a level accessible to our audience. The authors (e.g., psychologists, sociologists, educa-

he purpose of Adolescents in America: An Encyclopedia is to present the best information currently available about the physical, psychological, behavioral, social, and cultural characteristics of the adolescent period. The contributions found in the volumes of this encyclopedia demonstrate that adolescence is a dynamic, developmental period, one marked by diverse sorts of changes for different youth. These changes are brought about because—for all characteristics of adolescents—development involves changing relations among the developing person and his or her social world. The fact that these changes derive from the relations between adolescents and their contexts constitutes an optimistic and powerful approach to applications (for instance community-based programs, school curricula innovations, professional practices, and public policies) aimed at promoting positive adolescent development. By changing the character of the relations youth have with their social world, we may be able to enhance their chances for healthy development. Accordingly, the contributions to the encyclopedia illustrate the diversity of adolescent life found across different physical, behavioral, racial, ethnic, religious, national, and cultural characteristics. In turn, the encyclopedia presents

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tors, social workers, lawyers, pediatricians, psychiatrists, and nurses) have drawn on their empirical research and professional practice in compiling the information pertinent to their entries. We believe that their contributions will inform our audience about the character of adolescence and, as well, will enhance the capacity of our readers to understand how current information about America’s youth may be used to promote positive adolescent development. There are numerous colleagues to whom we are indebted for helping us develop this encyclopedia. Most important, we are grateful to the authors who contributed their expertise to the encyclopedia and whose passion for helping young people lead better lives is clearly evident in their essays. We are especially appreciative to Mark Rosenberg, Director of Programs at the Center for Child WellBeing, for his kindness in writing such a generous and useful foreword to the encyclopedia. Our doctoral student, Imma De Stefanis, was an invaluable colleague throughout the development of this volume, providing knowledge, wisdom, organizational efficiency, and a never-flagging positive attitude. We are grateful as well to the two editorial assistants who assisted us in the organization of the encyclopedia, Sophia

T. Romero and Lisa Marie DiFonzo. Their professionalism and dedication to the project were extraordinary. We deeply appreciate as well the advice and support of our insightful and able editor at ABCCLIO, Marie Ellen Larcada. Her guidance was critical in the creation, direction, and completion of this project. Over the course of the development of this project, two other editors at ABC-CLIO—Jennifer Loehr and Karna Hughes—have been ideal colleagues and efficient and productive collaborators. We greatly appreciate all the special efforts on our behalf. Finally, our own three adolescents— Justin, Blair, and Jarrett—have taught us more than perhaps we want to recognize about adolescence. When they were all children, we used to describe ourselves as “experts” in the field of adolescent development. Now, having seen the completion of Justin’s adolescence, its imminent completion by Blair and, at this writing, being immersed in the middle of Jarrett’s adolescence, we currently describe ourselves as people who study adolescence. For all they have taught us and all that we anticipate they will continue to teach us, we dedicate this encyclopedia to them. —J. V. L., Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts —R.M.L., Medford, Massachusetts

Introduction

The word adolescence can be traced to the Latin word adolescere, which means “to grow into maturity” (Muuss, 1996). Growing into maturity involves change and, even today, adolescence is regarded (perhaps with the exception of infancy) as the most change-filled period of life (Lerner and Galambos, 1998; Petersen, 1988) It is a period of change from being childlike to being adult. Most people who study adolescence define the second ten years of life (from the ages of ten to twnety years) as the adolescent period. All people who study adolescence—or who experience it, as either parents or as young people themselves—agree that the period is one not only of numerous, major changes but, as well, of dramatic ones that often can be remembered for all the years of life succeeding this period. Adolescence has been described as a phase of life beginning in biology and ending in society. One way of understanding this observation is to recognize that the external and internal bodily changes of puberty may be the most visible and universal features of adolescence, but the social and cultural words within which young people develop in large measure texture this phase of life. Accordingly, adolescence may be defined as the period within the life span when most of a person’s biological characteristics (for example, his or her pri-

mary and secondary sexual characteristics), psychological processes (involving thoughts, emotions, and personality), and social relationships (e.g., with parents, peers, and key institutions such as schools) change from what is typically considered childlike to what is considered adultlike. In other words, adolescence is a period of transition, one wherein the biological, psychological, and social characteristics that are typical of children become the biological, psychological, and social characteristics that are typical of adults. When most of one’s characteristics are in this state of change, one is an adolescent. The Challenges of Adolescence Given, then, the multiple changes a teen experiences, it is clear why adolescence is regarded as a challenging phase of life. Of course, not all people experience adolescence as stressful and not all youth undergo these changes in the same way, with the same speed, or with the same results. As we emphasize below, there are differences in their paths through life. There is diversity in development among adolescents. A major cause of these differences in development is the particular biological characteristics of the adolescent and the specific family, peer group, neighborhood, community, society, culture, and

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even period of history within which an adolescent lives. For example, in modern American society, adolescents experience important changes in their school setting, typically involving moving from elementary school to either junior high school or middle school; and in late adolescence, there is a transition from high school to the worlds of work, university, or child-rearing. In short, one must consider the context of adolescents in order to understand them adequately. The hopes, challenges, fears, and successes of adolescence have been romanticized or dramatized in novels, short stories, and news articles. It is commonplace to survey a newsstand and to find a magazine article describing the “stormy years” of adolescence, the new crazes or fads of youth, or the “explosion” of problems with teenagers (e.g., involving crime or sexuality). However, until the past thirty to thirty-five years, when medical, biological, and social scientists began to study intensively the adolescent period, there was relatively little sound scientific information available to verify or refute the literary characterizations of adolescence. Today, however, such information does exist. It affords several generalizations about the character of adolescent development. Key Features of Adolescent Development The results of research on adolescence indicates that, to understand young people, we need to combine knowledge from biology, medicine, and nursing; the social and behavioral sciences; social work; law; education; and the humanities (Lerner and Galambos, 1998; Petersen, 1988). This range of knowledge is represented in

this encyclopedia. This multidisciplinary knowledge allows several generalizations to be made about the life of young people and provides information about how best to intervene when adolescents are experiencing difficulties. By the beginning of the second decade of life, numerous types of changes begin to occur. Both internal and external bodily changes, cognitive and emotional changes, and social relationship changes all occur. Adolescence is, then, a period of life involving biological, psychological, and social change. In regard to biology, the adolescent must cope with changing physical (bodily appearance) characteristics and physiological functions (e.g., the beginning of the menstrual cycle or the first ejaculation). The adolescent looks in the mirror and sees himself or herself differently: hair is growing in places where it has not grown before; his or her complexion is changing; and his or her body is taking on a different shape. Moreover, new feelings, new “stirrings,” are emanating from the body, and the person begins to wonder about what this all means and what he or she will become. These biological changes must be understood and accepted as part of the self if the adolescent is not to become separated from, alienated by, or simply frightened and confused by what is happening in her and to her. The adolescent must come to accept these changes as part of who he or she now is and what he or she may become. For example, “I am a person who has breasts, who can become pregnant, who can be a mother.” Thus, these biological changes must be coped with—understood—if an adaptive sense of self is to exist. As such, these biologi-

Introduction cal changes constitute a developmental task with which the person must deal. The sorts of reactions engendered in the adolescent by his or her biological changes pertain to a second set of changes, that is, psychological ones of cognition and emotion. New characteristics of thought and emotions arise: Cognition becomes abstract and hypothetical and emotions involve feelings of genital sexuality. The adolescent’s new psychological characteristics must themselves be coped with; the adolescent must become able to recognize abstractions and hypotheses as different from reality if he or she is to interact adaptively in the world; means must be found to deal in socially acceptable ways with his or her sexuality if he or she is to avoid problems of health and adjustment. These tasks clearly involve the adolescent in his or her social world and thus, in this way again, illustrate the interwoven nature of the tasks of this period. But, the psychological changes of adolescence also interrelate with the biological alterations the person is undergoing. It is, most centrally, the adolescents’ new cognitive abilities that allow them to understand their current physical and physiological characteristics and to prospect (guess, if you will) what these characteristics are likely to mean for them as individuals. For example, “My breasts probably won’t grow much more, but I’m sure my complexion will clear up. I will be pretty. I think I’ll be able to attract a nicelooking guy someday.” Thus, adolescents’ thought capabilities allow them to know who they are, given their changing characteristics of individuality; allow them to guess who they might become; and allow them to plan what they may do with their new feel-

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ings—“I’ll be someone who can and will attract an attractive mate.” The demand imposed by the psychological changes of adolescence is for the person to deal with her changed biology by forming a revised sense of self—a new self-definition. It is this self-definition that, in recognition of who the adolescent understands herself to now be and plans to become, will allow the adolescent to choose where he or she wants to end up in life. It is one’s self-definition that fosters the selection of the niche one picks to occupy in life, i.e., the role (or roles) one will plan to play in society: “I’m too skinny and small to play in team sports. Besides, I think I like reading and writing more than athletics. If I work hard in school, I think I can become a teacher.” The psychological nature of adolescence blends inextricably, then, into the third type of challenge of the period. Adolescence is also a matter of society and culture; it is a matter of learning the range of activities and roles available in your social world and coming to understand their value. Then, the developmental task becomes one of putting together who one is physically and who one is psychologically to find the right role, the correct place, a niche, in one’s society. But, one must understand who one is as a biological and psychological individual in order to fit into a social role optimally suited for one’s own specific characteristics, one’s particular sense of self. It is one’s self-definition, therefore, that will allow one to meet the social role tasks of one’s social world. Meeting the developmental task—finding a social role—is crucial to adaptive (that is, healthy, positive, and successful) functioning. It is such a role that gives mean-

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ing to one’s life and it is one’s responsible and successful performance of such a role which will elicit from society those protections, rights, and privileges that will safeguard one as a person and allow for continued healthy functioning. In short, finding a social role that allows one to contribute to society in a way that is both best suited to the individual and helpful to society will be adaptive for both individual and the greater social world. Thus, there is—ideally—a convergence among the three developmental tasks of adolescence, one that will allow the person to best integrate his/her changing self with his/her particular social world. Indeed, this linkage between the adolescent and his/her social world constitutes another significant feature of adolescent development. Multiple Levels of Context Are Influential During Adolescence. We have noted that individual differences are an important part of adolescent development. All differences arise from connections among biological, psychological, and societal factors—and not from one of these influences (e.g., biology) acting either alone or as the “prime mover” of change. Adolescence is a period of extremely rapid transitions in such characteristics as height, weight, and body proportions. Indeed, except for infancy, no other period of the life cycle involves such rapid changes. Hormonal changes are part of the development of early adolescence. Nevertheless, hormones are not primarily responsible for the psychological or social developments during this period. In fact, the quality and timing of hormonal or other biological changes influence and are influenced by psychological, social, cultural, and historical factors.

Good examples of the complex changes in adolescence arise in regard to cognitive development during this period. Global and pervasive effects of puberty on cognitive development do not seem to exist. When biological effects are found they interact with contextual and experiential factors (e.g., the transition to junior high school) to influence academic achievement. Accordingly, there is no evidence for general cognitive disruption over adolescence. The period of adolescence is, then, one of continual change and transition between individuals and their contexts. These changing relations constitute the basic process of development in adolescence and underlie both positive and negative outcomes that occur. When the multiple biological, psychological, cognitive, and social changes of adolescence occur simultaneously (e.g., when menarche occurs at the same time as a school transition), there is a greater risk of problems occurring in a youth’s development. In adolescence, poor decisions (e.g., involving school, sex, drugs) have more negative consequences than in childhood, and the adolescent is more responsible for those decisions and their consequences than in childhood; that is, the adolescent is more often involved than are younger individuals in making the behavioral and contextual choices (e.g., engaging in drug use with a particular peer group) associated with involvement in problem behaviors. Nevertheless, most developmental trajectories across this period involve positive adjustment on the part of the adolescent. Furthermore, for most youth there is a continuation of warm and accepting relations with parents. Accordingly, adolescence is an opportune time in which

Introduction to intervene into family processes when necessary. Individual Differences—Diversity— Characterize Adolescence. We have noted that there are multiple pathways through adolescence (e.g., Offer, 1969). It is important to recognize that normal adolescent development involves such variability. There is diversity among and within all ethnic, racial, or cultural minority groups. Because adolescents are so different from each other, one cannot expect any single policy or intervention to reach all of a given target population or to influence everyone in the same way. Furthermore, normal adolescent development involves also variability within the person as well as between people. There are differences among adolescents in such characteristics as personality, attitudes, values, and social relationships. In addition, a given adolescent may change over the course of his or her life in all of these characteristics. Conclusions about the Features of Adolescent Development. The scientific information available about development in adolescence underscores the diversity and dynamics of this period of life. Adolescence, in short, is a period of life marked by diversity, both among different youth and, as well, within any given young person—he or she will change across the adolescent years and do so in a manner unique to him or her. Such diversity indicates that any generalized statement about what is true for “all adolescents” is apt to be inaccurate. Therefore, a stereotype that indicated that there was only one type of pathway across the adolescent years—for instance, one characterized by inevitable “storm and

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stress”—would not stand up in the face of current knowledge about diversity in adolescence. Such diversity in development is stressed across the entries in this encyclopedia. Yet, at the same time such diversity exists, it is possible to make generalizations about adolescence, such as those noted above. Thus, both general and specific features of development mark the lives of American youth. In fact, one key generalization that may be made about adolescents is that, for most young people in America, adolescence is a period wherein health and positive growth are predominant. Indeed, by the end of the second decade most youth seem to be in a time of constant commitment—to partners, family, and work. The Goal of This Encyclopedia How, in the span of ten years, does the individual bridge the gap between coping with the several challenges of early adolescence and the launching of a now young adult life at the end of this period? Answering this question engages the fascination and energies of scientists, practitioners, parents, teachers, and young people themselves. Providing the key information pertinent to understanding this issue is the goal of this encyclopedia. The aim of Adolescents in America: An Encyclopedia is to present the best information currently available about the adolescent period and the ways in which scientists and practitioners understand the period and, as well, take actions to successfully promote positive development among youth. That is, the information in this encyclopedia will illustrate that, by understanding the relations that diverse adolescents have with their contexts, one may formulate appli-

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cations that may be useful in improving these relations. These applications may involve community-based programs, professional practices, education curricula, and public policies. All applications, however, have the intent of serving either to resolve or ameliorate challenges to healthy adolescent development, to prevent problems of adolescent behavior from developing, or to promote positive development among youth. Accordingly, the encyclopedia will emphasize that adolescence is a dynamic, developmental period marked by diverse changes for different youth, changes brought about because development involves changing relations among biological, psychological, and social/ecological processes. Together, these diverse developmental changes involve the relations adolescents have with their biological, social, and cultural contexts, and provide the basis for innovations, in the above-noted types of applications, aimed at increasing societal ability to improve the lives of America’s adolescents. If the basis of the development of young people lies in their particular relationships with their social world—with their specific family, peer group, schools, and neighborhoods—then by taking steps to improve these relations one may be enacting the key steps needed to promote positive development. Accordingly, across this encyclopedia readers will find that four themes are interwoven: Development, diversity, context, and application. Together these themes will enable readers to understand how scholars and practitioners may contribute to identifying knowledge that “matters” in respect to enhancing the lives of the diverse young people of our nation (Lerner, in press).

The Contributions of the Entries in This Encyclopedia The themes of developmental diversity, adolescent-context relations, and the links among theory, research, and applications to programs aimed at enhancing the life chances of young people are key foci in contemporary scholarship about, and practice pertinent to, adolescence. As such, these themes will frame the entries in this encyclopedia. Across the entries in this encyclopedia, readers will find that several types of information are emphasized: The stress on adolescent development in the encyclopedia involves both the antecedents in earlier life periods of changes in adolescence and the consequences of changes in adolescence for later, adult development and aging. The treatment of development in this text will include a discussion of the intertwining of the development of a youth with the development of parents and other relatives, with peers, and with other individuals important in the life of an adolescent (for instance, teachers, mentors, and coaches). The focus on diversity in the encyclopedia provides understanding of the variation among adolescents that is associated with race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and physical characteristics. The emphasis on the context of adolescence involves discussing: (1) the role of culture and history in shaping the processes and products of adolescent development; (2) the role of the social, interpersonal, familial, and physical context in influencing youth development; (3) institutional contributions to adolescent development, including educational, political, economic, and social policy influences; and (4) community

Introduction needs and assets, including programs promoting positive youth and family development. In addition, several disciplines and several professions that are involved in understanding the contexts that influence human development will be discussed. The stress on application involves indicating current foci of policies and programs pertinent to youth intervention programs, education, re-training, and services. Conclusions Certainly, it is a daunting task to raise healthy and successful children eventually capable of leading themselves, their families, their communities, and our nation productively, responsibly, and morally into the new century (Benson, 1997; Damon, 1997; Lerner, 1995). Nevertheless, all of America must rise to this challenge if our nation is to not only survive but to prosper. Simply, the young people of today represent 100 percent of the human capital on which the future health and success of America rests. To enhance the lives of American adolescents requires that we continuously educate all citizens—young and old—about the best means available to promote enhanced healthy lives among all youth and the families, schools, and communities involved in their lives. It is our hope that Adolescence in America: An Encyclopedia will contribute to an educational and community-collaborative effort to help insure, for the new millenium, a socially just and civil society populated by healthy and productive children and adolescents.

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References Adelson, J., ed. 1980. Handbook of Adolescent Psychology. New York: Wiley. Benson, Peter. 1997. All Kids Are Our Kids: What Communities Must Do to Raise Caring and Responsible Children and Adolescents. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Damon, William. 1997. The Youth Charter: How Communities Can Work together to Raise Standards for All Our Children. New York: The Free Press. Grotevant, Harold D. 1998. “Adolescent Development in Family Contexts.” Pp. 1097–1149 in Social, Emotional, and Personality Development. Edited by Nancy Eisenberg. (Volume 3 of the Handbook of Child Psychology 5th ed.. Editor-in-chief: William Damon.) New York: Wiley. Lerner, Richard M. 1993. “Investment in Youth: The Role of Home Economics in Enhancing the Life Chances of America’s Children.” AHEA Monograph Series 1: 5–34. Lerner, Richard M. 1993. “Early Adolescence: Toward an Agenda for the Integration of Research, Policy, and Intervention.” Pp. 1–13 in Early Adolescence: Perspectives on Research, Policy, and Intervention. Edited by Richard M. Lerner. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Lerner, Richard M. 1995. America’s Youth in Crisis: Challenges and Options for Programs and Policies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs, and Policies.” Annual Review of Psychology 49: 413–446. Muuss, Rolff E. 1996. Theories of Adolescence, 6th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Offer, Daniel. 1996. The Psychological World of the Teen-Ager. New York: Basic Books. Petersen, Anne C. 1988. “Adolescent Development.” Annual Review of Psychology 39: 583–607.

A Abortion

vagina using a speculum (an instrument used during a routine pelvic examination) so that she can see the opening of the cervix (the part of the uterus that is at the top of the vagina). Another instrument is then used to stretch the opening of the cervix so that a slender tube can be inserted up into the main part of the uterus. The contents of the uterus are then suctioned out, removing the fetus and the placenta (the organ allowing exchange of nutrients between mother and fetus). In the very early weeks of pregnancy, this method sometimes does not work well, since the fetus is so tiny that the suction tube may miss it. This procedure is essentially painless. The woman is usually given some medication to prevent excessive bleeding after the procedure. For pregnancies between seven and twelve weeks, the cervix opening needs to be stretched more; sometimes a slowly expanding plug is placed in the cervical opening overnight, and the abortion is performed the next morning. The fetus and placenta are then removed by suction. Antibleeding medication is always given after this kind of abortion. For pregnancies of more than twelve weeks the procedure is the same as for seven to twelve weeks, except that in addition to suctioning, the inside of the uterus will be scraped gently to ensure

There are two types of abortion. The first is a spontaneous loss of a fetus from natural causes before the twentieth week of gestation (normally forty weeks in length). The second is a medical termination of pregnancy, sometimes called an induced abortion. Information only about induced abortion is presented here. Induced abortion is legal in the United States. The largest age group of women who have abortions is adolescents, probably because adolescents are much more likely than young adult women to use contraceptives improperly, or not to use them at all. Many states do have laws that restrict access of minors to abortion services, requiring them to obtain parental consent or the permission of a court. Abortion methods depend to some extent on the duration of the pregnancy. The earliest method involves use of the morning-after pill, which can be used within seventy-two hours of unprotected intercourse. Women using this method take very high doses of oral contraceptives for several days. Nausea and vomiting are common side effects of this method. Surgical emptying of the uterus is used for about 95 percent of abortions; it is almost always used for pregnancies shorter than twelve weeks. In this method a healthcare provider will open the woman’s

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removal of all contents. Again, antibleeding medication is always given after the abortion. There are now some drugs, such as mifepristone, that can be used along with other medications to help the uterus contract and expel the fetus. These are commonly used for pregnancies greater than sixteen weeks, although they can be used also in pregnancies earlier than seven weeks. Unwanted side effects include nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, flushing of the face, and fainting. An asthma attack can be brought on in some women. The longer a woman waits after she knows she is pregnant, the more complicated will be the abortion. Some possible complications include puncturing of the uterus or the intestines by the instruments used, prolonged or uncontrollable bleeding, infections of the uterus, and scarring of the lining of the uterus (resulting in sterility). The most important complication, however, is the psychological turmoil that most women experience after an abortion, no matter when it is performed. This turmoil is apt to be especially severe among adolescents. Indeed, teens are likely to be frightened both before and after the abortion. They will keep the abortion secret if they can and may have none of their usual support system—parents, friends, siblings, religious leaders—with whom to consult. Healthcare providers should use support staff to help decrease this problem. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Abstinence; Adoption: Exploration and Search; Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Contraception; Decision Making; Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Sexual Behavior; Single Par-

enthood and Low Achievement; Teenage Parenting: Childbearing References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories, pp. 1128–1129. Pojman, Louis P., and Francis J. Beckwith, comps. 1998. The Abortion Controversy. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Poppema, Suzanne P., with Mike Henderson. 1996. Why I Am an Abortion Doctor. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. Sachdev, Paul, ed. 1985. Perspectives on Abortion. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press.

Abstinence The term abstinence can mean different things to different people. Some adolescents believe abstinence is the same thing as engaging in protected or “safe” sex. Some researchers define abstinence as not having experienced vaginal intercourse. The rhythm method of contraception uses abstinence to refer to avoiding vaginal intercourse during the point in a woman’s cycle when she is most likely to become pregnant. There are problems with all these different meanings for abstinence. First, abstinence is not the same thing as using condoms during vaginal intercourse. Second, some people experience vaginal intercourse and then decide they want to wait to have it again until they get married. Third, avoiding vaginal intercourse for a short time to avoid conceiving a child is different from postponing intercourse until one decides it is the right time to experience it. For the purposes of this discussion, abstinence is defined as a commitment to postpone engaging in vaginal intercourse. This commitment is made by

Abstinence unmarried people who may or may not have experienced vaginal intercourse in the past. In other words, someone does not have to be a virgin to be abstinent. Note that this definition does not cover abstinence within a homosexual context: The nature of abstinence as advocated by the Catholic Church for gays and lesbians is qualitatively different from the type of abstinence discussed here. Abstinence is defined as a commitment because it involves more than just saying “no.” It is a lifestyle choice. Many people fail at practicing abstinence because they do not realize this. In addition, practicing abstinence requires different skills than using a condom or other method of contraception. Practicing Abstinence Like using contraception, abstinence takes planning and commitment. The goal is to avoid being in situations where it would be difficult to maintain a commitment to sexual abstinence. First, this means choosing a lifestyle where one does not drink alcohol. Research has shown that even small amounts of alcohol limit the ability to think about longterm consequences and can make individuals more susceptible to social pressure (Steele and Josephs, 1990). Second, one needs to choose friends who support a commitment to wait to have sex. Research on conformity has shown that when someone has at least one person who agrees with him, it is easier to stand up to social pressure (Allen and Wilder, 1979). Adolescents who are successful at practicing abstinence report that it is good to have a friend who is committed to abstinence. Third, one needs to avoid parties and being alone with someone to whom she is attracted

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in a home where the adult supervision is poor or unavailable. In short, it means living a life where it would be hard to have sex, should one feel tempted. A benefit of this lifestyle is that it protects people from having sex forced upon them, as in a date rape situation. Finally, one needs to choose a lifestyle that incorporates playing a sport or musical instrument, doing volunteer work, or engaging in some regularly occurring activity that gives a sense of accomplishment and importance. This kind of activity feeds one’s self-esteem and self-worth. When these are strong and someone says, “If you loved me, you’d do it,” it is easier to confidently say back, “If you loved me, you wouldn’t ask!” In addition to the right lifestyle choices, practicing abstinence involves cognitive and interpersonal skills. The cognitive skill required is that of remaining committed to one’s choice when it is challenged by events and people, rather than allowing these challenges to stimulate self-doubt. For example, if a close friend decides to have sex, someone who is committed to abstinence needs to tell himself that his choice to wait is the right choice for him. Adolescents who are successful at practicing abstinence report that if someone pressures them about having sex, it causes them to reevaluate the relationship. Rather than doubting themselves, they question whether this person is worth having a relationship with in the first place. Useful interpersonal skills are those that allow a teen to recognize and respond to the “lines” often used to persuade someone to have sex, and to handle unexpected situations that could challenge their ability to remain abstinent (“risky situations”). Self-efficacy research

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argues that practicing responses to lines with friends, or as part of an intervention program, helps a teen feel more confident and be more successful at remaining abstinent. The same is true with respect to problem solving about how to handle risky situations (e.g., being alone in the car heading toward a “lover’s lane,” or finding oneself at a party where other adolescents are slipping off to have sex). Myths about Abstinence There are at least five myths surrounding the notion of abstinence. First, some people believe that one can still be abstinent while participating in anal intercourse. However, individuals who choose to be abstinent do not practice anal intercourse. Women who simply wish to protect their virginity may be interested in anal intercourse as an alternative to vaginal intercourse. However, practicing abstinence is a more healthy choice for protecting virginity. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) can be spread during anal intercourse, and the vagina can become infected with the bacteria that are normally found in stool. Bacteria in stool combines with the ejaculate, which can then spill out and into the vagina. Moreover, without feeling relaxed and using plenty of lubrication, one can find anal sex painful, and the rectum can tear. It is even possible to become pregnant as a result of anal intercourse. (As the ejaculate spills out of the rectum, sperm can move into the vagina and on up to a fallopian tube, where they can meet an egg.) Second, some people argue that abstinence is the most effective method for preventing pregnancy and STDs. However, the effectiveness of a contraceptive method is determined by multiplying two numbers or rates: method failure and user failure. A method failure is due to a

defect in the product, but a user failure occurs when a user does not use a method consistently or properly. Although many misleading statistics are often quoted, findings from a number of studies indicate that latex condom method failure rates are small (.5 percent–7 percent), whereas user failure rates (12–70 percent) are higher and primarily due to inconsistent use of a condom (Haignere et al., 1999). The method failure rate for abstinence is 0 percent, but user failure rates can make abstinence less effective than a condom at preventing pregnancies and STDs. Abstinence is only 100 percent effective if it is practiced 100 percent of the time. Unfortunately, people who intend to practice abstinence may fail to practice it 100 percent of the time. User failure rates range between 26 percent and 86 percent for adults who practice periodic abstinence as part of using the rhythm method of birth control. The consistency with which adolescents are able to practice abstinence is not known, and few behavioral outcome data exist for abstinenceonly programs. Estimates based on outcome data for a recent abstinence-only program suggest overall potential user failure rates range from 37 percent to 57 percent (Haignere et al., 1999). Third, some people believe that teaching adolescents who are committed to abstinence about birth control is unnecessary and may discourage them from practicing abstinence. However, a good bit of research has suggested that sex education that incorporates accurate information about birth control with the potential physical and emotional consequences of sexual intercourse does not encourage adolescents to become sexually active (Kirby, 1999). Instead these programs may actually encourage adoles-

Academic Achievement cents to put off having sex (i.e., practice abstinence at least for a period of time). Perhaps these programs are effective because they help adolescents to learn more about the consequences of sex and to see that using birth control is complicated. We really do not know why they have this effect. However, we do know that teaching about sex and birth control does not make adolescents go out and have sex. Moreover, sooner or later most people choose to become sexually active. At that point in time, they may need to know about birth control. Women can become pregnant the first time they have sex, and STDs can be spread with only one act of intercourse. Fourth, some people argue that practicing abstinence now makes it harder to have enjoyable sex later on. However, there is at least one study that has found that young women who postpone having sex until they are eighteen or older are more likely to experience an orgasm the first time they have sex. Moreover, Stanley Boteach argues in his book, Kosher Sex, that people who wait to have sex until they are married always have pleasurable sex because they do not have to wonder how their partner sees them and are not haunted by memories of previous lovers. Instead, they are focused solely on pleasing and communicating their love to each other. Fifth, some people believe that practicing abstinence is a matter of just saying “no.” However, as discussed previously, abstinence is far more than just saying “no.” In fact, some of the people who are best at practicing abstinence may never have to say “no.” They never allow themselves to be in a situation where they are pressured to have sex. They avoid people who do not support their choice, and they avoid being in places

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where their commitment to abstinence could be challenged. Their lifestyle supports and protects their commitment. They know deep down that their choice is the right choice for them. Anne E. Norris See also Contraception; Dating; HIV/AIDS; Peer Pressure; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Sex Education; Sexual Behavior; Sexually Transmitted Diseases; Teeanage Parenting: Childbearing; Teenage Parenting: Consequences References and further reading Allen, Vernon L., and David A. Wilder. 1979. “Social Support in Absentia: The Effect of an Absentee Partner on Conformity. Human Relations 32: 103–111. Boteach, Stanley. 1999. Kosher Sex. New York: Doubleday. Haignere, Clara S., Rachel Gold, and Heather J. McDanel, 1999. “Adolescent Abstinence and Condom Use: Are We Sure We Are Really Teaching What Is Safe?” Health Education and Behavior 26: 43–54. Kirby, Douglas. 1999. “Reducing Adolescent Pregnancy: Approaches That Work.” Contemporary Pediatrics 16: 83–94. Steele, Claude M., and Robert A. Josephs. 1990. “Alcohol Myopia: Its Prized and Dangerous Effects.” American Psychologist 45: 921–933. The author wishes to acknowledge Ms. Rita Bourne, M.Ed., CAS, a high school teacher in Wellesley, MA, and her teenage daughter, Ms. Ashley Bourne, for their careful review and critique of this entry.

Academic Achievement One of the major focuses of most of today’s adolescents is school performance. Good school grades during high school ensure successful graduation, which is linked to better opportunities for work or advanced education (i.e., college, business school, professional school).

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Academic Achievement

Although academic achievement is a goal of many adolescents, it is influenced by many factors, from peers and family to society and culture. (Shirley Zeiberg)

Although academic achievement is a goal of many adolescents, it is affected by multiple levels of the contexts of these youth, ranging from the most macro cultural influences to micro interpersonal influences involving peers and family members. We have today a wealth of information from studies that have evaluated these influences. In an important series of cross-cultural studies, Harold W. Stevenson and his colleagues have identified key features of culture that influence adolescent achievement, particularly in mathematics. For instance, in a study (Chen and Stevenson, 1995) of approximately 600 eleventh-grade students from Minneapolis, Minnesota, Taipei, Taiwan, and

Sendai, Japan, youth in all settings spent most of their time studying, interacting with friends, or watching television. However, the distribution of time spent in these activities differed across groups, and these differences were linked to variation in mathematics achievement. Chinese youth spent more time in academic activities (e.g., attending school, participating in after-school classes, or studying) than did their American counterparts. In turn, although Japanese and American youth did not differ in regard to time spent studying or in after-school programs, Japanese adolescents did spend more time in school than did American youth. American youth, on the other hand, spent more time than did adoles-

Academic Achievement cents in the other groups working or socializing with friends. Other research shows that achievement scores of Asian Americans are higher than those of the European Americans, but, in turn, they are lower than those of Chinese or Japanese adolescents. Family and peer factors are also associated with achievement among both the Asian American and the East Asian youth. For instance, greater mathematics achievement is seen among adolescents whose parents and peers held high standards for and positive attitudes about academic effort and achievement; in addition, achievement is better among youth who had fewer distractions from schoolwork caused by jobs or informal peer interactions. This research has also revealed that many of the academic achievements of youth from different cultural backgrounds may be based on socialization experiences beginning in childhood. For example, for American, Chinese, and Japanese youth from the first grade through middle adolescence, consistent relationships in all cultures were found across time among family socioeconomic status, cognitive abilities, and academic achievement. Moreover, the cultural orientation toward academic achievement that youth experience may remain with them despite emigration to another country. For instance, for Latino, East Asian, Filipino, and European adolescents from immigrant families, youth from both first- and second-generation immigrant backgrounds showed greater mathematics achievement than did peers whose families were “native” Americans, that is, who had lived in America for several generations. Socioeconomic factors were not primarily associated with these differences; rather, a common

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(cultural) stress on education, one that was shared by the youth, their peers, and their families, seemed most important for their achievement. Even within a cultural group, family and peer variables have an influence of academic achievement. For instance, Gene Brody and his colleagues have found that in rural African American nine- to twelve-year-olds, maternal involvement with the adolescent’s school, supportive and harmonious family interactions, and family financial resources were associated with academic competence. In turn, living in either a single-parent family or a stepfamily has a negative influence on the mathematics and reading achievement of eighth graders. However, when parental social relations are positive, these negative influences are diminished. Peers, too, can have a facilitative influence on academic achievement. For example, working with peers when trying to solve a problem enhances the ability to succeed in such tasks. Working with peers seems especially useful when the interactions with them are specifically relevant to the particular problem at hand. However, even engaging in general games with peers—nowadays, often though interactive computers—can facilitate cognitive performance. For instance, playing video games, such as Tetris, can enhance an adolescent’s ability to rotate figures mentally and to mentally visualize objects in space. As suggested above, however, spending a lot of time in informal peer interactions appears to have a negative impact on academic achievement—although it may enhance peer popularity. High sociability ratings from peers are linked to lower academic competence. Sandra Graham and her colleagues have studied ethnically diverse young

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Academic Achievement

adolescents and found that girls of all ethnic backgrounds and European American boys value high-achieving female classmates, but ethnic minority boys place little value on high-achieving male peers. Indeed, all youth believed that both academic disengagement and social deviance were associated with being male, a low achiever, and an ethnic minority. It may be that some instances of low achievement are related to adolescents’ own characterization of themselves. Their self-categorizations or labels of themselves may be self-handicapping in regard to their achievement. For instance, girls who across their adolescence come to think of themselves in more masculine than feminine terms have better spatial abilities than do girls who think of themselves as more feminine than masculine. Interestingly, Carol Midgely and her colleagues have studied how some youth use such self-handicapping strategies to account for their poor academic performance. That is, through engaging in procrastination, fooling around in class, and intentional reduction in effort, they provide for themselves an account of the cause of poor academic achievement. For eighth graders, such handicapping strategies were associated with self-deprecation, negative attitudes toward education, and low grades. Of course, adolescents can also develop self-enhancing strategies. For instance, developing an ability to delay gratification when still in preschool facilitates cognitive and academic competence in adolescence. Not surprisingly, the ability to delay gratification also enhances the capacity to cope with both frustration and stress. Similarly, experiences that provide knowledge about math problems and about strategies for addressing such

problems are key influences on the performance of both adolescent boys and girls on the math subtest of the Scholastic Aptitude Test. In addition, both IQ scores and academic performance are related to three aspects of social competence among twelve- and thirteen-year-olds: (1) showing socially responsible behavior, (2) receiving positive appraisals by peers, and (3) having the ability to regulate oneself socially, that is, to set goals, to solve problems, and to elicit interpersonal trust. Similarly, adolescent girls who have high mastery of academic subjects also have the ability to seek and obtain appropriate help in solving a task. Of course, for some students low achievement is related to a learning disability rather than to self-handicapping behavior. For example, learning-disabled youth encounter difficulty in inhibiting incorrect responses in academic situations. In such circumstances, family support—for example, parental expectations for the child’s academic achievement and the young person’s awareness of these expectations—influences academic achievement among learning-disabled (and non-learning-disabled) youth. There are numerous interventions, beyond those associated with fostering parental support, that can enhance academic achievement among youth. Many of these efforts involve types of community-based programs that are aimed at enhancing not only academic functioning but also several other, very often interrelated problems of youth development. There is evidence that these community-based programs do enhance school achievement. For instance, in a report by Arthur Reynolds about the Chicago Longitudinal Study of the role of extended

Academic Achievement early childhood intervention in school achievement, about 560 low-income, inner-city African American youth were followed from early childhood to the seventh grade. Program participation for two or three years after preschool and kindergarten was associated with higher reading achievement through the seventh grade and with lower rates of grade retention (being held back a grade) and placement into special education classes. This study provides important longitudinal evidence of the benefits for adolescent academic achievement, for instance, in regard to literacy skills, of a large-scale community-based program of extended early childhood intervention. Certainly, being literate is a key requirement for academic achievement and, as well, for success in life—especially in a world growing more dependent on technology and thus on the ability to speak, read, and write not only one’s native tongue but also various computer languages. Moreover, adolescents’ literacy skills can affect not only their own life chances but also others in their social world. For example, differences in preschool cognition and behavior are related to literacy in late adolescence and young adulthood. In addition, variation in maternal education, in the size of the family during early childhood, in the marital status of the mother, and in family income in middle childhood and in early adolescence have also been found to influence literacy. Given, then, the developmental and generational significance of literacy, it is understandable that there exist numerous programs worldwide designed to enhance literacy among youth, especially those from socioeconomic backgrounds where there is limited access to adequate educational resources. Since several prob-

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lems are often associated with illiteracy (for instance, dropping out of school, lack of employability, and poverty), the programs typically have to attend simultaneously to several interrelated problems in order to be effective. In conclusion, academic achievement is not just a product of “natural” ability. The social world of young people, as well as special programs designed to help young people achieve, influence success in school. Richard M. Lerner Jacqueline V. Lerner

See also Academic Self-Evaluation; Cheating, Academic; Homework; Intelligence; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Single Parenthood and Low Achievement; Standardized Tests References and further reading Brody, Gene H., Douglas Flor, and Nicole M. Gibson. 1999. “Linking Maternal Efficacy Beliefs, Developmental Goals, Parenting Practices, and Child Competence in Rural Single-Parent African-American Families.” Child Development 70: 1197–1208. Chen, Chuansheng, and Harold W. Stevenson. 1995. “Motivation and Mathematics Achievement: A Comparative Study of Asian American, Caucasian American, and East Asian High School Students.” Child Development 66: 1215–1234. Dryfoos, Joy G. 1990. Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence and Prevention. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 1994. Full Service Schools: A Revolution in Health and Social Services for Children, Youth, and Families. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———.1998. Safe Passage: Making It through Adolescence in a Risky Society. New York: Oxford University Press. Eccles, Jacquelynne S. 1991. “Academic Achievement.” In Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M.

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Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Fulgini, Andrew J., and Harold W. Stevenson. 1995. “Time Use and Mathematics Achievement among American, Chinese, and Japanese High School Students.” Child Development 66: 830–842. Graham, Sandra, April Z. Taylor, and Cynthia Hudley. 1998. Exploring Achievement Values among Ethnic Minority Early Adolescents.” Journal of Educational Psychology 90, no. 4: 606–620. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Midgely, Carol, Revathy Arunkumar, and Timothy C. Urdan. 1996. “‘If I Don’t Do Well There’s a Reason’: Predictors of Adolescents’ Use of Academic SelfHandicapping Strategies.” Journal of Educational Psychology 88, no. 3: 423–434. Newcombe, Nora, and Judith S. Dubas. 1992. “A Longitudinal Study of Predictors of Spatial Ability in Adolescent Females.” Child Development 63: 37–46. Pong, Suet-Ling. 1997. “Family Structure, School Context, and Eighth-Grade Math and Reading Achievement.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 59: 734–746. Reynolds, Arthur J., and Judy A. Temple. 1998. “Extended Early Childhood Intervention and School Achievements: Age Thirteen Findings from the Chicago Longitudinal Study.” Child Development 69: 231–246.

Academic Self-Evaluation Academic self-evaluations are students’ judgments of their abilities in school, their interpretations of their successes and failures in school, and their expectations about their school performances in the future. As many students reach the period of adolescence, their evaluations of their academic abilities and performances become more negative. In general, adolescents, compared with younger

children, are less likely to feel highly competent in school, are more likely to believe that their failures in school cannot be changed, and are less likely to expect positive academic performance in the future. Many adolescents’ self-evaluations continue to decline through the junior high and high school years. Negative academic self-evaluations can have serious consequences for adolescents’ school success. Adolescents who judge themselves negatively are less likely to try to learn new things, to aim for high levels of success, or to persist when confronted with major difficulties or failures in school. As a consequence, they may be unable to meet their full academic potential and experience an overall decline in their school achievement. Academic self-evaluations thus appear to be important determinants of adolescents’ performance in school. Given that many students begin to fall behind in their school performance during adolescence, it’s important to understand the specific changes that occur in students’ academic self-evaluations during this age period. These changes can be summarized as follows: (1) A decline occurs in adolescents’ judgments of their abilities in school, (2) a decline occurs in adolescents’ confidence that their abilities in school can be improved, and (3) adolescents become less likely to expect future academic successes. There are two major reasons why these changes occur during adolescence: because of changes in the structure of the school environment from elementary school to junior high school, and because of the messages that adolescents receive from parents and teachers about their abilities and performance in school. What follows is a more detailed discussion of the changes

Academic Self-Evaluation themselves and the reasons they occur during adolescence. Changes in Adolescents’ Academic Self-Evaluations Students’ academic self-evaluations are at their highest in the early elementary grades but decline steeply when the students enter junior high school—an observation explained in part by the fact that young children’s ratings of their abilities tend to be unrealistically high to begin with. Even young children who are performing poorly in school have been known to rank themselves near the top of their class in ability. By adolescence, however, students’ rankings of their abilities tend to be similar to their actual school performance. But not in all cases. The decline in adolescents’ judgments of their abilities varies among boys and girls. There is evidence that girls’ judgments of their abilities become lower than boys’ judgments in such subject areas as math and science, whereas boys are considered to be more competent. There is also evidence that boys’ judgments of their abilities become lower than girls’ judgments in such subject areas as English and reading, whereas girls are considered to be more competent. These lower judgments occur even when boys and girls are performing equally. The second change that occurs in academic self-evaluations during adolescence is that boys and girls begin to believe that their abilities in school cannot be improved. Unlike younger children, who believe that if they work very hard they can become smarter in school, adolescents believe that even working hard cannot improve or change their abilities in school. Adolescents are more likely than younger children to believe

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that people are born with certain ability levels and that nothing can change this. Accordingly, many adolescents claim, for example, that working harder on their math assignments is a waste of time since it will not make them better at math. The third change is that, compared with younger children, adolescents are less likely to expect academic successes in the future. Younger children are much more optimistic than adolescents about their chances of doing well in school. For instance, during elementary school, many students expect to do very well on their schoolwork, even if they have not done well in the past. Young children are thus apt to jump right into learning new things because they feel confident that they can do well. As students approach junior high school, however, they are more likely to dwell on their past failures or previous negative performance when considering how well they might do in the future. By adolescence, then, students are less likely to try learning new things in school because they are more pessimistic about their ability to do well. Negative experiences can result from these three changes in students’ academic self-evaluations. Some adolescents, for instance, may stop taking advanced-subject classes in school. (In particular, girls are less likely than boys to take advanced math or science classes because they do not believe they have the ability to do well in those subject areas.) Other adolescents may begin working less in school because they do not think hard work will improve their performance in school. And still others may stop pushing themselves to learn new things in school because they do not think the payoff is worth the effort. Further consideration of the reasons why

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Academic Self-Evaluation

adolescents’ academic self-evaluations change may reveal how these schoolrelated problems arise.

chances that adolescents will compare their abilities with others.

Influence of Junior High Schools on Adolescents’ Academic Self-Evaluations Several explanations exist for why negative changes in students’ academic selfevaluations become particularly pronounced during adolescence. One of the most persuasive of these is that junior high schools typically do not provide an appropriate educational setting for adolescents to learn; they do not match the developmental changes that occur during adolescence. In short, many junior high schools, unlike elementary schools, are structured in ways that result in a poor “fit” between adolescents and their school settings, thus contributing to the decline in adolescents’ academic selfevaluations. Some examples follow:

Influence of Parents and Teachers on Adolescents’ Academic Self-Evaluations Another explanation for the decline in adolescents’ academic self-evaluations is that students in this age period are beginning to pay attention to the messages that parents and teachers convey to them about their abilities and performances in school. When students reach adolescence, they become much better at understanding and interpreting the information they receive from others about their academic abilities and performances. (Younger children are not greatly influenced by others because they are not good at understanding the subtle messages that others may convey.) In addition, as students become better at understanding information, they are more likely to be influenced by the messages— subtle or explicit—that they receive from others. Parents and teachers convey a great deal of information to adolescents. Following are some examples of ways in which they may influence adolescents’ academic self-evaluations:

• Junior high schools are increasingly using practices, such as grouping students by ability level, that heighten the chances that adolescents will compare their abilities with others and become more competitive. • They are increasingly using grading practices, such as assigning grades based on students’ performances relative to others in the classroom, that focus adolescents’ attention on their abilities in comparison to others rather than on learning and improving in school. • They are increasingly using public methods for reporting on and recognizing performance, such as posting charts of students’ progress on the wall and awarding prizes for the best grades, that heighten the

• Parents’ and teachers’ beliefs about students’ abilities in school can influence students’ own evaluations of their abilities. For example, if a parent believes that the adolescent is good in math, then the adolescent is more likely to come to believe this, too. Among girls, the message may instead be that math is a subject area in which boys do better. • Parents’ and teachers’ encouragement or discouragement can send

Accidents messages to students about their abilities in school. For example, if a teacher discourages students from taking an advanced math class, the message to the students is that math is just not their thing. • If parents and teachers believe that students can improve through hard work, then the students are more likely to believe this as well. For example, if a teacher believes that ability is something that develops through hard work and improvement, then the students in the classroom are more likely to see their abilities in school as something they can change. • Parents’ and teachers’ expectations of students’ school performances in the future can influence students’ own expectations. For example, if a parent believes that the adolescent will not do very well in math by the end of the school year, then the adolescent is likely to perform poorly in math during that school year. Candice Dreves Jasna Jovanovic

See also Academic Achievement; Cheating, Academic; Homework; Intelligence; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Self; Self-Esteem; Standardized Tests References and further reading Cain, Kathleen, and Carol Dweck. 1989. “The Development of Children’s Conceptions of Intelligence: A Theoretical Framework.” Pp. 47–82 in Advances in the Psychology of Human Intelligence, Vol. 5. Edited by R. J. Sternberg. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Dweck, Carol S. 1999. Self-Theories: Their Role in Motivation, Personality,

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and Development. Philadelphia: Psychology Press/Taylor and Francis. Eccles, Jacquelynne S., Sarah Lord, and Christy Miller Buchanan. 1996. “School Transitions in Early Adolescence: What Are We Doing to Our Young People?” Pp. 251–284 in Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Edited by Julie A. Graber and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Frome, Pamela M., and Jacquelynne S. Eccles. 1998. “Parents’ Influence on Children’s Achievement-Related Perceptions.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 74: 435–452. Martin, Carole A., and James E. Johnson. 1992. “Children’s Self-Perceptions and Mothers’ Beliefs about Development and Competencies.” In Parental Belief Systems: The Psychological Consequences for Children. Edited by Irving E. Sigel, Ann V. McGillicuddyDeLisi, and Jacqueline J. Goodnow. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Simpson, Sharon M., Barbara G. Licht, Richard K. Wagner, and Sandra R. Stader. 1996. “Organization of Children’s Academic Ability-Related Self-Perceptions.” Journal of Educational Psychology 88: 387–396. Stipek, Deborah J., and Douglas Mac Iver. 1989. “Developmental Change in Children’s Assessment of Intellectual Competence.” Child Development 60: 521–538. Wigfield, Allen, Jacquelynne Eccles, Douglas Mac Iver, David Reuman, and Carol Midgely. 1991. “Transitions at Early Adolescence: Changes in Children’s Domain-Specific SelfPerceptions and General Self-Esteem across the Transition to Junior High School.” Developmental Psychology 27: 552–565.

Accidents The word accident is really a misnomer. An accident refers to an event that happens randomly or by chance, usually resulting in an injury. Accidents are almost never random events, and they are almost all preventable and therefore not in the strict sense accidental. The

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Accidents

Accidents are almost never random events and are often preventable. (Owen Franken/Corbis)

word injury is usually considered to be more appropriate when discussing the results of certain behaviors that are the leading cause of death and disability among adolescents. Motor vehicle injuries are the most common injuries occurring among adolescents. Drivers who are intoxicated cause the vast majority of motor vehicle deaths. Alcohol is the most common intoxicant, but marijuana, cocaine, LSD, and other similar compounds are also used by teens, although not as extensively as alcohol. Deaths from motor vehicle incidents are not accidental, since the driver and usually the passengers know (when they are sober) that an intoxicated person should not drive. The use of alcohol or other intoxicating substances will affect all aspects of that person’s brain

functioning. Teens are unaware of their significant functional impairment and will often think that they can function as though they were not impaired. In addition, many teens believe that they are invincible and that they can drink and drive and nothing will happen to them. (See discussion of personal fable below.) Sports-related injuries are usually caused by not using the proper protective gear or by violating the rules of play and are thus not accidental. In some instances, sports-related injuries, especially from sports activities in a community-based program, are related to coaches or trainers who do not have adequate training or who ignore the rules of safety because they are only interested in winning. Injuries are classified as either unintentional or intentional. Intentional injuries

Accidents are homicide, suicide, and abuse. All other injuries are unintentional. Injury is sometimes defined as any disruption of the integrity of the body caused by transfer of energy from the environment (such as by electrical burns or by contact of a person’s head with the windshield) or by the acute absence or excess of lifesustaining elements beyond normal human tolerance (such as the asphyxiation related to drowning or the hyperthermia of heat stroke). Types and Frequency of Injury Injuries are the most common cause for visits to the emergency department among adolescents, and account for the most days of school missed. Injuries are the second leading cause of hospitalization, after pregnancy. There are about 2,500 fatal injuries each year in the ten- to fourteen-year age group (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993). The three most common fatal injuries in this group are 1. Motor vehicle injury, either as occupant or pedestrian (as many boys as girls) 2. Homicide (twice as many boys as girls) 3. Suicide (four times as many boys as girls) There are about 12,000 fatal injuries each year in the fifteen- to nineteen-year age group (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993). The three most common injuries in this group are the same as in the younger group listed above. About onethird of fatal injuries in the older age group are caused by motor vehicles, and about one-third are related to homicide and suicide. There is considerable variability by racial/ethnic group. For instance, among

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black males in the older adolescent group, homicide is the leading cause of fatal injury in large urban areas. For nonfatal injuries among the ten- to thirteen-year age group, being struck or cut is the most common injury, followed by falls, sports-related injuries, and injuries involving use of a bike or skates. Among the fourteen- to seventeen-year age group, the most common nonfatal injuries are sports related, followed by other accidents, or cuts and falls. The use of alcohol and other intoxicants account for the majority of motor vehicle injuries and for the majority of homicides. Although there has been a lot of publicity concerning firearm injuries among adolescents, these accounted for only 2.6 percent of all deaths among fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993). Prevention Most injuries are preventable. The use of common sense by adolescents would be the most effective prevention measure. Adolescents typically underuse their common sense (and many adults do, too). One proposed reason for the lack of use of common sense by adolescents relates to the concept of the personal fable, which suggests that adolescents believe they are invincible and that nothing bad can ever happen to them. This belief is based on their previous experience, which for the most part is consistent with the idea of the personal fable—nothing seriously bad has happened to the majority of adolescents. So when they have a few alcoholic drinks and are feeling good, they are sure that they can drive as well intoxicated as they can sober. However, this is far from the truth, since even the smallest amount of alcohol in one’s system will impair all aspects of brain functioning.

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Accidents

Others have proposed another framework for injury prevention. This framework consists of the “Four E’s”: engineering, enforcement, economics, and education. Engineering procedures are usually the most effective prevention measures. The best engineering measures are those that require the user to do nothing or to do something only once. They include airbags that deploy upon collision, safety belts that slide into place when the car doors close, resetting the thermostat on the hot water heater for the home to a lower, safer setting, and the like. Enforcement measures. Enforcing the laws requires the legislature to pass laws and requires enforcement agencies to monitor situations and take corrective action. Passing laws, for example, prohibiting the use of portable phones while driving a car can be effective, but only if adolescents believe they cannot drive safely and talk at the same time. Enforcement also requires someone to monitor phone use during driving, to pursue the driver, issue a ticket, and collect the fine. Experience has shown that law enforcement agencies do not consider most injury prevention legislation as important, and therefore even when safety legislation has been passed it is not enforced. Economic measures. The fine for speeding is one example of an economic measure. Another economic measure would be the loss of the person’s driver’s license. This punishment would force the adolescent to use public or other transportation or to have a parent drive her to various places, all of which would cause substantial losses of time and money for both teens and parents. It is not likely that legislation of this nature

would be passed. In some countries new drivers and drivers who are learning to drive must post a large sign on their vehicle indicating their driving status. This approach may also serve to reduce automobile injuries by alerting those around such a marked vehicle to be especially alert to the potential risk. Education is the least effective prevention measure. Education would involve lecturing in organized settings such as the classroom. Adolescents would not enjoy being in this setting. They spend much of their time in school, so having to listen to someone talk about safety would not be high on their list of desired activities. If they were to be put in that setting, they would need to be motivated to pay attention, which is once again not likely to happen under most circumstances. They also might be likely to think that safety education will not be applicable to them because they are invincible, as brought out above in the discussion of the personal fable. Education requires skilled educators, and these are not readily available and are expensive to employ. Education also requires time, money, and a convenient place and time for the group to receive the information. It also requires frequent reinforcement in order to maintain safety behaviors. It is clear that programs that have been effective in reducing injury will have only short-term effects unless practice is provided on a regular basis. Providing written information about injury or as reinforcement also seems unlikely to have any effect. There is no evidence that educational programs have any long-term effect on reducing injuries. The most effective approach to injury reduction seems to be that used in Sweden. This country organized a nation-

Acne wide program to improve the safety of children and adolescents. A small group of concerned healthcare professionals decided that child and adolescent safety should be addressed, since injury was the leading cause of death and disability among children and youth. This group realized that all segments of society had to be represented if the program were to be successful. Therefore, they involved community groups such as religious organizations, political groups, educators, and social organizations, as well as individual citizens. These groups all became involved with the issue of child safety. By involving all possible groups in communities, they eliminated any objections to this program, since they were including those who might object. The organizers started locally, and their program eventually spread throughout this small, homogeneous nation. Over a period of ten years there was a very large reduction in the number of youth who were involved in, and died from, unintentional injuries. Since unintentional injury can be prevented and is the leading cause of death among children and adolescents, it would seem appropriate to address this problem more comprehensively than we have done up to this time. It seems clear from the Swedish experience that it is possible to address the problem, but it would require an approach like that taken in Sweden. There are several organizations in the United States whose objectives are to reduce injury, but they have not been successful so far. The general public seems quite unconcerned about injury. The population in the United States is very diverse, and this diversity also puts up a substantial barrier to the success of national programs of any kind. To date,

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there has been no long-term successful injury prevention program in the United States. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Ethnocentrism; Personal Fable References and further reading Centers for Disease Control, http://www.cdc.gov National Academy of Sciences. 1985. Injury in America. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1993. Injury Control. Morbidity and mortality weekly reports. Reprints #733–260/80519.

Acne Most teenagers suffer acne to some extent, but it is not usually permanently scarring. It seems to cause more psychological than physical problems since it comes at a time during adolescence when concern about appearance is strong. Teenagers should be assured that acne typically lasts only a few years and, in some cases, clears up within a few months. In addition, there are many treatments for acne that minimize appearance problems. Although many believe that poor personal hygiene is a cause of acne, it is not a major factor. Greasy foods are also not responsible. Rather, common acne (acne vulgaris) is a disorder of the skin that involves the secretion of an oily substance (sebum) from the oil-secreting (sebaceous) glands within the pores. Acne starts at the time of sexual maturation (puberty) and is related to the increased production of sex hormones by the testes or ovaries. These hormones increase the secretion of oil that moves from within

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Acne

Acne may cause psychological problems for adolescents who are concerned with their physical appearance. (Laura Dwight)

the pores to the surface of the skin. Most teens experience this change as an increase in oiliness on the skin—usually that of the face, but sometimes also on the upper chest or back. Under most circumstances, the oil flows freely from the pores and is removed when the skin is washed. In some instances, however, the openings of pores on the skin surface become blocked. The oils cannot escape and are trapped within the pores. As the oil remains trapped, it gets thicker and stickier and undergoes a chemical reaction that changes it from a colorless substance to one that is dark brown or black when it is extended to the surface of the skin. This is called a blackhead. (Contrary to popular opinion, the dark color is not dirt

trapped in the pore.) If it is below the surface, it will appear as a whitehead. In most instances the blocked pore becomes unblocked by itself and acne does not progress. If the pore remains blocked or if a person tries to squeeze out the sticky oil, irritation around the pore may occur. In some instances this irritation will result in invasion of the blocked pore by the bacteria that always live on the skin. The infected pore then produces pus and become a cyst as the pus accumulates under the skin. If pressure builds up and the pore remains blocked, the pus may spread beneath the skin. In this case, the result is a swollen, red, hot bump beneath the skin. This condition is a severe form of acne that can result in skin scarring. It almost always requires medical treat-

Adoption: Exploration and Search ment, often involving antibiotics applied to the skin, or taken orally, or both. Large, discolored acne that is spreading should be attended to immediately. About 85 percent of teenagers get acne (Clayman, 1994), but researchers still cannot explain why some people get it and others do not. What they do know is that it is often worse in times of stress and during the hormone changes of the menstrual cycle. There are many different treatments for acne. These do not include vigorous face washing, which may actually worsen acne. The following observations are important regardless of the treatment used. First, no treatment will be effective until about four to six weeks after it is started, so teens are advised not to give up on a treatment before that time. Second, many treatments that are applied to the skin are themselves irritating and may make the skin more sensitive to sunburn. Third, as many treatments that are applied to the skin may make the skin more sensitive to sunburn, the teen should remain completely protected from the sun when using such treatments. Fourth, many treatments need to be applied gradually. For example, benzoyl peroxide (which is different from the same peroxide used for cleaning cuts) should initially be applied for two or three hours each day over several days. If irritation does not result, then it can be applied for three to four hours each day over several days, and so on until the full dose is achieved. If, however, significant irritation does occur, the frequency and time of application of the dose should be reduced. Fifth, an entire area of affected skin should be treated, rather than just individual pimples. And, sixth, different medications should not be applied to the

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skin at the same time, as some may cancel the effects of others. Some acne medications, such as benzoyl peroxide, can be purchased without a prescription and may be effective for simple blackheads. Pimples that are whiteheads or worse should be treated with prescription medications. More aggressive treatments such as antibiotic pills or creams also require a prescription, as does retinoic acid, which is the most potent and dangerous treatment to use. Although acne affects a majority of adolescents, no good prevention regimen is yet available. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Image; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes; Self-Consciousness; Steroids References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories. Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House.

Adoption: Exploration and Search One of the primary tasks of adolescence for adoptees is to begin to arrive at a sense of personal identity that includes their connections to both adoptive and birth families. Although the process of identity formation (figuring out who one is and how one is unique) takes place for every teenager, it is more complex for those who were adopted because they

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Adoption: Exploration and Search

have two sets of parents—birth parents and adoptive parent(s). Thus, whereas a teenager probably knows a great deal about the family she has grown up in, she may know very little about the family and culture of her biological heritage. It is likely that her birth family differs from her adoptive family on any number of dimensions ranging from educational and financial to ethnic and racial. During adolescence, adoptees typically become more curious about their birth parents and the circumstances of their birth and placement for adoption. This curiosity is common among teenagers who were adopted; indeed, it is a sign that they are undergoing the constructive process of growing up and figuring out who they are. But it can also create turmoil during the adolescent years, affecting not only the adoptee himself but also his parent(s) and other family members. One major task for adoptive families with adolescent children is the negotiation of openness and mutual support. Another is validation of (1) the adoptee’s right to want more information and (2) the sturdy and enduring emotional bonds of the adoptive family. As adolescents explore their personal identity, they ask themselves, “Who am I?” “Who do I want to be?” “What am I good at?” “Who am I like?” and “How am I different from other people?” Major changes take place during adolescence— changes in physical size and appearance, in ways of thinking about things, in beliefs and perspectives, and in the experience of emotions. Changes also occur in such dimensions as independence and choice, privileges and responsibilities, and relationships with friends and family. Both the rate of change and the number of dimensions involved present adolescents

with reasons for frequent questioning of who they are, how other people see them, and what they want for themselves. One starting point for comparing and contrasting themselves to others, in the attempt to answer these questions, is to look to their parents—to consider what they look like, what talents they have, what they aren’t very good at, and what type of work they do. All teenagers look to their parents and their parents’ lives to form a picture of themselves when they are older (e.g., in terms of height or body type) and what course their life might take (e.g., in terms of career, education, or income). In some respects they might hope to be like their parents, but in others they may look at their parents and make decisions about how they don’t want to live (e.g., in terms of level of activity, socialization, work pressure, or confinement). Through this exploratory process of comparing and contrasting, choosing and rejecting various choices and characteristics, the adolescent gradually weaves together, or integrates, a sense of unique identity—one that encompasses similarities to, and differences from, his parents. An adoptee has two sets of parents to which she compares and contrasts herself—adoptive parent(s) and birth parents. She may know her birth parents, or at least know many things about them (as in an open adoption), or she may know very little about them as people or about the circumstances of her birth and adoption (as in the more traditional closed or confidential adoption). In either case, adoptees frequently fill in the information they don’t have with guesses or fantasies that answer their questions. These guesses and fantasies can be based on what they wish to be true, what they fear is true, or com-

Adoption: Exploration and Search binations of the two. Thus, although adolescents who were not adopted have many things to consider and wonder about regarding their personal identity, adoptees have even more to ponder and, typically, have fewer facts and less access to information to help them. During adolescence, young people alternate between “trying on” different stances and beliefs about themselves, on the one hand, and revising their sense of identity as they discover how a particular stance “fits,” on the other. For example, an adoptee might question how tall his birth parents were and seek information from his parents to find out if they know or will try to find out. If he gets the information, he may then use it to predict his own adult height and begin to get used to a picture of himself at that height. Similarly, an adoptee may wonder if his birth parents were irresponsible people in many areas of their lives because they conceived a baby that they later decided they could not care for as adequately as they might wish. He may experiment with acting irresponsibly as he is trying on an irresponsible identity to see if it fits him. He may be aware that he has these questions about what his birth parents were like, or he may be unaware that this questioning is taking place. If his irresponsibility is noticed by parents or other people he trusts, they may question him about why he has been acting in a way that is so unusual for him. Having his irresponsible behavior identified as uncharacteristic of him makes it more likely that he will realize it is not a part of his identity. He is then closer to establishing an identity for himself that confirms his sense of responsibility rather than irresponsibility. Questions about identity such as these, which never arose

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during childhood, become very relevant to adoptees during adolescence. Wanting to know the answers to such questions motivates adoptees to search for more information about their birth parents or the circumstances of their adoption. Between 1992 and 1993, researchers conducted a survey of 881 adolescent adoptees (the largest sample studied to date in the United States) between the ages of twelve and eighteen (Benson, Sharma, and Roehlkepartain, 1994). These adolescents were asked about their interest in their birth parents and their adoption history. Forty percent indicated that they would like to know more about their birth history. Fifty-three percent were curious about their birth mothers; and 46 percent, about their birth fathers. Sixtyfive percent said they would like to meet their birth parents. There were gender differences: On each of these questions girls indicated more curiosity and interest than boys. Teenagers who were interested in meeting birth parents were also asked about their reasons. The following reasons were most common: to learn what the birth parents look like (94 percent); to let them know their birth child is happy (80 percent); to let them know their birth child is doing well (76 percent); to let them know their birth child is happy to be alive (73 percent); and to find out why the adoption took place (72 percent). Because there is reason to believe that the teenagers in this survey may have represented the most satisfied of adolescent adoptees, these statistics are evidence that an active interest in birth parents and preadoptive history is common and not associated with troubled adjustment. Yet there is no evidence that an adoptee who is not curious is less well adjusted than one who is. Adoptees can have a wide

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Adoption: Exploration and Search

range of feelings and views on issues pertaining to their adoption, and they can be curious at some times and not at others. The same study explored whether adoptees fantasized frequently about their birth parents, whether they missed or longed for them, and whether they wanted to live with them. On each of these questions, only 6 to 10 percent of the surveyed adoptees indicated frequent fantasies, strong longing, or frequent wishes to live with their birth parents, and, again, girls reported stronger feelings than boys did. In short, although many teenagers feel curious about their birth parents, a much smaller number experience a powerful pull toward their birth parents. This study, like others, concluded that the majority of adopted teenagers are doing well, do not have psychological problems, and are generally satisfied with themselves, their lives, and their families. For some adolescent adoptees, however, these issues may involve turmoil and distress. Research has shown that if adoptees are going to experience emotional and behavioral troubles, these will most likely occur during adolescence (as opposed to childhood or adulthood). For some adoptive families, an adolescent’s curiosity or wish to search for more information about birth parents, or for the birth parents themselves, represents a major crisis and challenge to the sense of emotional connection between the adoptive parents and their child. When such an event occurs, it is best understood as a struggle between the two generations over autonomy and control, or as a wish of each generation to be validated by the other one. It also may be related to a fear of rejection on the part of either the adoptive parents or the adolescent.

Alternatively, the adolescent may feel that his parents are attempting to bind him to them and deny his link to his birth family. He may feel that his parents are being unreasonably restrictive because they don’t trust him as an adoptee to behave responsibly. Or he may be angry with them for their attempts to regulate his behavior through family ground rules (curfews, chores, expectations about grades, etc.) and fantasize that his birth parents would not do the same. Just as the adolescent may be misinterpreting parental efforts to effectively structure her life and family routines, her parents may also be misinterpreting her expressed interest in her birth family. They may be confusing her drive to be independent with rejection of them and fear that they will lose her. Or they may be confusing her curiosity about the birth family side of her roots as a preference for the birth family over their family. Indeed, each generation may misunderstand and misinterpret the motives and messages of the other. Adolescence is commonly a time of tension in families as the tasks of separation-individuation begin to be negotiated. The stakes can feel higher to both generations of an adoptive family. At times, each generation may wonder if the family ties will remain as emotionally close as the adolescent approaches adulthood and becomes more psychologically independent and physically separate (at college or working and living on his own) from his parents. This worry about losing their bond can be more unsettling to the equilibrium of an adoptive family than to that of a family with both biological and emotional ties. Challenges to laws restricting adoptees’ access to information about their birth

Adoption: Issues and Concerns parents have occurred since the 1970s. In several states, new laws have been passed that provide adoptees with sufficient information after age eighteen to make it possible to search for birth parents. A recent review of research on the experience of searching by adult adoptees pointed out that only a small minority of adoptees search (Haugaard, Schustack, and Dorman, 1998). Note, however, that because the searchers who have been studied form only a small subset of adoptees, the reactions to searching cited by this review, while informative, should not be considered applicable to all adoptees. Among the searchers studied, thoughts of searching commonly began in late adolescence, although most searches did not occur until at least early adulthood. A review of studies done on searchers reveals that once they had crossed the legal hurdles to obtaining the information necessary for their search, most searchers reported that they found the search to be a positive experience. Some patterns regarding searching have been suggested by the small collection of studies that have been conducted. For example, most searchers are female. Many searches occur around life-cycle transitions, such as the transition to becoming a parent oneself. Most adoptees report being pleased and relieved about the reunion (most commonly with their birth mother rather than their birth father). Most searchers inform their adoptive parents that they are searching. And, finally, the motivation for searching reported by most adult adoptees who have searched has to do with gaining a sense of one’s roots or achieving a sense of identity. Kristine Freeark

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See also Abortion; Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Decision Making References and further reading Benson, Peter L., Anu R. Sharma, and Eugene C. Roehlkepartain. 1994. Growing Up Adopted: A Portrait of Adolescents and Their Families. Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute. Brodzinsky, David M., and Marshall D. Schechter, eds. 1990. The Psychology of Adoption. New York: Oxford University Press. Brodzinsky, David M., Daniel W. Smith, and Anne B. Brodzinsky. 1998. Children’s Adjustment to Adoption: Developmental and Clinical Issues. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Grotevant, Harold D. 1997. “Family Processes, Identity Development, and Behavioral Outcomes for Adopted Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescent Research 12, no. 1: 139–161. Grotevant, Harold D., Ruth G. McRoy, Carol L. Elde, and Deborah L. Fravel. 1994. “Adoptive Family System Dynamics: Variations by Level of Openness in the Adoption.” Family Process 33: 125–146. Haugaard, Jeffrey J., Amy Schustack, and Karen Dorman. 1998. “Searching for Birth Parents by Adult Adoptees.” Adoption Quarterly 1, no. 3: 77–83.

Adoption: Issues and Concerns Adoption of children by nonbiological parents has been practiced for years, and in the United States legal adoption has been available for over 150 years (Hundleby, Shireman, and Triseliotis, 1997). The 1960s marked an important transition in adoption, with the focus changing from the adoptive parents to the children and the biological mothers. The policies and practices prior to this time focused on finding healthy infants to be placed in terms of race, ethnicity, and other characteristics. Over the past thirty years, it is recognized that all children need permanent homes, regardless of

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Adoption: Issues and Concerns

Three-year-old Brittany holds up a small toy with her ten-month-old brother, Ryan, from Korea, and their adoptive father. (Laura Dwight/Corbis)

their race, ethnicity, social background, or age; so children considered “hard to place” are being adopted in rising numbers. Further, the rights of the biological mothers are recognized in many states, and open adoption is an increasingly popular practice (Babb, 1999). Many children who are adopted learn this fact from the adopted parents at young ages. However, it may not be totally understood until the children reach a level where they can comprehend the meaning and its implications. Often when the children become teens they not only want to know more about adoption but also have emotional reactions, which can take different directions. Adolescence is the time when one is forming a

sense of identity, dealing with issues of independence, and self-determination, while, at the same time, being caught up in peer relations, school, and the need to plan for one’s future (Rosenberg, 1992). Dealing with the reality of adoption may add stress, uncertainty, and self-doubts. Teens who are placed in adoptive homes when they were infants or very young and who do not know anything about their biological families may well become very curious to learn who their birth parents were and may even want to meet them. However, others feel great anger for being “given up” as infants, thus stifling any desire to connect, which can cause emotional problems as well. Of course, increasing numbers of children are now

Adoption: Issues and Concerns adopted well after infancy and either knew or know about birth parents, siblings, and grandparents. Their way of dealing with the facts of adoption may be very different yet still pose challenges for them as well as their adoptive families and friends. The current policies and practices that guide adoption, while still evolving, certainly are movements in the right direction. However, there are issues and challenges for all involved that must be taken into account when helping teens deal with adoption and the resulting consequences. Generally, a study by Dukette (1984) demonstrates the most common position taken today by those responsible for adoption. Birth parents generally provide the best opportunity for children’s well-being, and attempts should be made to allow children to remain in the birth home, even if help in the form of counseling, finances, and court intervention is necessary. When this goal cannot be accomplished, other members of the biological family should be sought to provide a permanent home. When none is available, adoptive families are sought and can provide continuity in so far as possible in terms of racial, cultural, and national origin. Further, the birth mother (and sometimes, but not often, the father) should be recognized as an integral part of the arrangement as birth parental rights and open records are often incorporated into the adoption process. Given this general view, it must be recognized that all types of variations in the approach to adoption are present in current practice. Adoptions placing children from different countries are now occurring regularly in the United States, in several European countries, as well as in many other countries throughout the world. Although issues are highly debated, there

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is evidence that children thrive even when their backgrounds and circumstances are very different from those of the adoptive parents (Moe, 1998). The factors that make adjustment to adoption challenging for teens and young adults are considered next. One must first ask, how does the teen view the situation: what is seen as positive and what is seen as negative? In addition, the age that the adoption occurred must be considered critical; for those who are older, is it relevant to deal with what happened before adoption? Did he/she live with the biological family, in foster care, or in some other circumstances? What about health, schooling, and other crucial considerations? But most important—how does he/she deal with it all? If the issue of searching for, finding, and then dealing with biological parents is significant, then one should facilitate this process after thinking about these five major factors to consider in beginning the search (Wegar, 1997). • Desire and need for relevant medical history • Need to know why he/she was adopted • Desire to know what family members look like and what they do • Need for continuity in the time of major transition that adolescence brings • Longing to connect, to have roots, and a sense of generations However, one may also have valid reasons for not undertaking, or participating in, a search for biological roots, including: • Lack of expressed interest or even resentment

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African American Adolescents, Identity in

• Feeling of loyalty to adoptive parents • Feeling that it is not the right thing to do • Fear of possible rejection or uncovering negative information about the biological family There is no right or wrong answer for searching; for some, it may be important to undertake it in adolescence, while others may decide to wait until adulthood. For the teenager and the young adult who was adopted, there are specific tasks with which one must deal (Rosenberg, 1992). These can be summarized as follows: • Dealing with genetic versus the psychological parts of oneself • Recognizing and accepting different models of families as being okay • Basing one’s identity as an integration of biology and upbringing • Re-creating ties with one’s adoptive family, if biological family has been identified and contact established • Dealing with one’s adoption when creating one’s own, new nuclear family In today’s world, adoption has become an accepted and highly effective way to deal with multiple issues in our society. Adoptive families should be encouraged and facilitated by their extended families and friends. It truly can be a win-win situation. Yes, there are pitfalls and challenges, but there are also many resources to facilitate the process and ensure success. In a society that is becoming ever more complex and one in which all of us are interdependent on so many aspects in order to function well, it is more impor-

tant than ever that every child, indeed every individual, have a family to call his/her own. The definition of family has broadened, and we must keep this in mind when comparing our families to those of peers, friends, and others. Adoptive families come in many forms but fit in harmoniously with “family” as defined and practiced in contemporary American life. John W. Hagen Joseph Solomon Dillard See also Abortion; Adoption: Exploration and Search; Decision Making References and further reading Babb, Linda. 1999. Ethics in American Adoption. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. Dukette, Rita. 1984. “Values in PresentDay Adoption.” Child Welfare 63, no. 3: 233–243. Hundleby, Marion, Joan Shireman, and John Triseliotis. 1997. Adoption: Theory, Policy, and Practice. London: Cassell. Moe, Barbara. 1998. Adoption: A Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Rosenberg, Elinor B. 1992. The Adoption Life Cycle. New York: Free Press. Wegar, Katarina. 1997. Adoption, Identity, and Kinship. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

African American Adolescents, Identity in The study of identity formation in African American adolescents has long been a theoretical enterprise characterized by major shortcomings. Spencer’s (1995) Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST) mitigates all of those shortcomings and provides an ideal framework from which to examine identity development. PVEST

African American Adolescents, Identity in

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Negative stereotypes, scarcity of positive role models, and the absence of culturally competent instruction and direction may hinder identity formation. (Shirley Zeiberg)

integrates a phenomenological perspective with Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (1989), linking context with perception. In doing so, it allows us to capture and understand the meaningmaking processes underlying identity development and outcomes (Spencer, 1995; Spencer, Dupree, and Hartmann, 1997). Determining how minority youth and community members view and comprehend family, peer, and social expectations and their prospects for competence and success is central to understanding resiliency and devising interventions that promote it, and thus, also revitalizes communities. PVEST consists of five components linked by bidirectional processes; it is a cyclic, recursive model that describes identity development

throughout the life course. Thus, it identifies processes for all members of communities; it is relevant when conceptualizing communities and its members from “the cradle to the coffin.” The first component, risk contributors, consists of factors that may predispose individuals for adverse outcomes. For urban minority youth, these include socioeconomic conditions, such as poverty; sociocultural expectations, such as race and sex stereotypes; and sociohistorical processes, including racial subordination and discrimination. Self-appraisal is a key factor in identity, and how minority youth view themselves depends on their perceptions of these conditions, expectations, and processes. Stress engagement refers to the actual experience of

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African American Adolescents, Identity in

situations that challenge one’s psychosocial identity and well-being. Experiences of discrimination, violence, and negative feedback are salient stressors for minority youth. In response, reactive coping methods are employed to resolve dissonanceproducing situations. These include strategies to solve problems that can lead to both adaptive or maladaptive solutions. In addition, a solution may be adaptive in one context, such as neighborhood, and maladaptive in another, such as school. As coping strategies are employed, selfappraisal continues, and those strategies yielding desirable results for the ego are preserved. They become stable coping responses and, coupled together, yield emergent identities. These emergent identities define how individuals view themselves within and between their various contextual experiences: that is, these thematic responsive patterns show stability across settings and not just within families and neighborhoods. The combination of cultural/ethnic identity, sex role understanding, and selfand peer appraisal all define one’s identity. Identity lays the foundation for future perception and behavior, yielding adverse or productive life state outcomes manifested across settings. Productive outcomes include good health, positive and supportive relationships with neighbors and friends, high self-esteem, and effective motivation. The PVEST (thematic) framework recycles as one transitions across the life span (across multiple settings including community) and individuals encounter new risks and stressors, try different coping strategies, and redefine how they and others view themselves. For minority youth, the presence and engagement of structural racism poses severe risks for the learning of adaptive coping strategies and positive

outcomes with regard to individual and community-level health and well-being. As noted, negative stereotypes, scarcity of positive role models, and the absence of culturally competent instruction and direction also serve to hinder identity formation. Exploration of different identities may not be an option for minority youth living in stressful environments, leading to greater identity foreclosure. Negative images of minorities in the media, coupled with a lack of portrayal in successful roles, create barriers to positive identity formation (Spencer and Markstrom-Adams, 1990). The PVEST framework contributes an identity-focused cultural ecological perspective (ICE) on identity formation (Swanson and Spencer, 1995). In doing so, various theoretical positions, including psychosocial, ecological, self-organizational, and phenomenological models, are integrated with the emphasis on selfappraisal processes (Swanson, Spencer, and Peterson, 1998). This approach takes into account structural and contextual barriers to identity formation and their implication for psychological processes such as self-appraisal. Much of our work has focused on adolescence, when identity formation is a key developmental task. By the time of adolescence, African American and other minority youth have developed an awareness of white American values and standards of competence. They can begin to integrate their experiences with future expectations given their own values and those of the majority culture. Awareness of racial stereotypes and their own group membership has developed and plays a key role in identity formation. For minority adolescents, the contextual stressors associated with effects of structural racism are coupled with normative developmental

African American Adolescents, Identity in stresses, such as family and independence issues, sex role definition, physical maturation, and desire to display competence. Identity and appraisal by self and others become key. For example, maturing African American males in particular may elicit negative responses, such as being perceived as threatening, which, in turn, may lead to more stressful encounters (Swanson and Spencer, 1995). Identity development occurs in multiple contexts, including community, school, family, and peer relationships. Adolescents must transition between these contexts and find ways to integrate their various experiences within each of them. If the contexts are relatively compatible, these transitions can be placid; conversely, the transitions can yield dissonance-producing experiences. Thus, interventions designed to produce resilient identity formation must go beyond consideration of contextual stressors and take into account multiple contexts and how stressors in each context relate to one another. In order to accomplish positive identity formation in minority adolescents, several factors must be facilitated; these include knowledge and approval of values from both majority and minority cultures, definition of gender and other forms of identity, self-esteem, a sense of competence, and healthy relationships with family and friends (WilliamsMorris, 1996). Markstrom-Adams and Spencer (1990) highlight the importance of “perspective taking” in positive identity formation and suggest that identity intervention should address structural barriers that inhibit identity exploration. Additionally, Spencer, Harpalani, and Del’Angelo (in press) note two examples of identity intervention for different populations of African American adoles-

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cents: the Health Information Providers and Promoters (HIPP) Scholars program for marginally achieving students, and the Start-On-Success (SOS) Scholars program for special needs students. Both of these are applications of the PVEST framework and address the issues raised here. Margaret Beale Spencer Vinay Harpalani

See also African American Adolescents, Research on; African American Male Adolescents; Ethnic Identity; Identity References and further reading Bronfenbrenner, Urie. 1989. “Ecological Systems Theory.” Pp. 187–248 in Annals of Child Development. Edited by Ross Vasta. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Spencer, Margaret Beale. 1995. “Old Issues and New Theorizing about African American Youth: A Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory.” Pp. 37–70 in Black Youth: Perspectives on their Status in the United States. Edited by Ronald L. Taylor. Westport, CT: Praeger. Spencer, Margaret Beale, David Dupree, and Tracy Hartmann. 1997. “A Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST): A SelfOrganization Perspective in Context.” Development and Psychopathology 9: 817–833. Spencer, Margaret Beale, Vinay Harpalani, and Tabitha Del’ Angelo. In press. “Structural Racism and Community Health: A Theory-Driven Model for Identity Intervention.” Spencer, Margaret Beale, and Carol Markstrom-Adams. 1990. “Identity Processes among Racial and Ethnic Minorities in America.” Child Development 61: 290–310. Swanson, Dena Phillips, and Margaret Beale Spencer. 1995. “Developmental and Contextual Considerations for Research on African American Adolescents.” In Children of Color: Research, Health and Public Policy Issues. Edited by Hiram E. Fitzgerald,

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African American Adolescents, Research on

Barry M. Lester, and Barry S. Zuckerman. New York: Garland. Swanson, Dena Phillips, Margaret Beale Spencer, and Anne Petersen. 1998. “Identity Formation in Adolescence.” Pp. 18–41 in The Adolescent Years: Social Influences and Educational Challenges. Ninety-Seventh Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education—Part 1. Edited by Kathryn Borman and Barbara Schneider. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Williams-Morris, Ruth S. 1996. “Racism and Children’s Health: Issues in Development.” Ethnicity and Disease 6: 69–82.

African American Adolescents, Research on African American adolescents are highly marginalized in U.S. society—an outcome exacerbated by four major conceptual defects that historically have characterized scholarship and research on this group. First, African American adolescents are often studied as isolated entities, without regard for the larger context in which they are growing, maturing, and developing. Numerous manifestations of symbolic and structural racism, economic hardships, and related barriers often characterize the environments encountered by African American adolescents. These factors compound the normative developmental stressors experienced by African American youth, such as physical and social maturation and peer pressure. The second major shortcoming that characterizes scholarship on African American youth is a highly deficitoriented perspective. From this perspective, African American youth are viewed as pathological products of oppression (e.g., Kardiner and Ovesey, 1951), and only the negative outcomes attained by these youth are studied. It is a perspective that ignores the resilience of those who

do succeed despite tremendous barriers. Resilience among low-income African American youth is little studied and often misunderstood (e.g., Fordham and Ogbu, 1986). More research on this aspect is sorely needed. From the perspective of intervention, the identification and enhancement of resiliency-promoting factors are particularly important, since the structural forces that create and maintain racism are not likely to change significantly in the near future. The third major flaw in theorizing about African American adolescents is the lack of a developmental perspective. Too often, these youth are viewed and treated as miniature adults. Outside of academia, this is readily observable in the criminal justice system. Indeed, whereas European American youth experiencing problems of psychological adjustment are often referred to mental health services, African Americans are usually placed in the criminal justice system (Spurlock and Norris, 1991). The fourth flaw is a general lack of cultural understanding and competence in scholarship on African American youth. African American adolescents often grow up in a context of unique family structure and cultural practices, many of which are simply not understood by white American society. Multiple sources of stress and dissonance characterize the experiences of African American adolescents as they begin the process of self-definition. Negative stereotypes, scarcity of positive role models, lack of competent cultural instruction and direction, and problems associated with low socioeconomic status and high-risk neighborhoods all interact to form complex barriers for these youth. Yet, as noted, many succeed in spite of these barriers.

African American Adolescents, Research on New theoretical perspectives and empirical work have begun to shed light on the developmental experiences of African American adolescents. For example, Margaret B. Spencer’s (1995) Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory, or PVEST (see “African American Adolescents, Identity in”), provides an ideal framework in which to analyze all of these processes. PVEST affords the opportunity to examine both positive and negative coping processes and their relevance for life outcomes. Additionally, Harold C. Stevenson (1997) provides an example of culturally competent empirical research on the experiences of African American adolescent males. Stevenson describes how African American youth are “missed” and “dissed” by mainstream American society, and how this treatment relates to African American youth becoming “pissed” and managing their anger. Black youth are “missed” when stereotypical media-based images distort the meanings of their social and affective displays—usually in negative terms. And, as a result, these unique cultural displays are devalued and viewed with insolence—“dissed.” In conjunction with such misrepresentations, many African American youth reside in high-risk contexts where anger display may be an appropriate coping mechanism. Indeed, anger may become a form of competence for social and emotional viability in certain high-risk contexts. Hence, misrepresentation, disrespect, and hazardous contextual factors interact in creating the anger of African American youth. Stevenson’s findings suggest that fear of adverse outcomes may diminish expressions of anger, though not feelings of anger. However, his data further indicate that this relationship may not hold in

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Experiences of discrimination, violence, and negative feedback are salient stressors for African American youth. (Laura Dwight)

high-risk contexts, which may necessitate mitigation of fear and displays of anger. Developmental issues pertinent to African American female adolescents should also be researched in a culturally competent manner. An example of such work is the study of body image conducted by S. Parker and colleagues (1995), who found that African American adolescent females typically do not aspire to an ideal body image but, rather, tend to promote the individual desirable features that they already possess. In contrast, many white adolescent females aspire to the so-called Barbie-doll image. Parker’s work has obvious implications

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for devising and implementing culturally competent interventions and programs for African American female adolescents. If scholarship on African American adolescents is to capture their real-life circumstances, it must (1) take into account the social, political, and economic contexts in which these youth develop; (2) examine both positive and negative outcomes and the processes involved in attaining these outcomes; (3) take a developmentally sensitive perspective by viewing African American youth as adolescents undergoing normative developmental processes under stressful conditions rather than as miniature adults; and (4) make an effort to understand the cultural meaning of these adolescents’ behaviors and contexts. Margaret Beale Spencer Vinay Harpalani See also African American Adolescents, Identity in; African American Male Adolescents; Ethnic Identity; Identity References and further reading Fordham, Signithia, and John U. Ogbu. 1986. “Black Students’ School Success: Coping with the Burden of ‘Acting White.’” Urban Review 18, no. 3: 176–206. Kardiner, Abram, and Lionel Ovesey. 1951. The Mark of Oppression. Cleveland: World Publishing Company. Parker, S., Mark Nichter, Mimi Nichter, Nancy Vuckovic, C. Sims, and Cheryl Ritenbaugh. 1995. “Body Image and Weight Concerns among African American and White Adolescent Females: Differences That Make a Difference.” Human Organization 54, no. 2: 103–113. Spencer, Margaret Beale. 1995. “Old Issues and New Theorizing about African American Youth: A Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory. Pp. 37–70 in Black Youth: Perspectives on Their Status in the United States. Edited by Ronald L. Taylor. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Spurlock, Jeanne, and Donna M. Norris. 1991. “The Impact of Culture and Race on the Development of African Americans in the United States.” American Psychiatric Press Review of Psychiatry 10: 594–607. Stevenson, Harold C. 1997. “Missed, Dissed, and Pissed: Making Meaning of Neighborhood Risk, Fear, and Anger Management in Urban Black Youth.” Cultural Diversity and Mental Health 3, no. 1: 37–52.

African American Male Adolescents The experiences of African American males are indications of larger societal issues such as racial and economic diversity in the United States. The adolescent period is arguably the most crucial period for teens to integrate adolescent themes of identity and psychological development to how these youth make meaning of how one is incorporated into an adult world. For African American adolescent males, like all youth, adolescence is a period of experimentation with many roles in life. However, because of economic restraints, many poor African American males experience barriers to full opportunity for developing positive social and personal roles (Cunningham, 1999). African American males are 30 percent of the child and adolescent populations (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999), and a significant number of the teens are growing up in households with family incomes below $20,000 per year. Thus, a description of the boys’ situations must include issues regarding the socioeconomic status of their families as well as available neighborhood and school resources to promote and nurture healthy psychological development. Accordingly, examining adolescent behaviors on multiple ecological or environmental contexts (e.g., schools, neighborhoods, and social settings) is neces-

African American Male Adolescents sary. One important micro-level variable to examine was that of the peer group. The peer group provides the setting and the means by which youth achieve several of the developmental tasks of middle and late adolescence. This social group gives youth practice in learning a social personality and a means for learning how to express themselves in socially acceptable ways with their peers. Too often discussions regarding African American male adolescents are centered on negative consequences and experiences of school failure, delinquency, and psychopathology. Much of the available empirical research studies regarding peer group influences on African American males focus on a link to problem behaviors. In the few studies that focused on African American adolescents, researchers have noted that academic success was positively linked to peers who valued education (Taylor, 1996). Also, researchers have stressed that adolescents who do well in school have more achievement-oriented friends and are less likely to be involved in problem behaviors associated with economically poor environments (Brook, Gordon, Brook, and Brook, 1989). However, parents and significant adults are still important during adolescence (Spencer, Dupree, Swanson, and Cunningham, 1996). The research reported by Spencer and her colleagues emphasized that adolescents reported that their parents and other significant adults (extended kin or teachers) were the most important people to talk to about problems experienced by youth. African American males are aware of potential resources and barriers as well (Cunningham, 1999). Especially during late adolescence, many youth exhibit exaggerated coping strategies such as

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exaggerated male bravado and school disengagement. Unlike younger children, adolescent experiences are not as sheltered and protected by parents and significant adults. Many youth become more socially mobile and their interpretation of supports and barriers are heavily influenced by their environments. For example, Cunningham’s study indicated that older adolescents were more aware that they have increased chances of becoming a victim of a violent crime and that they were exposed to potential health risks associated with membership in high-risk neighborhoods compared to the reports from younger adolescents. As adolescents develop and are exposed to independent ideas about how males should behave, they have an awareness of opportunities and barriers associated with young males. Often the outcomes exhibited can be viewed as coping responses to an unsafe environment. An exaggerated male bravado style may be adopted to ensure safeness in one’s neighborhood, but the same behavior may be detrimental in a school environment. Apathy regarding school engagement and negative workforce experiences may be linked to living in economically poor neighborhoods. Absent from many of the studies is a connection between the experiences in public places to individual proactive and protective coping strategies. Many young males who grow up in challenging environments develop ways of dealing with racial and gender antagonism in healthy ways (Stevenson, 1997). In one environment the behaviors exhibited may appear to be an exaggeration of male behaviors. However, when viewed within a social context the behaviors can be understood as a way of dealing with daily hassles and stress associated within a neighborhood social context.

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Potential intervention and prevention programs must be adolescent specific. They must address issues faced by males generally, and also highlight specific behaviors and attitudes that are associated with the experiences of African American culture and neighborhood contexts. Recently, researchers have noted that manhood development is quite important for adolescent males. An emphasis is directed toward a culturally conscious reconstruction of gender. Watts and Abdul-Adil (1997) state that young males must develop sociopolitcally as well as personally. Accompanying basic adolescent cognitive maturation, programs for African American males must include critical consciousness training to help boys understand how social disparity is associated with oppression. Watts and Abdul-Adil have developed an intervention named the Young Warriors Program. One important aspect of the program is that it incorporates training for traditional educational workers as one aspect of its goals. A dual emphasis is placed on individuals and the social context of adults who work with the young males. Young males and adults are involved in discussions and activities regarding social issues that are related to growing up in a race-conscious society. Lastly, programs for young males must be developmental specific. Successful programs for thirteen-year-olds may not be successful for seventeen-year-olds. Younger adolescent experiences are more influenced by cognitive appraisal processes such as adolescent egocentrism and personal fable. Older adolescents are more socially mobile and normally have more direct experiences with interpreting their environments independently. As young males develop abstract cognitive

processing associated with early adolescence, awareness of concrete circumstances are more evident in older youth (Cunningham, 1999). Thus, program efforts must be adjusted accordingly. Michael Cunningham

See also African American Adolescents, Identity in; African American Adolescents, Research on; Ethnic Identity; Identity References and further reading Brook, Judith S., Ann. S. Gordon, Adam Brook, and David W. Brook. 1989. “The Consequences of Marijuana Use on Intrapersonal and Interpersonal Functioning in Black and White Adolescents.” Genetic, Social, and General Psychology Monographs 15: 351–369. Cunningham, Michael. 1999. “African American Adolescent Males’ Perceptions of Their Community Resources and Constraints: A Longitudinal Analysis.” Journal of Community Psychology 5: 569–588. Spencer, Margaret B., David Dupree, Dena P. Swanson, and Michael Cunningham. 1996. “Parental Monitoring and Adolescents’ Sense of Responsibility for Their Own Learning: An Examination of Sex Differences.” Journal of Negro Education 65: 30–43. Stevenson, Howard C. 1997. “Managing Anger: Protective, Proactive, or Adaptive Racial Socialization Identity Profiles and African American Manhood Development.” Pp. 35–62 in Manhood Development in Urban African-American Communities. Edited by R. J. Watts and R. Jagers. New York: Hawthorne Press. Taylor, Ronald. 1996. “Kinship Support, Family Management, and Adolescent Adjustment and Competence in African-American Families.” Developmental Psychology 32: 687–695. U.S. Census Bureau. 1999. Current Population Survey, Racial Statistics Branch, Population Division. Watts, Roderick J., and Jaleel K. AbdulAdil. 1997. “Promoting Critical Consciousness in Young, African-

Aggression American Men.” Pp. 63–86 in Manhood Development in Urban AfricanAmerican Communities. Edited by R. J. Watts and R. Jagers. New York: Hawthorne Press.

Aggression Aggression, in the sense of hostile or injurious behavior, can be a serious problem in adolescence. It is difficult to deal with an established pattern of aggression in adolescence, and therefore it is important to take action early. All children from time to time display aggression, beginning in late infancy. By the preschool years, two general types of aggression can be observed. Instrumental aggression is the most common, and it is seen when children want an object, privilege, or space, and they push, yell at, or attack a person who impedes their goal. Hostile aggression is a more serious form of aggression—here the intent is to hurt another person. Hostile aggression can be overt, taking the form of direct harm or threat of harm to another person. Relational aggression is a type of hostile aggression that can be seen in rumor spreading, damaging another person’s reputation, or social exclusion. Aggression is quite common in our society. Although forms of aggression are seen in most children from time to time, aggressive behavior is seriously problematic in only a few children. When aggression in children goes untreated, it seems to increase with the onset of puberty, especially in young men. By midadolescence homicide is the third leading cause of death for all young men and the leading cause of death for young black men. Aggression among adolescents is considered to be a significant problem by most adults. Forty-nine percent of boys and 28 percent of girls in the eighth

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through tenth grades report having been in at least one fight involving physical aggression or a weapon during a one-year period. Eighty percent of siblings engage in violence toward each other, with higher rates in boys, especially those without sisters (Tieger, 1980). Adolescents are perpetrators in 24 percent of crimes involving violence that lead to an arrest. Fifty-two percent of those arrested for homicide and nonnegligent manslaughter in 1990 were younger than twenty-five years of age and 15 percent were younger than eighteen years. For youths younger than eighteen, the rate of murder charges has increased dramatically in recent years. Although these statistics suggest that aggression is increasing among adolescents, violent aggression in the school setting has actually been decreasing during the 1990s (Berk, 1999). As indicated above, there are observed differences between the sexes in aggression. Psychologists have speculated for quite some time why these differences appear. Twenty-five years ago psychologists Eleanor Maccoby and Carol Jacklin reviewed the research on aggression and suggested that (1) boys and girls do not differ in “real” aggression (by which they mean aggressive impulses or feelings) but only in the behavioral forms (verbal, physical) by which they express aggression, (2) the sexes are reinforced for different forms of aggression—physical aggression in boys and verbal aggression in girls, and (3) aggression is less acceptable and is more actively discouraged in girls—girls themselves have more anxiety about aggression and have greater inhibition about aggression. Maccoby and Jacklin also argued that aggression might be predominantly influenced by biology—by the presence of sex hormones.

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Aggression

That is, they thought that testosterone might be responsible for physical aggression in males. At that time, many researchers disputed this link between biology and aggression, believing that aggression was more likely to be learned. Today, most scholars agree that the causes of aggression are complex, with many factors potentially responsible. To place blame solely on hormones would be inaccurate, since all boys do not display aggressive tendencies. However, research since that time has revealed that there is an association between plasma testosterone and selfreports of physical and verbal aggression. Elizabeth Susman and her colleagues have also found that there is a positive relationship between certain aggressive attributes (such as acting-out behaviors) and certain hormones (androstenedione) for boys, but not for girls. The causes for the development of aggressive behavior are not at all clear. What is clear is that there cannot be a single cause for this phenomenon. It cannot be just nature (genetic inheritance) or just nurture (environment). It must be both. Recent studies suggest that exposure of adolescents to violence portrayed in the various forms of the media may play a role in development of aggression. American television shows many violent behaviors with little apparent physical harm to the victims. This is especially prominent in cartoons, where characters suffer injuries, which in real life would be fatal, yet get up and go about their business as if nothing had happened. The connection between media violence and aggressive behavior in children and teenagers is convincing. Over 1,000 studies suggest that exposure to TV violence can increase the likelihood of aggressive or antisocial behavior, especially in boys

and men. One message promoted by TV is that even the good guys can use violence to solve problems. In the United States, 82 percent of programs contain at least some violence (Wright et al., 1994). In fact, in children’s programming, the rate of violent acts per hour is greater than it is for adult primetime programming. Highly aggressive children have an appetite for violent television, and as they watch more, they are more likely to resort to aggressive ways to resolve problems. This sort of pattern leads to serious antisocial acts by adolescence and young adulthood. In addition, it seems that violence on TV hardens children to aggression, making them more tolerant of it in real situations. Other longitudinal and cross-sectional observational studies suggest that aggressive behaviors in children and adolescents are learned early and increase with age. The family can be a training ground for aggressive behaviors to develop (Berk, 1999). Children who are hard to handle may create an atmosphere of conflict and stress in the family. This situation can lead to a cycle of anger and punitiveness, which is then modeled by the child against the parents and others as the child imitates the parents’ attitudes and behaviors. Of course, not all hard-to-handle or difficult children will create this pattern; whether they do or not depends on parenting stress and discipline techniques. When parents are stressed they tend to discipline more harshly, leading children to view the world as a hostile place. Once children view the world from this perspective, they may expect others to act in violent ways, setting the stage for their own aggressive assaults. Boys are reported to be more physically aggressive and girls more verbally aggressive. Unfortunately, this finding comes

Aggression out of studies that have focused primarily on behaviors and did not include an evaluation of the biological factors that may be related to aggression. Hormones, especially testosterone, have been extensively studied in animal models of aggression and among adult men, because aggression seems to be more common among adult men than women. Testosterone was considered to be the aggression hormone. Until recently, none of the hormone/aggression studies were conducted on children or adolescents. There is now substantial evidence that the hormones to which a developing fetus is exposed while in the mother’s uterus may play a significant role in the development of the brain. These hormone effects in the fetus organize the fetus’s brain so that by the time of birth a certain pattern of behavior is programmed in the child’s brain. We know that there are sex differences in this organizing function, because boys behave differently from girls even in infancy and childhood. There are also clear anatomical differences between boys’ and girls’ brains. There is also evidence in adolescents demonstrating a relationship between the physical secondary sexual developmental changes of puberty, or the concentration of testosterone, and aggressive behaviors. The effects of natural increases of hormones at puberty are called activating hormone effects. The pubertal increase in these hormones acts together with the fetal organizing effects of these same hormones and with the individual adolescent’s environment to produce a behavioral pattern, including an aggressive behavioral pattern. All but one of the studies of this phenomenon were observational and used correlational analyses, limiting conclusions regarding cause and effect.

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One recent study was conducted over a twenty-one-month period, during which the hormones that cause pubertal physical sexual development were administered to a group of boys and girls who needed treatment with these hormones. The girls were given estrogen hormones to help development of breasts, uterus, and vagina, and the boys were given testosterone to increase the development of penis and pubic hair. There were small but significant increases in physically aggressive behaviors and aggressive impulses reported during the administration of estrogen hormones to girls, as well as during the administration of testosterone to boys. There were no increases in verbally aggressive behaviors. The study suggests that pubertal hormones play some role in the development of aggressive behaviors during adolescence. The increases in aggressive behaviors were significant but small, and they were probably not enough to get any of these adolescents into significant trouble in school or with the juvenile justice system. The findings that hormone effects on aggressive behavior are small suggests that social and environmental factors probably play a much more significant role for those relatively few adolescents whose aggression gets them in trouble. Other recent studies demonstrate that many unwanted behaviors among adolescents are contagious. The theory suggests that living among others, particularly peers, who engage in antisocial, aggressive, or violent behaviors predisposes adolescents to behave like their contacts (Berk, 1999). Highly aggressive children do end up with serious adjustment problems. Their peers frequently reject them, they do poorly or fail in school, and they are

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likely to seek out deviant peers groups for companionship. It is essential for parents to seek treatment for highly aggressive children; if left untreated, severe aggression can lead to delinquency and adult criminality. One way to help the aggressive child is to promote less hostile and more effective interaction and discipline styles. Children need to learn positive and nonconfrontational ways to solve problems at a young age—they can then take these strategies into the peer group. Helping children to take the perspective of others and empathize with them (share their feelings) has been a useful way to give children positive, nonviolent strategies to solve conflicts. When aggression is not managed in the young child, it is likely that the child will develop into an aggressive adolescent. Management of behavior in aggressive adolescents is more difficult, and in fact it is unclear whether it is possible at all. To a great extent this difficulty is related to the complex nature of aggressive behavior and to our incomplete understanding of the causes of significant aggression. It has been suggested that once aggressive behavior is learned, it is quite resistant to modification (which is why it is important to break the cycle early in the aggressive child’s life). A large variety of interventions—including both behavioral and biological—in individual and group settings have been tried, with no real demonstrations of long-term reduction in aggressive behaviors in humans. Lessons from studies of other complex behaviors suggest that the most effective approach to any behavioral change must involve multiple techniques (both biological and behavioral) and must be continued for many years, if not for a lifetime. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Bullying; Conduct Problems; Conflict and Stress; Emotions; Juvenile Crime; Risk Behaviors; Storm and Stress; Violence; Youth Gangs References and further reading Berk, Laura. 1999. Infants, Children, and Adolescents, 3rd ed. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Maccoby, Eleanor, and Carol Jacklin. 1974. The Psychology of Sex Differences. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Olweus, Dan, Ake Mattsson, Daisy Schalling, and Hans Low. 1988. “Circulating Testosterone Levels and Aggression in Adolescent Males: A Causal Analysis.” Psychosomatic Medicine 50: 261–272. Patterson, Gerald, J. Reid, and Thomas Dishion. 1992. Antisocial Boys. Eugene, OR: Castalia. Susman, Elizabeth, Gale Inoff-Germain, Editha Nottleman, D. Lynn Loriaux, Gordon Cutler, and George Chrousos. 1987. “Hormones, Emotional Dispositions, and Aggressive Attributes in Young Adolescents.” Child Development 58: 1114–1134. Tieger, Todd. 1980. “On the Biological Bases of Sex Differences in Aggression.” Child Development 51: 943–963. Wright, John, Aletha Huston, Alice Reitz, and Suwatchara Piemyat. 1994. “Young Children’s Perceptions of Television Reality: Determinants and Developmental Differences. Developmental Psychology 30: 229–239.

Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in The vast majority of adolescents in the United States have used alcohol by the time they reach their senior year in high school. Although the large number of adolescents using alcohol prior to the legal age of twenty-one years is, in itself, a concern to society, of even greater concern is the mortality associated with adolescent alcohol use. Indeed, alcohol use is associated with the three most common forms of adolescent mortality: accidental

Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in deaths (e.g., fatal automobile accidents), homicides, and suicides. Variability in drinking patterns is associated with different levels of health risk. Heavy or “binge” drinkers—defined as those who have had five or more drinks on a single occasion at least once in the last two weeks—incur the highest risk. Heavy drinking has been reported at alarmingly high rates among adolescents; according to one study, 36 percent of male twelfth graders qualify as binge drinkers (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 2000). Binge drinking among adolescents is associated with higher rates of drinking and driving, riskier sexual activity (e.g., lower level of condom use), more delinquent or antisocial behavior, and heavier use of other substances (e.g., marijuana or cocaine). It is also associated with a broad range of alcohol-related problems, including missing school because of drinking, having fights with parents about drinking, getting into trouble with legal authorities, and passing out from drinking. National survey data on adolescent alcohol use have indicated several consistent trends. First, approximately 80 percent of high school seniors report using alcohol at some point during their lifetime. Second, whereas the average age of first use of alcohol was 17.4 years in 1987, it decreased to 15.9 years in 1994 (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 1997), indicating that teens are initiating alcohol use at an increasingly earlier age. This trend is of concern because an earlier age of initiation to drinking has been associated with substantially increased risk for the subsequent development of serious alcohol problems. Furthermore, earlier initiation to alcohol use may be disruptive to the successful resolution of age-appropriate developmental tasks that adolescents face, such as the fostering of

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personal identity and the establishment of constructive peer relations. Third, the rate of heavy episodic drinking has increased over time, albeit moderately. According to a survey conducted in 1995, over one-third (36.9 percent) of senior males and almost one-fourth of senior females (23 percent) reported consuming five or more alcoholic beverages on at least one occasion in the two-week period preceding the survey assessment (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 2000). Fourth, the rate of lifetime use by boys and girls is highly similar, although boys are likely to consume alcohol more frequently and at higher levels. And, fifth, African American and Asian American adolescents exhibit the lowest rates of lifetime alcohol use, whereas Native American, Caucasian, and Hispanic adolescents exhibit the highest rates. As noted previously, alcohol use is associated with the three most common causes of adolescent mortality—accidental deaths, homicides, and suicides. For instance, nine out of ten teenage automobile accidents involve the use of alcohol, and, on average, eight adolescents a day die in alcohol-related automobile crashes. In addition, heavy alcohol use by adolescents has been associated with a three- to fourfold increased risk of suicide attempts in comparison with adolescents who abstain from using alcohol. The disinhibiting effects of consuming alcohol have also been associated with impaired judgment, which in turn contributes to increased risky sexual activity and to earlier onset and combined use of other substances such as marijuana and cocaine (i.e., to a pattern of polydrug use). The number of adverse consequences associated with heavier alcohol use by adolescents is a major concern. For example, research indicates that among adolescents

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who drink, 12 percent drank before school, 16 percent got into a fight or argument with someone that they did not know while drinking, 29 percent passed out from drinking, and 47 percent reported doing things while drinking that they regretted the next day (Windle, 1999). Of course, not all adolescents consume alcoholic beverages at high levels. A large number of variables have been identified that distinguish those adolescents who are more likely to drink alcohol and to have alcohol-related problems from those who are less likely. These variables are called risk factors because they reflect an increased probability of alcohol use at abusive levels. First, children with a biological parent who is an alcoholic are approximately four times more likely to develop an alcohol disorder at some point in their lifetime than children who do not have an alcoholic parent. Researchers are currently attempting to identify the genes involved in this increased family risk. Second, biologically influenced temperament and personality characteristics such as high activity level (e.g., fidgetiness, difficulty sitting still) and high sensation-seeking level (e.g., thrill seeking) are associated with higher levels of alcohol use and related problems. Third, cognitive factors such as alcohol expectancies (e.g., the belief that alcohol will make one more sociable and acceptable to peers) are associated with higher levels of alcohol use and have been shown to predict increases in alcohol use from childhood to adolescence. Fourth, higher levels of family cohesion and emotional closeness, parental warmth, parent-adolescent communication, and parental monitoring (e.g., establishing guidelines for adolescent behavior, knowing the whereabouts of one’s adolescent) have been linked to

lower levels of adolescent alcohol use. Fifth, youthful drinking appears to be enhanced by media sources that glamorize alcohol use, conveying the message that those who drink will be more popular with friends and with dating partners. And, sixth, age-related drinking laws have been found to affect alcohol consumption by adolescents. These laws make it illegal for minors (under age twenty-one) to purchase or consume alcohol; however, there is wide variability across communities in their enforcement with regard to penalties for adolescents themselves and for establishments (e.g., bars) that sell alcohol to minors. Michael Windle Rebecca C. Windle

See also Aggression; Alcohol Use, Trends in; Drug Abuse Prevention; Nutrition; Peer Pressure; Peer Victimization in School; Risk Behaviors; Substance Use and Abuse; Violence References and further reading Boyd, Gale M., Jan Howard, and Robert A. Zucker, eds. 1995. Alcohol Problems among Adolescents: Current Directions in Prevention Research. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Hawkins, J. David, Richard F. Catalano, and Janet Y. Miller. 1992. “Risk and Protective Factors for Alcohol and Other Drug Problems in Adolescence and Young Adulthood: Implications for Substance Abuse Prevention.” Psychological Bulletin 112: 64–105. Jessor, Richard, and Shirley L. Jessor. 1977. Problem Behavior and Psychosocial Development. New York: Academic Press. Johnston, Lloyd D., Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman. 2000. Monitoring the Future: National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975–1999. Vol. 1: Secondary Students (NIH Publication No. 00-4802). Washington, DC: National Institute on Drug Abuse. Office of National Drug Control Policy. 1997. “The National Drug Control

Alcohol Use, Trends in Strategy.” http://www.ncjrs.org/ htm/chapter2.htm Windle, Michael. 1999. Alcohol Use among Adolescents. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Alcohol Use, Trends in Many young people first use alcohol in the company of their parents, often in the context of religious ceremonies or family celebrations. Such experiences are hardly worrisome, both because they typically involve just a few sips of alcohol and because parents or other caring adults are close by to supervise—and, it is hoped, to provide models of appropriate alcohol use. Unsupervised and excessive alcohol use begins during early and middle adolescence for most young people. This type of drinking can be worrisome. Drinking is a common experience for adolescents; indeed, by their senior year of high school, four out of five young people have used alcohol (more than just a few sips), and nearly two-thirds report having been drunk at least once (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 2000). What, How, and Why Adolescents Drink An alcoholic drink, as researchers and others usually define it, is one 12-ounce can, bottle, or glass of beer, one 4-ounce glass of wine, or one ounce of hard liquor. Not surprisingly, the alcohol beverages most popular among young people include beer and wine (with boys preferring the former and girls preferring the latter). For example, among U.S. twelfth graders in 1995, 53 percent of the males and 37.4 percent of the females reported drinking beer at least once in the past thirty days. The thirty-day rates for wine were 13.2 percent and 15.3 percent

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among males and females, respectively; for wine coolers they were 15.5 percent and 25.1 percent, respectively. And for hard liquor they were 38.2 percent and 30.9 percent, respectively (Johnston, Bachman, and O’Malley, 1997). Adolescents rarely drink alone; typically, when they drink, it is with one or more of their friends, often at parties or other social gatherings. Although adults tend to view adolescent drinking as a problem, young people tend to view their alcohol use in terms of fun and experimentation. In one study, when twelfth graders were asked why they drink, their most common responses included “to have a good time with friends” and “to experiment, see what it is like” (both endorsed by the majority of twelfth-grade drinkers surveyed). Nevertheless, many young people also reported using alcohol “as a way to cope” and “to relieve anger and frustration” (both endorsed by about one out of five of the twelfth-grade drinkers surveyed) (O’Malley, Johnston, and Bachman, 1998). Developmental Trends in Alcohol Use Alcohol use increases dramatically during adolescence. The following snapshot of alcohol use is based on nationally representative data collected from eighth, ninth, and tenth graders in 1999. Reported use of any alcohol during the past twelve months was 43.5 percent, 63.7 percent, and 73.8 percent for eighth, ninth, and tenth graders, respectively. And reported use of any alcohol during the past thirty days was 24 percent, 40 percent, and 51 percent across the three grade levels, respectively. Even more troubling were the rates of drunkenness: Reported drunkenness at least once in the past thirty days was 9.4 percent, 22.5 percent, and 32.9 percent across the three grade levels,

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Adolescents rarely drink alone; when they drink, it is typically with one or more of their friends. (Shirley Zeiberg)

respectively (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 2000). In short, among those high school students (ninth to twelfth graders) who report recent drinking, the majority were drinking excessively or to the point of drunkenness at least once in the past month. Excessive drinking and drunkenness tend to continue to increase after high school and generally do not start to decline until after age twenty-two. Historical Trends in Alcohol Use Alcohol and other drug use is a social behavior and, as such, tends to vary depending on numerous social, political, and legal conditions in the larger society. Over the past quarter-century, the use of

illicit drugs (including marijuana) has varied widely. For example, among twelfth graders, use of illicit drugs at least once in the past thirty days ranged from a high of 39 percent in 1979 to a low of 14 percent in 1992—a ratio of 2.8. But the use of alcohol has not varied as much: Among twelfth graders the peak for use in the past thirty days was at 72 percent in 1978, compared to a low of 51 percent in 1992— a ratio of about 1.4. In 1975, a quartercentury ago, 37 percent of high school seniors reported at least one occasion of binge drinking in the past two weeks. That number rose to a peak of 41 percent in the interval from 1979 to 1983, then gradually declined to a low of 28 percent

Alcohol Use, Trends in in 1993. The past few years have seen another increase, to 31 percent in 1999. Slight increases occurred in the 1990s among eighth and tenth graders as well: Binge drinking increased from 13 percent in 1991 to 15 percent in 1999 among eighth graders, and from 23 percent to 26 percent among tenth graders (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 2000). Selected Risk Factors for and Consequences of Alcohol Use Over the past few decades, much research has been devoted to trying to understand the causes and consequences of alcohol use during adolescence. As it is usually very difficult to isolate single causes of any behavior, including alcohol use, researchers often focus on risk factors— that is, on individual or social variables that increase the likelihood that a person will use or abuse alcohol. Numerous risk factors for alcohol use have been identified, including neighborhood disorganization, family alcoholism, family conflict, academic failure, school misbehavior, peer alcohol and other drug use, and alienation and rebelliousness (Hawkins, Catalano, and Miller, 1992). It is important to note, however, that these risk factors are neither necessary nor sufficient (Schulenberg et al., in press). In other words, alcohol abuse is not inevitable among adolescents who have experienced one or even several of the above-listed risk factors, nor is its absence assured among adolescents who have experienced no such risk factors. Although experiences with alcohol are not troublesome for most adolescents, a sizable minority of young people do experience difficulties as a result of their alcohol use, including alcohol-related accidents, trouble with parents or police, and long-term problems with alcohol abuse.

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One very visible consequence of alcohol use is related to driving after drinking, or riding in a vehicle whose driver has been drinking. Motor vehicle crashes, many of which are alcohol related, account for a very high percentage of injuries and deaths among adolescents and young adults. And these young people put themselves at risk for death or injury at a very high rate: Nineteen percent of seniors in 1997 reported having driven a motor vehicle after having had five or more drinks, or riding in a vehicle whose driver had had five or more drinks, at least once in just the past two weeks (O’Malley and Johnston, 1999). Determining the long-term consequences of teenage alcohol use has been challenging because such use is often correlated with other problems, and it is difficult to distinguish the effects strictly due to alcohol use from those due to the other problems. In cases where long-term social, economic, and health consequences of excessive alcohol use during adolescence do occur, they are likely to be due not to experimental use of alcohol that is short term but, rather, to a trajectory of excessive use over the course of many years during adolescence and into young adulthood. John Schulenberg Patrick M. O’Malley

See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Drug Abuse Prevention; Nutrition; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Risk Behaviors; Substance Use and Abuse References and further reading Hawkins, J. David, Richard F. Catalano, and Janet Y. Miller. 1992. “Risk and Protective Factors for Alcohol and Other Drug Problems in Adolescence and Young Adulthood: Implications for Substance Abuse Prevention.” Psychological Bulletin 112: 64–105.

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Johnston, Lloyd D., Jerald G. Bachman, and Patrick M. O’Malley. 1997. “Monitoring the Future: Questionnaire Responses from the Nation’s High School Seniors, 1995.” Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. Johnston, Lloyd D., Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman. 2000. Monitoring the Future: National Results on Adolescent Drug Use: Overview of Key Findings, 1999 (NIH Publication No. 00-4690). Rockville, MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse. O’Malley, Patrick M., and Lloyd D. Johnston. 1999. “Drinking and Driving among U.S. High School Seniors, 1984–1997.” American Journal of Public Health 89: 678–684. O’Malley, Patrick M., Lloyd D. Johnston, and Jerald G. Bachman. 1998. “Alcohol Use among Adolescents.” Alcohol Health and Research World 22: 85–93. Schulenberg, John, J. L. Maggs, K. Steinman, and R. A. Zucker. In press. “Development Matters: Taking the Long View on Substance Abuse Etiology and Intervention during Adolescence.” In Adolescents, Alcohol, and Substance Abuse: Reaching Teens through Brief Intervention. Edited by P.M. Monti, S.M. Colby, and T.A. O’Leary. New York: Guilford Press.

Allowance During the late nineteenth century, when American children left the factory for school in large numbers, there arose the problem of newly “insolvent” children, who needed funds but who could no longer earn them through paid work. Although the concept of allowance originated in the middle class, parents of all social classes were advised to give their children a small amount of money each week. Today, prescriptive family economics guidance literature extols the benefits of regular allowance for the development of sound money-management skills in children. According to family economic and financial education

specialists, children learn through the receipt of a regular allowance to manage money more wisely, to make decisions about how to save and spend their money, and to plan ahead for future economic goals. Studies have found that exchange of labor for money begins in the family setting, as most adolescents who receive an allowance are required to perform chores to obtain their weekly payment. Despite this finding, family economic advisers and educators have debated the administration of allowances. Some educators think that children learn a valuable lesson when allowance is linked to the performance of household chores: children learn to work for pay. Others, however, think that allowance should not be conditional upon household chores, arguing that this practice undermines the collective character of the family. Still other experts agree that children should not be paid for routine or regular household chores, but they allow an exception: children can be paid for special household tasks that the parents might otherwise hire a person outside the family to perform (e.g., lawn mowing, snow shoveling, washing the car, baby-sitting). Similarly, it is argued that allowance not be used as a reward or punishment for desirable or undesirable behavior, since this might subvert more genuine motivations. Although the family economics guidance literature emphasizes the benefits of allowance for consumership, spending, and saving, receipt of an allowance does not necessarily lead to more effective money management. Similarly, there is no evidence that receipt of an allowance increases adolescent savings (Mortimer et al., 1994). However, these findings do not mean that allowance lacks educational value. For example, Rona Abramovitch,

Allowance Jonathon Freedman, and Patricia Pliner (1991) found that those children who received an unconditional allowance (i.e., with “no strings attached,” such as the performance of household chores) had a better understanding of financial concepts than did children who received either a conditional allowance or none at all. However, findings based on studies of children may not be sufficient, as the beneficial effects of an early allowance may not become evident until adolescence or even adulthood. Receipt of an allowance may extend beyond money management to affect the broader process of socialization to work. According to the theory of intrinsic motivation, when extrinsic rewards are offered for intrinsically motivated behavior, the individual comes to attribute his or her actions to the external reward, leading to a devaluation of the activity as worthwhile in itself. For example, a child who receives gold stars for engaging in an activity that was previously considered enjoyable would subsequently be less likely to take it up spontaneously. Like the family guidance experts noted earlier, some experts are concerned that motivations of a higher order could be displaced by more extrinsic interests. Differences between families in the provision of an allowance often reflect social background circumstances and intrafamilial processes. For example, Adrian Furnham and Paul Thomas (1984) found social-class differences in British parental attitudes toward allowance, with middle-class parents more likely than working-class parents to favor giving their children an allowance, and at earlier ages. Of course, higher-income parents may be better able to give their children allowances because they have greater monetary resources. But if

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allowance practices are influenced, at least in part, by parental values, one would also expect that more highly educated parents, given their strong selfdirected values, would be more likely to provide their children with allowance, independent of income differences, since allowance is thought to foster independence in children. This was confirmed by Jeylan Mortimer and her colleagues (1994), who found that parents of higher socioeconomic levels were indeed more likely to give an allowance than parents of lower socioeconomic status. However, the actual amount did not vary according to family income, suggesting that the size of allowances is not determined by the resources available. Intrafamilial processes are further influenced by conditions in the broader social environment, such as cultural values and norms, and social institutions like the market economy. For example, children with a working mother are more likely to do household chores to relieve their time-pressured parents. There is also some indication that children from single-parent families tend to be given more spending money and greater responsibility to independently buy their own clothes and other necessities, perhaps due to the severe constraints on the single parent’s time. Consistent with this finding, two-parent families are less likely to give children an allowance than are parents in other family types. It could be surmised that if allowance is given to enhance economic socialization, boys would be more likely to receive an allowance, given men’s traditional responsibility for the economic welfare of their families. Historical studies suggest that this was the case in previous eras. However, studies of contemporary allowance arrangements have

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found that boys and girls are equally likely to receive an allowance, and that they receive the same amount (Mortimer et al., 1994). However, the conditions under which allowance is received differ by gender: allowance is more likely to be contingent upon the performance of chores for boys than for girls. This finding may reflect parental expectations regarding the familial and economic roles of adult men and women: females are traditionally socialized to contribute to family tasks out of love, nurturance, or a sense of obligation, whereas males are socialized to earn money in exchange for their work. Other research, too, suggests that selfsacrifice in girls is rated more highly and praised more often than that of boys. However, the finding by Mortimer and her colleagues that gender is not related to the receipt or amount of allowance may imply that parents consider the acquisition of money-management skills to be equally important for boys and girls and that the economic needs/expenses of adolescent boys and girls are similar. The ability to manage money wisely is an essential skill for adulthood that begins to be developed during childhood. Given the lifelong importance of money-management skills, it is surprising that so little systematic research about allowance arrangements has been conducted to date. Investigators thus should further examine the role of the family in the process of economic socialization, the impact of family economic practices on the formation of work-related values and habits, and the development of money-management skills in adolescence. Pamela Aronson Jeylan T. Mortimer

See also Chores References and further reading Abramovitch, Rona, Jonathon L. Freedman, and Patricia Pliner. 1991. “Children and Money: Getting an Allowance, Credit versus Cash, and Knowledge of Pricing.” Journal of Economic Psychology 12: 27–45. Furnham, Adrian, and Paul Thomas. 1984. “Adults’ Perception of the Economic Socialization of Children.” Journal of Adolescence 7: 217–231. Goodnow, Jacqueline J. 1988. “Children’s Household Work: Its Nature and Functions.” Psychological Bulletin 103: 5–26. Mortimer, Jeylan T., Katherine Dennehy, Chaimun Lee, and Michael D. Finch. 1994. “Economic Socialization in the American Family: The Prevalence, Distribution, and Consequences of Allowance Arrangements.” Family Relations 43: 23–29. [The current encyclopedia entry draws on research reported in this article.] Sloane, L. 1991. “With Allowances, Every Parent Differs.” New York Times, November 2, 12. White, Lynn K., and David B. Brinkerhoff. 1981. “Children’s Work in the Family: Its Significance and Meaning.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 43: 789–798. Zelizer, Viviana A. 1985. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New York: Basic Books.

Anemia Anemia is a condition in which the number of red blood cells or the amount of hemoglobin in the blood is decreased. Red blood cells contain hemoglobin, the chemical that carries oxygen from the lungs to all parts of the body. Symptoms of anemia are related to starvation of all of the body’s cells for oxygen. The symptoms include: fatigue, weakness, dizziness, inability to carry out daily activities, shortness of breath, rapid or irregular heartbeat, and paleness. Hemoglobin levels change dramatically during adolescence, especially among

Anemia males. The average hematocrit (percentage of red blood cells) in the total blood count in a child is 25 to 40 percent. In an adult male it is 45 to 50 percent. Anemia is easy to detect. A blood count (commonly called a CBC—Complete Blood Count) can be done on a drop of blood. The laboratory will measure the number of red blood cells (RBC), the total amount of hemoglobin, the size of the RBC, and how much hemoglobin is in each RBC. Once the presence of anemia is established, additional tests can tell the cause or type of anemia present so that appropriate treatment can be given. There are three general causes of anemia: decreased red blood cell or hemoglobin production, blood loss through bleeding, and excessive red blood cell destruction. The most common type of anemia in youth is caused by decreased RBC/hemoglobin production. The most common cause of this kind of anemia is a deficiency of iron in the diet. Iron is an essential component of hemoglobin. If there is not enough iron in the diet, not enough hemoglobin can be produced. Red meat is the best source of dietary iron, although in the United States many manufactured foods (bread, cereals, and other grain products) are fortified with iron. Deficiencies in vitamin C (citrus fruit) or B12 or folic acid (green leafy vegetables) may also cause decreased production of RBC/hemoglobin. Treatment is with iron or vitamin pills until the deficiency is corrected. This may take up to five or six weeks, along with adequate intake of the nutrients, which are deficient in the diet. Sometimes, teenagers may change their eating habits during adolescence, as their parents have less control over their diets. An unbalanced diet, such as one that includes a lot of junk food, not enough of

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the above kinds of grains, protein, and vegetables, could result in anemia. Also, in some cases, teenagers may try to eat very little, or else to purge what they do eat, in order to lose weight or attain a certain body type. This is not a healthy way to diet. These harmful behaviors, known as eating disorders, can lead not only to conditions such as malnourishment and anemia but can be life threatening if left untreated. Anemia caused by excessive blood loss is common in adolescent girls who lose blood (containing hemoglobin and iron) during menstruation. Blood loss, combined with a less than optimal intake of iron, is another common cause of anemia among girls. Girls with especially heavy periods should take iron pills to prevent the development of anemia. In some instances, girls with heavy periods may benefit by taking oral contraceptive pills, as the oral contraceptive can decrease the amount of bleeding during periods. Other causes of blood loss include injuries, surgery, childbirth, and stomach ulcers. Blood loss can also be caused by destructive behaviors, such as self-mutilation, for which a teenager should seek professional counseling. Treatment of these other conditions will stop the blood loss and prevent further development of anemia. Increased destruction of red blood cells is called hemolytic anemia. There is a long list of the many different types of hemolytic anemias, some of which tend to run in families. The most common cause is sickle-cell anemia in which an abnormal form of hemoglobin is produced that changes the shape of the RBC from round to sickle shaped and makes the RBC easier to destroy. The red blood cells get stuck on the lining of blood vessels and create a “logjam” usually resulting in a clot that is then destroyed

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(cleared out) by our immune system. Most of these anemias are not curable, and treatment is with repeated blood transfusions usually over the entire life of the affected person. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Eating Problems; Health Services for Adolescents; Nutrition References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station NJ: Merck Research Laboratories. Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House.

Anxiety Anxiety is the feeling of apprehension, tension, or uneasiness that one experiences when anticipating danger, either real or imagined. Symptoms of anxiety include heart palpitations, stomach and intestinal upset, sweating, headaches, tremor, dryness of the mouth, dizziness, and fainting. Some anxiety is necessary to motivate behavior and to protect us from engaging in harmful behavior. People experience anxiety in varying degrees and frequency. When the body continually overreacts to perceived threat, an anxiety disorder can result. Biological Factors Animal studies have shown that emotional reactions can promote survival. In humans, anxiety arouses and organizes the biological activities required to equip the individual to deal with the threats and challenges of everyday life. Too little arousal may result in inattentiveness,

impulsivity, and risk-taking behavior, whereas too much arousal may result in the physical anxiety-related symptoms mentioned above. The human brain has evolved to react to signals of danger. Chemicals in the brain, called neurotransmitters, activate or deactivate systems in the body to respond to perceived threats in our environment. A delicate balance of these chemicals is necessary to maintain an optimal level of arousal within the body. Like animals, humans have evolved to anticipate danger in the environment. However, humans have cognitive abilities that exceed those of animals. A human responds to threats both voluntarily and involuntarily. Thought processes that are used to evaluate the threat can cause unnecessary anxiety if the situation is interpreted inaccurately. For example, almost everyone gets anxious before speaking in front of large groups of people. In most cases, there is no imminent danger. It is our interpretation of the situation as potentially harmful that causes the anxiety. We may worry that we will make a mistake or make a fool of ourselves and thus be embarrassed or humiliated. Our anticipation of these negative outcomes causes anxiety. Some people are born with a greater tendency than others to become anxious. Such people are irritable as infants, shy and fearful as toddlers, and cautious, quiet, and introverted when they reach school age. They adapt slowly and with difficulty to new surroundings and have a low neurological threshold for arousal, especially when faced with unfamiliar events. Shy, behaviorally inhibited children may experience an acceleration of heart rate in response to mild stress. Although not all such children maintain

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these behaviors over time, those who continue to display them into adolescence may be at risk for an anxiety disorder. Environmental Factors Behavioral inhibition is only one of several factors required for the development of an anxiety disorder. Environmental factors can also contribute. For example, a child who experiences disruption in the family such as parental conflict may be at increased risk to become anxious. Parents who are anxious, depressed, or overprotective may inadvertently teach the child to be anxious. And parents who are overcontrolling may prevent or delay the development of the child’s ability to soothe and manage him- or herself. Indeed, a child who is never allowed to play freely with other children may have difficulty with anxiety when starting school. Parents’ behavior affects their children’s behavior and vice versa. An inhibited child may cause parents to be more cautious and to expect less from the child, thus reinforcing the inhibited behavior of the child. Alternatively, parents who want their children to be more outgoing may encourage them to resist their fears, allowing them to overcome their inhibited nature as well. Another source of anxiety in the environment is uncertainty or unpredictability, as when a child cannot understand how things “fit together” or is unable to predict the events in the world. In short, children who feel they have little control over their environment are likely to be anxious. The family environment needs to be predictable and structured so that children can learn to organize and understand their surroundings. Parents who are responsive to infants in the early stages of

Adolescents experience anxiety in varying degrees and frequency. (Skjold Photographs)

life encourage the development of control and predictability over the environment, as do parents who let their children know that they will always be available if and when the children need them. Children who do not feel secure have low expectations about parent availability and demonstrate anxious behavior. As children become adolescents, the peer group takes on new importance, creating new expectations and standards for behavior. Because adolescents often compare their own abilities and traits to those of their peers, academic, social, and athletic competencies can become sources of anxiety—especially if the adolescents do not measure up to their own

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or others’ expectations. Whether or not an adolescent gets anxious in a given situation depends on how much importance is placed on that situation. For instance, poor school performance will cause anxiety only if the adolescent values school achievement. In such cases, parents who pressure adolescents to excel may induce anxious behavior that contributes to the academic failure. Consequences of Anxiety Anxiety can cause problems not only in the academic life of adolescents but also in their social life—especially when it affects their ability to create and maintain healthy peer interactions and relationships. Highly anxious adolescents are typically less popular than nonanxious adolescents and are more likely to be perceived as shy and socially withdrawn by peers and teachers. Anxiety can also affect the intellectual functioning of adolescents—specifically, by impairing their memory and interfering with the ability to concentrate. These outcomes are particularly common in cases of test anxiety, which can prohibit test takers from recalling information they have learned. Anxiety Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence Anxiety disorders vary widely in terms of severity and degree of impairment. They also tend to run in families; a person who has a close relative with an anxiety disorder is likelier than the general population to develop one him- or herself. Still unclear, however, is the extent to which these disorders are genetically based as opposed to learned from the family environment. Some common anxiety disorders are panic disorder, agoraphobia, obsessive-

compulsive disorder, social phobia, generalized anxiety disorder, and school phobia. The last of these affects children and adolescents in particular. Those with school phobia experience marked feelings of dread and fear upon going to school and often complain of not feeling well in the morning before school. Such students are described as passive, inhibited, and excessively dependent on family members. They also tend to have high self-expectations. Their fear of not living up to these expectations may contribute to the anxiety they experience. Avoiding school to relieve the anxiety may cause them to fall further behind both academically and socially, resulting in even more anxiety. Treatments for Anxiety An adolescent whose anxiety interferes with normal everyday functioning can choose among several treatment options, including cognitive and behavioral therapies, relaxation techniques such as meditation or visualization, problem solving, correcting misperceptions, and changing counterproductive styles of thinking. Many of these options provide ways to increase the adolescent’s sense of competence and control. For instance, adolescents can learn to identify and monitor thoughts associated with anxiety and then replace these thoughts with more appropriate and less anxiety-producing thoughts. They can overcome specific fears through gradual exposure to the fearful stimuli while using relaxation techniques. They can use modeling procedures that allow them to observe others in a fearful situation with no harmful consequences. And, finally, they can engage in play therapy, using puppets or dolls to act out their feelings—an especially helpful technique for children and adolescents who cannot articulate their anxieties.

Appearance, Cultural Factors in Another treatment option is drug therapy. For children and adolescents with anxiety, benzodiazepines are commonly prescribed. These medications have a relaxing effect on the individual, but they may have side effects, cause dependence over time, or produce withdrawal symptoms when their use is discontinued. Several antidepressants have also proved effective in treating anxiety. Often, the most beneficial treatment consists of drug therapy combined with other types of therapy. Susan Averna

See also Conflict and Stress; Coping; Counseling; Emotions; Fears; Storm and Stress References and further reading Ainsworth, Mary. 1982. “Attachment: Retrospect and Prospect.” Pp. 3–30 in The Place of Attachment in Human Behavior. Edited by C. M. Parkes and J. Stevenson-Hinde. New York: Basic Books. Biederman, Joseph, Jerrold Rosenbaum, Jonathon Chaloff, and Jerome Kagan. 1995. “Behavioral Inhibition as a Risk Factor for Anxiety Disorders.” Pp. 61–81 in Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents. Edited by John March. New York: Guilford Press. Constanzo, Philip, Shari Miller-Johnson, and Heidi Wence. 1995. “Social Development.” Pp. 82–108 in Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents. Edited by John March. New York: Guilford Press. Eysenck, Michael. 1990. “Anxiety and Cognitive Functioning.” Pp. 419–435 in Handbook of Anxiety. Vol. 2, The Neurobiology of Anxiety. Edited by Graham D. Burrows, Martin Roth, and Russell Noyes. New York: Elsevier Science Publishers. Hofer, Myron. 1995. “An Evolutionary Perspective on Anxiety.” Pp. 17–38 in Anxiety as Symptom and Signal. Edited by Steven Roose and Robert Glick. Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press.

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Kagan, Jerome, J. Reznick, and Nancy Snidman. 1987. “The Physiology and Psychology of Behavioral Inhibition in Children.” Child Development 58: 1459–1473. Kolvin, I., and C. Kaplan. 1988. “Anxiety in Childhood.” Pp. 259–275 in Handbook of Anxiety. Vol. 1, Biological, Clinical and Cultural Perspectives. Edited by Martin Roth, Russell Noyes Jr., and Graham Burrows. New York: Elsevier Science Publishers. Maccoby, Eleanor, and John Martin. 1983. “Socialization in the Context of the Family: Parent-Child Interaction.” Pp. 1–102 in Handbook of Child Psychology, Vol. 4. Edited by E. M. Hetherington. New York: Wiley. Resnick, J. Steven, Jerome Kagan, Nancy Snidman, Michelle Gersten, Katherine Baak, and Allison Rosenberg. 1986. “Inhibited and Uninhibited Children: A Follow-Up Study.” Child Development 57, no. 3: 660–680.

Appearance, Cultural Factors in The word appearance refers to the physical attributes of a person. It describes one’s physical presentation, including one’s body, face, and clothes. Appearance is a reflection of physical body structure and of body-related experiences at home, in school, and in the larger social context where cultural values define “acceptability.” Appearance becomes very salient during adolescence, a time when bodies undergo rapid physical change and the pressure to “look good” becomes intense. It is normal for teenagers to become very interested in the way they look and to start spending more time finding out how they want to present themselves. Figuring out how to fix their hair and what kind of clothes to wear can be fun for adolescents because these are ways to tell people who they are. But an intense interest in appearance can also lead to worry and self-doubt among young

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Appearance, Cultural Factors in

Teenagers become very interested in the way they look and spend more time finding out how they want to present themselves. (Skjold Photographs)

teenagers. With so many media images and messages confronting adolescents about what they should wear and how they should look, they can easily fall into the trap of finding fault with themselves. The culture of appearance created by the media promotes problematic body images such as unreasonable standards of body weight—standards that many adolescents find themselves under pressure to achieve. Researchers have found a connection between these standards and the increasing prevalence of eating disorders in recent decades; indeed, unhappiness with one’s appearance is a signifi-

cant predictor of eating disorders, depression, and social anxiety. Hence, the challenge for today’s teenagers is to learn how to be appreciative of their own look and the natural variety of human appearance. The focus on appearance can be especially troublesome for girls and women. As girls reach puberty, they find it increasingly difficult to assimilate the tremendous physical changes their bodies have undergone. Studies indicate that, compared to boys, girls are not only more concerned about how they look but also less content with their appearance. The bodily changes associated with adolescence also change the way people relate to teenage girls. Many young women find that their bodies draw more attention than they are comfortable with, causing them to experience intense self-consciousness. At the same time, they are bombarded by social messages conveying that girls must be thin and beautiful if they wish to be considered important and worthwhile. These psychological and social pressures can be very harmful for girls as they often lead to lower self-esteem, increased insecurity, and higher rates of depression, eating disorders, and suicide. Another problem is that the criteria for teenage appearance in the United States tend to be Eurocentric, meaning that white standards of beauty are more highly valued in the media than the beauty standards of other racial and ethnic groups. People with dark skin, for example, often have trouble finding appropriate beauty products such as makeup or hair care. One result is that persons of color may end up feeling marginalized, unappreciated, even invisible to society. A person of color may not be able to relate to the Eurocentric media images on television and in magazines.

Appearance, Cultural Factors in Advertisements in teen and fashion magazines and commercials on television carry some of the most potent messages about how beauty is defined. As market analysts indicate, most commercials geared toward teenagers are dominated by clothes and beauty products. One way to sell these products is to make teenagers long for something they don’t have. Indeed, those who believe they aren’t pretty or thin enough are more likely to buy beauty or diet products. Thus, the media promote an “ideal” body image—one attainable by very few individuals—in order to intensify teenagers’ insecurities for the purpose of selling products. For the same reason, it is rare to see advertisements that strengthen an appreciation for diversity and multiple forms of beauty. Another influence on the standards of appearance for girls is the unequal status between men and women. Women’s role in society has historically been less powerful than that of men. Women have been seen as objects of beauty, but not as equal partners. In fact, many of the beauty trends throughout history have impeded women’s ability to engage fully in society. For example, American women used to wear absurd corsets that squeezed their torsos and inner organs so they could have tiny waists. In these contraptions women were unable to breathe properly and often fainted; they certainly could not engage in any rigorous activity. A second example can be found in China’s history: Because small feet were considered beautiful, many young girls’ feet were bound so they would not grow. This practice essentially crippled women. Corsets and foot binding are things of the past, but many modern practices continue to impede women’s health and standing in society.

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For example, the detrimental impact of beauty standards is still visible in the pressure to become increasingly thin. Many girls and women do great damage to their bodies in their efforts to attain thinness. Some diet excessively; others undergo painful, dangerous operations to remove fat. For these individuals, being thin is more important than health, intellectual stimulation, or any other form of personal fulfillment. Of course, if women were valued more for their personal qualities than for their appearance, it is unlikely that they would be willing to go through such extreme procedures. The great diversity of faces and bodies is a fact of life. When physical differences are not accepted, however, the psychological and social pressures to conform to one standard of appearance can be overwhelming. The only way to cope with such pressures is to appreciate our appearance. After all, acknowledging our own style and sense of beauty can be a fun and rewarding way of discovering our voice in life. Lauren Rogers-Sirin See also Appearance Management; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Image References and further reading Brumberg, Jacobs. 1997. The Body Project: An Intimate History of American Girls. New York: Random House. Johnson, Norine G., Michael C. Roberts, and Judith Worell, eds. 1999. Beyond Appearance: A New Look at Adolescent Girls. Washington, DC.: American Psychological Association. Orenstein, Peggy. 1994. Schoolgirls: Young Women, Self-Esteem, and the Confidence Gap. New York: Anchor Books. Pipher, Mary. 1994. Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls. New York: Ballantine Books.

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Wolf, Naomi. 1991. The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty Are Used against Women. New York: Doubleday.

Appearance Management Appearance management encompasses the sum total of attention, decisions, and acts related to one’s personal appearance. It is a universal concept; all individuals engage daily in some activity that relates to their appearance. Appearance management comprises clothing, use of cosmetics, dieting, exercising, hairstyling, hair removal, piercing, scarification, tattoos, and any other intentional means of changing the natural appearance of the human physical form. Appearance is of major importance at every stage in the development of the self, but it assumes special importance during the transitional period of adolescence when the need to belong is combined with a dynamic search for selfidentity. Learning to manage appearance through dress is a key component of socialization. Ideas about appropriate appearance are linked to peer-group values. As adolescents compare and assess themselves in relation to others, appearance is often used as a measure of selfevaluation. Many teens become preoccupied with appearance in their search for identity and peer-group affiliation. This preoccupation with appearance is intensified in today’s society by the barrage of media messages that promote personal appearance as a measure of self-worth. Experimentation with clothing and body modification is often part of the teenager’s self-exploration. It does not signal insecurity, instability, or weakness but, rather, simply reflects the process of trying on several different identities. Although the freedom to experiment

with personal appearance is important to teenagers, it can be a source of conflict when tempered by parental, school, or other social authorities. Redefining the Self Adolescents often experience vagueness, confusion, and discontinuity of the self as they emerge from childhood with changing bodies, new roles, and transitions involving their significant others. Strong approval from peers and a feeling of belongingness to an admired reference group are often evidenced in the choices adolescents make in managing their appearance. Adolescents use clothing and body modifications to bring their appearance in line with the groups to which they aspire to belong or fantasize about joining. Clothing and other forms of appearance management—including, as noted earlier, use of cosmetics, dieting, exercising, hairstyling, hair removal, piercing, and, more recently, tattoos and scarification—are used as tools by adolescents for discovering and expressing their identities. Appraisals, real or perceived, of their appearance and behavior by their peers are a major concern in the lives of adolescents, playing a significant role in redefining the self. The School Setting The school setting presents adolescents with an arena of social intensity where informal peer groups are formed on the basis of several attributes such as ethnicity, socioeconomic status, tastes, and interests. Dress and appearance, however, are the attributes most recognizable to adolescents; indeed, they are considered by teens to be instrumental, if not critical, in helping them fit in and feel accepted by others. Because adolescents frequently also feel that their appearance

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and actions are being scrutinized by an “imaginary audience,” presenting the desired identity is paramount in their minds. Thus, a recognizable identity that conforms to a preferred social group is perceived by adolescents to facilitate social participation and interaction. Conformity to Peers In American society, adolescents and their peers are remarkably similar in appearance. Adolescents are often stereotyped as conformists. Indeed, fashion statements made by adolescents help them to express solidarity with their peers and to define themselves as different from adults. Although adolescents have a great deal of choice in selecting an appearance, they do so carefully, with consideration of who they are and what they hope to be in the future. Although parental influence is important in matters relating to morals, values, education, and occupation, it is the peer group that provides adolescents with the main environment for social comparison in issues relating to appearance. Strategies utilized by parents that allow adolescents to make choices and mistakes in the area of appearance management may be bolstered by the fact that most adolescents will adopt the ideals and beliefs of their families when they become adults. Rebellion against the Social Order As a portable symbol of self, appearance may be managed in a way that demonstrates rebellion against the adult world. Apparel styles and body modifications that are deemed unacceptable may be deliberately chosen by adolescents to symbolize their rebellion against authority. Yet such rebellious appearances are rarely acts of individuality; rather, they serve to promote recognition or member-

Forms of appearance management, such as use of cosmetics, are used as means for adolescents to discover and express their identities. (Lawrence Manning/Corbis)

ship in a particular peer group. Rebellious attitudes toward society have given rise to numerous subcultural groups that use a distinctive style of dress and appearance to differentiate between “us” and “them.” Groups such as the Teddy Boys, Mods, Rockers, Skinheads, Hippies, Punks, Headbangers, Rastafarians, and Goths have achieved international recognition and affiliation. These groups’ increasing use of permanent body modifications such as piercing, tattooing, and scarification or branding may be attributed to their perceived need to be recognized not as transitory or trendy, like a fashion, but permanent. Gangs, which are comparatively local or regional in nature, are also notorious for their use of appearance in denoting group membership. Gang membership and the adoption of gang insignia can provide adolescents with a sense of identity, a connection to peers, and a feeling of effectiveness and control. The last two decades of the twentieth century witnessed an alarming outbreak of crimes among poor inner-city youth who injured and even killed each other over name-brand apparel

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favored by gangs. The high value placed on these items of dress illuminated the enormous power wielded by appearance in denoting gang membership. The coveted items included athletic shoes, jackets, and other apparel sporting either specific name brands or the names and colors of national basketball or baseball teams. These products, as opposed to other indicators of prestige, may originally have symbolized the aspirations of an underclass of inner-city youth constrained by an environment that provides little opportunity for the means to obtain these items. Indeed, economic disparities play a strong role in gang formation and help to explain the selection of status markers that denote group membership. From Subcultural Appearances to Mainstream Fashions Ironically, the looks that are popularized by such extreme groups often find their way into the mainstream where they are adopted by adolescents and other consumers in great numbers. Once this happens, the look that once denoted group membership loses its original meaning and becomes just another transitory fashion. As is true of all fashions, upon achieving mass acceptance the look eventually declines in popularity and becomes obsolete. Subcultural looks that were eventually adopted by mainstream society in the 1980s and 1990s and became fashions include, for example, dreadlocks from the Rastafarians, multiple facial piercings from the Punks, and baggy jeans and oversized clothing from the hip-hop culture. Adolescents who are early adopters of such looks will most likely be noticed for appearing different from the norm, but rarely do these appearances maintain any link to the identity or values of their subcultural source.

Gender Differences in Appearance Management Gender differences in the ways that adolescents manage their appearance are largely reflective of how males and females are socialized. Long before adolescence, children learn that the male body is to be physically developed and strengthened and that the female body is to be preserved, protected, and made more beautiful. Indeed, beauty becomes duty for the females in American society, and this value is internalized at a very young age. Fantasy characters such as Snow White, Cinderella, and Barbie (for girls) and Hercules, Superman, and G.I. Joe (for boys) reinforce these gender roles. Even as new fantasy female characters are created to be more reflective of current thinking, independence and strength often remain secondary to the beauty or physical attractiveness of the characters—as with Pocahontas and Wonderwoman, for example. Differences in the use of clothing by male and female adolescents are also reflective of our gender ideology. Females are more likely than males to use clothing to gain peer approval and to be favorably noticed as different or nonconforming. They relate to clothing in terms of its affective or expressive qualities or its ability to help them cope with the demands of the social environment, whereas males are more conforming, relating to clothing in terms of its consistency with their identity. Conformity in appearance among adolescent males is supported by a restrictive dress code for males in society at large; nonconformity in appearance among females is supported by a marketplace that responds to consumer demand, providing clothing to females in more styles and at higher prices than comparable provisions for males.

Apprenticeships Societal emphasis on appearance and the cultural ideal of a thin female body has led to some extreme measures of appearance management among adolescent females. The cultural message that relates beauty and attractiveness to extreme thinness in females is pervasive. The media play a particularly influential role in communicating an unrealistic standard of beauty for the female body that may affect perceptions of self-attractiveness and body image. Severe dieting and purging to attain the current physical ideal of extreme thinness are troublesome behaviors in which an increasing number of American female adolescents are engaging. Such behaviors can lead to anorexia nervosa, an eating disorder that involves the relentless pursuit of thinness through starvation, or to bulimia, an eating disorder characterized by consistent bingeing and purging. Both disorders are a serious threat to health and require professional intervention. Although numerous factors may contribute to these and other eating disorders, the societal factor most often held responsible is the current fashion image of thinness. Maureen Sweeney MacGillivray

See also Acne; Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Hair; Body Image References and further reading Burns, R. B. 1979. The Self Concept in Theory, Measurement, Development and Behavior. New York: Longman. Castlebury, Susan, and John Arnold. 1988. “Early Adolescent Perceptions of Informal Groups in a Middle School.” Journal of Early Adolescence 8, no. 1: 97–107. Cobb, Nancy J. 1998. Adolescence: Continuity, Change, and Diversity. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing.

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Davis, Fred. 1992. Fashion, Culture and Identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Elkind, David. 1982. The Hurried Child. New York: Addison-Wesley. Kaiser, Susan. 1997. The Social Psychology of Clothing: Symbolic Appearances in Context, 2nd ed., rev. New York: Fairchild. Lennon, Sharron J., Nancy A. Rudd, Bridgette Sloan, and Jae Sook Kim. 1999. “Attitudes toward Gender Roles, Self-Esteem, and Body Image: Application of a Model. Clothing and Textile Research Journal 17, no. 4: 191–202. MacGillivray, Maureen, and Jeannette Wilson. 1997. “Clothing and Appearance in Early, Middle and Late Adolescents.” Clothing and Textile Research Journal 15: 43–49. Polhemus, Ted. 1994. Streetstyle: From Sidewalk to Catwalk. New York: Thames and Hudson. Rubenstein, Ruth P. 1995. Dress Codes: Meanings and Messages in American Culture. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Santrock, John W. 1998. Adolescence. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Sontag, M. Suzanne, Mihaela Peteu, and Jongnam Lee. 1997. “Clothing in the Self-System of Adolescents: Relationships among Values, Proximity of Clothing to Self, Clothing Interest, Anticipated Outcomes and Perceived Quality of Life.” Research Report 556. East Lansing: Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station. Stone, Gregory P. 1962. “Appearance and the Self.” Pp. 86–116 in Human Behavior and the Social Processes: An Interactionist Approach. Edited by Arnold M. Rose. New York: Houghton Mifflin.

Apprenticeships As adolescents move toward the transition from school to work in the twentyfirst century, they face exciting new challenges, unimaginable technological advances, and a future potentially filled with economic independence and stability. Yet many young adults must also

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face the reality that they are inadequately prepared to secure entry-level positions in our fast-paced and technologically sophisticated economy. Whether students drop out or graduate from high school, they may experience several rejections or failures in the marketplace before becoming aware of the requisite education and experience necessary to secure a job. In short, they have few options, and many of these do not include occupations with the potential for economic independence or advancement. Increasingly, young adults are finding themselves unemployed or in dead-end occupations in the retail or fastfood service industries. Clearly, the old ways of preparing students for the world of work are no longer effective, and this is especially true for non-college-bound youth. Completing an apprenticeship represents a means by which young adults, under the guidance of a mentor, can prepare themselves for work. They do this through experiencing an occupation in the actual work setting while completing their education. In its simplest terms, the apprenticeship model involves a marriage of school and work, whereby the individual assumes the dual role of student and employee. The role of an apprentice has been defined by Stephen Hamilton (1990) as combining work with learning, where too much emphasis on working would represent exploitation and too much emphasis on schooling would transform the apprentice into a traditional student lacking a viable connection to work. From the perspective of both the apprentice and the mentor, experiencing school and work simultaneously drives home the relevance and importance of acquiring a solid education and gaining actual work experience as a means of achieving excellence in both

arenas. Although such a model may seem rather idealistic, in Germany and in other countries apprenticeships have long been one of the primary means by which students move into the world of work. In fact, the success of the German apprenticeship system is often cited as evidence for the viability of the schoolto-work transition model. Adolescents and young adults who are trying to enter the labor market for the first time often experience unemployment as a painful failure. By moving students from all economic strata into the workforce, the apprenticeship model prevents widespread unemployment among young people. At an age when young adults in the United States typically graduate from high school, young adults in Germany have already acquired significant on-the-job training and expertise and secured employment in skilled whiteand blue-collar professions. Achieving this level of training and employment in the United States typically involves additional schooling, followed by an extensive job search—often resulting in a twoto four-year delay between high school graduation and employment. This delay can be emotionally and financially costly, particularly for young adults who have no other means of financial support. In the 1970s and 1980s, increased awareness of the success of the apprenticeship model in Germany began to attract attention from U.S. researchers and politicians. Accordingly, social scientists worked toward identifying, integrating, and implementing (on a small scale) key apprenticeship concepts, and policymakers facilitated such activities through financial support and legislative actions. Researchers working in Germany, England, and the United States (Bynner, 1992; Hamilton, 1990) identi-

Apprenticeships fied the benefits associated with the apprenticeship model and demonstrated its effectiveness in moving adolescents from school to work. Partly in response to this and other research, legislators passed the 1994 School-to-Work Opportunities Act (STWOA), which provided federal funds as well as considerable flexibility to state and local educational systems that were interested in developing school-to-work programs. Growing interest in the apprenticeship concept and its possible adoption in the United States led Hamilton and Wolfgang Lempert (1996) to examine the impact of the apprenticeship system on German youth and to determine the relative costs and benefits associated with its possible implementation in the United States. Although they found that the German apprenticeship system effectively moved youths into adult occupations much earlier than is typical in the United States, they also discovered certain inequalities: First, the socioeconomic status of the student’s family and the sex of the student were associated with apprenticeship and job placement, and, second, employers within a given occupation differed in terms of the opportunities they afforded their apprentices. That is, at some job sites, employers and mentors viewed apprentices as the future of the organization and gave them instruction and opportunities to expand their knowledge and expertise, whereas at other sites, employers treated the apprentices as cheap and expendable labor. Despite the obvious differences across placements, however, apprentices typically consider their mentor a trusted source of guidance and support and often maintain connections with the mentor long after the conclusion of their apprenticeship (Hamilton, 1990). Thus, although the apprenticeship model

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is not a perfect system and may not resolve all of the issues associated with the transition from school to work, it clearly promotes the development of viable career paths for some students who would otherwise not have the resources to move forward on their own. Although German-style apprenticeships are far from common in the United States, this country does offer other school-to-work programs that incorporate some basic features of apprenticeships. For example, the Summer Training Education Program (STEP) and the more commonly known Job Corps, established in 1964, provide disadvantaged youth with real work experiences within a structured program (Hamilton, 1990). The Job Corps is an intensive residential program that attempts to move young adults into viable long-term occupations, whereas STEP is a summer program that requires summer school attendance in exchange for paid summer work. Although STEP combines school with work, the work experiences typically occur outside of the school setting. Other examples include programs like Tech-Prep and school-based enterprises that maintain more of an educational focus by integrating vocational concepts into an existing curriculum (Lewis et al., 1998). Tech-Prep is, at its core, a collaborative model that involves a high school and a two-year postsecondary technical school working together to facilitate the transition from high school to a two-year trade school. In this arrangement, the high school agrees to offer specialized courses that complement the academic and vocational demands of the postsecondary institution. Upon successful graduation from high school, Tech-Prep students simply transfer into the technical school, with a clear educational advantage over those

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students who did not experience the specialized high school curriculum. In contrast to Tech-Prep’s explicit postsecondary educational focus, school-based enterprises emphasize the development of small businesses by high school students. Students and faculty work together to develop and implement an enterprise in the school setting, which typically targets high school students and faculty as the potential consumers. School-based enterprises include in-school restaurants and school supply stores that sell pens, paper, and other sundries. Although the apprenticeship model has both supporters and detractors, most agree that the current means by which the United States facilitates the schoolto-work transition is slow, cumbersome, and financially and emotionally costly for many non-college-bound youth. The apprenticeship model and its various derivations represent an alternative that may reduce the delay between high school graduation and full-time careerrelated employment. In the apprenticeship system, students are workers and workers are students; hence, the transition from school to work is more gradual and appropriate for all involved. The concept of integrating vocational information into the existing school system is not a new one; indeed, vocational education is an essential aspect of the U.S. educational system. But apprenticeships do represent a possible next step within the school-to-work movement that involves going beyond simply disseminating occupational information and advancing toward the creation of an organized and cohesive system that truly integrates school and work experiences. Erik J. Porfeli Fred W. Vondracek

See also Career Development; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Programs for Adolescents; Vocational Development; Work in Adolescence References and further reading Bynner, John. 1992. “Experiencing Vocational Preparation in England and Germany.” Education and Training 34, no. 4: 1–8. Hamilton, Stephen F. 1990. Apprenticeship for Adulthood: Preparing Youth for the Future. New York: Free Press. Hamilton, Stephen F., and Wolfgang Lempert. 1996. “The Impact of Apprenticeship on Youth: A Prospective Analysis.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 6, no. 4: 427–455. Lewis, Theodore, James Stone III, Wayne Shipley, and Svjetlana Madzar. 1998. “The Transition from School to Work: An Examination of the Literature.” Youth and Society 29, no. 3: 259–292.

The Arts Several disciplines, ranging from the fine arts to the performing arts, are forms of expression that can be included under the umbrella term arts. By the same token, there are many different types of art forms. Examples of fine or visual art forms include painting, drawing, sculpting, architecture, and photography, whereas drama, dance, music, and performance art are generally considered examples of performing arts. Still other art forms do not fit within the boundaries of either performing or fine arts but, rather, are a combination of the two; examples include costuming, directing, producing, stage managing, stage design, light design, and filmmaking. As the arts play a fundamental role in many adolescents’ lives, it is fortunate that schools often include the arts in their curriculum. The combination of arts and academics in the schools works to foster creative thinking. In addition,

The combination of arts and academics in the schools works to foster creative thinking. (Shirley Zeiberg)

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many teenagers pursue various art forms outside of the school setting. Some may even go on to a career in the arts. Yet the importance and relevance of the arts to adolescents is generally minimized or overlooked. How the Arts Help Teenagers Develop During the period of adolescence, teenagers are trying to discover their personal identity. The arts provide a forum for exploration and expression of the self. Creative freedom and individuality are primary tenets of such expression: Whereas many adolescents feel pressures to conform to group norms, the arts require individual expression. During adolescence, teenagers attempt to answer the question “Who am I?” Participation in the arts helps them to discover the answer to this difficult question. The arts also allow teenagers to “try on” or test various identities in an attempt to discover which one fits best. For example, when a teenager performs in a drama production, she must explore the role she will play. This process may involve researching the time period in which the play takes place, the setting of the play, and the occupation of the character. Next, the teenager must work to assume the identity of the character. By acting out the role, she has the opportunity to explore an alternative identity. Acting also allows the expression of emotions that are not normally considered appropriate. For example, whereas an angry outburst in the middle of class can lead to a detention, such an outburst within the context of a school play may well be considered an excellent performance. In short, the arts provide a safe place for self-exploration. The arts also allow teenagers to learn both the value of teamwork and the

importance of individual responsibility. Although teamwork is often necessary, responsibility for the finished product lies with the individual. For example, the student who signs his name to a painting is responsible for the work, even if he received guidance from teachers or collaborated with others toward that end. Likewise, the performer onstage is responsible for her actions and can rely only on herself. Such responsibility promotes autonomy and independence—yet another way in which adolescents can benefit from exploring the arts. Schools and the Arts The role of the arts in the schools generally varies across school districts. Some schools emphasize a focus on the arts, whereas others lack arts programs altogether. Those schools that do include arts programs in their curriculum vary in their degree of emphasis. For example, some schools offer a limited range of courses in only one field (e.g., visual arts), whereas others offer courses ranging from beginner to advanced in a variety of disciplines (e.g., performing arts and fine arts). Still other schools are dedicated to making the arts the primary focus of their curriculum. For example, a district with a magnet school system (in which each school has a particular focus) may devote one school to the teaching of the arts, allowing parents and students to choose the school whose program best meets their needs. Several options are available to those students who wish to pursue the arts beyond their high school education. Many liberal arts universities and colleges have departments or schools in assorted arts disciplines, and some smaller liberal arts colleges, described as “artsy,” have a reputation for focusing on

The Arts the arts. In addition, certain schools specialize solely in the teaching of the arts. For example, conservatories tend to focus on the performing arts, whereas museum schools emphasize the fine arts. Education in the arts is an extremely valuable complement to a traditional academic education; even those students who do not plan on focusing on the arts later in life can benefit a great deal from an arts education. The arts teach innovative and creative ways of thinking and solving problems as well as new and interesting ways of expressing one’s emotions and ideas. Moreover, academic skills are frequently applied in the arts. For example, directors must often apply their knowledge of history when costuming a show, and lighting and set designers must understand basic trigonometry and geometry when creating a lighting plan or set. In these ways and others, the arts provide real-life problems that students can solve using their academic knowledge. The arts also promote the use of symbolic thought. During the period of adolescence, symbolic and logical thinking skills are developing. Prior to adolescence, individuals understand the world in a very concrete manner; however, as they mature, their thinking becomes more complex and abstract. A primary component of the arts is symbolic and abstract expression and interpretation of ideas and emotions. The arts allow adolescents to exercise their minds by promoting symbolic thought. By practicing these skills, adolescents learn a different way of comprehending the world. Many schools focus on developing adolescents’ verbal and mathematical abilities. In addition, exams, such as the SAT, ACT, and GRE, test students’ verbal and mathematical abilities. Many psychologists believe that these tests do not accu-

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rately measure intelligence. According to these testing methods, intelligence exists exclusively in the forms of mathematical and verbal abilities. Psychologist Howard Gardner believes in the existence of multiple intelligences. Included among the different types of intelligences he identifies are musical intelligence, bodily kinesthetic intelligence, and spatial intelligence. Many artists rely heavily on these intellectual domains to produce their work. Musicians utilize musical intelligence, dancers and actors utilize bodily kinesthetic intelligence, and visual artists utilize spatial intelligence. Some people may be experts in one intellectual form and novices in another. For example, a pianist may be an expert in the domain of musical intelligence, but a novice in the domain of linguistic intelligence. In the United States, verbal and mathematical intelligences are highly valued, whereas musical, bodily kinesthetic, and spatial intelligences are considered less important. Extracurricular Arts The future of arts education is threatened by severe underfunding. In addition, many school officials consider the arts to be a dispensable element of the curriculum. Traditional academics are perceived as being a more essential component of an education, so the arts are pushed aside. Faced with this situation, students must turn to extracurricular programs in search of an education in the arts. Some students form school clubs or organizations that focus on the arts. The schools may require that an adult be present during club meetings; however, students typically run these meetings and the activities that are planned. Alternatively, teenagers can generally find organizations within their community

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that provide instruction in various art forms. Community arts groups usually offer programs for teenagers in the arts. For example, community theater groups often schedule summer productions and cast adolescents in roles. In addition, some states fund summer programs whereby a selected number of teens are invited to attend an intensive summer program in specific arts disciplines. Many religious groups also provide opportunities for adolescents to engage in artistic activities. Another option for teenagers interested in the arts is private lessons. Dance schools, drama academies, and museum schools often offer programs for interested adolescents. Clearly, there are many opportunities for adolescents who wish to pursue their interest in the arts. A Career in the Arts Adolescents who choose to pursue the arts as a career must consider several limitations. Since the arts are not heavily funded, there is a limited amount of work available to those who wish to be employed as full-time artists. Adolescents in the arts may thus wish to consider “backup” or “fallback” plans. In particular, they should be encouraged to pursue both the arts and an academic field so as not to limit their options. Indeed, many professional artists work two jobs: one related to the arts and one that is more lucrative. Professional artists may also have to rely on “backup” plans in case of injury. Injuries can prevent artists such as dancers, actors, and musicians from pursuing their art. The way in which an individual copes with an injury and the potential disruption it causes is important. Adolescents, who had planned on pursuing the arts but are unable to due to

injury, will benefit from positive support from teachers, parents, and peers. These teenagers should be encouraged to find an alternative form of expression or creative outlet. Alternatively, they may be interested in careers that combine the arts with other disciplines. Fortunately, many such career opportunities are available. For example, adolescents who are interested in both the arts and writing may wish to consider a career in art review or critique. Many major news publications include arts sections that not only report on local exhibitions but also provide reviews and critiques of artists and their work. Art instruction is another option. Schools, community groups, religious organizations, and private institutions often hire art teachers, and museums frequently hire curators and collectors who are highly knowledgeable in a particular arts field. Art therapy is yet another option for interested adolescents. Engaging in an artistic project is generally considered to be therapeutic. Art as therapy is now regarded as a type of clinical treatment. Visual art and dance therapies are frequently used with both children and adults. Clinicians use art as a means of exploring and interpreting their patients’ thoughts and emotions. Jennifer S. Brown

See also Media; Media, Effects of References and further reading Gardner, Howard. 1983. Frames of Mind. New York: Basic Books. Greene, Maxine. 1995. Releasing the Imagination. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Moody, William J. 1990. Artistic Intelligences: Implications for Education. New York: Teachers College Press.

Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts Munro, Thomas, and Herbert Read. 1960. The Creative Arts in American Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts More than 10 million Asian Americans reside in the United States, constituting about 4 percent of the total population. Within the next two decades, the number of Asian Americans in this country is expected to almost double. Most of the Asian American population is concentrated on the east and west coasts in cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, and New York. Asian Americans are a diverse people, having roots in Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, China, the Philippines, India, Thailand, and Malaysia. Because these groups differ with respect to language, customs, and immigration patterns to the United States, the “Asian American adolescent experience” varies greatly from individual to individual. However, some issues are relevant for all Asian American teenagers, such as ethnic identity, school achievement, autonomy, and changing relationships with parents and peers. One important developmental task for Asian American adolescents is to form an ethnic identity—a process that includes exploring the meaning of being Asian American in a multicultural society such as the United States; confronting discrimination, prejudice, and stereotyping; and participating (or not participating) in the cultural behaviors and practices of their particular ethnic group. Several stages of ethnic identity development have been identified. The first

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stage is ethnic identity foreclosure. In this stage, adolescents have not deeply questioned what being Asian American specifically means to their personal lives. After a period of unquestioning, however, something happens that compels them to explore the meaning and significance of their “Asianness.” A triggering event might be the realization that there are too few Asian American role models in the United States; or it might be a question from a friend as to why certain customs or traditions are celebrated in their homes. This stage of ethnic identity exploration is a time when adolescents actively seek out what being Asian in America means to them personally—by participating in cultural customs, learning more about the history of their people, or spending time with others of the same ethnic group. This exploration stage leads to ethnic identity achievement, a stage in which Asian American adolescents express a commitment to, have an understanding of, and are comfortable with being Asian American. Studies have shown that Asian American adolescents who achieve a positive and strong sense of ethnic identity demonstrate positive psychological functioning in terms of family relations and positive self-evaluations. Asian American youth differ from youth of other ethnicities in several ways. Compared to European American youth, Asian Americans report spending less time with their peers in activities such as talking on the telephone, participating in sports, and “hanging out.” The nature of the peer group also differs slightly between these two groups. Asian American peers tend to show more disapproval for misconduct behaviors (e.g., copying homework, cheating on a test, lying to parents) and are more supportive

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Asian Americans are diverse people, differing with respect to language, customs, and immigration patterns to the United States. Because of this, the “Asian-American adolescent experience” varies greatly from individual to individual. (Laura Dwight)

of academic endeavors. Compared to Hispanic American, African American, and European American adolescents, Asian American adolescents are inclined to date and engage in sexual behavior at a later age. Several researchers have reported that Asian American adolescents perform better in school than their non-Asian peers. A host of possible reasons, ranging from parenting practices and cultural beliefs to peer-group influences, have been cited to

explain these findings. It is a myth, however, that all Asian American adolescents succeed at school. In fact, there is great heterogeneity among Asian American youth—some of whom, for example, struggle in school because of their difficulty with English as a second language. Factors such as country of origin and generational status also contribute to this variation in school performance. Regarding the parent-adolescent relationship, many Asian American adolescents report that their parents are more authoritarian (strict and demanding of unquestioning obedience) and less authoritative (strict but responsive, and inclined to encourage autonomy) than parents in other ethnic groups. Although some researchers have proposed that authoritarianism is a less-than-optimal style of parenting, Asian American adolescents overall do not seem to be as negatively affected as other groups by authoritarian parenting concerning psychosocial adjustment (e.g., self-esteem and work orientation), deviance (e.g., substance use and antisocial behavior), and school performance (e.g., grade-point average and homework time). Moreover, it has been argued that these particular types of frequently studied parenting styles may be inadequate to describe Asian parents—in other words, that other aspects of parenting that are indigenous to the culture may more accurately depict Asian parenting. For example, in Chinese culture the notion of training—which involves teaching and educating children in the context of high involvement, support, caring, and concern—may be more useful in understanding how certain parenting styles impact Asian American adolescents’ psychosocial development. Many Asian American adolescents, especially those with immigrant parents,

Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity have to deal with and reconcile their parents’ cultural values and attitudes, some of which run counter to the values and attitudes of mainstream society. This clash of cultures—one of which promotes interdependence (characteristic of most Asian countries) and the other, mainstream culture, which promotes independence—may lead to differing expectations between parents and adolescents regarding appropriate levels of autonomy. For example, they may disagree on whether the adolescents can choose whom to date, whether they are allowed to stay out with friends at night, or what particular career to pursue. This mismatch rooted in different cultural belief systems may, in turn, lead to serious conflicts. Of course, the degree to which parents and their Asian American adolescents conflict in terms of values and expectations varies from family to family. There are various ways in which Asian American adolescents deal with growing up within two distinct cultures. They can become assimilated, taking on the majority culture’s ways and rejecting their culture of origin. They can become separated, immersing themselves in the culture of origin while rejecting the majority culture. They can become marginal, rejecting both the culture of origin and the majority culture. Or they can become bicultural, maintaining ties to both cultures. Those adolescents who choose this last option allow themselves the opportunity to draw from the traditions and strengths of both their Asian heritage and the mainstream culture. Linda P. Juang

See also Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity; Ethnic Identity; Identity; Racial Discrimination

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References and further reading Chao, Ruth K. 1994. “Beyond Parental Control and Authoritarian Parenting Style: Understanding Chinese Parenting through the Cultural Notion of Training.” Child Development 65: 1111–1119. Chuansheng, Chen, Ellen Greenberger, Julia Lester, Qi Dong, and Miaw-Schue Guo. 1998. “A Cross-Cultural Study of Family and Peer Correlates of Adolescent Misconduct.” Developmental Psychology 34, no. 4: 770–781. Feldman, Shirley S., and Glen R. Elliot. 1990. At the Threshold: The Developing Adolescent. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Feldman, Shirley S., Rebecca N. Turner, and Katy Araujo. 1999. “Interpersonal Context as an Influence on Sexual Timetables of Youths: Gender and Ethnic Effects.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 9, no. 1: 25–52. Juang, Linda P., Jacqueline V. Lerner, John McKinney, and Alex von Eye. 1999. “The Goodness of Fit of Autonomy Expectations between Asian-American Late Adolescents and Their Parents.” International Journal of Behavioral Development 23, no. 4: 1023–1048. Uba, Laura. 1994. Asian Americans: Personality Pattern, Identity, and Mental Health. New York: Guilford Press.

Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity Identity becomes an especially salient issue during adolescence, which is marked both by teenagers’ desire to fit in and by their preoccupation with how others view them. Asian American adolescents’ search for identity is challenged by another question: how to make sense of their ethnic background, which influences how they perceive themselves as well as how others view them. If we were to picture an Asian American teenager in our mind, who would we see? What would we assume about the

To establish healthy identities, adolescents must reconcile and embrace their heritage without feeling devalued. (Skjold Photographs)

Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity teenager? Although we would not consciously ask ourselves these questions, we may unconsciously answer them upon thinking of or seeing an Asian American teenager. Some of us may picture a quiet, shy “Chinese kid” with glasses. Others—teachers, for example— may think that this “Chinese kid” is smart and expect the teen to do well in school, especially in math and science classes. Guidance counselors may assume that the teen is a good student because they take it for granted that all Asian Americans are model students. Still others may assume that they work hard, that they don’t cause trouble and thus have no problems, that society doesn’t have to worry about them. Well, not exactly. These seemingly positive assumptions are prevalent in our society, but they do not necessarily work to the advantage of Asian American adolescents. Indeed, such assumptions may even pose a challenge to their identity development. To explore this further, we need to understand more about the world of Asian American teenagers. For example, what are some of the major factors shaping the identity of Asian American adolescents? These factors are found on many levels. Let’s look at the broadest level first. The historical context and climate set the tone for Asian Americans’ existence in the United States. The past mistreatment of Asian Americans, such as discriminatory immigration laws and internment of Japanese Americans, made it clear that Asians were considered “aliens ineligible for citizenship” from early on (Lott, 1998). Present in the United States since the 1800s, Asians played a significant role in building this country; many even fought as American soldiers. However, many Asian Americans are still considered “foreigners.”

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When American figure skaters Tara Lipinski and Michelle Kwan won the Olympic gold and silver medals, respectively, the nation was overjoyed. However, remarks made by the press implied that Michelle Kwan was not seen as a “real” American. Likewise, Asian American adolescents may encounter incidents such as the following. Sharon is a fourth generation Japanese American. She is walking down the street one day when someone shouts, “Go back to your own country, you Chinese!” She is startled and shocked. She thinks to herself, “I was born in California, so were my parents and their parents. Besides, I’m not Chinese!” Janet is a third-generation Chinese American. She goes to a department store to look for some shoes. A sales person approaches Janet, speaking in a slow, deliberate tone, “C-a-n I h-e-l-p y-o-u? S-p-e-a-k E-n-g-l-i-s-h?” Phil is a second-generation Korean American who just moved to New Jersey from California. He meets his neighbor for the first time. The neighbor asks him, “So, where are you from?” Phil replies, “California.” The neighbor asks again, “Where are you r-e-a-l-l-y from?” Phil replies, “the Bay Area in northern California. I was born there.” The neighbor says, “I have a Chinese friend. His grocery has the best vegetables in town. He works hard. He doesn’t speak much English though. Maybe you can talk to him in Chinese.” Phil thinks to himself, “What? Why would she assume that I speak Chinese? Does she think that all Asians are the same?”

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Clearly, Asian Americans are still perceived as aliens in a foreign land in the United States. How are Asian American adolescents to make sense of this perception? How are they to deal with feeling “different”? How does their sense of not belonging in the society influence their identity development? The experience of being treated as if they do not belong in the society in which they live and the perception of being “different” from the dominant European American group may make it especially difficult for Asian American adolescents to feel proud of their heritage. As adolescents, they may already be especially sensitive about how others view them; they may also be struggling with the question of whether they want to “fit in” or be “unique.” The perception of difference due to their ethnic background may add even more stress to their lives. Some may try to fit in by pretending to be white and distancing themselves from anything related to their ethnic background. Others may feel resentful toward the white dominant group and thus may retreat and submerge themselves into their ethnic culture and group. Still others, however, may be able to develop and maintain a balance by integrating both the mainstream culture and their ethnic culture of origin in a way that makes sense in both contexts. Regardless, these teenagers must develop their own way of managing and living with two or more cultures. The process in which Asian American adolescents develop bicultural competencies is influenced by the support system available to them. For example, if their peers accept and respect their differences as well as their similarities, they will find it easier to explore, accept, and value their ethnic background. Conversely, if their peers devalue their differ-

ences, they will find it much harder, because they will feel that they don’t fit in with other teenagers. The diversity of teachers and other students also influences the sense of belonging for Asian American teenagers. If they are among very few Asian Americans in school, they may try to fit in with the majority group and thus feel discouraged from exploring their ethnic heritage. Or they may feel disconnected from their white friends due to differences in their experiences having to do with prejudice, cultural practices, and so on. Some may exclusively seek out other Asian American students for support. But if the school culture respects diversity and difference, and provides support for all students, Asian American adolescents may feel encouraged to explore their ethnic heritage, develop understanding and respect for other ethnic groups, and feel good about being Asian American. The ability of Asian American teenagers to make sense of the school climate and peer influences is affected by another factor as well: familial and parental socialization. How do the parents influence the way Asian American adolescents view themselves? Parental socialization is very much interconnected with the larger historical and present contexts mentioned earlier. In particular, it is influenced by economic concerns, amount of time spent in the United States, ties to the homeland, attitudes toward the dominant culture, and support from the ethnic community. In addition, although some Asian American groups have been in the United States for many generations, such as Japanese Americans and Chinese Americans, there are more first-generation Asian immigrant parents than American-born Asian parents. Subgroups such as Korean,

Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity Vietnamese, or other more recent immigrants may face barriers such as language, culture, and economic survival. Because of racism, cultural differences, and language barriers, many Asian immigrant parents feel isolated and rejected by the mainstream society. Lack of English proficiency often prevents them from participating in their children’s school or socializing with people other than those in their own ethnic community, thus further isolating them within the confines of their ethnic enclave. Socializing their children to be competent members of this society while struggling with their own acculturation may create unique challenges for Asian American parents. One such challenge is language related: As their children become more comfortable with conversing in English, the communication gap between Asian immigrant parents and their children becomes larger. The children’s problems may be overlooked by the parents as a result of this gap, creating a strain in their relationship. In addition, many Asian American children serve as their parents’ language broker. Knowing that their parents are helpless with the language, these children may perceive their parents to be outsiders in the United States. As much as they want to help their parents, they may feel burdened having to “parent” their parents when it comes to language and cultural barriers. The children may resent this burden because it makes them feel that they, too, do not belong in the United States, especially when their parents have a hard time functioning in the mainstream society without their help. At the same time, many Asian immigrant parents may want to raise their children with their own ethnic cultural values because they still feel strong ties to their own ethnic culture. However, as

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their children become socialized and assimilated into the individualistic U.S. culture outside their home, the parents’ values from their ethnic culture are challenged. Although these ethnic cultural values may provide grounding, support, and identity to some Asian American adolescents, others may resent their parents’ traditional values, which get in the way of doing “normal” teenager things such as dating. Their desire to be “their own person” apart from their identification with their parents, as well as their desire to fit in with other teenagers, may lead Asian American teenagers to rebel against the expectations placed on them. This conflict between immigrant parents and their children may create psychological burdens for both the parents and the children, but such burdens have been largely overlooked by society owing to the image of Asian Americans as the model minority. Some Asian immigrant parents believe that by living up to the model-minority image, they can earn respect from the white dominant group and thereby gain social mobility in the United States. In Asian countries, teachers and scholars have traditionally been revered. Indeed, respect for education is a value that Asian immigrants have brought from their ethnic culture. However, in the United States, education takes on another layer of meaning for Asian immigrant families: Academic achievement is part of children’s obligation to the parents in return for the parents’ sacrifices in the United States. In short, children bring honor to the family through educational attainment; educational achievement is considered a buffer for prejudice and racism. Therefore, Asian American children are under great pressure to achieve in school—both from their teachers, who hold their Asian

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students up to the model-minority stereotype, and from their parents, who have made sacrifices in their lives to provide for their children. This situation creates tremendous pressure on the adolescents to fit the goodstudent image and to meet the expectations of their parents. Some may try to excel in their studies. Some may become overachievers. Some may feel resentful and thus purposely distance themselves from the stereotypes and expectations confronting them—that is, by joining gangs, drinking, taking drugs, and so on. Some may be unable to rise to the high expectations placed on them and feel inadequate. Some may miss out on a social life. But whatever the outcome, the good-student image and model-minority assumptions do not necessarily help. Asian immigrant parents want their children to learn the ways of the dominant culture so they can succeed in the United States. They want their children to avoid experiencing the same language and economic barriers they have faced, so they encourage their children to speak English in school and encourage them to work hard to obtain a high level of education. Fluency in English and U.S. education will open doors for the children that the parents could not open due to such barriers, and the children can go into white-collar professions and be more respected by the dominant culture. At the same time, however, Asian immigrant parents want their children to retain their ethnic values outside of school and the realm of success. Because Asian cultures value the interdependent nature of relationships and harmony, Asian parents generally socialize their children to avoid conflict and to maintain a harmonious relationship with others. Thus, Asian

families have been thought to be “enmeshed,” which, by U.S. standards, is an “unhealthy” state of family functioning because the children are not encouraged to individuate from the family. In short, many Asian American children are socialized in school to become more individuated but taught at home to respect group harmony and collectiveness. How are they to make sense of these two seemingly conflicting messages? As previously discussed, Asian American children must develop various means by which to manage and live with such contradictions. Indeed, by adolescence, many have acquired an understanding of ethnic labels, become aware of the characteristics that distinguish groups, developed specific attitudes toward their own ethnic group and other groups, and become cognizant of social expectations and behavioral patterns that are linked with ethnicity. However, the development of Asian American children has not been given proper attention due to society’s misperception of them as welladjusted high achievers. Beyond the stereotypes are real people. As teenagers they experience all the ordinary problems and joys that come with adolescence. But they have another task as well: exploring and understanding their ethnic background, and coming to terms with the meaning of being Asian American in a society that assigns status according to racial group membership. To become whole persons, they must reconcile and embrace their heritage without feeling devalued. Teachers, counselors, parents, and peers can help Asian American teenagers by being sensitive and supportive to their needs, watchful of their concerns, and respectful of their differences as well as their similarities. With

Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) these things in mind, upon thinking about Asian American adolescents, we will no longer picture that shy “Chinese kid” in glasses but, instead, see many different faces who want to be recognized as individuals. E. Ree Noh

See also Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts; Ethnic Identity; Identity; Racial Discrimination References and further reading Chao, Ruth K. 1996. “Chinese and European American Mothers’ Beliefs about the Role of Parenting in Children’s School Success.” Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology 27, no. 4: 403–423. Cocking, Rodney R., and Patricia M. Greenfield. 1994. “Diversity and Development of Asian Americans: Research Gaps in Minority Child Development.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 15: 301–303. Hieshima, Joyce A., and Barbara Schneider. 1994. “Intergenerational Effects on the Cultural and Cognitive Socialization of Third and Fourth Generations of Japanese Americans.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 15: 319–327. Kim, Uichol, and Maria B. J. Chun. 1994. “Educational ‘Success’ of Asian Americans: An Indigenous Perspective.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 15: 329–343. Lee, S. J. 1994. “Behind the Model Minority Stereotype: Voices of High and Low Achieving Asian American Students.” Anthropology and Education Quarterly 25, no. 4: 413–429. Lott, Juanita Tamayo. 1998. Asian Americans: From Racial Categories to Multiple Identities. Walnut Creek, CA: Alta Mira Press. Park, Eun-ja. 1994. “Educational Needs and Parenting Concerns of Korean American Parents.” Psychological Reports 75: 559–562. Rotheram-Borus, Mary J. 1993. “Biculturalism among Adolescents.”

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Pp. 81–102 in Ethnic Identity: Formation and Transmission among Hispanics and Other Minorities. Edited by M. E. Bernal and G. P. Knight. Albany: State University of New York Press. Shoho, Alan R. 1994. “A Historical Comparison of Parental Involvement of Three Generations of Japanese Americans (Isseis, Niseis, Sanseis) in the Education of Their Children.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 15: 305–311. Yee, Albert H. 1992. “Asians as Stereotypes and Students: Misperceptions That Persist.” Educational Psychology Review 4, no. 1: 95–132.

Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is the most recent diagnosis for individuals who exhibit problems with attention, impulsiveness, and overactivity. Although all people experience each of these behaviors to some degree, those with ADHD experience them so severely that work, school, and social interactions may become impaired. It is estimated that 3 to 5 percent of the population has the disorder. ADHD occurs across all socioeconomic, cultural, and racial backgrounds, and it is more commonly diagnosed in boys than in girls. History The condition now called ADHD first attracted scientific interest in 1902. Physicians had noticed some children who were aggressive, defiant, resistant to discipline, and excessively emotional and who showed little inhibitory control. Over the past century, the names for this set of behaviors have changed and evolved as more has been learned about

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the causes of the disorder. Originally, scientists named the condition “minimal brain damage” (MBD) because it was thought to result from brain infections, trauma, or other injuries or complications occurring during pregnancy or delivery. This label was replaced by minimal brain dysfunction when no evidence could be found to pinpoint the role of trauma in the brain. Renamed hyperactive child syndrome, the disorder shifted in focus from cause to symptom. Later, hyperactivity came to be viewed as not the only or most important symptom; poor attention span and impulse control were now considered equally important. This prompted another change in name: attention-deficit disorder (ADD) with or without hyperactivity. The term currently in use—attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder—also reflects the recognition that hyperactivity may or may not be a prevailing symptom. Characteristics of ADHD Inattention People with ADHD have difficulty with attention. Attention is widely defined as alertness, arousal, selectivity (paying attention to some stimuli while ignoring others), sustained focus, or nondistractibility. ADHD individuals may become distracted by what is happening around them and be unable to stay focused on the task at hand—especially when the task is not interesting or rewarding. Parents and teachers often note the following behaviors as problems with attention: not listening, failing to finish assigned tasks, daydreaming, losing things, and having difficulty concentrating.

Impulsivity. The inability to delay a response or to delay gratification is

another characteristic of ADHD. Individuals with this disorder often respond quickly to situations without waiting for instructions to be completed. They often opt for the immediate smaller reward instead of waiting for the larger reward. They frequently have difficulty taking turns, blurt out answers to questions, and interrupt conversations. And because they often fail to consider the negative and dangerous consequences associated with a particular situation, they may engage in unnecessary risk taking. Hyperactivity. A third characteristic of ADHD is hyperactivity—a level of activity exceeding that considered normal for people of the same age. Restlessness, fidgeting, and talking quickly are some examples of hyperactive behavior. Teachers find children with ADHD often getting out of their seats, moving about the class without permission, playing with objects not related to the task, and talking out of turn. Possible Causes ADHD runs in families and is likely the result of biological and environmental influences. Evidence indicates that among individuals with ADHD the brain may be structurally or functionally different, particularly in the frontal lobe, which is associated with attention, planning, and inhibition. In addition, the central nervous system of ADHD individuals is believed to be underaroused, thus requiring more outward stimulation from the environment. ADHD is not related to intelligence. In fact, many children and adolescents with ADHD are very bright. For these individuals, ADHD is not a matter of not knowing what to do but a matter of not being able to do what they know.

Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Consequences of ADHD Clearly, many of the behaviors associated with ADHD can be disruptive in a classroom and frustrating to students, parents, and teachers alike. Children and adolescents with this disorder are often punished for their “misbehavior.” They often find school frustrating and unrewarding and, over time, may become even less motivated to succeed. Blurting out answers, not paying attention to details on a homework assignment, or forgetting to turn assignments in may have negative academic and disciplinary consequences. Furthermore, because these individuals exhibit aggressive, disruptive, and other socially unacceptable behaviors, their peer relationships may suffer as a result of rejection by other children. In short, without proper intervention, the ADHD adolescent can quickly lose ground both academically and socially. Diagnosis Teachers or parents who suspect a problem with ADHD can refer the student for an evaluation. However, there is no definitive medical test to determine whether an individual does or does not have ADHD. Rather, the diagnosis is made on the basis of information gathered about behavioral symptoms identified from a variety of sources and evaluations. A team of individuals composed of school personnel, family, and a medical doctor contribute information toward making a diagnosis. The legal standard for determining whether a child has ADHD is based on whether the child’s disability is diagnosed according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSMIV). And even then, mere observation of attention problems, impulsivity, and hyperactivity is not sufficient for making

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the diagnosis: Other possible causes for these behaviors—such as auditory processing disorders, anxiety or depressive disorders, other learning disabilities, or a chaotic home environment—must still be ruled out. Once ADHD is properly identified, there are many options for treatment. Treatment Both behavioral and medical interventions are available for ADHD adolescents. Teachers, parents, and the ADHD individuals themselves can be trained to master techniques for optimizing behavior and performance, and frequent positive reinforcements throughout the day can motivate a student to stay on task. Feedback from parents and teachers should be frequent and immediate. Teachers should provide rules and instructions that are clear, brief, and, if possible, delivered through modes of presentation that are more visible and external than those required for the management of normal children. In addition, children can be taught self-management skills and ways to organize and plan through self-monitoring and self-reinforcement. Stimulants are the medications most commonly prescribed for treating the symptoms of ADHD. Because these drugs raise the level of activity, arousal, or alertness in the central nervous system, they can replace the individual’s need to seek out interesting stimuli. Some common stimulants are methylphenidate (Ritalin), pemoline (Cylert), amphetamine (Adderall), and dextroamphetamine (Dexedrine). Unfortunately, these medications can also have side effects such as loss of appetite, nervousness, irritability, anxiety, and insomnia. For those individuals who cannot tolerate such side effects, antidepressants can be tried as an

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alternative drug treatment. Most commonly implemented is a comprehensive approach combining cognitive-behavioral interventions with medication. Susan Averna See also Conduct Problems; Developmental Challenges; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Memory References and further reading American Psychiatric Association. 1994. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Barkley, Russell. 1998. AttentionDeficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: A Handbook for Diagnosis and Treatment. New York: Guilford Press. Barkley, Russell, George DuPaul, and Mary McMurray. 1990. “A Comprehensive Evaluation of Attention Deficit Disorder with and without Hyperactivity.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 58: 775–789. DuPaul, George, Russell Barkley, and Daniel Connor. 1998. “Stimulants.” Pp. 510–551 in AttentionDeficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: A Handbook for Diagnosis and Treatment. New York: Guilford Press. Fowler, Mary. 1992. Attention Deficit Disorders: An In-Depth Look from an Educational Perspective. C.H.A.D.D. Educators Manual. Fairfax, VA: CASET Associates. Mercugliana, Marianne. 1999. “What Is Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder?” Pediatric Clinics of North America 46, no. 5: 831–843. Mirsky, Allan. 1996. “Disorders of Attention: A Neuropsychological Perspective.” Pp. 71–96 in Attention, Memory, and Executive Function. Edited by G. Reed Lyon and Norman Krasnegor. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes. Spencer, Thomas, Joseph Biederman, and Timothy Wilens. 1998. “Pharmacotherapy of ADHD with Antidepressants.” Pp. 552–563 in Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: A Handbook for Diagnosis and Treatment. New York: Guilford Press.

Attractiveness, Physical Physical attractiveness can be defined as a quality that allows a person who possesses it to attract other people’s attention or interest. It is also a complex psychological and social phenomenon. There are two kinds of attractiveness: one that presupposes good looks, regular and harmonic features, neatness, and openness to communication; and another that is similar to sexual appeal, the ability to arouse desire in members of the opposite sex. Even this brief description indicates that attractiveness is based on behavioral as well as physical characteristics. Attractiveness has historically been important in human societies, but the actual study of this phenomenon traces back to the work of Charles Darwin, the evolutionist who originated the idea of natural selection. Darwin proposed that physical attractiveness is one of the basic qualities that allow for the “survival of the fittest,” a principle that secures the survival of the whole species. That is, despite cultural differences, for all nations and cultures, being attractive means, above all, being healthy and strong. This is true in rural communities where physical strength plays an important role as an economic factor affecting production of the food supply. Here, the survival quality of attractiveness and health seems obvious. But what can be said about aristocratic beauty, especially the ideal of the pale, fragile, and passive woman that has epitomized attractiveness throughout the history of European societies? In fact, this ideal does not contradict Darwin’s principle. As a typical “male society,” aristocratic Europe demanded that women be passive, weak, and dependent, thus reinforcing the male “rule of power,” which required a man to be strong, assertive, and

Attractiveness, Physical aggressive. To understand this principle better, consider an extreme case of “male community,” a rural culture of Spain. There, the culmination of folklore wisdom concerning physical beauty is a proverb: “El hombre como el oso: lo mas feo, lo mas hermoso” (Men are like bears: the uglier, the more handsome). This apparent paradox is nevertheless solvable: The fittest man in such a community is the most active, aggressive, strong, and experienced, one who can protect himself, his family, and his fellow villagers, one who fought in battles and does not care a lot about his looks. Taking all this into consideration, we can begin to understand how the process of natural selection works. Physically attractive people have the highest chance of being chosen as marriage or mating partners, so they play the biggest role in the process of reproduction, producing offspring that are strong and capable of survival. Often left out of this vital process are physically unattractive, unhealthy people, those who do not fit into this societal schema. Along these lines, research has established a link between attractiveness and dating behavior. Attractive adolescents are the preferred dating partners, regardless of their other characteristics. The survival value of physical attractiveness is its most global characteristic. But also note that in different cultures this quality may mean astonishingly different things. In the “male community” mentioned above, power is attributed to men, and beauty to women. In a “female community,” by contrast, the women are the more active, assertive, and politically and economically independent members of society, whereas the men are concerned about looking attractive and are

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Some of the many facets of physical attractiveness are regular and harmonic features and neatness. (Wartenberg/Picture Press/Corbis)

actively engaging in a competition for being chosen as sexual partners. An example of such community is the Wodaabe tribe in northeastern Nigeria. The men of this tribe care tremendously about their appearance, combing their hair and arranging it fancily, spending a lot of time taking care of their skin and faces, taking pride in their big straight noses. In fact, this is why they are considered more beautiful than the women— because women’s noses cannot be as big as men’s noses. The men of this tribe even engage in a “garewol” ceremony, which is simply a male beauty contest.

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In short, physical attractiveness is essentially an evolutionary quality that varies greatly across cultures, depending on the community’s structure and value (priority) system. It is also dependent on contextual, societal, economical, and, to a large extent, moral factors. Whereas in a rural Mediterranean community a man who is strong and aggressive is considered attractive, in our society (which also is not free of stereotypes) the same principle holds, but in reverse: One who is attractive is morally good. Social scientists call this the “beauty-is-good” principle, and it manifests itself in very complex ways. For example, as researchers have shown, attractive people are expected to possess better moral characteristics and to be more self-reliant, socially and sexually responsive, and successful in life. This expectation is a stereotype, of course, and it has its limitations, but it also has tremendous power. The fact is that people tend to try to live up to expectations that other people have about them—a phenomenon known as “self-fulfilling prophecy.” In short, attractive people who are expected to behave in certain ways eventually end up behaving in those ways, or at least shaping their behavior in that direction. Like all people, they draw conclusions about themselves based on other people’s perceptions. Having perceived a certain image, they tend to behave in accordance with it. Thus, because attractive people expect success, they actually do often become successful in life. This “social perception” process is at work during adolescence, when appraisal from peers is important in one’s self-evaluation. Research on the impact of physical attractiveness during adolescence has

revealed that teachers expect higher academic performance from physically attractive youth. In addition, physically attractive teens are judged by adults to possess better character, to be more poised and self-confident, and to be more in control of their own destiny (Adams, 1991). Attractiveness has also been shown to play a role in the employability of adolescents and adults: Attractive job candidates are viewed as having more potential and better task performance than their unattractive peers. Conversely, some research findings point to a positive relationship between unattractiveness and a greater risk for psychopathology (Adams, 1991). Of course, the “social perception” principle is not the only factor at work. Many other factors, such as intellectual level, moral strength, and a secure support base, also influence the course of each person’s life. Nevertheless, knowledge about the “beauty-is-good” principle, as well as about cultural influences on what is and what is not considered attractive, can promote our understanding of ourselves. Some researchers, particularly those arguing from a feminist standpoint, emphasize the dangers of what has been called the “beauty trap.” They point out that physical attractiveness, especially for a woman, may actually be an impediment to her career. (“She is beautiful; why does she need a career?”) Another concern is that attractive people, mainly adolescents, may tend to attribute their success, if achieved, to their good looks, while doubting their intellectual and personality qualities. But this, too, is a danger that can be avoided if we judge ourselves on the basis of real achievements, not other peoples’ opinions.

Autonomy In the final analysis, beauty is neither a trap nor a destiny. It is, however, an important societal and psychological factor, of which we should be fully aware. Janna Jilnina See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Hair; Body Image; Puberty: Physical Changes; SelfConsciousness References and further reading Adams, Gerald. R. 1991. “Physical Attractiveness and Adolescent Development. Pp. 785–789 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Cole, Letha B., and Mary Winkler. 1994. The Good Body: Asceticism in Contemporary Culture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Jones, Doug. 1996. Physical Attractiveness and the Theory of Sexual Selection. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Patzer, Gordon. 1985. The Physical Attractiveness Phenomenon. New York: Plenum Press.

Autonomy “Stand on your own two feet.” “Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps.” “If your friends jumped off a bridge, would you jump, too?” When one thinks of all the slogans that reflect the importance of personal choice and independence in the United States, it is obvious that autonomy is highly valued. Within this culture, it is generally expected that parents will socialize their children to be independent and look forward to the time when their children demonstrate personal responsibility. Thus, developing the capacity to function autonomously, while maintaining connections and seeking support from others when needed, is

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an important issue that confronts most young people. Indeed, autonomy is a central concept in theories of adolescent development. Since it can take many forms, behavioral, cognitive, and emotional dimensions have been identified. Behavioral autonomy encompasses self-governance, regulation of one’s own behavior, and acting on personal decisions. Cognitive autonomy is the capacity for independent reasoning and decision making without excessive reliance on social validation, a subjective sense of self-reliance, and the belief that one has choices. And emotional autonomy is defined in terms of relationships with others and includes relinquishing dependencies and individuating from parents (Steinberg, 1999). The development of behavioral, cognitive, and emotional autonomy during adolescence reflects progression toward becoming an adult who not only has good mental health, high self-esteem, and a positive self-concept but also is self-motivated, self-initiating, and self-regulating. It is during adolescence that individuals make major advances in autonomy. These advances are prompted by the convergence of an increasingly adultlike appearance, cognitive development, and expanding social relationships, along with the granting of more rights and responsibilities by others. Yet, parents, peers, schools, and societies also have a significant influence on autonomy. For example, parents influence the development of autonomy by structuring interactions with adolescents that allow negotiation and decision making, build a positive self-concept, and promote feelings of competence and the ability to control one’s own direction in life. When interactions with social partners have

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such qualities, optimal autonomous functioning depends on maintaining connections with these partners while becoming increasingly self-regulating and independent (e.g., Hill and Holmbeck, 1986). Recent perspectives on adolescent autonomy can be best understood in the context of some more classic perspectives, among which the most well known are those of Anna Freud (1958) and Peter Blos (1979). Both theorists believed that conflict between adolescents and parents is normal and necessary for the development of independence, and that adolescence is a time in which striving for autonomy takes the form of detachment or individuation from parents. In particular, these theorists argued that adolescents are rebellious and disagreeable in order to decrease not only their connections with and reliance on their caregivers but also the social influence of these caregivers. Laurence Steinberg and Susan Silverberg (1986) advanced the study of autonomy and individuation (as described by Blos, 1979) by defining and measuring emotional autonomy in relation to parents as four specific processes: decreasing dependence on parents, increasing individuation from parents (e.g., as when teenagers conclude that parents do not know or understand them), increasing perception of parents as people (e.g., as when teenagers recognize that parents may act differently when not with their children), and decreasing idealization of parents. According to this study, dependence on parents and idealization of parents declined from fifth to ninth grade, whereas individuation from parents increased. However, adolescents of all ages had difficulties perceiving their parents as people. The same study demonstrated that, between fifth and ninth

grade, females become more emotionally autonomous than boys , and adolescents of both sexes become more susceptible to peer pressure as they grow in autonomy from parents. However, susceptibility to peer pressure begins to decrease again by about grade 9. Other studies, however, have concluded that the majority of adolescents and their parents (about 75 percent) get along much of the time, and that excessive conflict and rebellion are not necessary for healthy adolescent development (Steinberg, 1999). In particular, contemporary child developmentalists have found that autonomy advances within supportive attachments to caregivers in which adolescents are provided increasing opportunities for discussion, decision making, and choice. For example, Richard Ryan and John Lynch (1989) argue that emotional autonomy as measured by Steinberg and Susan Silverberg (1986) actually measured detachment from parents rather than autonomy. Although they noted that detachment could result in increased self-reliance, they suggested that it might also result in the loss of valuable connections to others, leading to problems such as a lack of a consolidated identity, lower selfesteem, and dysfunctional behaviors. Zeng-Yin Chen and Sanford Dornbusch (1998) recently verified this perspective, finding that emotional autonomy can have both positive and negative effects on adolescents. Young people experience more distress and difficulties in school, become more susceptible to peer pressure, and have more problems with deviant behavior when they report that their parents do not know or understand them. On the other hand, the process of beginning to de-idealize parents and to

Autonomy relinquish some dependencies on parents, though somewhat distressing, did not have the same negative effects on adolescent behavior. Researchers have also discovered that particular forms of relationships with parents and others undermine the development of optimal autonomous functioning (Collins and Repinski, 1994). A subset of the terms used to describe the parenting behaviors involved in these relationships includes intrusive or overinvolved parenting, lack of autonomy support, coercion, and psychological control. These terms usually refer to ways that parents or others prohibit disagreement and the expression of alternative views. They also encompass parent behaviors that are intrusive, overinvolved, or emotionally manipulative. Behavioral and psychological controls appear to be two aspects of parenting style that are particularly important to the development of autonomy. Behavioral control (sometimes called monitoring or regulation) includes behaviors of parents that keep them informed of their adolescents’ activities and interests, allowing them to supervise these activities and to set limits on adolescent behaviors that may be negotiated but are firm when set. Psychological control (sometimes called lack of autonomy granting or support) includes behaviors of parents that do not allow autonomy, as when parents tell their adolescents what to do or how to feel, are too protective, have too many rules, or prohibit the adolescents from expressing opinions or engaging in decision making. It also includes expressions of excessive disappointment in the adolescents, as well as possessiveness and overprotectiveness. These latter behaviors are most likely to

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leave the adolescent feeling controlled, coerced, compelled, or manipulated. Overall, there is mounting evidence to suggest that a moderate amount of behavioral control combined with low psychological control is optimal for healthy psychological and physical functioning among adolescents, leading also to fewer problem behaviors (e.g., alcohol and other drug use, delinquency, truancy). Conversely, adolescents whose parents engage in psychologically controlling behaviors tend to have more psychological and physical complaints, such as depression, lower self-esteem, and headaches (Barber and Olsen, 1997), and those whose parents exhibit high levels of both behavioral and psychological control have lower educational expectations, lower grade-point averages, and more behavior problems such as delinquency and use of alcohol and other substances (Eccles et al., 1997; Gray and Steinberg, 1999). In addition, minimizing psychological control becomes increasingly important at or near the onset of puberty, when adolescents desire more autonomy, are forming independent identities, and are better able to recognize overcontrolling behaviors and intrusions on their self-expression. The direction of influence may also be reversed. For example, it is likely not only that parent behaviors influence adolescent autonomy but also that adolescent behaviors prompt parents to behave in behaviorally or psychologically controlling ways. Indeed, parents may be less inclined to engage in behaviors that facilitate autonomy when adolescents are doing poorly in school or using alcohol and other substances. Teachers, too, can influence adolescent functioning, as evidenced by research indicating that children and adolescents

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express more interest in and enjoyment of school when this social setting is perceived as autonomy granting rather than coercive. Another finding is that the need for autonomy increases as adolescents grow older. For example, when seventhgrade teachers grant autonomy by listening to student suggestions, encouraging choice, and involving students in decision making, students are less likely to be alienated from school and to exhibit problem behaviors (Eccles et al., 1997). In addition, when teachers grant more autonomy to middle school students (especially female students), grades are higher (Barber and Olsen, 1997). As adolescents begin to question the definitive authority and expertise of adults, their peers become increasingly important as additional sources of advice and support, thus further affecting the development of autonomy. In fact, autonomy can flourish during interactions with friends. Autonomy also develops when young people maintain valued connections to friends by expressing their opinions and attitudes, recognize that their friends’ opinions may differ from their own, learn how to negotiate differences, and practice joint decision making. Although the general public is often made aware of negative interactions between adolescents (e.g., smoking, drinking, delinquent acts), it should be noted that young people can also have positive influences on each other, as when they inspire friends to do well in school, to improve in sports, to make future plans, and to take on greater responsibilities. Of course, the influence of friends depends on the values of those friends, the characteristics of the adolescents involved, and the nature of the caregiver-adolescent relationship. For example, girls are more influenced by

friends than boys are, close friends are the most influential of all peers, and adolescents who lack self-confidence and have low self-esteem are more influenced by peers than by others (Savin-Williams and Berndt, 1990). In addition, adolescents who experience little opportunity for personal choice and joint decision making at home are especially susceptible to the influence of peers. For example, Andrew Fuligni and Jacquelynne Eccles (1993) found that adolescents who had fewer decision making opportunities in the family were more likely to seek advice from peers (rather than from parents) and to be more oriented toward peer opinion and advice than adolescents who were given more decision making opportunities by their families. Finally, some scholars interested in gender differences have begun to recognize the important role that connections with others play in female development. For example, Carol Gilligan (1982) has discussed the inability to express opinions and attitudes (loss of voice) and the increasing feeling of not being oneself in interactions with others (false-self behavior) that young women experience as they enter adolescence. However, another study suggests that there is little evidence of gender differences in loss of voice and false-self behavior: On average, according to Susan Harter (1999), males and females report similar levels of difficulty with voice in both middle and high school. In fact, comfort with saying what one thinks varies greatly not only among individual adolescents of both genders but also across interactions with different people (e.g., friends versus parents versus teachers). Yet it appears that females who report high levels of connection to and caring toward others, combined with low independence and individualism, are least likely to

Autonomy express their opinions and most likely to suppress their true selves when in public domains such as groups of peers or school. Melanie J. Zimmer-Gembeck See also Ethnocentrism; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Responsibility for Developmental Tasks; Self References and further reading Barber, Brian K. 1996. “Parental Psychological Control: Revisiting a Neglected Construct.” Child Development 67: 3296–3319. Barber, Brian K., and Joseph A. Olsen. 1997. “Socialization in Context: Connection, Regulation, and Autonomy in the Family, School, and Neighborhood, and with Peers.” Journal of Adolescent Research 12: 287–315. Blos, Peter. 1979. The Adolescent Passage: Developmental Issues. New York: International Universities Press. Chen, Zeng-Yin, and Sanford M. Dornbusch. 1998. “Relating Aspects of Adolescent Emotional Autonomy to Academic Achievement and Deviant Behavior.” Journal of Adolescent Research 13: 293–319. Collins, W. Andrew, and Daniel J. Repinski. 1994. “Relationships during Adolescence: Continuity and Change in Interpersonal Perspective.” Pp. 7–36 in Personal Relationships during Adolescence. Edited by Raymond Montemayor, Gerald R. Adams, and Thomas P. Gullotta. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Eccles, Jacquelynne S., Diane Early, Kari Frasier, Elaine Belansky, and Karen McCarthy. 1997. “The Relation of Connection, Regulation, and Support for Autonomy to Adolescents’ Functioning.” Journal of Adolescent Research 12: 263–286.

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Freud, Anna. 1958. “Adolescence.” Psychoanalytic Study of the Child 13: 255–278. Fuligni, Andrew J., and Jacquelynne S. Eccles. 1993. “Perceived Parent/Child Relationships and Early Adolescents’ Orientation toward Peers.” Developmental Psychology 29: 622–632. Gilligan, Carol. 1982. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gray, Marjory R., and Laurence Steinberg. 1999. “Unpacking Authoritative Parenting: Reassessing a Multidimensional Construct.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 61: 574–587. Harter, Susan. 1999. The Construction of the Self: A Developmental Perspective. New York: Guilford Press. Hill, John P., and G. N. Holmbeck. 1986. “Attachment and Autonomy during Adolescence.” Annals of Child Development 3: 145–189. Ryan, Richard M., and John H. Lynch. 1989. “Emotional Autonomy versus Detachment: Revisiting the Vicissitudes of Adolescence and Young Adulthood.” Child Development 60: 340–356. Savin-Williams, Ritch C., and Thomas J. Berndt. 1990. “Friendships and Peer Relations during Adolescence.” Pp. 277–307 in At the Threshold: The Developing Adolescent. Edited by Shirley S. Feldman and Glen R. Elliott. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Steinberg, Laurence. 1999. Adolescence, 5th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Steinberg, Laurence, and Susan Silverberg. 1986. “The Vicissitudes of Autonomy in Early Adolescence.” Child Development 57: 841–851.

B Body Build

morph was believed to be athletic and assertive, and the ectomorph was described as serious and introverted. This classification system was discarded, however, when research failed to turn up evidence in support of the relationship between body build and personality. In reality, people experience certain reactions to body build when they encounter adolescents who look a certain way. For instance, teenagers who have not entered puberty by age sixteen generally look much younger than their chronological age. Of course, most teens do not want to seem younger than they are, because people may treat them accordingly—a real disadvantage when they want to participate in an activity that is appropriate for their chronological age but inappropriate for someone younger. For example, a sixteen-year-old teenager who looks like a twelve-year-old and is working as a salesperson may be repeatedly questioned by customers about his or her age and ability to help them with a purchase, thus eventually causing the teen to withdraw from the workforce. Indeed, adults often attribute lack of knowledge or credibility to younger-looking teens. Many younger-looking teens tend to be upset by this treatment and may withdraw from other activities as well. For example, late-maturing teens may choose not to participate in social activities with

Bodies come in all different sizes and shapes. Some people are heavy and others are lean, but the majority are somewhere in the middle. Some people think that certain of their body parts are too big; others think theirs are too small. Some individuals wish they looked older; others think they look too old. In fact, most people are concerned with how they look to themselves and with how others think they look. They may worry that, because they think they look a certain way to themselves, others will think they look that way, too, and will treat them in a way that they do not like. Adolescents are particularly sensitive about their appearance. Psychologist David Elkind (1967) described adolescents as behaving as if there were an imaginary audience watching them all the time. And, indeed, many adolescents spend a lot of time trying to present themselves in as physically appealing a way as possible. With few exceptions, however, adolescents are not able to change their body build in significant ways. In the past, body build was divided into three types: endomorphic (heavy body build), mesomorphic (medium body build), and ectomorphic (thin body build). Each of these types was associated with certain personality traits. For example, the endomorph was thought to have a happy and jovial personality, the meso-

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other teens their age, preferring to socialize with younger children whose body build is more similar to their own. A related finding is that girls who mature sexually early (but still within the normal range) are socially disadvantaged to much the same degree as boys who mature sexually late. Body image is especially significant during adolescence because of the rapid physical changes that accompany puberty and the adjustment that youth must make to these changes. Teens with a body shape that is not consistent with what society deems “acceptable” may experience distress. Overweight teens, very short males, and very tall females are often subjected to teasing and jokes about their appearance. Teens who are short for their age, particularly males, are sometimes treated as inferior and may even suffer from social discrimination as adults. Research has revealed that male adolescents tend to be more satisfied with their bodies than female adolescents; that young adolescent girls favor their facial features whereas males favor their athletic strengths and abilities; and that, by age eighteen, both sexes appear to be happier with their bodies than at any time previously. Most teens outgrow the body build about which they are unhappy. They outgrow it by physically developing into average-appearing young adults. As adolescents they may have suffered from being out of synch with their peers, but they eventually reach a balance point. That is, most late maturers ultimately reach an average build, and early maturers find that their peers have caught up to them. Among those adolescents who remain overweight or short, many mature mentally and emotionally to the point where they are able to accept their body build.

In some instances, special efforts can be taken to change body build. Teens who are overweight can enroll in a group weight-loss program, those with lateonset puberty can get medical treatment to start or speed up physical development, and those with low muscle mass can participate in a body-building program. In addition, breast reduction or augmentation can be used to change a woman’s figure. However, regardless of their body build, most people are able to find other people with whom they can relate and establish a permanent social relationship. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Hair; Body Image; Puberty: Physical Changes References and further reading Blyth, Dale, Roberta G. Simmons, and David F. Zakin. 1985. “Satisfaction with Body Image for Early Adolescent Females: The Impact of Pubertal Timing in Different School Environments.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 14: 207–225. Elkind, David. 1967. “Egocentrism in Adolescence.” Child Development 38: 1025–1034. Fallon, April, and Paul Rozin. 1985. Sex Differences in Perceptions of Desirable Body Shape. Journal of Abnormal Psychology 94: 102–105. Simmons, Roberta, and Dale Blyth. 1987. Moving into Adolescence: The Impact of Pubertal Change and School Context. New York: Aldine.

Body Fat, Changes in Both girls and boys experience changes in their body composition—distribution of fat and muscle—during pubertal development (Graber, Petersen, and BrooksGunn, 1996; Grumbach and Styne, 1998). Pubertal development involves a series of

Body Fat, Changes in hormonal and physical changes resulting in adult reproductive functioning and, ultimately, adult appearance. Increased or redistributed body fat is one of these changes. Lean body mass (i.e., muscle), bone mass, and body fat are about equal in prepubertal boys and girls. However, postpubertal boys have one and a half times the lean body mass and bone mass of postpubertal girls, and postpubertal girls have twice as much body fat as postpubertal boys. These differences in fat distribution are due in part to the fact that males have more and larger muscle cells than females. During puberty, girls generally experience enlarged hips and breasts but little change in waist circumference, resulting in a pear shape that reflects the distribution of fat in the lower body. By the time they finish puberty, girls have gained an average of twenty-four pounds (Warren, 1983). However, these extra pounds account for lean body mass, bone mass, and fat. Interestingly, girls seem to experience increases in fat and weight around the same time they get their first period (menarche). This finding is partly explained by research indicating that a certain amount of body fat is necessary for the onset and maintenance of normal reproductive functioning in females. The fact that adolescent girls have a similar percentage of body fat when they get their periods, regardless of age and prepubertal size, thus appears to be related to the higher proportion of body fat believed to be necessary to provide metabolic support for pregnancy (Frisch, 1983). Normal changes in height and weight at puberty are often experienced positively by boys, probably because Western cultures favor boys who are larger and stronger. By contrast, girls tend to experience these changes negatively—particu-

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larly the increases in weight. Here, too, the reason is likely related to the fact that, for girls, Western cultures value the thin physique of the prepubertal body over the mature body (Attie and BrooksGunn, 1989). Early-maturing girls have an especially difficult time with pubertal weight changes, because they are gaining weight at a time when most girls their age still have a childlike appearance. For this reason, early-maturing girls may experience lower self-esteem, particularly with respect to their body image, than girls who mature on time or later than their peers (Graber, Petersen, and Brooks-Gunn, 1996). Although teenage girls can, and do, adapt to their changing bodies by altering their body image (Steiner-Adair, 1986), they must still cope with their family’s and peers’ responses to their maturing bodies. Along the same lines, girls who engage in activities for which a prepubertal body is valued—such as dancing, modeling, figure skating, or gymnastics—may have an especially challenging time dealing with their increases in body fat. Normal height and weight changes may also be especially stressful for girls and boys who are overweight or obese in their prepubertal years. Given the greater emphasis on looks and appearance during adolescence (especially in the contexts of dating and peer acceptance), normal weight changes among already overweight children may be particularly difficult to deal with. Not surprisingly, increases in body fat occurring during puberty have been associated with the desire to be thinner, which in turn can lead to excessive exercising or to eating problems such as strict dieting or bingeing and purging. For example, longitudinal studies of middleand late-adolescent girls have found a

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connection between higher levels of body mass and the development of eating problems (Attie and Brooks-Gunn, 1989; Graber et al., 1994). Interestingly, these studies included a majority of normalweight (not obese) girls. Another investigation of precursors of eating problems among fifth- and sixth-grade boys and girls found that for fifth-grade girls, greater body mass as well as more advanced levels of pubertal development were predictive of eating problems one year later (Keel, Fulkerson, and Leon, 1997). Andrea Bastiani Archibald Jeanne Brooks-Gunn

Neuroendocrinology, Physiology, and Disorders.” Pp. 1509–1625 in Williams Textbook of Endocrinology. Edited by Jean D. Wilson, Daniel W. Foster, and Henry M. Kronenberg. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Publishing. Keel, Pamela K., Jayne A. Fulkerson, and Gloria R. Leon. 1997. “Disordered Eating Precursors in Pre- and Early Adolescent Girls and Boys.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 26: 203–216. Steiner-Adair, Catherine. 1986. “The Body Politic: Normal Adolescent Development and the Development of Eating Disorders.” Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis 14: 95–114. Warren, Michelle. 1983. “Physical and Biological Aspects of Puberty.” Pp. 3–28 in Girls at Puberty: Biological and Psychosocial Perspectives. Edited by Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Anne C. Petersen. New York: Plenum Press.

See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Build; Body Hair; Body Image; Puberty: Physical Changes

Body Hair

References and further reading Attie, Ilana, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1989. “Development of Eating Problems in Adolescent Girls: A Longitudinal Study.” Developmental Psychology 25: 70–79. Frisch, Rose E. 1983. “Fatness, Puberty, and Fertility: The Effects of Nutrition and Physical Training on Menarche and Ovulation.” Pp. 29–50 in Girls at Puberty: Biological and Psychosocial Perspectives. Edited by Jeanne BrooksGunn and Anne C. Petersen. New York: Plenum Press. Graber, Julia A., Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Roberta L. Paikoff, and Michelle P. Warren. 1994. “Prediction of Eating Problems: An Eight-Year Study of Adolescent Girls.” Developmental Psychology 30: 823–834. Graber, Julia A., Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1996. “Pubertal Processes: Methods, Measures, and Models.” Pp. 23–53 in Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Edited by Graber, Petersen, and Brooks-Gunn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Grumbach, Melvin M., and Dennis M. Styne. 1998. “Puberty: Ontogeny,

All people have hair all over the body. In some areas, like the scalp, most people have many hair follicles. In other areas, such as palms and soles, there are none. In some areas of the body, hair is short, very fine, and almost invisible, while in others it is longer, coarser, and often very prominent. Each hair follicle grows deep down from the base of the skin, and passes through a pore or opening to the outside. Most dermatologists distinguish between the hair on the head and the hair on the rest of the body. This discussion will focus on body hair. Hair has no physiologic function in humans, but serves mainly cosmetic purposes. Therefore, most of the time, people are psychologically rather than medically concerned about the nature of their body hair. Women are usually concerned about excessive hair on parts of their body where most women do not have any visible hair. These parts include the face, chest, around the areolae (the pigmented

Body Hair areas surrounding the breast nipples), up the abdominal wall from the pubic hair area to the umbilicus (belly button), lower back, buttocks, inner thigh, arms and legs, and genitals. Excessive hairiness is commonly called hirsutism. Men are usually concerned about not having enough hair in those areas. Hormones called androgens control hair growth in these areas. Both men and women have androgens, but men have mostly a very strong androgen called testosterone, which is produced by the testes, while women have mostly weaker androgens produced by their adrenal glands (which sit on top of their kidneys). In prepubertal children, androgen production in both boys and girls is very low, and so there is no significant difference in hair between boys and girls. As puberty starts, significant differences in hair growth becomes obvious. Since adolescents go through puberty at different times and at different speeds, observed variation in hair growth, while normal, can seem awkward. Even after puberty starts, there is still no significant difference in hair growth between the sexes in certain areas, such as the pubic region and armpits. But in the other parts of the body (mentioned above) significant sex differences develop as puberty progresses. Both men and women may develop hirsutism, but women are usually more concerned about it than are men. Most people with hirsutism have other family members who are also hirsute. That is, excessive hair just runs in their family, and there is no other known cause for it. However, in some people hirsutism is caused by significant hormonal abnormalities. We can usually identify women with hormonal causes of hirsutism because they almost always undergo changes of other parts of their body—a process

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called virilization. In addition to the excessive growth of hair, these women also show an enlarged clitoris (a small fleshy part of the upper section of their external genitals), deepening of the voice, loss of head hair in the lateral part of the forehead (called temporal recession), and loss of female body contours (hips and breasts lose fat). Abnormal hormone production can originate in the ovaries or adrenal or pituitary glands. Virilization can result from taking certain drugs such as anabolic steroids (which are all testosterone related), some anticonvulsants (phenytoin), some drugs used to treat low blood sugar (diazoxide), and some of the oral contraceptives. Sometimes excessive hair may be associated with a syndrome of obesity, infrequent irregular periods, diabetes, and darkening of the skin around the neck and armpits. It is important to evaluate women with excessive body hair or virilization in order to diagnose any medical condition and to offer treatment to prevent further increased hair growth or virilization. Much of the time no cause for hirsutism is found, and it is then called idiopathic (cause unknown). Regardless of cause, most women want the excessive hair removed. However, social standards regarding body hair, especially for women, vary from culture to culture. For example, in countries such as France, many young women choose to not remove their leg and underarm hair. If an adolescent chooses to remove her body hair there are several possible methods. Hair can be temporarily removed by shaving (which does not cause thicker or greater growth), plucking, waxing, using depilatories, and bleaching (for fine hair). Permanent hair removal is done by electrolysis, which destroys the hair follicle. This is a painful

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process and should be done only by a qualified person. Excessive hair in men is relatively uncommon, and should be diagnosed as in women to identify treatable causes. Inadequate or no body hair growth may be associated with delayed or absent physical pubertal development. Evaluation to find the causes of that condition is essential. Inadequate hair growth in men usually involves scalp hair, but sometimes men are concerned about body hair also. It is most important to remember that there is much variation in body hair growth that falls into the normal range. For example, some adolescent men are not able to grow as thick a beard as others are. Most men with small amounts of body hair do not seek medical advice concerning this condition. Treatment with androgens in otherwise normal men will not increase body hair. Adolescents may be particularly concerned about either excessive or lack of body hair. Appearance is particularly important to adolescents, so differences in appearance from peers often result in some degree of unhappiness. Attention to identifying treatable causes for hirsutism or lack of adequate body hair is essential. Additionally, a teenager may see differences in hair growth from peers as more than just a cosmetic issue. For example, adolescent men sometimes consciously grow out their facial hair (in the form of a beard or a goatee, for example) as a statement of personal style or choice. Others may see facial hair as a symbol of masculinity. Regardless of cause, the removal of excessive hair should be encouraged in those instances where it makes the teenager uncomfortable. Psychological counseling should also be considered

when these issues are of great concern to the adolescent. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Build; Body Image; Puberty: Physical Changes References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories.

Body Image Because adolescence is in part a matter of getting used to drastic physical changes, the way that teens feel about their bodies may also change dramatically at this time. Most teens will go through a period of time when they feel uncomfortable about their bodies or some aspect of their appearance. These negative feelings usually occur while adolescents are undergoing puberty. Indeed, nearly every aspect of an individual’s body will change during the four to five years of pubertal development. At this time, adolescents commonly experience increased feelings of self-consciousness. The combination of physical changes and a more intense focus on the self makes it likely that teens will find fault with their bodies and appearance. In general, girls of this age group tend to have a poorer body image than do boys. However, for most youth, negative feelings about their bodies dissipate after puberty and seem to steadily increase over the adolescent decade (Graber, Petersen, and Brooks-Gunn, 1996). For a subset of youth, poor body image is persistent and may be associated with more serious emotional problems such as depression or eating disorders.

Body Image Boys and girls enter puberty looking like children but end puberty looking more like adults. During puberty, individuals grow at different times and at different rates. Girls usually start this development about one to two years earlier than boys do. In addition, within gender, individuals start puberty at different times. The enormous variation among individuals in their rates of development may heighten the sensitivity to body issues, resulting in periods of dissatisfaction with one’s body. Again, for most youth, these may be brief periods of poor body image. However, once teens adapt to their new appearance, their body image improves. One reason that puberty may be particularly hard on girls is that in Western culture, the ideal shape for a woman is thin. Men, on the other hand, are expected to be tall and muscular. In any case, the physical changes of puberty may bring an adolescent closer to or farther from these ideals. Girls are also more likely than boys to evaluate their bodies in terms of their weight (Drewnowski, Kurth, and Krahn, 1995; Parker et al., 1995). This finding may explain why girls tend to have a poorer body image than boys, especially given that the normal increases in weight that occur during adolescence are in conflict with the idealized female shape. Adolescent girls, even those of normal weight, frequently report wanting to lose weight. In contrast, adolescent boys commonly report that they want to gain weight—as long as it is muscle and not fat (Drewnowski, Kurth, and Krahn, 1995). In addition, girls who mature earlier than other girls have a poorer body image than other girls throughout adolescence; these girls seem to feel particularly out of place or self-conscious about their bodies

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Adolescents may evaluate their bodies in terms of weight and shape. (Shirley Zeiberg)

because they are more developed than other girls, or boys (Graber, Petersen, and Brooks-Gunn, 1996). Notably, earlymaturing girls gain weight while other girls do not, making them even more self-conscious about this otherwise normal weight gain. In contrast, boys who mature earlier than other boys tend to have more positive feelings about their bodies; these boys are taller and are gaining muscle mass at a time when other boys have not grown as much. In short, it is during puberty that early-maturing boys move closer to the cultural ideal. Recent studies that have examined whether body image is similar for teens from different racial and ethnic backgrounds suggest that white girls are more likely than girls of other racial or ethnic backgrounds to evaluate themselves in

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comparison with the thin ideal—primarily because of the predominance of white models and images in the media. Moreover, African American girls have reported in interviews that they are less sensitive than white girls about their weight and tend to look on the positive side when thinking about their bodies. Specifically, they indicated that girls should focus on “making what you’ve got work for you”—an attitude that allowed them to maintain positive feelings about their bodies during adolescence (Parker et al., 1995). In contrast, another study found that Hispanic and Asian girls experienced similar rates of dissatisfaction with their bodies and, in some cases (involving girls who were very thin), had poorer body images than their white counterparts (Robinson et al., 1996). Thus, African American teenage girls appear to be the exception to the rule in terms of their ability to overcome the “thin ideal” in ways that protect their body image. Little is known about the body image of boys of different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Initial studies suggest that African American teenage boys, like their female counterparts, exhibit greater satisfaction with their bodies than do boys from other racial groups (Story et al., 1995). In general, however, white, African American, Hispanic, and Asian boys were very similar to one another in reporting feelings about their bodies that were mostly positive. Episodes of poor body image may be common for adolescents, especially girls, but extended periods of poor body image may be symptomatic of a more serious problem or even lead to unhealthy behavior patterns. When teens become depressed, they frequently feel badly about themselves in several domains, including body image. Thus, a sustained or severe

episode of poor body image may be a sign to others that a particular youth is experiencing a more serious problem. Moreover, when girls compare themselves to the thin ideal and feel badly about not fitting the image, they may engage in unhealthy dieting practices in an effort to come closer to this image. Of course, for most girls, it simply is not possible to attain the ideal. Among girls who cannot accept this truism, a pattern of dieting and potentially eating disorders may be set in motion. Similarly, among boys, especially athletes in high school or college, the pressure to attain the muscular ideal may lead to unhealthy practices such as steroid use (Drewnowski, Kurth, and Krahn, 1995). Fortunately, few teens end up at these extremes. But the fact remains that all too many girls develop bad eating habits because of body and weight concerns. Julia A. Graber Jeanne Brooks-Gunn

See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Hair; Puberty: Physical Changes; SelfConsciousness References and further reading Drewnowski, Adam, Candace L. Kurth, and Dean D. Krahn. 1995. “Effects of Body Image on Dieting, Exercise, and Anabolic Steroid Use in Adolescent Males.” International Journal of Eating Disorders 17: 381–386. Graber, Julia A., Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1996. “Pubertal Processes: Methods, Measures, and Models.” Pp. 23–53 in Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Edited by Julia A. Graber, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Parker, Sheila, Mimi Nichter, Mark Nichter, Nancy Vuckovic, Colette Sims, and Cheryl Ritenbaugh. 1995. “Body Image and Weight Concerns

Bullying among African American and White Adolescent Females: Differences That Make a Difference.” Human Organization 54: 103–114. Robinson, Thomas N., Joel D. Killen, Iris F. Litt, Lawrence D. Hammer, Darrell M. Wilson, K. Farish Haydel, Chris Hayward, and C. Barr Taylor. 1996. “Ethnicity and Body Dissatisfaction: Are Hispanic and Asian Girls at Increased Risk for Eating Disorders?” Journal of Adolescent Health 19: 384–393. Story, Mary, Simone A. French, Michael D. Resnick, and Robert W. Blum. 1995. “Ethnic/Racial and Socioeconomic Differences in Dieting Behaviors and Body Image Perceptions in Adolescents.” International Journal of Eating Disorders 18: 173–179.

Bullying Bullying is a specific form of aggressive behavior, characterized by three important criteria: 1. It involves one or more peers (other children or youth) doing intentional harm to one or more other individuals; 2. It is carried out repeatedly and over time against its victims, often without clear signs of provocation; 3. It involves an imbalance or abuse of power, such that the victim is relatively defenseless against the perpetrator(s), due to being either physically weaker, mentally weaker, or outnumbered (in the case of several students ganging up on a victim). Bullying can include violence (in the case of causing serious physical harm to the victim), but it can also occur without physical violence, by causing damage over time to the victim through words, gestures, or exclusion from the group.

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Bullying at school has become a serious public health concern. International estimates suggest that 5 to 10 percent of elementary or primary school students are involved in bullying incidents at least weekly. Although rates of physical bullying decline somewhat after the transition to secondary school (middle school and high school), rates of verbal attacks on peers remain more stable, and, in fact, physical bullying gets replaced by an increased use of words as the vehicle of harm as children move through adolescence. Boys appear to be at greater risk for involvement in bully/victim problems at school; they tend to be both the initiators and the recipients of physical aggression more often than are girls. However, girls are more likely to be involved in indirect or “relational” aggression, involving harming relationships via social alienation or exclusion, ridiculing, and teasing. What makes a child become a bully? Several factors have been identified as contributing to aggressive behavior in children. First, parents who lack emotional warmth, are underinvolved in supervising or monitoring their children, or are inconsistent or overly permissive in their discipline increase the risk that their children will become aggressive and hostile toward others. In addition, heavy reliance by caregivers on power assertion to control children’s behavior, through the use of harsh physical punishment or violent emotional outbursts, has been shown to contribute to children’s reliance on such methods when attempting to dominate or control their peers. Finally, evidence exists for some biological or temperamental contribution to aggressive behavior in children: Children with more difficult temperaments, who are for example overreactive

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and easily frustrated, as well as impulsive (apt to act before thinking), are more likely to be involved in bullying. Bullying behavior is difficult for schools to combat, since teachers and administrators usually do not directly witness bullying incidents. Bullying is most likely to take place in areas of the school where adult involvement and supervision of students is lacking, such as on school playgrounds, in rest rooms, and in hallways. Even if students are not directly involved in bullying, they contribute in some way to their school’s climate of safety. All students play a part in making other students feel safe or unsafe at school, to the extent that they assume the role of either assisting the bully, reinforcing the bully, defending the victim, or remaining on the outside and refusing to get involved. Recognition of the roles that students, as well as their teachers, principals, and parents, are playing in fostering a safe, supportive climate for all students is critical to reducing bullying problems at school. Laura Hess Olson

See also Aggression; Conduct Problems; Conflict Resolution; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Risk Behaviors References and further reading Crick, Nicki R. 1996. “The Role of Overt Aggression, Relational Aggression, and Prosocial Behavior in the Prediction of Children’s Future Social Adjustment.” Child Development 67: 2317–2327. Loeber, Rolf, and Magda StouthamerLoeber. 1998. “Development of Juvenile Aggression and Violence: Some Common Misconceptions and Controversies.” American Psychologist 53: 242–259. Olweus, Dan. 1993. Bullying at School: What We Know and What We Can Do. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Salmivalli, Christine, Karl M. Lagerspetz, Kaj Björkqvist, Karin Österman, and Anna Kaukiainen. 1996. “Bullying as a Group Process: Participant Roles and Their Relations to Social Status within the Group.” Aggressive Behavior 22: 1–15. Smith, Peter K., Yohji Morita, Josine Junger-Tas, Dan Olweus, Richard F. Catalano, and Phillip Slee. 1999. The Nature of School Bullying: A CrossNational Perspective. London: Routledge.

Bumps in the Road to Adulthood In 1938, Ruth Benedict coined the term discontinuities to refer to differences in expected childhood and adulthood roles and behaviors. During adolescence, teenagers must change the ways in which they behave in the transition from immature childhood to mature adulthood. These changes may be difficult, resulting in a stressful adolescence. The greater the number of discontinuities confronting the teenager, the more difficult the adolescent transition will be. Because such discontinuities tend to be greater in industrialized societies, this transition is more difficult in the United States than in more primitive cultures. And it has become increasingly more difficult as the number of discontinuities has risen. Following are some of the many examples of discontinuities between childhood and adulthood: • Expecting adults but not children to be self-supporting • Teaching children to be dependent on adults, but expecting adults to be independent • Refusing to officially condone sexual activity until after people are married

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• Prohibiting the legal right to drive, work part-time, vote, or drink alcohol until certain ages have been reached These differences in the expectations of behavior between children and adults create “bumps” during the transitions the adolescent makes from childhood forms of behavior to expected adulthood forms, particularly if the transitions are made abruptly rather than gradually. Adolescents must learn independent behavior, yet they remain dependent upon parents for food, clothing, and shelter. Faced with an increased sex drive and pressured by peers to engage in sex, they must make decisions regarding sexual behavior that may lead to anxiety and guilt. And peer pressure to drink can lead some adolescents to abuse alcohol at a very young age. These and other changes between childhood and adulthood can cause emotional stress and strain that make adolescence extremely difficult for some and a guilt-ridden time for others. The greater the number of “bumps” that the culture places along the road to adulthood, the more difficult a time the adolescent will have in learning how to behave like an adult. The many changes between childhood and adulthood roles the adolescent must make in the United States result in more difficult and lengthy transitions here than in other places, where more continuities exist in the form of similarities between childhood and adulthood roles. Because the necessary transitions take place over a period of six to eight years, most American adolescents are able to face one or two at a time, deal with them, and move on. However, in part because so many transitions need to be made in

During adolescence, teenagers must change the ways in which they behave from childlike to adultlike. (Skjold Photographs)

this culture, adolescence continues further into the life span than it does in less complex cultures. Jerome B. Dusek See also Services for Adolescents; Transition to Young Adulthood; Transitions of Adolescence References and further reading Benedict, Ruth. 1938. “Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Conditioning.” Psychiatry 1: 161–167. Coleman, John C. 1978. “Current Contradictions in Adolescent Theory.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 7: 1–11. Dusek, Jerome B. 1996. Adolescent Development and Behavior. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

C Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence

row, which is the organ in the body responsible for manufacturing blood cells. There are several subtypes of leukemia, diagnosed according to how quickly the disease develops and what type of blood cell is affected. The most common type of leukemia is acute lymphocytic leukemia (ALL), which primarily affects children under the age of five and adults over the age of sixty-five. Leukemia cells impair blood cells from doing what they normally do. Since blood cells are responsible for helping the body fight infection and maintain energy, people with leukemia often have great difficulty fighting infections, frequently experience fevers, and are fatigued much of the time. Malignant brain tumors (tumors consisting of cancerous cells) are the most common solid-mass tumors found in children under the age of fifteen and, overall, the second most common childhood cancer. Survival rates vary according to type and location of tumor in the brain. Lymphomas are the third most common form of childhood cancer. The two types of lymphomas include Hodgkin’s lymphoma, which involves the lymph nodes, and non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, which involves the abdominal, head, and neck areas. Although Hodgkin’s lymphoma accounts for fewer than 1 percent of all cases of cancer in this country, it is the type of cancer most often seen in

Cancer is a process in which abnormal cells are produced in the body. These abnormal cells reproduce other abnormal cells in a quick and uncontrollable manner. If cancer is left unchecked, it may invade surrounding tissues and organs. In the United States approximately 10,000 children and adolescents are diagnosed with cancer each year. Of those, approximately two-thirds will survive. As of the year 2000, one in a thousand adults aged twenty to twenty-nine were predicted to be a survivor of childhood cancer (Rowland, 1998). This is quite remarkable, considering that three decades ago children or adolescents diagnosed with cancer were not expected to live for more than a matter of days or months. Today, however, many cancers are being cured, even in the most advanced stages—especially in children and adolescents. Cancer cure rates are much higher among children and adolescents than among adults for several reasons, including the fact that young people have bodies that are still growing, making it easier to recover from illness or injury. There are a hundred different types of cancer, which include brain tumors, lymphomas, sarcomas, and various forms of leukemia. Leukemia, the most common childhood cancer, affects the bone mar-

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young people between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four and over the age of fiftyfive. Hodgkin’s is one of the most curable cancers, with five-year survival rates approaching 90 percent (Rowland, 1998). Other types of cancer include neuroblastoma, which affects sympathetic nervous system tissue, and various forms of sarcoma (cancerous tumors), which involve bone cells (osteosarcoma) or connective muscular tissue (rhabdomyosarcoma). Sarcomas are generally rare, occurring primarily in adolescents under the age of twenty. There are other rare forms of cancer—including prostate, ovarian, lung, and skin cancer—but these are more commonly found in adults than in children or adolescents. The causes of cancer among adolescents are still not completely understood. In a few cases, cancer can be linked to genetic or environmental factors, but more often there is no apparent reason as to why some adolescents develop cancer and others do not. It is important to understand that cancer is not something that can be transmitted from one person to another through the air or human contact, as with a cold or flu. Rather, cancer usually results from a complex interaction of environmental and genetic factors. Treatment for adolescent cancer patients usually consists of chemotherapy and radiation. Depending on the type of cancer, treatment can last between a few months and a few years. Chemotherapy, sometimes called “chemo” for short, is the name given to medicines that kill cells that divide quickly, as cancer cells do. However, chemotherapy also kills other quickly dividing cells, like those found in hair, skin, and bone marrow as well as in the mouth and digestive system. This is why cancer patients often lose their hair, have sores in their

mouths, and experience fatigue and extreme nausea. Fortunately, there are medications available to dissipate some of these side effects. But one side effect— the loss of hair—can be particularly traumatic for adolescents. In many cases, chemotherapy can be given on an outpatient basis, such that the adolescent needs to spend only a few hours during the day in the hospital. Depending on the type of cancer involved and how well the patient tolerates the chemotherapy, some adolescent cancer patients can attend school throughout treatment, missing only the day on which they go to the hospital to receive chemotherapy, whereas others need to spend several days in the hospital. Typically, the effects of chemo are worse a few hours or days after treatment is given, at a time when the adolescent is home. So, even if the chemotherapy is being received on an outpatient basis, the adolescent may still not feel well enough to go to school or maintain contact with peers when they are at home. Most adolescents report that the worst part about having cancer is feeling like they are “missing out” on things that are happening at school and among their friends. Email has helped many adolescents stay in touch with their friends, even when they are feeling unwell; but support from family, as well as from friends and teachers, is absolutely essential during this time. Often, cancer patients undergo chemotherapy in combination with radiation, which involves using X rays to cause cell destruction. Radiation treatment is often very intensive, occurring two to three times a day for several weeks. It has many side effects, including extreme skin irritation, nausea, and fatigue. For solid-mass tumors, surgery is used to remove the cancerous cells—if they

Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence are easily removable. This procedure is usually combined with chemotherapy and/or radiation. A bone-marrow transplant is sometimes recommended, depending on the type and stage of cancer. As noted earlier, most treatment can be delivered on an outpatient basis, with only limited hospital stays required. However, adolescents who must undergo a bone-marrow transplant will face extended hospitalization, isolation, and convalescence. Isolated from the “outside world,” these adolescents are greatly helped by e-mail, which allows them to keep in touch with their friends and family. Such connectedness is very important as it provides support to the patients, especially those required to stay in the hospital for an extended period of time. Adolescents cope with diagnosis and treatment in a variety of ways, depending on personality characteristics, coping strategies, and support from family and peers. For some adolescents, the waiting time before they hear the official diagnosis may take a few hours, or a few days, and this can be difficult. Often the coping response is anger—“Why me?” Among adolescents who do not understand the illness, treatment, or cure rates, there may be some aggravated fear. In such cases, the result may be a struggle for power and answers between the adolescent and the family or medical staff. Ultimately, the diagnosis of cancer upsets the idea of invulnerability that many adolescents have—an experience that may be devastating at first. The diagnosis of cancer is usually followed by denial and a desire either to hear nothing about the disease or to be thoroughly informed about it, depending on the adolescent’s coping style. Adolescents usually have more say in the treatment plan than children do, and they can

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choose how much and what types of information they wish to receive and in what decisions they wish to be included. Comprehension of the illness, the medications, and the treatment plan is essential to some adolescents, often influencing how they adjust to the diagnosis and treatment. But, as noted, every adolescent is different and should be included only as much as he or she wishes. Often, a pattern of denial emerges between treatments, and maladaptive behaviors surface during hospitalizations and/or relapses. Whereas some adolescents maintain adaptive coping strategies and a positive attitude, others may become overly dependent on their parents, experience excessive anxiety, engage in high-risk behaviors, or refuse to comply with the medical treatment. Cancer can affect teens in a number of different ways, because the unique developmental tasks of adolescence coincide with the medical complications and challenges of diagnosis and treatment. For example, it is during adolescence that peer approval, as well as body image and the concept of the “beautiful body,” become increasingly important. Chemotherapyrelated changes in body image and in the body itself—hair loss, weight gain or loss, or disfigurement from surgery—may affect not only how adolescents feel about themselves but also how their peers interact with them. Peers may have little knowledge of the disease or not know what to say to the patients, thus further isolating them from “normal” peer interactions. Or the patients may remove themselves from activities because of a distorted self-image or self-consciousness. In short, at an age when peer relationships are becoming increasingly important, cancer may limit adolescents’ participation in peer-related activities, making it difficult

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for them to establish close peer relationships. In addition, because of the time the adolescents need to spend getting treatment or staying home because of the physical side effects of the treatment and disease, they may have a difficult time reentering school and feeling connected to their teachers and peers. It is also during adolescence that emotional and economical independence from parents becomes increasingly important. This is a time when adolescents typically get their first jobs so they can spend their own money and begin to desire more privacy from their parents. Cancer can perpetuate adolescents’ dependence on their parents, as they must be driven to and from the hospital for treatment, do not feel well enough to take care of themselves, and lack the energy and time to get a job. In addition, adolescents with cancer are constantly being subjected to medical procedures both inside and outside the hospital. Along with the demands of treatment (blood being drawn, urine and stool samples being required frequently, and the parents constantly checking in on the adolescents when they are home) comes a marked loss of privacy. Negotiating privacy and independence in the middle of treatment for cancer is complicated and difficult, yet very important, as the adolescents need to feel some sense of control in this very out-of-control environment. Furthermore, adolescence is a period marked by increased curiosity and expressiveness about sexuality. This issue can be especially difficult for adolescents with cancer who have limited privacy and have been removed from their peers because of frequent clinic visits, nausea, or their peers’ misunderstanding. Indeed, it may affect an adolescent’s already poor body image.

Finally, the diagnosis of cancer during adolescence may influence career planning and life goals. A realistic selfassessment is difficult because the patients are unable to predict how the chemotherapy is going to affect them later on or even whether they are going to survive beyond five years. Therefore, doctors may send mixed messages and clouded answers about the future. Adolescents with cancer are faced with the same developmental challenges as other adolescents, but these challenges are often considerably more complicated. However, although cancer may affect their body image, self-esteem, socialization, independence, sexuality, and career planning, most adolescents with this diagnosis fare quite well. Although the initial diagnosis can be quite alarming, most adolescents continue to find meaning in their disease; they feel they will never be the same again, and at times feel quite disconnected from their peers, most have the capacity to use this challenge to find an even greater meaning in their life. Many organizations offer free printed materials about treatment and living with cancer. They are available by calling (1) the National Cancer Institute, also known as the Cancer Information Service, at 1-800-4-CANCER (1-800-4226237); (2) the American Cancer Society at 1-800-ACS-2345 (1-800-227-2345); (3) the Candlelighters Childhood Cancer Foundation (CCCF) at 1-800-366-CCCF (1800-366-2223); or (4) the Leukemia Society of America (LSA) at 1-800-955-4LSA (1-800-955-4572). Catherine E. Barton

See also Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence; Cigarette Smoking; Health Promotion;

Career Development Health Services for Adolescents; Nutrition References and further reading Lampkin, B. C. 1993. “Introduction and Executive Summary.” Cancer 71: 3199–3201. Meadows, A. T., and W. L. Hovvie. 1986. “The Medical Consequences of Cure.” Cancer, 58:524–528. Rowland, Julia H. 1998. “Developmental Stage and Adaptation: Child and Adolescent Model.” Pp. 519–543 in Handbook of Psychooncology: Psychological Care of the Patient with Cancer. Edited by Jimmie C. Holland and Julia H. Rowland. New York: Oxford University Press. Varni, James W., Ronald L. Blount, and Daniel L. L. Quiggins. 1998. “Oncological Disorders.” Pp. 313–346 in Handbook of Pediatric Psychology and Psychiatry, Vol. 11: Disease, Injury, and Illness. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Career Development Broadly defined, career development represents the process one goes through in order to “make a life.” Couched within this perspective is the concept of “making a living.” This conceptualization is important from the standpoint that throughout life, people are in constant pursuit of developing, establishing, or redefining who they are as individuals. The role of work and the ability to make a living play a critical role in how one defines oneself. While this process begins early in the life course, the true foundation is laid during the period of adolescence when one begins to seriously consider the possibility of one’s future. These considerations, as well as the personal, social, and academic experiences one has during this time, in many ways determine the quality of an individual’s initial pathway into adulthood roles. Such pathways play a significant role in how one makes a life.

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Classic researchers such as Donald Super see the role of exploration as an opportunity for teenagers to explore the notion of self and their environment. From a developmental perspective, the exploration process one goes through is very similar to the crisis period Erik Erikson describes in identity development. From Super’s perspective, failure to effectively explore oneself in various contexts (e.g., school and early work settings) often leads to poor and uninformed choices concerning jobs and careers. It is this exploratory behavior that lays the foundation for what is known as vocational maturity, which allows adolescents the opportunity to make informed decisions about how to pursue their occupational futures. The degree of one’s career maturity is useful not only in helping one commit to a career choice but also in serving as a buffer for individuals experiencing vocational stress associated with the establishment, maintenance, loss, and decline stages of career development. This ability to cope with the ever-changing landscape of the cycle of work grows out of an expanded knowledge of self and the world of work. Microsystem Influences— Family and Work Experience Using a developmental, ecological perspective, the microsystem is viewed as those social agents that come in direct contact and impact the adolescent. As components of the microsystem, the family and the adolescent workplace have critical functions in young people’s ability to identify patterns, roles, activities, and interpersonal relationships necessary to effectively transition into adulthood. Family. The family literature concentrates on how birth order, early parent-

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child interaction, identification with parents, perception of parental expectations, and amount of contact with parents influence career development. The bulk of the family literature centers on the interaction of socioeconomic status (SES) and gender on parents’ and adolescents’ motivation, aspirations, and overall development at various points in the life course. Recent studies concerning the impact of social context on adolescent career development have shifted toward examining how enhancing the relational components (e.g., family) impacts one’s identity. Through this perspective, adolescents have a means of developing and maintaining their connection to the world while at the same time learning about themselves via supported family relationships. Rainer Silbereisen, Fred Vondracek, and Lucianne Berg (1997) reported that higher levels of parental support behavior during childhood is associated with young people making earlier vocational choices, as well as showing an advanced level of identity exploration and commitment. Baerbel Kracke (1997) further supported Silbereisen et al. in explaining how parent interaction and communication styles at different points during development impact career exploration in young people. Borrowing from attachment theory, Kracke felt that parents who provide safe and secure relationships in the family promote curiosity and early exploratory activity in children. Diana Baumrind (1989) also pointed out that through such a supportive environment, parents exhibit two important behaviors that are critical for shaping young peoples’ career exploration behavior: (1) an awareness of children’s needs and (2) expectations that their children act in a mature and responsible manner. As children move into adolescence,

this authoritative parenting style begins to change from parent-child to partnerlike. Kracke explained that parents who are willing to openly communicate their feelings about their adolescents’ development or who promote independent thinking will continue to promote active career exploration in their children. Through this home environment, parents are providing important meaning-making opportunities that have long-term effects on how young people view themselves and their potential contribution to society via work. Other evidence shows that through family support, transitioning youth are able to maintain their connection to the work world and are less likely to suffer the longterm psychological and emotional effects associated with unemployment. Additionally, John Schulenberg, Fred Vondracek, and Ann Crouter (1984) pointed to other limitations in the family effect and career development literature; that limitations need to be considered when using an ecological perspective. First, many of the trends that push the family effect and career development literature lack a developmental focus. Second, much of this literature fails to look at the family as a functioning whole. This shortcoming highlights the importance of looking at career development from an ecological perspective. Schulenberg et al. noted that the research rarely looks at the “salient issues of the family as being interdependent in their occurrence and influence.” As a result, the literature tends to diminish the full impact of how families affect adolescent career development. Third, little attempt seems to be made in considering how the individual’s vocational development and family context changes over time. Life events such as family relocation, loss of parental employment and benefits, or

Career Development family experiences with inconsistent employment opportunities have profound impacts on how young people view the opportunity structure and how the family provides and prepares the young person to transition into adulthood roles. Workplace. Much of the adolescent workplace literature focus has been devoted to examining how the number of work experiences impact educational outcomes, personality development, problem behavior, and future earnings. This literature has produced confusing results at best. Some researchers who espouse the positive effects of adolescent employment show supportive evidence that work experience provides self-discipline, improved school achievement, and higher levels of future employment status and earnings. Others believe too many hours spent working may lead to higher levels of school misconduct, low achievement, tobacco and drug use, and diminished time spent with family, homework, and extracurricular school activities. Using a developmental perspective, Ellen Greenberger and Laurence Steinberg (1986) determined that because young people potentially spend so much time working, they miss out on their moratorium period to explore alternative identities. It is important to note that much of the research connecting the negative impact of work with student achievement primarily correlates the number of hours worked with academic performance. As students work more hours, they consistently do poorly in school. This has been a major contribution to practitioners in terms of developing and monitoring thresholds to maximize student achievement. Jeylan Mortimer and Marcia Johnson (1997) reported promising evidence revealing that adolescents who are successful at balancing school and

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working under twenty hours per week are more likely to pursue postsecondary training than either students who work longer hours or students who do not work at all during high school. Researchers concerned about adolescent workforce experiences have also successfully linked the various types of experiences young people are exposed to in both the classroom and the workplace. Steven Hamilton and Wolfgang Lempert (1996) believed that early supported work experiences and apprenticeship programs like the ones found in Germany, which rely heavily on work-based learning, are successful at teaching basic work soft skills (e.g., work etiquette) that can be transferred from one work situation to another. James Stone and Jeylan Mortimer (1998) further pointed out that young people experiencing work for the first time learn valuable general behavior that is useful regardless of the nature of the job. Many of these work experiences provide young people a real-world vehicle to connect and apply many desired school behaviors within an interdisciplinary work context. Early work experiences teach young people the importance of following directions and working with various groups (e.g., managers, coworkers, and customers). In addition, adolescents learn how to plan for, prepare, and engage the labor market as well as access and organize necessary information for employment. All of these are essential skills that must be mastered for effective transitioning into the world of work. These experiences can then serve as the foundation for subsequent upward mobility. Unfortunately, career development researchers have given limited attention to the manner in which work experiences impact adolescent career development. Part of the reason why the literature has

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not focused on this component might be related to the assumption by researchers that family and schools serve as the primary socializers during adolescent development. However, a small number of researchers believe workplace experiences offer significant meaning-making opportunities for young people transitioning into adulthood roles. Despite the limited research focus, the need to understand how workplace experiences assist young people in understanding the work world and make appropriate decisions is critical. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), Michael Pergamit (1995) estimated that nearly 64 percent of high school juniors and 73 percent of high school seniors work for pay outside of the home. Similarly, Wendy Manning (1990) reported that 70 percent of adolescents between sixteen and eighteen years of age were employed, while Jerald Bachman and John Schulenberg (1993) showed that 75 percent of male and 73 percent of female young people held some type of work experience. These numbers further support the developmental perspective that work plays an important role in the lives of many young people. Christopher Ashford See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Apprenticeships; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; School, Functions of; Vocational Development; Work in Adolescence References and further reading Ainsworth, Mary. 1989. “Attachments beyond Infancy.” American Psychologist 44: 709–716. Bachman, Jerald G., and John Schulenberg. 1993. “How Part-Time Work Intensity Relates to Drug Use, Problem Behavior, Time Use, and Satisfaction among High School Seniors: Are These

Consequences, or Merely Correlates?” Developmental Psychology 29 (2): 220–236. Baumrind, Diana. 1989. “Rearing Competent Children.” In Child Development Today and Tomorrow, edited by William Damon. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Erikson, Erik H. 1968. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. Greenberger, Ellen, and Laurence D. Steinberg. 1986. When Teenagers Work: The Psychological and Social Costs of Adolescent Employment. New York: Basic Books. Hamilton, Steven F., and Wolfgang Lempert. 1996. “The Impact of Apprenticeship on Youth: A Prospective Analysis.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 6: 427–455. Kracke, Baerbel. 1997. “Parental Behaviors and Adolescents’ Career Exploration.” The Career Development Quarterly 45, no. 4: 341–350. Manning, Wendy D. 1990. “Parenting Employed Teenagers.” Youth and Society 22: 184–200. Marsh, Herbert W. 1991. “Employment during High School: Character Building or a Subversion of Academic Goals?” Sociology of Education 64: 172–189. Mortimer, Jeylan T., and Marcia K. Johnson. 1997. “Adolescent Part-Time Work and Post-Secondary Transition Pathways: A Longitudinal Study of Youth in St. Paul, Minnesota.” Paper presented at New Passages, Toronto, Canada. Pergamit, Michael R. 1995. “Assessing School to Work Transitions in the United States. Discussion Paper” (NLS 96–32). Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Schulenberg, John, Fred W. Vondracek, and Ann Crouter. 1984. “The Influence of the Family on Vocational Development.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 46: 129–143. Silbereisen, Rainer K., Fred W. Vondracek, and Lucianne A. Berg. 1997. “Differential Timing of Initial Vocational Choice: The Influence of Early Childhood Family Relocation and Parental Support Behaviors in Two Cultures.” Journal of Vocational Behavior 50: 41–59. Steinberg, Laurence, and Sanford Dornbusch. 1991. “Negative Correlates

Cheating, Academic of Part-Time Employment during Adolescence: Replication and Elaboration.” Developmental Psychology 27: 304–313. Stone, James R., and Jeylan T. Mortimer. 1998. “The Effects of Adolescent Employment on Vocational Development: Public and Educational Policy Implications.” Journal of Vocational Behavior 53: 184–214. Super, Donald E. 1964. “A Developmental Approach to Vocational Guidance: Recent Theory and Results.” Vocational Guidance Quarterly 13: 1–10. ———. 1990. “A Life-Span Life-Space Approach to Career Development.” Pp. 197–261 in Career Choice and Development, 2nd ed. Edited by D. Brown and L. Brooks. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Cheating, Academic Research over the last thirty years has shown that academic cheating appears to be normative, rather than deviant, behavior among adolescents. Different studies have found that as many as 80 percent of students surveyed admit to cheating on a fairly regular basis. Student handbooks usually outline the criteria of and penalty for various forms of academic dishonesty. When cheating occurs in the context of essays and term papers, it is called plagiarism. But cheating can also take place on in-class tests, open-book tests, and take-home tests. In most schools, the following behavior is generally considered cheating on in-class tests: communicating information in any form with another test taker (i.e., giving or receiving information, verbally or nonverbally); obtaining a copy of the test prior to the official test day and time; obtaining information about the questions and/or answers of a test prior to official test day and time (e.g., when students in different sections of the same course exchange information

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between class periods); and obtaining answers to test questions from sources not approved by the teacher, whether written or electronic (e.g., consulting one’s notes, crib sheets, preprogrammed watches, or calculators). Cheating on open-book tests includes all of the above plus using or submitting answers written out ahead of time. Cheating on takehome tests includes obtaining information from sources not approved by the teacher (e.g., consulting Internet sites or other students). There are a variety of reasons why students cheat: They lack good study skills; the work is too difficult; the pressure to achieve is too great; they’ve opted for the easy way out; consequences are loosely or inconsistently enforced. Although research over the years has shown a steady increase in the prevalence of cheating behavior (or at least students’ willingness to admit to it), two specific reasons for cheating consistently appear in the list of top five reasons: (1) fear of failure and (2) pressure to achieve. In addition, cheating tends to occur more often in private and independent schools than in public schools, and among highachieving students than among middleto low-achieving students. Academic competitiveness in private and independent schools can be so sharp that the consequences of failure, or even moderately poor performance, appear graver than the consequences of cheating. This is especially true in schools where teachers are reluctant to report cheating in order to avoid confrontation with students, parents, or administrators; where cheating is not taken seriously and the penalty is loosely or inconsistently enforced; or where classroom and school environments are overly familiar and trusting, as when a teacher grades papers

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or momentarily steps out of the room while students are taking a test. Among high-achieving students, the pressure to perform can come from both home and school. In 1993, Who’s Who among American High School Students conducted one of the largest polls ever in this area of research. All of the students surveyed had “A” and “B” averages, and 98 percent planned on attending college. An amazing 80 percent of the respondents admitted committing some form of academic dishonesty on more than a few occasions. Part of the pressure that highachieving students experience is due to increased competitiveness in obtaining acceptance to select colleges. Indeed, although the number of high school students has remained relatively stable over the past decade, the number of applicants to college has risen 50 percent. Schools have taken various steps to curtail cheating associated with this climate of academic competitiveness. Some, for example, have eliminated honor rolls; others have stopped distributing year-end awards; still others have started requiring teachers to provide narrative comments along with letter grades on report cards or have de-emphasized class rank (e.g., through student selection of valedictorians based on qualities other than grades). One of the most effective methods for reducing cheating, however, has been to institute an honor code at both the classroom and schoolwide levels. This method is especially successful when student representatives are permitted to participate in the review process. Indeed, integrity is maintained more consistently when peers keep one another accountable for their behavior and for the consequences that follow. As noted, plagiarism is another form of cheating. Plagiarism refers to the presen-

tation of another person’s ideas or work (written or otherwise) in an attempt to pass it off as one’s own. The most obvious and irrefutable form of plagiarism is a paper produced by a student who has copied, word for word, from a research source without including any or sufficient documentation. It is fairly simple to teach students that this method of writing is to be avoided at all costs. Much more difficult is the task of teaching students how to read, digest, synthesize, and cite appropriately. As many adolescents find this a complex cognitive process, many schools do not permit the assignment of research or term papers before the junior year. Instead, they place greater emphasis on teaching students the skills and processes involved in good writing. Under most test conditions, students know when they are cheating, doing so consciously and deliberately. But plagiarism presents quite a different situation, as students often do not know they are plagiarizing. They misunderstand the rules of proper referencing, have weak writing skills, are poorly trained in the writing process, or rely upon inappropriate reference guides. For example, many students do not realize that paraphrasing requires acknowledgment of the source or that rearranging words does not make an idea one’s own. In these instances, teachers should take special care to determine whether plagiarism is due to poor skills or training as opposed to willful misrepresentation. Both students and teachers have offered the following recommendations to help maintain academic honesty and integrity: Test questions should accurately reflect the level of difficulty and time spent on material during class; teachers should supervise tests closely (e.g., by standing or walking around the

Chicana/o Adolescents classroom rather than sitting at the desk or focusing on other work); teachers should use different, but equivalent, makeup tests for different students; students and teachers should make an effort to communicate effectively when material is difficult (i.e., students should ask the teacher or other students for help, and teachers should review the material more slowly or more frequently); students’ and teachers’ expectations and objectives for the course as a whole, as well as for individual units, should be clearly articulated; and teachers should remain sensitive to students’ requirements in other classes (e.g., by not giving a unit test in math on the same day a major science project is due). Both the increase in cheating behavior among students and the difficulty of curtailing it are due largely to the more “sophisticated” methods of cheating now available. Technological advances have made it easier for students to cheat and more difficult for teachers to catch them in the act, especially since today’s students tend to be more technologically savvy than many adults. For example, calculators and watches can be preprogrammed with math and science formulas, and the Internet provides an endless stream of Web sites for downloading everything from expository essays to research papers. Accordingly, ongoing professional development must include education on the use and misuse of technology in the classroom. Students must see that teachers are as knowledgeable about computers as they are about their subject matter. The efficiency and ease that technology has introduced to the age-old problem of cheating also warrant stronger emphasis on character and the personal loss that comes with achievement through decep-

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tion. Cheating diminishes the pride that comes with achievement and doing one’s own work; it threatens the trust between students and their teachers and among the students themselves; it presents an unfair advantage to some students over others; and, finally, it is a form of stealing. Indeed, stealing someone else’s work and ideas is as much a violation as stealing someone else’s property. Imma De Stefanis See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Conduct Problems; Moral Development References and further reading Evans, Ellis D., and Delores Craig. 1991. “Teacher and Student Perceptions of Academic Cheating in Middle and Senior High Schools.” Journal of Educational Research 84, no. 1: 41–52. McLaughlin, Rose D., and Steven M. Rose. 1989. “Student Cheating in High School: A Case of Moral Reasoning vs. ‘Fuzzy Logic.’” The High School Journal 72, no. 3: 97–104. Schab, Fred, 1991. “Schooling without Learning: Thirty Years of Cheating in High School.” Adolescence 26, no. 104: 839–847. Who’s Who among American High School Students. 1993. “24th Annual Survey of High Achievers.” Lake Forest, IL: Educational Communications.

Chicana/o Adolescents The term Chicana/o grew out of the 1960s civil rights movement from a united sense of Raza or race, a united sense of the collective struggles of Mexican American peoples to make their voices heard. Most efforts of Chicanas/os before, through, and after the 1960s reflect struggles to gain access to the same opportunities—education, economic and social justice, safe and affordable housing, social services, and working opportunities—which the U.S. government was

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then providing the dominant, Anglo population. Several Chicana/o organizations—including United Farm Workers, the Brown Berets, MEChA (Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Atzlán), LULAC (the League of United Latin American Citizens), and the G.I. Forum—helped to raise these issues in a public way. To raise concerns, members in these organizations held marches, endured painful hunger strikes, were arrested for the civil disobedience of peaceful protest, and were even murdered. A few of the many heroes active in these struggles include Cesar Chávez, who was the founding president of the United Farm Workers; Vicky Castro, who was the president of the Young Citizens for Commuity Action, which later grew into the Brown Berets; María Hernández, who fought against school segregations and helped to form La Raza Unida; Rubén Salazar, a journalist who was murdered by Los Angeles Police Officers while covering Chicana/o protests of the 1960s; and Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales, who fought police brutality against Chicanas/os and authored “I am Joaquín,” a poem capturing the heart of the Chicana/o movement. Today, the Chicana/o struggles continue. Some of the activists in the midst of these struggles are Gloria Anzaldúa, a Chicana feminist lesbian author; Arturo Rodriguez, president of the United Farm Workers; Edward James Olmos, a Chicano actor supportive of La Raza; Loretta Sanchez, a member of Congress; Carlos Santana, the guitar genius; and Josefina Villamil Tinajero, president of the National Association of Bilingual Education. There are two primary definitions of Chicana/o adolescents actively in use today. These definitions reflect how Chicanas/os (also written Chican@s)

define themselves and how they are defined by others. Chicanas/os often describe the term Chicana/o (reflecting both women—a and men—o) as a political ideology, rather than a racial category. The Chicana/o political ideology is one of active resistance against tyranny. The tyranny against which Chicanas/os struggle is based in the oppression of Mexicandescendant peoples in the United States, including both immigrants and those originally here. Those originally here are the Mexicans whose land and ways of living were taken from them in the Mexican-American War, ending in 1848 with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, when the United States stole several states from Mexico, including present-day California, Arizona, Texas, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico. Chicanas/os often describe themselves as a people united in a political ideology encompassed in a continuous struggle (La Lucha Sigue) to affirm their existence and their civil rights within the United States. Given this self-definition, one is not born a Chicana/o but becomes a Chicana/o through an awareness of the injustices Mexican Americans in the United States face daily and a determination to continue the struggle for justice. The other definition often used for Chicana/o is to describe any person of Mexican American descent who was born in the United States, as opposed to those born in Mexico. This definition is often used to distinguish between those Mexicans in the United States with strong Spanish skills and strong ties to Mexican culture and those Mexican Americans who Spanish skills and cultural ties are seen by Mexicans as weaker. Danielle Carrigo

Child-Rearing Styles See also Ethnic Identity; Identity; Latina/o Adolescents; Racial Discrimination References and further reading Acuna, Rodolfo. 1988. Occupied America: A History of Chicanos, 3rd ed. New York: HarperCollins. ———. Anything but Mexican: Chicanos in Contemporary Los Angeles. 1996. London: Verso. Anzaldua, Gloria. 1987. Borderlands: La Frontera, the New Mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books. Garcia, Alma M., ed. 1997. Chicana Feminist Thought: The Basic Historical Writings. New York: Routledge. Lopez, David. 1978. “Chicano Language Loyalty in an Urban Setting.” Sociology and Social Research 62, no. 2: 267–278. Merino, Barbara. 1991. “Promoting School Success for Chicanos: The View from Inside the Bilingual Classroom.” Pp. 119–148 in Chicano School Failure and Success: Research and Policy Agendas for the 1990s. Edited by Richard Valencia. New York: Falmer Press. Moraga, Cherrie, and Gloria Anzaldua, eds. 1981. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. Peñalosa, Fernando. 1980. Chicano Sociolinguistics. Rowley, MA: Newbury House Publishers. Rendón, Laura I. 1996. “Life on the Border.” About Campus (November–December): 14–20. Valenzuela, Angela. 1999. Subtractive Schooling: U.S.-Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring. New York: State University of New York Press. Velasquez, Roberto J., Leticia M. Arellano, and Amado M. Padilla. 1999. “Celebrating the Future of Chicano Psychology: Lessons from the Recent National Conference.” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 21, no. 1: 3–13.

Child-Rearing Styles Child-rearing styles are patterns of parenting behaviors that have an impact on children’s behavior and personality characteristics. They include such practices as

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loving and caring for children, bringing children to maturity as legitimate members of society, and dealing with children’s daily behaviors. Each society, with its unique ecological conditions, economy, social structure, religious beliefs, and moral values, promotes its own childrearing practices. And each parent develops his or her child-rearing style with reference to the larger cultural context. Diana Baumrind (1971) has identified three common styles or patterns of child rearing in the United States: authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative. These styles differ on two parenting dimensions in particular: the degree of parental nurturance in child-rearing interactions and the degree of parental control over the child’s activities and behavior. Although parents each have a specific parenting style, they do not use just one set of childrearing practices at all times. Rather, they use a variety of practices at different times, depending on the situation, the child’s age, the child’s temperament, their own mood, and so on. Although behaviorist and psychoanalytic theorists made some earlier efforts to formulate common child-rearing practices, Baumrind’s work is the most recognized in this field. In a series of landmark studies conducted initially in the early 1960s, Baumrind examined preschool children and their parents through home observations, interviews, and psychological testing. She tested the same group of children again when they were eight to nine years old. The overall findings from her studies pointed to three distinct patterns of child rearing, which she labeled authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative. Later on, Eleanor Maccoby and John Martin (1983) extended Baumrind’s three categories by proposing a fourth one: the neglectful style.

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Authoritarian Child-Rearing Style Parents who use the authoritarian style demand a high level of control but fail to respond to their children’s rights and needs. They expect full obedience and rely on forceful strategies to gain compliance. Authoritarian parents set strict rules for their children and are not open to negotiations. They are also unlikely to have open discussions with their children about their behavior or to use gentle methods of persuasion such as affection, praise, and rewards. On the contrary, “Do it because I said so” is the common attitude among these parents, as they rarely explain to their children why it is necessary to follow the rules they have set. These parents do not tolerate any expression of disagreement from their children. In turn, the children are expected not to question their parents’ position on what is right. When they do question, they are usually physically punished. Research indicates that children of authoritarian parents tend to be moody, unhappy, fearful, anxious, emotionally withdrawn, and indifferent to new experiences. Throughout their teens they exhibit low self-esteem and tend to suffer from depressed mood. They are usually not friendly toward their peers because they lack social skills; in fact, they often do not know how to appropriately behave around their peers. Girls who have been raised by authoritarian parents depend heavily on their parents’ approval for the decisions they make, even after they reach adulthood. Boys raised by such parents are usually hostile and show high rates of anger and defiance. Permissive Child-Rearing Style The permissive child-rearing style is sometimes also referred to as the indulgent parenting style. Parents who use

this style tend to be nurturing and accepting of their children, but rarely exert parental control over their children’s behavior. They encourage their children to express their feelings as they wish and allow them to make their own decisions—often before they are developmentally ready to do so. Permissive parents also demand only a few household responsibilities and orderly behaviors, allowing their children, for the most part, to regulate their own lives. Although some parents choose this child-rearing approach because they truly believe it is good for their children’s sense of self, many others adopt it because they lack confidence in their ability to affect their children’s behavior. The children of permissive parents are deficient in self-control skills and thus tend to be impulsive and aggressive. Though friendly and easy to socialize, they usually lack knowledge of appropriate social behaviors. They often act without thinking about the consequences of their behavior and take too little responsibility for their misbehavior. Since these children are not encouraged to obey, they find it difficult to deal with external standards. They also have a hard time learning to become self-reliant and independent. Children who are raised in a permissive style have been found to score below average on cognitive and social competence measures. Continued use of this style of child rearing often leads to poor school performance and delinquency. Authoritative Child-Rearing Style The authoritative style is a more adaptive and flexible approach to child rearing than either the authoritarian or permissive style. Parents who use this style tend to be nurturing; at the same time,

Child-Rearing Styles they make reasonable demands that fit the maturity level of their children. They allow their children freedom but are careful to provide rationales for the restrictions they impose, all the while ensuring that their children follow these guidelines. They are responsive to their children’s needs and points of view, open to discussions with their children, and ready to reconsider their decisions if the children counter with reasonable arguments. In short, they take a democratic approach that respects the rights of both parents and children. Children raised by authoritative parents tend to be lively and happy. They are self-confident in their social interactions, have control over their behavior, and resist engaging in disruptive behavior. They tend to be free of gender stereotypes: Girls are generally more independent and explorative, and boys more friendly and cooperative in their social relationships, than the children raised by authoritarian and permissive parents. They also perform better in school, exhibit greater intellectual ability, and are more willing to try new things. As a result, their parents are better able to trust their children, knowing that they can accept responsibility. Neglecting Child-Rearing Style Parents who adopt a neglectful parenting style express a low level of acceptance of their children and exert no control over their children’s behaviors. By demanding too little of their children, they fail to influence their behaviors. They also tend to ignore their children’s needs, arranging life to suit themselves rather than their children. Among all the styles discussed here, the neglecting style is associated with the most negative outcomes for children. Indeed, neglected children are

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prone to delinquency, drug and alcohol use, and poor adjustment. Baumrind’s identification of child-rearing styles has been a benchmark for studies in this field over the last three decades. Although many research findings have confirmed the validity of her approach, a number of criticisms have also been raised against it. For example, John Ogbu (1981) has argued that Baumrind’s theory is the product of a specific cultural and historical context—that of middle-class European-American parents—and thus has limited generalizability. Consistent with this observation is a recent study by Ruth K. Chao (1994), who demonstrated that a number of Baumrind’s characteristics fail to describe Chinese Americans’ approach to child rearing. A second criticism of Baumrind’s theory is that it fails to account for changes in child-rearing practices across time and situation. For example, parents may change over time as they gain experience in child rearing, using an authoritarian style with their first child but a permissive style with younger children. Similarly, parents may change their childrearing styles over time in response to changes in their social and economic status, as when they lose a job and have to move to a different cultural climate. Child-rearing practices are also influenced by the fit between the children’s and parents’ temperaments. Contrary to the earlier belief that children remain passive during the child-rearing process, recent studies indicate that they are active participants, in the sense that a parent’s choice of parenting style is influenced by the personality characteristics of the child as well as by the parent’s reactions to the child. Finally, in a study that examined the multiple factors influencing school

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performance, Laurence Steinberg and his associates (1994) found that (1) child-rearing styles are more predictive of school performance among white teenagers than among minority teenagers; (2) African American and Asian American students do not benefit from an authoritative parenting style; (3) for African American students, authoritarian child-rearing practices buffer the negative impact of neighborhood characteristics; and (4) for Asian American students, the positive effects of peer groups buffer the negative effects of authoritarian parenting. Interestingly, these findings suggest that the effects of child-rearing styles are much more complex than earlier research seemed to indicate. Although certain universal expectations are associated with the socialization of children, each cultural group promotes its own style of child rearing. Indeed, as child-rearing practices are largely based on parental beliefs about proper ways to raise children to be successful members of society, child-rearing styles should be understood, at least in part, in terms of children’s adjustment to their culture. As noted, however, authoritative parenting appears to be more effective than other parenting styles in facilitating the development of social competence in children, both at home and in the peer group—especially in white middle-class American households. For this cultural group, it is safe to say that high levels of love and warmth, combined with moderate levels of parental control, help children become able members of the society. Selcuk Sirin

See also Fathers and Adolescents; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships;

Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parental Monitoring; Parenting Styles References and further reading Barber, Nigel. 1998. Parenting: Roles, Styles and Outcomes. Huntington, NY: Nova Science Publishers. Baumrind, Diana. 1971. “Current Patterns of Parental Authority.” Developmental Psychology Monographs 4: 1–103. ———. 1989. “Rearing Competent Children.” Pp. 349–378 in Child Development Today and Tomorrow. Edited by William Damon. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Chao, Ruth K. 1994. “Beyond Parental Control and Authoritative Parenting Style: Understanding Chinese Parenting through the Cultural Notion of Training.” Child Development 65: 1111–1119. Maccoby, Eleanor, and John Martin. 1983. “Socialization in the Context of the Family: Parent-Child Interaction.” Pp. 1–101 in Handbook of Child Psychology: Socialization, Personality and Social Development, Vol. 4. Edited by Paul H. Mussen. New York: Wiley. Ogbu, John U. 1981. Origins of Human Competence: A Cultural-Ecological Perspective. Child Development 52: 413–429. Steinberg, Laurence, Susie D. Lamborn, Nancy Darling, Nina S. Mount, and Sanford M. Dornbusch. 1994. “OverTime Changes in Adjustment and Competence among Adolescents from Authoritative, Authoritarian, Indulgent, and Neglectful Families.” Child Development 65: 754–770.

Children of Alcoholics Children of alcoholics, or COAs, are children or adolescents with at least one alcoholic parent. COAs are at increased risk for many problems including psychological disorders (e.g., depression, anxiety), family difficulties, and the development of substance abuse themselves. The majority of COAs, however, are well-adjusted individuals who do not develop major problems. Currently,

Children of Alcoholics research is examining factors that help explain why some COAs turn out to be well adjusted, whereas others do not. Genetic Factors COAs are more likely than non-COAs to develop alcohol- and drug-related problems during adulthood. They are also more likely to abuse alcohol and drugs during adolescence. Many studies have been conducted to examine why alcoholism “runs in families.” Results from these studies have shown that much, but not all, of the increased risk for substance abuse problems among COAs is due to genetics. For example, twin studies, which compare alcohol use between identical twins (who share all of their genes) to alcohol use between fraternal twins (who share about half of their genes, as do nontwin brothers and sisters), have found that alcoholism rates are much more similar for identical twins than for fraternal twins. Since identical twins are more similar genetically than fraternal twins, this research indicates that a person’s genes influence whether he or she will develop an alcohol problem. Adoption studies, too, have found that alcoholism is at least partly due to genetic influences. Specifically, they have shown that adopted-away sons of alcoholic fathers are at much greater risk for the development of alcoholism than adopted-away sons of nonalcoholic fathers. Overall, both types of studies indicate that genes play an important role in determining whether or not a person will develop an alcohol problem. As noted, however, genes are not the whole story. The environment appears to be equally important. For instance, some COAs are at increased risk for developing alcohol problems because they grow up in homes marked by family conflict,

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stress, abuse, and a lack of parental communication, warmth, and monitoring. Some COAs also experience parental divorce, which may create further stress for the family. Given these genetic and environmental risk factors, it is not surprising that COAs are two to seven times more likely to develop alcohol problems than are non-COAs. Because of these risk factors, they are more likely to develop other problems as well. Psychological Problems among COAs COAs are at increased risk not only for developing drinking problems but also for experiencing psychological problems such as depression and anxiety and behavioral problems such as conduct disorder (delinquency). Many studies have also found that COAs tend to have lower levels of self-esteem than non-COAs. Environmental Differences between COAs and Non-COAs. As mentioned previously, COAs are more likely than non-COAs to experience problems within their families. For example, compared to the families of non-COAs, COA families tend to be more chaotic, conflict-ridden, and dysfunctional. They are also less expressive and supportive, less organized, and less democratic. In addition, adolescent COAs report that they have fewer interactions with their parents and that their relationships with their parents are characterized by less warmth and attachment than the relationships between nonCOAs and their parents. Other studies have shown that COAs are at an increased risk of experiencing problems at school. For example, compared to non-COAs, COAs are less likely to achieve high levels of academic achievement and more likely to repeat a grade in school. They are also less likely

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to graduate from high school than nonCOAs. Adolescent COAs Adolescence is a period of considerable change affecting not only the individual (in terms of puberty, expanded cognitive abilities, identity formation, and increased autonomy) but also the individual’s relationships (with parents, peers, and schoolmates). Adolescence is also a time when many individuals begin to experiment with alcohol and drugs. In addition, the prevalence of psychiatric disorders such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders rises dramatically during this developmental period. For all of these reasons, adolescence is considered to be a period of particular risk for COAs. The Vulnerability of Adolescents Children of alcoholics are generally at greater risk for experiencing substance abuse problems, psychological problems, and maladaptive environments, but it is important to remember that not all COAs develop drinking problems themselves, nor do all COAs exhibit problem behaviors and have poor family relationships. It is still not entirely clear why some individuals with an alcoholic parent develop such problems whereas others do not. However, recent research suggests that characteristics of the individual (such as temperament or personality) and characteristics of the environment (such as the family or peer network) may moderate the relationship between parental alcoholism and adjustment. In other words, certain individual and environmental factors may act to “protect” COAs against the development of substance abuse and psychosocial problems.

Individual Protective Factors. Individuals with certain personality characteristics seem to be more resilient to the harmful effects of parental alcoholism. For example, research has shown that COAs who were affectionate as infants are better adjusted later on than those who were not. The same appears to be true for COAs who, as adolescents, have a positive self-concept and an internal locus of control (meaning that they believe they have control over the environment and that things do not just happen randomly). An optimistic outlook has also been shown to “protect” some COAs from developing problems. In general, COAs who have a positive outlook, and who believe they have control over their environment and are not helpless, are less likely to experience problems. Environmental Protective Factors. Characteristics of the environment also may moderate the relationship between parental alcoholism and adjustment. For example, COAs who have not experienced disruptions of family rituals such as dinnertime gatherings, holiday traditions, and vacations are less likely to develop an alcohol problem than COAs whose family rituals have been disrupted. Similarly, COAs who have experienced a great deal of conflict and little cohesion or warmth within the family are at greater risk for psychosocial and alcohol problems than COAs who report more positive family environments. Finally, adolescent COAs who report that their parents usually do not know where they are or who they are “hanging out” with are more likely to use alcohol and drugs than COAs whose parents frequently monitor them.

Chores The Drinking Status of the Alcoholic Parent. Another important consideration is the alcoholic parent’s current drinking status. For example, studies have found that the family environments of COAs with recovering alcoholic parents (alcoholics who have not drunk for at least three years) differ very little from families in which neither parent has a drinking problem. Indeed, COAs with a recovering alcoholic father have reported that their families are happier, more cohesive, more trusting, and more affectionate than families in which the father is currently drinking. Moreover, in comparison to COAs with an alcoholic parent who is still drinking, COAs with recovering alcoholic parents are less likely to experience psychological problems such as depression and anxiety, less at risk for substance abuse problems during adolescence, and, not surprisingly, more content with their lives. In summary, many individual and environmental factors contribute to a person’s risk for developing problems. Having an alcoholic parent is just one such factor. Christine McCauley Ohannessian

See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Alcohol Use, Trends in References and further reading Alterman, Alan, and Ralph E. Tarter. 1983. “The Transmission of Psychological Vulnerability: Implications for Alcoholism Etiology.” Journal of Nervous and Mental Disorders 171, no. 3: 147–154. Callan, Victor J., and Debra Jackson. 1986. “Children of Alcoholic Fathers and Recovered Alcoholic Fathers: Personal and Family Functioning.” Journal of Studies on Alcohol 47, no. 2: 180–182. Chassin, Laurie, Patrick J. Curran, Andrea M. Hussong, and Craig R. Colder. 1996.

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“The Relation of Parent Alcoholism to Adolescent Substance Use: A Longitudinal Follow-Up Study.” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 105, no. 1: 70–80. Goodwin, Donald W., Fini Schulsinger, L. Hermansen, Samuel B. Guze, and George Winokur. 1973. “Alcohol Problems in Adoptees Raised Apart from Alcoholic Biological Parents.” Archives of General Psychiatry 28: 238–243. Sher, Ken J. 1991. Children of Alcoholics: A Critical Appraisal of Theory and Research. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 1997. Ninth Special Report to the U.S. Congress on Alcohol and Health. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Werner, Emily E. 1986. “Resilient Offspring of Alcoholics: A Longitudinal Study from Birth to Age 18.” Journal of Studies on Alcohol 47, no. 1: 34–40. Windle, Michael, and John S. Searles. 1990. Children of Alcoholics: Critical Perspectives. New York: Guilford Press.

Chores In most families, children are included in household chores—tasks that children are responsible for within the household and family—on a fairly regular basis. Parents assign chores to children for a variety of reasons. Giving children some responsibilities in the home is a way to share household work among family members, so that one person—typically the mother—does not become overwhelmed with household tasks. Parents also assign chores because they believe that children’s participation in family work and routines is good for their development. Self-worth, independence, and care and concern for others can result from children’s participation in household chores and responsibilities.

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Self-worth, independence, and care and concern for others can result from children’s participation in household chores and responsibilities. (Skjold Photographs)

Household chores typically fall into two categories. Self-care tasks require children to be responsible for some aspect of their own care (e.g., packing their own school lunch) or care of their own belongings (e.g., cleaning their rooms), whereas family-care tasks include those chores that affect more than just the person performing them, such as setting the table or caring for younger siblings (Goodnow, 1988). Both types of chores may encourage responsible work habits in children, but when children do family-care tasks they may also develop a greater concern for the welfare of others. Children’s involvement in chores, therefore, may contribute to the family work effort as well as promote children’s personal responsibility and prosocial behavior.

The question of how much children actually participate in household chores has been widely debated. Some research suggests that children’s efforts in the “average” family are quite limited. According to estimates from one national sample, children under age nineteen spend about three to six hours per week on household chores (Demo and Acock, 1993). But because of the way many researchers measure children’s household input, it is possible that these figures underestimate the time children actually spend on chores. In some studies (e.g., Demo and Acock, 1993), researchers have evaluated children’s household work by asking about chores that may actually be considered “adult” chores, such as cooking, trans-

Chores portation, and bill paying, thus possibly overlooking tasks more appropriate for children. By using an extensive list of questions—including some that concern tasks such as cleaning one’s room, taking care of younger siblings, and caring for pets—other research has demonstrated that teenagers do, on average, about ten or more hours of household work per week (Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999). In addition, children’s contributions to the family work effort appear to vary by season. In families where both parents work for pay year-round, children’s household responsibilities, particularly care of siblings, increase noticeably during the summer (Crouter and Maguire, 1998). How much time children spend on chores also depends on their sex. Studies frequently show that, compared to boys, girls put more time into a greater number of tasks. Indeed, although boys are more likely than girls to perform male-typed chores (e.g., lawn mowing, taking out the garbage), these tasks are fewer in number and are required less frequently than the chores that girls typically perform (e.g., helping with meal preparation, washing dishes) (Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999). Differences between girls’ and boys’ chores are greatest when family care and self-care chores are compared (Goodnow and Delaney, 1989). Parents also report that, compared to boys’ contributions, those made by girls are more often offered spontaneously instead of being requested (Grusec, Goodnow, and Cohen, 1996). These sex differences have led some to suggest that today’s American families continue to raise their children to take on traditional sex roles—with girls and women doing most of the household chores and childcare, even though women spend as much time as

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men outside the home earning money to support the family. Age also affects children’s involvement in household chores. Throughout early adolescence (ages ten to fourteen), children spend increasing amounts of time on household tasks. These changes occur mainly in the area of routine household work (i.e., work that has not been requested by parents) and self-care tasks. When family-care tasks are considered, only girls show an increase in involvement over these ages. Joan Grusec and her colleagues (1996) have therefore concluded that, across adolescence, girls increasingly assume responsibility for family-care tasks and that these tasks “belong to them.” In other words, they routinely perform them without waiting for their parents to request that they do so. Later in adolescence, during the high school years, teens tend to cut back on their household chores. This reduction appears greater for boys than for girls (Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999). One possible explanation is the teens’ greater involvement with paid work as they get older. Parents do assign less housework to teens who have jobs for which they are paid (Manning, 1990), and there is a clear drop in hours of housework completed by teens relative to their increased hours of paid work (Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999). Yet other timeconsuming activities in which teens participate (i.e., outside of paid work) do not have the same impact on the amount of time they spend on chores. In fact, teens who spend more time on homework and volunteer work also tend to give more time to household chores than do teens who are less involved in such nonfamily activities (Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999).

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Family type may also be associated with children’s participation in household chores. For example, children who live in single-parent households spend more time on housework than peers from two-parent households (Demo and Acock, 1993; Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999; Goldscheider and Waite, 1991). And children in stepfamilies devote more time to household tasks than peers living with two biological parents, although they do less than children in single-parent households (Demo and Acock, 1993; Gager, Cooney, and Call, 1999; Goldscheider and Waite, 1991). One possible explanation is that the absence of an adult from the home creates more need for children to take part in household chores. Although participation in household chores is considered beneficial to the development of children and adolescents, the positive side of chores is not obvious to those who must do them. Indeed, adolescents often see parents’ requests for help around the house as “harassment” (Larson and Richards, 1994, p. 99), and tensions surrounding adolescents’ household work are the most frequently reported conflicts by parents of teens (Barber, 1994). The issue of household chores is thus clearly one that takes center stage in a great many interactions between parents and their children, especially teenagers.

Crouter, Ann C., and Mary C. Maguire. 1998. “Seasonal and Weekly Rhythms: Windows into Variability in Family Socialization Experiences in Early Adolescence.” New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development 82: 69–82. Demo, David, and Alan C. Acock. 1993. “Family Diversity and the Division of Domestic Labor.” Family Relations 42: 323–331. Gager, Constance T., Teresa M. Cooney, and Kathleen Thiede Call. 1999. “The Effects of Family Characteristics and Time Use on Teenagers’ Household Labor.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 61: 982–994. Goldscheider, Francis K., and Linda J. Waite. 1991. New Families, No Families: The Transformation of the American Home. Berkeley: University of California Press. Goodnow, Jacqueline J. 1988. “Children’s Household Work: Its Nature and Functions.” Psychological Bulletin 103: 5–26. Goodnow, Jacqueline J., and S. Delaney. 1989. “Children’s Household Work: Task Differences, Styles of Assignment, and Links to Family Relationships. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 10: 209–226. Grusec, Joan E., Jacqueline J. Goodnow, and Lorenzo Cohen. 1996. “Household Work and the Development of Concern for Others.” Developmental Psychology 32: 999–1007. Larson, Reed, and Marise Richards. 1994. Divergent Realities: The Emotional Lives of Mothers, Fathers, and Adolescents. New York: HarperCollins. Manning, Wendy. 1990. “Parenting Employed Teenagers.” Youth and Society 22: 184–200.

Teresa M. Cooney Sara Gable

Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence See also Discipline; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Parental Monitoring; Parenting Styles References and further reading Barber, Brian. 1994. “Cultural, Family, and Personal Contexts of ParentAdolescent Conflict.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 56: 375–386.

Chronic illnesses affect about 10 percent of all children and adolescents in the United States. Some of these conditions are more serious than others, but all involve adjustments in daily routines, in relations with family, friends, and teachers, and in planning for one’s future.

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Today, it is possible for the great majority of teens with chronic illnesses to lead healthy, productive, and satisfying lives. (Jennie Woodcock; Reflections Photolibrary/Corbis)

Chronic illnesses of childhood and adolescence include: Asthma Congenital Heart Disease Cancer Cystic Fibrosis Hemophilia Diabetes Mellitus

Renal Disease Juvenile Rheumatoid Arthritis HIV/AIDS Sickle-Cell Disease Seizure Disorders

What features of these illnesses have given rise to the label “chronic illness”? Typically, they last for several years (some are lifelong conditions); they often require special healthcare, regular medical monitoring and treatment, and hospital stays; and the individuals who experience them are affected not only physically and emotionally but also in

ways that limit their behavior. The good news is that medical advances over the past several years have made it possible for more children and youth with these conditions to lead lives closer to “normal” and to anticipate long and productive lives as adults. The developmental tasks for chronically ill teens are much like the tasks for all teens, but with added complications. For example, establishing independence from parents is always a challenge and should be viewed as something positive; but for teens with a chronic illness, there may be special challenges such as assuming responsibility for their diet, medication, and visits to the clinic. They may also have difficulty sharing the specifics of their illness with friends, but it is important to do so. Friends and others in

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their lives are almost always understanding when certain limitations are imposed or special routines such as taking medications or diet restrictions are required. Dependency on parents or siblings may be acceptable if it leads to improvement of the teen’s medical condition. Indeed, personal assistance or financial aid is sometimes necessary. However, when parents encourage dependence beyond what is needed (McAnarney, 1985) or are overprotective, the teens may be prevented from having the same experiences as their friends are having (Anderson and Coyne, 1993) or experience delays in leading the independent lives they desire. In such cases, the teens’ medical treatment team can be called upon to provide advice on just what level of intervention is appropriate. One major developmental task of adolescence involves setting educational and career goals. Like all teens, those with a chronic illness must decide what type of training they want to engage in after high school, whether to leave home or live there for a while longer, and which career they wish to pursue (McAnarney, 1985). Although the possibilities are almost limitless, they must be realistic in assessing whether their illness imposes certain limitations on education or occupation. Fortunately, most schools and employers today are understanding of such limitations, and the Americans with Disabilities Act, a federal law, provides considerable protection in both higher education and the work environment. Furthermore, as many of the exciting new areas of employment now available require less physical stamina and depend more on “smarts” and specific skills than was true in the past, they are well suited for those with chronic illnesses.

Social development is a key area of concern for teens with chronic illnesses. In some cases, the illness may require periodic separation from peers; in others, the teens may be uncomfortable about anyone other than family members knowing about their condition; in still others, the progress toward puberty may be affected, leading to delays in physical growth and sexual development. Indeed, teens with chronic illness may have limited opportunities to learn about their sexuality from peers or may be prevented from having normal social and sexual experiences. The results of studies in this area have been mixed. Some suggest that teens with such conditions date less often than their peers, are more likely to drop out of school, and make fewer plans for the future (e.g., Orr et al., 1984). But others suggest just the opposite—that teens with chronic illness are not different in most ways from their peers (e.g., Capelli et al., 1989). The latter research implies that having an illness is not necessarily a major factor in one’s social adjustment and emotional development. Recently, several studies have tried to identify the major areas of concern for teens with chronic illnesses. One such study found that the primary problem areas are those relating to school, medical treatment and compliance, and relationships with parents (DiGirolamo et al., 1997). Furthermore, those teens who viewed their problems as very serious reported that they were depressed and lacked social confidence. In another study, the serious problems held mainly for girls. Emotional distress and even thoughts of suicide were identified among some teens (Suris, Parera, and Puig, 1996). Yet another study found that teens who experience the most problems

Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence adjusting to their illness come from families that have serious problems unrelated to the illness (Hagen, Myers, and Allswede, 1992). Fortunately, there are many counselors and therapists available today who understand the situations facing these teens, so both teens and parents should not hesitate to seek their help if the situation warrants. Taking responsibility for one’s own health is a problem that many adolescents face, as evidenced by the incidence of smoking, automobile accidents, and poor diet among teens in the United States today. Those with chronic illnesses face even greater challenges, yet they often think of themselves as invulnerable to the consequences of poor health practices. Almost all recommended treatment programs require regular compliance. Teens with diabetes, for example, not only have to watch their diet closely but must also monitor their blood-sugar levels, take one to three injections of insulin each day, and follow exercise and sleep recommendations. This regimen can be especially difficult for individuals who are dealing not only with all the daily challenges of being teens but also with the special conditions imposed by their disorder. Moreover, some parents may discontinue involvement because they want to establish independence for their child, who, in turn, may not take over as needed (Ingersoll et al., 1986). The critical factor here is not the specific age of the teen but, rather, his or her level of mature thinking and social competence (Hanson et al., 1990; Ingersoll et al., 1986). Age of onset is an important factor in that it can influence how a chronic illness will be handled. In situations where the illness begins well before the teen

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years, puberty and adolescence inevitably pose new stresses and adjustments, even among individuals who have adapted well up to that time. And for those who encounter the onset of illness while in their teens, the stresses can be even greater—especially if they do not see themselves as being “different” and hence do not comply with medical recommendations. Since noncompliance can have serious short- and long-term consequences, parents need to work with medical professionals, and sometimes with their children’s teachers and employers, to ensure that compliance is maintained. Today, it is possible for the great majority of teens with chronic illnesses to lead healthy, productive, and satisfying lives. Although many of these illnesses linger for many years, life spans have been increased greatly and are often as long for chronically ill people as for those without illness. However, medical and health management procedures are critical toward this end. Above all, teens and the adults in their lives must work together as a team to achieve their life goals. John W. Hagen Jennifer T. Myers

See also Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence; Depression; Diabetes; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Spina Bifida References and further reading Anderson, Barbara J., and James C. Coyne. 1993. “Family Context and Compliance Behavior in Chronically Ill Children.” Pp. 77–89 in Developmental Aspects of Health Compliance Behavior. Edited by Norman A. Krasnegor. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Blum, Robert W. 1992. “Chronic Illness and Disability in Adolescence.” Journal of Adolescent Health 13, no. 5: 364–368.

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Capelli, M., Patrick J. McGrath, C. E. Heick, N. E. MacDonald, William Feldman, and P. Rowe. 1989. “Chronic Disease and Its Impact: The Adolescent’s Perspective.” Journal of Adolescent Health Care 10, no. 4: 283–288. DiGirolamo, A. M., A. L. Quittner, V. Ackerman, and J. Stevens. 1997. “Identification and Assessment of Ongoing Stressors in Adolescents with a Chronic Illness: An Application of the Behavior-Analytic Model.” Journal of Clinical Child Psychology 26, no. 1: 53–66. Hagen, John W., Jennifer T. Myers, and Jennifer S. Allswede. 1992. “The Psychological Impact of Children’s Chronic Illness.” Pp. 27–47 in Lifespan Development and Behavior, Vol. 11. Edited by David Featherman, Richard M. Lerner, and Marion Perlmutter. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Hanson, C. L., J. R. Rodrique, S. W. Henggeler, M. A. Harris, R. C. Klesges, and D. L. Carle. 1990. “The Perceived Self-Competence of Adolescents with Insulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus: Deficit or Strength?” Journal of Pediatric Psychology 15, no. 5: 605–618. Ingersoll, G. M., D. P. Orr, A. J. Herrold, and M. P. Golden. 1986. “Cognitive Maturity and Self-Management among Adolescents with Insulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus.” Journal of Pediatrics 10, no. 4: 620–623. McAnarney, Elizabeth R. 1985. “Social Maturation: A Challenge for Handicapped and Chronically Ill Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescent Health Care 6, no. 2: 90–101. Myers, Jennifer, and John Hagen. 1993. “The Impact of Chronic Illness on the Late Adolescent/Early Adult Transition: Focus—Insulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus.” (Presentation.) Family Relationships and Psychosocial Development in Physically Impaired and Chronically Ill Adolescents, G. Holmbeck, chair. Symposium conducted at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD), New Orleans. Orr, D. P., S. C. Weller, B. Satterwhite, and Ivan B. Pless. 1984. “Psychosocial Implications of Chronic Illness in

Adolescence.” Journal of Pediatrics 104, no. 1: 152–157. Seiffge-Krenke, Inge. 1998. “Chronic Disease and Perceived Developmental Progression in Adolescence.” Developmental Psychology 34, no. 5: 1073–1084. Suris, J. C., N. Parera, and C. Puig. 1996. “Chronic Illness and Emotional Distress in Adolescence.” Journal of Adolescent Health 19, no. 2: 153–156.

Cigarette Smoking Since the 1964 Surgeon General’s report, but especially during the 1990s, cigarette smoking has been a topic of great controversy. What follows is a discussion of several issues related to this controversy: the prevalence of cigarette smoking, motivations for adolescent smoking, the difficulty of quitting, and methods of quitting. The Prevalence of Cigarette Smoking Many teenagers think that the majority of people smoke. They may be surprised to discover that only 27 percent of men and 23 percent of women smoke, and that adult smoking has decreased substantially since the U.S. Surgeon General’s report first pointed out the health dangers of smoking in 1964. Moreover, fewer teenagers than adults smoke—only about 18 percent of those between ages twelve and seventeen in 1995, according to the National Center for Health Statistics. Teen smoking hit a peak in 1996 and has gradually declined since then (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 1999). Smoking usually starts in the teenage years; most individuals who go on to become adult smokers try their first cigarette by age sixteen. Conversely, those who finish their high school years without smoking are unlikely to start.

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The fact that teenagers often overestimate how common smoking is can itself increase the likelihood that they will smoke. In fact, research shows that nonsmoking teenagers who think that smoking is particularly common are themselves more likely than their peers to be smoking one year later (Chassin et al., 1984). Perhaps teenagers who think that smoking is common and normal also view it as more acceptable.

sex, and tougher. In addition, the researchers asked nonsmoking teenagers to tell them about the kind of person they would like to be. Those teenagers who valued the characteristics of the smoker image (such as toughness, interest in the opposite sex) also thought that they themselves were more likely to smoke in the future. The implication is that some teenagers may smoke to attain a particular social image.

Motivations for Adolescent Smoking Given that the health dangers of smoking are so clear and so well known, why do some teenagers start to smoke? The usual answer to this question is “peer pressure.” It is true that peer smoking plays a part. Teenagers who have friends who smoke are much more likely to begin smoking than are teenagers who do not. But peer smoking is only part of the picture.

The Role of Parental Smoking in Adolescent Smoking. Not surprisingly, children whose parents smoke are themselves more likely to become smokers. These children may smoke because they imitate their parents, because their parents don’t discourage their smoking, or because they have easy access to cigarettes. However, there may be other reasons as well. For example, some scientists are working to discover whether there are also genetic influences on smoking: Perhaps children whose parents smoke experience physiological reactions to nicotine that make them more likely to smoke. Others have suggested that children who are exposed to their mother’s smoking while still in the womb may be more likely to smoke (Griesler, Kandel, and Davies, 1998). And, finally, it is possible that children whose parents smoke, having been exposed to secondhand smoke, become desensitized to the negative aspects of smoking such as coughing or nausea.

Social Images Associated with Smokers. Some teenagers start to smoke in order to achieve the kind of image that is associated with being a smoker. In one study (Barton et al., 1982), researchers presented slides containing pictures of teenagers to high school students, who were then asked to give their impressions of these teenagers. (The students were unaware that this was a study of cigarette smoking.) Some of the students saw a model who was holding a cigarette; others saw the same model without the cigarette. The model holding the cigarette was described in negative terms—as more foolish, less intelligent, and less healthy than the model without the cigarette. But the cigarette-holding model was also described in positive terms—as older, more interested in the opposite

The Role of Cigarette Advertising. Tobacco companies maintain that the purpose of cigarette advertising is simply to try to persuade adults who already smoke to switch to their own brand. They claim that their ads are not at all

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intended to influence young nonsmokers to start smoking. However, research on the effects of advertising indicates otherwise. One finding is that even very young children are exposed to cigarette advertisements and learn about smoking through them. For example, a study by Paul Fischer and his colleagues (1991) found that, by age six, children recognized Joe Camel, a cartoonlike character from Camel cigarette ads, as easily as they recognized Mickey Mouse. This result caused great concern about the true extent to which tobacco ads were being aimed at young teenagers. In the wake of the controversy, the tobacco company was convinced to withdraw the Joe Camel ad campaign. Second, a relationship exists between these ad campaigns and changes in the number of teenagers who begin to smoke. For example, a study by John Pierce and Elizabeth Gilpin (1995) examined changes in smoking initiation relative to the timing of tobacco advertising campaigns from 1890 to 1977. The results indicate that when advertising campaigns aimed at males were begun, teenage boys started to smoke at a higher rate than before—as did teenage girls when advertising campaigns aimed specifically at females were begun. In short, the intended audience of smoking ads seemed to respond favorably to these ads. Effects of Smoking on Stress. Many smokers, when asked why they smoke, express the belief that smoking helps them cope with stress in their lives. Teenagers appear to share this belief. However, research suggests that smoking may actually increase rather than reduce one’s stress level (Parrott, 1999). In general, smokers report experiencing more stress than do nonsmokers, and adoles-

cents, as they begin to smoke, report increasing amounts of stress. Moreover, smokers who successfully quit report a decline in their stress levels. It is possible that what smokers interpret as stress reduction from smoking is actually only the satisfaction of their craving for nicotine (Parrott, 1999). The Difficulty of Quitting Many teenagers believe that it is not difficult for a smoker to quit; indeed, those who intend to start smoking think that they can smoke a little and stop anytime they want. Unfortunately, this is a myth. One study has shown that 70 percent of teenagers who smoke at least once a month are still smoking five years later in young adulthood (Chassin et al., 1990). Another common belief among teenagers is that only illegal drugs are addictive; but, in fact, cigarettes are equally addictive, if not more so. In 1988, the U.S. Surgeon General’s report officially recognized the addictive nature of cigarettes. As with other addictive substances, addicted smokers need to smoke increasingly more cigarettes over time, view themselves as dependent on cigarettes, persist in smoking despite its negative consequences, and suffer withdrawal symptoms when they go without cigarettes for a while. Methods of Quitting Most smokers, when asked, say they want to quit. And although doing so is very difficult, some smokers succeed. Many quitsmoking techniques are available. Smokers can enter treatment programs where they learn behavioral methods for controlling their smoking. They can use nicotine replacement therapies such as nicotine patches or gum, which allow them to slowly reduce their dependence on nico-

Cigarette Smoking tine while distancing themselves from other aspects of smoking. Interestingly, most successful quitters stop smoking on their own. However, most smokers who try to quit are not successful on their first attempt. Much more common is a period of cessation, followed by a return to smoking within the first six months. With repeated attempts, many smokers eventually succeed at quitting once and for all. Conclusion Most teenagers do not plan to smoke cigarettes—but, as we know, some start smoking even after stating their intention not to do so. The reasons for this behavior are not entirely clear. However, because smoking is such an important and controversial subject, a large amount of scientific research is currently being conducted in an effort to better understand why people choose to smoke, to prevent them from starting to smoke, and to develop better methods of helping them quit. Laurie Chassin Clark C. Presson Jennifer Rose Steven J. Sherman Nora Presson See also Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Substance Use and Abuse References and further reading Barton, John, Laurie Chassin, Clark C. Presson, and Steven J. Sherman. 1982. “Social Image Factors as Motivators of Smoking Initiation in Early and Middle Adolescents.” Child Development 53: 1499–1511. Chassin, Laurie, Clark C. Presson, Steven J. Sherman, and Debra Edwards. 1990. “The Natural History of Cigarette

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Smoking: Predicting Young Adult Smoking Outcomes from Adolescent Smoking Patterns.” Health Psychology 9: 701–716. Chassin, Laurie, Clark C. Presson, Steven J. Sherman, Eric Corty, and Richard Olshavsky. 1984. “Predicting the Onset of Cigarette Smoking in Adolescents: A Longitudinal Study.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 14: 224–243. Fischer, Paul, Meyer Schwartz, John Richards, Adam Goldstein, and Tina Rojas. 1991. “Brand Logo Recognition by Children Aged 3–6 Years: Mickey Mouse and Joe the Camel.” Journal of the American Medical Association 266: 3145–3148. Griesler, Pamela C., Denise B. Kandel, and Mark Davies. 1998. “Maternal Smoking during Pregnancy and Smoking by Adolescent Daughters.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 8: 159–185. Johnston, Lloyd, Patrick O’Malley, and Gerald Bachman. 1999. National Survey Results on Drug Use from the Monitoring the Future Study, 1975–1998. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH Publication No. 99-4661. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Parrott, Andy C. 1999. “Does Cigarette Smoking Cause Stress?” American Psychologist 54: 817–820. Pierce, John, and Elizabeth Gilpin. 1995. “A Historical Analysis of Tobacco Marketing and the Uptake of Smoking by Youth in the United States: 1890–1977.” Health Psychology 14: 500–508. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. The Health Consequences of Smoking: Nicotine Addiction. A Report of the Surgeon General. Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control, Center for Health Promotion and Education, Office on Smoking and Health, DHHS Publication No. (CDC) 88-8046. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Public Health Service. 1964. Smoking and Health: Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service. U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control, PHS

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Publication No. 1103. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Preparation of the entry titled “Cigarette Smoking” was supported by Grant HD13449 from the National Institute of Child and Health and Human Development. Requests for reprints should be addressed to Laurie Chassin, Psychology Department, Box 871104, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-1104.

Cliques Within a friendship group there may be significant subdivisions. One such subdivision, known as a “clique,” consists of (usually) three or more tightly knit young people. Clique members see themselves as mutual or reciprocating friends, and they are seen by others as having a key common identity or interest (e.g., athletics, socializing, academics). Cliques are surrounded by a sort of “social membrane,” in the sense that the youth within them “hang out” more or less exclusively with one another. Researchers have found that both larger and smaller groups—crowds and liaisons, respectively—also develop during this period. During the early years of adolescence, friendships are structured in terms of these crowds or liaisons, which tend to be predominantly same-sex groups. However, by the beginning of high school, most youth are in friendship cliques, although crowds and liaisons continue to form. In addition, a few adolescents remain isolated in that they do not belong to any identifiable friendship group. Almost all youth have one or another of these friendship types. For instance, hearing-impaired adolescents form friendships as do non-hearing-impaired

youth; however, hearing-impaired youth tend to interact more with other hearingimpaired youth than with their hearing peers. Moreover, hearing-impaired youth tend to form emotional bonds with their hearing-impaired peers as opposed to their hearing peers. The crowds within which adolescents gather may actually help them understand the nature of social relationships. For instance, as Harold D. Grotevant (1998) notes, “First, crowds and the stereotypes associated with them (‘brains,’ ‘jocks,’ etc.) help adolescents understand alternative social identities available to them; second, crowd affiliations channel interactions such that relationships among some individuals are more likely than among others; third, crowds themselves vary in how relationships are structured in features such as closeness and endurance over time” (pp. 1115–1116). Cliques, too, serve an important function in adolescence. Although the incidence of membership in cliques decreases across the second decade of life, such membership is associated with psychological well-being and the capacity to cope with stress. Richard M. Lerner

See also Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Social Development References and further reading Grotevant, Harold D. 1998. “Adolescent Development in Family Contexts.” Pp. 1097–1150 in Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 3, Social, Emotional, and Personality Development, 5th ed. Edited by W. Damon and N. Eisenberg. New York: Wiley. Hartup, William. 1993. “Adolescents and Their Friends.” New Directions for Child Development 60: 3–22.

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During the early years of adolescence, friendships are often structured in terms of crowds and liaisons, which tend to be predominantly same-sex groups. (Shirley Zeiberg)

———. 1993. “The Company They Keep: Friendships and Their Developmental Significance.” Child Development 67: 1–13. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Rubin, Kenneth A. 1998. “Peer Interaction, Relationships, and Groups.” Pp. 619–700 in Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 3, Social, Emotional, and Personality Development, 5th ed. Edited by W. Damon and N. Eisenberg. New York: Wiley. Stinson, M. S., K. Whitmire, and T. N. Kluwin. 1996. “Self-Perceptions of Social Relationships in Hearing-Impaired Adolescents.” Journal of Educational Psychology 88, no. 1: 132–143.

Cognitive Development For the parents and teachers of young adolescents, the physical and behavioral changes associated with puberty are impossible to either miss or ignore. The rapid increases in height and weight, the alterations of body configuration, and the bursts of emotional lability that accompany pubescence are surprising and even, at times, startling. By contrast, the much less visible changes in adolescent thinking often go unnoticed. Yet these alterations are, in their own way, every bit as momentous as the bodily and emotional manifestations. Although the cognitive changes that occur in

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adolescence are well documented, there is an ongoing controversy over three issues in particular: (1) whether the attainment of higher-level thought is continuous or discontinuous, (2) whether the changes in thinking are general or domain specific, and (3) whether the gender differences that appear to arise during adolescence are genetically or socially determined. These issues will be touched on briefly at a later point, in the context of social cognition; for now, however, we consider Piaget’s conception of intelligence. Piaget’s Conception of Intelligence Although a number of writers such as G. Stanley Hall (1904) and Arnold Gesell (Gesell et al., 1956) have described adolescent thinking, it was Barbel Inhelder and Jean Piaget (1958) who gave the phenomenon the most extensive treatment, placing it in the context of Piaget’s (1950) general theory of human intelligence, adaptive thinking, and action. Indeed, although some of its details have been challenged, the Piagetian description of mental growth is widely accepted. In his theory, Piaget argued that human intelligence is an extension of biological adaptation, which, in turn, involves the two invariant processes of assimilation and accommodation. Both biologically and psychologically, assimilation has to do with the transformation of environmental materials to conform to the needs of the organism. At the biological level, food that has been ingested is broken down to meet the individual’s nutrient needs. At the psychological level, new information is interpreted in keeping with preexisting beliefs and attitudes. Accommodation, on the other hand, has to do with changes the individual must make to meet the demands of

the environment. At the biological level, blood vessels expand or contract in response to alterations in the temperature. And at the psychological level, people accommodate every time they modify their thoughts or behaviors to better adapt to the demands of the social world. Good manners, to illustrate, are an accommodation to social norms. Although it is theoretically possible to separate assimilation and accommodation, in reality they are always operating at the same time. There can really be no assimilation without accommodation, and vice versa. The two processes operate in such a way as to establish a transient equilibrium that is the starting point for a whole new set of accommodations and assimilations. Both biological and psychological growth are thus characterized by an ongoing series of accommodations, assimilation, and equilibria. Each new level of equilibration, however, sets the stage for new disequilibria that start the process all over again. In effect, neither biological nor psychological life ever remains at a steady state. The operation of these invariant processes results in the progressive construction of the mental structures of intelligence. Piaget contended that these mental structures evolve through a series of stages that are related to age. Although the age at which a given child attains a particular set of mental structures will vary with his or her genetic endowment and environmental circumstance, the sequence of stages is invariant. There are four stages in the development of intelligence, each of which is characterized by a definable set of mental operations. Intelligence thus involves both invariant processes and variable structures. Piaget viewed intellectual development from two complementary perspec-

Cognitive Development tives. On the one hand, he was concerned with mental processes, with the progressive attainment of new sets of mental abilities that he likened to sets of arithmetical and logical operations. On the other hand, he was concerned with the content of thought, with the child’s progressive attainment of concepts of reality such as space, time, and number. Piaget described children’s conceptions of reality as constructions in the sense that their form is provided by mental operations, whereas their content is provided by experience. In effect, thanks to their developing mental abilities, children have to continually construct and deconstruct reality out of their ongoing experiences with the environment. The Piagetian Stages. For purposes of discussion, the four stages of intellectual development can be described in terms of both the mental operations in play and the type of reality that is being constructed. Infancy occurs during the sensorimotor stage, which is characterized by sensory impressions and the construction of a world of permanent objects. Next, during the preoperational stage, young children experience functional operations in the sense that they perceive the world from a practical perspective: A hole is “to dig,” a bike is “to ride.” From the content standpoint, preschool children are focused on constructing a world of symbols. At this time, young children are learning not only to talk but also to engage in symbolic play, to draw, and to use other forms of symbolic representation. From about the age of six or seven to eleven or twelve, most children have at their disposal a set of new mental abilities that Piaget described as concrete. These concrete operations, which are similar to the operations of arithmetic,

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enable the child to engage in elementary reasoning and to construct a world of classes, relations, and numbers. Finally, after reaching puberty, most young people attain a still higher and more involved set of mental operations that Piaget described as formal. Formal operations allow young people to entertain ideas—that is, to construct abstract conceptions of space, time, and causality. Characteristics of Formal Operational Thinking. The age of six or seven has, since ancient times, been recognized as the “age of reason.” What the ancients meant by reason, however, was the syllogistic reasoning described by Aristotle. Syllogistic reasoning takes the form of a major premise, a minor premise, and a deduction or conclusion. The classic syllogism is as follows: Major premise: All men are mortal. Minor premise: Socrates is a man. Conclusion: Therefore, Socrates is mortal. Such reasoning enables children both to learn and to employ rules. For this reason, formal education was traditionally not begun until the age of six or seven: Inasmuch as instruction in the tool subjects of reading, writing, and arithmetic involves learning rules, it made little sense to instruct children in skills that they were too young to acquire. This practice, what we today call “developmentally appropriate practice,” is still followed by many European countries in which children do not attend public schools until the age of six or seven. What was so innovative about the work of Inhelder and Piaget was their proposal of what might be called a “second age of reason,” attained at the time

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of puberty. In its operations, this second age of reason resembles the symbolic logic of Boolean algebra—namely, formal logic. Formal logic is distinguished from syllogistic logic in a number of respects. First, the latter deals with classes and class membership, with the world as we know it, whereas formal logic deals with propositions, with the world as it might or might not be. The following question, for example, poses a formal reasoning problem: In a world in which coal is white, what color would snow be? Children younger than twelve are not able to deal with this contrary-to-fact proposition, whereas adolescents find it an easy problem. A second difference between formal and concrete logic has to do with the number of variables being reasoned about. Formal logic enables the individual to deal with multiple variables, whereas syllogistic logic is limited to at most two variables. The performance of children under twelve and adolescents on Piaget’s “pendulum problem” illustrates this difference. Both the children and the adolescents are shown balls of different weights tied to strings of different lengths, all of which are attached to a steel frame. The object is to figure out what factors determine the speed at which the pendulum swings through the air. Children fail to distinguish among the possible variables and thus, for example, may compare weights without checking for string length or vice versa. In contrast, adolescents usually arrive at four hypotheses. They reason that the speed is determined by (1) the length of the string, (2) the weight of the object hung on it, (3) how high the object is raised before it is released, and (4) how forcefully the object is pushed. They then test each of these hypotheses by holding

all of the other variables constant. Through this system of experimentation they eventually discover that only the length of the string can account for differences in the speed with which the pendulum swings through the air. A third achievement made possible by formal operational thought is the ability to reason about propositions, without regard to their factual truth or falsity. In one study, the experimenters showed children and adolescents a pile of poker chips and told them that some statements would be made about the chips (Osherson and Markman, 1975). Each subject was then requested to make a judgment as to whether the statements were true, false, or ambiguous, as in the following example: “Either the chip in my hand is green or it is not green.” “The chip in my hand is green and it is not green.” The children based their judgments on the actual properties of the poker chips. In the example just noted, they regarded both statements as ambiguous because they could not see the chip in question. However, when shown the chip, they judged both statements to be true when the chip was green and both statements to be false when the chip was red. Adolescents, by contrast, judged the first statement to be true and the second to be false without regard to the actual color of the chip. In summary, formal operational thinking allows the young person to deal with contrary-to-fact statements, to take multiple variables into account when solving problems, and to determine the logical truth or falsity of statements without regard to their empirical validity. Such

Cognitive Development reasoning, however, also has a number of social consequences. Social Consequences of Formal Operational Thinking. The study of formal operational thinking helps to explain some typical, yet puzzling, adolescent behaviors. For example, adolescents are now able to construct ideals, including ideal parents. They then proceed to compare these ideal parents with their real parents and find the latter sadly wanting. It is for this reason that adolescents, who as children believed their parents could do no wrong, now view them as unable to do anything right. This criticism of parents, which characteristically emerges in adolescence, thus has its roots, at least partly, in the new capacity to idealize. Idealization also helps to explain the adolescent phenomenon variously referred to as having “a crush on” or “a thing for” a person of the opposite sex—a movie star, a musical performer, even a fellow student. When adolescents develop this sort of attachment, the idealization is such that they will not listen to anyone who says or implies anything negative about the idol. In addition, crushes are usually characterized by an obsessive concern with the idealized figure. Though often abruptly shattered by a harsh reality, they sometimes last a lifetime. Another social consequence of formal operational thinking is what might be called “pseudo-stupidity.” Because young people can now take many variables into account at the same time, decision making is much more complicated than before. For example, when asked a simple question, adolescents may go into a long discourse that is quite irrelevant, finding it difficult to choose among the possible answers. Paradoxically, because they now possess the mental ability to think

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of many alternatives, they may appear to be stupid. Indeed, they may seem indecisive for the same reason. Or they may take the opposite course and make decisions rashly without trying to consider the alternatives. Still other social consequences of the attainment of formal operations derive from the young person’s newfound ability to think about other people’s thinking. Children think, but they do not really think about thinking. It is only later, during the period of adolescence, that young people begin to spontaneously employ terms like thought, mind, and belief. Incidentally, this newfound ability should not be confused with “theory of mind,” a phenomenon whereby young children correctly use mental terms and recognize what other children know and do not know (e.g., Wellman, 1990). Among children, these achievements are always tied to very concrete materials and experiences, whereas adolescents are able to attribute thoughts to others in the absence of any physical props or perceptual cues. In short, with the attainment of formal operational thinking, adolescents can create their own ideas about what other people are thinking. The capacity to think about thinking is itself associated with a number of social cognitive consequences. For example, the ability to think about thinking helps adolescents appreciate the privacy of their thoughts. In fact, it is this new sense of privacy that accounts for teenagers’ reluctance to share their thinking with their parents. (“Where did you go?” “Out.” “What did you do?” “Nothing.”) In addition, because adolescents are so concerned with the physical and emotional changes they are undergoing, they tend to be self-preoccupied. When they think about other people’s thinking,

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therefore, they often assume that the other people are thinking what they are thinking about—namely, themselves. In the process, they construct what has been termed an imaginary audience (Elkind, 1967, 1985). One consequence of the imaginary audience is enhanced self-consciousness in early adolescence. In one study involving an imaginary-audience scale given to hundreds of students from elementary through high school, self-consciousness was found to peak in early adolescence (ages thirteen to fourteen) (Elkind and Bowen, 1979). This finding has since been replicated by many other investigators using the same or other instruments (Enright et al., 1979; Gray and Hudson, 1984; Goosens et al., 1992). Two other consequences of the imaginary audience that adolescents experience are a need for peer-group approval and a need to publicly separate from parents to demonstrate their new “grownupness.” A corollary of the imaginary audience is the personal fable, a story that adolescents tell themselves that is not true (Elkind, 1967). When young people believe that others are thinking about them and concerned with how they look and what they do, they also assume that they are special and unique. They come to believe that whereas other people will grow old and die, or fail to realize their life’s ambitions, they themselves will be spared such fates. Although clinical experience supports the existence of the personal fable, an adequate scale to measure it has not yet been devised. Nonetheless, it is known to play a part in adolescent risk taking. Many adolescents take risks because they believe that getting pregnant, getting hooked on drugs, or becoming infected with a venereal disease will happen to others, not to them.

In sum, the cognitive changes associated with puberty have social as well as intellectual consequences. Issues in Social Cognition Continuity versus Discontinuity. Some information theorists, such as Robbie Case (1992), although they generally subscribe to Piaget’s theory of development, see development as a more continuous process of improvement in various psychological processes than did Piaget himself. Indeed, as children approach adolescence, their attention becomes more selective and better adapted to the tasks at hand; their improved strategies increase the effectiveness of their information storage and retrieval processes; their store of facts and information increases, making strategies more effective; and their ability to process information becomes both multifaceted and more rapid. There is a way to reconcile the information-processing observations of continuity and the developmental observations of discontinuity. This is possible if we think of the two approaches as using different time scales. When behaviors are viewed over hours and days (the information-processing scale), they appear to be continuous. When behaviors are compared across months and years, however, they appear discontinuous. From this perspective it is the different time scales that make the difference. Stage Generality. Piaget’s theory is often misunderstood to mean that once a young person attains a particular level of mental operations, he or she should think at that level in all domains. Piaget (1950) himself emphasized that he was not a preformist—that the attainment of operations only made possible the attain-

Cognitive Development ment of concepts at that level, although each content domain had to be conceptualized on its own terms. That is why he explored how children construct concepts of number, space, time, geometry, and much more. The same is true for formal operations. Once these are attained, the individual has to employ them in a specific domain in order to become formal operational in that domain. For example, taking a college course improves formal operational thinking related to the course content (Lehman and Nisbett, 1990). Gender Differences. In general, one finds few sex differences on Piagetian measures during the concrete operational period. At the formal operational stage, however, sex differences do appear—particularly in the areas of math and science. As noted, there is some controversy over whether these differences are genetic or cultural. The cultural explanation suggests that social pressures are such as to ensure that young women do not elaborate their formal operational abilities in science and math. In support of this explanation is the finding that sex differences in cognitive abilities of all kinds have declined throughout the past few decades. Put another way, the gap between the scores of boys and girls on tests of math and science has narrowed over this time period. One factor in reducing this difference has been the increase in girls’ enrollment in school math and science courses (Campbell et al., 1997). Conclusion The cognitive changes that accompany puberty move young people onto a whole new plane of thought that changes both their academic and social lives. The

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attainment of these new abilities can be viewed as either continuous (on a scale of hours and days) or discontinuous (on a scale of months and years). Young people do not automatically reason at the formal level in all domains once they give evidence of this achievement. They have to be engaged with a particular subject matter before they are able to think of it in a formal operational way. Finally, although sex differences in the areas of science and math appear in adolescence, these seem to be diminishing as more girls take math and science courses. Although formal operations are in part a function of maturation, their full realization is very much dependent on the individual personality of the adolescent and the sociocultural environment in which he or she grows up. David Elkind See also Intelligence; Intelligence Tests; Standardized Tests; Thinking References and further reading Campbell, J. R. et al. 1997. Trends in Academic Progress. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Case, Robbie. 1992. The Mind’s Staircase: Exploring the Conceptual Underpinnings of Children’s Thought and Knowledge. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Elkind, David. 1967. “Egocentrism in Adolescence.” Child Development 38: 1025–1034. ———. 1985. “Egocentrism Redux.” Developmental Review 5: 218–226. Elkind, David, and Richard Bowen. 1979. “Imaginary Audience Behavior in Children and Adolescents.” Developmental Psychology 15: 38–44. Enright, Robert D., et al. 1979. “Adolescent Egocentrism in Early and Late Adolescence.” Adolescence 14: 687–695. Gesell, Arnold, et al. 1956. Youth: The Years from Ten to Sixteen. New York: Harper. Goosens, F. X., et al. 1992. “The Many Faces of Egocentrism: Two European

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Replications.” Journal of Adolescent Research 7: 43–58. Gray, William M., and Lynne M. Hudson. 1984. “Formal Operations and the Imaginary Audience.” Developmental Psychology 20: 619–627. Hall, G. Stanley. 1904. Adolescence. New York: Appleton. Inhelder, Barbel, and Jean Piaget. 1958. The Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood through Adolescence. New York: Basic Books. Lehman, Darrin R., and Richard E. Nisbett. 1990. “A Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Undergraduate Training on Reasoning.” Developmental Psychology 26: 952–960. Osherson, Daniel N., and Ellen M. Markman. 1975. “Language and the Ability to Evaluate Contradictions and Tautologies.” Cognition 2: 213–226. Piaget, Jean. 1950. The Psychology of Intelligence. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Wellman, Henry M. 1990. The Child’s Theory of Mind. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

College Today, more than 90 percent of high school seniors expect to attend college, and more than 70 percent of them aspire to work in professional jobs as adults. Four decades ago, the picture was quite different: Only 55 percent of high school seniors expected to attend college, and approximately 42 percent expected to work in professional jobs (Schneider and Stevenson, 1999). Most young people today will graduate from high school, and the predominant pattern of transition will be from high school into some form of postsecondary education. Recent national surveys charting the transition from high school to college or the labor force show a steady increase in the numbers of young people selecting to enter postsecondary schools. From 1987 to 1997, the percentage of high school graduates attending college in the fall after

their senior year increased by 10 percent (National Center for Education Statistics, 1999). Over 3 million high school graduates are expected to enter postsecondary institutions by the fall of 2006 (National Center for Education Statistics, 1996). This continued increase in the numbers of young people opting for postsecondary education immediately after high school graduation points to a changing transition pattern. As recently as two decades ago, most young people took full-time jobs after high school graduation. Today, the majority of them will instead enroll in college, where many of them will remain for more than four years. Compared to college students a decade ago, they will likely obtain a postsecondary degree later, marry later, and have children later. During this prolonged transition, students will face a series of decisions that have significant consequences for their futures. Many of these decisions will be made in high school, where students begin to think about what courses they need to take, what types of extracurricular activities they should participate in, what types of paid work they should undertake, and what type of college they should attend. More and more high school students recognize the importance of a college degree as an investment for improving their earnings as adults. Many view a college degree in much the same way that teenagers in the 1950s viewed the high school diploma—as a necessary credential for obtaining stable employment. In fact, a college degree is the minimal credential to which most of today’s young people aspire. From 1972 to 1992, the number of high school seniors who expected to achieve more than a college degree doubled from 14 percent to more than 30 percent. These high educational

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More and more high school students recognize the importance of a college degree as an investment for improving their earnings as adults. (Leif Skoogfors/Corbis)

expectations are not confined to any particular group of students: Among both females and males, as well as students from different racial and ethnic groups and different socioeconomic backgrounds, the overwhelming majority now expect to attend college (Green, Dugoni, and Ingels, 1995). Students’ high educational expectations are matched by high occupational aspirations. Since 1955, the percentage of seniors aspiring to professional jobs has steadily increased, with the sharpest rise occurring after 1980. Specifically, from 1980 to 1992, the percentage of students desiring professional jobs increased from 54 percent to more than 70 percent. Conversely, teenage aspirations for nearly all other occupational categories, including

salespeople, service workers, technicians, manual laborers, farmers, and homemakers, have steadily declined over the past forty years. In fact, the number of jobs in service and other occupations projected for the year 2005 far exceeds the number of adolescents who want to fill them (Schneider and Stevenson, 1999). This rise in educational expectations can largely be attributed to the academic preparation that young people are receiving in high school as well as to the influence of their teachers, counselors, and parents. American high schools are commonly referred to as comprehensive because the curriculum is designed to provide learning opportunities both for students who plan to enter the labor force full-time directly after high school and

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for students who plan to attend college. Over the last forty years, American high schools have undergone a major transformation marked by a steady increase in the number of academic courses being offered and a decline in the number of vocational courses and programs. This change has been spurred in part by the national movement to increase graduation requirements, particularly in the areas of mathematics and science. The effects of these academic requirements have been noticeable; indeed, considerably more high school students now take four years of mathematics and science (Blank and Langesen, 1999). This push for academic standards, combined with the preparation of more students for college, has blurred the boundaries separating the college preparatory and vocational curricular strands in the comprehensive high school. Regardless of what courses students take, high school counselors encourage the overwhelming majority of them to attend college. No longer perceived as “gatekeepers” who sort young people into college and noncollege tracks, high school counselors and teachers are now strong advocates for college attendance. Results from national surveys indicate that over 90 percent of students report that their teachers and counselors encourage them to attend college. Even students who take vocational courses are directed to twoyear community colleges for additional skills and training opportunities. Similar percentages are reported among parents, whose educational expectations and career aspirations for their teenagers match those of the teens themselves. In deciding on a college, students confront a number of complex choices: whether to attend a public or private institution, a small or large one, a tradi-

tional liberal arts college or a school with specialized programs in fields like engineering or film. A fundamental distinction among postsecondary institutions is the type of degree offered: Four-year institutions offer primarily bachelor of arts or bachelor of science degrees. Community and junior colleges offer associate degrees in the arts or sciences that typically require two years of full-time study. And proprietary institutions offer a range of certificates in such fields as cosmetology, trucking, or heating and air-conditioning repair. These certificate programs vary in length, but many can be completed in less than a year. Some community or junior colleges also offer vocational and technical certificate programs that take a year or less to complete (Dictionary of Postsecondary Institutions, 1997). Most high school graduates do not choose to enroll in certificate programs following graduation. These programs attract the fewest number of graduating high school seniors and have been steadily decreasing in size over the past two decades. Recent analyses of data from several national longitudinal studies show that in 1977, 5.3 percent of high school graduates chose to pursue such certificates, compared to 5 percent in 1982 and only 2.9 percent in 1992 (Schneider and Stevenson, 1999). As suggested earlier, the dominant transition pattern among young adults is to go from high school to college. Of those who choose to attend postsecondary institutions, one-third enter community or junior colleges and the remainder attend four-year colleges. Although the proportion of high school graduates opting for college has steadily increased over the past three decades, the distribution of students entering two-

College year and four-year institutions immediately after high school has remained fairly stable since 1972 (Adelman, 1999). Community College Students Research has consistently found that community colleges tend to enroll students who have been traditionally underrepresented at four-year institutions, including racial and ethnic minorities and those from less advantaged socioeconomic backgrounds. Many young people who decide to begin their education at a community college are concerned about the costs of higher education, underprepared academically, and unsure of what career they would like to pursue after completing their degree. The costs of higher education are particularly problematic for community college students, who typically have limited resources. Yet, ironically, although most community college students need financial assistance to attend school, the proportion of students who apply for financial aid tends to be lower at two-year versus fouryear institutions. Many community college students lack information on financial assistance, however, and may be discouraged from applying by the lengthy and complicated procedures for obtaining aid—especially those who are first-time college-goers in their families (Grubb and Tuma, 1991). Moreover, with respect to academic preparation, recent analyses continue to demonstrate that students who opt for community college tend to have taken fewer advanced-level mathematics and science courses in high school than those who matriculate to four-year institutions. Thus, they may fail the entry-level examinations in these subjects and be required to take remedial courses that do not carry credit hours toward degree completion. Under such

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circumstances, it appears that the focus on remedial work in community college would be more beneficial if students took more academically rigorous courses in high school. One characteristic that students at community colleges share with those at four-year colleges is high expectations. More than 70 percent of students who enroll in two-year colleges expect to earn a four-year degree. These high ambitions do not seem to lessen even among students who remain at two-year institutions for more than two years. However, although the majority of community college students plan to transfer to four-year institutions, few of them actually succeed in doing so. The rising educational expectations of students at two-year colleges further complicates the mission and resource allocations of these institutions. Many community colleges attempt to provide vocational education and training as well as to prepare students for entry into four-year colleges. These two missions are often at odds, resulting in problematic advising programs for the students. Four-Year College Students Young people who enter four-year college programs tend to be more academically prepared than those who enter community colleges or who delay their entrance into college. With respect to background characteristics, students who enter fouryear institutions are more likely to be white, to come from traditional two-parent families, and to have more economic and social resources than students who attend community colleges. The number of whites and African Americans who enroll in college immediately after high school has continued to grow over the last two decades, whereas the number of

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Hispanics has remained stable. However, if certain factors are held constant— namely, family background and academic performance, including test scores and course-taking behaviors—African Americans turn out to be four times more likely than whites to attend four-year colleges (Schneider et al., 1999). Even though low-income and minority students are now more likely to enroll in postsecondary institutions than they have been historically, several barriers continue to limit their access to higher education. Rising tuition costs still place some institutions out of reach for students in families with limited resources. Access to higher education for minority students appears at great risk as more states eliminate affirmative action policies in making admissions determinations (Bowen and Bok, 1998). And among the low-income and minority students who matriculate to four-year institutions, persistence rates continue to be disproportionately lower than among students in other groups. Approximately one-third of recent high school graduates have chosen not to attend college, and for these young adults, labor force participation will likely be a primary or immediate concern after high school. However, given changes in the labor markets open to high school graduates (and, indeed, those who leave high school without a diploma), the opportunities for stable, long-term employment look increasingly problematic (Murphy and Welch, 1989). Economists have differing opinions about the labor market needs for the next century, but most agree that the “credentials floor” for stable jobs that pay more than the minimum wage will likely continue to rise. This trend is evidenced by the fact that many such jobs now require associate or bachelor’s

degrees. Supporting a family and maintaining a reasonable lifestyle with only a high school diploma thus seems a very unlikely scenario, at least in the near future. Young adults who go to work directly after high school are predominately male and, compared to those who enroll in college, are more likely to be Hispanic, African American, or Asian American. Over the past twenty years, the proportion of high school graduates entering the labor force who are nonwhite has increased from almost 14 percent to 27 percent (Stevenson, Kochanek, and Schneider, 1998). Compared to students ten or twenty years ago, those who now enter the workforce directly after high school are, on the one hand, more likely to have parents with at least some college education but, on the other, less likely to have had formal vocational training. Many American employers today want to see good basic academic skills among their prospective employees (Shapiro and Goertz, 1998). Comparisons of data from several longitudinal studies suggest that students entering the labor force directly after high school do not have lower cognitive abilities skills than students in similar circumstances ten years ago. However, today’s young workers do appear to have had more behavioral problems in high school. Compared to students who enter college, they are more likely to have been late to school, to have gotten into trouble at school, to have been considered troublemakers by their classmates, and to have been suspended from school (Stevenson, Kochanek, and Schneider, 1998). For these reasons, high school graduates who currently enter the labor market directly after high school do not fit either the skill and knowledge

Computer Hacking profile or the social profile of the American worker recommended by various federal policy panels (Secretary’s Commission on Achieving Necessary Skills, 1991). Barbara Schneider See also Academic Achievement; Career Development; Vocational Development References and further reading Adelman, Clifford. 1999. Answers in the Tool Box: Academic Intensity, Attendance Patterns, and Bachelor’s Degree Attainment. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement. Blank, Rolf, and Doreen Langesen. 1999. State Indicators of Science and Mathematics Education: State by State Trends and New Indicators from the 1997–98 School Year. Washington, DC: Council of Chief State School Officers. Bowen, William G., and Derek Bok. 1998. The Shape of the River: Long-Term Consequences for Considering Race in College Admissions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Dictionary of Postsecondary Institutions, Vol. 2. 1997. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Green, Patricia, Bernard L. Dugoni, and Steven Ingels. 1995. Trends among High School Seniors, 1972–1992. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Grubb, Norton, and John Tuma. 1991. “Who Gets Student Aid?: Variation in Access to Aid.” Review of Higher Education 14, no. 3: 359–382. Murphy, Kevin, and Finnis Welch. 1989. “Wage Premiums for College Graduates: Recent Growth and Possible Explanations.” Educational Researcher 18, no. 4: 17–26. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). 1996. Projections of Education Statistics to 2006. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. ———. 1997. Postsecondary Persistence and Attainment. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement.

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———. 1999. The Condition of Education 1999. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Schneider, Barbara, and David Stevenson. 1999. The Ambitious Generation: America’s Teenagers, Motivated but Directionless. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Schneider, Barbara, Fengbin Chang, Christopher Swanson, and David Stevenson. 1999. “Social Exchange and Interests: Parents’ Investments in Educational Opportunities.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Chicago (August). Secretary’s Commission on Achieving Necessary Skills. 1991. What Work Requires of Schools: A SCANS Report for America 2000. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor. Shapiro, Daniel, and Margaret Goertz. 1998. “Connecting Work and School: Findings from the 1997 National Employer Survey.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Diego (April). Stevenson, David, Julie Kochanek, and Barbara Schneider. 1998. “Making the Transition from High School: Recent Trends and Policies.” Pp. 207–226 in The Adolescent Years: Social Influences and Educational Challenges, National Society for the Study of Education Yearbook. Edited by Kathryn Borman and Barbara Schneider. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Computer Hacking The term computer hacker has at least two definitions. According to one of these, a computer hacker is an exceptionally competent computer programmer. Hacking in this context means using one’s computer programming abilities to explore the Internet, develop skills, and gain knowledge. It does not include illegal activities. According to another definition, however, computer hacker is someone who uses his or her knowledge of computers or the Internet to steal or

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Four teenagers involved in hacking into a computer pay network participate in a press conference, California 1983. From left to right are Wayne Correia, 17, Gary Knutson, 15, Greg Knutson, 14, and David Hill, 17. (Bettmann/Corbis)

damage property—whether physical property or intellectual property such as corporate secrets, software products, and personnel information. Hacking in this context means using one’s abilities for material gain or mischief. The use of a computer for such purposes is a crime and can result in incarceration. If the illegal activity involves the Internet, it is a federal offense because the Internet crosses state boundaries. People who use the Internet for illegal purposes have been called “crackers” within the hacker community in order to distinguish them from people who are simply demonstrating their knowledge; in addition, people who use their skills to make long-dis-

tance calls without paying for them have been called “phreaks.” Thus, hackers are a diverse group of individuals. Furthermore, merely referring to a person as a computer hacker does not make that person one. She or he must demonstrate extensive knowledge about technology or telecommunications systems. Many interesting examples of computer crime can be cited. Probably the first hacker arrested for illegal activity was John Draper, also known as “Captain Crunch.” Repeatedly arrested for phone tampering during the 1970s, Draper used a plastic whistle he found in a cereal box to gain access to free long-distance telephone calls. Another famous case is that

Computer Hacking of Kevin Mitnick, who was arrested and incarcerated in the 1980s for reading corporate e-mail. After he was freed, he returned to hacking in 1992 and hid from the police for several years. Mitnick was the first computer hacker to be put on the FBI’s most-wanted list. Captured in 1995, he was charged with computer fraud and theft of corporate information and millions of dollars’ worth of computer software. Since the beginning of the 1990s, computer crime has been on the rise. Computer hackers have broken into a variety of different computer systems including military bases, government agencies, research institutes, phone companies, airlines, computer companies, and even banks. In fact, hackers stole $70 million from the Bank of Chicago using a computer. Hackers have been known to flood computer systems with thousands of e-mail messages, a practice called spamming, in order to cause the systems to slow down or fail. The Department of Defense computer system is attacked hundreds of thousands of times each year. And not just businesses and government agencies are affected by computer crime: Computer viruses are a constant threat to members of the general public who use e-mail and the Internet. These viruses are computer programs designed to destroy or damage computer files. They are passed from computer to computer or from network to network over the Internet or e-mail. Over a short period of time, a single virus can cause extensive damage all over the world. In 1998 the government responded to these various computer crime threats by creating the National Infrastructure Protection Center; its purpose is to prevent hackers from jeopardizing the nation’s telecommunication, transportation, and technology

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systems. In addition, the FBI has created cybercrime units in many cities in the United States. Computer hacking is one of our newest forms of crime and juvenile delinquency. Many countries are taking this threat to their infrastructures very seriously. How widespread is adolescent computer hacking? Currently, researchers do not know what percentage of the adolescent population participates in computer crime. The stereotype found in the media is that of the intellectually gifted teenager with antisocial attitudes who continues to break the law until he or she is stopped. It is not clear that this stereotype always holds true, as the characteristics of long-term computer hackers are unknown. But if computer hacking is similar to other forms of juvenile delinquency, it can be argued, by extension, that there are at least two different groups of adolescents participating in illegal computer-related activities. According to Terrie Moffitt’s (1993) theory of the development of antisocial behavior, one of these groups—the smaller of the two— consists of teenagers who continue to commit criminal acts as they move into adulthood. These career criminals usually begin their antisocial behavior early in development. They can be distinguished from other teens by a combination of personal characteristics and negative environmental influences that work as risk factors. For example, they may have had a conduct disorder problem in childhood, similar to that of their aggressive peers. They may have trouble fitting in socially or academically in school, although given their computer programming abilities, they are probably very intelligent. And they may be sensation seekers who are willing or eager to take unusual chances.

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For instance, Kevin Mitnick, the wellknown computer hacker mentioned earlier, claimed that he hacked into computer systems to challenge himself—not to gain personal wealth. The majority of adolescent computer crime, however, is probably committed by teens who do not continue these activities in adulthood. Moffitt’s theory holds that these temporary criminals are testing their knowledge and skills as a way of achieving status and power. They break the law and seek attention because society considers them socially immature, even though they are biologically mature individuals. It is this “maturity gap” in our culture that leads many teenagers to commit crimes. In short, many teens imitate their more antisocial peers and explore forbidden territory while still in adolescence, but once these individuals obtain independence and responsibility in adulthood, they stop their antisocial behavior. It is easy to see how computer hacking might be an effective way for adolescents to demonstrate their knowledge and power to other people. In fact, many people praise teens for such behavior because it requires a great deal of intellectual skill. Moreover, since these adolescents can presumably use their computerrelated knowledge in their future careers, their behavior may appear harmless or even beneficial to their development. Yet computer hacking can result in hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of damage to companies and research institutes. This damage is due in part to lost productivity and information and in part to the cost of paying personnel to repair and rebuild damaged computer systems. Participating in illegal computer activities can also be detrimental to the teenage

hackers themselves—for instance, by limiting their future career opportunities. Indeed, executives in some computer companies have voiced their reluctance to hire computer hackers who have committed criminal acts. Not surprisingly, they are nervous about handing sensitive or private information to people who do not respect other people’s privacy and property and the laws that protect them. Other executives, however, have actually hired computer programmers to hack into their computers in order to test the company’s security system and software. This practice, called “ethical computer hacking,” can uncover computer security breaks and prevent future damage to a company’s computer system. It is a legal activity because it involves the active consent of the target of the hacking. The social factors contributing to adolescent computer crime probably include parental influences, such as modeling of antisocial attitudes and failure to monitor the teen’s computer-related activities. But an even larger influence is likely to be the teenager’s peer group. The need for peer acceptance is at its height during the middle-childhood and adolescent years, and the peer group is considered a significant source of knowledge and encouragement during this time. Moreover, contrary to the popular notion that computer hackers are social isolates, hackers probably have many friends on the Internet. In fact, several online gangs have claimed responsibility for attempting to hack into government Web sites and computer systems. These online gangs seem to have the same characteristics as the better-known adolescent gangs that commit physical crimes, including antisocial attitudes, praise for criminal acts by the delinquent peer group, tutoring in illegal behaviors,

Computer Hacking and strong leadership and loyalty among group members. Indeed, teenagers can obtain information about computer hacking on the Internet itself. Although they may seem to be staying out of trouble because they are working alone on their computers, in actuality they are being taught how to engage in criminal activities by an extensive, sometimes international, peer group. Still other Internet sites teach specific skills, such as how to deface another person’s Web site and how to create computer programs that help decode passwords and encrypted information. One can also learn these skills by reading newsletters and magazines produced by hacker interest groups. Hackers meet online in chat rooms, form online groups and gangs, and travel to conventions where they exchange ideas and test each other’s knowledge. It is important to point out that these conventions and groups include not just people who are learning and teaching illegal behavior but also those who are participating in legal hacking activities. Illegal hacking can be traced back at least 120 years, when a group of teenagers abused the country’s first telephone system. Modern computer hacking, on the other hand, originated in the late 1960s, during the first of three major events: the beginning of the study of artificial intelligence and the development of the Internet at universities such as the University of California–Berkeley and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. At this time, computers and the Internet had started to become important to both science and society and computer programmers had begun to communicate with each other and work together, leading to a second event that was relevant to the emergence of com-

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puter hacking: the development of a subculture revolving around computers. Computer clubs and magazines were created to teach people how to use the telephone system and the computer to explore their abilities—or to break the law. Some early hackers in these clubs moved into profitable careers, creating much of the modern computer industry. As these computer clubs grew, so did the government’s interest in computer crime and illegal Internet activities. In the early 1980s, many countries developed laws against such activities, including the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act in the United States. Law-enforcement efforts began to crack down on illegal hacking, and programmers were arrested for breaking into federal and business computers. A third event linked to computer hacking was the emergence of the Internet’s role in our larger culture— made official, perhaps, by coinage of the term cyberspace in William Gibson’s book Neuromancer. All three events and their consequences have led to society’s interest in children and teenagers who exhibit exceptional computer-related skills and possibly use their knowledge to break the law. Shirley McGuire See also Aggression; Computers; Conduct Problems; Delinquency, Trends in; Moral Development; Rebellion References and further reading “Hackers Are Necessary.” Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 5/17/99: http://www.cnn.com/TECH/specials/ hackers/qandas/ “Hacking Is a Felony.” Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 5/17/99: http://www.cnn.com/TECH/specials/ hackers/qandas/ “A History of Hacking.” Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 8/17/99:

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http://www.sptimes.com/Hackers/ history.hacking.html Moffitt, Terrie E. 1993. “‘AdolescentLimited’ and ‘Life-Course-Persistent’ Antisocial Behavior: A Developmental Taxonomy.” Psychological Review 100: 674–701.

Computers A computer is a programmable electronic machine that performs a series of highspeed mathematical calculations or logical operations in order to assemble, store, correlate, or otherwise process information. One can argue that no technological advance over the last century has affected the whole society of America, and indeed the world, as quickly and profoundly as the computer. Twenty-five years ago it was two teenagers, Bill Gates and Paul Allen, who ignited the computer revolution that changed the lives of people everywhere. The current generation of adolescents, sometimes referred to as the “Nintendo Generation,” are standard-bearers in the technological revolution, having never known anything else. From video games to chat rooms to Web surfing, adolescents have sparked exciting new computer trends over the last decade, and within these young minds lie radical new visions and infinite possibilities in computer technology. Computers are used to perform an enormous variety of functions, and more uses are created every day, providing greater and more flexible access to all of society’s resources. For several years, businesses have relied on computers for maintaining large inventories, tracking sales, communicating with customers, and transferring information electronically. Today, the focus of businesses lies in e-commerce, online stock trading, and high-speed wireless communications. For

years, educators have incorporated computer technology into lesson plans, classroom projects, and research. Today, there is a focus on online homework, online tutorial chat sessions, and even completely virtual classrooms and colleges. The list of computer uses is practically endless, as well as constantly changing. Scientists use computers to organize complicated data, build complex models, and improve research tools and methods. The military use computers in radar systems, communications systems, security systems, and advanced machines and weaponry. Doctors use specialized computers to track patient records and supplies, perform difficult surgeries and procedures, and monitor critical dosages. Musicians use computers to produce and fine-tune studio compositions as well as enhance live performances. Computers are also being used to make everyday life more efficient and manageable. They are used in home appliances such as microwaves, VCRs, stereos, and home security systems. They are being used in automobiles to regulate fuel systems and speedometers. Computers are used in ATM machines, cellular phones, video games, cameras, and supermarket checkouts. Extensive computer networks are in place to manage such things as traffic control systems, airline reservation systems, public utilities, and financial systems. It seems almost impossible nowadays to imagine living in a world without computer technology. Those without computer skills find themselves struggling to keep up as computers become a greater part of our life and work. History and Development of Computers Early Computers. There are many people who deserve credit in the develop-

Computers ment of computers over the last century, but it all began with the nineteenth-century British mathematician Charles Babbage (1792–1871), often referred to as the “father of computing.” In 1834, Babbage began designing his Analytical Engine, a mechanical digital device capable of performing mathematical operations as a modern computer does. The engine was “programmable” using punched cards, contained a “store” for saving data, a “mill” for processing data, and also a printer. Babbage had trouble convincing his financiers that such a machine would prove useful, so he never came up with the funding to finish builiding it. If Babbage is known as the father of computing, then his brilliant female colleague deserves to be called its mother. Augusta Ada Byron, Lady Lovelace (1815–1852), daughter of the poet Lord Byron, was working in mathematics at a time when women were generally discouraged from pursuing such a field. She took notice of the universality of Babbage’s ideas, and, in 1843, she translated an Italian paper on Babbage’s Analytical Engine, adding her own notes and theories to the manuscript. Her comments included her predictions that such a machine might be used to compose complex music, to produce graphics, and would be used for both practical and scientific use. Lovelace later suggested that Babbage write a plan for how the engine could calculate Bernoulli equations. This plan is now regarded as the first computer program, and a software language developed by the U.S. Department of Defense in 1979 was named “Ada” in Lovelace’s honor. It took a period of time for people to see promise in the work of Babbage and Lovelace; crucial advances in electromechanical engineering still had to be

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made. From 1936 to 1945, at least three different groups designed the first electronic digital computer, each group unaware of the others because of World War II communication barriers. German scientist Konrad Zuse (1910–1995) independently created a series of programmable, digital-computing machines beginning with the Z1 in 1936. A team of British scientists, led by Alan Turing (1912–1954), developed an electronic digital computer, called Colossus, in 1943. It was designed to break codes. American scientists created the Automatic Sequence Controlled Calculator (Mark I) in 1944 and the Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer (ENIAC) in 1945. Both were used for military purposes. ENIAC weighed thirty tons, measured 100 feet long and 8 feet high, and contained 17,468 vacuum tubes. At its top speed, it performed 5,000 additions per second. In the late 1950s, transistors replaced electron tubes in computers, allowing a reduction in the size and power consumption of computer components. In 1958, Jack S. Kilby (b. 1923) and Robert Noyce (1927–1990) revolutionized the industry by each independently inventing the integrated circuit, which allowed further reductions in component size and increases in reliability. An integrated circuit chip, created with a silicon wafer, is smaller and thinner than a baby’s fingernail yet equivalent to thousands of electronic components all operating simultaneously. The integrated circuit represented the first great invention that dealt with the storing, processing, and interpretation of information, and it paved the way for the development of microcomputers. The Microcomputer. In 1968, Noyce joined with Gordon Moore to start Intel,

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a company dedicated to developing and producing the integrated circuit. In 1974, Intel introduced the 8080 microprocessor, considered to be the first microprocessor powerful enough to build a computer around. This microprocessor and its clones came to dominate the microcomputer industry for the next four years. Ed Roberts, founder of Micro Instrumentation Telemetry Systems (MITS), used the Intel 8080 to design the first personal computer, the Altair 8800, even before there was demand for a single unit. The machine included the Intel 8080 microprocessor and 256 bytes of RAM for $395. Users had to create and enter their programs in binary code by flipping switches on the front panel of the machine. MITS planned on selling 400 units the first year, but after the Altair debuted on the cover of the January 1975 issue of Popular Electronics, 800 units were sold in the first month. Among those intrigued by this computer were two nineteen-year-old Harvard students—Bill Gates and Paul Allen. In the spring of 1975, Allen arrived at MITS headquarters in Albuquerque carrying a version of a computer language called BASIC on a roll of paper tape. The previously untested program written by the two teenagers worked perfectly, and Allen was hired as manager of software. Gates and Allen went on to build the multibillion-dollar Microsoft computer software empire partly from system software they wrote for the Altair. Computers and Societal Transformation. As a result of the brilliant innovations by Roberts, Gates, and Allen, there was a flooding of new computer technology into society throughout the last two decades of

the twentieth century. The development of faster, cheaper microcomputers brought computing down to a personal level. Gates and Allen started a software explosion that redefined the tools people use for writing, calculating, organizing, storing, and playing. Electronic mail and the Internet set new standards in high-speed communications, enabling individuals to cheaply and easily publish quality information and exchange it with people around the world. E-commerce is changing the way people shop and do business. Laptops, palm computers, and cell phones are now allowing people flexible, mobile access to computers and wireless networking. Yet the impact of computers on society so far is modest in comparison to the potential impact. The most exciting developments in computer technology and computer use are still brewing in the minds of today’s adolescents. One of the most exciting aspects of the computer revolution is that younger generations have as much involvement in it and influence on how it plays out as older generations, if not more. Computer science is a young field and developing at a rapid pace. Today’s hottest computer technologies, such as Web design and wireless networking, are mere foretastes of the potential technologies. Adolescents are not only making use of computer technology but are becoming pioneers of its expansion. Today’s teenagers are the backbone of the exciting new trends, issues, and developments that are already changing the social atmosphere and creating new lifestyles. One of the current social issues related to computer technology deals with intellectual property rights and digital copyrighting. The debate centers on whether or not the usual copyright laws should

Computers apply to information that is loose on the Internet. Standing in the front lines of this debate is an adolescent named Shawn Fanning. At age eighteen, Fanning created an online music-swapping computer program called Napster that transforms personal computers into servers for exchanging Mp3 music files over the Net. Within a year Napster became a multimilliondollar company with more than forty employees. The Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) and several musicians, led by the rock band Metallica, have sued Napster, claiming that the service violates their music production copyrights. The case will become a precedent for shaping future laws about intellectual property rights. Another issue involves concerns about the isolating effects of computers on the adolescent world. Some parents and critics worry that computer use, like television, may damage children and their social interaction. Such social isolation, they fear, can also lead to misuse of computers and the Internet for such things as hacking, harassment, and pornography. However, such critics assume that computer use necessarily reduces sociation because it saps time and energy and lowers adolescent self-esteem. Alternatively, other critics believe computers actually promote better social interaction. For instance, on the Internet, nobody knows whether you are black, white, short, tall, attractive, or ugly. Anyone, regardless of age, race, religion, or gender, can publicize their views and their work to an international audience. For many adolescents, the computer is a tool for personal expression and self-empowerment. The Internet also provides the curious adolescent with exciting opportunities for exploration,

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discovery, and investigation. Teenagers today are becoming more globally oriented and open-minded. How Computers Work Modern computers, or digital computers, are designed to process data directly in numerical form using the binary system. Binary digits are expressed in the computer circuitry by the presence (1) or absence (0) of a current. A string of eight such bits, called a “byte,” is the fundamental data unit of digital computers. A digital computer can store the results of its calculations, compare results with other data, and use comparisons to change the series of operations it performs. The operations of a digital computer are carried out by digital computer circuits capable of performing up to trillions of arithmetic or logic operations per second, thus permitting the rapid solutions of long problems that would normally be impossible for humans to solve by hand. The development of the integrated circuit in 1958 spurred the creation of smaller and more powerful digital computers. Large “mainframe” computers, which were sometimes large enough to walk through, have been reduced to more manageable cabinet-sized computers and “microcomputers” that can sit on a desktop, a lap, or even in the palm of a hand. Microcomputer Structure. The physical computer and its components are known as hardware. Computer hardware includes the memory that stores data and instructions, the central processing unit (CPU) that carries out instructions, the bus that connects the various computer components, the input devices that allow the user to communicate with the computer, and the output devices that enable

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the computer to present information to the user. When a computer is turned on it searches for instructions in its memory. Usually, the first set of these instructions is a special program called the operating system, the software that makes the computer work. It prompts the user or other machines for commands, reports the results, stores and manages data, and controls the sequence of software and hardware actions. When the user requests that a program run, the operating system loads the program in the computer’s memory and runs the program. Popular microcomputer operating systems, such as Microsoft Windows and Macintosh operating systems, have a graphical user interface (GUI)—that is, a display that uses tiny pictures, or icons, to represent various commands. To execute these commands, the user clicks the mouse on the icon or presses a combination of keys on the keyboard. To process information electronically, data is stored in a computer in the form of binary digits, or bits, each having two possible representations (0 or 1), as explained above. Eight bits is called a byte; a byte has 256 possible combinations of 0s and 1s. A byte is a useful quantity in which to store information because it provides enough possible patterns to represent the entire alphabet, in lower- and uppercases, as well as numeric digits, punctuation marks, and several character-sized graphics symbols. A byte also can be interpreted as a pattern that represents a number between 0 and 255. A kilobyte—1,024 bytes—can store about 1,000 characters; a megabyte can store about 1 million characters; and a gigabyte can store about 1 billion characters. The physical memory of a computer is either random access memory (RAM),

which can be read or changed by the user or computer, or read-only memory (ROM), which can be read by the computer but not altered. One way to store memory is within the circuitry of the computer, usually in tiny computer chips that hold millions of bytes of information. The memory within these computer chips is RAM. Memory also can be stored outside the circuitry of the computer on external storage devices, such as hard drives, floppy disks, ZIP drives, and CD-ROM drives. The bus is usually a flat cable with numerous parallel wires. The bus enables the components in a computer, such as the CPU and memory, to communicate. Input devices, such as a keyboard or mouse, permit the computer user to communicate with the computer. Other input devices include joysticks, scanners, light pens, touch panels, and microphones. Information from an input device or memory is communicated via the bus to the CPU. The CPU is a microprocessor chip—that is, a single piece of silicon containing millions of electrical components. Once the CPU has executed the program instruction, the program may request that information be communicated to an output device, such as a video display monitor, printer, projector, VCR, or speaker. Computer Programs and Software. In order to solve problems and become a diverse and powerful machine, a computer must first be programmed by being given a set of instructions called a program. Each instruction in the program is a single step telling the computer to perform an operation. While program describes a single, complete, and self-contained list of instructions, often stored in a single file, the

Conduct Problems term software describes some number of instructions, which may consist of one or more programs or parts thereof. Software can be split into two main types, system software and application software. System software is any software required to support the production or execution of application programs but not specific to any particular application. Most programs and software applications rely heavily on various kinds of system software for their execution. Examples of system software would include operating systems, compilers, editors, and sorting programs. Examples of application software would include accounting packages, word processing programs, multimedia software, educational software, and computer games. Sean Kennedy See also Homework; Media; Media, Effects of; Schools, Full-Service References and further reading InfoStreet, Inc. 1999. InstantWeb: Online Computing Dictionary. http://www.instantweb.com/~foldoc/ contents.html Lee, John A. N. 1999. The Machine That Changed the World. http://ei.cs.vt.edu/~history/TMTCTW. html Microsoft Corporation. 1999. Microsoft Corporation Interactive Software and Computer History Museum. http://www.microsoft.com/mscorp/ museum/home.asp. Tanenbaum, Andrew S. 1998. Structured Computer Organization. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Conduct Problems Conduct problems encompass a wide range of behaviors that are antisocial (against the basic principles of society). These behaviors are inappropriate and unacceptable according to societal rules

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and expectations. Some antisocial behavior is normal and expected during adolescence. There is no clear-cut distinction between normal conduct and problematic conduct—it is a matter of degree. Frequency and intensity of the behaviors are central features that determine whether the child is identified as clinically impaired, as having a behavior disorder. Antisocial acts that occur frequently or across many situations indicate a problem; however, some antisocial acts that happen seldom but are extremely serious, such as fire setting, can also indicate a disorder. Normal Antisocial Behavior Many antisocial behaviors emerge in some form over the course of normal development. During adolescence, the process of developing one’s own identity involves a movement away from family and may result in less affection toward parents and less time spent with them. Adolescents begin to think abstractly and question parental values, standards, and beliefs, resulting in an increase in arguments and rule testing. For instance, in one study, disobedience at home was reported as a problem by parents for approximately 20 percent of sixteen-yearolds. Conflict between parents and teenagers may rise as families argue about small things, such as chores, curfews, choice of clothing, or keeping one’s room clean. Increasing expectations, from school, parents, or work, place additional stress on adolescents. The antisocial behavior usually subsides as adolescents adjust to the changes happening around and within them. Antisocial behavior that exceeds normal development results in conduct problems, which at the extreme can become behavior disorders.

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Behavior Disorders Clinically diagnosable disorders of behavior include, but are not limited to, conduct disorder (CD) and oppositional defiant disorder (ODD). The essential features of conduct disorder are a repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior that involves violation of the basic rights of others and of the major age-appropriate social norms. Conduct problems are evident at school, in the home, within the community, and with peers, and commonly feature physical aggression, damaging property, lying, stealing, and cheating. Less serious than conduct disorder, oppositional defiant disorder involves a pattern of hostile and defiant behavior such as losing one’s temper, arguing with adults, defying rules, and being spiteful and vindictive. The prevalence ranges from 2 percent to 9 percent for CD and from 6 percent to 10 percent for ODD. Etiology of Conduct Problems It is unclear whether conduct problems are primarily learned behaviors or biologically predisposed. Studies show a link of parents with antisocial behaviors—such as antisocial personality disorder—to children with conduct disorder. This does not, however, imply a genetic link. A variety of parent and family characteristics have been identified as risk factors, including criminality, antisocial behavior, and alcoholism in the parents, marital discord, and harsh and inconsistent discipline practices. For instance, harsh parenting, such as verbal abuse, threat, and deprivation of privileges, as well as physical punishment, may encourage problem behavior. Individual traits may play a role in the development of conduct problems. Some individuals with conduct problems show cognitive processing problems such as

cognitive distortions (i.e., attributing hostile intentions to ambiguous acts) or cognitive deficiencies (i.e., using aggression rather than socially appropriate solutions to interpersonal problems). Certain personality traits such as impulsivity or disinhibition also encourage problem behavior. It is likely that individual traits, which may be inherited or learned, interact with the environment to produce problem behavior. Gender Differences Boys exhibit more conduct problems and tend to develop them at an earlier age than girls. On average, boys are five times as likely as girls to be diagnosed with conduct disorder. For boys, age of onset for CD is typically before age ten, whereas for girls, age of onset is typically in the early teens (ages thirteen to sixteen). Boys are generally found to engage more frequently in stealing, fighting, truancy, destructiveness, and lying over the course of development than girls. Continuity and Stability In general, antisocial behaviors typically decline over the course of development. However, extreme problem behavior exhibited in children is likely to persist into adolescence and sometimes into adulthood. Children who are high in conduct problems remain higher than their peer group over time. The precise bases for this continuity (i.e., gene action, environmental factors) are not well established. The stability and continuity of conduct problems suggest that interventions need to be designed to ameliorate these behaviors. Current Treatments Adolescents whose antisocial behaviors exceed that of normal development are

Conflict and Stress likely to have a broad range of dysfunction in social behaviors, academic performance, and cognitive processes, in addition to the conduct problem behaviors. Since the development of conduct problems has many contributing factors, there are many points for intervention. Treatments target the child, parent, or entire family and may be individual or group approaches. Many treatments emphasize problem-solving skills. Parent training and family therapy aim to improve communication skills among family members. Parents may learn alternatives to punitive and inconsistent parenting practices. School and communitybased programs aimed at preventing conduct problems incorporate problemsolving skills, emphasize prosocial activities, and foster more positive peer connections. Susan Averna See also Aggression; Cheating, Academic; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Juvenile Crime; Risk Behaviors; School Dropouts References and further reading American Psychiatric Association. 1994. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Gemelli, Ralph. 1996. Normal Child and Adolescent Development. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Herbert, Martin. 1987. Conduct Disorders of Childhood and Adolescence: A Social Learning Perspective. New York: Wiley. Kazdin, Alan. 1987. Conduct Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence, Vol. 9, Developmental Clinical Psychology and Psychiatry. London: Sage Publications. Kendall, Philip. 2000. Childhood Disorders. United Kingdom: Psychology Press. Peterson, Anne. 1985. “Pubertal Development as a Cause of

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Disturbance: Myths, Realities, and Unanswered Questions—Genetic, Social, and General.” Psychology Monographs 111, no. 2: 205–232. Robins, Lee. 1966. Deviant Children Grown Up. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins.

Conflict and Stress The transition from childhood to adolescence has changed in several qualitative and quantitative aspects over the past few decades. The age at which adolescents complete their education and enter the work force is later, their physical maturation is accelerated, and, due to more liberal norms and values, they begin heterosexual relations earlier. In America, as in other modern democratic societies, there is a noticeable trend toward “value pluralism,” which, on the one hand, calls for positive, tolerancepromoting values but, on the other hand, has led to the disintegration of existing value systems. Today’s adolescents are thus left with a vaguely defined behavior code through which to solve their agespecific developmental tasks. These changes are further complicated by increasing numbers of single-parent families and stepfamilies, higher rates of unemployment and economic hardship, and the continuous migration of foreign families, many from poverty-stricken backgrounds, into American society with its high Western standards. These conditions summarize the developmental context in which adolescent development unfolds within the biological, cognitive, and social domains. Taken together, the sheer number of changes occurring during adolescence, compared with other developmental stages, is unusually high. Such changes lead to stress, which in turn may exert an impact on health.

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The challenges of modern life often place adolescents under considerable stress. (Shirley Zeiberg)

Recent years have witnessed widespread interest in identifying the properties that make events stressful. Research on adolescents, in particular, has uncovered two types of stressful events that differ in frequency, predictability, control, and negative impact on health: normative stressors and non-normative stressors. Normative stressors are defined as events that occur at about the same time for the majority of individuals in this age group and are associated with specific developmental tasks and corresponding expectations of family, friends, and society. These stressors are highly predictable, relatively frequent, and perceived as mildly stressful and controllable. The adolescent years are characterized by numerous biological, cognitive, and social changes. In American society, increased responsibilities, accessibility to adult rights, and school changes mark the transition to adulthood. In particular, early adolescence (approximately ages eleven to thirteen years) is considered to be a difficult yet challenging phase due to pubertal developments, relational changes, and

school transition. Most early adolescents enter a new school, and the strain associated with adjusting to new academic and social environments may be potentiated by the biological developments occurring in puberty, such as changes in physical size and body concept or the emergence of sexual desires and anxieties about sexuality. Feelings of being different, not meeting the norm, having matured too quickly or not quickly enough represent additional stressors that arise in the pubertal phase of development. In addition, parentchild relationships change, and the adolescent’s interactions with and acceptance by friends become increasingly important. In midadolescence, the adolescent’s needs for peer acceptance are especially great, and the adolescent begins to spend more time with peers outside of the home. Thus, stressors emerge in relation to these changes, that is, there are more disputes with parents about curfews, clothing, driving, and personal freedom. Increased rates of parent-adolescent conflict have been consistently found in research for decades, particularly in early and midadolescent samples. Dating and the initiation of intimate, heterosexual relationships also occur in this phase and may be accompanied by stressors such as fear of rejection or feelings of incompetence. In late adolescence, the increasing independence from parents may result in the adolescent’s establishing an independent household. Graduation from high school is considered to be a significant juncture in the transition to adulthood. In addition to these changes, other, nonnormative stressors or critical life events can increase the likelihood of maladaptation. Non-normative family stressors have been studied intensively. Adolescents are more at risk for developing psychopathology when the family situation

Conflict and Stress is unstable or when there is serious marital discord. In extreme cases, marital discord may lead to divorce, a phenomenon that has increased in the United States over the years and currently resulted in every second marriage being dissolved. The influence of parental divorce on a child’s well-being has been frequently studied. The chronicity of the stressors is also relevant. Often high levels of stress precede the event and persist long after it has occurred. Many of the non-normative stressors experienced by adolescents are controlled or influenced by family situations and are chronic in nature. Ongoing, stressful family situations can produce more discrete life events, such as separation or divorce. Psychiatric illness in one or both parents is another chronic, stressful life situation. Most studies on this kind of stressor have focused on maternal dysfunction and its impact on adolescent health; little attention has been devoted to paternal disorders. Additional sources of familial stress occur following the death of a relative, instances of child molestation or abuse, parental drug abuse or criminal activities, or chronic illness in the family. To summarize, these stressors are critical life events that are relatively infrequent, hardly predictable, and extremely burdensome. Because most of these events are hardly foreseeable and can seldom be controlled or influenced by the adolescents, anticipatory preparation for or coping with the stressor is extremely difficult. Consequently, the emergence of non-normative stressors may have more dramatic health consequences for adolescents than normative stressors. However, due to the unusual timing and the high stressfulness of nonnormative events, social support may be greater and thus buffer the potentially damaging effects on health.

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In evaluating the effects of normative and non-normative stressors, number, timing, and synchronicity of changes have to be considered. By definition, nonnormative stressors occur quite seldomly; however, should they occur simultaneously or in rapid sequence with normative or developmentally related stressors, serious health damage may result. The risk for an unfavorable outcome increased exponentially with increased number of critical life events experienced by adolescents. Adolescents did not show an increased risk for psychopathology as long as only one non-normative stressor was involved. When two major stressors occurred simultaneously, the risk became four times as great. Thus, non-normative stressors potentiate one another so that the combination of stressors is more than the sum of effects of individual stressors. Furthermore, additional non-normative stressors may appear in their wake. This link has been confirmed frequently; most studies revealed a correlation of r = .30 between major and minor stressors. The different types of stressors that occur within a developmental phase interact with one another in a yet unknown way to produce health-damaging effects. Although normative stressors such as school change, physical maturation, and the onset of romantic relationships are expected, age-appropriate, and moderately stressful, the accumulation of diverse normative stressors may also have deleterious effects. School changes are particularly stressful for girls. Due to their more rapid maturational development in puberty, physical changes are more likely to occur around the time they enter a new school. Owing to their slower development, boys are less likely to be confronted with both normative stressors simultaneously. Research has

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further shown that girls are more likely than boys to experience more conflicting demands during this period. The demands of popularity and achievement orientation can produce emotional conflict in early adolescent girls. In addition, the timing of events has been found to influence health outcomes, particularly in normative stressors. This has been extensively researched with respect to pubertal timing. A large body of work has indicated that, when the timing of pubertal development deviates from normative expectations, problematic outcomes may be the result. Again, girls are more affected. Early maturing girls are more likely to develop a more negative body image and are also more likely to develop eating disorders or behavioral and emotional symptoms. Unusual timing of a normative event like physical maturity may touch off changes in relationships with parents and peers. In summary, early adolescence is a period of rapid cognitive, social, emotional, and physical changes. Although these changes per se have few harmful effects on most adolescents, there are certain vulnerable subgroups. Unusual timing of normative stressors, a cumulation of non-normative stressors, or an interaction between non-normative and normative stressors can be considered as risk factors. There are fewer changes in late adolescence than in early or midadolescence, which probably accounts for the finding that the transition to adulthood does not present major adaptation problems. From midadolescence to late adolescence, parent-adolescent conflict decreases. The power relation between parents and adolescents has changed, and a new balance between closeness and separateness has been established. Further, relationships with close friends

have matured and romantic relations developed. In addition, while the average youth shows a decline in school achievement in early and midadolescence, achievement is improved as adolescents enter college or take up full-time jobs. Research has frequently demonstrated gender differences in stress perception. Female adolescents experience changes in their environment and in themselves as being very stressful and threatening. Comparing a number of minor events, it became obvious that females perceive the same events as more stressful and more permanent than males did. In addition, they report more relationship stressors than males and felt four times more threatened by these same stressors than males. This suggests that females are more affected by conflicts in close relationships and perceive most stressors, particularly relationship stressors, as having a chronic nature. There is also evidence that males are less affected by normative stressors, whereas non-normative stressors have greater health consequences for them, compared to females. Empirical studies provided mixed evidence for the explanatory power of stress in the etiology of various psychological and somatic disorders. Frequent, sustained daily stressors, due to their chronic nature, might play a greater role in the development of psychopathology than the occurrence of isolated major life events. This finding is probably due to the higher amount of social support when experiencing non-normative stressors, which protects the adolescent from more severe health damage. It is not fully clear how gender differences in stress perception are linked with the emergence of gender-specific psychopathology and differences in helpseeking behavior. Several authors argue

Conflict Resolution for higher levels of minor stressors in females as compared to males. However, there are also studies speaking against a typically higher level of stress in females and arguing that, generally, males are more vulnerable to the effect of major losses, that is, events such as marital discord and parental divorce than females. Currently, research neither provides a clear support for the links between gender differences in stress perception and subsequent symptomatology, nor does it consistently support the hypothesis of an increase in stressors across the adolescent years only in females. However, there is some evidence that females experiencing both biological and psychosocial changes are more vulnerable for depression or depressive symptoms, but research focusing on this issue in males is still meager. As mentioned, numerous studies have documented an increase in parent-child conflicts during adolescence and a decline thereafter. Also, gender differences in frequency of conflicts have been established, documenting particularly high rates of conflicts in the motherdaughter dyad. However, a link between an increase in conflict with mothers and elevated levels of symptomatology of daughters, as compared to sons, did not emerge consistently. Prospective studies covering the time span of several years revealed, for example, that the relations between family conflicts and depressive outcome were similar for male and female adolescents. More recently, health consequences of poor peer relations, including peer rejection and the amount of conflict, has been established via aversive social exchange patterns between adolescents and their friends. Taken together, the research findings reviewed so far suggest that females are more sensitive to relationship stressors,

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but the health consequences of these perceived elevated levels of stress are not clear. Most symptoms were experienced on a subclinical level. Whether the longterm outcome may lead to more severe health damage should be examined in future research. This is a challenging task, because the factors contributing to adolescents’ maladaptation are complex and closely intertwined with normative developmental changes. Inge Seiffge-Krenke See also Conflict Resolution; Developmental Challenges; Family Relations; Storm and Stress References and further reading Compas, Bruce E., B. R. Hinden, and C. A. Gerhardt. 1995. “Adolescent Development: Pathways and Processes of Risk and Resilience.” Annual Review of Psychology 46: 265–293. Gore, Susan A., and R. H. Aseltine. 1995. “Protective Processes in Adolescence: Matching Stressors with Social Resources.” American Journal of Community Psychology 23: 301–327. Laursen, Brett, Katherine C. Coy, and W. Andy Collins. 1998. “Reconsidering Changes in Parent-Child Conflict across Adolescence: A Meta-Analysis.” Child Development 69: 817–832. Seiffge-Krenke, Inge. 1995. Relationships in Adolescence. Mahwah, NJ: Earlbaum. ———. 1998. Adolescents’ Health: A Developmental Perspective. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Conflict Resolution Conflict resolution is a strategy that promotes the positive interaction between people who are in disagreement. This method emphasizes the use of strong communication skills, understanding, respect, and cooperation in order to promote peaceful approaches to conflict.

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During adolescence, it is important to learn conflict resolution skills in order to control problems before they escalate to physical violence. (Skjold Photographs)

Conflict arises when two or more people believe that their opinions, wishes, and needs clash with those of their friends, family members, teachers, or others. Some conflicts, such as those resulting from insults or rumors, may seem less significant than conflicts associated with stolen belongings or physical fights. When people do not manage conflicts properly, violence is a likely consequence. Indeed, it is important to learn conflict resolution skills in order to control problems before they escalate to physical violence. Studies have shown that although relatively few conflicts result in injury, conflicts among students

do occur with frequency—and that without conflict resolution skills, students tend to deal with problems in ways that ignore the importance of their relationships with friends. Fortunately, research also indicates that conflict resolution and peer mediation programs are effective in teaching both elementary and secondary school children how to use conflict management strategies to bring about positive outcomes to their problems. When students learn and use constructive conflict management, schools witness a reduction in the numbers of student-tostudent conflicts reported by teachers and administrators. Although many people are uncomfortable with conflict, it is not always a bad thing. What’s important is how people deal with the conflict that is present in their lives. During conflict, people may experience humiliation, distrust, and frustration; they may also have a difficult time seeing the situation from a perspective other than their own. However, when constructive approaches to conflict are used, beneficial results often follow. Through active conflict resolution, people are essentially forced to seek creative approaches to their problems, allowing them to clarify differing points of view and to improve relationships and lines of communication. Although conflict resolution is effective, certain common assumptions about conflict make it difficult for many people to use its beneficial techniques. One such assumption is that conflict results from the failure of only one person, as when a girl directs her anger solely at her father because her parents divorced and he moved away. Another false notion is that there is no best way to deal with conflict; for example, a boy may get into a physical fight while arguing with his friend,

Conflict Resolution not realizing that a better approach is available. A third misconception about conflict is that it always leads to destructive outcomes; a case in point is the girl who decides after an argument with her best friend that their friendship is over. In actuality, conflicts result from differing perspectives on life, and their outcomes and degree of seriousness depend on the way in which people handle them. People have three options when dealing with conflict in their lives. They can fight the person who causes them pain or trouble, they can avoid the problem by fleeing from it, or they can engage in problem solving. This last option involves clearly communicating feelings, assessing the facts surrounding the problem, and thinking about favorable outcomes. The winner and loser in any argument are determined by the approach to conflict that is chosen. (1) When a person fights the source of conflict, by attacking verbally or physically, one person wins and the other loses. (2) When flight is the method used, both people lose because the problem, now avoided or ignored, will likely persist. (3) When problem solving is employed, both people win. The reason is that problem solving encourages each person to understand the nature of the conflict, to voice his or her own concerns, to listen to the other person involved, and to work with that other person to develop an appropriate solution. Conflict resolution skills, when learned and practiced, can indeed help people choose option (3) as their approach to conflict. Problem solving requires strong communication skills, active listening, and critical thinking. Communication skills are necessary for problem solving because they enable the people involved in a conflict to clearly voice their concerns. Active listening is important

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because it allows people to accurately hear the needs of others. And critical thinking helps people to review all possible options before they agree on the best solution to their problem. “I” statements can be used to effectively communicate concerns, needs, and feelings. Starting with the word “I” helps speakers clearly express their thoughts in a way that helps listeners understand what they are thinking—without getting defensive. Unfortunately, people commonly start with the word “you” when talking about a problem. Doing so often makes the problem worse, because the listeners feel that they are being blamed, and they blame back. Both speakers and listeners become more agitated, and the problem remains unsolved. Starting instead with the word “I” helps speakers voice their concerns without accusing their listeners. An “I” statement can be formed by means of the following formula: I feel . . . (name your feeling) When . . . (name the behavior that troubles you) Because . . . (explain the result or effect of the behavior) Suppose Joey’s mother tells him to take his sister to her friend’s house and this makes him late for the movies. Joey could respond with an “I” statement and say: “Mom, I felt angry when you asked me to drive Julie to her friend’s house because it made me late for the movies.” Here, Joey names the problem (having to drive his sister) and expresses his feeling (anger) with the word “I.” Instead of placing blame on his mother, he voices his frustration with nonthreatening words. This direct expression of feelings may help Joey’s mom better understand their

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argument. Of course, “I” statements are especially effective when the recipient of the message understands the importance of listening for the facts and feelings being expressed. As noted, active listening is another component of effective problem solving. Active listening is a response indicating that the listener has correctly heard what the speaker has said. Paraphrasing is one way to actively listen. Through paraphrasing, listeners state in their own words what speakers have said, without adding new facts, opinions, or interpretations. By restating what they have heard, the listeners can accurately reflect the speaker’s feelings. The formula used for paraphrasing is as follows: You feel . . . (include feelings and facts) When/Because . . . (state the cause of the feeling) When Joey said, “Mom, I felt angry when you asked me to drive Julie to her friend’s house because it made me late for the movies,” Joey’s mom could have paraphrased by saying, “It sounds as if you are feeling pretty frustrated because my request made you late for the movies.” By means of this statement, Joey’s mother would have let him know that she heard what he said and that she is aware of how her request made him feel. If Joey believes that his emotions are being regarded, he will be more willing to openly express his concerns to his mother. And in the future, this honesty will make it easier for both mother and son to identify and work through their conflicts before they escalate into larger arguments. Another way to show effective listening skills is through body language. Eye

contact and leaning forward indicate that a listener is attentive to what the speaker is saying. Suppose that Joey’s mother was paying bills while Joey vented his frustration. Even if she used her paraphrasing skills, Joey may not have felt listened to if she was looking down at her paperwork. If she instead made eye contact with Joey and placed her bills to the side, Joey may have better sensed his mother’s undivided attention. Each of these communication skills helps parties in conflict to brainstorm possible solutions to their problem. This is the stage at which critical thinking comes into play. Once all of the issues have been laid out on the table and each person has voiced his or her own concerns and listened to the needs of the others involved, the parties in conflict are ready to find the best solution to their problem. The goal of critical thinking is to find an agreement that benefits all parties. However, even with all of these helpful problem-solving skills, some conflicts are difficult to resolve. In such cases, the people involved may benefit from having a conflict management procedure to follow. Mediation is one such procedure. In fact, many schools use peer mediation programs to teach youngsters how to help their fellow students manage conflict. These programs, which are usually supervised by a trained teacher or guidance counselor, empower students to become active participants in their environments by helping to create safe and secure schools. The students who have volunteered to be peer mediators are given fifteen to twenty hours of training that provides the essential skills necessary for active listening and conflict prevention. They are also instructed to be as neutral as possible when they mediate conflicts; in

Conformity other words, during a mediation process, they must avoid taking sides, giving advice, and assuming responsibility for resolution of the problem. Rather, their objectives are to facilitate the civil communication between conflicting parties in ways that help each side fully understand the nature of the conflict and to assist the parties in reaching a formal agreement to the problem. Peer mediators are assigned specific days and hours of the week during which they are on call to handle conflicts in their schools. When a conflict arises, both parties are sent to mediation, and two peer mediators are assigned to the case. Peer mediation programs in the schools give students an alternative to dealing with conflict through violence. They do so by encouraging the use of communication and conflict resolution skills, which in turn leads to problem solving and critical thinking about beneficial solutions to conflicts. Indeed, peer mediation allows students the opportunity to personally deal with their conflicts before the school administrators get involved. Jessica Beckwith See also Conflict and Stress References and further reading Benson, A. Jerry, and Joan M. Benson. 1993. “Peer Mediation: Conflict Resolution in Schools.” Adolescence 28, no. 109: 244–245. Gerber, Sterling, and Brenda Terry-Day. 1999. “Does Peer Mediation Really Work?” Professional School Counseling 2, no. 3: 169–171. Johnson, David W., and Roger T. Johnson. 1996. “Conflict Resolution and Peer Mediation Programs in Elementary and Secondary Schools: A Review of the Research.” Review of Educational Research 66, no. 4: 459–506. Kowalski, Kathiann M. 1998. “Peer Mediation Success Stories: In Nearly 10,000 Schools Nationwide, Peer

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Mediation Helps Teens Solve Problems without Violence.” Current Health 25, no. 2: 13–15. Lindsay, Paul. 1998. “Conflict Resolution and Peer Mediation in Public Schools: What Works?” Mediation Quarterly 16, no. 1: 85–99. Stomfay-Stitz, Aline M. 1994. “Conflict Resolution and Peer Mediation: Pathways to Safer Schools.” Childhood Education 70, no. 5: 279–282.

Conformity In our democratic society, conformity is often perceived in a negative way, especially by educated people. It is typically associated with the lack of freedom and seen as an antonym to independence and personal choice. Nevertheless, conformity is a very important societal characteristic, for it is the guarantee of stability and mutual understanding between the members of the society. During adolescence, conformity plays a strong role in the course of self- and social development. In social psychology, conformity may be defined as a tendency of human behavior—one that comes into play when a person fits in with the norm of the society or with a given group. This definition helps explain why conformity is often perceived negatively—because fitting in with the norm limits personal freedom. On the other hand, no society can exist without norms, either written or unwritten, that guide each member’s behavior. The dream about an utterly free, normless society is very old and not realistic. Norms were invented by people for people to make sure that people in general behaved in line with a set standard. On the other hand, the same norms that guide behavior often slow progress and inhibit necessary change. Accordingly, for a society to function and develop there must be a reasonable balance of

Conformity plays a strong role in the course of self- and social development. (Skjold Photographs)

Conformity both conformity and personal freedom. There must be conformity in order to keep the society together, and freedom to allow it to move forward. Cultures differ in the way they interpret what this balance between conformity and freedom should be. Western culture tends to put a higher value on freedom and individuality. On the other hand, there are more collectivist countries (such as China) that place more importance on the interdependence of its members, on tolerance and self-control, on attaining group goals, and on maintaining harmony. Conformity, like many other psychological phenomena, has an adaptive value—to survive, an individual needs to fit into the society, and to fit into the society, he needs to accept its goals and values; to preserve itself, the society needs to coordinate the efforts of many people and to promote norms and punish deviation. This importance of conformity to survival can be seen in many societies where nonconformists are disliked, unwanted, and rejected. This, too, varies from culture to culture and is more likely to appear in more collectivist cultures. In the West, the situation is paradoxical: in a postmodern democratic society, where personal initiative and independence are so valued, to be independent is actually to conform to the societal norm. One could argue that this paradox is one of the most positive characteristics of modern Western culture. One important way to think about conformity is to recognize that it is important for building one’s self-concept by identifying with the group and accepting its values and standards. In general, self-psychology (psychology that focuses on the nature of the self) tells us that the tendency to conform is different at different stages of self-development. In fact, a

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strong tendency to conform can be viewed as a stage in self-development. The role of conformity in adolescent development is complex. Adolescents find themselves in a group between the worlds of childhood and adulthood and use this peer group for support and for identity. However, it is not inevitable that adolescents will conform to a peer group; young adolescents show the highest rates of conformity to peers. In addition to age, gender plays a role in the intensity of an adolescent’s conformity with peers. Although girls are more interested in peer acceptance than boys, boys are more likely to conform to peer pressure by engaging in antisocial behavior. Conformity in adolescence, however, is more likely to be limited to clothes, music, and language. For serious moral matters, adolescents’ views tend to be in line with their parents. This differential in conformity serves a protective role, since teens can safely conform to peers on some issues to gain acceptance, thus allowing them to continue to conform to parental standards on more serious matters. By the end of adolescence conformity plays a lesser role, and teens begin to place importance on their own individuality. Conformity does not, however, become totally dormant; the transition to adulthood brings with it a new set of social standards and challenges. Janna Jilnina

See also Cliques; Identity; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Rebellion References and further reading Camerena, Phame. 1991. “Conformity in Adolescence.” In Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M.

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Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Daniel Gilbert, Susan Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds. 1998. The Handbook of Social Psychology. New York: McGrawHill. Loevinger, Jane. 1976. Ego Development. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Youniss, Richard P. 1958. Conformity to Group Judgments in Its Relation to the Structure of the Stimulus Situation and Certain Personality Characteristics. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press.

Contraception Contraception is the term that refers to efforts to prevent pregnancy. Many contraceptive methods are available today. There is a method for everyone, but it requires thoughtful consideration and sometimes experimentation for someone to find the method that is best. Good contraceptive methods are effective and safe both for the woman and the man. Most importantly, people need to choose a method that they will use. Contraception does not work effectively unless it is used each time a man and a woman have intercourse. This entry provides a general overview of available contraceptive methods. Readers need to discuss their specific needs with their physician, nurse practitioner, or nurse midwife to determine what method is most appropriate for them. A key point to remember is that the purpose of contraception is to prevent pregnancy, and when used correctly it is successful at doing so. However, whenever one is engaging in sexual activity it is also essential to protect one’s self from sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) by using or having the partner use a male condom. In addition, once women become sexually active, they need to have a gynecologic exam and pap smear (screening

test for cervical cancer) every year. Once men become sexually active, they need to let their doctor or nurse practitioner know so that they can be checked for STDs when they have their school or yearly physical. Contraceptive methods for women generally fall into two major categories, hormonal methods and barrier methods. The male condom remains the only contraceptive that men can use. Women can get contraceptive care in a number of different settings. Many physicians, particularly obstetricians and gynecologists, offer contraceptive services in their offices. Family-planning services such as Planned Parenthood are available, and college health services frequently offer contraceptive services for their students. Hospitals usually have women’s health services that provide contraceptive services, and local health departments may as well. Nurse practitioners, nurse midwives, and physicians are the kind of providers who offer these services. Hormonal Methods Hormonal contraceptives use the hormones estrogen and/or progestin to prevent pregnancy. They come in different forms and may be taken as pills, by injection, or by implantation under the skin. Some intrauterine devices (IUDs) are also considered hormonal contraceptives. However, IUDs will not be discussed here, because they are only prescribed for women in monogamous relationships who have completed their families. Hormonal methods of contraception are very effective (in other words, if they are used properly, the risk of pregnancy is less than 1 percent). However, they are all prescription medicines that affect the woman’s entire body. People who are thinking about using one of these meth-

Contraception ods need to discuss their health history with their healthcare provider and ask for complete information about how the particular hormonal method acts on their body and what the side effects and risks are for them. For example, these methods are not safe for women who have high blood pressure. Some women also experience mood changes when taking hormonal contraceptives, so women with a history of depression may want to use another method of contraception. Hormonal contraceptives act on a woman’s body in a number of ways to prevent pregnancy. They prevent ovulation, the process that prepares an egg to be ready for fertilization. They act on the endometrium or lining of the uterus, making implantation unlikely, and they change the cervical mucus, making it difficult for sperm to reach the upper reproductive tract to fertilize an egg. Hormonal contraceptives also change the bacteria and other organisms normally present in the vagina, which makes the vagina more vulnerable to STDs. Hence, it is important to use a male condom along with these methods to protect both the man and the woman from STDs. Oral contraceptives, often referred to as the Pill, must be taken daily at about the same time each day to be effective. Certain antibiotics and antiseizure medications may make the Pill ineffective. It is important for any health care provider caring for a woman on the Pill to know that she is taking the Pill. If a woman needs to take one of these medications, she should use a backup method, like condoms or spermicide, to protect herself from pregnancy, or switch to another contraceptive method. A monthly pack of oral contraceptive pills costs between $15 and $30 a month.

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Good contraceptive methods are effective and safe both for the male and female. (Reuters NewMedia Inc./Corbis)

Most pill packs contain twenty-eight pills, twenty-one with hormones and seven that are inactive (no hormones). A woman’s period will occur while she is taking the inactive pills. Generally periods are lighter while taking the Pill and cramping is mild, if it occurs at all. In fact, sometimes the Pill is prescribed for women who have difficult, painful periods (“dysmenorrhea”) because of this effect on the period. Once a person stops taking the Pill, her fertility should return to what it was before she started taking it. Different oral contraceptives contain different amounts of estrogen and progestin. As a result, different pills can cause different side effects. If someone chooses the Pill and finds changes in her body that worry her or that she doesn’t like, she should talk to her healthcare provider about changing to a different type of pill rather than stopping the medication. Some common side effects are breakthrough bleeding (bleeding between periods), breast tenderness, decreased menstrual bleeding and cramping, weight gain (especially in pills with progestin), nausea, and vomiting. Another side effect for one type of pill is improving acne. (Some

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women might choose this pill because they want this side effect.) There is no evidence that the Pill increases the risk of breast cancer. Recent research indicates that women who take (or have taken) the Pill are more likely to detect breast cancer early than women who never took the Pill, perhaps because they are more active in their own healthcare. Emergency contraception (EC) refers to a combination of oral contraceptive pills taken in a specific way to prevent pregnancy. Timing is very important, because EC must be taken within seventy-two hours of unprotected intercourse. It is essential to contact a healthcare provider or a family planning clinic, or call 1-888 NOT-2-LATE for information right away if EC is desired. When used correctly EC changes the environment in the uterus, making implantation of a fertilized egg impossible. EC can cause nausea and vomiting. If a woman needs to use EC, she should be sure to make an appointment to get a contraceptive for regular use. EC is used in specific situations only and is not a regular contraceptive method. Another hormonal method is depoprovera, given by injection (i.e., shot) at a clinic or doctor’s office, with the first injection being given during or just after the woman has her period. The medication is effective for twelve weeks (about three months), and the injection must be repeated every twelve weeks. Each injection costs between $35 and $50. Once depo-provera is stopped, it may be up to a year before ovulation returns. Many women experience abnormally long and heavy bleeding during the first three months after getting depo-provera, but many of these women also stop having periods after being on depo-provera for nine to twelve months. Some side effects

that occur while taking depo-provera are weight gain, breast tenderness, depression, decreased high density lipoprotein (HDL) cholesterol levels, and decreased bone density in long-term users. However, depo-provera also decreases the frequency of seizures and is not affected by antibiotics. Lunelle is also given by injection, but unlike depo-provera, it requires one shot a month. Lunelle is under review by the FDA and may be available soon. Women interested in this method should ask their provider if it is available. Norplant is a hormonal contraceptive that is inserted into the inner part of the upper arm. Six thin capsules are placed in the arm through a small surgical incision to form either a star or fanlike pattern. There may be a bruise or swelling for a few days where the norplant was placed. The capsules are removed through a surgical incision, and once removed, fertility should return to what it was prior to their insertion. Norplant costs about $500 to $700, but it lasts five years, which works out to about $8 to $12 a month. Not all providers insert norplant, so it may not be as easily available as other contraceptive methods. Women using norplant might experience irregular or absent periods, breast tenderness, weight gain, increased acne, and depression. The effectiveness of norplant is not decreased by antibiotics, but it can be decreased by antiseizure medications. Women who take antiseizure medications should consider depo-provera, or have their partners use a male condom as a backup method for preventing pregnancy. Barrier Methods Barrier methods fall into two general categories, physical barriers and chemical

Contraception barriers. Physical barriers include the diaphragm, the cervical cap, contraceptive sponge, and both male and female condoms. Chemical barriers are spermicidal foam, cream, jelly, suppository, and film. Sometimes physical and chemical barriers are used together. Although the barrier methods have varying degrees of effectiveness (.5 to 40 percent), they are all most effective when used as directed each time a man and a woman have intercourse. Fertility is not affected by barrier contraceptives. Although it is unlikely, physical barrier methods that are inserted into the vagina may cause toxic shock syndrome (TSS), a rare but serious illness for women. This risk is increased when the barrier is left in the vagina for prolonged periods of time. The symptoms of TSS are sudden high fever (more than 100 degrees Fahrenheit), vomiting, diarrhea, muscle aches, and a sunburnlike rash. Spermicides come in the form of cream, jelly, foam, film, and suppositories or tablets that contain a spermkilling chemical. Nonoxynol-9 is the most common sperm-killing chemical used. Spermicides are available at drug or grocery stores, and may be sold at some family-planning clinics. Spermicides cost about a dollar for each single use (e.g., each episode of intercourse), but come in multiple-use packaging and cost between $10 and $12 for the package. To be effective, spermicides need to be inserted less than one hour before sex and must cover the cervix. They must be inserted with enough time to dissolve and spread out in the vagina. Each product has specific directions that need to be followed to maximize the effectiveness of the chemical barrier. Cream, jelly, and foam are put in the vagina by a plastic applicator and need to be inserted in as

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short a time as possible before intercourse. Contraceptive film is placed over the cervix, and suppositories are inserted into the vagina. These two methods work only for one hour after insertion, and a new one must be used for each intercourse. Both require a specific amount of time to become effective. Some women experience vaginal soreness or itching when using certain spermicidal products. If this happens, it is a sign to try a different product. The diaphragm is a rubber, domeshaped cup with a flexible rim, which holds spermicidal cream or jelly next to the cervix. It prevents pregnancy by preventing sperm from reaching the egg and by inactivating sperm. Some women like the diaphragm because it can be inserted up to four hours before intercourse. However, using the diaphragm requires that a woman be comfortable enough with her body to insert it, and she must be willing to use it each time she has sex and to use it as directed. Diaphragms are available only with a prescription and need to be fitted by a doctor, nurse practitioner, or nurse midwife. The healthcare provider fits a diaphragm by inserting rings into the vagina to determine which size will best cover the cervix. The cost of a diaphragm varies with the type of clinic. Familyplanning or other public clinics may be less expensive than some office settings. The exam may cost between $30 and $150, depending on site and geographic location, the diaphragm between $30 and $40. Insurance may cover one or both of these costs. The chance of becoming pregnant with the diaphragm has been reported to range from 6 percent to 20 percent, depending upon whether the diaphragm fits and is used properly, and the woman’s position

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during intercourse. The diaphragm is most effective when the man is on top during intercourse. If a woman gains or loses ten pounds or more, or has a baby, she needs to have her diaphragm rechecked to make sure it fits properly before she can safely rely on it as a method of contraception. To use the diaphragm effectively, one must leave it in place for six hours after the last intercourse to allow the spermicide enough time to work. Additional spermicide must be inserted into the vagina, leaving the diaphragm in place over the cervix, each time a woman has intercourse if she has it more than once. The diaphragm should not be left in place for more than twenty-four hours because of the risk of TSS. The diaphragm needs to be washed after use, stored in a container, and checked for holes on a regular basis. Oilbased lubricants, like vaseline or baby oil, should not be used because they make the rubber in the diaphragm deteriorate. Occasionally the diaphragm causes pressure on the bladder or rectum and may be uncomfortable. A different size diaphragm may help with this problem. However, some women experience urinary tract or yeast infections as a result of diaphragm use, and should consider another method if these infections happen frequently. The cervical cap prevents pregnancy in a way similar to the diaphragm and has a similar degree of effectiveness. Like the diaphragm, it must be obtained from a healthcare provider. The cost is similar to the diaphragm and will vary with the setting. The cervical cap also has a similar risk for urinary tract infections, and women who keep the cap in place for over forty-eight hours are at increased risk for developing TSS. The cervical cap

cannot be used while a women has her period for this same reason. The cervical cap is a deep rubber cup with a firm rim, which is placed over the cervix. The cap is about one-third filled with spermicide and then placed over the cervix. It is held in place by suction. Some people recommend that the cap be inserted at least thirty minutes before intercourse to allow the suction to develop. The cap must remain in place for six to eight hours after sex to be effective, but can be left in place for up to forty-eight hours without problems. There is some controversy regarding insertion of additional spermicide if intercourse occurs more than once, because applying more spermicide may cause the cap to slip. The contraceptive sponge is a barrier method not currently available in the United States and so will not be discussed in detail here. It is a polyurethane sponge with spermicide, which is produced in one size. Effectiveness varies between 9 and 40 percent because the sponge may not be sufficiently moistened or in place long enough before intercourse, or may be taken out too soon after intercourse. The female condom or vaginal pouch is a relatively new contraceptive choice for women. Like the male condom, it has the added advantage of protecting against both pregnancy and STDs. The female condom is a soft, loose-fitting polyurethane sheath with an inner and outer ring. The inner ring is little like the ring in the diaphragm. It is placed deep in the vagina so that it covers the cervix while the outer ring remains at the vaginal opening. The female condom can be inserted up to eight hours before intercourse. It is used once and then dis-

Contraception carded. A new female condom must be used for each act of intercourse. Some women like the control over contraception that a female condom provides them. Others find the outer ring stimulates the clitoris and makes sex feel better. Some men like the female condom because they like the looseness of the sheath. The female condom is marketed under the name Reality and costs about $3. Its effectiveness is similar to that of the diaphragm and cervical cap. However, it is not necessary to use spermicide with the female condom, but all lubricants (both water- and oil-based) are safe to use with it. Unlike other birth control methods, the female condom cannot be used together with the male condom. If used together, the female condom will cause the male condom to fall off. The male condom is a tight-fitting sheath made of latex, designed to fit over an erect penis. The male condom prevents pregnancy by trapping semen (which contains sperm) in its tip so that it does not get into the woman’s body. Condoms can be purchased inexpensively (usually less than a dollar per condom) at drug or grocery stores, and are available at many family-planning clinics for free. Male condoms are most commonly made from latex. They have no side effects, but some people have an allergic reaction to the latex and cannot use them. Fortunately, male condoms made from polyurethane are being developed, and more will be available in the future. An advantage of polyurethane condoms is that, unlike latex condoms, oil-based lubricants do not make them more likely to break. The effectiveness of latex condoms varies greatly with the skill and knowl-

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edge of the user. When used properly, the chance that a woman will become pregnant using the male condom is between .5 and 7 percent (Haignere, Gold, and McDanel, 1999). Some authors report that condoms do not work between 12 and 70 percent of the time and that condoms tear and break, but laboratory research, Consumer Reports, and research regarding couples, where one person is infected with HIV and the other is not, all demonstrate that the problem is how male condoms are used, not the condom itself. The most common mistake people make when using male condoms for contraception is to not use them consistently. Male condoms are only effective if they are used every time a man and a woman have intercourse. Also, male condoms should not be washed out and reused. A fresh condom should be used every time. Male condoms are tested to make sure that they do not have holes or weak points where they might break: Condoms break when the people using them make any one of five mistakes. First, if someone stores a male condom in a hot place like a car glove compartment or a man’s wallet, the latex becomes brittle and more likely to break. Second, if someone uses a stale condom that is past its due date, it is more likely to break. Either the man or the woman should check the due date printed on the outside of the condom wrapper to make sure the condom is not too old to use. Third, people sometimes tear or damage the condom if they are not careful opening the wrapper containing the condom. Fourth, women can tear the condom accidentally with their fingernails if they are not careful putting it on the man’s penis. Fifth,

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people use oil-based lubricants (baby oil, vaseline, lipstick, medicinal vaginal creams with oil in them) that make the latex in male condoms weak and easy to tear. Using lubricants is not a bad idea: Putting the right type of lubrication inside the male condom can make it more comfortable for the man, and putting it on the outside can make it more comfortable for the woman. However, the only lubricants that are safe are water-based lubricants like the ones that come on prelubricated male condoms and those used in spermicides. Other safe lubricants that are water-based and available in the drugstore include K-Y Jelly and Astroglide. Look for lubricants that say “water-based” on the box or “safe for latex condoms.” Male condoms slip off when they are not used properly. For instance, a male condom will come off if the man ejaculates, but waits to remove his penis from the woman’s vagina. This is because the male condom will not stay on if the penis is no longer erect. A male condom can also come off if no one holds the base of the condom firmly against the penis while the penis is withdrawn from the vagina. It is especially important to hold onto the male condom if one uses extra water-based lubricant. Two other things that can cause a condom to fail are not putting the condom on before any contact between the vagina and penis, or putting the condom on upside down so it doesn’t unroll and then flipping it over and using it once it is right side up. Both of these actions decrease a condom’s effectiveness, because when a man is sexually excited a little seminal fluid comes out of his penis and this fluid can contain sperm. If this sperm comes into contact with the vaginal area (even the outside of the vagina),

it can migrate into the vagina and on up through the woman’s reproductive system where it can fertilize one of her eggs. This is why a male condom should be put on before there is any contact between the penis and the vagina, and why condoms that are first put on upside down should be thrown away. Male condoms sound complicated to use, but they merely require practice and knowledge to be an effective method of contraception. Like the female condom, they have the added advantage of protecting against STDs as well as pregnancy. Some men and women also like them because they make sex less messy and can make the man last longer during sex. Anne E. Norris Monica J. Hanson

See also Abortion; Abstinence; Adoption: Exploration and Search; Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Dating; Gonorrhea; Health Promotion; HIV/AIDS; Love; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Sex Education; Sexual Behavior; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Alan Guttmacher Institute, http://www.agi-usa.org The American Social Health Association, http://www.iwannaknow.org Association of Reproductive Health Professionals, http://www.arhp.org Bell, Ruth, and other coauthors of Our Bodies, Ourselves, with members of the Teen Book Project. 1998. Changing Bodies, Changing Lives, 3rd ed. New York: Random House. The Boston Women’s Health Book Collective. 1998. Our Bodies, Ourselves. New York: Simon and Schuster. Haignere, Clara S., Rachel Gold, and Heather J. McDanel. 1999. “Adolescent Abstinence and Condom Use: Are We Sure We Are Really Teaching What Is

Coping Safe?” Health Education and Behavior 26: 43–54. Hatcher, Robert A., James Trussell, Felicia Stewart, Willard Cates Jr., Gary K. Stewart, Felicia Guest, and Deborah Kowal. 1998. Contraceptive Technology. 17th rev. ed. New York: Ardent Media. Planned Parenthood, http://www.plannedparenthood.org, http://www.teenwire.com http://ec.princeton.edu/ecEmergency Contraception Web site (Princeton University). http://www.virtualhospital.org, general health Web site (University of Iowa).

Coping Stressful experiences and cumulative change are ubiquitous during the adolescent years. Accordingly, the adolescent’s ability to cope with different types of stressors is critically important. In particular, adaptive and maladaptive coping responses are thought to moderate the effects of different types of stressors on adolescent health. Coping is defined as a process of managing external or internal demands. This process has three key features: the individual’s action, the specific context of coping, and the way the individual’s actions change as the stressful encounter unfolds. Psychologists characterize coping as a process of continuous appraisals and reappraisals of a changing person-environment relationship. The reappraisals in turn influence subsequent coping efforts. The coping process is thus continuously mediated by cognitive reappraisals and, optimally, should lead to a person-environment fit. The entire coping process can occur within a few moments or hours, or it can continue over weeks or even years. In the past, several conceptualizations of coping have been developed using ado-

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lescent samples. One such approach reveals a distinction between two main types of coping: coping that is problemfocused (i.e., directed at altering the problem that causes the distress) and coping that is emotion-focused (i.e., directed at regulating emotional responses). A second approach favors an approach-avoidance model that differentiates between approach-oriented coping (which includes cognitive attempts to understand or change ways of thinking about stress and behavioral attempts to deal with stressors) and avoidant coping (which includes cognitive attempts to deny and minimize stress). Yet another approach focuses on the immediate outcome of coping and distinguishes between functional and dysfunctional coping styles. Functional coping refers to efforts to manage a problem by defining it clearly, actively seeking support, reflecting on possible solutions, and taking concrete action. Conversely, a dysfunctional coping style might include efforts to withdraw from or deny the existence of the stressor and avoiding the seeking of solutions, as a result of which the problem remains unsolved. This distinction between the active approach of tackling problems versus avoidance and withdrawal is found in most studies of adolescent coping methods. Research further indicates that, when faced with normative demands and minor stressors, North American adolescents employ the two functional modes of coping (e.g., active support seeking and internal reflection of possible solutions) more frequently than they resort to avoidant coping and withdrawal. Among diverse cross-cultural samples as well, functional coping occurs four times more frequently than dysfunctional coping. Thus, the normative demands typical of this age group tend to be approached in an

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Coping involves managing external and internal demands. (Skjold Photographs)

adaptive way, revealing such coping strategies as taking action, seeking social support, and seeking information. Indeed, adolescents can largely be considered competent copers, able to deal well with problems arising in such different domains as school, romance, and relations with parents and peers. This generalization is somewhat qualified by evidence that coping strategies vary in terms of the stressors themselves (with respect to their perceived stressfulness, controllability, and imminence), the domain in question, and, finally, age and gender. These variables will be discussed in turn. The role of stressors in the life of adolescents can be explored from two different perspectives: (1) anticipatory coping, which occurs prior to a confrontation

with the stressor, and (2) coping after an event has happened. As a rule, the former is assessed in large representative samples, whereas the latter is examined by means of process-oriented interviews in small groups immediately after the stressful event has occurred. Analysis of the different phases of adolescent coping reveals that the first or primary appraisal of the event as being a challenge, a threat, or a loss is generally followed by reactions that include confusion, strong emotions, and preliminary cognitive coping efforts, whereas in the secondary appraisal, adolescents consider their own coping resources, scope of action, and expectations of success or failure. Next, the actual coping process occurs, directed either at altering the problem that has caused the distress or at regulating emo-

Coping tional responses. Then, after the coping process has ended and during reappraisal, a decrease in negative emotions is frequently observed. Anticipatory coping is characterized by a greater emphasis on active support seeking, whereas in coping immediately after the stressor occurred, a less active, more internal style was found. Adolescents who had experienced a structurally similar event are highly concordant in their coping responses. For example, adolescents experiencing mildly stressful events with high controllability react most often with active, approachoriented coping, whereas those experiencing a highly stressful, less controllable event react most often with avoidant coping and passivity. Coping also occurs in domain-specific ways. When family stressors occur, adolescents tend to address the problem directly. Some try to find a compromise; others attempt to cope with parent-adolescent conflicts by venting emotions or seeking distraction. Adolescents also frequently seek comfort from and discuss possible solutions with peers who are having similar experiences. On the other hand, when problems with a peer, close friend, or romantic partner arise, adolescents rarely turn to parents or other adults. Instead, they usually deal with the person concerned and discuss possible solutions with friends who are in a similar situation. Older adolescents named more use of alcohol and drugs as a means of forgetting problems relating to romantic partners. They also reported much more “giving in” in romantic relations than in conflicts with friends and parents. Yet older adolescents are still willing to discuss school-related stressors and future-related problems with their parents, as well as to seek help from institu-

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tions and to look for information in media and literature. Midadolescence seems to be a turning point in the use of certain coping strategies. It is well known that, compared to children, adolescents are more involved and intimate with peers and friends, turning to them for support formerly provided by the family. Accordingly, after the age of fifteen, adolescents increasingly discuss everyday stressors with same-aged peers and more frequently try to obtain support from peers and friends whose circumstances are similar. In cases where the stressor in question involves interpersonal conflict, they are also more likely to speak openly about the problem with the concerned individual. These developmental changes in the use of social support tend to be intertwined with changes in social and cognitive development, leading to increased cognitive complexity and social maturity. Adolescents older than fifteen increasingly adopt the perspective of significant others and are more willing to make compromises or yield to the wishes of others. And because they reflect more about possible solutions, their overall approach is characterized by a variety of coping options. The link between the level of social-cognitive maturity and functional coping style becomes even more obvious when we compare factor structures in early adolescent and midadolescent samples: Two basic coping modes, approach-oriented coping and avoidant coping, can be established for younger adolescents (eleven to fifteen years), whereas for older adolescents (sixteen to nineteen years), the approach dimension has both a behavioral and a cognitive component, and the avoidance dimension remains the same.

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The findings are more controversial with respect to emotion-focused and problem-focused coping. There is some debate as to whether age-related changes in problem-focused coping and emotionfocused coping take place consistently from childhood through adolescence. Some findings suggest that the use of problem-focused coping does not increase from middle childhood through adolescence because such skills have already been acquired and used at an earlier stage, whereas learning processes related to emotion-focused coping continue throughout adolescence. However, other findings appear to show an increase in both problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping, suggesting further developmental changes in these styles. Gender differences have also been reported with respect to certain coping strategies. “Boys play sports and girls turn to others” describes one such difference, inasmuch as girls are much more likely to seek social support than boys. They more frequently discuss a problem or event with the person concerned and more often ask for help and assistance. These trends continue into adulthood, indicating a general tendency among females to rely more heavily on social networks than males and to seek help in extrafamilial settings. By contrast, male adolescents worry less about problems, expect less negative consequences, and use distraction more frequently. Gender differences in both active approachoriented coping and withdrawal have also been found: Females exhibited higher scores in both coping styles, suggesting a more ambivalent coping pattern of approach and avoidance. These gender differences in coping styles have been linked to the emergence of psychopathology in adolescence. Sev-

eral researchers suggest, for example, that girls enter adolescence with a style of responding to certain types of stressors that is less efficacious and action oriented than that of boys, and that this avoidant coping style is related to the emergence of gender differences in disorders such as depression. In fact, among adults, depression is twice as frequent in females than in males; it is also linked to a ruminative coping style, which prolongs depressive episodes. The strong gender differences in adolescents’ coping styles may thus be predictive of depression in female adults, especially if avoidant coping is considered a precursor to ruminative coping. These different coping styles may be fostered by stereotypical gender-specific socialization processes. For example, the male stereotype of being active and ignoring moods may lead to an increase in distracting responses to depressive mood, and the female stereotype of emotionality and inactivity may lead to rumination instead of distraction from depressive mood. Rumination has been found to maintain and increase depressive mood, whereas distraction tends to alleviate depressive mood. Research analyzing the links between certain coping styles and adaptation has indeed profited from findings generated in the field of developmental psychopathology. Psychologists’ understanding of the reasons for which some children are not damaged by deprivation and highly stressful living conditions has been enriched by numerous studies of the relationships among stress, social support, and general adaptation (e.g., Werner and Smith, 1982). In particular, these studies have found protective factors such as “invulnerability” or “resiliency” among adolescents exposed

Coping to various risk factors and cumulative stressors, demonstrating that resilient adolescents are able to continue a relatively healthy emotional development despite unfavorable life situations. In contrast, nonresilient adolescents lack social support systems and show signs of accumulated stress. What resilient adolescents appear to have in common are families with relatively intact parent-child relationships. In these families, the adolescents’ attempts to achieve autonomy are not thwarted, and rules and limits are clearly defined. Above all, resilient adolescents are competent in their choice of and identification with resilient models of social support. Their coping capacities exhibit two particularly outstanding qualities. First, although many of these adolescents live in poverty-stricken, dangerous conditions and are exposed to marital conflict, they deal with such life stressors in a competent and active way, specifically by acting and not just reacting. Second, when faced with disturbances in their parent-child relationships, they seek support and refuge from alternative caregivers in the household or neighborhood. Another important finding is that adolescents’ coping styles affect not only their dealings with immediate stressors but also the availability of their social support. Indeed, ineffective coping responses may lead to poor interpersonal relationships, thereby further reducing their available coping resources, as when an adolescent who copes through inappropriate demonstration of anger, or excessive emotion, becomes unpopular with friends. Accumulating evidence also suggests that avoidant coping is a risk factor in depression, delinquency, antisocial behav-

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ior, and conduct disorders. Whereas healthy adolescents rarely employ avoidant coping and withdrawal, these coping styles are very prominent in all of the clinical conditions just listed; the rates at which such styles are used among diverse patients are two to three times higher than those for healthy controls. In addition, depressed adolescents rely on approach-oriented coping to a significantly lesser degree than any of the other clinical groups, and adolescents diagnosed as antisocial and delinquent show a deficit in internal coping in that they reflect significantly less about possible solutions. With respect to drug-dependent adolescents, however, the results are not as clear. Most research examining the links between coping and well-being has found that approach-oriented coping is linked with better adjustment and avoidant coping with poorer adjustment: Approach-oriented copers report the fewest behavioral and emotional symptoms, whereas avoidant copers report the most. Studies have also established the long-lasting effects of dysfunctional coping styles. Adolescents who change over time from approach-oriented to avoidant coping display a significant increase in symptomatology, whereas behavioral and emotional symptoms tend to decrease in subjects who switch from avoidant to approach-oriented coping over time. Thus, all forms of avoidant coping exhibited in early adolescence, whether stable or not, are linked with higher levels of symptoms in middle and late adolescence. In these studies, gender differences in avoidant coping did not emerge consistently, suggesting that the links between avoidant coping and maladaptation are similar for male and female adolescents.

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Ultimately, a vicious cycle is created. Deficits in relationships and problems in acquiring and using social support lead to dysfunctional coping, which itself generates more deficits and more problems. The resulting accumulation of stressors, in turn, may adversely affect adolescents’ health. This chain of events has clear implications for prevention and intervention. Inge Seiffge-Krenke See also Conflict and Stress; Counseling; Health Promotion; Psychotherapy References and further reading Gjerde, Per F., and Jack Block. 1991. “Preadolescent Antecedents of Depressive Symptomatology at Age 18: A Prospective Study.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 20: 217–231. Lazarus, Richard S., and Susan Folkman. 1991. Stress, Appraisal, and Coping, 3rd ed. New York: Springer-Verlag. Lewinsohn, Peter M., Robert E. Roberts, John R. Seeley, Paul Rohde, Ian H. Gotlib, and Hyman Hops. 1994. “Adolescent Psychopathology. II. Psychosocial Risk Factors for Depression.” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 103: 302–315. Nolen-Hoeksema, Susan, and Joan S. Girgus. 1995. “Explanatory Style and Achievement, Depression, and Gender Differences in Childhood and Early Adolescence.” Pp. 57–70 in Explanatory Style. Edited by G. M. Buchanan and M. E. P. Seligman. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Seiffge-Krenke, Inge. 1995. Stress, Coping, and Relationships in Adolescence. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Werner, Emmy E., and Ruth S. Smith. 1982. Vulnerable but Invincible: A Study of Resilient Children. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Counseling Counseling is an interpersonal process by which a person comes to recognize the

ways in which past events and personality variables affect past and current thoughts, feelings, and behaviors. Empowerment, hope, and effective ways of relating to others are generated through growing insight, altered expectations, and the identification of novel ways of being and behaving. Counseling, sometimes referred to as therapy or psychotherapy, is usually provided by psychologists and social workers; psychiatrists address emotional and behavioral problems by prescribing medication. The majority of adolescents navigate their teen years without an abundance of problems. However, there are numerous physical, cognitive, and social changes that make adolescence a particularly difficult time for some youth, and counseling can help. Developmental Challenges Psychological and behavioral problems, such as depression and delinquency, often escalate during adolescence, even among youths who have long suffered difficult life situations. What is it about adolescence that produces the apparently sudden onset and increase of symptoms? Developing cognitive abilities and numerous psychosocial and biological events partially spur this change in mental health status. In addition to new and intimidating social and interpersonal challenges, adolescents are endowed with greater cognitive abilities, such as improved reasoning, attention, memory, and abstract thought, that render them increasingly able to evaluate their past and anticipate their future. It is a time when some youths become capable of understanding the meaning and implications of painful life events they suffered while they were children. Helplessness, hopelessness, anger, and other emotions may be expressed through depression and

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Counseling may help adolescents cope with difficult physical, cognitive, and social changes. (Shirley Zeiberg)

suicide, eating disorders, drug and alcohol abuse, school-related problems, and delinquency. In general, adolescent females are more likely to experience internalizing disorders, such as depression, headaches, and anxiety, so called because problems are inner-directed. In contrast, adolescent males exhibit greater tendencies toward behavioral expressions that clash with the environment. Often referred to as acting-out or undercontrolled behaviors, these externalizing disorders include conduct disorder and oppositional defiant disorder and are associated with aggression, delinquency, and school-related problems. Though much less common, psychiatric disorders such as schizophrenia and bipo-

lar disorder (manic-depressive illness) usually first appear during adolescence or young adulthood, suggesting a genetically time-bound component. Coping Although half of all youths report experiencing considerable home- and/or schoolrelated stress, many cope fairly well and never seek the help of a mental health professional (Steinberg, 1996). Why, then, do stressors affect some adolescents more than others? Research suggests that the difference is related to coping abilities, which depend on the number and severity of stressors that a youth is simultaneously facing; internal resources, such as selfesteem, competency, and social skills;

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social support from friends, parents, relatives, and others; and proficiency of coping strategies. Problem-focused coping strategies involve attempts to solve problems (e.g., upcoming exam) through concrete tasks or acts (e.g., studying). Emotion-focused coping strategies involve reducing uncomfortable feelings (e.g., avoiding studying through distractions). Though there are advantages to both, the former generally results in better adjustment and less stress. Numerous life experiences have been identified that undermine coping abilities, including early loss, neglect or abuse, rejection, family instability or breakdown, problems with parents, and psychiatric disorders in parents, particularly depression. Thus, resiliency, the ability to withstand adverse events, usually depends on the number of negative events that were previously endured or are concurrently faced, internal resources, and external support. When to Seek Help It is sometimes difficult to determine whether a youth is experiencing normal developmental angst or is in need of counseling. The following five points, proposed by Steinberg and Levine, are useful guidelines for assessing when parental help is insufficient and counseling is warranted: One, when an adolescent is experiencing severe behavior problems, such as drug addiction, anorexia nervosa, suicidal thinking, self-injurious acts, serious school-related problems, or multiple delinquent behaviors. Two, when a parent observes unusual behavior (e.g., significant withdrawal or social isolation) but is unsure of its meaning and the teenager is unable or unwilling to discuss it. Proper diagnosis by a mental health professional will help determine

whether it is the result of depression, drug abuse, shyness, or something else. Three, when a parent has repeatedly attempted to address a problematic behavior, such as recurrent truancy or aggressive acts, without success. Four, when a problem extends beyond the adolescent and involves the family, such as chronic and intense arguing. Family therapy may help all members to see their part in the conflict. Five, when an adolescent displays significant symptoms of distress (e.g., depression, significant alcohol consumption) related to extreme family circumstances (e.g., divorce, death). It is often difficult for adolescents to request or accept help from a mental health professional, because they are frightened or hold erroneous stereotypes about what it means to do so. Adolescents may dread the judgment of the counselor or rejection by friends who find out that they are seeing a “shrink.” Indeed, many who have never been in therapy believe that they will be “analyzed” by a bearded, cigar-smoking man with a German accent while reclining on a couch. They are often ashamed or embarrassed to admit to themselves or others that they need help, fearing this means that they are weak, “crazy,” or bad. In fact, seeking help is often a sign of strength and mental health. Some conditions, such as depression, can leave a teen with such low energy that she does not have sufficient strength or motivation to seek help. At these times, encouragement from a parent, friend, or teacher might be invaluable. Types of Counseling Counseling, whether obtained from a high school guidance counselor, a college/university health center mental health provider, or an independent thera-

Counseling pist practicing in the community, comes in numerous forms. Individual counseling occurs between a counselor and a youth, whereas family counseling consists of the counselor, the youth, and the youth’s parents and possibly siblings. Group counseling is comprised of one counselor and several youths. There are many techniques of counseling, but they usually fall into one of four categories. Insight-oriented or psychodynamic techniques facilitate exploration of feelings, thoughts, needs, wishes, internal conflicts, and the ways in which a youth interacts with others. The goal is to connect these emotions and behaviors with previous life events and highlight the ways in which past experiences continue to affect, or determine, current experiences. These techniques are often referred to as “talk therapies.” Though appropriate for a variety of concerns, this approach is particularly helpful for treating depression, bereavement, relationship issues, low self-esteem, and post-traumatic stress disorder. Cognitive and cognitive-behavioral techniques focus on identifying and changing irrational or unfounded thoughts that result in maladaptive emotions and behaviors. Participants are trained to monitor their thoughts and feelings, utilize problem-solving strategies, and evaluate outcomes of their old and new ways of interacting with the environment. Little attention is directed toward in-depth exploration of early life history. These techniques successfully treat depression, panic disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, and poor social skills. They can also reduce aggressive behavior and impulsive anger. Behavioral techniques focus on changing specific maladaptive or harmful

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thoughts, feelings, and behaviors without necessarily attempting to understand their origin. Change is achieved through such mechanisms as reinforcement of positive behavior, punishment of negative behavior, counterconditioning, and extinction following exposure to feared stimuli. Anxiety disorders such as panic attacks and phobias, obsessivecompulsive disorder, sexual dysfunction, insomnia, stuttering, alcoholism and drug abuse, and pain (e.g., headaches) are most successfully treated through this modality. Family therapy conceptualizes the family as a system, or organization, rather than a group of individual components. Because it is an interrelated structure, changing even one component of the system will reverberate throughout the structure, resulting in overall change. Goals are to identify and change unhealthy communication patterns, reduce dysfunctional styles of interaction, encourage differentiation of self (e.g., “I am myself, not my mother”), and facilitate greater flexibility so that the family can adapt to new situations (e.g., a child going through adolescence). Among other issues, this approach effectively treats couples problems, eating disorders, alcoholism, and schizophrenia. Counseling is often helpful for revealing the ways in which symptoms conceal underlying concerns. For example, alcohol and drug abuse and anorexia nervosa are behavioral manifestations, or symptoms, that often conceal underlying sadness. Once the true issue (sadness) is exposed and explored, the behavioral manifestation diminishes or disappears altogether. Similarly, counseling can help a youth recognize that abusing alcohol or drugs is an attempt to reduce social anxiety and that anorexia nervosa is an attempt to provide structure and control

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during times of anxiety and helplessness. In addition to formal counseling, counselors often teach youths to use regular exercise, proper nutrition, and correct sleep hygiene to control symptoms such as depression and anxiety and to facilitate overall physical and mental health. Counseling also helps foster life skills development through training in key areas: Stress management, which helps with anxiety, panic disorder, social phobia, post-traumatic stress disorder, and depression; social competence, which reduces shyness, engenders assertiveness, and increases effective verbal communication, empathy, and perspective taking; assertiveness, which reduces depression and helplessness; coping, which facilitates management of stress more efficiently; time management, which helps overcome procrastination and academic anxiety; self-esteem development, which raises self-worth; decision making, which fosters critical thinking. Two other useful approaches are support groups, which address clinical issues (e.g., depression, relationship problems, drug and alcohol addiction, eating disorders) through education and discussion with those experiencing similar concerns; and bibliotherapy, which uses books, including the self-help variety, and other reading materials to facilitate self-understanding and provide information and coping strategies. A counselor’s ability to convey warmth, support, accurate empathy, positive regard, respect, and genuineness are more powerful than specific therapy techniques per se in facilitating growth in the client. At the same time, however, client variables such as negativism, hostility, low motivation, dislike of the therapist, and defensiveness contribute to poorer therapy outcome.

When an adolescent experiences extreme or protracted distress, psychotropic (mind-altering) medications are sometimes used to reinstate feelings of stability and contentment. Drug therapy can help alleviate unwanted and disruptive feelings when these symptoms are severe, appear to be the consequence of irregular levels of neurotransmitters (brain chemicals that affect thoughts and feelings), or are life-threatening and involve harm to self or others. Psychotropic medications are usually delivered by a psychiatrist, a medical doctor whose specialty is mental health and whose primary focus is symptom reduction and management of medication side effects. Drugs such as antidepressants are administered until symptoms are in remission for an extended time and in conjunction with ongoing counseling. Indeed, for many problems, such as depression, the combination of drugs and therapy works better than either alone. Psychotropic medications effectively treat anxiety, social phobia, bipolar disorder, depression, schizophrenia, obsessivecompulsive disorder, eating disorders, and other disorders. Crisis intervention is a method for maintaining psychological integrity that is necessary during periods of acute crisis, such as following a trauma (e.g., rape, battery), extreme suicidal tendencies, or psychosis (e.g., severe mental confusion, hallucinations). Immediate efforts are necessary to reduce symptoms and stabilize an adolescent. This can be achieved in a hospital where speedy assessment and short-term treatment are provided. Youths are then released, within a few hours to a few weeks, to parents and may be referred to a therapist. The goals of crisis intervention are to reduce symptoms,

Cults strengthen coping abilities, return the person to her or his previous level of functioning, and avert further emotional deterioration or breakdown. There are times when counseling must follow other interventions. For example, severe drug or alcohol abuse usually requires a period of detoxification and possibly rehabilitation in a drug treatment facility before counseling can begin. Severe anorexia nervosa in which a youth has lost enough weight to risk heart failure is another example when a period of stabilization, perhaps at an inpatient treatment facility (usually a hospital), is required prior to outpatient (community) care. Outcome of Counseling Adolescents of both sexes respond to counseling almost as well as do adults, although there is some evidence that girls benefit more from treatment than boys. Thus, counseling should be considered a viable strategy for the treatment of problematic behavior in adolescents. Perhaps the greatest contribution of counseling is that it can renew hope, the belief that things can and will get better and that the youth has a future. As adolescents struggle to articulate often previously unstated thoughts and feelings within the context of a counselor’s support and unconditional acceptance, they gradually shed feelings of shame and inadequacy and achieve understanding as the disparate pieces of their life coalesce like pieces of a puzzle uniting to convey a story. They often experience greater feelings of control, reduced symptomatology, and diminished belief that they are crazy. Life feels more manageable. Kenneth M. Cohen

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See also Career Development; Conflict and Stress; Conflict Resolution; Health Promotion; Psychotherapy References and further reading Coleman, John C., and Leo B. Hendry. 1999. The Nature of Adolescence, 3rd ed. New York: Routledge. Lewis, Michael, and Suzanne M. Miller, eds. 1990. Handbook of Developmental Psychopathology. New York: Plenum Press. Silverman, Wendy K., and Thomas H. Ollendick, eds. 1999. Developmental Issues in the Clinical Treatment of Children. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Steinberg, Laurence. 1996. Adolescence. 4th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Steinberg, Laurence, and Ann Levine. 1990. You and Your Adolescent: A Parent’s Guide for Ages 10 to 20. New York: HarperPerennial. Tolan, Patrick H., and Bertram J. Cohler, eds. 1993. Handbook of Clinical Research and Practice with Adolescents. New York: Wiley.

Cults A cult is a group that is organized around some symbol, philosophy, or belief. However, unlike other groups organized on the basis of such ideas, a cult uses deception and coercive control to recruit and maintain members. Although historically cults have been based around fringe religious organizations, today they are also organized around self-improvement groups, political organizations, and business-improvement groups; still, the majority are religious in orientation. Of course, not every small religious organization that seems peculiar or different is a cult, as most do not use deception or coercion to find and retain members. Nevertheless, an adolescent should use great caution when approached by anyone offering something that sounds too good to be true.

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Recruiting Tactics Recruiting for cults can occur anywhere—at school, on the street, in religious organizations, even at home and on the Internet. Typically, recruiters are friendly people who seem very interested in the adolescent’s life, provide much praise, and claim to have all the answers. They never acknowledge that they are part of a cult but, rather, attempt to create a bond with the teenager that allows them to get the teen more and more involved in the cult before he or she realizes what is really happening. Cults offer young people a place to belong, and recruiters convince these young people that they will be helping themselves by finding salvation and an emotional (or sometimes even physical) home, or that they will be helping others through fundraising or volunteer work. Often adolescents are lured into a cult because they see it as a group that is both interesting and apparently able to fulfill their needs for friendship, safety, love, and a sense of accomplishment. They are then typically subjected to “love bombing” (intense praise, hugs, touching, and so on), which is intended to gain their trust, to allow them to feel good about themselves, and to create a desire within them to be part of the group. Once the teens are drawn in, various forms of behavior modification and social influence techniques are employed to enmesh them. The mind control used by cults is, in principle, not different from the techniques used by advertisers to entice consumers to try their products or by a sports team to promote team spirit. However, cults use these techniques more intensely, more persistently, for a much longer duration, and with the goal of virtually total control over the young person’s mind and behavior.

Toward this end, such techniques are also used in combination with isolation, sleep deprivation, food deprivation, reward and punishment, and methods of inducing fear and guilt in the adolescent. Vulnerability Teenagers are particularly vulnerable to cults because they are at an age when many transitions are occurring. Cults will take advantage of teens’ search for identity by offering them a place to belong, and they will take advantage of teens’ rebellion against parents by giving them a sense of control. In reality, however, cults are stripping control from their young recruits. Other factors that make teenagers vulnerable are loneliness, the stressful shift from high school to college, and their sense of dissatisfaction with the meaning of life. Often adolescents are lured to a cult because they are seeking a new or higher form of spirituality, which the cult may seem to offer. Warning Signs There are many warning signs to look for when deciding whether an organization is a cult. First, cults use behavior modification, chanting, coercion, and manipulation to gain influence over the adolescent. Second, cult leaders are often charming and captivating people (of either sex) who claim to have special powers from God or special knowledge that can be shared only if one obeys them. Third, recruits are often asked to raise money for the organization without full disclosure as to where the money is going or, for that matter, asked to relinquish their own money, property, and savings. Fourth, cults not only promote the idea that nonmembers of the group will somehow suffer for their lack of faith

Cults but also encourage (and eventually force) recruits to sever ties with family and friends, to quit their jobs, and to leave school. Another strong warning sign is the existence of two sets of rules—one for members of the group and one for the leader. For example, cults often discourage sexual relations among members of the group, whereas the group leader is permitted to have sexual relations with multiple members. Cults also promote other forms of unethical behavior, such as soliciting illegally, while at the same time claiming divinity and righteousness. Not all of these factors need be present to ascertain that an organization is a cult. But if some combination of them exists, the organization very likely is a cult and therefore a danger to adolescents and their development. Dangers of Cult Membership The dangers of belonging to a cult are many, especially for a young person. Above all, membership in a cult prevents adolescents from establishing an independent and healthy sense of self—an identity—which is a crucial developmental task. Inadequate development occurs because cults demand that the group become the young person’s identity. This loss of individuality also has harmful effects on adolescents’ sense of autonomy. Since the teens are often restricted in terms of friendships and romantic partners, they are unable to master the ability to form intimate relationships based on reality. This failure results in isolation. Some cults are not just emotionally abusive but physically and sexually abusive as well, particularly toward members who start to question the leader’s authority. Members (especially women) are often forced into sexual relationships

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with the leader in the name of sacrament and honor, and in cults that restrict the amount of food and sleep a person gets, adolescents can becomes ill from malnutrition and sleep deprivation. Leaving a Cult Leaving a cult can be difficult for young people because they have been convinced that they are going against the will of God and bad things will happen to them. In the past, parents have used aggressive techniques to remove their children from cults, but today most of these tactics are illegal. For the most part, in order for teens to leave a cult, they must want to leave. This happens when they begin to sense the inconsistencies in cult life. For these young people the most effective strategy for escape is to connect with an exit counselor. These professionals, who have experienced cults themselves, are able to provide support for young people during the exit process. Exit counselors are also able to connect the young people with other former cult members who can attest that nothing disastrous happened as a result of leaving. The counselors are able to help young people get their lives back. Deborah L. Bobek

See also Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Victimization in School; Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems References and further reading Galanter, M. 1996. “Cults and Charismatic Group Psychology.” Pp. 269–296 in Religion and the Clinical Practice of Psychology. Edited by E. P. Shafranske. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Hunter, E. 1998. “Adolescent Attraction to Cults.” Adolescence 33: 709–714. Singer, M. T. 1995. Cults in Our Midst. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

D Dating

preadolescence create social worlds that, in some ways, are very different for boys and girls. In the process, children gain only limited understanding of the opposite sex. Thus, as teens become increasingly interested in romantic relationships, they face the struggles and awkward challenges of learning how to relate to opposite-sex peers who often have different experiences and styles of affiliating. Dating at this age usually occurs in the context of outings (e.g., to the mall, movies, or parties) within larger mixed-sex friendship networks. Although some level of intimacy and sexual experimentation is not uncommon during this period, the primary concerns of early adolescents do not center on the fulfillment of intimacy, support, or sexual needs. Rather, given their relative isolation from the other sex throughout childhood, the main business at hand for early teens involves (1) gaining the knowledge and skills necessary to effectively relate to other-sex peers, (2) ascertaining their attractiveness to the opposite sex, and (3) establishing their identity and status within the group. Same-sex friendships within the larger mixed-sex group serve as “social halfway houses” between the familiarity and comfort of the friendship world to the exciting, but novel, world of opposite-sex peers and dating relationships. More specifically, these friendships appear to help

Dating, or the process of experimenting and establishing romantic relationships with peers, is an important developmental task in adolescence. Teens and adults often recall how important the making and breaking of their teen dating relationships were in their development, but social scientists are only beginning to understand the origins, development, and consequences of adolescent dating relationships. Involvement in romantic relationships, which more than doubles during the primary teen years (seventh to twelfth grade), is considered to be part of a larger process by which teens negotiate increasing autonomy and independence from the family while developing closer ties with their peers. Although teens thus often sacrifice time devoted to family members to accommodate their dating relationships, dating, by itself, does not appear to compromise the quality of family relations. Teens with dating partners report that their relationships with parents and siblings are just as close and influential in their lives as those of teens without dating partners. Many, if not most, teens begin dating between twelve and fifteen years of age. Initiating dating is a very challenging and stressful process for teens. Tendencies for children to develop friendships with same-sex peers during childhood and

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Teens and adults often recall how important the making and breaking of their teen dating relationships were for them, but social scientists are only beginning to understand the origins, development, and consequences of adolescent dating relationships. (Shirley Zeiberg)

teens adjust to the new world of dating by serving as bases of support, sources of information for establishing other-sex relations, and channels for receiving feedback about their success in other-sex relations. Although dating still typically occurs within mixed-sex groups during middle adolescence (fifteen to seventeen years), middle adolescent couples increasingly go on dates by themselves. In these more intimate settings, gaining peer approval and learning about the opposite sex are no longer reported to be primary advantages of dating for teens. Instead, middle adolescents are increasingly concerned with companionship (i.e., shared activi-

ties and interaction), intimacy (i.e., establishment of a deep, meaningful relationship), and sexual experimentation in their dating relationships. As part of this process, teens are increasingly likely to establish committed, exclusive (i.e., steady) dating relationships that are often characterized by intense positive emotion and excitement, preoccupation and fantasizing, beliefs that the relationship can weather any challenge, and even love. However, because middle adolescents do not have a firm concept of how their partner fits into their future plans, their feelings are often confined to the immediate or short-term period of the relationship. Moreover, teens are often conflicted about these relationships, as evidenced by their views that commitment and negative interpersonal relations are major disadvantages of steady relationships. The end result is that even serious, satisfying relationships last an average of only a few months. Middle adolescence may best be summarized as a transitional period for romantic relationships, replete with passionate, but short-lived, bonds with dating partners. Teens in late adolescence (seventeen to nineteen years) often begin experimenting with lengthier committed relationships with a single partner that can last years. Signs of a deeper level of closeness and intimacy often emerge as romantic partners increasingly rely on each other for support, security, advice, and caregiving. However, many teens do not fully develop this type of mature mutualattachment relationship. One reason is that mature, enduring relationships require some degree of self-sacrifice at a time when late adolescents are still grappling with trying to understand themselves (“Who am I?”) and develop their identities (“What do I want out of life?”).

Dating Uncertainties may arise as to whether it is possible to sacrifice their developing identities without completely losing their freedom and themselves in the relationship. Perhaps not surprisingly, older teens are more likely to define intimate relationships in terms of sharing, sexual interaction, trust, and openness than in terms of commitment, security, caregiving, and self-sacrifice. In addition, many social scientists believe that a truly deep mutual-attachment bond becomes fully developed only after a minimum of two years in a romantic relationship. Thus, for many teens whose relationships commonly last less than a couple years, a deeper level of closeness is achieved but not fully formed into a mutual-attachment relationship. Although little is known about the effects of dating on teen development, there is some evidence suggesting that dating paves the way for healthy development in many areas of functioning. First, dating has been characterized by social scientists as a healthy forum for developing and refining communication skills, interpersonal relations, and conflict management abilities. Research has shown, for example, that increases in dating involvement are accompanied by increases in the sharing of personal information and by decreases in conflict within close friendships. Second, success in securing dating partners can be a means of enhancing social status, peer relations and approval, and, eventually, emotional adjustment. For example, companionship and enhancement of social status are commonly cited by teens as key advantages of dating. Moreover, teens who are more heavily involved in dating have greater self-confidence and self-esteem, report fewer signs of depression, and perceive themselves to be more socially

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skilled than teens who are less involved or uninvolved in dating. Third, dating may promote teen characteristics that help them successfully adapt to the demands of adulthood. Dating is specifically considered to be a training ground for the development of psychological and sexual intimacy and sharing—which are key building blocks for forming mature, satisfying, and enduring romantic relationships in adulthood. However, the effects of dating are not uniformly beneficial for teens. Whether dating has benefits or costs for teens’ mental health depends largely on the timing, history, and quality of their dating relationships. According to one theory, early onset of dating or casual dating among multiple partners reflects teens’ attempts to develop stronger ties with peers—attempts that, in turn, involve accepting the behaviors and values of a peer culture that in some cases are at odds with societal and familial rules of conduct. Endorsement of rule violations in the peer culture are commonly reflected in minor acts of delinquency, sexual activity, and experimentation with substances such as alcohol. Supporting this theory is the finding that early onset of dating forecasts not only higher self-confidence and a greater sense of autonomy but also increased problem behaviors in the form of alcohol use, substance use, delinquency, and academic difficulties. Likewise, adolescents who develop casual dating relationships with multiple partners experience increased alcohol use, sexual activity, and delinquency. Although this increase in problem behaviors is understandably a concern for many parents, it is important to note that some increase in problem behaviors is a normal part of teen experimenting and, for most teens, is likely to be temporary. Indeed, evidence

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suggests that as older teens gain experience in more serious, mature relationships, support and closeness in the relationship may help them seek more independence from peer influence, critically evaluate deviant peer norms, and, ultimately, cycle out of experimentation in deviant activities. Although temporary emotional distress (e.g., depression, loneliness) over the short-lived nature of adolescent romantic relationships is normal, another set of theories maintains that dating may actually be a source of enduring emotional problems under certain conditions. Demands for intimacy and commitment, particularly within steady, exclusive dating relationships, may overwhelm the developing emotional maturity of adolescents and prematurely limit the opportunities and experiences necessary to gain a solid understanding of themselves and others. The formative years of dating, which typically take place during early and middle adolescence, are often characterized as being fraught with mistrust and distress over losing a romantic partner along with the contrasting fear of losing one’s independence and identity if the relationship continues. In support of this idea, teens cite commitment, negative interpersonal relations, and worry and jealousy as primary disadvantages of involvement in romantic relationships. Based on such evidence, establishing long-term serious relationships may jeopardize teens’ self-esteem, isolate them from potentially valuable social relationships (e.g., peers, friends, family), and increase their depressive symptoms. Additional evidence indicates that dating may have a negative impact on teen adjustment if it is accompanied by certain challenging or stressful events. For girls in particular, socializing with mem-

bers of the opposite sex is often initiated at the same time that they are coping with the onset of menstruation, increased body fat resulting from puberty, and the transition from the small, intimate settings of elementary school to the larger, more demanding, and impersonal settings of middle school. Striving to maintain thinness in the belief that it will increase their success in the dating world in the larger, more impersonal setting of the school is a difficulty that may compound the stressfulness of establishing dating relationships. The resulting burden appears to intensify girls’ emotional distress, body dissatisfaction, and unhealthy dieting practices, including eating problems. Note that, although psychologists have made some headway in identifying some of the risks associated with dating, the complexity of their results prevents any firm conclusions from being drawn at this point. Teens’ psychological characteristics and aspects of their social lives are thought to play an important role in accounting for why adolescents differ in their dating experiences. On the one hand, sociability, communication and conflict resolution skills, and achievement of close, supportive friendships are critical ingredients for success in subsequent romantic relationships; on the other hand, problem behaviors in the form of minor delinquency, sexual activity, and higher levels of alcohol use in friendship networks during early and middle adolescence are predictive of more dating involvement. This pattern of sociability and participation in a “partying” network of peers may facilitate dating by (1) permitting information exchanges on the best methods of handling dating relationships, (2) affording opportunities to initiate more informal

Dating Infidelity and intimate interactions with potential dating partners, and (3) further refining communication and conflict management skills necessary to successfully forge romantic relations. Very adverse family experiences, such as a history of physical abuse or neglect, also increase teens’ vulnerability for becoming victims or perpetrators of violence in dating relationships. Nevertheless, very little is known about why teens differ in such aspects of their dating experiences as timing (early versus late), quality (supportive, unsupportive, violent), and course (enduring versus short-lived). In short, although the consensus is that teens’ experiences in the dating world are products of peer relations, psychological disposition (e.g., temperament, social competence, depression), perceptions of social relationships, and the quality of family relationships, the specific and combined effects of these factors are still poorly understood. Patrick Davies See also Dating Infidelity; Developmental Challenges; Gender Differences; Loneliness; Love; Peer Pressure; Sex Differences; Sex Roles; Sexual Behavior; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of; Transitions of Adolescence References and further reading Davies, Patrick T., and Michael Windle. 2000. “Middle Adolescents’ Dating Pathways and Psychosocial Adjustment.” Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 46: 90–118. Montemayor, Raymond, Gerald R. Adams, and Thomas P. Gullotta, eds. 1994. Personal Relationships during Adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Shulman, Shmuel, and W. Andrew Collins, eds. 1997. Romantic Relationships in Adolescence: Developmental Perspectives. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

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Dating Infidelity Dating infidelity refers to engaging in sexual or other behavior considered inappropriate for one in a committed (“going out” or engaged) relationship. Up to a quarter of college students admit that they have been “unfaithful” to their current partner, and up to 50 percent note that their friends who are going out with someone have been unfaithful to their current partner. These numbers are in accord with the percentage of married people who say they have engaged in marital infidelity. This is an important concern because discovering that one’s partner has been unfaithful often can lead to a dissolution of the relationship, which is a primary cause of adolescent suicide. There is a wide range of behaviors included in those considered indicative of infidelity, and these are quite similar for both going-out and engaged couples. For instance, along with sexual intercourse, dating another person, and flirting, kissing, and petting with another person, are very much viewed as acts of infidelity. Spending time with another person of the same gender as your partner and being close friends with someone of the same gender as your partner are generally not considered indicators of infidelity. Behaviors that might indicate infidelity include betraying the partner’s confidence, keeping secrets from one’s partner, and being emotionally involved with another person. The ambiguity involved in determining whether these behaviors indicate infidelity lies perhaps in what confidences are betrayed, what secrets kept, and the degree of emotional involvement with another. If the betrayal of confidence, the secrets kept, and the emotional involvement are likely to result in the dissolution of the relationship, they may constitute acts of infidelity.

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Adolescents are unfaithful for many of the same reasons adults are: dissatisfaction with the person and dissatisfaction with the relationship. Learning about committed relationships is one of the areas in which adolescence is a transition into adulthood. (Lawrence Manning/ Corbis)

Adolescents are unfaithful for much the same reasons adults are: dissatisfaction with the person (e.g., anger, revenge, jealousy) and dissatisfaction with the relationship (e.g., lack of communication, testing the relationship, and lack of commitment). These differing reasons for being unfaithful relate to the type of infidelity one may show. For example, being bored with one’s partner is related more strongly to sexual than emotional infidelity; being angry toward one’s partner is more strongly related to emotional than sexual infidelity. Males engage in more dating infidelity, and are more accepting of infidelity, than

are females. In general, both male and female adolescents regard marital infidelity as more severe than dating infidelity, and sexual infidelity as more severe than emotional infidelity. Learning about behavior in committed relationships is one of the areas in which adolescence is a transition into adulthood. This can be an exciting if challenging transition. Unfortunately, this at times can also include learning about some unpleasant aspects of committed relationships. Jerome B. Dusek See also Dating; Moral Development

Decision Making References and further reading Roscoe, Bruce, Lauri E. Cavanaugh, and Donna R. Kennedy. 1988. “Dating Infidelity: Behaviors, Reasons, and Consequences.” Adolescence 23: 35–43. Shackelford, Todd K., and David M. Buss. 1997. “Cues to Infidelity.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 23: 1034–1045. Sheppart, Viveca J., Eileen S. Nelson, and Virginia Andreoli-Mathie. 1995. “Dating Relationships and Infidelity: Attitudes and Behaviors.” Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy 21: 202–212.

Decision Making Decision making is an essential life skill that we use every day, and learning how to make good decisions is considered one of the essential goals for healthy adolescent development. During adolescence, young people become more interested in making their own decisions. They are also more capable of doing so, due in part to cognitive changes, including development of the ability to think abstractly and to consider future consequences. Society expects adolescents to make decisions in areas such as friendship, academics, extracurricular involvement, and consumer choices. But adults are also concerned about some of the decisions that adolescents make that can have serious consequences, and as a result, laws that limit the decision-making authority of adolescents have also been enacted. Some decisions are fairly easy to make, like whether to have juice or milk with breakfast. Other choices are more difficult, such as decisions that can have uncertain or serious consequences or ones that involve choices between options that seem equal. Decisions tend to be easier to make when one knows what the consequences of the choice will

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be. If one knows that it is raining outside, the decision about whether to wear a raincoat has known consequences and is probably not a difficult one. It is a somewhat different experience to decide about a raincoat when rain is forecast but it looks clear outside. Many of the decisions that people make are based on uncertainty. Decisions can also be hard to make when they involve conflicting goals. Choosing to stay home and study rather than going out with friends may be a hard decision for a person who values friendship as well as getting good grades in school. Choices are also generally harder to make when the potential consequences are serious. Competent Decision Making Programs that have been designed to teach decision-making skills identify five steps that are involved in competent decisions. The first step involves identifying one’s options. Although people often think in terms of two choices (for example, going out with friends or staying home), the competent decision maker is able to consider a broader range of options. Using the example above, a third option might be to study for two hours and join friends later in the evening. After identifying possible options, the competent decision maker considers what might happen if a particular option were chosen. Staying home would probably be disappointing, involve doing something that is not a lot of fun, and would probably lead to a better grade in class. Getting a better grade would please parents and would also allow for getting on the football team, which requires a certain level of school performance. On the other hand, the plans for the evening with friends would be really fun, and it

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may be the only chance to see a particular friend who is leaving soon on vacation. The next two steps involve assessing how likely each of these outcomes is, and how desirable or undesirable they are. What is the chance that going to the party will actually result in a poor grade on the test? Risk assessment is an important component of the decision-making process. In order to make informed, competent choices that are likely to result in positive outcomes, one needs to have a sense of the potential for negative outcomes and some realistic assessment of that potential. Studies of adolescents’ capacity for considering consequences have shown that even young adolescents have the ability to consider risks and benefits associated with medical procedures and the consequences of engaging in risky behaviors. Part of the difficulty of making decisions is that the choices involve both risks and benefits. Furthermore, risks may not be equally negative, just as some benefits may be more desirable than others. The competent decision maker considers not only highly probable outcomes but also those that are less likely but extremely negative were they to occur. Understanding the value of the potential benefits of various choices is also important. All of the above components are essential to competent decisions. The challenge for the decision maker is to factor in the possible options, risks, and benefits in a systematic way that will optimize the probability of achieving positive outcomes. Competent decision making also involves a balance between making one’s own decision and recognizing the value of obtaining advice from others. Being able to make one’s own decisions means the ability to resist

undue influence from others and a certain degree of self-reliance—having a sense of control over one’s life and possessing initiative. Self-reliance not only allows the decision makers to have confidence in their ability to make decisions but also to move forward on implementing decisions. But knowing when and where to turn for advice and whether to follow it is also essential. Competent decision makers have a good sense of balance between independence and listening to others. The ability to make one’s own decisions appears to increase between ages ten and eighteen, with susceptibility to peer pressure subsiding sometime between twelve and sixteen years of age. Finally, competent decision making also involves a certain amount of impulse control. Utilizing the other capacities, such as taking the future into account, in making decisions requires one to have enough impulse control. The ability to think about the future, impulse control, and self-reliance continue to increase well into the late adolescent years. Adolescents’ Competence as Decision Makers The only real-world studies of adolescent decision making have focused on pregnancy-related/abortion decision-making competence. These studies show little difference in competence between adolescents and adults. However, the generalizability of the findings to other adolescents or to other types of decisions is unknown. Studies that ask adolescents to make hypothetical decisions and those that examine decision making in laboratory settings show mixed findings, with some concluding that adolescents are as competent as adults, and others showing important differences between the two.

Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems Regardless of these differences, one thing is clear—many adolescents, even older adolescents, do not show high levels of competence. In fact, both adults and adolescents show lower levels of decision-making competence than expected given normative models of decision making. So the answer to whether adolescents are competent decision makers may vary depending on whether one considers the gold standard to be adult levels of competence or a model of how decisions ought to be made. Given that many of the attributes that are thought to be essential for competent decision making, such as resistance to peer pressure, self-reliance, perspective taking, future time perspective, and impulse control, show age differences, it is likely that future studies will show that decision-making competence continues to improve throughout adolescence, and quite possibly beyond. Susan Millstein See also Cognitive Development; Thinking References and further reading Beyth-Marom, Ruth, and Baruch Fischhoff. 1997. “Adolescents’ Decisions about Risks: A Cognitive Perspective.” Pp. 110–135 in Health Risks and Developmental Transitions during Adolescence. Edited by John Schulenberg, Jennifer L. Maggs, and Klaus Hurrelmann. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Byrnes, James P. 1998. The Nature and Development of Decision Making: A Self-Regulation Model. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Gittler, Josephine, M. Quigley-Rick, and Michael J. Saks. 1990. Adolescent Health Care Decision-Making: The Law and Public Policy. Washington, DC: Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development. Lewis, C. C. 1981. “How Adolescents Approach Decisions: Changes over

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Grades Seven to Twelve and Policy Implications.” Child Development 52: 538–544. Mann, L., R. Harmoni, and C. Power. 1989. “Adolescent Decision-Making: The Development of Competence.” Journal of Adolescence 12: 265–278. Scott, Elizabeth R., N. Dickon Reppucci, and Jennifer Woolard. 1995. “Evaluating Adolescent Decision Making in Legal Contexts.” Law and Human Behavior 19, no. 3: 221–244. Steinberg, Laurence C., and Elizabeth Cauffman. 1996. “Maturity of Judgment in Adolescence: Psychosocial Factors in Adolescent Decision Making.” Law and Human Behavior 20, no. 3: 249–272. Weithorn, Lois A., and Susan B. Campbell. 1982. “The Competency of Children and Adolescents to Make Informed Treatment Decisions.” Child Development 53: 1589–1598.

Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems Juvenile delinquency is one of our society’s most pressing social problems. In 1996, nearly 2.9 million arrests were made of persons under age 18, including 135,100 violent offenses, 720,300 property offenses, and 1,996,300 nonindex offenses (FBI, 1997). Juveniles accounted for 19 percent of all arrests, 19 percent of all violent crime arrests, and 35 percent of all property crime arrests Across all offense types, most juveniles arrested were male (75 percent) and between ages 15 and 17 (68 percent). However, dramatic increases in delinquent behaviors and arrests have been noted for girls over the past two decades. Arrests for most offense types increase with age, peaking in late adolescence and declining thereafter at varying rates. These recent data confirm long-standing trends in arrest patterns for violent offending, with younger segments of the population (age 15 to 34) consistently showing higher rates than older adults (FBI, 1997).

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Recent trends in juvenile offending differ by offense type. Between 1980 and 1996, arrest rates for property crimes remained relatively stable, hovering near 2,500 per 100,000 juveniles aged 10 to 17. In contrast, arrest rates for violent crimes increased dramatically after 1989, peaking in 1994, and declining 12 percent between 1994 and 1996. However, the 1996 juvenile violent crime arrest rate (465/100,000) was approximately 50 percent higher than during the early 1980s, with higher rates of increase for younger juveniles (up 68 percent for ages 10 to 14) than for older juveniles (up 42 percent for ages 15 to 17). Comparisons with older age groups are equally striking; from 1989 to 1994, homicide arrest rates for adolescents aged 14 to 17 increased 41percent, for young adults 18 to 24 these rates increased 18 percent, and for adults over 25 these rates decreased 19 percent. Ongoing shifts in the age structure of the U.S. population are expected to influence current rates of juvenile crime, with current juvenile arrest rates projected to double by 2010 (OJJDP, 1996). Although in recent years, juvenile arrest rates, and in particular those for violent crimes, have continued to decline, juvenile delinquency and juvenile offending remain serious social problems in the United States. Adolescent Substance Use and Abuse Substance use and abuse by the general population of adolescents are also pressing social concerns. Current national survey data suggest a problem of wide scope. For example, in 1999, the majority of high school seniors reported using one or more substances including alcohol (73.8 percent), illicit drugs (42.1 percent), or cigarettes (34.6 percent). This suggests that at least experimental substance use

is common among middle and late adolescents. More worrisome, however, are the proportions of adolescents reporting more serious substance use problems. Epidemiological studies suggest that among high school students, approximately 8 to 10 percent meet diagnostic criteria for substance abuse at some point during their lifetime, and 4 percent to 5 percent qualified for this diagnosis based on their patterns of use during the past year. With regard to specific substances, many high school seniors report heavy patterns of substance use including daily marijuana use (6 percent), daily drunkenness (3.4 percent), binge drinking during the past two weeks (30.8 percent), or smoking half a pack or more of cigarettes daily (13.2 percent) (University of Michigan, 1999). Similar to recent trends in juvenile delinquency, rates of substance use and abuse have increased faster for females than for males in recent years and appear to be converging. This is a departure from historical gender differences in patterns of substance use and abuse, suggesting the potential for substantial increases among females in substance-related morbidity and mortality. Substance Use among Juvenile Delinquents and Juvenile Offenders Compared to the general population of adolescents, juvenile offenders are more likely to use alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs, and are more likely to have substance use problems. At the time of arrest, approximately half of juvenile offenders can be identified as having problems related to substance use/misuse based on scores from standardized assessment instruments. Adolescents’ self-reports are typically confirmed using drug-testing methods such as hair or fingernail testing. These findings are some-

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A girl detained in a room at a juvenile detention center, 1975 (Urban Archives, Philadelphia)

what similar to trends among adults that suggest the majority of adult offenders are substance involved at either the time that they commit their offense or at the time they are arrested. There are only minor gender differences in the percentages of juvenile offenders who report substance use problems. Similarly, there are only minor differences in the proportions of Hispanic and non-Hispanic offenders who report substance use problems, although substance use problems are significantly more common among white than black juveniles. There is a long history of clinical and researchbased literatures documenting significant relations between substance use and

delinquency. Delinquent or antisocial adolescents report higher levels of substance use, and they tend to initiate substance use at earlier ages than nonoffending adolescents. In addition, juvenile delinquents with more serious patterns of substance use and misuse are more likely to commit additional offenses, more violent offenses, and to participate in serious, chronic patterns of antisocial behavior than delinquents with less substance involvement. Relations between Juvenile Offending and Substance Use or Abuse It is well established that there is a significant relation between substance use

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and antisocial behavior among both adolescents and adults. However, delinquent behaviors are observed among teenagers who do not use alcohol or illicit substances. Furthermore, the majority of adolescents who engage in substance use, including the heaviest users, do not engage in serious delinquent behavior. Existing research suggests that delinquent, antisocial behavior emerges in adolescence before the development of substance use problems among substanceabusing delinquents. However, it is unclear how adolescent substance use and offending are related to each other over time, in particular how they may maintain each other and escalate together. It is clear that juvenile offenders are at significantly higher risk for substance use problems than the general population of adolescents. Although juvenile offending and substance use are significantly related to one another, the degree to which these problem behaviors overlap varies considerably across studies. The severity of juvenile offending is positively associated with adolescents’ use of alcohol and marijuana. For example, adolescents who are serious or chronic offenders are more likely to be substance users/abusers than adolescents who are less serious offenders. Moreover, juvenile offenders who report multiple problems (e.g., past victimization, school failure, or mental health problems) and substance abuse are more than twice as likely to be serious offenders than those who do not report substance abuse. In addition to significant relations between adolescent substance use/abuse and juvenile offending at a single point in time, available research suggests significant relations between substance use and delinquency across the period of adolescence. Early substance use (i.e., before age

12) is an important predictor of serious delinquency in late adolescence. In addition, studies of adolescents over time suggest that relations between substance use and delinquency persist over this period, with continuous patterns of substance use in adolescence associated significantly with continuous patterns of delinquent behavior. Prevalence of Psychiatric Disorders among Juvenile Offenders Juvenile offenders appear to be significantly more likely to report psychiatric symptoms and disorders than the general population of adolescents. A large body of research suggests that most juvenile offenders would qualify for a diagnosis of conduct disorder (CD) or antisocial personality disorder, with estimates ranging from 75 percent to 100 percent. Substance use disorders (SUDs) also are commonly diagnosed among juvenile offenders, with estimates across studies ranging from 27 percent to 63 percent. These findings are significant because they suggest that CD and SUD commonly co-occur in samples of juvenile offenders. This particular combination of psychiatric disorders greatly complicates efforts to provide treatment (i.e., for substance abuse) or intervention (i.e., for antisocial behavior), as one set of problem behaviors tends to perpetuate the other. For example, continued substance abuse tends to promote recidivism. In turn, repeat offenders are difficult to engage in substance abuse treatment, and they experience high rates of relapse. Depressive and/or mood disorders are also prevalent among juvenile offenders, with prevalence rates ranging from 18 percent to 48 percent. Some studies suggest that as many as 60 percent of juve-

Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems nile offenders report significant levels of depressive symptoms. Juvenile offenders also demonstrate elevated rates of anxiety disorders, which commonly co-occur with depression. For example, some research has found significantly higher rates of anxiety disorders (70 percent vs. 35 percent) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (40 percent vs. 15 percent) among substance-abusing delinquents with comorbid diagnoses of depression than among those offenders without depression. Therefore, many juvenile offenders with substance abuse problems also experience persistent emotional problems. Recent studies establish that over half of incarcerated juvenile offenders meet full or partial diagnostic criteria for PTSD, suggesting substantial overlap between victimization and offending. Positive diagnosis of PTSD has been associated with significantly higher levels of depression and anxiety, and lower levels of impulse control and aggression suppression. Finally, one of the most consistent developmental antecedents of juvenile offending is the commonly occurring symptom constellation of hyperactivity, attention deficits, and impulsivity. Nearly half of adolescents with a joint diagnosis of CD and SUD also are diagnosed with attention deficit with hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). This finding is significant because male juvenile delinquents with higher levels of ADHD symptoms show more severe and earlier onset CD, more SUD diagnoses, and more comorbid depression and anxiety. These externalizing behavior problems (i.e., ADHD symptoms) show significant stability from childhood through adolescence, and they are reliable predictors of violent offending and recidivism across a wide range of juvenile delinquents. In addition, exter-

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nalizing problems commonly co-occur with internalizing problems or emotional distress. Taken together, these patterns of emerging findings indicate the presence of extensive psychiatric comorbidity among juvenile offenders. The Continuity of Juvenile Offending, Substance Use during Adolescence At present, the continuity of juvenile offending, in particular violent offending, and how it is maintained are not well understood. Childhood antecedents of juvenile delinquency or antisocial behavior have been reliably identified and include childhood aggression, poverty, family disruption, inconsistent and coercive parenting. Yet factors related to the escalation of offending (e.g., early arrest, ineffective parenting, deviant peers) are less well understood, with even less available research related to the desistance from offending. Although there is significant stability of delinquent behavior from late childhood to young adulthood, some studies suggest wide differences in both the timing of onset of delinquent or antisocial behavior and the continuity of its expression. Recent research has described significant developmental differences between individuals with childhood, adolescent, and adult onsets of delinquent behavior, as well as individual differences in the continuity of delinquent behavior from adolescence to young adulthood (Loeber and Hay, 1997). At present, there is a great deal of debate regarding the developmental pathways that may account for these differences. Efforts are currently focused on determining the number of pathways to and away from offending, as well as the factors clearly related to the development or maintenance of offending (Loeber and Farrington, 1998). Accu-

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mulating evidence suggests many possible patterns of delinquent behavior across adolescence, with regard to timing of onset, continuity, escalation, or desistance from offending. Similarly, wide ranges in developmental outcomes among juvenile offenders highlight the importance for preventative interventions of identifying modifiable risk processes related to continued offending or recidivism. At present, few conclusions can be drawn regarding the continuity or discontinuity of substance use and substance use problems across adolescence. Different studies reach varying conclusions based on the samples involved and the analytic techniques used to address specific research questions. Although some studies describe significant stability across time in patterns of substance use, other studies describe a wide range of patterns of change in adolescent problem behaviors including substance use. Specific longitudinal trajectories for substance use have been linked to a range of individual-, family-, and peer-level variables, many of which promote continued substance use via deviant peer affiliations. A growing literature provides evidence for multiple pathways to substance use problems and suggests that effective interventions will be shaped by the initial and subsequent levels of multiple problem behaviors of adolescent clients (e.g., Cicchetti and Rogosch, 1999). The Continuity of Relations between Juvenile Delinquent/ Antisocial Behavior and Adolescent Substance Use A growing body of evidence suggests that delinquent behavior and substance use influence and maintain each other. For a small portion of first-time juvenile

offenders, maintenance or escalation of these behaviors is likely to result in patterns of serious and chronic offending. Substance use and abuse is associated with delinquency and adult offending in several ways. For example, the majority of offenders were under the influence of drugs or alcohol at the time of their offense or arrest. In addition, substance abuse remains a chronic problem among released offenders, who typically do poorly in substance abuse treatment while incarcerated, relapse upon release, and are rearrested (Simon, 1998). Among samples of juvenile offenders, however, the role of substance use upon the continuity of offending is somewhat equivocal, although the prevention of substance use following arrest may reduce substantially risk for reoffending. Some studies indicate that substance use (i.e., cocaine use) at time of arrest is a significant predictor of additional arrests, while other studies have not found this relationship. There is, however, growing evidence that drug and alcohol use are associated with patterns of reoffending among juveniles. In their pioneering study, Inciardi, Horowitz, and Pottieger (1993) drew on several literatures to describe four mechanisms that may explain how substance use and delinquent behaviors interact to promote repetition of each behavior, potentially increasing risk for reoffending. First, substance use dependence increases adolescents’ preoccupation with obtaining and using drugs, leading to escalating patterns of use. Second, the need to pay for heavy patterns of substance use may lead to repeat offending. Third, substance use and juvenile offending may both be aspects of an unconventional lifestyle that is rewarding to a specific subgroup of adolescents. Fourth, criminal offenses may occur while juveniles are under the

Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems influence of substances. Inciardi et al. found that the youths’ offending and substance use careers emerged at the same time in early adolescence and progressed by middle adolescence to include frequent, heavy polysubstance use and frequent involvement in drug-related offenses (trafficking, vice, shoplifting, and dealing stolen property). These findings suggest that for some groups of adolescents, substance use and delinquent behavior actively maintain each other and promote a wide range of additional problems (e.g., mental health problems). Intervention Approaches with Adolescents at Risk for Juvenile Delinquency As in other periods of rapid developmental transitions, both continuous and discontinuous behavior patterns are found during adolescence. An adolescent who previously has shown consistency in how challenges are resolved now may show drastic changes in behavior or significant discontinuity along a developmental trajectory. It is often the case that adolescence brings changes in behavior patterns that create stresses for the adolescent and his or her family that are not easily addressed. When patterns of negative or maladaptive behaviors are first displayed, the family is often slow to react. For this reason, it is critical that prevention and intervention programs for delinquent or antisocial behavior include all segments of the community (e.g., family, school, church, and other organizations) and target multiple risk factors for juvenile delinquency. In recent years, increased efforts have been made to better inform schools of early warning signs for juvenile delinquency and related behavior problems. Community outreach programs have become more popular, and they address a

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wide range of emotional and behavioral problems of adolescents. These programs have shown success in steering at-risk youth toward positive developmental outcomes by connecting them with appropriate supportive services. The programs that have been most successful are those that have targeted directly young adolescents in their school and family settings. These programs focus on reducing environmental and individual risk factors while increasing key protective factors. Some of the most significant environmental risk factors include unsafe schools and the surrounding communities. Given recent increases in prevalence and visibility of school violence, schools are increasing efforts to create safe learning environments. Furthermore, many communities are committed to providing safe play areas for children. Law enforcement collaboration should be considered a critical element in initiating positive change at the community level. These changes have included many different types of interventions. For example, increasing numbers of schools have installed metal detectors to increase safety on school property. Other schools are providing supervised after-school care on their grounds. In these cases, inadequate monitoring of adolescents was a critical structural feature of schools that increased environmental risk for interpersonal violence and other forms of offending. Individual risk factors for juvenile delinquency have been targeted successfully through individual and group counseling. Behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapies are commonly used in prevention or intervention efforts to reduce delinquent behavior. Adolescents respond most favorably when these therapies are used to promote positive inter-

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personal skills including anger management, conflict resolution, asking for advice/help, and prosocial peer interaction. These therapies also have been used to enhance the ability of adolescents’ families to promote positive change. Intervention and prevention programs have targeted parenting practices in the assumption that harsh, inconsistent, or coercive parenting styles model and promote behaviors conducive to juvenile offending. Positive parenting skills are widely considered to be significant protective factors against both environmental and individual risk factors for delinquent behavior. Targets in efforts to enhance parenting skills and home environments often include conflict resolution practices, parent management training, monitoring skills, parental mental health, the stability of family structure and economic well-being, and parents’ educational or occupational aspirations for their children. Adolescents are more likely to be able to resist or desist from delinquent behavior when the multiple systems involved (e.g., family, school, community systems) actively participate in partnerships to reduce exposure of vulnerable adolescents to risk factors for juvenile delinquency. For example, schools must commit themselves to each child’s development, and communities must decide that juvenile delinquency is a critical social problem that warrants the investment of resources in a long-term plan of action. More importantly, families must be encouraged and supported as they work to enhance their strengths and the skills necessary to provide realistic alternatives to juvenile delinquency. These complex issues are often considered too entrenched for interventions to be effective with populations

at greatest risk for serious and chronic juvenile offending, that is, children who display early-onset problem behavior. However, program evaluations have shown that serious and violent juvenile offenders, both incarcerated and paroled, benefit from intervention efforts. Across different types of prevention or intervention programs, those that have followed a multisystemic approach have been the most likely to demonstrate positive results reducing levels of delinquent or antisocial behavior. Unfortunately, these intervention programs are complex, intensive, and very costly. Multi-systemic interventions with juvenile offenders include the twenty-four-hour availability of multidisciplinary therapeutic teams for the duration of the client’s treatment. This approach requires that the intervention team be able to work on multiple issues involving different members of the family system, as well as links between the family and larger social systems. Maintaining this schedule of availability for multiple cases becomes a daunting task for service coordinators and frontline workers. Current research suggests that the implementation of multisystemic interventions can produce positive behavioral change with benefits at the individual, family, and community levels. Although expensive, these programs are expected to yield significant short- and long-term benefits. For this particular social problem, comprehensive interventions at the grassroots level appear to be a promising direction to pursue as new intervention and prevention programs are developed and future policy shifts are debated. Jonathan G. Tubman Emily Branscum

Delinquency, Trends in See also Aggression; Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Alcohol Use, Trends in; Conduct Problems; Counseling; Delinquency, Trends in; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Drug Abuse Prevention; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Juvenile Crime References and further reading Chesney-Lind, Meda, and Randall G. Shelden. 1998. Girls, Delinquency, and Juvenile Justice. 2nd ed. Belmont: West/Wadsworth. Cicchetti, Dante, and Fred A. Rogosch. 1999. “Psychopathology as Risk for Adolescent Substance Use Disorders: A Developmental Psychopathology Perspective.” Journal of Clinical Child Psychology 28, no. 3: 355–365. Federal Bureau of Investigation. 1997. Crime in the United States: 1996. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Hawkins, J. David, ed. 1996. Delinquency and Crime: Current Theories. New York: Cambridge University Press. Inciardi, James A., Ruth Horowitz, and Anne E. Pottieger. 1993. Street Kids, Street Drugs, Street Crime. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing. Loeber, Rolf, and David P. Farrington, eds. 1998. Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Successful Interventions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Loeber, Rolf, and Dale Hay. 1997. “Key Issues in the Development of Aggression and Violence from Childhood to Early Adulthood.” Annual Review of Psychology 48: 371–410. Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. 1996. (March). Combating Violence and Delinquency: The National Juvenile Justice Action Plan. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Rutter, Michael, Henri Giller, and Ann Hagell, eds. 1998. Antisocial Behavior by Young People. New York: Cambridge University Press. Sharp, Paul M., and Barry W. Hancock, eds. 1998. Juvenile Delinquency: Historical, Theoretical, and Societal Reactions to Youth, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

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Simon, Leonore M. J. 1998. “Does Criminal Offender Treatment Work?” Applied and Preventative Psychology 7, no. 3: 137–159. University of Michigan. 1999. (December 18). “Drug Use among American Young People Begins to Turn Downward.” News and Information Services Press Release. Waters, Tony. 1999. Crime and Immigrant Youth. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Delinquency, Trends in Official records documenting trends in juvenile delinquency and crime indicate that rates of offending and victimization among adolescents have dropped considerably since the early 1990s. For example, between 1994 and 1997, the number of murders known to have been committed by juveniles dropped 39 percent (Snyder and Sickmund, 1999). Moreover, contrary to recent media portrayals suggesting a widespread juvenile crime problem, only a small proportion of the adolescent population is involved in the majority of criminal offenses. Although these trends are encouraging, they tell only part of the story. Official statistics, such as those reported by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, are limited because they describe, by definition, cases that are processed by the juvenile justice system. For this reason, official records tend to underestimate the occurrence of adolescent delinquent behavior. Many crimes never come to the attention of law enforcement authorities, and numerous delinquent behaviors are considered too trivial to result in arrest and adjudication. Thus, as a supplement to official statistics, researchers rely on self-report studies of community samples (e.g., high school stu-

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dents), which ask adolescents to describe their own behaviors and experiences. These studies indicate that, although there are differences based on age, gender, race, and socioeconomic status, the majority of adolescents participate to some extent in a range of delinquent activities. Many of these activities are relatively minor in nature (e.g., skipping school), but their persistent expression may contribute to serious problems (e.g., school suspension). Moreover, some delinquent activities are more serious (e.g., vandalism) and can be costly to society and have lasting consequences for victims and offenders. Seeking to understand the reasons why adolescents engage in delinquent behavior, researchers have identified a number of individual, interpersonal, and cultural factors that increase the risk or probability that boys and girls will engage in delinquency. Several factors have also been identified that are associated with lower levels of delinquency among adolescents, such as having close relationships to family and strong commitments to school. A joint consideration of official statistics and self-report studies reveals that rates of juvenile delinquency vary considerably by age, gender, race and ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. As mentioned previously, the majority of boys and girls participate in some level of delinquent behavior during adolescence. For most individuals, delinquent activity increases gradually through the early adolescent years and peaks in middle adolescence (around age sixteen or seventeen). Thus, the high school years represent a period during the life course in which involvement in a range of problem behaviors (e.g., skipping school, stealing, alcohol and drug use) is relatively normal. Such involvement typically decreases dramati-

cally during late adolescence, as young men and women mature and assume the responsibilities of family and employment in young adulthood. For a small proportion of boys and girls (e.g., approximately 5 percent of males), criminal and delinquent behavior begins in early childhood and persists throughout adolescence and into adulthood (Moffitt, 1993). Although such individuals are few in number, they account for the majority of more serious criminal and delinquent offenses in adolescence. In addition to these developmental trends, there are clear gender differences in rates of juvenile crime and delinquency. In general, a higher proportion of boys participate in a range of delinquent behaviors compared to girls. Moreover, the frequency or intensity of boys’ involvement in delinquency typically exceeds that of girls’ involvement. As offenses become more serious, these gender differences tend to increase. There are, however, certain behaviors that girls appear to engage in more often than boys, such as cigarette smoking and running away from home. An important area for future research is to explain this gender gap in juvenile crime and delinquency. There is evidence also that offending among adolescents varies by race, particularly for more serious acts of delinquency. For example, a higher proportion of blacks than whites are arrested for serious violent crimes, such as murder and assault. However, caution must be exercised when interpreting results such as these, for at least two reasons. First, differences in arrest and adjudication rates may reflect bias in the juvenile justice system that works against African Americans, Hispanics, and other racial and ethnic minorities. Second, racial and ethnic differences in delinquency are tied

Delinquency, Trends in closely to socioeconomic status. The highest rates of crime and delinquency are concentrated in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods that, for historical and economic reasons, are populated predominantly by nonwhites. Delinquency has strong roots in the poverty and disorganization that characterize these areas. Regardless of age, gender, race, or socioeconomic status, delinquency has negative consequences for society and individuals. The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) of the U.S. Department of Justice estimates that it costs society approximately $2 million for each boy or girl that drops out of school due to crime and delinquency (Snyder and Sickmund, 1999). Of course, the personal costs to victims of criminal and delinquent acts are often intangible and cannot be estimated. Moreover, even minor, noncriminal acts of delinquency can have lasting negative effects for the boys and girls who participate in them, and such effects can limit opportunities for future constructive outcomes (e.g., stable jobs, stable families). The high costs of adolescent delinquency have motivated scientific efforts to understand why boys and girls participate in such behavior. Although research has not progressed to the point of uncovering the specific causes of delinquent behavior, a number of risk factors, as they are called, that increase the probability that adolescents will engage in delinquency have been identified. These influences include a broad range of genetic and biological factors, cognitive and personality factors, interpersonal factors, and structural (e.g., socioeconomic influences) and cultural (e.g., media influences) factors. Neurological problems (e.g., brain injury) experienced

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early in life, even within the womb, can place boys and girls at increased risk for conduct problems and delinquency. Biologically based temperament (e.g., impulsivity) and personality characteristics (e.g., low self-control) also play a role in delinquent behavior. Peer influences are also important, as the majority of delinquent acts are committed by boys and girls within the peer context. Additionally, having delinquent friends is one of the strongest risk factors for involvement in both more frequent and more serious delinquent behavior. Finally, broader structural factors such as poverty are associated with increased risk for delinquency, and cultural influences, such as the entertainment industry (e.g., through films that glorify violence), can play a role in the delinquent behavior of adolescents. Researchers also have identified factors that are associated with less frequent involvement in delinquent activity. For example, higher levels of family warmth and support and higher levels of parental supervision may reduce the probability that boys and girls will engage in delinquent behavior. Close ties to school and religious institutions also have been associated with reduced delinquent conduct. As this research further develops, this information will be used for the development of effective delinquency intervention and prevention programs. W. Alex Mason Michael Windle

See also Aggression; Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Alcohol Use, Trends in; Computer Hacking; Conduct Problems; Conformity; Counseling; Cults; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Homeless Youth; Inter-

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Dental Health vention Programs for Adolescents; Juvenile Crime; Juvenile Justice System; School Dropouts; Youth Gangs

References and further reading Elliott, Delbert S., David Huizinga, and Suzanne S. Ageton. 1985. Explaining Delinquency and Drug Use. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Moffitt, Terrie E. 1993. “AdolescenceLimited and Life-Course Persistent Antisocial Behavior: A Developmental Taxonomy.” Psychological Review 100: 674–701. Rutter, Michael, Henri Giller, and Ann Hagell. 1998. Antisocial Behavior by Young People. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Snyder, Howard N., and Melissa Sickmund. 1999. Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.

Dental Health Literally and figuratively, the oral health of the adolescent represents growth and transition. In adolescence, the last of the primary or “baby” teeth are lost, and the permanent teeth complete their eruption into place. In many cultures, “shed tooth” rituals mark this meaningful passage from childhood to young adulthood. Oral health is fundamental to social well-being, effective verbal and nonverbal communication, nutritional status, and other life functions. Its importance to overall health in adolescents, or people of any age, cannot be overstated. Listed below are highlighted topics “from the mouths of teens.” Promoting Oral Health In humans of any age, dental disease is largely preventable. Tooth decay, gum or periodontal disease, and oral cancer are all caused, at least in part, by factors that can be controlled. The special circum-

stances of adolescence, however, can increase risk for certain oral diseases and conditions. Regardless of age or other individual characteristics, a comprehensive routine of good home care, including daily brushing with fluoride toothpaste and flossing, is a strong predictor for oral health. Along with good oral hygiene, regular visits to a dental health professional are recommended. Additionally, some teens may benefit from cavity-preventing sealants or home fluoride therapies. Preventing disease and maintaining good oral health—these are the aims for today’s teens and tomorrow’s adults. Tooth Decay The rate of tooth decay in the United States has dropped steadily over the past twenty years, but adolescents remain at high risk. The cavity-free proportion of the population drops from 97 percent of five-year-olds to only 16 percent of seventeen-year-olds. For teens who live in communities with nonfluoridated drinking water, the risk of tooth decay is even higher. What causes cavities? A combination of less-than-optimal oral hygiene and a diet high in refined carbohydrates is largely to blame. Poor oral hygiene allows plaque, a dynamic mass of normal oral bacteria and food debris, to accumulate. When the bacteria feast on food debris, highly acidic by-products are formed. If left on the teeth, these acids will erode the tooth structure. Eventually, the tooth may become so damaged that repair in the form of a restoration, or filling, is needed. Anyplace that plaque accumulates—between teeth, around orthodontic brackets, beneath retainers or sports mouth guards—is at increased risk for tooth decay.

Dental Health Nutritional Risks Where tooth decay is concerned, not all foods are created equal. Sweet, sticky, or sugary carbohydrates—cookies, chips, and gummy bears, for example—are among the worst. Acidic by-products from these foods act more quickly and are more destructive than those from other food types. Not only are they poor nutritional sources, they cause cavities. What can be done to minimize such nutritional risks? Cluster consumption of high-risk snacks with regular meals to minimize acid production and exposure. Overhaul between-meal snacks to include vegetables, fruits, and other whole foods. If you snack, brush afterward or chew sugar-free gum. Even rinsing with water can help neutralize the “acid attack.” Healthy Gums Without good oral hygiene, the soft tissues around the teeth and throughout the mouth become irritated. When plaque builds up along the gums, or gingiva, they become swollen and sensitive. They may look red or puffy and bleed easily. This condition is called gingivitis, or inflammation of the gums, and hormonal changes during adolescence can aggravate it. Good home care—thorough brushing and daily flossing—is the key to great gums. Six out of every 1,000 teens experience a rare type of gum disease known as juvenile periodontitis. Caused by bacteria, it affects the supporting bone around certain teeth, loosening them to the point where a tooth may be lost. This disease appears to run in families, affecting African Americans fifteen to twenty-two times more than Caucasians. Juvenile periodontitis is a serious oral ailment that should be treated by a specialist.

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Orthodontic Care Teens are acutely sensitive to image and its effect on acceptance. Although no one would define orthodontia as a fashion accessory, misaligned teeth can have significant impact on physical, oral, and emotional health. Orthodontic treatment is often initiated in pre-teen years to take advantage of rapid growth. Unfortunately, bands, wires, brackets, and other implements of orthodontia trap dental plaque. If left on the teeth, the acidic by-products mentioned above will literally etch the tooth surfaces. The resulting white decalcification spots are most obvious when braces are removed. Their impact on aesthetics mars the outcome so eagerly anticipated. In short, scrupulous oral hygiene is essential during orthodontic care. The hardware of orthodontic treatment can also irritate the soft tissues of the mouth. Especially after band placement and adjustments, sore spots can develop. A dab of wax placed around the offending bracket will relieve the pressure. The orthodontist can provide the right type of wax. Following removal of braces, it’s important to wear a retainer as directed. Teeth and bone have good “memories” and will shift without stabilization, so wearing a retainer is mandatory if you want to keep that new smile. Brush the retainer on a daily basis and treat it with care. Leaving a retainer on the lunch tray at school or in the locker room is not a good move. And watch out for the family pet—dogs, in particular, love to chew retainers. Needless to say, after it’s been in the dog’s mouth, it isn’t going back into yours. Tobacco Using tobacco is harmful to health, in the mouth and beyond. No matter what

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kind—cigarettes, spit tobacco, cigars— any form of tobacco is harmful. Because most adult smokers started as teens or even younger, avoiding this habit in adolescence decreases the chance of picking it up later and increases the chance of living a healthier life. Tobacco use is a risk factor for oral cancer. Oral cancer kills approximately 8,000 people each year in the United States, and teens who use tobacco are in danger of developing it. Aside from this serious health risk, tobacco use stains the teeth, dries out the mouth, contributes to gum disease, and causes bad breath. A dental professional can help teens kick the tobacco habit. Eating Disorders Like tobacco use, eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia are harmful behaviors that affect the entire body. Bulimia, which involves bingeing and purging, is especially damaging to the mouth. During purging episodes, highly acidic fluids from the stomach erode the gum line and the inside surfaces of the teeth. The teeth become thin and brittle, potentially developing cavities as the harder surface is destroyed and the softer layer underneath is exposed. In addition, the tongue, gingiva, and other soft tissues of the mouth may feel sore and tender. Brushing after purging or even rinsing with water helps soothe the mouth and preserve the teeth. Dentists or dental hygienists may be the first to recognize the oral signs of an eating disorder. They can suggest ways to minimize the damage to the mouth and strategies for accessing professional help for treatment of the disorder. Habits such as constantly sucking on hard candies or drinking sweetened soft

drinks may also damage the teeth. Eating certain foods, especially those with high sugar or acid content, may cause a distinct pattern of tooth decay along the gum line. Canker Sores and Cold Sores Not everyone gets canker sores or cold sores, but anyone who does knows how painful they can be. Canker sores (also known as recurrent apthous ulcers) are very common, affecting up to 30 percent of the population. They typically occur on loose soft tissues inside the mouth, such as the tongue, or on the inside surfaces of the lips or cheeks. The lesions are round with a red halo, and they may occur individually or in groups. Canker sores heal within two weeks. Their exact cause is not known, but they can be treated with topical anesthetics to ease the discomfort. Cold sores are better understood but no less aggravating. They are caused by the herpes simplex virus, which, after initial infection, lies dormant until something—sun exposure, a certain type of food, or stress, for example—triggers an outbreak. Cold sores tend to occur on or around the lips, on the gingiva, or on the roof of the mouth. Active lesions are infectious, as is contaminated saliva. Oral herpes can be transmitted to the genitals through skin contact or oral sex; alternatively, genital herpes can infect the mouth. Although the two types of lesions are usually caused by different strains of the herpes simplex virus, selfinfection does occur. The resulting lesions are identical, emerging in clusters of vesicles that rupture and then heal over a week’s time or more. Topical treatment is available, but care should be taken to choose the proper regimen. As cold sores and canker sores are not the

Depression same, they need to be treated with different medications. Prevention of Trauma Sports mouth guards are not just for contact sports. Any activity involving a risk of trauma to the mouth—skiing, tennis, kayaking, and gymnastics, to name a few—should include a mouth guard as standard equipment. Although “boil and bite” mouth guard kits are available over the counter, custom-made mouth guards are considerably less bulky and better looking. Because a mouth guard is useful only if it is in the mouth, comfort is important. The additional expense of a dentist-fabricated mouth guard is well worth the improvement in comfort, appearance, and usage. Third Molars In late adolescence, the wisdom teeth or third molars begin to make their move. As the last of the permanent teeth to develop, they are the least likely to actually fit into the mouth. Many third molars simply cannot erupt and remain “impacted,” hidden beneath the gums and bone. Among those that partially erupt, irritation and localized infection of the overlying gum tissue may cause a painful condition called pericornitis. Pericornitis may be the first sign of the presence of wisdom teeth. Many dentists feel that removal of third molars is the proper treatment. Many teens feel that “having wisdom teeth pulled” is a rite of passage they could do without. In any case, consultation with a dentist and/or oral surgeon is recommended. Questions of why, when, how, and “will I be awake” can all be answered by these professionals. Most teens sail through the procedure, experi-

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encing nothing worse than soreness and puffy cheeks. And it’s worth remembering that this extraction is a onetime deal, because third molars don’t grow back. Kerry Maguire See also Body Image; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents References and further reading Bimstein, Enrique. 1991. “Periodontal Health in Children and Adolescents.” Pediatric Clinics of North America 38: 1183–1207. DeBiase, Christina. 1991. Dental Health Education: Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Lea and Febiger. Epps, Roselyn P., Marc W. Manley, and Thomas J. Glynn. 1995. “Tobacco Use among Adolescents: Strategies for Prevention.” Substance Abuse 42: 389–401. Gluck, George M., and Warren M. Morganstein. 1998. Jong’s Community Dental Health. St. Louis, MO: Mosby. Hicks, M. John, and Catherine M. Flaitz. 1993. “Epidemiology of Dental Caries in the Pediatric and Adolescent Population: A Review of Past and Current Trends.” Journal of Clinical Pediatric Dentistry 18: 43–49. Laskaris, George. 2000. Color Atlas of Oral Diseases in Children and Adolescents. Stuttgart: Thieme. Shafer, William G., Maynard K. Hine, and Barnet M. Levy. 1983. Oral Pathology. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders.

Depression Depression is an emotional problem that can occur in any phase of the life span. It is identified in terms of certain emotional, cognitive, motivational, and physical symptoms. Emotional symptoms include sadness, anger and irritability, feelings of boredom, disinterest or restlessness, crying, loss of sense of humor, feeling unloved, and feeling sorry for oneself. Cognitive symptoms include

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Depression

Depression is identified in terms of emotional, cognitive, motivational, and physical symptoms. (Skjold Photographs)

a negative view of oneself, a view of the future as hopeless, difficulty concentrating and making decisions, preoccupation with death, and a tendency to blame oneself when things go wrong. Motivational symptoms include withdrawal from contact with friends and family members and loss of motivation to achieve at school. And physical symptoms include loss of energy and feelings of being tired, decreased or increased appetite, sleep problems (being unable to sleep, being unable to wake up and get out of bed, sleeping during the day and staying up at night), increased aches and pains, and changes in movement (either becoming

very slow or being in a constant state of motion). The term depression is used in different ways. Sometimes it refers to “symptoms”; at other times it refers to “syndromes” or “disorders.” A syndrome is a group of symptoms occurring together, and a disorder is diagnosed when a syndrome continues over a period of time and interferes with school, work, or social relationships. Most teenagers experience some depressive symptoms once in a while, and not all depressive symptoms are experienced by every person who is depressed. Thus, teenagers who experience one or more symptoms frequently or who experience many such symptoms simultaneously should talk to a parent, guardian, or school counselor who can assist them in finding a trained mental health professional. This professional, in turn, can help to discover the extent of their symptoms and determine whether the teens might benefit from therapy. Ten to 20 percent of adolescents experience depression that is not likely to get better on its own. Medications are sometimes used in the treatment of depression, but less is known about their effectiveness for children and adolescents than about their effectiveness for adults. Obtaining help for depression can be very important in preventing additional problems associated with this condition, such as school failure, eating disorders, substance abuse, and even suicide. Some teens experience one outbreak of depression in adolescence and never become depressed again, but others suffer depressive episodes that continue into adulthood, along with difficulties in school, work, friendships, and family relationships. The best advice for all teens is to seek early help to prevent the develop-

Depression ment of more serious and long-lasting problems. The rate of depression among children is much lower than that among teenagers. Between the years of late childhood and early adolescence, both boys and girls begin to report symptoms of depression, which increase in frequency throughout adolescence. Starting in middle adolescence, however, girls begin to report more depressive symptoms than boys and continue to do so throughout adulthood. Researchers have sought to understand why depression becomes more frequent during adolescence and why girls report more depression than boys. Although current findings do not provide complete answers to these questions, knowledge has increased. One finding concerns stress. The many changes that teenagers experience as they move from childhood to adolescence are sources of stress and thus may be implicated in depression. Consider the hormonal and physical changes that accompany puberty; when these changes occur in combination with other changes, stress is likely to escalate. Indeed, for early adolescents who move from the protected environment of the elementary school at the same time that they are going through puberty, the transition to middle school can be quite stressful. Middle school brings with it more difficult academic work and the need to work with many teachers rather than the single teacher who knew them well. Going through puberty earlier than peers can add to the stress of early adolescence, especially for girls. For example, girls who are physically mature may develop friendships with older teens who, in turn, may bring them into situations that the younger teens are not ready to handle. And because of society’s emphasis on

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being thin, girls may become anxious about the weight gain that accompanies puberty and develop negative feelings about their bodies. In addition, relationships with parents often change during adolescence, especially as teens become more independent. If parental support and supervision are taken away too quickly, teens may feel abandoned or come to believe that they can do anything they want. And if parents divorce, remarry, or undergo a big change in financial status, teens may find the challenges of adolescence particularly difficult. Family conflict, economic difficulties, neighborhood violence, and sexual abuse are just a few of the stressful events that can increase the risk for depression among teens. Some researchers suggest that increased stress, in conjunction with declining support from caring adults, has contributed to a rise in depression among youth. Some teens may also have a genetic predisposition toward depression, evidenced by a high frequency of depression among biological relatives. When this genetic risk interacts with life stress, depression becomes a likelier outcome. But the finding that depression runs in families does not prove that depression is genetically caused; environmental factors may figure in, too. For example, many of the positive and negative coping strategies that teens rely on to respond to life’s challenges are learned in the home. Whether or not these challenges result in depression can depend on how prepared the teens are to deal with them. Developing a positive view of themselves, talking with and getting help from parents and other caring adults, learning how to solve problems and cope with stress in active and positive ways rather than blaming themselves or turning to

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Developmental Assets

drugs and alcohol—all of these coping skills can help teens deal effectively with the challenges incurred during the second decade of life. Above all, teens need to know that there are mental health professionals who can work with them to develop these important coping skills so that serious emotional problems, such as depression, can be avoided.

Developmental Assets

nity adults, school effectiveness, peer influence, values clarification, and social skills have all been identified as contributing to healthy development. However, these different areas of study are typically disconnected from each other. In an effort to draw together many elements that contribute to healthy development among adolescents, Search Institute developed the framework of developmental assets (Benson, 1997; Benson et al., 1998). The forty assets are concrete, positive experiences and qualities that have a tremendous influence on young people’s lives and the choices they make. These forty assets have roots in adolescent development research, resiliency research (which identifies factors that increase young people’s ability to rebound in the face of adversity), and prevention research (Scales and Leffert, 1999). To understand the importance of developmental assets and how young people experience them, Search Institute surveys sixth- to twelfth-grade youth in communities. Each year, several hundred communities conduct the survey. Search Institute periodically compiles results from many communities into an aggregate data set. The discussion that follows cites data from 99,462 student surveys during the 1996–1997 school year. The sample includes surveys from 213 U.S. communities in twenty-five states. (Benson et al., 1999).

Why do some adolescents grow up with ease, while others struggle? Why do some adolescents get involved in dangerous activities, while others spend their time contributing to society? Why do some adolescents “beat the odds” in difficult situations, while others get trapped? Researchers have learned a great deal about these questions. Factors such as family dynamics, support from commu-

Eight Categories of Developmental Assets The assets are organized into two broad categories. The first twenty assets, “external assets,” focus on positive experiences that young people receive from the people and institutions in their lives. The remaining twenty assets, “internal assets,” focus on the internal qualities

Maureen E. Kenny See also Counseling; Emotions; Loneliness; Psychotherapy; Sadness References and further reading Allgood-Merten, Betty, Peter Lewinsohn, and Hyman Hops. 1990. “Sex Differences in Adolescent Depression.” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 99, no. 1: 55–63. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne. 1991. “How Stressful Is the Transition to Adolescence for Girls?” Pp. 131–149 in Adolescent Stress: Causes and Consequences. Edited by M. E. Colten and S. Gore. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Kovacs, Maria. 1997. “Depressive Disorder in Childhood: An Impressionistic Landscape.” Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 38: 287–298. Reynolds, William M., and Hugh F. Johnston, eds. 1994. Handbook of Depression in Children and Adolescents. New York: Plenum Press.

Developmental Assets that guide choices and create a sense of centeredness, purpose, and focus. All forty assets are listed and defined in Table 1, which also shows the percentages of youth who have each asset, based on the surveys mentioned above. In addition to the internal and external groupings, the forty assets are organized into eight categories, which offer a helpful structure for understanding the scope of the framework. Here are the eight categories, along with information from the research about young people’s experiences of these assets. Support—Support refers to a range of ways in which young people experience love, affirmation, and acceptance. Ideally, young people experience an abundance of this kind of support, not only in their families but also from many people across many settings, including neighborhoods and schools. Despite the importance of support in young people’s lives, these assets are fragile in every community studied. Indeed, five of the six support assets are experienced by less than half of the youth surveyed. Furthermore, the percentage of young people reporting that they have the support assets declines through the middle and high school years in all categories except adult relationships (asset 3). Empowerment—The empowerment assets relate to the key developmental need for youth to be valued and feel valuable. The empowerment assets highlight this need, focusing on community perceptions of youth (as reported by youth) and opportunities for youth to contribute to society in meaningful ways. The perception of safety (asset 10) is an important underlying factor of youth empowerment. Students who feel safe are more likely to feel valued and able to make a difference than students who feel

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afraid at home, at school, or in the neighborhood. It is an ideal that our children deserve to realize, but one that is too rarely achieved. The percentage of youth who experience two of the four empowerment assets is quite low. Only 20 percent of youth surveyed perceive that the adults in their community value youth (asset 7, one of the assets least reported by youth), and only 24 percent report being given useful roles to play within community life (asset 8). On the other hand, half of all youth say they are involved in service to others, with females being more likely than males to report this involvement (asset 9). Boundaries and Expectations—Boundaries and expectations assets highlight young people’s need for clear and enforced standards and norms to complement support and empowerment. They need to know what kinds of behaviors are “in bounds” and what kinds are “out of bounds.” Ideally, young people experience appropriate boundaries in their families, schools, and neighborhoods (as well as other settings), receiving a set of consistent messages about acceptable behavior across socializing systems. High expectations are likewise important for young people. High expectations can challenge young people to excel and can enhance their sense of being capable. Adult role models provide another important source for modeling what communities deem important. Finally, although peer pressure is most often viewed negatively, peers can also play a positive role in helping shape behavior in healthy ways. Although clear and consistent boundary messages are crucial, only a minority of youth report experiencing such clear boundary messages in their families,

TABLE 1 Support

The Forty Developmental Assets External Assets

1. Family support

Family life provides high levels of love and support. (64%)

2. Positive family communication

Young person and her parent(s) communicate positively, and young person is willing to seek advice and counsel from parent(s). (26%)

3. Other adult relationships

Young person receives support from three or more nonparent adults. (41%)

4. Caring neighborhood

Young person experiences caring neighbors. (40%)

5. Caring school climate

School provides a caring, encouraging environment. (24%)

6. Parent involvement Parent(s) are actively involved in helping young person succeed in in schooling school. (29%) Empowerment 7. Community values youth

Young person perceives that adults in the community value youth. (20%)

8. Youth as resources

Young people are given useful roles in the community. (24%)

9. Service to others

Young person serves in the community one hour or more per week. (50%)

10. Safety

Young person feels safe at home, at school, and in the neighborhood. (55%)

Boundaries and Expectations 11. Family boundaries Family has clear rules and consequences and monitors the young person’s whereabouts. (43%) 12. School boundaries

School provides clear rules and consequences. (46%)

13. Neighborhood boundaries

Neighbors take responsibility for monitoring young people’s behavior. (46%)

14. Adult role models

Parent(s) and other adults model positive, responsible behavior. (27%)

15. Positive peer influence

Young person’s best friends model responsible behavior. (60%)

16. High expectations

Both parent(s) and teachers encourage the young person to do well. (41%)

Constructive Use of Time 17. Creative activities

Young person spends three or more hours per week in lessons or practice in music, theater, or other arts. (19%)

18. Youth programs

Young person spends three or more hours per week in sports, clubs, or organizations at school and/or in the community. (59%)

19. Religious community

Young person spends one or more hours per week in activities in a religious institution. (64%)

20. Time at home

Young person is out with friends “with nothing special to do” two or fewer nights per week. (50%)

TABLE 1 Commitment to Learning

continued Internal Assets

21. Achievement motivation

Young person is motivated to do well in school. (63%)

22. School engagement

Young person is actively engaged in learning. (64%)

23. Homework

Young person reports doing at least one hour of homework every school day. (45%)

24. Bonding to school

Young person cares about his school. (51%)

25. Reading for pleasure

Young person reads for pleasure three or more hours per week. (24%)

Positive Values 26. Caring

Young person places high value on helping other people. (43%)

27. Equality and social justice

Young person places high value on promoting equality and reducing hunger and poverty. (45%)

28. Integrity

Young person acts on convictions and stands up for her beliefs. (63%)

29. Honesty

Young person “tells the truth even when it is not easy.” (63%)

30. Responsibility

Young person accepts and takes personal responsibility. (60%)

31. Restraint

Young person believes it is important not to be sexually active or to use alcohol or other drugs. (42%)

Social Competencies 32. Planning and decision making

Young person knows how to plan ahead and make choices. (29%)

33. Interpersonal competence

Young person has empathy, sensitivity, and friendship skills. (43%)

34. Cultural competence

Young person has knowledge of and comfort with people of different cultural/racial/ethnic backgrounds. (35%)

35. Resistance skills

Young person can resist negative peer pressure and dangerous situations. (37%)

36. Peaceful conflict resolution

Young person seeks to resolve conflict nonviolently. (44%)

Positive Identity 37. Personal power

Young person feels he has control over “things that happen to me.” (45%)

38. Self-esteem

Young person reports having a high self-esteem. (47%)

39. Sense of purpose

Young person reports that “my life has a purpose.” (55%)

40. Positive view of personal future

Young person is optimistic about her or his personal future. (70%)

N = 99,462 sixth- to twelfth-grade youth in public and alternative schools in 213 communities in twenty-three states during the 1996–1997 school year.

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their schools, and their neighborhoods. Only one boundaries and expectations asset (15, positive peer influence) is reported by most youth. Interestingly, young people are twice as likely to report peers being a positive influence (60 percent) as they are to report having positive adult role models (27 percent, asset 14). Constructive Use of Time—One of the prime characteristics of a healthy community for youth is a rich array of structured opportunities for children and adolescents. Whether through schools, community organizations, or religious institutions, these structured activities contribute to the development of many of the assets. They not only help build young people’s peer relationships and skills, they also connect youth to principled, caring adults. In addition, structured time use can serve as a constructive alternative to the idle time now common for youth. Such idle time, although not always unproductive or dangerous, increases the probability of negative peer influence and overexposure to the mass media. The need for these activities must be balanced with the need to spend time at home (asset 20), relaxing, reconnecting, reflecting, and participating in family life. When we examine young people’s experiences of these assets, we find that three of the four constructive use of time assets are experienced by half or more of the youth surveyed. However, creative activities (asset 17) is the least reported of all the forty assets. Commitment to Learning—The first category of internal assets, commitment to learning, is essential to young people in today’s changing world. Developing intellectual curiosity and the skills to gain new knowledge and learn from experience is

an important task for members of a workforce that must adapt to rapid change. A commitment to learning can be nurtured in all young people, not just in those who excel academically. The commitment to learning assets measure several dimensions of a young person’s engagement with learning in school. In addition, they touch on informal, self-motivated learning and discovery through reading for pleasure (asset 25). Three of the five commitment to learning assets are experienced by at least half of the youth surveyed. However, reading for pleasure (asset 25) is among the least reported of the forty assets. It is also important to note that females are much more likely than males (at least a 10 percent difference) to report all of the commitment to learning assets. Positive Values—Positive values are important internal compasses that guide young people’s priorities and choices. Although we seek to nurture many positive values in our young people, the asset framework focuses on six widely held values that help prevent high-risk behaviors and promote caring for others. The first two positive values assets are prosocial values that involve caring for others and the world. For the well-being of any society, young people need to learn how and when to suspend personal gain for the welfare of others. The four remaining positive values assets focus more on personal character. These values provide a basis for wise decision making. Almost two-thirds of young people see themselves as having three of the positive values related to personal character: integrity (asset 28), honesty (asset 29), and responsibility (asset 30). Less common are the values of caring for others and the world. Valuing restraint (asset 31)

Developmental Assets is also reported by less than half of the youth surveyed (42 percent). Social Competencies—The social competencies assets reflect the important personal skills young people need to negotiate through the maze of choices and challenges they face. Two of the social competencies assets (32, planning and decision making, and 35, resistance skills) emphasize making personal choices. The other three (33, interpersonal competence; 34, cultural competence; and 36, peaceful conflict resolution) focus on healthy interpersonal relationships. These skills also lay a foundation for independence and competence as young adults. They give young people the tools they need to live out their values, beliefs, and priorities. Each of the five social competencies is experienced by fewer than half of the young people surveyed. In addition, there is a considerable gap between the reports of females and males in the social competencies, with females being more likely to report all of the social competencies assets. Positive Identity—The positive identity assets focus on young people’s view of themselves. Without these assets, young people risk feeling powerless and without a sense of initiative and purpose. These assets may be particularly important for young people whom the dominant culture identifies as different, whether that difference has to do with gender, skin color, spiritual beliefs, sexual orientation, size and shape, or any number of other possibilities. Two of the positive identity assets (asset 39, sense of purpose, and asset 40, positive view of personal future) are reported by more than half of the youth surveyed. A positive view of one’s per-

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sonal future has the highest percentage of any of the forty assets. Unlike other categories of assets, reports of the positive identity assets remain relatively stable or actually increase from sixth to twelfth grade. Personal power (asset 37) climbs by 16 percentage points across the grade span. One might expect reports of the positive identity assets to increase over the course of adolescence, because adolescence is a time in which a great deal of this development takes place. The Power of Developmental Assets Developmental assets are powerful predictors of behavior across all cultural and socioeconomic groups of youth. They serve as protective factors, inhibiting, for example, alcohol and other drug abuse, violence, sexual intercourse, and school failure. They serve as enhancement factors, promoting positive developmental outcomes. The more of the assets a young person has, the lower the involvement in high-risk behavior (protection) and the greater the positive outcomes (enhancement). The Protective Power—The developmental assets inoculate youth against a wide range of risk-taking behaviors, ranging from substance use to violence and school failure. As assets rise in number, all forms of risk taking decrease (Leffert et al., 1998). Table 2 shows the percentage of sixth- to twelfth-grade students who engage in several different patterns of high-risk behavior as a function of how many assets they have. In every case, each increase in the level of assets is tied to a substantial decrease in each form of behavior. The Enhancing Power—Healthy development should not be defined only on the basis of reducing health-compromising

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Developmental Assets TABLE 2 Youth Who Report Engagement in Each High-Risk Behavior Pattern, by Levels of Developmental Assets Youth with 0–10 Assets

Youth with 11–20 Assets

Youth with 21–30 Assets

Youth with 31–40 Assets

Antisocial Behavior—Young person has been involved in three or more incidents of shoplifting, trouble with police, or vandalism in the past 12 months.

52%

23%

7%

1%

Depression and/or Attempted Suicide—Young person reports being frequently depressed and/or having attempted suicide.

40%

25%

13%

4%

Driving and Alcohol—Young person has driven after drinking or ridden with a drinking driver three or more times in the past 12 months.

42%

24%

10%

4%

Gambling—Young person has gambled three or more times in the past 12 months.

34%

23%

13%

6%

Illicit Drug Use—Young person has used illicit drugs three or more times in the past 12 months.

42%

19%

6%

1%

Problem Alcohol Use—Young person has used alcohol three or more times in the past 30 days or has gotten drunk once or more in the past two weeks.

53%

30%

11%

3%

School Problems—Young person has skipped school two or more days in the past four weeks and/or has below a C average.

43%

19%

7%

2%

Sexual Intercourse—Young person has had sexual intercourse three or more times in her or his lifetime.

33%

21%

10%

3%

Tobacco Use—Young person smokes one or more cigarettes every day or frequently chews tobacco.

45%

21%

6%

1%

Violence—Young person has engaged in three or more acts of fighting, hitting, injuring a person, carrying or using a weapon, or threatening physical harm in the past 12 months.

61%

35%

16%

6%

High-Risk Behavior Pattern and Definition

N = 99,462 sixth- to twelfth-grade youth in public and alternative schools in 213 communities in twenty-three states during the 1996–1997 school year.

behavior. Healthy development also includes the proactive embrace of lifeenhancing attitudes and behaviors. Developmental assets also promote positive actions and dispositions, which we call indicators of thriving (Scales, Benson, and Leffert, 2000). Positive choices

increase dramatically as the number of assets increase. This is true in many different areas of thriving, including school success, the affirmation of diversity, choosing to show care and concern for friends or neighbors, gravitating to leadership, and taking care of one’s health

Developmental Assets

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TABLE 3 Youth Who Report Experiencing Each Thriving Indicator, by Levels of Developmental Assets Youth with 0-10 Assets

Youth with 11-20 Assets

Youth with 21-30 Assets

Youth with 31-40 Assets

7%

19%

35%

53%

Valuing Diversity—Young person places high importance on getting to know people of other racial and ethnic groups.

34%

53%

69%

87%

Helping Others—Young person helps friends or neighbors one or more hours per week.

69%

83%

91%

97%

Overcoming Adversity—Youth report that they do not give up when things get difficult.

57%

69%

79%

86%

27%

42%

56%

72%

6%

15%

29%

43%

Exhibiting Leadership—Young person has been a leader of a group or organization in the past 12 months.

48%

67%

78%

87%

Maintaining Good Health—Young person pays attention to healthy nutrition and exercise.

25%

46%

69%

88%

Thriving Indicator and Definition Succeeding in School—Young person reports getting mostly A’s on her or his report card.

Delaying Gratification—Young person saves money for something special rather than spending it all right away. Resisting Danger—Young person avoids doing things that are dangerous.

N = 99,462 sixth- to twelfth-grade youth in public and alternative schools in 213 communities in twenty-three states during the 1996–1997 school year.

through good nutrition or exercise, as shown in Table 3. Gaps in Experiences of Developmental Assets Thus, the developmental assets are powerful influences in young people’s lives. Children and adolescents are best able to navigate through the challenges of growing up when they are armed with these assets. The more of these assets young people experience, the better. Yet too few youth experience enough of these assets. Young people report having, on average, eighteen of the forty assets. Although we see some variation

across communities and in different subgroups of youth, the variation does not detract from the overall pattern: The vast majority of youth—regardless of age, gender, race/ethnicity, family composition, family income level, and community size—experience far too few of these forty developmental assets. This portrait of developmental assets is unsettling. We cannot be sure what happens in the long term to the high percentage of American youth who do not currently possess asset strength. Calculated at a personal level, the effects may be somewhat imperceptible. But calculated at a national level, summing across

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millions of youth, the cumulative effects on society will be substantial. Rebuilding the Foundation In addition to providing a benchmark for understanding the challenges facing today’s adolescents, the framework of developmental assets offers a vision to guide communities in setting priorities and taking action. The asset-building vision reaches beyond programs and schools to focus energy on mobilizing and equipping individual residents and all community sectors to reclaim their responsibility for young people. Search Institute has identified seven goals for transforming communities into places that are rich with asset building (Benson, 1997). 1. A Shared Vision—A shared vision for asset building in the community is a powerful tool for communicating the gap between the real and the ideal among our youth and for motivating all residents and systems to redirect their energy toward fulfilling the vision. The framework and language of developmental assets make possible broad public support for and positive engagement in the lives of children and youth throughout the community. 2. Widely Shared Norms and Beliefs— Activating a community’s asset-building power requires the broad acceptance of the belief that all residents have capacity and the responsibility to promote assets. These beliefs need to become self-perceptions internalized by all residents and normative expectations that residents have for each other. 3. Connections across Socializing Systems—Currently, socializing systems in communities work in isolation. Building partnership across neighborhood, family, schools, religious institutions, youth

organizations, and businesses requires creating mechanisms of dialogue and consensus building. The goal of connection building is to increase consistency in asset building across socializing systems. 4. Spontaneous Acts of Asset Building—Perhaps more than half of a community’s asset-building potential resides in daily relationships—some fleeting, some sustained—between young people and adults, and between children and adolescents. Some of these acts are simple gestures, some are conversations, some are moments of recognition and value. 5. Unleashing the Power of Organizations and Systems—In the same way that individuals must be moved to build assets, a parallel goal is to stimulate and empower organizations and institutions to become intentional about asset building. Included here are the primary socializing systems (families, schools, religious institutions, neighborhoods, youth organizations) that have regular, ongoing, and direct contact with young people. In addition, the secondary systems (such as businesses, healthcare providers, foundations, justice systems, the media, government) play an important role, as their actions and policies undergird—or interfere with—creating a caring community for young people. 6. Identifying and Expanding the Reach of Formal Asset-Building Activities—Though asset building is largely a relational process, it also needs a programmatic face. Programs not only offer structured opportunities for intentional, focused asset building, but they give opportunities to enhance asset-building skills and strengthen relationships. Communities must identify the positive activities, make them known and available, equip them and strengthen their effec-

Developmental Challenges tiveness, and work diligently to expand their reach. 7. Introduce New Initiatives—What else happens in an asset-building community? New initiatives should be planned and implemented, guided by an audit of what is and is not available. An audit should address questions about available safe and enriching places for young people to spend time, opportunities for intergenerational contact and relationship, opportunities to lead and serve, adequate support for families, and activities that strengthen and enrich specific cultural traditions. Peter L. Benson

See also Cognitive Development; Developmental Challenges; Self-Esteem; Temperament References and further reading Benson, Peter L. 1997. All Kids Are Our Kids: What Communities Must Do to Raise Caring and Responsible Children and Adolescents. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Benson, Peter L., Nancy Leffert, Peter C. Scales, and Dale A. Blyth. 1998. “Beyond the ‘Village’ Rhetoric: Creating Healthy Communities for Children and Adolescents.” Applied Developmental Science 2: 138–159. Benson, Peter L., Peter C. Scales, Nancy Leffert, and Eugene C. Roehlkepartain. 1999. A Fragile Foundation: The State of Developmental Assets among American Youth. Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute. Leffert, Nancy, Peter L. Benson, Peter C. Scales, Anu R. Sharma, Dy R. Drake, and Dale A. Blyth. 1998. “Developmental Assets: Measurement and Prediction of Risk Behaviors among Adolescents.” Applied Developmental Science 2: 209–230. Scales, Peter C., and Nancy Leffert. 1999. Developmental Assets: A Synthesis of the Scientific Research on Adolescent Development. Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute.

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Scales, Peter C., Peter L. Benson, and Nancy Leffert. 2000. “Contribution of Developmental Assets to the Prediction of Thriving among Adolescents.” Applied Developmental Science 4: 27–46.

Developmental Challenges At the beginning of the second decade of life, internal and external bodily changes, cognitive and emotional changes, and relationship changes begin to occur. At this point, a person can be said to be an adolescent. It is with these three sets of changes—biological, psychological, and social—that the person must deal if he or she is to move adaptively through the period of adolescence. In fact, dealing with these changes constitutes the major developmental challenge of this period of life. Biology Adolescence is certainly a matter of biology: Teenagers must cope with both changing physical appearance, such as new bodily characteristics, and changing physiological functions, such as the beginning of the menstrual cycle or the first ejaculation. Indeed, when they look in the mirror, they see themselves differently: Hair is growing in places where it has not grown before, the complexion is changing, and the body is taking on a different shape. Moreover, new feelings, new “stirrings,” are emanating from the body, and the teens begin to wonder what all this means and what they will become. These biological changes must be understood and accepted as part of the self if adolescents are to avoid becoming alienated or even frightened and confused by what is happening to them. They must come to accept these changes as part of who they are now and what they

The person must deal with three sets of changes—biological, psychological, and social—if he or she is to move adaptively through adolescence. (Shirley Zeiberg)

Developmental Challenges may become. For example: “I am a person who has breasts, who can become pregnant, who can be a mother.” In short, these biological changes must be coped with—understood—if an adaptive sense of self is to emerge. Psychology Interrelated with the biological changes just noted are psychological changes that involve thinking, feeling, and selfdefinition (identity), and these arise because adolescence is also a matter of psychology. New characteristics of cognition and emotion arise during this period: Teenagers can now think in terms of abstractions and hypotheticals, and they begin to experience feelings relating to genital sexuality. These new psychological characteristics must themselves be coped with. Indeed, adolescents need to recognize abstractions and hypotheses as different from reality if they are to interact adaptively in the world, and they must find socially appropriate ways to deal with their sexuality if they are to avoid problems of health and adjustment. It is, most centrally, the development of new cognitive abilities that allows adolescents to understand their current physical and physiological characteristics and to contemplate what these characteristics are likely to mean for them as individuals. For example: “My breasts probably won’t grow much more, but I’m sure my complexion will clear up. I’ll be pretty. And I think I’ll be able to attract a nice-looking guy someday.” Put another way, adolescents’ new thought capabilities allow them to know who they are, given their changing characteristics as individuals; allow them to guess who they might become; and allow

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them to plan what they may do with their new feelings. The main demand imposed by the psychological changes of adolescence is to form a revised sense of self—a new selfdefinition. It is this self-definition that, in recognition of who adolescents understand themselves to be and plan to become, allows them to choose where they want to end up in life. For example: “I’m too skinny and small to play in team sports. Besides, I like reading and writing more than athletics. If I work hard in school, I think I can become a teacher.” Society and Culture The psychological changes associated with adolescence blend inextricably with certain social changes. Indeed, adolescence is also a time in which individuals learn about the range of activities and roles available in their social world and come to understand their value. Here, the developmental task is a matter of understanding who one is physically and psychologically in order to find the right role, the correct niche, in one’s society. This developmental task—finding one’s social role—is crucial to adaptive (i.e., healthy, positive, and successful) functioning. It is one’s social role that gives meaning to life, and it is one’s responsible and successful performance of this role that will elicit from society the protections, rights, and privileges that safeguard one as a person and allow for continued healthy functioning. Indeed, achievement of a social role that is suitable to adolescents as individuals as well as helpful to society will be adaptive both for the teens themselves and their social lives. Thus, there is—ideally—a convergence among the three

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developmental challenges of adolescence, one that allows adolescents to best integrate their changing selves with their social lives. Richard M. Lerner See also Conduct Problems; Dyslexia; Learning Disabilities References and further reading Demos, David. 1986. Past, Present, and Personal. New York: Oxford University Press. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy Galambos. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs, and Policies.” Pp. 413–446 in Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49. Edited by J. T. Spence. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews. Petersen, Anne C. 1988. “Adolescent Development.” Pp. 583–607 in Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 39. Edited by R. M. Rosenzweig. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews.

Diabetes Since the beginning of this century, the spectrum of somatic illnesses in the population has changed. Those groups of illnesses that formerly predominated— infectious diseases and deficiencies such as malnutrition—have lost much of their significance; today, it is the chronic illnesses that hold sway. Juvenile diabetes or Insulin Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (IDDM) is the most common metabolic disease of adolescence. The National Health Interview Survey on a representative sample of the American population revealed a prevalence of 150 cases in 100,000 children and adolescents between the ages of ten and seventeen in 1995.

Diabetes is characterized by a gradual beginning and a progressive, possibly lifeshortening course, which poses no severe impairments for the affected adolescent. After a more labile initial phase, most patients of diabetes show a relatively stable course. The manifestation of juvenile diabetes ensues more rapidly, unlike the adult form of diabetes, and may occur within several weeks. The typical course displays a series of distinct phases. With appropriate therapy, an initial remission is achieved and the need for insulin decreases. A second phase of relative metabolic stability follows, which turns into a phase of full diabetes after the exhaustion of the body’s own production of insulin. The need for insulin increases again during puberty (“labile pubertal phase”) and adjustment becomes difficult. As puberty draws to a close, a condition of relative metabolic stability gradually emerges, with a constant but high need for insulin (“postpubertal stabilization phase”). Complications of diabetes are the diabetic coma, a direct consequence of an insulin deficit; further delays in growth due to the chronic lack of insulin; and, finally, long-term damage that chiefly affects the eyes and kidneys (such as retinopathy and nephropathy). The development of this long-term damage is more closely associated with the level of metabolic control than with illness duration. The frequency and severity of vascular changes are disproportionately smaller in well-adjusted patients than in patients with poor or fluctuating metabolic control. Medical adaptation can be clearly ascertained through metabolic control (HbA1 and HbA1c-values), and the quality of metabolic control is directly related to short- and long-term complications.

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Juvenile diabetes or Insulin Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (IDDM) is the most common metabolic disease of adolescence. (Roger Ressmeyer/Corbis)

HbA1 values greater than 9 are associated with a rapid rise to 30 percent in the risk of long-term damage. The therapeutic demands on patients and their parents are complex, involving the injection of insulin, monitoring glucose levels in the blood and urine, and attending to dietary regulations on a daily basis. Treatment focuses on the necessary insulin substitutions, associated diet, and physical exercise. These three factors must be sensibly combined and supported by metabolic control. Obviously, diabetes therapy can only be successful if both the adolescent and his or her parents understand the treatment. Accordingly, while adolescents must be intensively and adequately treated med-

ically, the quality of the doctor-patient relationship will also decisively influence their motivation to follow the doctor’s advice. The relationship between doctor and patient is thus recognized as essential for compliance and dealing with the illness. Sensible medical treatment should not focus exclusively on sugar levels; it must take the patient’s entire psychosocial situation into consideration. In general, theoretical knowledge and skills in practical self-control increase with the level of cognitive development. From the age of about nine years onward, most children with diabetes are able to inject the necessary insulin by themselves, while reliable urine tests are first observed at about twelve

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years. Adequate cognitive insight represents a necessary but not sufficient condition for successful coping and—especially—compliance. Very little attention has been paid to developmental factors that can impair the understanding of the diagnosis or occurrence of the illness. Willingness to accept medical offers is often low in adolescents not only with diabetes but also with other chronic illnesses. A good metabolic control continually demands very much of the adolescent; the problematic metabolism despite precise obedience to doctor’s orders in puberty may make all the initiatives look pointless. Compliance is further diminished by the low perceived severity of the illness, the low perceived benefit of preventative or curative behaviors, and the considerable barriers that stand in the way of health-related activities such as insulin injections and diet. These barriers are particularly large when medical procedures hamper age-typical behaviors with the peer group. This is especially a problem in adolescence when the peer group’s eating and drinking patterns, mobility, and risk-taking behavior present significant temptations for the ill adolescent. Diabetic adolescents frequently withdraw socially from healthy peers and perceive themselves as less attractive in the eyes of healthy romantic partners. They have to solve the dilemma between adaptation to the illness and overall developmental progression, sometimes at the cost of deterioration of metabolic control. Some studies revealed that diabetic adolescents share the same developmental goals and that their progression in diverse tasks across adolescence is impressive, particularly with respect to developing professional competence. There are, however, also indica-

tions of a delay in tasks relating to close relationships, suggesting that diabetic adolescents show lower levels of intimacy and reciprocity in relationships with close friends and romantic partners, and take up romantic relationships later. Diagnosis and management of the illness also present major long-term stressors for the parents. Although some families have the capacity to adjust to the illness by exploring new behaviors, other families are incapable of devising new strategies. They continue along familiar paths and apply earlier methods to try to meet the adolescent’s needs in the new situation. One parent might devote himself or herself to the ill adolescent totally, thereby withdrawing from the other members of the family, a behavior seen most commonly in mothers of diabetic adolescents. In this respect, it is important to clarify the father’s role in the family’s coping, and whether the relationship between the ill adolescent and his or her siblings is affected. Open and concealed conflicts could arise in the family, and these may undermine treatment and impair the adolescent’s adjustment. A fundamental question is how the chronicity of the stressors contributes to dysfunctional behaviors in the family. The stress of an illness could, in itself, possibly be coped with well, but its chronicity can lead to rigidity or a breakdown of coping even in a family that initially functioned well. This is evidenced in the highly structured family climate in most families of adolescents with diabetes, which is independent of illness duration, gender, age, and level of metabolic control. This suggests a developmentally inhibitive effect on all afflicted adolescents. Inge Seiffge-Krenke

Discipline See also Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents References and further reading Ahmed, Paul I., and Nancy Ahmed., eds. 1985. Coping with Juvenile Diabetes. Springfield, IL: Thomas. National Adolescent Health Survey. 1989. A Report on the Health of America’s Youth. Oakland, CA: Third Party. Sayer, Aline G., Stuart T. Hauser, Alan M. Jacobson, John B. Willett, and Charlotte F. Cole. 1995. “Developmental Influences on Adolescent Health.” Pp. 22–51 in Adolescent Health Problems: Behavioral Perspectives. Advances in Pediatric Psychology. Edited by J. L. Wallander and L. J. Siegel. New York: Guilford Press. Seiffge-Krenke, Inge. 2001. Diabetic Adolescents and Their Families: Stress, Coping, and Adaptation. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Discipline Because a major component of parenting is encouraging children to conform to external standards of behavior, discipline plays a central role in parent-child relationships. On the other hand, because adolescence is marked by a sharp increase in the extent to which teenagers must act appropriately in the absence of direct supervision, a major challenge is to move teens from relying on external discipline imposed by the parent to fostering the development of internal discipline. Indeed, rapid changes in the developmental needs of adolescents around the time of puberty require adjustment of previously occurring patterns of discipline. For example, parents need to recognize adolescents’ growing need to act more autonomously, their desire for increased responsibility, and their greater ability to understand the reasoning behind parental behavioral demands (Holmbeck, Paikoff,

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and Brooks-Gunn, 1995). Over the course of adolescence, the move from externally imposed to internal discipline results in a gradual shift to a more symmetrical power arrangement (Fuligni and Eccles, 1993). Because parents expect their now physically mature children to act in a socially mature manner, the disparity between parent and adolescent expectations may be especially great (Collins, 1990) and the shift from external to internal discipline correspondingly problematic, resulting in heightened conflict between parent and child. The word discipline connotes the means by which natural or intrinsically motivated behaviors are consciously replaced by behaviors that are more socially or functionally desirable. Two key characteristics of discipline are (1) that discipline changes behavior from its natural course and (2) that the change is evoked by conscious processes. Consider, for example, a situation in which it might be necessary to encourage an adolescent to stop playing a video game and to read a class assignment. Discipline would be involved if playing the video game is a desired behavior and reading the assignment is less desirable. But if the adolescent reads the assignment for enjoyment (i.e., for the love of knowledge), discipline is not involved because behavior has not been altered from its natural course. Similarly, if the parent begins to read interesting sections of the assignment out loud and the adolescent leaves the video game to join the parent in reading, discipline is not involved because the change in behavior was motivated by an unconscious increase in the desirability of reading the assignment. In order for parents to engage in effective discipline, several criteria must be

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High, consistent levels of parental discipline are associated with decreased adolescent involvement in problem behaviors and better performance in school. (Jennie Woodcock; Reflections Photolibrary/Corbis)

met: (1) Their standards for adolescent behavior must be different from those of the child, (2) the parents must clearly communicate their standards for desired behaviors, (3) the parents must monitor compliance to their standards, and (4) the parents must react differentially to compliance and noncompliance by rewarding conformity and/or punishing noncompliance. Parenting style varies according to how parents approach issues of discipline or socialization (Baumrind, 1991): • Uninvolved parents make few attempts to discipline their adolescents or communicate standards, exhibit low levels of parental moni-

toring, and are inconsistent in their use of punishments and rewards. • Authoritarian parents are highly oriented toward discipline and conformity, and overextend into the personal domain the “conventional” domain that both parents and adolescents agree parents have the right to set standards for (Smetana, 1995). They clearly communicate both their standards and the consequences of noncompliance to their children, often making use of punitive discipline. Authoritarian parents use relatively high levels of behavioral control to establish discipline, but they also make use of psychologi-

Discipline cal control, employing guilt induction, withdrawal of love, and shaming to induce compliance (Barber, 1996). Conversely, these parents make little use of explanation. On the basis of their overt authority, they expect adolescents to conform to their standards. And because of this power-assertive disciplinary style, they may have difficulty monitoring the behavior of their adolescents as the latter begin to spend less and less time under the direct supervision of adults, and the parents themselves become more dependent upon adolescent disclosure (Darling, Cumsille, and Dowdy, 1998). This may be especially true for authoritarian-directive parents, who are highly intrusive. • Indulgent, or permissive, parents make few disciplinary demands for conformity to social or parental standards, overextending the “personal” domain in which both parents and adolescents agree that the adolescent should be solely responsible for his or her own decisions (Smetana, 1995). Indulgent parents are warm and communicate clearly to their child, but they also rely heavily on the internal discipline of the adolescent for compliance, avoid confrontation, are noncontingent in their use of rewards, and inconsistent in sanctioning violations of standards. Two types of indulgent parents can be distinguished: democratic parents, who are conscientious, communicate high standards, and successfully monitor compliance, and nondirective parents, who are warm but provide little external discipline.

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• Authoritative parents are effective in all four areas necessary for effective discipline: (1) They clearly communicate high standards and expectations for conformity. (2) Their use of explanations, willingness to compromise, and encouragement of discussion facilitates monitoring, communication, and the development of adolescent self-discipline in the context of parental regulation. (3) Though consistent in punishing inappropriate behavior, they focus on supportive rather than punitive discipline and make effective use of rewards. (4) Their use of high behavioral control but low psychological control allows adolescents to develop autonomy and self-discipline within a safe context of clear parental authority. High, consistent levels of parental discipline are associated with decreased adolescent involvement in problem behaviors and better performance in school (Baumrind, 1991). However, the context of discipline is critical. Power assertion, extreme punishment, and lack of follow-through (a pattern called “coercive” parenting) are associated with adolescent psychopathology and high rates of problem behaviors. Whereas punishment tends to inhibit negative behavior in children without adjustment difficulties, it increases negative behaviors in antisocial children (Patterson, 1982; Holmbeck, Paikoff, and BrooksGunn, 1995). One reason that authoritative parents may be successful in maintaining external discipline and inculcating internal discipline in their adolescents is that they combine high, consistent levels of discipline with discussion that legitimates and validates their authority. By

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contrast, firm control in the absence of legitimacy and compromise can undermine children’s feelings of self-reliance and intrinsic motivation, thereby disrupting development of the internal discipline that is the ultimate goal of socialization (Holmbeck, Paikoff, and Brooks-Gunn, 1995). Nancy Darling See also Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parental Monitoring; Parenting Styles; Physical Abuse References and further reading Barber, Brian K. 1996. “Parental Psychological Control: Revisiting a Neglected Construct.” Child Development, 67, no. 6: 3296–3319. Baumrind, Diana. 1991. “The Influence of Parenting Style on Adolescent Competence and Substance Use.” Journal of Early Adolescence 11, no. 1: 56–95. Collins, W. Andrew. 1990. “Parent-Child Relationships in the Transition to Adolescence: Continuity and Change in Interaction, Affect, and Cognition.” Pp. 85–106 in Advances in Adolescent Development: From Childhood to Adolescence: A Transitional Period? Vol. 2. Edited by R. Montemayor, G. Adams, and T. Gullotta. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Darling, Nancy, Patricio E. Cumsille, and Bonnie Dowdy. 1998. “Parenting Style, Legitimacy of Parental Authority, and Adolescents’ Willingness to Share Information with Their Parents: Why Do Adolescents Lie?” Paper presented at the June 1998 meeting of the International Society for the Study of Personal Relationships, Saratoga, NY. Fuligni, Andrew U., and Jacquelynne S. Eccles. 1993. “Perceived Parent-Child Relationships and Early Adolescents’ Orientation toward Peers.” Developmental Psychology 29: 622–632. Holmbeck, Grayson N., Roberta L. Paikoff, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1995. “Parenting Adolescents.” Pp. 91–118 in Handbook of Parenting. Vol. 1, Children and Parenting. Edited by

Marcus H. Bornstein. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Patterson, Gerald R. 1982. Coercive Family Processes. Eugene, OR: Castalia. Smetana, Judith G. 1995. “Parenting Styles and Conceptions of Parental Authority during Adolescence.” Child Development 66: 299–316.

Disorders, Psychological and Social Psychological and social disorders are often a consequence of deviation from the typical development pattern. Many of these disorders begin earlier than adolescence but become more apparent or more problematic during the teen years. The deviation may have biological causes; for example, some mood disorders have been linked to chemical imbalances in the brain. Alternatively, it may surface as a result of environmental/social causes; for example, family dysfunction can produce unusually high levels of stress in some teenagers. Understanding the vulnerability of teenagers to psychological or social disorders is the first step in helping to prevent and treat them. Among adolescents, such difficulties can have longterm implications as they may impact all aspects of functioning. Some difficulties are easier to diagnose and treat than others, but the key is getting help. Stress and Coping When considering psychological and social disorders in teenagers, we need to understand a little bit about stress and coping. Stress can be defined as emotional tension. As human beings we all experience emotional tension at one time or another, and many people experience low to moderate levels of stress on a regular basis. Stress may result from normal (even positive) life events such as a transition from a small middle school to a

Disorders, Psychological and Social larger high school, a first relationship, or a tryout for a theatrical performance or a sports team. However, stress may also result when one feels threatened or unsafe. For example, disturbance in one’s family may cause feelings of insecurity and uncertainty that in turn produce high levels of unrelenting stress. Two important factors to consider when thinking about stress are chronicity (a measure of how long the stress continues) and ability to cope. Some stress is related to specific events, ending when the event is over or when the individual develops a coping strategy. Final exams are a case in point. They may be a stressful time for some students, but, in the majority of cases, the feelings of stress decline once the exams are over and may decline somewhat even as the individual begins to study and feel more prepared for the exams. Chronic stress, by contrast, continues without much of a respite. For example, a teen living with an abusive parent may be in a situation of unrelenting chronic stress. Two teens in a similar situation may have very different reactions based on their interpretation of the situation and their ability to cope with or manage their reactions to the situation. Coping can be defined as the effort made to manage stress. Some teens whose lives are unusually stressful have better coping strategies than others in similar circumstances. Those teens who experience high levels of stress but are less able to cope are at risk for developing psychological and social disorders. Practicing successful coping with stress helps some people become even better at actually coping. Feeling supported by others during a stressful time can also be helpful in terms of coping. This last point suggests the importance of finding someone who

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Psychological and social disorders are often a consequence of deviation from typical developmental patterns. (Skjold Photographs)

can be a source of support. Peers are certainly capable of providing support to one another, but adults are perhaps even more critical sources of support for teens experiencing stress. Teenagers typically use a variety of coping strategies, such as listening to or playing music, engaging in physical activity, playing video games, and hanging out with friends. Teens may also experiment with substances (alcohol and drugs) as a means of alleviating feelings of stress—a behavior sometimes called self-medication. Although this, too, is a coping strategy and may offer a temporary escape from stress, it is maladaptive because substance use can cause both short- and long-term harm to the individual. Stress and coping are important variables in many common teenage problems. Once diagnosed, however, the vast majority of these problems can be successfully addressed and treated. Learning Disabilities Learning disabilities are an example of a common problem that can be addressed once diagnosed. They usually involve

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some kind of difficulty with processing information. For example, some learning-disabled people have difficulty reading or following oral instructions. These people are not unintelligent; they simply process information differently and may therefore need assistance in developing strategies for completing school-based tasks. Learning disabilities that remain undiagnosed prevent appropriate school progress and may thus have long-term consequences for emotional well-being. Disruptive Behavior Disorders Another category of problems experienced by adolescents is known as disruptive behavior disorders. One example is attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Teenagers with ADHD exhibit a pattern of behavior that includes difficulty sustaining attention, distractibility, impulsiveness, and hyperactivity. Those whose ADHD has not been diagnosed may be labeled as behavior problems in school when in fact they are in need of treatment—and, indeed, treatment is available that can be quite effective in helping them to control their behavior. Another example is oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), which involves a pattern of uncooperative, hostile behavior toward authority. The chronicity of ODD is what differentiates it from typical teen opposition to being told what to do. Teens with ODD generally have little self-understanding and are limited in their ability to take responsibility for consequences. They are also quick to blame others for their own shortcomings and slow to recognize their own responsibility. Symptoms even more extreme than those associated with ODD, such as physical aggression, violence, and law breaking, may point to conduct disorder. Conduct disorder involves serious distur-

bance and in many cases is diagnosed only after teens have become involved in criminal activity requiring the intervention of law enforcement and juvenile justice agencies. Eating Disorders Eating disorders are among the most common psychological disorders of adolescence. They are often linked to society’s obsession with thinness and lookism, and with the individual’s need to exercise control over the environment. Once believed to be primarily restricted to females, eating disorders are now increasingly being diagnosed in teenage males. Although the vast majority of those diagnosed are still female, the recognition of risk signs in males is important in terms of both prevention and intervention. Athletes, male as well as female, whose athletic participation may hinge on weight and size (e.g., wrestlers, gymnasts) may be at particularly high risk for developing eating disorders. Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are the two major categories of eating disorders. Anorexia nervosa involves an intense fear of gaining weight and a grossly distorted body image. Anorexic individuals may report feeling fat though in reality they are emaciated. The disorder usually involves overly restricted caloric intake, often accompanied by excessive exercise. Ultimately, individuals with anorexia nervosa suffer from self-starvation and, without treatment, can die from this condition. Bulimia nervosa (which is sometimes combined with anorexia nervosa) can also become a lifethreatening condition. Occurring in people of below-, average, and above-average weight, bulimia is characterized by binge eating, a fear of not being able to control

Disorders, Psychological and Social the binge eating, recognition that the eating pattern is not normal, and feelings of low self-worth following each binge episode. Bulimia may also involve purging (i.e., vomiting or use of laxatives), excessive exercise, and overly restricted caloric intake following a binge cycle. Why do some adolescents develop eating disorders? Despite the prevalence of these disorders, psychologists have not yet arrived at a definitive answer to this question. Most experts do agree, however, that no single factor is implicated. Indeed, many factors, including developmental stage, culture, personality, and family functioning, must be considered. Developmental stage refers to the changes that take place in early and late adolescence. These many changes, which include transformation of the body from that of a child to that of an adult, an emerging sense of identity, and new social and academic challenges, help explain why eating disorders are so common among adolescents. Culture refers to the many cultural standards for attractiveness. Attractiveness is defined differently in different cultures and even in the same culture in different eras. For example, a full figure and curves were once considered the standard of feminine beauty. However, our present culture, as reflected by popular models, values thinness. Personality refers to the personality development of the individual. Some experts suggest that individuals with certain personality types are at higher risk for eating disorders. For example, some experts believe that individuals suffering from anorexia nervosa are high achievers who strive for perfection and control. Family refers to a variety of factors involved in family functioning. Some experts believe that eating disorders can be traced to these family-functioning variables.

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Eating disorders are complex in nature; for more information on this issue, see “Eating Problems” in this volume. Depression Depression is a type of affective disorder. Affective disorders are mood related and are believed to be linked to an imbalance in some brain chemicals. Depression can be of long or short duration, of low or high intensity. Depression as a clinical term does not mean having a bad day or feeling down; it refers to an inability to experience pleasure from activities or relationships that would have, prior to the depression, been sources of happiness and pleasure. In certain circumstances, such as in reaction to a death in the family, feelings of depression may be a normal and appropriate response. Depression becomes problematic when it occurs in inappropriate circumstances, continues for a long period, or is of such great intensity as to be out of proportion to the cause. Depression can be harmful to a teen’s well-being when it interferes with the capacity to go about one’s daily business (school/work), to relate to others, or to maintain the healthy functioning of essential physical needs for sleep, nutrition, and personal hygiene. Typical signs of depression are changes in everyday life patterns, for example, major changes in sleep patterns (sleeping much more than usual or much less than usual; may also include insomnia, which is an inability to sleep), weight gain or weight loss, loss of appetite and/or overeating. Behavior changes are also typical warning signs of depression. For instance, loss of interest in activities, loss of pleasure in activities, excessive fatigue, and restlessness may all be signs of depression. In teenagers, depression may also manifest itself with agitation, irritability, and anger. These

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symptoms are often overlooked or misinterpreted because they do not seem typical of the stereotyped low energy of depression. Yet these signs are important to notice in teens because they may be the only way a struggling teen, who may be unaware that s/he needs help, or unable to ask for the help that is needed, can show signs of distress. Although not all depressed teens are suicidal, teens suffering from depression are at increased risk for suicide. This risk further highlights the importance of intervention for teens suffering from depression because timely intervention can help to prevent a tragedy. The most common treatments for depression are psychotherapy, which involves talking with a trained professional, and/or medication that is prescribed by a physician (often in conjunction with psychotherapy). In some more severe cases, hospitalization may be necessary to ensure the safety of the individual until a treatment plan can be established. For more information and detail see the entry on “Depression.” Schizophrenia and Borderline Personality Disorder Schizophrenia and borderline personality disorder are more serious psychological disorders and much less common than mood disorders. Schizophrenia is usually not diagnosed until late adolescence or early adulthood, and there are often other diagnoses before the schizophrenic diagnosis is reached. An inability to think and behave rationally is characteristic of schizophrenia. Although many teenagers may have moments of seemingly irrational thought, extreme irrationality and bizarre behavior is the norm for someone suffering from schizophrenia. Though there are some newer, more promising

treatments for schizophrenia, it is a disease that can be difficult to treat. Although serious mental disorders are relatively unusual in adolescents, borderline personality disorder is another mental disorder sometimes recognized in teenagers. Borderline personality disorder is sometimes diagnosed in teenagers who do not have the fully developed symptoms of schizophrenia but show some signs of distorted thinking. However, unlike those suffering with schizophrenia who may experience great difficulty with daily functioning, individuals with borderline personality disorder may be able to function suffering from periodic rather than constant breakdowns of rational thought. These breakdowns are sometimes triggered by stress and/or major life changes (like a change in schools). Difficulty maintaining relationships is characteristic of individuals suffering from one of the forms of psychological disturbance. Suicide Mood disorders and other serious mental disturbance may be accompanied by suicidal feelings. Sadly, many teens may feel so troubled or hopeless that they contemplate suicide. There are numerous warning signs of a suicidal teen. However, a teen can be suicidal without showing many overt signs. Unfortunately, adults who may have heard about the warning signs for suicide often watch for teens to show all or many of the signs before intervening. Sadly, this waiting can lead to a tragic loss of life. The warning signs for suicide are similar to those for depression. And as mentioned previously, depressed teens are at a higher risk for suicide than their nondepressed peers. These warning signs include (but are not

Disorders, Psychological and Social restricted to) changes in sleeping and eating patterns, changes in personality (previously outgoing individuals may become withdrawn), changes in friends/friendships (avoiding friends or social contacts), drug and alcohol use, boredom and lethargy, risk-taking behaviors (car/bicycle accidents), a preoccupation with death, giving away possessions, and suicidal comments (you’d be better off without me, I wish I were dead). A troubling or traumatic life event (for example, loss of a loved one, the suicide of a friend or relative, an assault) are also risk factors for suicide in teens. All of the above are important warning signs of significant distress and should never be ignored. Anxiety Disorders Also important when thinking about psychological and social problems of adolescents are issues of anxiety and phobias. All people experience some anxiety and this is normal and natural. Change and uncertainty can trigger normal feelings of anxiety, so it is not surprising that adolescents who may be experiencing much change may also feel somewhat anxious. However, when anxiety lasts for a long time and is fairly intense, it can interfere with normal functioning. Symptoms of an anxiety problem may include restlessness, feelings of low self-worth, excessive worrying, and fearfulness. Extreme anxiety may also be accompanied by physical symptoms like headaches and muscle aches. These symptoms may signal a problem and need for intervention. Some individuals who suffer from anxiety disorders may experience panic attacks. Panic attacks are sudden attacks of intense anxiety. During panic attacks individuals experience both physical and psychological symptoms. The physical

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symptoms may include heart racing, excessive sweating, dizziness, chest pains, and nausea. Sufferers may believe that they are having a heart attack. The psychological symptoms can include excessive worries of impending doom, feelings of a lack of control, and feelings that one is crazy. Phobias are another form of anxiety disorder. A phobia is an excessive (and often unexplained) fear that is out of proportion to the object of the fear. Because the fear is much greater than the actual threat, feelings that result from phobias are not considered rational. The focus of an individual’s phobia may change with age (from monsters as a child to social situations as a teen). A specific example of phobias in adolescents is school phobia or school avoidance. School phobia may develop when a teen experiences a problem (either academic or social) that is so overwhelming that s/he withdraws and feels unable to attend school. School phobia may not be obvious at first because the teen may have accompanying psychosomatic symptoms (symptoms that may seem like physical health problems but have no known medical or organic cause). Therefore, the student may be absent from school because of these complaints long before anyone realizes that there may be an underlying anxiety problem. Individuals suffering from phobias should receive treatment to prevent significant impairment of daily function. Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is a mental health issue that has received increased attention in recent years. Obsessive-compulsive disorder involves a driving need to engage in or repeat certain behaviors in a ritualized way. As the

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name indicates, obsessive-compulsive disorder involves both obsessions and compulsions. Obsessions are characterized as intrusive thoughts that push their way into the mind of the teen (for example, excessive thoughts and worries about germs). Compulsions are repeated, ritualized behaviors that the teen feels s/he must perform (for example, checking, double checking, and triple checking a locked door). The need to perform these ritualized behaviors, for example, excessive hand washing, can significantly interfere with and impair a teen’s normal daily functioning. Untreated, obsessivecompulsive disorder can severely impair normal functioning. Research suggests that there is a biochemical component to OCD, which means that it can often be successfully treated with medications that target certain brain chemicals. Individuals suffering from OCD may not recognize that they are suffering from a disorder and may instead be ashamed of their behavior and reluctant to ask for help. A disorder that is sometimes related to OCD is Tourette’s disorder. Tourette’s disorder is characterized by tics, which are quick, repetitive muscle twitches or vocalizations (noises). Tics are sometimes accompanied by behaviors similar to those found with OCD and ADHD. Tourette’s disorder is also often treated with medication. Deborah N. Margolis See also Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD); Depression; Eating Problems References and further reading Kaysen, Susanna. 1993. Girl Interrupted. New York: Vintage Books. Rapoport, Judith. 1989. The Boy Who Couldn’t Stop Washing. New York: Plume.

Divorce Divorce is commonplace in today’s society. About half of American children experience the divorce of their parents before they reach the age of eighteen. This circumstance is not easy at any age; in the short term, many of the affected children and teenagers exhibit such problems as poor school effort and grades; depressed, anxious, or angry moods; and noncompliant or antisocial behavior (Emery, 1999). Typically, emotional and behavioral disturbances are temporary, with most children improving markedly by the second year after the divorce (Hetherington, 1989; Buchanan, 2000). In the longer term, as discussed below, divorce is associated with an increased risk of mental, emotional, behavioral, and relational problems. Still, many teenagers do quite well after divorce. Positive functioning after divorce is predicted by such factors as low interparental conflict, positive parent-child relationships, and low levels of overall life stress and instability. Relatively speaking, custody arrangement has little to do with long-term adjustment (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). Teenagers whose parents have divorced are at an increased risk for internalizing problems (e.g., depression), externalizing problems (e.g., aggression, deviance, early sexual behavior), and problems in academic achievement, including high school dropout (Allison and Furstenberg, 1989; Amato and Keith, 1991). Yet there is evidence that a divorce during a child’s adolescent years is less damaging in the long run than a divorce that occurs when a child is younger (Allison and Furstenberg, 1989; see also Emery, 1999, for detailed information on age effects). The risk for teenagers may be lower than that for younger children owing to teenagers’

Divorce greater cognitive competence to understand the divorce and their more numerous social networks outside of the family that can provide support. At all ages, however, there is a risk associated with divorce. The good news is that the magnitude of the increased risk explained by divorce is small, with parents’ marital status typically accounting for between 1 and 3 percent of the variance in adolescent and young adult adjustment (Allison and Furstenberg, 1989; Amato and Keith, 1991). In fact, the most notable finding from research on long-term adjustment after divorce is the variability present in both postdivorce family functioning and children’s adjustment (Amato, 1993; Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). Some children thrive; others flounder. Most function in the normal range (Emery, 1999). Recent research has focused on the question of what factors explain the variability in functioning after divorce. What follows is a discussion of some of the major individual and situational predictors of adjustment among teenagers who have experienced the divorce of their parents. (See Buchanan, 2000, for a more extensive treatment of these and other factors.) Interparental Conflict The extent to which conflict continues after divorce (and how it is handled when it does continue) is one of the most important factors in a child’s adjustment (Amato, 1993; Emery, 1999). Conflict in couples often peaks at the time of a divorce (Cummings and Davies, 1994). In most cases, conflict subsides after the first year or two following divorce, but about one-quarter or fewer of divorcing couples continue to experience moderate to high

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conflict over the longer term (e.g., Maccoby and Mnookin, 1992). Research is consistent in showing that interparental conflict is a more powerful predictor of children’s adjustment than is divorce status, and that accounting for the level of conflict a couple experiences usually reduces or even eliminates the relation between divorce and adjustment (e.g., Emery, 1999; Simons et al., 1999). Furthermore, when interparental conflict decreases following a divorce, children adjust significantly better than when conflict continues at a high level (e.g., Emery, 1999). Parenting and the Parent-Child Relationship A positive, close relationship between teenagers and their custodial parents, especially if that custodial parent is the mother, appears critical to postdivorce adjustment—perhaps in part because a close relationship facilitates parental monitoring of adolescents’ behavior (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). Parental monitoring—that is, knowledge of the adolescent’s activities and whereabouts—repeatedly surfaces as a critical factor in the adjustment of teenagers from both divorced and nondivorced homes (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996; Patterson, 1986), as do other aspects of competent parenting such as setting firm limits but avoiding harsh punishments (Simons et al., 1999). Continued closeness to the noncustodial parent also appears to be beneficial to adjustment of adolescents—especially if the adolescents also feel close to the custodial parent. Finally, symbolic gestures of commitment by the noncustodial parent, such as remembering birthdays and other special days, appear to be quite important to teenagers, perhaps more

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important than the absolute amount of time spent in visitation with that parent (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). Loyalty conflicts are associated with increased depression and deviance among teenagers in divorced families (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). Parental behaviors linked to loyalty conflicts include asking the child to carry messages between parents, asking the child to “spy on” or answer questions about the ex-spouse’s home or behavior, and denigrating the ex-spouse in the child’s presence. Alignments between a parent and child (whereby a child strongly takes sides with one or the other parent) are linked with lower levels of anxiety than are loyalty conflicts but also with higher levels of anger (Lampel, 1996). Children appear to be best adjusted when allowed and able to sustain positive, close relationships with both parents. Life Stresses The total number of life stresses experienced by teenagers whose parents divorce is another strong predictor of their adjustment (Amato, 1993; Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). This conclusion is consistent with research findings on stress more generally, indicating that the greater the total number of life stresses, the greater the probability of psychological, behavioral, emotional, or health problems. Such stresses might include, in addition to the divorce itself or any existing interparental conflict, moving from one house to another, changing neighborhoods or schools, changing contacts or relationships with friends or extended family, and changing extracurricular activities. Conversely, when the number of stresses coinciding with the divorce or

other family problems is minimized, teenagers tend to adjust more positively. Custody and Visitation Arrangements In general, the type of custody or visitation arrangement is of little importance relative to the factors considered above (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996; Buchanan, 2000). There are welladjusted and poorly adjusted adolescents in all types of arrangements. Joint custody is a case in point. When parents are not in high conflict, joint custody allows children to sustain close relationships with both parents and to avoid loyalty conflicts more effectively than in other arrangements (Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch, 1996). However, when parents remain in high conflict, joint custody is associated with especially high levels of loyalty conflicts as well as other adjustment problems and is ill-advised (Emery, 1999). Christy M. Buchanan See also Conflict and Stress; Coping; Parent-Adolescent Relations References and further reading Allison, Paul D., and Frank F. Furstenberg Jr. 1989. “Marital Dissolution Affects Children: Variations by Age and Sex.” Developmental Psychology 25: 540–549. Amato, Paul R. 1993. “Children’s Adjustment to Divorce: Theories, Hypotheses, and Empirical Support.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 55: 23–38. Amato, Paul R., and Bruce Keith. 1991. “Parental Divorce and the Well-Being of Children: A Meta-Analysis.” Psychological Bulletin 100: 26–46. Buchanan, Christy M. 2000. “The Impact of Divorce on Adjustment during Adolescence.” Pp. 179–216 in Resilience across Contexts: Family, Work, Culture, and Community. Edited by Ronald D. Taylor and Margaret C.

Down Syndrome Wang. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Buchanan, Christy M., Eleanor E. Maccoby, and Sanford M. Dornbusch. 1996. Adolescents after Divorce. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cummings, E. Mark, and Patrick Davies. 1994. Children and Marital Conflict: The Impact of Family Dispute and Resolution. New York: Guilford Press. Emery, Robert E. 1999. Marriage, Divorce, and Children’s Adjustment, 2nd ed. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Hetherington, E. Mavis. 1989. “Coping with Family Transitions: Winners, Losers, and Survivors.” Child Development 60: 1–14. Lampel, Anita K. 1996. “Children’s Alignment with Parents in Highly Conflicted Custody Cases.” Family and Conciliation Courts Review 34: 229–239. Maccoby, Eleanor M., and Robert H. Mnookin. 1992. Dividing the Child: Social and Legal Dilemmas of Custody. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Patterson, Gerald R. 1986. “Performance Models for Antisocial Boys.” American Psychologist 41: 432–444. Simons, Ronald. L., Kuei-Hsiu Lin, Leslie C. Gordon, Rand D. Conger, and Frederick O. Lorenz. 1999. “Explaining the Higher Incidence of Adjustment Problems among Children of Divorce Compared with Those in Two-Parent Families.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 61: 1020–1033.

Down Syndrome Down syndrome is a genetic disorder that is usually identified at birth. It occurs in approximately 1 in every 900 births and affects individuals of all ethnic groups and incomes. In the United States, approximately 350,000 individuals have Down syndrome. Down syndrome is the most common genetic cause of mental retardation. Among individuals with Down syndrome, the severity of

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mental retardation and the extent of learning disability vary significantly. Most cases of Down syndrome (about 95 percent) are caused by a trisomy (i.e., a third chromosome on chromosome number 21) that affects all cells of the body. Therefore, Down syndrome is sometimes called Trisomy 21. In a small number of individuals with Down syndrome, only some groups of cells have the trisomy; this condition is referred to as mosaicism. In other individuals, only a small amount of extra genetic material, not an entire chromosome, is located on the twenty-first chromosome—a condition known as translocation. Trisomy is often caused by a failure of cells to separate, referred to as nondisjunction. This error in cell division is more likely to occur in women aged thirty-five or older than in younger women. Women over thirty-five have a 1 in 400 chance, and women over forty-five have a 1 in 35 chance, of conceiving a child with Down syndrome. Nondisjunction can also occur as a result of faulty cell division in the father’s sperm, but the proportion of births affected in this way is only 5 percent. Although Down syndrome is associated with advancing maternal age, approximately 80 percent of children with Down syndrome are born to parents younger than thirty-five years of age. Down syndrome was first identified by Langdon Down in 1866 based on certain physical characteristics of children at birth. Those characteristics include extra folds of skin in the corner of the eyes (called “epicanthal folds”), a short neck, and a noticeable crease across the palm of the hand. Individuals with Down syndrome also tend to be short in stature. Incorrect terms, such as Mongoloid, have

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Due to advances in medical care, especially for heart defects, many individuals with Down syndrome now live to the age of sixty and beyond. (Laura Dwight)

been used in the past to refer to individuals with Down syndrome, largely based on facial characteristics and the faulty assumption that individuals with Down syndrome belong to the same ethnic group. Individuals with Down syndrome are more likely than other people to have particular health problems. The most common of these are heart defects and congenital heart disease, which occur in about one-third to one-half of children with Down syndrome. In the United States, the majority of children with Down syndrome who have heart defects undergo reparative surgery during the first year of life. Other health problems frequently affecting individuals with

Down syndrome are abnormalities of the gastrointestinal tract, kidney malformations, and chronic respiratory infections and ear infections. In addition, their risk of developing leukemia is fifteen to twenty times greater than that of other children, especially during the first three years of life. Often their vision needs to be corrected with lenses; their hearing sometimes requires correction as well. Previously, the life span of individuals with Down syndrome was short; in 1929, for example, their life expectancy was only nine years. However, because of advances in medical care, especially for heart defects, many individuals with Down syndrome now live to the age of sixty and beyond. Recent research indi-

Down Syndrome cates that Alzheimer’s disease, a dementia that affects memory during older adulthood, occurs at higher rates (about 9 percent) and at an earlier age (fifty-two to fifty-four years) in individuals with Down syndrome compared to other individuals. As children with Down syndrome grow up, they tend to develop skills more slowly than other children. Language often occurs at a later age and develops at a slower rate than among same-aged peers. Some children with Down syndrome have difficulty articulating certain sounds—a condition partly due to the enlarged protruding tongue and facial muscular structure that are characteristics of the syndrome. This difficulty with articulation may also be related to hearing loss caused by fluid retention in the ears. As children with Down syndrome get older, they sometimes have difficulty forming grammatically correct sentences. Many children with Down syndrome learn to read, however. Teenagers with Down syndrome are like other teens in most ways. Some hold jobs beginning in high school. Many develop strong friendships and romantic relationships. They often attend classes with their age-mates, but they are likely to require additional assistance or instruction with academic tasks. They also often participate in athletics, although their skills may be somewhat diminished due to poor motor tone. Little has been written about the sexual-identity development of teens with Down syndrome. Puberty begins at the same age and follows the same course as that of teens without Down syndrome. Approximately 50 to 80 percent of women with Down syndrome are fertile, and they have a 50 percent probability of giving birth to a child with the syn-

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drome. Most males with Down syndrome are sterile. Stereotypes exist about individuals with Down syndrome. One incorrect assumption is that all individuals with Down syndrome are quite similar to each other in intelligence and personality. In fact, individuals with Down syndrome are as different from each other as are any other individuals. Another myth is that people with Down syndrome are very cheerful, affectionate, and stubborn. These characteristics, too, are as likely to appear in individuals with Down syndrome as in other individuals. Only a few decades ago, many teens with Down syndrome lived in institutions; today, most live at home with their families. Current attitudes and expectations of society are changing the life possibilities of those with Down syndrome. During adult life, individuals with Down syndrome often hold jobs, live independently or in group homes, and sometimes marry. Organizations such as the National Down Syndrome Association help individuals with Down syndrome advocate for their rights, in addition to providing information and publishing newsletters with the most recent research information on Down syndrome. Finally, at least one book has been written by individuals with Down syndrome about their life experiences: Count Us In, by Jason Kingsley and Mitchell Levitz. Additional information can be obtained from the following Web sites: (1) the National Down Syndrome Society at http://www.ndss.org and (2) “Trisomy 21: A Genetic Biography” at http://www. ds-health.com. Penny Hauser-Cram Angela Howell

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See also Cognitive Development; Mental Retardation, Siblings with References and further reading Brown, Roy I. 1996. “Partnership and Marriage in Down Syndrome.” Down Syndrome: Research and Practice 4: 96–99. Carr, Janet. 1995. Down Syndrome: Children Growing Up. London: Cambridge University Press. Cicchetti, Dante, and Marjorie Beeghly, eds. 1990. Children with Down Syndrome: A Developmental Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hodapp, Robert M. 1996. “Down Syndrome: Developmental, Psychiatric, and Management Issues.” Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America 5: 881–894. Kingsley, Jason, and Mitchell Levitz. 1994. Count Us In: Growing Up with Down Syndrome. San Diego: Harcourt Brace. Kumin, L. 1994. Communication Skills in Children with Down Syndrome. Rockville, MD: Woodbine House. Pueschel, Sigfried M., and Maria Sustrova. 1997. Adolescents with Down Syndrome: Toward a More Fulfilling Life. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes.

Drug Abuse Prevention Drug abuse prevention is a major goal of society in the struggle to deter individuals from destroying their own lives and the lives of others when they abuse alcohol and other drugs. Society can deliver messages of drug abuse prevention through the media, the educational system, and the community; however, the family can deliver the strongest and most persuasive message to prevent substance abuse from occurring at all. Teenagers whose parents talk to them regularly about the dangers of drugs are 42 percent less likely to use drugs than those whose parents do not (Partnership for a Drug-

Free America, 1999). Messages that successfully reach young people can prevent a lifetime of addiction and despair that can easily lead to physical and mental illness, incarceration, or even death. Drug abuse prevention programs can take many different forms but usually fall into three general categories (Ray and Ksir, 1996). First, primary prevention is aimed at individuals who have not yet tried the substance in question. In the educational system today, children are given primary prevention as part of their regular curriculum. Second, professionals in the field direct secondary prevention to those who may have tried drugs but are not yet addicted; they may also target so-called social drinkers. An example of secondary prevention is a program aimed at getting people not to drink when driving. The usual goal of this type of prevention is to change attitudes to prevent harm. Third, individuals who have become addicted or who use drugs in an abusive way require more intensive treatment—namely, tertiary prevention, which aims at preventing people with substance abuse problems from experiencing a relapse or recurrence of addiction. An individual is said to be addicted if either physical or psychological dependence on a drug has occurred. The word drug is defined as any substance, whether artificial or natural, that alters the structure or nature of a living organism (Ray and Ksir, 1996). However, it is also important to understand that many drugs with the potential for abuse may have a great deal of medical significance. For instance, morphine, which has a high potential for abuse, may ease the pain of people suffering from a terminal illness. Thus, drugs, drug abuse, and drug abuse prevention are not black-and-white issues;

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Society can deliver messages of drug prevention through the media, the educational system, and the community; however, the family can deliver the strongest, most persuasive message. (Leif Skoogfors/Corbis)

they encompass many areas of gray, and society must recognize those areas in order to promote the appropriate use of drugs. The fact remains that when an individual uses drugs for nonmedical purposes in a chronic or habitual manner, that person is at serious risk for developing a substance abuse disorder or becoming physically or psychologically addicted to drugs. Illicit drug use is usually defined in terms of possession or use of a drug that is unlawful (Ray and Ksir, 1996)—a definition complicated by the fact that many illicit drugs are legal for those who acquire them through a medical doctor by prescription. In the absence of a prescription, the drug is illicit. Traditionally,

alcohol and tobacco have not been considered illicit substances, even though the public should view both as drugs with potential for abuse. Money spent on prevention of alcohol and tobacco abuse is money well spent, as the consequences of these drugs cost our society billions of dollars (NCADD, 1999). By itself, teen alcohol use—which results in traffic crashes, violent crimes, burns, drowning and suicide attempts, fetal alcohol syndrome, and alcohol poisonings—incurs expenses totaling more than $58 billion a year. The use of alcohol and other drugs of abuse can have other negative impacts on teenagers as well. Among sexually active teens, those

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who average five or more drinks daily are three times less likely to use condoms, placing them at greater risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. Tobacco is even worse. In the United States and elsewhere, it causes more medical problems, and more deaths, than any other substance. Yet cigarettes and other tobacco products have only recently come to be seen as drugs. Unfortunately, prevention efforts directed against this form of drug abuse have not been as successful as other such efforts; the percentage of teens who smoke cigarettes has remained relatively stable since 1988—about 18 percent of youths age twelve to seventeen (SAMSHA, 1998). Moreover, both cigarettes and alcohol are often viewed as “gateway” drugs, meaning that use of these substances at a young age can lead to a greater risk for more serious drug abuse in an individual’s future. Youths age twelve to seventeen who currently smoke cigarettes are eleven times more likely to use illicit drugs and sixteen times more likely to drink heavily than nonsmoking youths. Deviant drug use is considered uncommon within the context of our society’s norms and is disapproved of by the majority of the members of that society. Drug misuse generally refers to the use of prescription drugs in amounts not recommended or prescribed by a physician or dentist. Drug abuse refers to use of a substance in a way that creates problems or greatly increases the chances that problems will occur. Drug dependence and abuse affect the youth of America in a profound way: In 1995, 21 percent of clients who were admitted to drug treatment programs were under the age of twenty-four, including 18,194 who were under the age of fifteen (SAMSHA, 1998).

Among the drugs that have potential for abuse are narcotics, which include heroin, morphine, methadone, opium, and substances derived from opium. Depressants, another class of drug that has a high potential for abuse, include alcohol, barbiturates, and sedatives. Street drugs that doctors have not prescribed or that have no medical value include stimulants, such as cocaine, crack, and methamphetamine. Hallucinogens, including marijuana, LSD, and psilocybin mushrooms, are another class of drugs of abuse. In addition, athletes and body builders have been known to abuse anabolic steroids and human growth hormones to increase their muscle mass. Since about 1980, however, prevention to stop the abuse of illicit substances has had an effect. Findings from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration reveal that whereas 25 million Americans used an illegal substance during the preceding month in 1979, this figure had decreased by nearly 50 percent to almost 13 million by 1997 (SAMSHA, 1998). School and community efforts have also paid off as drug abuse prevention has become increasingly important throughout the United States. The percentage of youths age twelve to seventeen who reported current use of illicit drugs in 1998 was nearly 10 percent, a marked decrease from the estimated 12 percent in 1997. The rate of drug use among youths was highest in 1979, when it totaled an astounding 16 percent. Apart from alcohol and tobacco, the drug most commonly abused by teens is marijuana (SAMSHA, 1998). In 1998, a little more than 8 percent of youths age twelve through seventeen were current users of marijuana, but this percentage,

Drug Abuse Prevention too, has decreased dramatically in the last twenty years, having reached a peak of more than 14 percent in 1979. Nevertheless, many youths—56 percent of those surveyed in 1998—claim easy access to marijuana. As for other drugs of abuse, including cocaine, heroin, hallucinogens, barbiturates, sedatives, and inhalants, 14 percent of the youths surveyed reported that they had been approached by someone selling drugs in the previous thirty days. Drug abuse prevention programs can have a huge impact at all levels ranging from individuals and families to entire communities (SAMSHA, 1998). Research has shown that effective prevention programs can improve parenting skills and family relationships; it has also suggested that early prevention efforts are effective in deterring an individual from abusing substances later on. Indeed, successful prevention programs can reduce delinquent behaviors among youth who are often associated with substance abuse and drug-related crime. These dramatic findings are likely due to the increased efforts directed at drug abuse prevention programs in communities throughout the United States. Many of these programs were developed during the middle to late 1980s and took new directions throughout the 1990s. Our society will no doubt make even more progress in the twenty-first century. In the beginning, drug abuse prevention programs were primarily educational in nature, taking a top-down approach whereby administrators or others in authority told students about the dangers of drugs and alcohol (Ray and Ksir, 1996). Programs such as DARE, for example, are headed up by local police and firefighters and implemented in school systems. And one of the biggest

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drug abuse prevention strategies to come out of the 1980s was Nancy Reagan’s “Just Say No” campaign. Although the latter was criticized as ineffective in stopping substance abuse from occurring, it proved to be a long-standing approach to the war on drugs. In the 1990s, drug education and prevention began to emphasize intervention, which worked to change behaviors, attitudes, and perceptions (Ray and Ksir, 1996). One reason that young people may wish to use drugs is to feel excitement, relaxation, or a sense of control in terms of what they do to and with their bodies. Likewise, individuals may take drugs due to the influence of peers. Helping children and adolescents to know and understand these feelings—and to express them—may be effective in preventing drug abuse. It is also essential that young people clarify their values (Coughlin, 1997). Through the education system, the community, and the family, emphasis must be placed on their decision-making skills. This can be done in a variety of ways, one of which is to ask them how they would react in a hypothetical situation where they were given a choice between using drugs or not using them. Peer counseling can also be an important strategy in prevention. Recommending that students talk with their peers about alcohol and drug problems has proven effective in some situations. Similarly, respected members of student subgroups, such as athletes, can be asked to advocate drug and alcohol awareness and prevention. Indeed, both schools and community organizations can use peer education in innovative and informative ways—for example, through improvisational skits depicting real-life situations about drugs and their abuse.

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It is also important to provide alternatives to substance use—for example, by teaching teens about the powerful natural high that can be gained from activities such as vigorous exercise, relaxation, meditation, and sports. Toward this end, communities need to support teen centers that offer interesting forms of youth entertainment. By involving teens with others through organized clubs or school sports, individuals learn to communicate. On a wider scale, by means of the media, social marketing has made its way into the forefront of alcohol and drug abuse prevention. Having selectively borrowed its principles and processes from the commercial world, this method works to convey realistic social norms through the use of “campaigns.” Its messages and images, though as carefully developed as those in the commercial world, are adapted to health advocacy and other large-scale efforts for positive social change. One approach used by social marketing is to convince teens that most of their peers do not drink, smoke, or do drugs—thereby leading them to change their behavior. The most salient form of drug abuse prevention, however, is to be found through family values that are clarified in the home. Parents who talk with their children realistically about drugs, and about the dangers and risks associated with them, give their children a better chance to combat these dangers when actually confronted with them. In turn, children raised by caretakers who have a healthy relationship with alcohol and other drugs are much less likely to have future problems with drug dependence or abuse themselves. Melinda M. Roberts

See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Cigarette Smoking; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Substance Use and Abuse References and further reading Coughlin, Eileen V., ed. 1997. Successful Drug and Alcohol Prevention Programs. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence (NCADD). 1999. Youth, Alcohol and Other Drugs: An Overview. http://www.ncadd.org National Household Survey on Drug Abuse. 1998. News Release. Partnership for a Drug-Free America. 1999. News Release. http://www.drugfreeamerica.org Ray, Oakley, and Charles Ksir. 1996. Drugs, Society and Human Nature, 7th ed. St. Louis, MO: Mosby Year Book. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMSHA). 1998. “Prevention Works.” News Release. http://www.samhsa.gov

Dyslexia Dyslexia is a condition characterized by serious difficulties with reading and other aspects of written language such as spelling and writing. Features of dyslexia change over the life span, beginning with severe problems in learning to read and evolving in adolescence to spelling and writing problems as well as slow laborious reading. Dyslexia manifests itself in two different ways: Acquired dyslexia refers to adults who lose their ability to read as a result of brain injury (e.g., after a stroke), whereas developmental dyslexia refers to children who unexpectedly experience difficulty in learning to read, despite adequate to superior intelligence, motivation, and schooling. Researchers have become increasingly confident in their assumption that developmental dyslexia results from differences in the

Dyslexia underlying structure of the regions in the brain involved in the processing of written language. Inasmuch as important advances have also been made in the study of reading, many children with dyslexia now respond successfully to timely and appropriate interventions. The National Institute of Health estimates that in 2000 approximately 15 percent of Americans had learning disabilities—a figure that included 2.4 million schoolchildren. Among students with learning disabilities who receive special education services, 80 to 85 percent have basic deficits in language and reading. Dyslexia occurs in all groups of people, regardless of age, race, or socioeconomic status. Research indicates the existence of a genetic component, given that the condition appears to run in families. In addition, a higher incidence of dyslexia has been found among males. Some research, however, suggests that more girls than suspected have dyslexia—and that they simply have not been referred and diagnosed. Incidentally, some very famous people were, or are, dyslexic, including Hans Christian Andersen, Michelangelo, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Albert Einstein, Thomas A. Edison, Whoopi Goldberg, Lindsay Wagner, and Dr. Harvey Cushing (the father of modern brain surgery). Causes of Dyslexia Dyslexia is best described as a heterogeneous group of disorders, with several underlying explanations for distinct subtypes of reading-disabled students. Many scientists in the first half of the twentieth century believed that dyslexia was based on visual problems; the commonly observed “reversal of letters” in children was seen as an indicator of such prob-

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lems. But, in fact, most dyslexics have normal vision and do not “see backwards.” Since the mid-1970s, researchers have come to agree that one central difficulty associated with dyslexia is a deficit in phonological processing. According to the phonological-deficit hypothesis, children with dyslexia have difficulty developing an awareness that words, both written and spoken, can be broken down into smaller units of sounds. Thus, for example, it is difficult for them to recognize a rhyme, to delete a sound from a word, or, more generally, to make the connection between symbols (i.e., letters) and the sounds they represent. As a result, they cannot learn to sound out words (i.e., to decode), which is the first step in reading. Recent cutting-edge research in the cognitive neurosciences has demonstrated a second major area of difficulty as well: naming-speed deficits. Specifically, dyslexics are slow to retrieve the names of familiar visual symbols such as letters and numbers. These deficits reflect an impairment in the processes underlying recognition and retrieval of visually presented letters. What this finding means for reading is only beginning to be understood. The same factors that slow down retrieval processes may also impede the development of rapid letter pattern recognition—an impairment that may in turn slow down word identification, which is critical for fluent reading. Fortunately, research on the deficits that underlie different groups of reading disabilities is rapidly progressing. This research is ultimately aimed at informing educators about which interventions are best suited for each individual involved.

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Identification of Dyslexia Indicators of dyslexia in early childhood include late development of spoken language, slow reading of letter names, and difficulties in sounding out words, whereas indicators of dyslexia in adolescence include slow and inaccurate reading of words, poor reading comprehension, and spelling difficulties such as reversed letter order, deletion of letters, and misrepresentation of the sounds in a word. Some adolescent dyslexics may also have difficulty associating the letters with the sounds they represent. Note, however, that many adolescents with dyslexia have only minor decoding problems with simple and regularly spelled words. Rather, their major difficulty is slow, dysfluent reading, which prolongs the time they need to comprehend the material. Indeed, the majority of dyslexics have more difficulty expressing themselves in written language than in spoken language. Their writing problems usually include spelling and organization of their ideas. Traditionally, dyslexia has been diagnosed by comparing intellectual ability with achievement in reading. Because bright students with an unexpected difficulty in reading are usually considered dyslexics, IQ tests are generally used to assess dyslexia in school-aged children. In fact, eligibility for special education programs in public school is usually based on this discrepancy. However, complicating the diagnosis for some dyslexic adolescents is the possibility that their reading deficiency has affected their knowledge of vocabulary—a knowledge that is assessed in IQ tests. This circumstance diminishes the usefulness of IQ tests in diagnosing dyslexia. Although adolescent dyslexic readers become more accurate with time, they

never become fully automatic or fluent in their reading. The failure either to recognize or to measure this lack of automaticity in reading is perhaps the most common error made in the diagnosis of dyslexia among accomplished young adults. For such individuals, identification of dyslexia would be facilitated by use of a questionnaire regarding the history of their development of language and reading. Also helpful would be a combination of tests measuring reading, spelling, language, and cognitive abilities, along with a battery of neurological, psychological, and educational assessments. Indeed, no diagnosis of dyslexia should ever be based on a single test. Treatment of Dyslexia Individuals with dyslexia often need special programs to learn to read, write, and spell. In the early years, direct instruction in associating letters and sounds is critical. Research has demonstrated that these decoding skills are best taught step-bystep, in an incremental manner. Then, as the children grow older, their reading comprehension is enhanced by work on reading rate, vocabulary, and general fluency. Of specific importance to young adults are the rules governing written language and the strategies necessary for purposeful reading and writing. At the same time, however, each individual student’s strengths and learning pace must be identified. Recent research has concluded that despite their difficulties, many adolescents with learning disabilities have a healthy self-concept and sense of selfworth—a noteworthy finding given that dyslexic individuals often rate their academic abilities and achievement lower than their normally achieving peers do. Research in this field has begun to indicate the efficacy of interventions

Dyslexia that provide structured reading and writing strategies for adolescents with dyslexia. But crucial to their success are the following additional factors: assistance with study skills such as planning and organizing, time set aside to check their work, extra time on written examinations, advocacy for accommodations on exams, and, finally, self-advocacy by parents, teachers, and the students themselves. Tami Katzir-Cohen See also Cognitive Development; Developmental Challenges; Intelligence; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabili-

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ties; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Standardized Tests; Thinking References and further reading International Dyslexia Association Web site at http://www.interdys.org Lerner, Janet. 1997. Learning Disabilities, 7th ed. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Lovett, Maureen. 1992. “Developmental Dyslexia.” Pp. 163–185 in Handbook of Neuropsychology, Vol. 7. Edited by Sydney J. Segalowitz. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Publishing. Shaywitz, Sally. 1998. “Dyslexia.” New England Journal of Medicine 338, no 5: 307–312. Wolf, Maryanne, and Patricia G. Bowers. 1999. “The Double-Deficit Hypothesis for the Developmental Dyslexias.” Journal of Educational Psychology 91, no. 3: 1–24.

E Eating Problems

pathological conditions and serious consequences. Note that obesity is excluded from the list of main eating disorders; the reason is that it is generally considered a medical condition rather than an emotionally based disorder—even though emotional factors may play a role in its development and maintenance.

The term eating problems refers to a pattern of abnormal attitudes and behaviors relating to food. Often such abnormalities begin with normal dieting practices that subsequently become severely disturbed. In the past, eating problems were most prevalent among middle- and upper-class Caucasian women living in Western cultures; today, however, such problems can be found in countries throughout the world, affecting males and females of all social classes and ethnicities. Females are nevertheless nine to ten times more likely than males to be diagnosed with an eating disorder. In the United States, an estimated 3 percent of young women suffer from one of the three main eating disorders; many more than that report subclinical eating and body disturbances. The onset of eating problems commonly occurs between early adolescence and early adulthood—a particularly vulnerable time for females, who are forming their identities in the context of a culture that stresses the presumed importance of beauty and slimness. The three main eating disorders are classified as anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder. Some individuals with eating problems do not fit these categories exactly; others exhibit symptoms that are not severe enough to be diagnosable but put the persons at risk for

Anorexia Nervosa Anorexia is defined as a loss of appetite, but, in actuality, anorexic individuals deny their appetite despite feelings of constant hunger. Anorexia nervosa is characterized by maintenance of a minimally normal body weight (i.e., less than 85 percent of expected weight), intense fear of gaining weight despite being underweight, disturbances in perceptions of body weight and shape, and loss of three consecutive menstrual cycles in postmenarcheal women (a condition known as amenorrhea). Research suggests that anorexics restrict food intake as a means of gaining control over some aspect of their lives in a world where they feel powerless. In addition to restricting their food intake, some anorexics engage in binge eating or purging behavior. Individuals with anorexia tend to deny that they have a serious problem, which makes it difficult for them to recover from their eating attitudes and behaviors. Anorexics become obsessed with the

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Eating Problems rate, vital organ damage, and sometimes even death. In fact, anorexia is associated with a higher annual mortality rate (i.e., 0.56 percent) than any other psychiatric disorder. This rate reflects deaths resulting from starvation, body chemistry imbalance, and suicide.

The three main eating disorders are classified as anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating. (Shirley Zeiberg)

notion of being thin, continuing to engage in weight-loss behaviors well after they have achieved their target body weight and shape. They often feel depressed, socially withdrawn, irritable, worthless, and unaccepted. It is common for anorexics to restrict their diets to a few foods and to exhibit unusual eating behaviors (e.g., cutting food into tiny pieces, taking small bites and chewing slowly, moving food around on the plate), excessive bodyshape and weight-estimation techniques (e.g., constant weighing and body measuring), and excessive exercise. These behaviors have serious consequences including lethargy, cold intolerance, dryness of skin, dull and brittle hair, slowed pulse

Bulimia Nervosa The most common eating disorder among young females is bulimia nervosa, which typically begins in late adolescence. This disorder involves repeated instances of binge eating—consuming large amounts of food in a short period of time—followed by inappropriate compensatory behaviors such as self-induced vomiting, fasting, misuse of laxatives or diuretics, and excessive exercise. The food eaten by bulimics usually consists of high-calorie substances such as sweets. Binges usually occur in secrecy and are characterized by a lack of control: Bulimics often feel as though they cannot stop eating. In fact, they usually continue eating until they feel uncomfortably and painfully full or until they are interrupted by the presence of others. Thus, a binge may last anywhere from several minutes to several hours. Bulimics tend to feel depressed, self-critical, and shameful after a binge. Accordingly, they engage in the compensatory behaviors noted earlier, as a means of preventing weight gain, relieving physical discomfort, and easing stress after the binge. In order to be diagnosed with full-blown bulimia nervosa, the individual must engage in binge eating and inappropriate compensatory behaviors twice a week for a period of three months. Although individuals with bulimia tend to be in the normal weight range, they may struggle with weight fluctuation. Compared to anorexics, they tend to

Eating Problems have a more accurate perception of body weight and shape (although they are similar to anorexics in basing their self-evaluations on this perception). They generally exhibit a more impulsive personality, which contributes to their addictive behavior. And they are more likely to acknowledge that they have a problem and thus more likely to seek help. Nevertheless, bulimics tend to feel isolated and alone, depressed, unattractive, unworthy, high strung, and unsatisfied with life. Given this distress, it is believed that individuals with bulimia use food as a means to satisfy their inner needs and purge as means of achieving temporary control. Bulimia can lead to physical complications such as fatigue, menstrual irregularity, dental problems, abdominal pain, and heart irregularities and failure. Binge Eating Binge eating is commonly referred to as compulsive overeating. Like bulimia nervosa, it is characterized by repeated episodes of uncontrolled food consumption; however, the binge eater does not make use of inappropriate compensatory behaviors. The binges may occur either in one setting or over long periods of snacking. Many binge eaters restrict their food intake throughout the day and are thus quite hungry in the evening. At that point they often break their diet and continue eating because they feel they have failed. Whereas many people occasionally engage in binge eating behaviors, the full-blown diagnosis of binge eating is reserved for those cases in which the individual exerts excessive amounts of time and energy bingeing, thinking about bingeing, and feeling powerless and out of control about food and her body. Binge eaters often have low selfesteem, find it difficult to express their

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feelings, appear content on the outside but feel alone and sad on the inside, and are insecure in their identities. Research suggests that their compulsive eating is a form of self-medication, that they binge in an attempt to deal with feelings of fatigue, anxiety, anger, isolation, pain, or boredom. Indeed, binges are often triggered by feelings of tension and anxiety, and they usually provide the individual with temporary freedom from these feelings. However, although binge eaters usually feel less tense after a binge, they also feel shameful and uncomfortable with their bodies—feelings that reinforce their general sense of negativity. Binge eaters are at risk for experiencing weight problems, becoming obese, and developing medical complications associated with obesity such as diabetes, hypertension, respiratory disease, and cancer. Obesity Obesity occurs when adipose tissue (fat) comprises a greater than normal percentage of total body weight. (The normal range is 20 to 25 percent.) The number of obese individuals in the Western world has dramatically increased since 1950. Today, an estimated one-third of the adult population is obese. Although genetic factors are implicated in obesity, this condition is also caused by consumption of excessive amounts of food in brief periods of time—as in binge eating. In fact, an estimated 25 to 46 percent of obese individuals report that they engage in binge eating behavior a minimum of twice a week. Many obese people also restrict their food intake during the day, consume large meals in the evening, and avoid physical activity in the interim. Individuals with obesity are at serious risk for hypertension, cardiovascular disease, and diabetes.

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Etiology of Eating Problems Eating disturbances may be understood as existing along a continuum of severity. With the exception of genetically predisposed obesity, these problems often begin with dieting as a means of controlling weight. Dieting can sometimes lead to eating attitudes and behaviors that are subclinical in the sense that the individual exhibits symptoms of an eating disorder that are not severe enough to warrant a diagnosis but are nevertheless dangerous. Subclinical eating problems that become more pathological often result in full-blown eating disorders. Although many eating problems begin with dieting, not all individuals who diet will develop eating problems. Thus, it is likely that other factors, such as heredity and environment, contribute to the development and maintenance of these problems. There is some evidence that disturbed eating attitudes and behaviors run in families, thus suggesting a genetic predisposition toward these problems. For example, families may transmit certain personality characteristics (e.g., impulsivity, overreaction to stress) or biochemical makeups that increase a person’s vulnerability to the development of eating problems. It is also likely, however, that other influences interact with genetic factors to predispose the individual to these disturbances. Given that eating problems are most common among adolescent females, it is important to understand the context in which they are embedded. One key aspect of this context is the obsession with fitness in Western cultures. And for women, being fit is often associated with thinness and beauty. For men, on the other hand, fitness is equated with muscularity and strength;

thus, males are less likely to be concerned with their weight or to engage in dieting behavior. Women are bombarded by media images of unrealistically slim females—images whose message seems to imply that success and thinness go hand in hand. This message poses an especially serious problem for adolescent females, who typically gain weight during puberty. In short, the adolescent female body undergoes normative developmental changes that contradict the images being portrayed, leading to distress at a time when teens are forming their identities. Accordingly, many young females begin dieting as a means of preventing this normal weight gain. As noted earlier, however, not every individual who diets develops eating problems. Other factors seem to play a role in increasing the vulnerability of some individuals to these problems. First, individuals with eating problems tend to exhibit certain personality characteristics. Some are people-pleasers who seek the approval of others and set unrealistically high expectations for themselves. Others, especially those with anorexic-like symptoms, tend to be persistent and orderly, to display extreme rigidity, and to exhibit overcontrol of their own emotions and intolerance of others’ emotions. Still others, including those with bulimic and binge eating symptoms, tend to display poor impulse control and emotional instability. A second factor concerns family interactions. Some individuals with eating problems come from families that inadvertently promote disturbed eating attitudes and behaviors by overemphasizing perfectionism, slenderness, youthfulness, and reliance on external sources for selfesteem. Others have families that lack empathy and nurturance and tend to be

Emancipated Minors overcontrolling, belittling, or blaming. Still others come from families whose members do not openly express their emotions and feelings and are thus prevented from learning to identify their own needs and emotions as well as discouraged from forming their own identities. Finally, some eating problems are triggered by significant life stressors. For example, researchers have suggested that in some cases there is a relationship between disordered eating and sexual abuse. In any case, it is likely that eating problems are affected by several contextual factors, and that their severity along the continuum is determined by the presence or absence of these factors. Treatment of Eating Problems Recovery from eating problems usually requires the support of some treatment modality. For individuals struggling with abnormal eating attitudes and behaviors, treatment provides a safe place to deal with and talk about their problems. Disturbed eating patterns are treatable, but the best prognosis is for individuals who seek treatment early. The treatment modalities available to people with eating problems include individual therapy, group therapy, family therapy, medication, nutritional counseling, support groups, and self-help groups. These in turn are provided by professionals such as psychiatrists, physicians, psychologists, social workers, dietitians, and pastoral counselors. Depending on the severity of the problem, some individuals may benefit from a combination of these treatment modalities. Treatment can occur in either an inpatient or outpatient setting. It is usually structured in such a way as to help individuals regulate food intake, monitor physical complications, and deal with and

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express feelings associated with their disturbed eating attitudes and behaviors. In order to identify appropriate treatment modalities, the individual is advised to contact a physician, school counselor, and/or mental health association. Other options such as the reference section in libraries, telephone books, and women’s organizations are useful resources as well. Anna Chaves See also Anxiety; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Image; Depression; Nutrition; Puberty: Physical Changes; SelfConsciousness References and further reading American Psychiatric Association. 1994. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Hsu, L. K. George. 1990. Eating Disorders. New York: Guilford Press. Lemberg, Raymond, and Leigh Cohn, eds. 1999. Eating Disorders: A Reference Sourcebook. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press. Pipher, Mary. 1994. Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls. New York: Ballantine Books.

Emancipated Minors Emancipated minors are children under the age of eighteen years who are legally independent from their parents, guardians, or custodians. The parents of emancipated minors no longer have the right to make decisions about or for these children, and no longer have the duty to provide financial or material support. Emancipated minors must be able to take care of themselves independently, and they are entitled to some—but not all—adult rights and privileges. There are three major reasons for which minors may choose to petition for emancipation: (1) to gain control over their own finances (as in the many well

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publicized cases of child stars who establish emancipation because they claim their parents have mishandled their earnings), (2) to escape an extremely difficult home life (for instance, a conflict-ridden situation that is intolerable for both the parents and themselves), and (3) to obtain independence, responsibility, and space. Laws concerning emancipation vary from state to state, but, in general, teenagers are considered emancipated when they turn eighteen, marry, or join the armed forces. Minors may also be emancipated through the legal system, through either a court order or some other legal means, depending on state regulations. In most states, minors must be at least sixteen to petition, although a few states allow children as young as fourteen to do so. Above all, minors must prove that they are capable of supporting themselves. Different laws apply in different states, but the granting of emancipation is generally based on the following criteria. First, the minors must show that they are able to manage their own finances (gained through a legal source of income) without depending on their parents. Second, they must demonstrate that they are able to live independently from their parents. (Some states require a separate residence; others allow emancipation of minors who live in their parents’ home but pay rent or otherwise show independence.) Third, they must establish that emancipation is in their best interest, and that failure to receive emancipation would be harmful (as in situations where the youth’s earnings are being mishandled by the parents). Although parents sometimes choose to seek emancipation for their own children, the law does not allow parents to emancipate a minor who is dependent

upon them for support. Increasingly, courts are hearing cases in which parents attempt to emancipate their children by proving that they are financially independent. Those parents who can convince the courts to grant emancipation no longer have to assume any financial responsibility for their children. Emancipation ends parents’ legal duty to support the minor; it also ends the parents’ right to make decisions about the minor’s residence, education, and healthcare, and to control the minor’s conduct. Although states’ laws vary, emancipation generally ensures a number of adult rights and responsibilities for emancipated minors. When emancipated, they have the right to live independently in their own home and the right to make their own financial, social, and educational decisions. They have the right to access their own earnings, though they can also be sued in their own name. They have the right to enter into binding contracts such as leases. And they can give informed consent for healthcare services. Although emancipation provides minors with many important adult rights, it does not provide them with access to all adult privileges. For example, emancipated minors are subject to numerous legal health and safety regulations that are dependent on age. If accused of a crime, they can be treated as an adult only under the same circumstances that apply to minors who are not emancipated. And like all individuals, they must be eighteen years old to vote and twenty-one years old to buy and consume alcohol. Generally, the law does not presume emancipation, even if a minor is living independently. Emancipation is usually established through legal procedures that

Emotional Abuse require clear and compelling evidence that emancipation is the best option. Although each state has its own specific procedures, minors or parents seeking emancipation of a minor must complete application forms and provide documented evidence. Key resources include public libraries, which can provide information on specific emancipation laws in individual states, and legal organizations for youth, which not only offer legal counseling and legal support but can also write letters of emancipation to healthcare providers, school administrators, and other adults. Assistance of this nature helps minors gain the right to consent to healthcare, the right to retain their own wages, and other privileges that are typically reserved for adults. Emancipation is not necessarily permanent. It is possible for a teenager to be emancipated for a period of time but then, due to changed circumstances, to once more become dependent on his or her parents, guardians, or custodians— again, depending on the laws in a given state. The circumstances that can change a minor’s emancipation status are as follows. First, minors who become emancipated by marrying may become dependent again if the marriage ends in divorce. Second, emancipated minors may again become dependent if they lose the ability to support themselves—for example, by losing a job. Third, in certain medical emergencies, minors may temporarily be declared emancipated for the purpose of consenting to medical procedures if their parents or guardians cannot be reached. Following the medical procedure, however, the minors are once again considered dependent. Fourth, as a result of the welfare reform bill passed in 1996, some states exclude public benefits such

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as Transitional Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) from being considered a source of income when a minor petitions for emancipation. And, fifth, a few states allow emancipation to be revoked if a minor later becomes dependent on public benefits. Finally, there is the question of how courts should handle cases when a minor has a child. Whereas most state emancipation laws do not address this question, some state laws include as a criterion the interests of the teen’s child, such as whether the minor is able to handle her personal affairs, whether emancipation is in the best interests of the minor’s family, and so on. Shireen Boulos Jessica Goldberg See also Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parenting Styles; Rights of Adolescents References and further reading Center for Law and Social Policy. 1999. Emancipated Teen Parents and the TANF Living Arrangement Rules. Washington, DC: Center for Law and Social Policy. Gardner, Chadwick N. 1994/1995. “Don’t Come Crying to Daddy! Emancipation of Minors: When Is a Parent ‘Free at Last’ from the Obligation of Child Support?” University of Louisville Journal of Family Law 33: 927–948. Laws of the Fifty States, District of Columbia and Puerto Rico Governing the Emancipation of Minors. 2000. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, Legal Information Institute. Retrieved on January 14, 2000, from the World Wide Web at http://www.law.cornell.edu

Emotional Abuse Emotional abuse, often referred to in child welfare literature as psychological abuse, has slowly gained societal attention

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Psychological harm from emotional abuse may occur after continuous verbal assaults or acts of caretaker rejection. (Hannah Gal/Corbis)

within the United States since the late 1980s. Society has been hesitant to recognize and identify the potential harm to children incurred from emotional abuse. Three primary reasons exist for the resistance. These include lack of a consensus definition for emotional abuse, the difficulty in proving that emotional abuse has occurred because of a lack of physical evidence, and the limited research that documents the harmful effects of emotional abuse. Definitions Defining what constitutes emotional abuse has been problematic because of

diverse cultural perspectives on acceptable and unacceptable parenting behavior. Consequently, many definitions exist. Emotional abuse can be acts of commission or omission. A comprehensive definition includes at least six categories of emotional abuse: (1) spurning (verbal attacks, humiliation, rejection), (2) terrorizing (making threats to seriously harm or kill), (3) observing family violence, (4) isolating (preventing child from interacting with peers, locking child within an enclosed area), (5) exploiting/corrupting (encouraging child to engage in antisocial or criminal behavior, encouraging child to use drugs or alcohol), and (6) denying emotional responsiveness (being psychologically unavailable to child, ignoring child’s attempts to interact with parents, refusal to engage child). Emotional abuse can also be communicating to children that they are worthless, unloved, and unwanted (Brassard, Hardy, and Hart, 1993). One key element of agreement amongst most definitions is that emotional abuse is typically a repeated pattern of behavior. Unlike some cases of physical and sexual abuse, emotional abuse is cumulative and takes place over a period of time. This is because most researchers and experts believe that psychological harm from emotional abuse occurs only after continuous verbal assaults or acts of caretaker rejection of children. Children are thought to be psychologically and emotionally resilient to occasional inappropriate verbal or nonverbal acts. Prevalence No precise measures exist that can accurately document the rate of emotional abuse. Documenting emotional abuse is so difficult because emotional abuse leaves no physical evidence. Second, it is

Emotional Abuse rarely defined as a single event, which means that there must be a recognizable pattern of caretaker abuse. Knowing how long and how frequently a specific pattern of emotional abuse has been present is a monumental task for child welfare caseworkers who are charged with determining if abuse has happened. Adding to the complexity in determining if emotional abuse has occurred is the fact that, in most states, proof of emotional or psychological harm to children can only be determined by a psychologist or a psychiatrist following a thorough assessment of the children. Because of the complexity and the ambiguity involved in caseworker decision making in emotional abuse, only 6 percent of child abuse and neglect cases substantiated nationally in 1997 were designated as emotional abuse. Although no comprehensive statistics are available, emotional abuse, according to recent research and professional experience, accompanies most cases of physical abuse and frequently is involved in cases of neglect. This means that some form of psychological mistreatment (spurning, terrorizing, isolation, humiliation, denying care and affection) typically occurs prior to, during, or after physical abuse. Many experts believe that the emotional abuse children experience has more long-term psychological consequences on children than acts of physical assault or neglect. Consequences The body most often heals from injury, but repeated verbal attacks on a child’s sense of self may influence the child’s thoughts and feelings for a lifetime. Self identify forms during childhood. A child’s developing sense of self is extremely vulnerable and heavily influenced by input from others. Parents or guardians have a

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major role in influencing children’s perception of self. Parental emotional abuse devalues children’s perceptions of themselves. As a consequence, children may feel inferior to others, lack feelings of competence, feel ashamed, and believe that they have nothing to offer others in relationships. They become fearful that others may see how inferior they are. Recent research studies reveal that emotionally abused children often suffer various short-term and long-term emotional, psychological, and behavioral consequences. The harmful effects of emotional abuse are most evident when the child is verbally assaulted frequently and over a long period of time. Further, because younger children have a less developed sense of self than older children, they are at greater risk of potential psychological, emotional, and social harm due to emotional abuse. Infants are at great risk of harm when parents or guardians spurn, isolate, or deny care and affection, because such parental actions threaten the attachment process. Secure attachment occurs when a child’s physical, emotional, and psychological needs are consistently met by their primary caretakers. As a result, children develop positive bonds with their primary caretakers and experience physical and psychological safety. If a parent does not meet an infant’s physical and psychological needs, several harmful consequences may result. Studies have documented a medical condition known as failure to thrive in infants and young children, in which children physically fail to grow for no medical reason. The primary cause appears to be psychological unavailability of the primary caretakers. Some research of ignored infants in institutions indicated that the infant mortality rate was very high because of

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the emotional deprivation. When failure to thrive children are placed in alternative environments (hospitals, foster homes, with relatives) they often gain weight rapidly and resume growth. However, even when failure to thrive infants physically recover, they have a higher incidence of temper tantrums at all ages, are delayed in social relations, engage in attentionseeking behaviors, and commit more acts of petty theft than peers (Pearl, 1996). Older children exposed to emotional abuse can also be seriously affected. Studies have documented that emotionally abused children are more likely than nonexposed children to engage in selfdestructive behaviors and antisocial and delinquent behaviors; they are also more often diagnosed with a psychiatric disorder. They may be delayed in several domains including language, cognitive functioning, and fine and gross motor skills. Low self-esteem is frequently observed along with relationship problems, behavior problems (e.g., aggression, social withdrawal), and eating or sleeping disorders. Emotionally abused children as they mature into adulthood may demonstrate signs of anxiety, depression, and dissociation. Dissociation occurs when a child or adult begins to think and/or feel separated from their body. Children who have received nurturing prior to the onset of the abuse or who have a positive significant relationship with another adult are less likely to experience psychological harm. Causes No single factor has been identified as causing emotional abuse. Several interacting factors appear to influence parental emotional abusive behavior. Approximately 10 percent of abusive parents are diagnosed as mentally ill. The

majority of abusive parents have difficulty coping with individual or social stress (in over 60 percent of all abuse cases), struggle in developing and maintaining social relationships, and are often socially isolated. In one study, emotionally abusive parents described themselves as having poor child management skills and being victims of some form of abuse or neglect themselves during childhood. Lack of knowledge about the importance of emotional responsiveness and psychological stimulation of children can contribute to emotional abuse. Substance abuse can also result in parents not being psychologically available to their children. This is highlighted by the fact that nationally up to 80 percent of all forms of child maltreatment in 1996 involved some form of substance abuse. Treatment The duration, intensity, and type of treatment for child victims of emotional abuse depend on the severity of the abuse, the age of the child, and the present family circumstances. Older children who did not experience abuse during their early years, who had or still have a positive attachment to a primary adult figure, and who did not experience emotional abuse in combination with other forms of maltreatment (physical abuse, neglect, sexual abuse) are most likely to overcome any subsequent psychological or emotional impairments. In contrast, children over five, who have attachment problems, are the most difficult to treat. The most critical element in healing the internal wounds of emotional abuse is the establishment of a trusting relationship with a nurturing adult. This is because children need to feel psychologically safe within a relationship in order

Emotions to develop positive attachments and high self-esteem. Optimally, this relationship occurs within children’s familial environments. Without at least one safe relationship with a primary adult, it is likely that the child will experience significant psychological, emotional, and behavioral problems; these problems may persist long after the abuse has stopped. Play therapy is often employed with children to bolster self-esteem, and to resolve attachment issues. Empowering the child through play has been found to increase self-esteem and self-efficacy. Filial therapy, in which the parent participates in the play therapy, is an effective method to rebuild attachments. Group therapy for emotionally abused children provides peer support, teaches social skills, and fosters the expression of emotions. Family therapy should be implemented only when parents are no longer engaged in active abuse, have apologized for their behavior, and want to build a positive relationship with the child. Individual therapy is recommend for the abuser, nonoffending parent, and child victim prior to the commencement of family therapy. James Henry Tom Luster See also Conflict and Stress; Emotions; Physical Abuse; Sexual Abuse References and further reading Brassard, Marla R., David B. Hardy, and Stuart N. Hart. 1993. “The Psychological Maltreatment Rating Scales.” Child Abuse and Neglect 17, no. 1: 715–729. Burnett, Bruce B. 1993. “The Psychological Abuse of Latency Age Children: A Survey.” Child Abuse and Neglect 17, no. 1: 441–454. Kent, Angela, and Glenn Waller. 1998. “The Impact of Childhood Emotional Abuse: An Extension of the Child

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Abuse and Trauma Scale.” Child Abuse and Neglect 22, no. 5: 393–399. Pearl, Peggy S. 1996. “Psychological Abuse.” Recognition of Child Abuse for the Mandated Reporter (pp. 120–146). St. Louis, MO: G. W. Medical Publishing. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on Children, Youth, and Families. 1999. Child Maltreatment 1997: Reports from the States to the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Emotions As children become adolescents they begin to experience a richer and more varied emotional life, including increased awareness of the causes, effects, and nuances of emotions. Emotions have both positive and negative aspects. On the one hand, they help people survive. Fear motivates them to get away from danger quickly, and anger makes them fight back to protect themselves or others. Likewise, love motivates them to give and receive support. On the other hand, emotions can be painful. Fear, anger, even love can be quite unpleasant. Rage can lead people to do things they later regret. Indeed, people can get so caught up in being angry—or having fun—that they fail to see that their actions are hurting others. Adolescence brings with it ample experience of these different sides of emotions. What are emotions? They encompass inner feelings, changes in facial expression and tone of voice, physiological changes such as increased heart rate and surges of adrenaline, and changes in how the mind thinks. For example, emotions can speed, slow, or focus a thought process. These different elements do not always correspond. Researchers have found that people can feel happy or

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unhappy in the absence of measurable physiological changes, that their smiles and frowns do not always match their inner feelings, and that they are not always aware of the emotions affecting their actions, as when a person indignantly shouts “I am not angry.” As noted, emotions also contribute to survival. Without them, humans and other mammals would have died out long ago. Charles Darwin observed that emotions such as fear and anger prepare animals for “fight or flight.” Indeed, the racing heart that comes with fear prepares them to run faster. And fear as well as anger take the mind off mundane things, such as what to eat for a snack, and direct all attention to dealing with the crisis at hand. More recently, scientists have recognized that still other emotions—such as love, jealousy, loneliness, and guilt—serve valuable social functions, working together as a system to motivate people to seek and maintain good relationships. Facial expressions of joy and anger communicate feelings to others, further contributing to the maintenance of good relationships. Adolescence has often been stereotyped as a period of emotionality and moodiness. Although scientific knowledge about adolescents’ emotions is limited, research in the last twenty years has begun to provide some basic findings. First, across all ages, most people experience positive emotions and moods more often than negative ones. The word moods usually refers to longer-lasting emotional states, especially in cases where the emotional state has no clear cause. Second, people vary widely in terms of their range of emotions, owing to experience and genetic differences in temperament. Thus, some adolescents are more deeply emotional than others,

just as some experience positive or negative emotions more frequently than others. Third, although boys and girls experience a similar range of emotions, boys are somewhat more likely to act out emotions and girls are somewhat more likely to turn them inward. Another finding is that, with age, adolescents become more knowledgeable about emotions—more aware of psychology. Whereas children do not see emotions as separate from the situation that caused them, adolescents come to understand that emotions can have a psychological life of their own, independent of the situation. Whereas children generally think people can experience only one emotion at a time, adolescents know that people can have many feelings at once. And whereas children are aware of only a few emotions—happy, sad, angry, afraid— adolescents experience a rich range of complex feelings including shame, disappointment, contentment, and bliss. Adolescents are also more aware of how emotions affect them—for example, how they change their thought processes. Are adolescents therefore more emotional than people of other ages? Research is beginning to suggest that, on average, adolescents experience negative emotions somewhat more often than children. Adolescents also have more extreme positive and negative emotions than adults: Compared to their parents, for example, they more often feel very happy and very unhappy. Of course, these generalizations don’t take individual differences into account; indeed, there are many adolescents who are less emotional than many adults. Moreover, these research findings relate only to the feeling of emotions; whether adolescents’ physiological states are different from those of adults and children is not known.

Emotions If adolescents are in fact more emotional, what causes this difference? One possibility is that adolescents experience more emotions, and feel them more deeply, because they are more knowledgeable and aware of emotions than they were as children. Second, evidence suggests that, contrary to common belief, adolescents’ emotionality is not strongly related to puberty—to “raging hormones.” In fact, it is related more to daily stress, which tends to increase with entry into adolescence. Third, adolescents’ stronger emotions may be related to the novelty in their lives—to the joy and sorrow of experiencing for the first time not just new freedoms but also the difficulties and limitations of the adult world. As noted earlier, emotions have both positive and negative aspects; the same is true of adolescents’ rich experience of them. Certainly there is much in emotional experience to be valued. Happiness, love, and other positive emotions are part of what makes life worth living. The psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi has found that the enjoyment of taking on challenges motivates adolescents (as well as adults) to climb mountains, paint pictures, and launch ambitious careers. Other psychologists, too, have recognized that emotions provide useful information. Anxiety, loneliness, or disgust can signal a situation that isn’t quite right, just as positive emotions can signal a good match. On the other hand, many psychologists urge people to be intelligent about emotions. In some cases, emotions can give the wrong information. People get angry and, later, are embarrassed to learn that they misunderstood the situation. Or they fall in love with someone they do not know because he or she looks nice, or

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because they have strong personal needs that have nothing to do with that person. In short, it is wise to pay attention to emotions, but also to be discriminating about the information they provide. When adolescents experience strong negative emotions, there are certain things they can do to cope—that is, to make themselves feel better. When possible, it is best simply to confront the situation that is causing the feeling and try to change it or get others to change it. In cases where the situation cannot be changed, however, it is best to soothe or reduce the negative emotions. Research suggests that getting involved in a distracting activity is often quite effective toward this end; conversely, use of drugs or alcohol to escape feelings generally does not work. Talking to parents, other adults, or friends can also help teens understand the situation and the negative feelings they are experiencing. However, spending long sessions talking about their feelings with someone who is also anxious or depressed can actually make their feelings worse. Adolescents who are experiencing negative emotions that do not go away should seek help from a professional such as a counselor, psychologist, or physician. Long-term feelings of sadness, worry, or anger may be signs of depression or some other psychological condition. Alternatively, they may be signs of a medical condition that can be treated with medications. Professionals are trained to identify what may lie behind a pattern of negative emotions. And research indicates that counseling, sometimes in combination with medication, is frequently effective in reducing adolescents’ distress. Reed Larson

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See also Developmental Challenges; Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of; Storm and Stress; Why Is There an Adolescence? References and further reading Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly. 1990. Flow: The Psychology of Optimal Experience. New York: Harper and Row. Larson, Reed, Gerald L. Clore, and Gretchen A. Wood. 1999. “The Emotions of Romantic Relationships: Do They Wreak Havoc on Adolescents?” Pp. 19–49 in Contemporary Perspectives in Adolescent Romantic Relationships. Edited by Wyndol Furman, B. Bradford Brown, and Candice Feiring. New York: Cambridge University Press. Lewis, Michael, and Jeannette M. Haviland, eds. 1993. The Handbook of Emotions. New York: Guilford Press. Saarni, Carolyn. 1999. The Development of Emotional Competence. New York: Guilford Press.

Empathy Empathy literally means the capacity to feel into another human being; in its fullest sense, it is a capacity that develops, or can develop, in adolescence, providing a balance to egocentrism, the inability to see the point of view and share the feelings of anyone else so common among adolescents. Empathy is crucial to the full development of the human capacity to relate to others. Humans are social animals. Because of their social nature, humans form many different groups, such as families, cultures, and friendship groups, that play important roles in their lives. Their social nature also means that human beings do not survive alone. And even if one does, in rare exceptional cases of the kind seen in Tarzan, development will be tremendously disrupted. Isolation plays an unquestionably detrimental role in a person’s development, especially in the

early stages, affecting in numerous negative ways the psychology and biology of the organism. In other words, people need other people for the purpose of survival, as well as for emotional and intellectual sharing. Empathy is hard to define, though it seems quite understandable at the intuitive level. It is something that allows people to understand and sympathize with each other. It also may be viewed as opposite to egocentrism, which is a person’s inability to see and take into consideration anybody but herself. There are two different views on empathy that stress different aspects of this ability. Some scholars see it as an emotion, somewhat similar to compassion, but with more emphasis on the ability to adjust to the emotional state of another person. From this point of view, empathy shares all the basic characteristics of emotions. That is, it has survival value (a human being does not survive alone), it is biologically rooted (there are parts of the brain designed especially for emotional processing), yet socialized, and socialized differently in different countries (for instance, in collectivist cultures, where peoples’ lives are closely interdependent, empathy would take a slightly different form than in the more individualistic Western cultures), it is interwoven with cognitive processes (what one feels depends on his cognitive appraisal of the situation), and it is experienced differently by different people, depending on individual differences in temperament and personality. For other scholars, viewing empathy as an emotion would be simplistic. These scholars consider empathy to be a complex ability, existing at two levels and containing an emotional response as only one of its components. The lower level

Empathy (simple empathy) is the ability to experience affective responses more appropriate to someone else’s situation than to one’s own. A common example is feeling sad when someone else is in pain. The higher level (complex empathy) is an ability to perceive objects and events from another’s point of view. Feeling sad when someone else is in pain is easier than really assessing events from his, not your, point of view. Complex empathy has three components: an affective component, a cognitive component, and a component that involves the ability to take on a role. The affective component of empathy is often referred to as empathetic emotion, or responsiveness. The cognitive component of empathy belongs to the sphere of social cognition. It is the ability to discriminate people’s emotional states and personality characteristics. Finally, the third component is the ability to assume another’s perspective and role, to really see things as another sees them. All three components are in constant interplay with each other. To better understand the mechanism of empathy, consider the following example: A child comes home after school and sees that his mother, who is usually excited to see him, now is distant, silent, not attentive to him, irritated, and ready to scold him for trivial things. At first, he may even become angry with her, but then he starts to think and understand that something must have happened. Then he notices that it has started snowing, and though for him snow usually means joy, snowballs, and playing in the snow with his dog, he also remembers that his mother always gets scared when it is snowing while his father is not home. Before he was born his father was in a serious accident during a heavy

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snowfall. Remembering this event helps the child to understand his mother, and he becomes sad, and a little scared, too, and does not go out to play in the snow until his father is safe at home. This example demonstrates the importance of the cognitive component in empathy, and it also suggests that empathy is not given at birth, but develops as the child grows and his cognitive structures become more complex. Martin Hoffman presented four stages in the development of empathy. The first one is global empathy, which he found in infants aged up to twelve months. Amazingly, even newborns are able to empathize at a very primitive level: They respond with crying when they hear another baby’s cry, and, later, they smile when somebody smiles at them. Yet this cannot be called true empathy, since at this age a child does not discriminate between herself and others. What is observed in newborns is more of an automatic matching of emotions in the infant’s homogenous, selfless world. In toddlers from one to three years, researchers observe what they call egocentric empathy. Children of this age already distinguish themselves from others, but can respond to events only as their developmental level would permit. In the above-mentioned example, it can be concluded that the child was older than three because at the age of three he might be distressed at his mother’s distress but would play in the snow anyway, not being able to understand his mother’s concerns. By the preadolescent years, a child may reach the stage of basic empathetic understanding and be able to partially match others’ feelings by understanding why people feel as they do, yet not be able to feel like them. It is only in adolescence,

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when all cognitive structures are (for the most part) developed, that one can really empathize with another, which means understanding, feeling, and seeing things from another’s perspective. This is an important transition, because it means that a teenager is becoming prepared to enter into complex emotional exchanges with other people, including family members, friends, and even strangers. For example, during adolescence young men and women often begin to devote themselves to groups that are larger than their immediate familial or social circle. These include political parties, social foundations, such as Amnesty International, and volunteer organizations. Involvement in these kinds of groups presupposes a teenager’s ability to want to see things through the eyes of a person who may be of another country, class, or religion. As Erik Erikson points out, empathy is also an important component of emotional intimacy, or the process of sharing aspects of oneself with another person whom one in turn seeks to understand. Without empathy, it would be difficult for teenagers to begin to form the kinds of close friendships and love relationships that provide a strong social network over their lifespan. Finally, although some say that adolescence is a time of differentiation from one’s family and the formation of an independent identity, empathy is a quality that helps a teenager to understand the motivations, feelings, and fears of their family members, even when they may at first seem unreasonable. This kind of interpersonal understanding is one of the keys to developing mature relationships throughout adolescence and adulthood. Janna Jilnina

See also Coping; Counseling; Emotions; Volunteerism References and further reading Duggan, Hayden A. 1978. A Second Chance: Empathy in Adolescent Development. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. Eisenberg, Nancy, ed. 1989. Empathy and Related Emotional Responses. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Erikson, Erik H. 1950. Childhood and Society. New York: Norton. Hoffman, Martin L. 1983. “Empathy, Guilt, and Social Cognition.” Pp. 1–52 in The Relationship between Social and Cognitive Development. Edited by Willis F. Overton. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Karniol, Rachel, Rivi Gabay, Yael Ochion, and Yeal Harari. 1998. “Is Gender or Gender-Role Orientation a Better Predictor of Empathy in Adolescence?” Sex Roles 39: 45–49. Strayer, Janet, and William Roberts. 1997. “Facial and Verbal Measure of Children’s Emotions and Empathy.” International Journal of Behavioral Development 20: 627–649. Tucker, Corinna J., Kimberly A. Updegraff, Susan M. McHale, and Ann C. Crouter. 1998. “Older Siblings as Socializers of Younger Siblings’ Empathy.” Journal of Early Adolescence [special issue: Prosocial and Moral Development in Early Adolescence, Pt. 2] 19: 176–198.

Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Employment has several positive implications for adolescent development. For instance, it appears to give adolescents a basis for new identities and new expectations of responsibility and independence from parents as well as a new, high status among peers. In addition, when working, adolescents encounter working peers and adults who can potentially provide new models of adult behavior and new reference groups.

Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Of course, these new groups can act as either good or bad influences on the adolescent. And employment can take time away from school, thereby diminishing the adolescent’s opportunity to participate in extracurricular activities or the time available for homework. Moreover, the kinds of employment opportunities that are most readily available to youth are the same work activities that have the most negative consequences for adults. That is, most youth work in the retail and service sectors, and are given jobs with high turnover, low pay, little authority, and low prestige. Adults in such jobs are often displeased not only by the work conditions involved but also by the fact that such positions entail simple, repetitive tasks (e.g., “flipping burgers”) that require very little or no special training or skills (e.g., “Here is the hamburger, flip it over when it is brown, don’t touch the hot stove”). Nevertheless, it is possible that even these tasks—though perhaps boring and undesirable to adults who, if they find themselves in such roles, feel that their future prospects are dim—may be new and challenging activities to a young person. Someone who has never worked outside the home and has never been asked to be productive for pay may be more excited by the opportunity to be involved in the world of work than displeased by the particular activities he or she finds available in this setting. Thus, employment exerts a range of possible positive and negative influences on adolescent development. The issue is not one of deciding whether work itself is beneficial but, rather, a matter of learning when, under what circumstances, work may have either a positive or a negative effect. Several major research projects have been conducted to determine

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the role of work in adolescent development. These studies allow us to address the question of work’s effects on adolescents. In one such study, Ellen Greenberger and Laurence D. Steinberg (1986) studied youth employment among students in four California high schools. The students reported, on the one hand, that their employment was associated with their being punctual, dependable, and personally responsible; among girls, employment was linked to reports of self-reliance. On the other hand, employed adolescents were more frequently late for school and engaged in more deviant behavior than was the case among nonemployed youth. Similarly, working students reported more school misconduct than did nonworking students; indeed, working a moderate number of hours was linked to the highest rates of school misconduct. Another major study of the implications of work for youth development involved a longitudinal assessment of approximately 1,000 adolescents in the ninth and tenth grades conducted by Jeylan Mortimer and colleagues (1994). For most of the adolescents in this study (about 90 percent), there was no formal association between school curriculum and work (e.g., these youth were not involved in a work-study program, and they did not receive credit for their work). Moreover, fewer than 20 percent of the adolescents reported that their jobs provided them with knowledge about topics studied in school or that their work experiences gave them information that they could contribute to class discussions. Consistent with the earlier research, this study found that working had some negative implications for the academic and personal development of youth. For

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instance, 43 percent of the students reported that working decreased the time available for their homework, and about half reported that simultaneously being a worker and a student was stressful. Moreover, students who worked at high intensity (i.e., twenty-five or more hours a week) engaged in more alcohol use. Yet many students also reported positive characteristics associated with working while still in high school. About 48 percent indicated that their job taught them the importance of obtaining a good education, and approximately a third reported that working had increased their ability to identify the courses in high school that they liked or did not like. In addition, about 36 percent of the students reported that what they learned at school facilitated their job performance. By the tenth grade, 42 percent of the boys and 52 percent of the girls were employed. Consistent with what was found when the students were in the ninth grade, the researchers observed no overall difference in tenth grade between working and nonworking students in terms of time spent in schoolwork, time devoted to extracurricular activities, or grade-point averages (GPAs). Nor was overall work status predictive of school behavior problems. On the contrary, employment at low intensity (fewer than twenty hours a week) was linked to lower dropout rates, and high school seniors who worked at moderate intensity (one to twenty hours a week) had higher grades than both nonworking students and students who worked more hours per week. In addition, there was no difference between working and nonworking students in their intrinsic motivation for school—that is, in the degree to which they wanted to do well in school because of internal standards of excellence and

personal values for achievement—as compared to wanting to achieve in school because such attainment was associated with rewards from parents, teachers, or society. Furthermore, the number of hours per week a student worked was not systematically related to such motivation. For instance, the highest degree of intrinsic motivation for school was exhibited by students of both sexes who worked relatively few hours a week (i.e., one to five hours), by girls who worked in excess of twenty-five hours a week, and by boys who worked either at very low levels (one to five hours a week) or relatively high ones (twenty-six to thirty hours a week). These findings suggest that there is no link between student employment— even when it takes place over many hours per week—and risk of poor school attitudes, diminished time devoted to homework, lessened involvement in extracurricular activities, or low school grades. In this study, there was evidence that young people could “do it all”—that they could maintain their involvement and achievement in school and participate in the workforce. Indeed, although work stress had a negative impact on the schoolwork of these youth, the quality of the work environment (e.g., the menial nature of the work roles assigned to the youth) was not associated with their GPAs or their participation in extracurricular activities. Work can also have a beneficial influence on behavior in particular settings. For instance, in a longitudinal study of rural Iowa youth between the seventh and tenth grades, Michael J. Shanahan and his colleagues found that earnings from paid labor, when spent on nonleisure activities, were associated with positive parent-adolescent relationships

Environmental Health Issues as well as more time spent with the family by the adolescent and less parental monitoring of the youth. Among girls, opportunities for skill development at work increased their intrinsic motivation for schoolwork. In addition, girls’ helpfulness at work increased their overall behavioral competence, which in turn furthered the girls’ tendencies to be helpful at work. In sum, work has beneficial effects on youth development in the areas of personal abilities, school performance, and family relations. In addition, the association between work and adolescent development appears to differ for males and females. Richard M. Lerner Jacqueline V. Lerner See also Career Development; Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents; Vocational Development; Work in Adolescence References and further reading Greenberger, Ellen, and Laurence D. Steinberg. 1986. When Teenagers Work: The Psychological and Social Cost of Adolescent Employment. New York: Basic Books. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. McKeachie, James, Sandra Lindsay, Sandy Hobbs, and M. Lavalette. 1996. “Adolescents’ Perceptions of the Role of Part-Time Work.” Adolescence 31, no. 121: 193–204. Mihalic, Sharon W., and Delbert Elliot. 1997. “Short- and Long-Term Consequences of Doing Work.” Youth and Society 28, no. 4: 464–498. Mortimer, Jeylan, Michael Shanahan, and Seong Ryu. 1994. “The Effects of Adolescent Employment on SchoolRelated Orientations and Behavior.” Pp. 304–326 in Adolescence in Context. Edited by R. Silbereisen and R. Todt. New York: Springer. Shanahan, Michael J., Glenn H. Elder Jr., Margaret Burchinal, and Rand D.

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Conger. 1996. “Adolescent Paid Labor and Relationships with Parents: Early Work-Family Linkages.” Child Development 67: 2183–2200.

Environmental Health Issues The protection of children and adolescents from the threat of toxicants in the environment has become a central issue for many communities. Although most children and adolescents in the United States are considerably better off in terms of health than their cohorts of previous generations for a variety of reasons including safer drinking water and improved nutrition, housing, medical care, and sanitary waste, they nevertheless face threats of environmental toxicants unknown to previous generations. In fact, they are potentially at risk from exposure to an estimated 15,000 synthetic, high-production chemicals, most of which did not exist fifty years ago. Some of these chemicals are found throughout the environment; others are contained in household products. Moreover, the exposure of children and adolescents to these chemicals is aggravated by poverty and inadequate access to healthcare. The historical contributions of modern medicine, including the triumphs of antibiotics and vaccines, in conjunction with the current threat of exposure to environmental chemicals and toxins, has created a new paradigm of childhood and adolescent health. Specifically, whereas the incidence of childhood diseases such as smallpox and diphtheria has substantially declined, the incidence of diseases of known or suspected toxic environmental origin has increased significantly. The following diseases and their environmental correlates are notable in this regard.

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The protection of children and adolescents from the threat of toxic chemicals in the environment has become a central issue for many communities. (Bob Krist/Corbis)

Asthma and Air Quality Each year more than 150,000 children and adolescents are hospitalized due to asthma, a disease that, in 1998, affected more than 5 million children and adolescents. The incidence of asthma is particularly uneven: The disease occurs more often in urban than in rural areas and more often among African American and Hispanic children and adolescents than among their Caucasian counterparts. Asthma is defined as a narrowing of air passages in the lungs that, in turn, produces breathing difficulty. Asthmatic attacks are typically brought on by “triggers” in children and adolescents who have either an acquired or genetic disposition to asthma. Primary triggers of asthma—including household dust mites

and airway irritants such as cigarette smoke and smog—set off a series of reactions that narrow the lung airways, producing such hallmark symptoms as coughing, wheezing, shortness of breath, and increased risk for respiratory infection. Asthma symptoms have also been linked to poor air quality, both indoors and outdoors. A major contributor to poor indoor air quality is environmental tobacco smoke (ETS), also known as secondhand smoke. According to the National Center for Environmental Health at the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), 43 percent of children between two months and eleven years of age live in a residence with at least one smoker (CDC, 1996). Outdoor air quality,

Environmental Health Issues meanwhile, is greatly affected by urban air pollution—another major factor in the incidence of asthma. Children and adolescents are especially vulnerable to the effects of air pollution because they typically spend more time outdoors than adults do (CDC, 1991; U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1997a). Environmental Factors in Childhood/Adolescent Cancers Each year in the United States approximately 8,000 children ranging from infancy to fifteen years of age are diagnosed with a type of cancer (Miller et al., 1993). Beyond the first year of life, cancers (in particular, leukemia and brain cancer) are the second leading cause of death in children under fifteen years of age, after accidents (Zahm and DeVesa, 1995). Although the death rate attributed to childhood cancers has declined, the actual incidence of new childhood cancers has increased dramatically since the 1970s. For example, between 1973 and 1994, the incidence of childhood brain cancer increased by 39.6 percent (DeVesa et al., 1995). The reasons for this increased incidence are not fully understood. Although improved diagnosis (through magnetic resonance imaging) and changes in diet may have influenced the outcome, the increase occurred too rapidly over a relatively short period of time (twenty-one years) to be explained entirely by, say, genetic factors, thus raising the specter of environmental factors such as carcinogens (substances that trigger the development of cancer). Examples of carcinogens implicated in childhood/adolescent cancers include environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) (U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1994; NIOSH, 1991), asbestos, and certain hazardous wastes and pesti-

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cides (NRC, 1993; Zahm and DeVesa, 1995). Hazardous wastes encompass a wide variety of organic chemicals and heavy metals such as lead, toxins to which children and adolescents may be exposed if they live or play near hazardous waste sites. And, indeed, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that as many as 4 million children and adolescents live within one mile of such sites. Developmental/Neurological Toxicity and Environmental Factors A significant environmental problem in the lives of children and adolescents is the impact of neurotoxins on the brain and nervous system. These substances can affect attentional skills, language, even overall intelligence (Needleman, Schell, and Bellinger, 1990). Whereas neurotoxins such as lead, PCBs, and dioxins may have only a temporary ill effect on adult brains, they can result in enduring damage to the incompletely developed brains of children (NRC, 1993; Needleman and Gatsonis, 1990). Consider, for example, the clearly harmful effect of lead ingestion on young children under six, particularly those who live in older homes with peeling lead paint as well as lead contaminated dust. Children and adolescents can also be exposed to lead by drinking contaminated water (from lead plumbing in older homes), breathing air from nearby industrial facilities, or living or playing too close to hazardous waste sites. Endocrine Problems, Sexual Disorders, and Environmental Factors Increasing evidence suggests that a variety of organic chemicals have been introduced into the environment and that these chemicals have had adverse effects on bodily functions—specifically, by

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disrupting the endocrine system. Most of these effects (sexual abnormalities and reproductive dysfunctions) have been found in animals in the wild; yet to be determined is the impact on human beings. Current research is focusing on the relationship between endocrine disruptions in cancer, reproductive and developmental disorders, and neurological and immunological problems, as there is clear reason for concern—especially with respect to children and adolescents (Kavlock and Ankley, 1996; U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1997b). As noted, many traditional diseases of childhood and adolescence have been contained or eliminated by means of vaccines or antibiotics. By a similar token, diseases resulting from environmental exposure are preventable (Landrigan, 1992): Toxic environmental diseases that occur because of human activity can be substantially reduced or avoided by modifying that activity. Perhaps the signal example of this principle of environmental modification in recent years was the dramatic reduction in child blood-lead levels that occurred following the removal of lead from gasoline (Schwartz, 1994). Lawrence B. Schiamberg

See also Cigarette Smoking; Health Promotion References and further reading Centers for Disease Control (CDC). 1991. “Children at Risk from Ozone Air Pollution in the United States.” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 44: 309–312. ———. 1996. Exposure to Second-Hand Smoke Widespread. Centers for Disease Control (April). DeVesa, S. S., W. J. Blot, B. J. Sonte, B. A. Miller, R. E. Tarove, and J. F. Fraumeni Jr. 1995. “Recent Cancer Trends in the United States.” Journal of the National Cancer Institute 87: 175–182.

Kavlock, R. J., and G. T. Ankley. 1996. “A Perspective on the Risk Assessment Process for Endocrine-Disruptive Effects on Wildlife and Human Health.” Risk Analysis 16: 731–739. Landrigan, P. J. 1992. “Commentary: Environmental Disease—A Preventable Epidemic.” American Journal of Public Health 82: 941–943. Miller, B. A., L.A.G. Ries, F. R. Hankey, F. L. Kosary, A. Harras, S. S. DeVesa, and B. K. Edwards, eds. 1993. “SEER Cancer Statistics Review: 1973–1990.” NIH Publication Number 93-2789. Bethesda, MD: National Cancer Institute. National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). 1991. Current Intelligence Bulletin 54: Environmental Tobacco Smoke in the Workplace. National Research Council (NRC). 1993. Pesticides in the Diets of Infants and Children. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Needleman, H. L., and C. A. Gatsonis. 1990. “Low-Level Lead Exposure and the IQ of Children: A Meta-Analysis of Modern Studies.” Journal of American Medical Association 263: 673–678. Needleman, H. L., A. Schell, and D. Bellinger. 1990. “The Long-Term Effects of Exposure to Low Doses of Lead in Childhood: 11-Year Follow-Up Report.” New England Journal of Medicine 322: 83–88. Schwartz, J. 1994. “Societal Benefits of Reducing Lead Exposure.” Environmental Resources 66: 105–124. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. 1994. Indoor Air Pollution: An Introduction for Health Professionals, GPO No. 1994-523-217/81322. Compiled by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the American Lung Association, the Consumer Product Safety Commission, and the American Medical Association. ———. 1997a. Criteria Pollutants (Greenbook): National Ambient Air Quality Standards. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Air and Radiation. ———. 1997b. Special Report on Endrocrine Disruption: An Effects Assessment and Analysis, Publication No. EPA 630-R-96-012. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Research and Development.

Ethnic Identity Zahm, S. H., and S. S. DeVesa. 1995. “Childhood Cancer: Overview of Incidence Trends and Environmental Carcinogens.” Environmental Health Perspectives 103 (Supplement 6): 177–184.

Ethnic Identity Adolescence is a time when young people first begin to think seriously about such questions as “Who am I?” and “Who do I want to be?” These are important questions regarding identity, which has many facets. And, indeed, a key process of adolescence is exploring the possibilities for each of these facets and beginning to integrate them into an overall sense of self. One can speak of social identity, political identity, religious identity, sexual identity, and so on. But ethnic identity refers to that facet of the self that is derived from membership in a particular ethnic group. Some individuals emphasize the feelings and attitudes associated with membership in a group, whereas others emphasize such aspects as language, styles of interaction, values, and knowledge of history and tradition. Still others see ethnic identity as a combination of these factors—how they feel about being a member of a particular ethnic group and what they know about that group. Research indicates that adolescents who have a strong sense of ethnic pride tend also to exhibit higher rates of self-esteem and self-evaluation, more positive family and peer relations, and a greater sense of mastery over their lives and environment (Phinney and Alipuria, 1990). The process of exploring identity during adolescence is tied to various aspects of cognitive, social, and emotional development. As adolescents mature cognitively, what they think about and how they

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think begin to change. Increasing cognitive maturity leads them to question, evaluate, and often challenge the nature and quality of relationships, political issues, societal beliefs, religious beliefs, cultural values, and the “way things are” in general. Some of the beliefs and values they learned during childhood are reclaimed as their own; others are rejected. Knowing what to retain and what to reject requires exploration of the possibilities that exist both within and beyond what they already know. Exploration and experimentation enable adolescents to make later commitments not only to values and beliefs but also to educational and career goals. It is important, however, that these commitments and goals be self-chosen rather than merely accepted without question or reflection from adults, peers, or wider society. The latter years of high school and the first years of college comprise a particularly important period of exploration. The college experience, in particular, opens a new world of possibilities with regard to education, career aspirations, and relationships. Another aspect of cognitive development involves adolescents’ growing capacity for introspection—for thinking about their own thoughts and feelings. Introspection, in combination with all the changes that occur during puberty, often leads adolescents to see themselves as the focus of other people’s attention and interest and to feel as though “everyone” is looking at them (Elkind and Bowen, 1979). This aspect of cognitive development is related to both the social and emotional aspects of identity development. Indeed, it is during adolescence that time and attention are increasingly directed away from family and toward peers, who in turn take on considerable

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For some adolescents, exploring their ethnic identity is an important part of exploring their sense of self. (Dean Wong/Corbis)

importance for adolescents such that it matters what others think and say about them. Peer pressure and the tendency to conform are tied to this sensitivity to peer evaluation, resulting in a need to “fit in” and to possess a sense of belonging. This need is evident, for example, in the tendency of adolescents to dress and speak similarly to one another. For some adolescents, exploring their ethnic identity is somewhat like exploring their sense of self. However, for others, particularly those from ethnic minority groups and low socioeconomic backgrounds, there are obstacles that make the process more difficult. Specifically, some adolescents experience a conflict between the values and preferences modeled by their ethnic group

and those encouraged by the dominant culture. Feeling caught in the middle leaves them feeling forced to choose one culture and to reject the other. This “either-or” dilemma can lead to fragmentation as opposed to integration. Differences in skin tone, native language, religious practices, food preferences, celebration of holidays, and so on, can set these minority youth apart from their majority-group peers at a time when, as noted, fitting in and a sense of belonging are extremely important. The strain is worsened when the adolescents encounter prejudice or discrimination. Exploration of educational and career possibilities is a critical step in developing a sense of self, but prejudice and discrimination can limit minority adoles-

Ethnocentrism cents’ opportunities to explore these possibilities. This hardship especially affects teens from low socioeconomic backgrounds; for these young people, the period of exploration is often cut short by the need to take on adult roles and responsibilities, such as a full-time job, before or immediately following graduation from high school. Many adolescents who experience or perceive the opportunity structure as inaccessible do not even attempt exploration (Ogbu, 1990). For example, one study has found that African American adolescents have occupational aspirations as high as those of white adolescents but significantly lower expectations of realizing these aspirations (Baly, 1989). Lowered expectations of achieving one’s goals and dreams can, in turn, reduce the motivation to explore and pursue the means of achieving them. Ethnic identity is indeed part of selfidentity. The process of developing a sense of self neither begins nor ends with the adolescent period; however, it is important for adolescents, in particular, to be able to explore, reflect upon, and select from among the values, beliefs, and practices of both their ethnic group and the dominant culture in order to arrive at a self-chosen set of values and beliefs. Toward this end, schools and communities need to provide young people with a variety of opportunities to explore who they are and who they want to become. Imma De Stefanis

See also African American Adolescents, Identity in; African American Adolescents, Research on; African American Male Adolescents; Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts; Asian American Adolescents:

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Issues Influencing Identity; Chicana/o Adolescents; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Latina/o Adolescents; Racial Discrimination; White and American: A Matter of Privilege? References and further reading Baly, Iris. 1989. “Career and Vocational Development of Black Youth.” Pp. 249–265 in Black Adolescents. Edited by Reginald Jones. Berkeley, CA: Cobb and Henry Publishers. Elkind, David, and Robert Bowen. 1979. “Imaginary Audience Behavior in Children and Adolescents.” Developmental Review 15: 33–44. Ogbu, John. 1990. “Minority Education in Comparative Perspective.” Journal of Negro Education 59: 45–57. Phinney, Jean S., and Linda L. Alipuria. 1990. “Ethnic Identity in College Students from Four Ethnic Groups.” Journal of Adolescence 13: 171–183.

Ethnocentrism Ethnocentrism is the belief that one’s own group is inherently superior to other groups, suggesting that one’s own group is dominant and represents the standard against which all others are judged. In signifying the supremacy of one’s own people and their ways of doing things, this belief suggests an overestimated preference for one’s own group and the concomitant undervalued assessment of or aversion toward other groups (Cornell and Hartmann, 1998; Levine and Campbell, 1992). In essence, then, ethnocentrism reflects not only how people view themselves but also how they interact with others. The implication is that negative attitudes toward others originate from a need to preserve self-esteem by projecting one’s own negative traits onto others. Note that fervent liking for one’s own group is not necessarily associated with disdain of other groups; indeed, a related concept—cultural relativity— implies an appreciation for one’s group

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and the simultaneous valuing of other cultures and groups. Positive identification with one’s reference group during adolescence, however, appears to serve as a protector or buffer against the stress often associated with groups of marginalized status. The role of ethnocentrism in the life of ethnic groups incorporates not only social and psychological functions but also distinctive strategies related to the adaptive processes that arise when such groups come into contact with other groups. For these reasons it has long attracted the attention of social scientists and other professionals interested in the interactions and mutual influences among ethnic groups. As an aspect of the adolescent’s self-concept, social identity derives from membership in a group together with the value and emotional importance attached to this membership. Indeed, the phenomenon of ethnocentrism is inherently linked to the formation of attitudes. Positive aspects of the adolescent’s group are strongly emphasized, whereas features and members of other groups are judged in terms of standards that are applicable only to the adolescent’s group and, hence, are often denigrated. An easy rejection of the unfamiliar is characteristic of ethnocentrism, which therefore makes it a component of prejudice (Perreault and Bourhis, 1999). The most fundamental task of development during adolescence is achieving a sense of identity. Ethnic identity becomes increasingly ethnocentric during the adolescent and young adult years. The development of an identity or a clear sense of self stems from several sources, including gender, class, and ethnic group membership. Ethnic group membership and ethnic identity themes are important in societies that are heterogeneous in

composition and have a history of significant intergroup tensions; consider, for example, the experiences of Native Americans and African Americans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Identity development occurs in multiple contexts, including community, school, family, and peer relationships. Adolescents must make transitions between these contexts and find ways to integrate their various experiences within each of them. If the contexts are incompatible, however, these transitions can be stress-provoking experiences (Phelan, Davidson, and Cao, 1991). Parental involvement in the ethnic socialization of its children varies significantly and has important implications for ethnocentrism. Adolescents are vulnerable since all aspects of social identity processes undergo abrupt revisions during the physical and psychological changes characteristic of this period. They become increasingly aware of their group membership and the expectations, privileges, restraints, and social responsibilities that accompany that membership. The promotion of mental health among minority youth is strengthened when cultural heritage is actively and continuously emphasized as a means of encouraging self-acceptance, particularly within a culturally insensitive environment. It provides the youth with abilities required to adapt to his or her social status and enhances positive feelings and evaluations of the self. These strategies, though perhaps protective for minority group members functioning in a larger and dominant culture, do not account for the role of ethnocentrism among majority group members—a role that often exacerbates perceptions of privilege and power in intergroup interactions. Mobilization of culture and shared historical tradition often parallel increased

Ethnocentrism economic competition and downward mobility. Political insecurity, status anxieties, and doubts about individual identity are translated into a loss of collective worthiness. Ethnocentrism offers assurance of restored dignity and extinguished humiliation, according to specific group histories. Racism is not a necessary ingredient of ethnocentrism, but ethnocentrism, and exclusion of others, usually accompanies the construction of boundaries between “us” and “them.” By adolescence, minority youth have developed an awareness of majority values and standards of competence. They can begin to integrate their experiences with future expectations, based on their own values and those of the majority culture. Since awareness of stereotypes and group membership has also developed by this time, it plays a key role in identity formation. For most adolescents, the contextual stressors associated with the effects of stereotypes are coupled with normative developmental stressors such as family and independence issues, sex role definition, physical maturation, and desire to display competence (Swanson, Spencer, and Peterson, 1998). Dena Phillips Swanson

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See also Autonomy; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Peer Groups; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Self; SelfConsciousness; Self-Esteem; Transition to Young Adulthood References and further reading Cornell, S., and D. Hartmann 1998. Ethnicity and Race. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. Levine, R., and D. Campbell. 1992. Ethnocentrism: Theories of Conflict, Ethnic Attitudes and Group Behavior. New York: John Wiley. Perreault, Stephanie, and Richard Y. Bourhis. 1999. “Ethnocentrism, Social Identification, and Discrimination.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 25: 92–103. Phelan, P., A. L. Davidson, and H. T. Cao. 1991. “Students’ Multiple Worlds: Negotiating the Boundaries of Family, Peer, and School Cultures.” Anthropology and Education Quarterly 22: 224–250. Rotheram-Borus, M. J. 1990. “Adolescents’ Reference-Group Choices, Self-Esteem, and Adjustment.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59: 1075–1081. Swanson, Dena P., Margaret B. Spencer, and Anne Petersen. 1998. “Identity Formation in Adolescence.” Pp. 18–41 in The Adolescent Years: Social Influences and Educational Challenges. Edited by Kathy Borman and B. Schneider. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

F Family Composition: Realities and Myths

in Western society during preceding centuries. In any year since 1940, fewer than 10 percent of children in two-parent families and fewer than 30 percent of children in one-parent families had a grandparent in the home. Why have there been so few extended families? Historically, few persons lived to old age. Between 1900 and 1930, for example, only 5 percent of Americans were sixty-five years or older, and the ratio of adults under sixty-four to elderly adults was more than 10 to 1 (Hernandez, 1996b). Even if all these elderly adults had lived with their children and grandchildren, few households would include grandparents. It was also historically the case that a parent surviving to old age would have had many children but could live in the home of only one adult child at a time. Today, by contrast, many persons live to old age, and social security pensions and other government programs allow most elderly people to maintain independent households (Treas and Torrecilha, 1995).

Adolescents in the United States have been viewed as experiencing four revolutionary changes in family composition during the past 150 years. Two of these changes occurred; two did not. First is the mythical shift from extended-family households with grandparents, parents, and siblings in the home to nuclear-family households with parents and siblings only. Second is the real shift from living mainly in large families with many children to small families with few children. Third is the real shift from homemaker mothers to breadwinner mothers. Fourth is the mythical shift from living mainly in “Ozzie and Harriet” families to living in other family situations. The reasons for the changes that did occur, and those for the lack of change, have emerged only recently. Extended Families Historical findings indicate that U.S. communities during the second half of the nineteenth century and, in fact, all European societies during the past 300 years included few households that consisted of three-generation extended families (Hareven and Vinovskis, 1978). Hence, the limited experience of American adolescents with extended-family living during the twentieth century is a continuation of the experience of adolescents

Large Families Among adolescents born in 1865, 82 percent lived in families with five children or more, but this figure fell to only 30 percent for those born in 1930 as the proportion in families with one to four children jumped from 18 to 70 percent. Hence, the median number of siblings in the families

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of adolescents (including the adolescents themselves) dropped by almost twothirds, from 7.3 siblings to only 2.6 siblings per family (Hernandez, 1993). During the post–World War II baby boom, the median increased slightly to 3.4 siblings but then declined to 2.0 or a bit less for adolescents born since the 1980s. What accounts for this revolutionary drop in family size between the mid–nineteenth and mid–twentieth centuries? For an explanation, two additional revolutionary changes need to be cited. First, between 1830 and 1930, the proportion of children living in farm families dropped from 70 to 30 percent, whereas the proportion living in nonfarm, father-as-breadwinner, mother-ashomemaker families jumped from 15 to 55 percent. The shift from farming to urban occupations became increasingly necessary for improved economic status, because urban occupations increasingly provided higher incomes than farming (Hernandez, 1993). Second, between 1870 and 1940, school enrollment rates jumped sharply from about 50 percent for children aged five to nineteen to 95 percent for children aged seven to thirteen and to 79 percent for children aged fourteen to seventeen. Moreover, among enrolled students the number of days spent in school doubled from 21 percent of the year as of 1870 to 42 percent of the year as of 1940. The reasons for this enormous expansion in schooling include not only compulsory education laws but also efforts by the labor unions to ensure jobs for adults (mainly fathers) and by the child welfare movement to obtain the passage of child labor laws protecting children from unsafe and unfair working conditions. In addition, as time passed, high educational attainment became increasingly neces-

sary to obtain jobs with higher incomes and prestige, thus encouraging parents to foster more schooling for their children (Hernandez, 1993). Why, in this historical context, did parents drastically restrict their childbearing? The shift from farming to urban occupations meant that housing, food, clothing, and other necessities had to be purchased with cash, making the costs of supporting each additional child increasingly difficult to bear, while the potential economic contributions that children could make to their parents and families was sharply reduced by child labor and compulsory education laws. As economic growth led to concomitant increases in the quality and quantity of available consumer products and services, expected consumption standards rose, and individuals were required to spend more money simply to maintain the new “normal” standard of living. Hence, the costs of supporting each additional child at a “normal” level increased as time passed. At the same time, newly available goods and services began competing with children for parental time and money. Indeed, each additional child born into a family not only required additional financial support and made additional demands on parents’ time and attention but also reduced the time and money that parents could devote to their own work as well as to recreation and older children. As a result, more and more parents limited their family size to a comparatively small number of children. In this way, available income could be spread less thinly. Mother-Only Families A revolutionary increase occurred among mother-only families from only 6 to 8

Family Composition: Realities and Myths percent in 1940–1960 to 20 percent in 1990 and to 24 percent in 1995. Although separation and divorce accounted for most of this historic change, out-of-wedlock childbearing became increasingly significant (Hernandez, 1993 and 1996a). Between the 1860s and the 1960s, a remarkably steady eightfold increase occurred in the divorce rate. Preindustrial farm life compelled the economic interdependence of husbands and wives; fathers and mothers had to work together to maintain the family. But with a nonfarm job, the father could, if he desired, depend solely on his own work for income, leaving his family but taking his income with him. Also, upon moving to urban areas, husbands and wives left behind the rural small-town social controls that censured divorce. After 1940, the massive increase in mothers’ employment outside the home provided independent incomes that further facilitated divorce. By 1999, among adolescents living with their mothers, 78 percent had a mother who was employed during the past year, and 46 percent had a mother who was employed full-time yearround. During the same period, economic insecurity and need associated with erratic or limited employment prospects contributed to increases in divorce rates and out-of-wedlock childbearing. Regarding divorce, Glen Elder and his colleagues (Liker and Elder, 1983; Conger et al., 1990; Elder et al., 1992) have shown that instability in husbands’ work, drops in family income, and a low ratio of family income to family needs have led to increased hostility between husbands and wives, decreased marital quality, and increased risk of divorce. Given that 70 percent of the increase in mother-only white families between 1960 and 1988 can be accounted for by the rise in sepa-

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ration and divorce, these three factors may account for much of the rise in mother-only families for white children during these decades. Between 1940 and 1960, the proportion of black children living in a mother-only family with a divorced or separated mother increased to a greater extent than that of white children living in these circumstances. Since 1970, the same has been true of black children in mother-only families with a never-married mother. The factors leading to increased separation and divorce among whites were also important for blacks, but the startling drop in the proportion of blacks living on farms between 1940 and 1960—from 44 percent in 1940 to only 11 percent in 1960—as well as the extraordinary economic pressures and hardships faced by black families may account for the much higher proportion of black children than white children who lived in mother-only families (Hernandez, 1993). Joblessness is yet another factor affecting family composition. Drawing upon the work of William Julius Wilson (1987), Donald Hernandez (1993) calculated that the extent to which joblessness among young black men aged sixteen to twentyfour exceeded joblessness among young white men in the same age group expanded from almost none in 1955 to 15 to 25 percentage points by 1975–1989. Faced with this large and rapid reduction in the availability of black men during the main family-building ages who might provide significant support to a family, many young black women appear to have decided to forgo a temporary and unrewarding marriage—in fact, a marriage in which a jobless or poorly paid husband might have acted as a financial drain. In summary, the revolutionary increase in mother-only families has been driven

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by the increasing economic independence of husbands and then of wives, and the increasing economic insecurity leading to increasing divorce and, more recently, out-of-wedlock childbearing. “Ozzie and Harriet” Families In the 1950s, the U.S. television series known as Ozzie and Harriet portrayed an idealized urban American family in which the father was a full-time yearround worker, the mother was a full-time homemaker without a paid job, and all the children were born after the parents’ one and only marriage. It is commonly assumed that most children lived in “Ozzie and Harriet” families in the 1950s, and that these families were subsequently replaced by dual-earner and mother-only families owing to changes in the economy and in family values. Yet statistics developed to estimate the proportion of children living in such families show that, since at least the Great Depression, the majority of children have never lived in such families (Hernandez, 1993). In 1940, by the time they had reached the age of seventeen, fewer than one-third of adolescents, or 31 percent, lived in “Ozzie and Harriet” families—a figure that had declined to only 15 percent in 1980. Since at least the Great Depression, among children and adolescents of all ages, the mid-twentieth-century ideal of family living has been a myth. In what sense is this a myth? The answer is twofold. First, as of 1940, fully 40 percent of children lived with fathers who did not work full-time year-round; moreover, despite subsequent declines in this proportion, at least one-fifth of children during each post–World War II year lived with a father who worked less than full-time year-round. These proportions were only slightly lower among seven-

teen-year-olds than among children in general. Second, since 1940, children have experienced a revolutionary increase in mother’s employment. Even between 1940 and 1960, however, about 30 percent of children did not live in two-parent families with both parents married only once and all the children born after the parents’ marriage—partly because historic increases in divorce were simply counterbalancing historic declines in parents’ death rates between 1860 and 1960 (Hernandez, 1993). Hence, both historically and today, large proportions of adolescents spend at least part of their childhood with fewer than two parents in the home, owing to their parents’ death, divorce, or out-of-wedlock childbearing. Among white children born between 1920 and 1960, for example, a large minority—28 to 34 percent—had, by age seventeen, spent part of their childhood living with fewer than two parents—a proportion unchanged since the late 1800s. In turn, among black children born between 1920 and 1960, an enormous proportion—55 to 60 percent—had, by age seventeen, spent part of their childhood living with fewer than two parents. This proportion, too, had remained roughly the same since the late 1800s. Projections indicate that these proportions will rise for white and black children to about 50 and 80 percent, respectively. Donald J. Hernandez See also Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Fathers and Adolescents; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships; Mothers and Adolescents; Sibling Relationships; Single Parenthood and Low Achievement References and further reading Conger, Rand D., Glen H. Elder Jr., F. O. Lorenz, K. J. Conger, R. L. Simmons, L. B. Whitbeck, J. Huck, and J. N.

Family Relations Melby. 1990. “Linking Economic Hardship and Marital Quality and Instability.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 52: 643–656. Elder, Glen H., Rand D. Conger, E. Michael Foster, and Monika Ardelt. 1992. “Families under Economic Pressure.” Journal of Family Issues 13: 5–37. Hareven, Tamara K., and Maris A. Vinovskis, eds. 1978. Family and Population in Nineteenth-Century America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Hernandez, Donald J. 1993. America’s Children: Resources from Family, Government, and the Economy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ———. 1996a. “Child Development and Social Demography of Childhood.” Child Development 68, no. 1: 149–169. ———. 1996b. “Population Change and the Family Environment of Children.” Pp. 231–342 in Trends in the WellBeing of Children and Youth: 1996. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Liker, J. K., and Glen H. Elder Jr. 1983. “Economic Hardship and Marital Relations in the 1930s.” American Sociological Review 48: 343–359. Treas, Judith, and Ramon Torrecilha. 1995. “The Older Population.” Pp. 47–92 in State of the Union: America in the 1990s. Vol. 2, Social Trends. Edited by Reynolds Farley. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Wilson, William Julius. 1987. The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Family Relations Adolescence is a transitional developmental period between childhood and adulthood that is characterized by numerous biological, cognitive, and social role changes. These primary changes promote secondary changes (e.g., autonomy, attachment, sexuality, intimacy, achievement, and identity) through the contexts

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of adolescence. A key context is that of family relations. Biological, Cognitive, and Social Role Changes in Adolescence Adolescence is a time of great physical growth and change. Males experience changes in body proportions, voice, body hair, strength, and coordination, whereas females experience changes in body proportions, body hair, and menarcheal status. It is important to recognize that the peak of pubertal development occurs two years earlier in the average female than in the average male. There are also considerable variations between individuals in the time of onset, duration, and termination of puberty. The cognitive changes in adolescence are less overt and harder to identify than the physical changes, but they are no less dramatic. Piaget identified adolescence as the period of formal operational thinking. Adolescents who have reached this stage can think in more abstract, complex, and hypothetical ways. They are able to explore a range of options during the process of making decisions and think realistically about their future. Changes in social role definition during adolescence vary significantly across cultures. In Western societies, these changes occur across four domains: interpersonal (adolescents now have increased power within the family), economic (adolescents are allowed to work and earn money), legal (late adolescents can be tried in the adult legal system), and political (late adolescents can vote in elections). Adolescents also obtain the rights to drive and get married. Transformation in Family Relations The primary changes of adolescence lead to a period of transformation in family

The changes of adolescence lead to a period of transformation in family relations. (Skjold Photographs)

Family Relations relations. Shortly after the onset of puberty, a temporary disruption in relations characterized by increased emotional distance and conflict occurs between parents and adolescents. Scholars who have written about adolescence from a psychoanalytic perspective have viewed the adolescent developmental period as a time of storm and stress during which extreme levels of conflict result in a reorientation toward peers. However, recent research involving representative samples of adolescents has not supported these notions. There is a moderate increase in conflict between parents and adolescents, but these conflicts are usually over mundane issues such as household chores, school responsibilities, and curfew as opposed to religious, social, or political issues. In fact, it appears that fewer than 10 percent of teens experience serious family relationship difficulties during adolescence. The following is an example of how the primary changes of adolescence can nevertheless result in emotional distance and conflict between parents and adolescents. Suppose a thirteen-year-old male adolescent begins to reason and think in a formal operational manner. There has been a long-standing rule in his family that he has to do his homework immediately after coming home from school—in other words, before he can watch television or spend time with his friends. This rule did not pose a problem until he reached junior high and was asked by his friends to “hang out” with them after school. When the adolescent asked his parents if he could spend time with his friends before coming home to do his homework, his parents were hesitant to grant this privilege and a conflict ensued. The adolescent asserted that he would like to spend time with his friends directly after school

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for an hour or two and then come home to do his homework. His parents responded that homework is a higher priority and he has to complete it before spending time with his friends. The adolescent responded that he would complete his homework in a more efficient manner if given an opportunity to “blow off some steam” with his friends first. In this scenario, the adolescent’s ability to think flexibly and consider another option for how to spend his time after school, as well as his ability to provide a rationale for his request, has led to increased emotional distance and conflict with his parents. Although these changes in family relations can be stressful, they typically do not undermine the quality of the relationship between parents and adolescents. As children negotiate the transition to adolescence, close relations between parents and adolescents are maintained in the majority of families. Temporary disruptions in the relationship between parents and adolescents do, however, tend to occur within the context of close emotional attachment. Yet it appears that these moments of conflict serve a positive function during the transition to adolescence. Indeed, some scholars argue that conflict serves a sociobiological function by ensuring that adolescents will spend time outside the home and thus forcing them to look outside the family for intimate companionship. Others suggest that conflict promotes adjustment to change through intrapsychic and interpersonal processes. Overall, then, conflict may facilitate the ability of adolescents to distance themselves psychologically from their parents and enable them to evaluate their parents in a more realistic and less idealized manner. It may also serve as a mechanism through which adolescents

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can communicate information to their parents about their changing self-concepts and expectations. The Family Life Cycle Families move through various developmental phases during which new issues arise and different concerns predominate. The concerns and issues typical of families with children entering adolescence arise not just because of the changing needs and concerns of the adolescent but also because of the changes occurring in the adolescent’s parents. Many parents are around forty years old when their children enter early adolescence—a period of life that can be difficult for these adults as they look back on what they have accomplished in life so far and what they have yet to achieve. This process of self-evaluation and reappraisal has been labeled midlife crisis. The developmental concerns and issues facing adolescents and their parents are complementary. With respect to physical changes, the adolescent is entering a period of physical growth, youthful physical attractiveness, and sexual maturity just when parents are beginning to feel concern about their own bodies, physical attractiveness, and sexual appeal. With regard to social role changes, the adolescent is entering a period of increased power and status when many important life decisions (e.g., career and marriage) lie ahead. But for many parents these choices have already been made and they are facing the consequences, both positive and negative, of their decisions. In short, the adjustment to adolescence may take a greater toll on parents’ mental health than on the adolescent’s. A father or mother may be especially affected by the transition if the adolescent is of the same sex

and if the parent does not have a strong orientation to work outside the home. Parents who are deeply involved with their work or who have a particularly happy marriage may be protected against some of these negative consequences. Autonomy The challenge for adolescents is to gain increasing levels of autonomy while maintaining a close emotional attachment to their parents. Three different kinds of autonomy can be achieved during adolescence: emotional, behavioral, and value autonomy. Emotional autonomy is the capacity to be less dependent on parents for immediate emotional support. Adolescents increasingly de-idealize their parents, viewing them more as regular people than as authority figures and relying on them less for emotional support. Behavioral autonomy refers to adolescents’ ability to make their own decisions—to be less influenced by others and more self-reliant. However, adolescents who achieve behavioral autonomy continue to rely on others for help. They are able to distinguish between situations in which they have the ability to make their own decisions and situations in which they need to consult with a parent or friend for advice. Finally, value autonomy involves adolescents’ capacity to develop values of their own as opposed to adopting peers’ or parents’ values. Note, however, that adolescents and their parents tend to hold similar values and that adolescents tend to select friends whose values are similar to those of their parents. Attachment The close emotional attachment that is established between parents and children

Family Relations during childhood continues to exist during adolescence. In fact, there is strong evidence that detachment from family ties during adolescence is not desirable. Compared to peers without close ties to their parents, adolescents who report feeling relatively close to their parents score higher on measures of psychosocial development, including self-reliance, behavioral competence, and psychological wellbeing. They also score lower on measures of psychological and social problems such as depression and drug use. Ideally, the transformation in family relations that occurs during the transition to adolescence reflects adolescents’ growing sense of interdependence within the family and parents’ willingness to maintain close and supportive ties with adolescents without threatening their individuality. Over the course of adolescence, the attachment relationship tends to shift from one of unilateral authority to one of mutuality and cooperation. If this process is disrupted—for example, by parents who are unable to grant increasing amounts of behavioral or emotional autonomy—the adolescents’ psychological and social development may likewise be disrupted. Authoritative Parenting Researchers have identified two aspects of parenting behavior that are critical during adolescence: responsiveness and demandingness. Parental responsiveness refers to the degree to which parents respond to adolescents’ needs in an accepting and supportive manner; parental demandingness refers to the extent to which parents expect and demand mature, responsible behavior from adolescents. Parental responsiveness and demandingness are largely independent constructs. There-

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fore, it is possible to look at various combinations of these two dimensions. According to one scheme, parents who are very responsive but not at all demanding are labeled Indulgent, parents who are responsive but also very demanding are labeled Authoritative, parents who are demanding but not responsive are labeled Authoritarian, and parents who are neither demanding nor responsive are labeled Indifferent. Authoritative parents appear to be most effective. They are responsive to demands made by adolescents but expect the same in return. They encourage verbal give-and-take, enforce rules when needed, have clear expectations for mature behavior, and encourage independence. They make a point of explaining their requests and providing rationales for their rules and regulations. And, perhaps most important, they foster autonomous functioning by encouraging the expression of feelings and opinions. Research conducted over the past twenty-five years has indeed found strong evidence in support of a positive association between authoritative parenting and healthy adolescent development. This evidence has been replicated across a wide range of ethnic, regional, and socioeconomic groups, indicating that adolescents exposed to authoritative parenting are more competent and have higher levels of self-esteem, impulse control, moral development, and feelings of independence than adolescents exposed to other styles of parenting. The key components of authoritative parenting— warmth, structure, and support for psychological autonomy—have been linked to specific adolescent outcomes: Parental warmth is associated with overall adolescent competence, parental structure is associated with fewer behavior problems,

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and parental support for psychological autonomy is associated with fewer symptoms of psychological distress such as depression or anxiety. Wendy E. Shapera Grayson N. Holmbeck See also Emancipated Minors; FamilySchool Involvement; Fathers and Adolescents; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships; Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations References and further reading Grotevant, H. 1997. “Adolescent Development in Family Contexts.” In Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 3, Social, Emotional, and Personality Development, 5th ed. Edited by W. Damon and N. Eisenberg. New York: Wiley. Hill, John, and Grayson Holmbeck. 1986. “Attachment and Autonomy during Adolescence.” Annals of Child Development 3: 145–189. Holmbeck, Grayson. 1996. “A Model of Family Relational Transformations during the Transition to Adolescence: Parent-Adolescent Conflict and Adaptation.” In Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Edited by J. Graber, J. Brooks-Gunn, and A. Peterson. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Holmbeck, Grayson, and Wendy Shapera. 1999. “Research Methods with Adolescents.” In Handbook of Research Methods in Clinical Psychology. Edited by P. Kendall, J. Butcher, and G. Holmbeck. New York: Wiley. Holmbeck, Grayson, Roberta Paikoff, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1995. “Parenting Adolescents.” In Handbook of Parenting, Vol. 1. Edited by Marcus Bornstein. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Steinberg, Laurence. 1990. “Autonomy, Conflict, and Harmony in the Family Relationship.” In At the Threshold: The Developing Adolescent. Edited by S. Feldman and G. Elliott. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ———. 1999. Adolescence. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Steinberg, Laurence, and Wendy Steinberg. 1994. Crossing Paths: How Your Child’s

Adolescence Can Be an Opportunity for Your Own Personal Growth. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Family-School Involvement The family and the school are responsible for socializing acceptable conduct and teaching basic skills associated with academic achievement. Although the two share in this responsibility, there often is little coordination or connection between them. Joyce Epstein, at the Center on Families, Communities, Schools, and Children’s Learning at Johns Hopkins University, has suggested several ways in which the school and family can forge partnerships—some of which can be initiated by parents and others by the school. These partnerships fall into six categories of involvement. Type 1 involvement entails assistance by the school with parenting, child rearing, and establishing the home conditions necessary for a child to learn. Often this form of involvement includes a school counselor, social worker, or child and youth worker who provides informal classes and visits to the home. Type 2 involvement entails communication with families about school programs and children’s progress. The three most frequent forms of such communication are parentteacher conferences, information provided by the principal concerning standardized achievement scores, and information about report cards. Type 3 involvement includes volunteer participation on the part of parents and extended family members in the classroom, school events, and school projects. Type 4 involvement focuses on activities at home, including school guidance regarding parental monitoring of children’s homework, in support of the

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Family connections with the school are associated with enhanced school performance. (Skjold Photographs)

school curricula. Type 5 involvement focuses on cooperation between families and teachers in making school decisions. A case in point is the widely known Parent Teacher Association (PTA). And, finally, type 6 involvement focuses on community, school, and family collaborations. This category might include coordination among YMCA and YWCA programs, after-school activities, family and work schedules, and school or community officials to ensure that children are supervised properly and provided healthy outlets for their energy and enthusiasm. As reported by Joyce Epstein and Seyong Lee, the results of the U.S. National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 indicate that family connections with

the school are associated with enhanced school performance. Unfortunately, 51.3 percent of the parents observed in this study described no connections with the school. Indeed, their children—students in their teens—reported that the parents had minimal contact with the school and that most of the communication about school occurred between adolescents and parents—if at all. Epstein’s six types of family-school involvement offer a helpful guideline toward rectifying this problem and, ultimately, enhancing adolescents’ school performance and behavior. In addition to determining how the school and family can connect to enhance a teenager’s school achievement, parents can accomplish a great

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deal solely within the home. For example, Bruce Ryan and Gerald Adams, as part of their research with the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, have constructed a system that demonstrates how family influences can enhance children’s academic achievement, social adjustment in school, and good citizenship behaviors. In this system, referred to as the FamilySchool Relationships Model, a child’s school outcome is based on a concentric model whereby family influences are embedded within other influences. The model can best be understood if you envision a rock that is thrown into calm water. The rock itself represents the child’s school behavior, and the waves that are created by its impact in the water represent adjacent influences on the child’s behavior. The first and largest influence on the adolescent’s performance is the child’s personal characteristics. A child with high frustration tolerance, for example, can tolerate waiting according to classroom rules. Or an assertive child will likely volunteer and discuss things in the classroom. Each of these characteristics may be seen as desirable by teachers and even influence grading. So the adolescent’s personal characteristics are likely to predict some of the child’s school success. In turn, the child’s school behavior and personal characteristics are encircled and influenced by several levels of influence within the family. Therefore, further rings of influence from those of the child’s personal characteristics also emerge. School-focused parent-child interactions are very likely to influence the child’s success. Parents who monitor, help, support, encourage, and assure that an adolescent is prepared for each new day of

school are likely not only to shape the child’s personal characteristics but also enhance good school performance. Further, general parent-child interactions, one step removed from school-focused parent-child interactions, are likely to enhance the development of certain characteristics of the child. The most widely acclaimed form of parent-child relationships, first suggested by Diana Baumrind, is known as authoritative parenting, where children are provided with warm, firm, but democratic family experiences that enhance social competence. But there is yet another level of the family. The general family climate or atmosphere among all family members provides another form of influence. Factors like family warmth, cohesion, expressiveness, or conflict have important effects by influencing the nature of school-focused parent-child interactions, and general parent-child relationships such as authoritative parenting. There are two other influences that can have effects on the family and its interactions. One is the personal characteristics of the parent. For example, parents with strong expectations about the successes of their children in school will create family environments that promote school success. Further, depression or mental illness in the family will have diminishing effects on positive family and parent-child interactions. The final form of influence in the model by Ryan and Adams involves the social-cultural circumstances of the family. Children raised in high-income homes, where parents have extensive educations, bring considerable resources to a child that can result in more learning opportunities, enhanced learning experiences on trips and to museums, and the use of tutors

Fathers and Adolescents and mentors to help shape children’s school success. Much of family-school involvement can be the enhancement of connections and communications between parents, teachers, administration, and the students. This form of involvement requires parents or teachers to initiate communication and planning and working together. However, other things can be done in the privacy of one’s own home. For example, parents can provide help and talk about what is done in school, discuss how performance might be improved, or offer guidance and help, each and every day, regarding school activities and homework. Parents can choose to use democratic parenting as their goal for enhancing a child’s school success. Permissive or authoritarian parenting can be changed to be more democratic and child-centered. Family conflict can be diminished by conflict resolution strategies. Parents can encourage the whole family to be respectful but expressive in their communications with each other. It is certain that family relations and parent-child interactions are associated with children’s school success. It is also certain that when parents become involved in their children’s school activities, the child becomes more involved in and with the school. Gerald R. Adams

See also Child-Rearing Styles; Conduct Problems; Family Relations; Parenting Styles; School Dropouts; School, Functions of; Teenage Parenting: Childbearing References and further reading Booth, A., and J. F. Dunn, eds. 1996. Family-School Links: How Do They

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Affect Educational Outcomes? Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Epstein, Joyce L., and Seyong Lee. 1995. “National Patterns of School and Family Connections in the Middle Grades.” Pp 108–154 in The FamilySchool Connection: Theory, Research, and Practice. Edited by B. A. Ryan, G. R. Adams, T. P. Gullotta, R. P. Weissberg, and R. L. Hampton. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ryan, Bruce A., and Gerald R. Adams. 1995. “The Family-School Relationships Model.” Pp. 3–28 in The Family-School Connection: Theory, Research, and Practice. Edited by B. A. Ryan and associates. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. ———. 1999. “How Do Families Affect Children’s Success in School?” Education Quarterly Review 6: 30–43 (Available in English and French).

Fathers and Adolescents Mark Twain once said, “When I was a boy of fourteen, my father was so ignorant I could hardly stand to have the old man around. But when I got to be twentyone I was astonished at how much the old man had learned in seven years!” (cited in Bruun and Getzen, 1996, p. 475). The truth is, fathers and their adolescent children are continually learning from each other. Fathers learn from their children and children learn from their fathers in various ways, but primarily through their interactions with each other. Researchers call this “mutual education.” It is during these interactions that fathers and their adolescent children learn life skills and gain knowledge about one another. Furthermore, the time that fathers and children spend together helps children develop emotionally, socially, and physically, and contributes to their overall well-being. Perhaps it is best to think of fathering as a way for men to show their

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The time that fathers and children spend together helps children develop emotionally, socially, and physically, and contributes to their overall well-being. (Skjold Photographs)

care and support for their children each and every day. Time Together The time that fathers and children spend together decreases somewhat as the children enter their teens and begin to develop relationships outside of the family. Throughout this period, however, fathers should continue to express warmth and acceptance toward their adolescent children. Although the amount of contact decreases, most of the time that fathers do spend with their teenagers involves leisure and recreational activities such as sports or watching television. It is estimated that fathers spend around nine hours a week directly

engaged in some activity with their adolescent children. Often these activities require very little interaction; for example, watching television accounts for about 40 percent of the time fathers spend with their adolescent children. Yet, it is through these types of activities that fathers can help their sons and daughters develop emotionally, socially, and physically. For instance, adolescents can learn how to control their tempers—to be “good sports”—through competitive games with their fathers by observing how they react to winning and losing. Likewise, they can learn social skills from fathers who promote the virtues of being a member of a team or who show how coopera-

Fathers and Adolescents tion makes accomplishing a task easier. Through physical play, fathers can help their children to develop strength and coordination. Another way that fathers relate with their adolescent children is through humor. Many dads find that joking, kidding, and teasing are ways to connect with their teenagers. In this way, fathers create a fun and relaxing atmosphere for themselves and their families. Finally, aside from playing with them, fathers can be involved in the lives of their adolescent children simply by being available—for instance, to help with homework or to give advice in times of crisis. Unfortunately, many fathers view themselves as being more available to their children than their children perceive them to be. Fathers learn from their children as well. They learn how to understand and respond to the needs of their children by interacting with them—a kind of on-thejob training. Compared to mothers, however, fathers generally spend less time with their adolescent children and are not as responsible for their day-to-day activities. Some fathers have embraced the many responsibilities entailed in the job of parenting, but it is the rare father who is primarily responsible for such tasks as making doctor’s appointments and participating in parent-teacher conferences, or who knows, off the top of his head, specific details of his teens’ life such as their shoe size or what time soccer practice begins and ends. Yet fathers who spend ample time with their children are as capable as mothers in caring for and raising their children. Gender Differences Fathers interact with their sons and daughters in different ways, especially as the children get older. For example, they

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tend to spend more time with their sons and are better at providing for their sons’ emotional needs. The stronger father-son bond may be due to the fact that fathers identify more and have more interests in common with their sons than with their daughters. On the other hand, studies have shown that daughters whose fathers maintain consistent involvement in their lives tend to be more mature. One-onone father-daughter activities are important to the maintenance of a close relationship, allowing fathers to be less gender-specific in their behaviors and more in tune with their daughter’s emotional needs. Father-Adolescent Conflict It is commonly believed that parents and their children have more arguments as the children progress through their teens. However, research has shown that the opposite is true. With the exception of disagreements over money, the number of arguments between fathers and their adolescent children decreases over time. One reason for this decline in conflict may be the fact that teens are spending less time at home and more time with friends. Yet fathers who are more highly involved in their adolescents’ lives tend to have more conflicts with their children than those who are less involved— again, due to the amount of time that the fathers and children are together. Although fathers become more warm, caring, and understanding as they spend more time with their teenagers, they also have more opportunities for disagreements over finances, household chores, curfews, and appearance. Stress may also contribute to fatheradolescent tensions. Indeed, fathers are more likely to argue with their adolescent children after a double dose of stress

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at work and at home. One way to avoid or at least decrease the chances of conflict is for fathers, and teenagers as well, to let other family members know when and why they are in a bad mood. By communicating in this way, fathers and adolescents can come to understand that negative moods aren’t always their fault. Well-Being Through the amount and type of their involvement, fathers can influence their adolescents’ intellectual, social, and emotional well-being. Studies have shown that adolescents do better academically when their parents are encouraging, supportive, and warm, and when they practice a more democratic type of parenting. Indeed, sons and daughters whose fathers are more highly involved in their lives tend to perform better in math and on general academic achievement tests. Furthermore, one of the primary tasks for adolescents is to begin to establish some independence from their parents and to develop social networks of their own with peers and other adults. Fathers can play a role in this developmental task by encouraging and supporting their children’s independent thoughts and actions and providing links to life outside of the home and family. Adolescents, in turn, can have a major impact on their fathers’ personal growth and development. Fathers desire to help the next generation grow into healthy and productive adults, and adolescents can assist their fathers in achieving this goal by providing their fathers with opportunities to help them grow and mature emotionally, socially, and physically. Comedian Bill Cosby, in writing of the foibles of fatherhood, lends this simple advice to dads: “The most important thing to let them know is simply that

you’re there . . . that you’re the best person on the face of the earth to whom they can come and say, ‘I have a problem.’” (Cosby, 1986, p. 128). Daniel A. McDonald David Almeida See also Child-Rearing Styles; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships; Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parenting Styles References and further reading Almeida, David M., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1993. “Continuity and Change in Father-Adolescent Relations.” Pp. 27–40 in FatherAdolescent Relationships. Edited by Shmuel Shulman and W. Andrew Collins. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Almeida, David M., and Daniel A. McDonald. 1998. “Weekly Rhythms of Parents’ Work Stress, Home Stress, and Parent-Adolescent Tension.” Pp. 53–67 in Temporal Rhythms in Adolescence: Clocks, Calendars, and the Coordination of Daily Life. Edited by Ann C. Crouter and Reed Larson. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Almeida, David M., Elaine Wethington, and Daniel A. McDonald. In press. Daily Variation in Paternal Engagement and Negative Mood: Implications for Emotionally Supportive and Conflictual Interactions. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. 1991. “What Do Families Do?” Family Affairs 4: 1–2. Bruun, Erik, and Robin Getzen, eds. 1996. The Book of American Values and Virtues: Our Tradition of Freedom, Liberty, and Tolerance. New York: Black Dog & Leventhal Publishers. Cosby, William H., Jr. 1986. Bill Cosby: Fatherhood. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Galambos, Nancy L., and David M. Almeida. 1992. “Does ParentAdolescent Conflict Increase in Early Adolescence?” Journal of Marriage and the Family 54: 737–747. Gjerde, Per F. 1986. “The Interpersonal Structure of Family Interaction Settings: Parent-Adolescent Relations

Fears in Dyads and Triads.” Developmental Psychology 22, no. 3: 297–304. Larson, Reed W., and David M. Almeida. 1999. “Emotional Transmission in the Daily Lives of Families: A New Paradigm for Studying Family Process.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 61: 5–20. Larson, Reed W., and Maryse H. Richards. 1994. Divergent Realities: The Emotional Lives of Mothers, Fathers, and Adolescents. New York: Basic Books. Pleck, Joseph H. 1997. “Parental Involvement: Levels, Sources, and Consequences.” Pp. 66–103 in The Role of the Father in Child Development. Edited by Michael E. Lamb. New York: Wiley. Snarey, John. 1993. How Fathers Care for the Next Generation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Fears For teenagers, monsters under the bed aren’t scary anymore; teens’ experiences with fear are entirely different from the way it was for them a few years earlier, in childhood. The word fear has been described as an emotional response to an external threat, such as a person, object, or situation. Fear is thus different from worry or anxiety, in that it involves a specific, intense focus on a particular threat. This focus changes as the child develops: Early fears about witches or swimming in the deep end of the pool are replaced with fears about school, status among peers, family well-being, and performance inside and outside the home environment. In short, a teenager’s understanding of fear results from a complex interaction of biological, psychological, and social factors. As early as infancy, children react to frightening situations with innate fear responses. These responses are common to all humans; they are programmed in humans’ biological systems. In infancy,

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fear responses are evoked as a means of self-protection. Babies cry when they are hungry or cold, or when they are approached by an unfamiliar person. This behavior is sparked by a neurological phenomenon known as the “fight-or-flight” response, which is programmed as an innate reaction in fearful situations. The common symptoms of this reaction include increased heart rate, sweaty palms, rapid, shallow breathing, and muscle tension. Throughout the evolutionary history of humans, the fight-or-flight response played an important role in survival. Faced with a threat or risk of death, people were provided with the burst of adrenaline necessary for either a vigorous fight or a quick escape. The result was a better chance of survival, as well as an opportunity to live and grow according to the demands of the environment. Excess adrenaline in the bloodstream is the direct cause of a teen’s physiological reactions to fear. The brain triggers an alarm that releases the adrenaline. However, other biological influences are related to fear as well. For example, lack of sleep or irregular sleeping patterns can contribute to a teen’s perception of fearful situations. Or a person may be labeled as a “worrier” because she has a certain temperament, or personality, that has been with her since the day she was born. This tendency is not due to environmental influences or previous experiences; it is simply a genetic reality. Teens who experience fear on a regular basis often come to fear the accompanying physiological symptoms, because they are so unpleasant. What often results is a cycle that’s hard to break, for the teen eventually comes to fear the fear itself, even when no threat actually exists. The fight-or-flight response makes no distinction between real objects of fear

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A teenager’s understanding of fear results from a complex interaction of biological, psychological, and social factors. (Shirley Zeiberg)

and imaginary ones. For example, a teenager who is required to give a speech in front of a large audience may perceive the audience as a scary entity, even as “the enemy.” Stepping up to the podium, the teen may feel sweat drip down his neck or trickle down his sides. He may notice that his heart is beating quickly and that his mouth is suddenly very dry, and he may think to himself, “I can’t do this. I need to get out of here!” This is the fight-or-flight response at work, and the easiest way to stop the accompanying physiological symptoms is to run away

and avoid the situation altogether, instead of “fighting” the perceived threat and giving the speech. In fact, avoidance of fearful objects and situations is a common strategy among teens—but it is a strategy that brings only temporary relief from the fear. One way for teens to cope with the effects of fear is to change their thinking about the situation. Edward Hallowell’s (1997) method of “brain management” is designed to do exactly that— specifically, by combating the fight-orflight response and the physiological symptoms that accompany it. Psychological factors also influence the way teens perceive and respond to fear. These factors include patterns that form, or have already been formed, over the natural course of development. As children grow into teenagers, they interact with the environment and encounter situations that affect the way they think. The focus of teens’ fears shifts, based on their firsthand experiences (e.g., success or failure). Teens who perceive the environment as threatening are likely to develop thought patterns that predispose them to be fearful. They are extremely aware of their surroundings, and therefore susceptible to misinterpreting information they encounter if they are inclined toward thinking the worst. Indeed, the media bombard teens with information about situations that evoke fear, such as high school shootings, sexually transmitted infections, standards for acceptable body image and academic performance, and environmental hazards. It has been argued that fear or anxiety can be beneficial in some instances (Gerzon, 1998)—as when it motivates teens in positive ways. For example, fear of failing a test may inspire a student to study and, hence, to pass the test. And fear of contracting a disease may dissuade a teen

Female Athlete Triad from using intravenous drugs such as heroin. Certainly, then, there are benefits to weighing consequences before acting; yet for fearful teens, the ability to rationally evaluate a situation and respond appropriately may be impaired by thought patterns based on prior experience. These thought patterns—which act as a distorted lens through which the teens view the world, a world full of fear—may in turn damage the teens’ social interactions. These interactions involve family members, friends, and other people in the teenagers’ immediate environment. These people may affect teenagers’ experiences with fear in various ways, and their influences change as teens mature. In some cases, the intentions of others may be honorable; but if the teen perceives them as a threat, then even ordinary conflicts may appear particularly menacing to the teen. A case in point is the teen who witnesses a heated argument between her mother and father and begins to imagine various disastrous outcomes such as the parents’ divorce or violence directed at each other or at the teen herself. The classroom is another source of fear for many teens, as they strive to perform well both academically and socially. This type of fear often begins in middle childhood. Some teens choose to hide their fear of failure by acting out or showing off in front of others. Others turn to fantasy or substance abuse as an escape from academic stress. Social activities such as sports teams or clubs may also cause teens to be fearful—particularly when they feel that they must meet certain expectations. One way to help a teenager cope with fear is to increase the teen’s sense of selfcontrol. This involves the ability to put off immediate relief or gratification in

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exchange for the long-term benefits that come as a result of taking moderate risks or persevering despite fear of failure. Consider again the example of giving a speech to a large audience. A teen who finds this scenario scary would be exercising self-control if he gave the speech in spite of sweaty palms and thoughts like “They will all laugh at me.” The payoff comes at the end of the speech when the teenager realizes that what seemed frightening was, in fact, harmless. In this instance, he has triumphed over the fear, thus paving the way for new patterns to form and new perceptions to develop. Helping teens recognize that they have the power to affect their reactions and performances is the first step toward managing, and ultimately alleviating, their fears. Lisa B. Fiore See also Anxiety; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Emotions References and further reading Gerzon, Robert. 1998. Finding Security in the Age of Anxiety. New York: Bantam Books. Hallowell, Edward M. 1997. Worry: Hope and Help for a Common Condition. New York: Ballantine Books.

Female Athlete Triad The term female athlete triad refers to three interrelated medical disorders found primarily in adolescent girls or young women who are physically active— namely, disordered eating, amenorrhea (stopping or never beginning menstrual cycles or periods), and osteoporosis (decreased bone mass). All three conditions represent potentially serious health problems that can affect the young athlete’s health now and in the future.

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Individuals at Risk for the Triad The interrelationship between the components of the female athlete triad has been recognized by the medical profession only in the last decade. This increased awareness is probably a reflection of both the increased number of females participating in athletics and the increased identification of the problem by various professionals who work with female athletes. Female athlete triad is most common in girls who participate in organized sports that value a certain body type for performance, have desired weights for participation, or specify a preferred physical appearance. For example, high rates of the triad are found among girls who participate in gymnastics, ballet, swimming, and track. These sports demand an ideal weight and body shape that is thought to make one more successful at the sport. However, a young woman does not have to participate in organized sports to suffer from the female athlete triad. Even outside of organized sports, many adolescent girls use excessive physical activity and exercise to control weight and obtain the “perfect” body. Our society’s continued emphasis on physical appearance, thinness, and the ideal body shape may be the greatest risk factor for all youth. It is important to note that adolescent boys can also be at risk for this disorder— especially those who engage in sports like distance running, where endurance is valued, and sports like wrestling or gymnastics, where body weight is regulated. Similarly, boys can suffer from disordered eating and osteoporosis, and they can experience the male equivalent of amenorrhea, known as hypogonadism, which involves decreasing function of the male reproductive organs (gonads or testes).

Components of the Disorder Disordered Eating. In this context, the term disordered eating is used rather than eating disorder because it indicates a wider range of eating behaviors involved in efforts to lose weight or achieve a body composition considered appropriate to particular sports. All of these eating behaviors are potentially dangerous, however, inasmuch as they range from various levels of restricting food intake (either quantity or types of food) to bingeing and purging. Though not required for a diagnosis of female athlete triad, these disordered eating behaviors can be severe enough to warrant a diagnosis of anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa. On the other hand, disordered eating may simply involve consumption of too few calories to compensate for the energy expended through increased activity. In other words, the young athlete’s diet may be healthy but quantitatively insufficient to maintain a healthy weight. This “energy drain” or negative balance can lead to weight loss and ultimately undermine the athlete’s performance and health. Indeed, because the body and brain continue to grow and develop during adolescence, a well-balanced diet with all the appropriate nutrients is extremely important at this time. Disordered eating can result from other factors as well, including anxiety, depression, or pressure to achieve certain athletic goals from coaches, peers, family members, and even themselves. It is important to determine the underlying cause of the disordered eating so the appropriate treatment can begin. Amenorrhea. Amenorrhea is the second component of the female athlete triad. Primary amenorrhea refers to girls who have not reached menarche (their first

Female Athlete Triad period) by the age of sixteen years, despite breast and pubic hair development. Girls who have reached age fourteen without any breast or pubic hair development should also be evaluated for primary amenorrhea. Secondary amenorrhea refers to girls whose periods have stopped following previously normal menstrual cycles. Required for a diagnosis of this condition is an absence of three or more consecutive menstrual cycles. Parents, teachers, coaches, and the athletes themselves should know that it is never normal for an adolescent or young woman athlete to stop her period in response to training. The cessation of menstruation in an athlete should be considered a red flag indicating that medical evaluation is necessary. In cases where amenorrhea is associated with exercise, the condition results from interplay among various hormone systems that involve stress hormones such as cortisol and reproductive hormones such as estrogen. Since the intricate feedback systems are no longer appropriately regulated, some hormone levels become too low (estrogen) and other hormone levels become too high (cortisol). These systems involve a part of the brain called the hypothalamus, which produces hormones that regulate the pituitary gland. The pituitary, in turn, secretes several hormones that act on important target tissues for normal growth and body function. One effect of these changes in hormone systems is the loss of regular menstrual cycles and the “shutdown” of reproductive functions. Unclear at this time is whether exercise-induced amenorrhea affects fertility later on. Scientists do know, however, that the lowered estrogen levels found in athletes with amenorrhea can cause a decrease in bone mineral

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density, which in turn can result in osteoporosis. Osteoporosis. The third component of the triad is osteoporosis, a disorder involving low bone mass that leads to an increased risk of fractures. This disorder is normally associated with older women who have reached menopause (cessation of menstruation). However, just as menopausal women are at risk for osteoporosis, so are adolescent girls with primary or secondary amenorrhea. The higher risk of fractures may first become apparent with the development of a stress fracture, a type of hairline break frequently seen in the leg bones of runners and ballet dancers. Later, more frequent or more severe fractures may occur in major bones such as hips or spine. In some cases of female athlete triad, special scans and X rays have revealed in adolescent girls a bone density that would be typical of women seventy or eighty years of age. By the end of adolescence, young women have experienced as much as 95 percent of the bone density development and mineralization that will ever occur in their lifetimes. Thus, it is best to attain optimum bone density in adolescence. Toward this end, adolescent girls are advised to consume appropriate amounts of calcium and vitamin D every day. Treatment for the Triad These three components—disordered eating, amenorrhea, and osteoporosis— are intertwined. Disordered eating can influence bone density when the appropriate nutrients are not taken in. Disordered eating and weight loss can also influence the menstrual cycle, and amenorrhea with its low estrogen state can hamper bone density.

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If an athlete presents with only one component of the triad, she should be evaluated for the other components as well. All three components may not be evident without professional evaluation. Female athlete triad is a disorder that definitely requires early medical attention. Chronic, irreparable damage can result if it is not treated. Depending upon the severity of the triad, evaluation and treatment may require the intervention of clinicians with special expertise, such as physicians or nurse practitioners trained in adolescent medicine. These specialists can appropriately evaluate an adolescent, rule out other disorders, provide treatment, and refer as necessary. Reproductive endocrinologists, gynecologists who specialize in disorders involving reproductive hormones, and sports medicine specialists may also have such expertise. At a minimum, the severity of each component of the triad must be evaluated before treatment is commenced. For example, bone density can be determined by means of a special noninvasive test called a DEXA scan; reproductive hormone levels and thyroid hormone levels—as well as nutritional status—can be determined through blood testing; and amenorrhea due to pregnancy can be ruled out by a pregnancy test. Also recommended are a diet history and an interview exploring psychological and social issues that may be contributing to female athlete triad. Though somewhat controversial, treatment may involve hormone replacement therapy consisting of oral contraceptives or special skin patches with hormones that can be absorbed. Nutritional and psychological counseling and intervention may also be indicated. Finally, along with the adolescent, parents and coaches

must be involved in the treatment plan. They must understand the nutritional needs of the adolescent and the importance of balancing dietary needs and exercise. They must be keenly aware of the potentially devastating consequences of female athlete triad. And, ultimately, they must be heedful of methods that can prevent the emergence of this disorder. Lorah D. Dorn Barbara J. Long See also Body Fat, Changes in; Eating Problems; Menarche; Menstrual Cycle; Menstrual Dysfunction References and further reading Joy, Elizabeth, et al. 1997. “Team Management of the Female Athlete Triad. Part I: Optimal Treatment and Prevention Tactics.” The Physician and Sportsmedicine 25: 94. ———. 1997. “Team Management of the Female Athlete Triad. Part II: What to Look For, What to Ask.” The Physician and Sportsmedicine 25: 55. Otis, Carol L., Barbara Drinkwater, Mimi Johnson, Anne Loucks, and Jack Wilmore. 1997. “American College of Sports Medicine Position Stand on the Female Athlete Triad.” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise 29: i–ix.

Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors Foster care is a system in which children and teens live in licensed homes, often in their own communities, when their own families are deemed to be unable or unwilling to provide a home for them. Foster care has largely replaced orphanages and other forms of institutional living for children who, through no fault of their own, have been denied a safe, supportive environment in which to live. Because of increasing problems for American families, such as poverty, family violence, substance abuse, and home-

Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors lessness, the number of children and youth in foster care in the United States has been increasing steadily. Over the past decade, this number has risen from about 360,000 to 520,000. Approximately 40 percent of these youth are in the adolescent age range, eleven to eighteen years (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). Many enter the system with multiple risk factors. Prior to placement they often have not received the love, support, consistency, and security needed for optimal development, and enter care with severe behavior problems and deficits in academic performance and social skills (Lamphear, 1985). The teens in foster care are certainly not all the same. Some enter the system at a young age because of parental problems such as abuse, neglect, and drug addiction, whereas those who enter as teens are more likely to come into care because of their own personal problems such as acting out, delinquency, emotional illness, and substance abuse. Others go back and forth between their biological and foster homes, as foster care is often a two-way street. Whatever the route they have taken to get there, all of these young people must face certain challenges once they are in care: repeated losses, a sense of not belonging, having to adjust to new families, neighborhoods, schools, and friends. How well they adjust in foster care is a function of the balance between stressful life events and the risk and protective factors in their lives. Thus, it is very difficult to predict which adolescents will adapt successfully and which ones will continue to have difficulties. Foster care can bring about new problems, but it can also provide solutions. Approximately 50 percent of youth report

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that foster care provided them with better parenting, improved structure, and consistency. Safer neighborhoods as well as better experiences in school—more helpful teachers, more compatible classmates—are also associated with foster placement (Johnson, Yoken, and Voss, 1995). In some cases, however, the teens’ ability to benefit from the advantages of good placement is undermined by a failure to address the emotional problems they were experiencing when they entered the system. Many children in foster care do well until they reach their teens, a stage when all youth face new challenges. Sometimes new thoughts and feelings are stirred up at this time, involving such issues as separating from one’s parents, defining parents in more realistic ways, and forming one’s own identity. Successful resolution of these challenges typically entails some form of connection with the past, even if it is only historical information to develop a self-identity (Geiser, 1973). Sometimes it is helpful to facilitate teens’ connecting with family members, be they parents, older siblings, or grandparents. It can be a time to see if it is realistic that some of these persons might be able to provide a home base when foster care is over. Another approach is to take the teens to old neighborhoods or schools to try to integrate the past with the present (McDermott, 1987). Most recently, the Family Unity Model is being incorporated in some states into the independent living program in order to reconnect youth with their families. Even though the goal still remains independent living, the idea is to establish whatever contacts that are realistic—parents, sibling, aunts, uncles, grandparents—which can strengthen the social structure for the emancipated

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young person. It is found that often relatives do not even realize their family member was still in care with no place to call home. Making the transition from adolescence to adulthood involves several factors, for example, moving from school to higher education or an occupation, developing social supports. In fact, completing high school, being employed while in care (Westat, Inc., 1991), and developing an ongoing support network (Barth, 1990) are among the best predictors of adolescents’ moving successfully into young adulthood. Unfortunately, many teens in care have had to change schools often and have experienced repeated academic failure. Although the newer schools may actually be better academically, the failure to deal with the emotional baggage brought along plus the difficulties in making new friends and getting acquainted with teachers often undermine their ability to benefit from the new opportunities offered (Johnson, Yoken, and Voss, 1995). Currently, there are some new approaches to make the school experience more positive. For many, the key is to be placed under an Individual Educational Plan (IEP). Then the administrators and teachers must share responsibility for developing an appropriate educational experience (Kellam, 1999a). Too often the schools do not do enough for youth in foster care because they view them as being in transition. In addition, teachers are not trained to handle or even understand the special problems presented by these teens, often misinterpreting their emotional problems as mental incapacities (Kellam, 1999a). Moreover, foster parents are often unaware of the rights the chil-

dren placed with them have in terms of schooling. To improve schooling opportunities, some states have begun to bring in advocacy groups to train foster parents in advocacy and on their rights under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) (Kellam, 1999a). Another approach is the training of teachers on the challenges of those in foster care. This is being done informally in some states by foster parents. One formalized program, involving a collaboration between the social service agencies and the schools, trains foster parents in advocacy and trains teachers and foster parents on ways to work with youth who are having educational and other difficulties. There has also been attention paid recently to working with emancipated youth who have dropped out of school to help them obtain their GED and free college tuition or scholarships (Kellam, 1999b). It is still the case that the majority of youth in care are performing below average in school (Folman, 1995; Halfon, Mendonca, and Berkowitz, 1995). Among the older, emancipated teens, only 63 percent have been found to have completed high school (Courtney and Pillavin, 1998). This figure is an improvement over the 54 percent found a few years earlier (Westat, Inc., 1991). It is evident that the independent living programs have facilitated this progress. Social issues are especially critical for all teens in foster care. Those in the system often exhibit problems in peer relations, including alienation (Raychaba, 1988; Folman, 1995). Those who are identified as being resilient have friends in whom they can confide, often maintain friendships even after they move to new neighborhoods, and have foster parents

Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors who help them in maintaining contacts with friends and siblings who may be placed elsewhere (Folman and Hagen, 1996). Furthermore, those who have supportive relationships after emancipation function much better than those who do not. Peer support groups can go a long way in facilitating social skills and building a sense of connection. These groups can provide a safe, supportive environment in which young people can learn trust, consistency, social skills, and problem solving (Folman, 1996). Although these groups are not yet the norm for younger adolescents, their importance is being recognized among teens approaching emancipation (Sipowicz and Zanghi, 1998). A major advance is the development of Youth in Care Networks. These groups, which are based on a youth development approach, are made up of teens approaching the age of emancipation as well as young adults who had been in foster care. There are many different models, but all involve working on empowering activities, for example, teens training workers and parents on the needs of foster children and youth, conducting public awareness initiatives, advocating for policy changes and community building activities, such as youth retreats and teambuilding activities. These networks provide the protective factors identified among foster youth who have adapted well, that is, those who have a sense of self-efficacy, of purpose, of being needed, and of belonging (Folman, 1994). Federal legislation has addressed the problem of transition from the foster care system to independent living as a young adult. PL 99-272, passed in 1985, appropriated money for states to create independent living programs (ILP). These programs provide basic skill training, educational

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initiatives, and employment programs for those who are sixteen years and older. Those who have received such services fare better, being more likely to complete high school, be employed, and be self-sufficient. However, only a small percentage of adolescents have access to ILP programs (Westat, Inc. 1991; Courtney and Pillavin, 1998). Thus, too many emancipated adolescents continue to experience homelessness, welfare dependence, health problems, and depression (Barth, 1990; Westat, Inc., 1991; Courtney and Pillavin, 1998). The 1999 Foster Care Independence Act, which came about in part because of the testimony of teens in care and young adults who had been in care as teens, attempts to address some of the earlier shortcomings. It doubles the amount of money available, allows states to use 30 percent of the funding for room and board, and extends Medicaid to age twenty-one (state’s discretion). The federal government, state governments, and social service agencies all have recognized the shortcomings of the foster care system in the United States. Consequently, there is a growing number of good practice models that are making a difference in the lives of youth and young adults who have been included. Among successful programs not mentioned above are approaches that focus on enhancing the skills of foster parents, for example, specialized training for foster parents who care for chronic juvenile offenders or those discharged from psychiatric facilities (Chamberlain and Reid, 1991). Those programs proven to be successful need to be replicated throughout the states. Foster care was introduced as a system to provide appropriate care and opportunities for children and teens who could not live in their own families’ home.

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Although better than some of the alternatives, for example, institutions and group homes, the foster care system has been found to have many shortcomings, and the demands placed on it have been increasing at alarming rates. The new approaches that have been implemented over the past several years are moves in the right direction, and the laws, monies, and policies now in place are bringing about needed improvements. However, there is still a long way to go. Not nearly enough of the youth affected are receiving “best practices” in terms of service. Foster parents and the youth themselves need to be even more involved in the continuing changes to maximize the benefits of the policies and programs that have proven to be effective in enhancing the lives of these teens and young adults. Rosalind D. Folman John W. Hagen

See also Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Homeless Youth; Teenage Parenting: Childbearing References and further reading Allen, Marylee, Karen Bonner, and Linda Greenan. 1988. “Federal Legislative Support for Independent Living.” Pp. 19–32 in Independent-Living Services for At-Risk Adolescents. Edited by Edmund Mech. Washington DC: CWLA. Barth, Richard P. 1990. “On Their Own: The Experiences of Youth after Foster Care.” Child and Adolescent Social Work 7, no. 5: 419–440. Chamberlain, Patricia, and John Reid. 1991. “Using a Specialized Foster Care Community Treatment Model for Children and Adolescents Leaving the State Mental Hospital.” Journal of Community Psychology 19, no. 3: 266–276. ———. 1998. “Comparison of Two Community Alternatives to Incarceration for Chronic Juvenile

Offenders.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 66, no. 4: 624–633. Courtney, Mark E., and Irving Pillavin. 1998. Youth Transitions to Adulthood: Outcomes 12–18 Months after Leaving Out-of-Home Care. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Folman, Rosalind D. 1994. “Risk and Protective Factors among Children and Youth in Foster Care.” Paper presented at the 24th annual conference of the National Foster Parent Association, Grand Rapids, MI. ———. 1995. “Resiliency and Vulnerability among Abused and Neglected Children in Foster Care.” Doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan. Abstract in Dissertation Abstract International 56(08-B), p. 4601. ———. 1996. “Foster Care Experiences: How They Impact the Transition to Adulthood.” Pathways to Adulthood National Conference, San Diego. Folman, Rosalind D., and John Hagen. 1996. “Foster Children Entering Adolescence: Factors of Risk and Resilience.” Poster presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence, Boston. Geiser, Robert L. 1973. The Illusion of Caring: Children in Foster Care. Boston: Beacon Press. Halfon, Neal, Ana Mendonca, and Gale Berkowitz. 1995. “Health Status of Children in Foster Care.” Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 149: 386–392. Johnson, Penny, Carol I. Yoken, and Ron Voss. 1995. “Foster Care Placement: The Child’s Perspective.” Child Welfare 74, no. 5: 959–974. Kellam, Susan. 1999a. “New School, New Problems: Foster Children Struggle in U.S. Schools.” Web site: http://connectforkids.org ———. 1999b. “Voices of Foster Care: People Who Make a Difference.” Web site: http://connectforkids.org Lamphear, Vivian S. 1985. “The Impact of Maltreatment on Children’s Psychosocial Adjustment: A Review of the Research.” Child Abuse and Neglect 9, no. 2: 251–263. McDermott, Virginia A. 1987. “Life Planning Services: Helping Older Placed Children with Their Identity.” Child and Adolescent Social Work 4: 97–115.

Freedom Raychaba, Brian. 1988. To Be on Our Own with No Direction from Home. Ottawa: National Youth in Care Network. Sipowicz, Hugh, and Marty Zanghi. 1998. “Maine Youth Are Speaking Up and Reaching Out!” Common Ground (December). U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 1999. The AFCARS Report. Web site: http://www.acf.dhhs.gov Westat, Inc. 1991. A National Evalutaion of Title IV-E Foster Care Independent Living Programs for Youth. Washington, DC: HHS.

Freedom Adolescence is a time when children begin to look and act more like adults. Physical changes in appearance, due to sexual maturation, are the most obvious of the transformations that occur during adolescence. In addition, adolescents undergo neurological changes that enable them to think and reason at the same level as adults. These new cognitive abilities allow adolescents to contemplate the abstract and to hypothesize about the future, especially their own futures. Adolescence is thus a time in which to explore possibilities and define one’s identity. Possessing increased capacity to assume adult roles, and facing cultural pressure to explore and establish an identity, adolescents are typically given both more responsibility and more freedom in their daily lives. One of the challenges of adolescence lies in managing this privilege of freedom while recognizing the consequences that freedom brings. The new freedoms of adolescence originate from different sources. For example, the government grants many legal rights or freedoms to adolescents. Teenagers can begin to drive between the ages of fourteen and seventeen (depending on the state), they are allowed to begin working at age fourteen, and they

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can legally drop out of school at age sixteen. At the age of eighteen, adolescents are no longer considered minors and thus can vote, enlist in the military, and get married. By this time, they are also expected by adult society to begin forming their social and civic identities, and to start on a path toward adulthood and self-sufficiency. Adolescents face additional pressure from the media and pop culture to take on adult roles. This pressure comes from many different sources: music, TV, movies, advertisements, celebrities, even daily events in the news. The media’s portrayal and promotion of adult independence and the freedoms of adulthood often entice teenagers to imitate these behaviors. Peer groups can also intensify the need for adolescents to participate in adult activities and explore their new rights and freedoms. These freedoms come with responsibility, however, and managing them involves understanding consequences, exercising judgment, and making mature decisions in such areas as family relationships, health and safety, and part-time employment. Family Relationships The tasks and challenges of adolescence often lead to changes in family relationships. Parents and adolescents renegotiate their relationships with one another as the latter begin to form and shape identities for themselves. The process of identity formation can involve a degree of emotional separation from parents, increasing the emotional turmoil that teenagers are already experiencing. Indeed, as teenagers become more independent and spend less time with their parents, the parents often meet with resistance when they attempt to control or manage the teens’ habits, schedules, or

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behaviors. Nevertheless, parent-child relationships continue to be significant and can greatly influence the transition of teenagers to adulthood. Health and Safety As children reach adolescence, parents begin to transfer to them the basic health responsibilities of eating right, exercising, dressing, and getting sufficient sleep. In short, they increasingly trust their children to make these decisions on their own. Unfortunately, some teenagers have difficulty maintaining a healthy lifestyle because of the larger societal emphasis on image and appearance. Overconcern with issues of weight gain can lead to maladaptive eating and exercise patterns. Many teenagers who have fixated on the cultural “ideal” of thinness suffer from eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia, and from the unhealthy consumption of steroids. This emphasis on image and appearance can also influence the way teenagers dress, the friends they choose, and the activities in which they participate. All of these behaviors contribute to the social and personal identities that adolescents are trying to establish. Teenagers are also faced with decisions concerning the consumption of tobacco products, alcohol, and drugs. Part of the attraction of legal drugs, such as tobacco and alcohol, is that adults use them—and adolescents feel more “adult” themselves by using them. The majority of teenagers have tried alcohol and smoked cigarettes by the age of eighteen. Although alcohol and tobacco use are accepted in adult culture, both substances can take a serious toll on the health of young people. Tobacco—through its primary agent, nicotine—can enhance both alertness and relaxation. But it also increases heart rate and blood pressure, and raises the

risk of heart disease and respiratory disorders such as emphysema, bronchitis, and lung cancer. Alcohol, a depressant, enhances relaxation and decreases inhibition. But excessive alcohol consumption can lead to severe liver and kidney damage, coma, and death, and drunkenness can cause debilitating injuries and fatal accidents. Illegal drugs, such as marijuana, amphetamines, cocaine, narcotics (morphine, heroin), and hallucinogens such as LSD—though not as commonly used as alcohol or tobacco—also carry substantial risks of injury to oneself and others. As many teenagers experiment with at least some of these drugs before adulthood, candid discussions about their effects, though challenging for parents, are critically important. Another safety concern involves increased freedom in driving and travel. By their late teens, most adolescents are driving independently; many own cars, and many are traveling on their own. Driving safely, knowing what to do in an emergency, and always having a “designated driver” are some of the precautions that can be taken against the dangers of driving. Though educational in many ways, travel also poses risks. Potential dangers include unsafe lodging or travel arrangements, theft, and deceitful travel vendors. Because of teenagers’ general inexperience, they may be vulnerable to these hazards; hence, they are advised to travel with another person or in groups whenever possible. An additional area of concern is increased sexual freedom. The biological and hormonal changes that teenagers undergo cause their romantic relationships to become more sexual in nature, and they are forced to make decisions about their own sexual behavior. Sexual experimentation and activity during ado-

Freedom lescence occur naturally due to maturation; however, teenagers also need to be aware of the consequences of sexual activity. Sexual relationships can be physically and emotionally satisfying, but they can also result in pregnancy and sexually transmitted disease. Along with pregnancy comes decisions about early childbearing and parenting, abortion, adoption, and single parenthood. Some sexually transmitted diseases, such as AIDS, can be fatal; others, such as herpes, can lead to lifelong complications. Employment and Education With adolescence comes the opportunity to earn an income. It is quite common for teenagers to hold a part-time job while attending high school, even while living with their parents. The income they earn affords them additional freedoms: Now able to spend money in ways of their own choosing, they can pursue recreational interests or hobbies to a greater degree than before. Early employment also raises questions for adolescents about what career paths they might take and what they must accomplish in order to achieve their goals. One major decision of adolescence revolves around what to do immediately after high school. Since many opportunities and choices are available to teenagers, this decision can be overwhelming. However, work and volunteer experience in different fields, as well as guidance and support from adults, can greatly assist adolescents’ decision making about their future employment. At the age of eighteen and sometimes sooner, many teenagers leave their parents’ home; some attend college, whereas

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others go off to live and work on their own. This transition leads to even greater freedom and control over their lives. In addition to dealing with new health and safety issues, teenagers have to pay bills, budget for expenses, maintain a residence, and manage their time. The burden of these freedoms can be staggering for some adolescents, but learning to balance and manage all of these tasks is a challenge even to some adults as well. Taking advantage of available freedoms, while remaining responsible to oneself and others, can indeed be a lifelong task. Jana H. Chaudhuri See also Decision Making; Developmental Challenges; Discipline; Parenting Styles; Responsibility for Developmental Tasks; Transitions of Adolescence References and further reading Cobb, Nancy J. 1998. Adolescence: Continuity, Change and Diversity. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing. Esman, Aaron H. 1990. Adolescence and Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs, and Policies.” Pp. 413–446 in Annual Review of Psychology. Edited by J. T. Spence. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy L. Galambos, eds. 1984. Experiencing Adolescents: A Sourcebook for Parents, Teachers, and Teens. New York: Garland. Takanishi, Ruby, ed. 1993. Adolescence in the 1990s. New York: Teachers College Press.

G Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth

mental issues facing adolescents with same-sex attractions. Sexual orientation refers to the unchangeable sexual feelings that an individual has for members of the same sex, the opposite sex, both sexes, or neither sex. It originates early in life—perhaps at conception if caused by genetic factors or during the prenatal period if it results from sex hormones—and it is set by early childhood. Sexual orientation may be influenced by genetic, biological, psychogenic, and sociocultural factors. Still unknown is the extent to which these factors determine the direction of one’s sexuality; however, scientists give the most weight to biological and genetic determinants of sexual orientation and consider it to be immutable, stable, and internally consonant. If environmental factors are important, their influence probably occurs quite early in a child’s life—possibly even prenatally, through maternal hormonal levels. Sexual orientation is not subject to conscious control, and the degree to which it is malleable is a matter of some debate. However, most scientists believe that it is neither alterable nor subject to psychotherapeutic intervention strategies (e.g., conversion therapies). Sexual orientation influences, but is independent of, sexual conduct and sexual identity. It is also multidimensional.

Definitions Many adolescents are familiar with the sexual categories gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual—contemporary terms that refer to the degree to which individuals are attracted to same-sex and oppositesex others. These sexual labels encompass several interrelated factors: attractions, erotic desires, emotional affiliations, sexual behavior, and culturally defined identity categories. However, it is conceivable that for a given individual these domains are not synergistic. A young woman, for example, may be sexually attracted to both girls and boys, fall in love only with girls, have sex only with boys, and identify as heterosexual. Or a young man might be exclusively attracted to girls, engage in sex with his male friends, and identify as bisexual. When considering sexual categories, we must clearly distinguish between sexual orientation and sexual identity. The contrast between the two is often conceptualized as the difference between an ever-present, invariant biological or psychological truth (sexual orientation) and a historically and culturally located social construction (sexual identity). Although this distinction oversimplifies both constructs, it is useful for clarifying several develop-

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In many ways, sexual-minority youths are the same as other youths. They share the concerns, crises, and tasks that confront all adolescents. (Skjold Photographs)

Some people believe that, because many individuals possess degrees of homoerotic and heteroerotic attractions and feelings, homosexuality and heterosexuality are merely the ends of a continuum

on which we all fall. Others maintain that sexual orientation is a categorical variable in which people can be classified only as heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual.

Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth Sexual identity refers to a socially sanctioned or recognized category that names the perceptions and feelings that an individual has about her or his sexual feelings, attractions, and behaviors. It is symbolized by such statements as “I am gay” or “I am straight” and is thus a matter of personal choice. For some individuals, sexual identity remains fluid during the life course (though probably not on a dayto-day basis) and is not necessarily consistent with sexual orientation, romantic feelings, or behavior. Sexual labels occur within a pool of potential identities that are defined by the culture and historic time in which one lives. Culture gives the labels meaning, salience, and desirability, so the categories available in one culture may not be available in another. For example, social historians argue that contemporary terms such as lesbian, gay, and bisexual have only recently evolved, although same-sex behaviors and attractions have existed throughout recorded history. In some Native American cultures, for example, two-spirit person is a term reserved for sacred individuals who are believed to possess two souls, one male and one female. These “blessed” individuals are often androgynous in physical appearance and behavior and have sex with both males and females. Whether individuals engage in sexual behavior consistent with their sexual orientation and identity is a question that depends on many factors. These include random or planned opportunities that place the individuals in particular sexual situations, the availability of sexual partners, the extent to which they feel comfortable about countering social sanctions defining who is an appropriate sexual partner, and, finally, libido or sex drive. Most lesbian, bisexual, and gay

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youths eventually have sex with a samesex other as an expression of their sexual desires or fantasies; however, over onehalf of gay males and 80 percent of lesbians also engage in heterosexual sexual contact at some point in their lives. Lesbian and gay virgins exist, as do heterosexual virgins. It is also possible for heterosexual individuals, who are primarily attracted to those of the opposite sex, to engage in sex with same-sex others for pleasure, experimentation, or curiosity. In fact, many individuals who do not identify as bisexual, gay, or lesbian nevertheless have same-sex attractions. The term sexual minority defines these individuals, who, rather than conforming to traditional notions of heterosexuality or homosexuality, apply a diverse array of sexual descriptors to themselves. Those who identify as lesbian, bisexual, or gay are included, as are individuals who reject cultural definitions of sexual categories. These youths may describe their attractions as “unlabeled,” they may be uncertain (“questioning”) as to the nature of their sexual attractions, they may be without sexual attractions (“asexual”), they may use markers other than sex as the basis for their sexual attractions (e.g., “I like the person”), or they may consider themselves to be atypical heterosexuals (“not straight,” “queer”). Included in this last category are transgendered individuals who may be of any sexual orientation or identity. Transgendered is an umbrella term referring to people who believe that they do not fit the traditional definitions of masculinity or femininity expected for their biological sex. One simple way of resolving this complex issue is to eschew sexual labels altogether and rely instead on descriptions of behaviors or attractions. This is a particularly important consideration because

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adolescents frequently explore issues related to their sexuality that may have little bearing on their current or future sexual identity. In addition to asking youths whether they accept a particular sexual identity label, one could ask about the existence, number, or proportion of sexual behaviors, attractions, or romantic relationships they have had with males and females. Little is known about this “class” of individuals who do not consider themselves to be gay and yet experience significant and persistent sexual attractions for and fantasies involving same-sex others. Their failure to so identify may be due, in part, to heterocentrism and homophobia. Heterocentrism is the assumption that development “naturally” proceeds in a heterosexual direction. This perspective is so pervasive in our culture that many people unthinkingly assume that everyone is heterosexual. Thus, for example, girls are routinely asked if they have boyfriends, and vice versa. Heterosexism is what emerges when heterocentrism becomes judgmental—when girls who have boyfriends rather than girlfriends are considered to be healthier and boys who are turned on by female images rather than male images are believed to be better adjusted. Homophobia, on the other hand, is a popular term that should be reserved for the strongest emotional expressions of negative attitudes, beliefs, and feelings toward homosexuality and gay people. A somewhat less extreme term—homonegativity—refers to the belief that homosexuality is not as viable a lifestyle as heterosexuality. Implementation of this belief by discriminating against or verbally abusing suspected gay people or by committing violent acts against per-

ceived gay people is what constitutes homophobia. Research indicates that the majority of self-identified lesbian, bisexual, and gay adolescents have experienced verbal or physical harassment, usually from peers. Prevalence No one knows with certainty how many sexual-minority youths exist. But whatever the number, it is certain to be far greater than the number of adolescents who identify as lesbian, bisexual, or gay. For example, in a national survey of adults, just over 1 percent of women and nearly 3 percent of men identified themselves as lesbian, bisexual, or gay (Laumann et al., 1994). However, when participants were asked whether they had ever considered having sex with someone of their own gender, these figures increased—to about 6 percent of women and men. According to the same survey, 4 percent of women and 9 percent of men reported having had same-sex relations. Other surveys of high school youths reveal similar trends. Thus, many “potential” sexual-minority youths do not identify as gay or lesbian during adolescence. The reason for this disparity is not known, but it is likely linked to negative cultural attitudes and stereotypes about same-sexattracted individuals. One thing is certain: The percentage of adolescents who are attracted to same-sex others at least parallels the number of adults with these attractions. Whether this proportion is as small as 2 percent or as large as 15 percent is difficult to ascertain. Developmental Research Relatively little is known about sexualminority youths because researchers have ignored such individuals, at least

Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth until recently. In the interim, a limited number of issues important to sexualminority youths have been addressed. Specifically, based on the differential developmental trajectories (DDT) approach, four hypotheses about their lives have received empirical support. First, in many ways sexual-minority youths are the same as other youths, regardless of sexual attractions. They share the concerns, crises, and tasks that confront all adolescents. Regardless of sexual orientation, they experience growth spurts, menses, nocturnal emissions, secondary sex characteristics, and acne. They also struggle to balance connectedness and autonomy with their parents, shift their attachments from parents to peers, argue about curfew and household duties, and desire to fall in love and to experience both sexual and emotional intimacy. Yet these similarities are frequently lost on those who portray sexualminority youths as unhealthy, unnatural, undesirable, even “alien” beings. They cite a long litany of ways in which sexual-minority youths deviate from their heterosexual brothers and sisters. And they urge parents to always be “on guard” with the “moral courage,” if not always with the accurate information, needed to convince their vulnerable children that they should never be lesbian or gay. For example, in response to recent discrimination lawsuits, the Boy Scouts of America have maintained that a “homosexual” adolescent is a heterosexual boy who has been transformed by an early sexual experience or by the message that “gay is okay” conveyed to him by “homosexual” role models. Media representations of sexualminority adolescents often portray being young, gay, and proud as an oxymoron— impossible to achieve in North American

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culture. These youths appear to be a weak lot, defenseless within their troubled world. The message is that resilient, strong sexual-minority youths who have coped, survived, and thrived do not exist. The common view is that if sexualminority youths are at high risk for committing or attempting suicide, abusing drugs, prostituting themselves, and becoming infected with HIV. The implication is that there are two separate populations of adolescents—the heterosexual population is “normal” and the sexual-minority one is not. In short, the DDT approach asserts that sexual-minority youths are similar to heterosexuals in most respects, with comparable (though not always identical) biological and psychosocial developmental challenges. The very foundation of DDT implies that adolescents are first, foremost, and always adolescents—a fact that must be remembered in any accurate rendering of their lives. An adolescent is an adolescent is an adolescent. Second, the DDT approach simultaneously argues that sexual-minority youths are distinct from heterosexuals—specifically because of their unique biological makeup or because of the ways in which same-sex-attracted individuals are treated by an uncaring mainstream culture. Although the evidence is far from definitive, sexual-minority youth appear to differ from heterosexual youth in some aspects of their biological makeup (i.e., both genetically and with respect to their prenatal hormone environment). For example, various biological studies have found that “homosexual” individuals differ from heterosexuals in particular aspects of their neuroanatomy (the hypothalamus), physiology (prenatal hormone levels), and physical features (shoulderto-hip ratio). Pedigree studies have

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demonstrated that homosexuality runs in families and that monozygotic twins are more likely than dizygotic twins to share the directionality of sexual attractions. Psychosocial research has documented that as a consequence of growing up amidst heterocentric family members, close friends, and societal institutions (e.g., schools and religious organizations) that presume and prescribe exclusive heterosexuality, sexual-minority adolescents are challenged to negotiate between being true to self and becoming what is expected of them. This task permeates their daily life in ways not encountered by heterosexual youths when they express their sexuality. It is difficult to disregard the negativity that many adolescents and their parents direct at individuals who prefer sexual and romantic attractions with same-sex others. Terms such as faggot and dyke are common put-downs aimed at those who dare to vary from the norm. Thus, because of their sexuality, sexual-minority youths necessarily experience a life course substantially different from that of heterosexual adolescents. The consequences may be either negative (e.g., increased levels of emotional distress and substance abuse) or positive (e.g., feelings of specialness or creativity). The third postulate of the DDT approach is that sexual-minority youths vary enormously among themselves based on shared characteristics. Developmental trajectories appear to be unique to subgroups of sexual-minority individuals based on such factors as personality characteristics, gender, race, ethnicity, class, and real-world experiences. Two examples illustrate this point: (1) The romantic relationships of same-sex-attracted young women are more likely to evolve from same-sex friendships and to be characterized by emotional intimacy than are

those of gay male youths. (2) Among the various ethnic groups studied, Asian American sexual-minority teenagers are least likely to disclose to parents and to engage in same-sex activity. Additional diverse subgroups reside within each of these gender and ethnic classifications. For example, researchers at Cornell have shown that some sexualminority boys are actually similar to same-sex-attracted girls in their disdain of casual sex, and that some Asian American youths not only disclose to their parents but also become national lesbian/gay leaders. Some girls do not recall having early childhood same-sex attractions prior to identifying as lesbian but, rather, come to understand their sexual identity within the context of exposure to a college women’s studies course or within a romantic relationship. Some boys have sex with another boy before labeling themselves gay, whereas other boys identify as gay before engaging in gay sex. And some youths claim a bisexual, gay, or lesbian identity in the absence of sexual experiences, whereas others who have had many same-sex encounters do not identify as anything other than heterosexual. Given this level of diversity, it is a misnomer to refer to a singular “gay lifestyle.” Finally, every adolescent is unique insofar as no one exactly like her or him has ever lived before or will in the future. Although this point is often lost in scientific presentations of data, the life-history accounts of youths that are narrated in “coming-out” books well illustrate this fourth facet of the DDT approach. These histories are extremely popular among sexual-minority youths who are searching for other youths who have experienced their “issues.” They want to know that they are not alone.

Gender Differences Thus, sexual-minority youths share commonalities with all other adolescents and subgroups of adolescents regardless of sexual orientation, with all other sexual-minority youths, with subgroups of such youths—and yet with no other adolescent who has ever lived. Any presumption that sexual-minority youths are all alike and share identical developmental pathways is not only implausible but also grossly misrepresents their lives. Ritch C. Savin-Williams See also Gender Differences; Identity; Sex Differences; Sex Roles; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of References and further reading Bass, Ellen, and Kate Kaufman. 1996. Free Your Mind: The Book for Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Youth—and Their Allies. New York: HarperPerennial. Borhek, Mary V. 1993. Coming Out to Parents: A Two-Way Survival Guide for Lesbians and Gay Men and Their Parents, 2nd ed. Cleveland: Pilgrim. Diamond, Lisa M. 2000. “Passionate Friendships among Adolescent SexualMinority Women.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 10: 191–209. Fairchild, Betty, and Nancy Hayward. 1989. Now That You Know: What Every Parent Should Know about Homosexuality, updated ed. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Feinberg, Leslie. 1993. Stone Butch Blues. Ithaca, NY: Firebrand. Fricke, Aaron. 1981. Reflections of a Rock Lobster: A Story about Growing Up Gay. Boston: Alyson. Griffin, Carolyn W., Marian J. Wirth, and Arthur G. Wirth. 1986. Beyond Acceptance: Parents of Lesbians and Gays Talk about Their Experiences. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Herdt, Gilbert, ed. 1989. Gay and Lesbian Youth. New York: Harrington Park Press. Heron, Ann, ed. 1994. Two Teenagers in Twenty: Writings by Gay and Lesbian Youth. Boston: Alyson. Hutchins, Loraine, and Lani Kaahumana, eds. 1991. Bi Any Other Name: Bisexual People Speak Out. Boston: Alyson.

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Laumann, Edward O., John Gagnon, Robert T. Michael, and Stuart Michaels. 1994. The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Nycum, Benjie. 2000. The XY Survival Guide: Everything You Need to Know about Being Young and Gay. San Francisco: XY Publishing. Ryan, Caitlin, and Donna Futterman. 1998. Lesbian and Gay Youth: Care and Counseling. Philadelphia: Hanley and Belfus. Savin-Williams, Ritch C. 1998. “ . . . And Then I Became Gay”: Young Men’s Stories. New York: Routledge. ———. 2001. “Mom, Dad. I’m Gay.” How Families Negotiate Coming Out. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association Press. Savin-Williams, Ritch C., and Kenneth M. Cohen. 1996. The Lives of Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals: Children to Adults. Forth Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace College Publishing.

Gender Differences Males and females are undoubtedly different—not just physically, physiologically, and biologically but behaviorally as well. Throughout history, their engagement in various social roles has varied according to gender. Indeed, to this day, certain roles are still somewhat associated with men (e.g., working outside of the home in gainful, salaried employment) and with women (e.g., being homemakers and caring for children). Some of these traditional divisions between the genders in the roles they play in society have come to be regarded as gender role stereotypes. In part, gender stereotypes reflect society-wide beliefs that males and females are fundamentally different in their capacities, behaviors, and interests. To understand gender differences, we need to understand the nature of these gender

A group of “typical” teenagers (Steve Chenn/Corbis)

Gender Differences role stereotypes and the extent to which they influence youth development. A stereotype is an overgeneralized belief. It is an attitude—that is, some combination of cognition and feeling— that invariantly characterizes a person or group of people as possessing specific attributes. Stereotypes thus allow for little exception. Because of this rigidity, they are resistant to change and, as such, may become accepted as always true in a given society. For more than a quarter-century, scholars have indicated that gender role stereotypes exist in American society. A gender role is a socially defined set of prescriptions concerning the behavior of people in a particular sex group; gender role behavior refers to behavioral functioning in accordance with these prescriptions; and gender role stereotypes are generalized beliefs that particular behaviors are characteristic of one sex group as opposed to the other. For instance, males are stereotyped as aggressive, independent, dominant, active, skilled in business, and not at all dependent, whereas females are stereotyped as gentle, very aware of the feelings of others, concerned with physical appearance, and possessed of a strong need for security. Research indicates that these gender role stereotypes are held consistently not only across age and educational level but also across culture. For instance, in a study of six countries—Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, England, and the United States—marked cross-cultural consistency in such stereotypes was found to exist. In short, to an almost universal extent, stereotypes specify that different sets of behaviors are expected from males and females. The male role is associated with individual effectiveness and independent competence. The female role is associ-

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ated with interpersonal warmth and expressiveness. But what do contemporary American adolescents think about gender differences, and what is their experience of them? The answer to that question depends, in part, on an understanding of American culture. As the United States enters into the twenty-first century, there is evidence that, on the one hand, the gender role stereotypes of the twentieth century are still very much a part of the American landscape and, on the other hand, that the influence of such stereotypes is waning. In other words, American culture has reached a point of historical transition from stereotypy to flexibility in terms of the roles seen as appropriate for—and worth pursuing by—both males and females. Indeed, in almost every aspect of research pertinent to work and gender roles, stereotypy and flexibility have been found to exist simultaneously. For example, having a mother who works outside of the home is the typical experience for most American children and adolescents today. Yet the meaning attached by youth to parental employment continues to show evidence of the influence of gender role stereotypes. Consistent with these stereotypes, work outside the home is still seen as the central domain of males (the “breadwinners”), and family life is still regarded as the central domain of females (the “homemakers”). Moreover, in this context, work itself is defined in terms of being gainfully employed (i.e., earning a salary), whereas family is equated with unpaid housekeeping. In keeping with this stereotyped division of labor between males and females, half of the high school seniors in the Monitoring the Future study (Johnston, O’Malley, and Bachman, 1999) reported that it is

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not acceptable for both parents to work when they have preschool-aged children. At the same time, however, 79 percent of the female high school seniors and 67 percent of the male high school seniors said that even if they had the money to live as comfortably as they wished, they would still not want to give up paid work. Moreover, although an increasing number of adolescent females aspire to succeed in labor areas traditionally associated with males, there has been no corresponding investment in family work on the part of adolescent males. Accordingly, among many older adolescent females, the need to integrate work and family significantly influences their choice of vocation and the timing of their marriage. In addition, given the more flexible role orientation of females, they are under greater pressure to balance both family and work roles than are men who can devote most of their effort to enacting their work roles. In a study of sixth to eighth graders, Phame M. Camerena and his colleagues (1994) found that the basis of this “role strain” may begin in adolescence. Although boy’s attitudes toward women’s roles changed more than did girls’ attitudes toward the work and family roles of men and women, the girls’ attitudes were more positive and open than those of the boys. Moreover, in a ten-year follow-up of individuals first studied as adolescents, although both men and women reported that they value both work and family, both groups exhibited highly stereotypic expectations for how work and family roles would be enacted: The men emphasized work for gainful employment, and the women stressed family roles. Given what seems to be the persistence of both stereotypy and flexibility in work and gender roles, one may reason-

ably ask why these two contradictory trends exist. One theory is that although society promotes certain ideals about gender equality and establishes public policies and programs in support of such values, it also exerts some countervailing influences. Specifically, the institutions of society, including families, socialize youth to become more gender stereotyped in their personal behaviors. This theory has been termed the gender intensification hypothesis. There is evidence that gender intensification exists. During early adolescence, both males and females become increasingly concerned about gender roles, body image, and the perceived importance of popularity. After the sixth grade, they believe it is more important than ever not to act like members of the opposite sex. And during middle adolescence, both boys and girls engage in high levels of gender-typed activities and express gender-typed interests. For example, there is some evidence that girls show a relative preference for high school subjects that are stereotypically feminine (e.g., English and history) versus stereotypically masculine (e.g., math and science). Gender intensification also occurs in the context of psychiatric disorders. As adolescence progresses, the incidence of eating disorders (e.g., anorexia and bulimia) and depression increases among girls and that of conduct disorders (i.e., problems with obeying “the rules”) increases among boys. On the other hand, there is evidence indicating that during the middle portion of adolescence both boys and girls are increasingly willing to depart, respectively, from stereotypically masculine and feminine role behaviors and to adopt more flexible views of these behaviors. For instance, from middle childhood through

Gender Differences early adolescence, gender preferences become less stereotyped and more flexible. Whether boys and girls differ in regard to the flexibility of their gender preferences is not certain. Some research suggests that the increased flexibility of these preferences may occur primarily, or perhaps even only, for girls. However, other research shows an increase through late adolescence in the flexibility of gender role preferences among both males and females as well as a more flexible attitude among contemporary adolescents toward female gender roles than among members of older generations. To the extent that gender intensification occurs, then, it may take place primarily in the context of one-to-one mother-daughter or father-son activities. For example, psychologists now know that ongoing relationships with fathers are more important for sons’ gender role development than for such development among daughters and that adolescents’ gender attitudes affect their behaviors. One area that has received considerable attention concerns gender differences in school achievement. Academic Achievement In 1992, Mattel Toys put the first talking Barbie doll on the market. Barbie’s first words were “Math class is tough.” Mattel’s advertisers believed they were simply expressing the sentiment of most school-age girls. Many parents and teachers, however, thought that Barbie should keep her mouth shut. As a result, Barbie stopped talking. The controversy surrounding Barbie and her statement about math highlights a concern in the United States regarding male-female differences in math and science. Although the gender gap has narrowed over the years, boys continue to

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outperform girls on standardized tests of math and science achievement. At the same time, girls’ attitudes regarding math and science have become increasingly negative; many girls feel that they are not good at math and science and say that they do not like these subjects. These trends are particularly troubling because girls’ grades in math and science classes are often equal to or better than those of boys. In other words, girls can do math and science. Nevertheless, in high school, when students are given course choices, girls are more likely than boys to opt out of advanced math and science classes. As a consequence, girls are often less prepared for certain academic disciplines, limiting both their college major and career choices. The question, then, is why do we see these differences? Reasons for the Gender Gap Until recently, it was believed that malefemale differences in math and science were strictly a result of biology. In other words, “girls’ and boys’ brains are different, so they are better suited for different things.” The notion is that boys have superior spatial abilities, which are relevant to particular mathematical manipulations, whereas girls are predisposed toward language and writing. Indeed, boys appear to excel in math and girls appear to do better in verbal-related skills. But are these differences simply a result of biological predispositions, or do other factors play a role? More recently, researchers have highlighted the significant influence of the social environment on children’s math and science achievement. For example, very early on, boys are given opportunities to tinker with toys or objects that involve many of the principles inherent in math and science (e.g., building blocks, Legos, racing cars, simple machines).

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Girls, however, often lack these experiences, so they enter math and science classrooms feeling insecure about their own abilities and, ultimately, begin to believe that they cannot do math and science as well as boys. This belief is consistent with the stereotype in our culture that defines math and science as male domains: “Males are better suited for math and science, and math and science are more useful to males than to females.” At the same time, the personality characteristics attributed to mathematicians and scientists are associated more with males. And since mathematicians and scientists are often thought to be competitive, achievement-oriented, and not very social, parents, teachers, or school counselors who subscribe to these gender role stereotypes are less likely to encourage or support young girls’ decisions to pursue math and science in high school or beyond. For example, researchers have found that when parents believe math to be something boys do better than girls, they are willing to let their daughters drop out of math class when the going gets tough. With sons, however, their approach is to encourage persistence. Meanwhile, teachers, often unaware of their own biases, call on boys more, provide boys with more praise for correct answers, and are more likely to solicit help from boys for science or math demonstrations. The message sent to girls is that they are not as “smart” as the boys. Closing the Gender Gap In response to these research findings, educational reform efforts have been undertaken to make math and science experiences accessible, equitable, and exciting to all students. One change has been to encourage teachers to use a hands-on approach to teaching math and

science in their classrooms. The idea is that learning will be facilitated if students are given opportunities to do science rather than just hearing about it. At the same time, students will feel more confident about their abilities and realize that math and science can be fun! Parents, too, have become more aware of the need to encourage their children’s achievement in math and science. But if the gender gap is to be closed, schools and parents will have to continue their efforts. Here are some suggestions. What Parents Can Do • Provide your sons and daughters with early math- and sciencerelated experiences. Visit your local science museum! • Think about the toys you buy for your children. Don’t forget that girls like chemistry sets, too. • Find out what kinds of activities your children’s teacher is providing in math and science class. Do your children come home excited to tell you about a neat experiment they did in class that day? • When your children enter high school, encourage them to take math and science. It’s never too early to find out about college entrance requirements. • Let your children know that they can become anything they want to be—even a mathematician or scientist.

What Schools Can Do • Provide every student with the opportunity to learn math and science.

Gender Differences • Provide teachers with in-service training on how to create equity in the classroom. • Provide teachers with the resources and materials they need to give students hands-on experiences in the classroom. • Require guidance counselors to inform boys and girls about college programs and careers in math and science. • Contact a local industry or university to find out what kind of primary and secondary school math and science programs are offered.

Work and Career Choices The experiences that male and female adolescents have in school often affect their career choices—and considering the stereotypes confronting them, it is not surprising that they choose different careers and exhibit different work behaviors. For most American adolescents, entry into the workplace does not begin until middle or later adolescence, usually through the experience of a part-time job. Gender differences emerge even at this stage. For instance, boys begin working at an earlier age and tend to work longer hours than girls. Moreover, although both boys and girls are typically given jobs that involve little skill, training, or initiative, their precise assignments often vary along genderstereotypic lines. In a department store job, for example, boys are more likely to be assigned to duties in the stockroom or mail room, whereas girls usually end up working as salesclerks. Given the increasing flexibility in work and career roles associated with males and females, there is reason to be optimistic that future decades will bear

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witness to greater opportunities for adolescents of both sexes to explore and actualize the full range of their competencies and interests. Identity Identity development is another area in which gender differences are evident. As highlighted in the scholarship of Margaret Spencer (1990), identity may develop in different ways for boys and girls. For example, during middle and high school, girls report lower self-esteem than boys, and in some cases their poorer self-esteem appears across all domains of self-definition (e.g., in regard to appearance, scholastics, and athletic performance). Moreover, these differences, and self-esteem in general, show no major changes throughout these years. Other research has found that self-perceptions become stable throughout the high school years, particularly among boys. Among girls, but not boys, self-perceptions of attractiveness decline. Also during these years, symbolic issues (e.g., relationships, happiness) and artistic and creative endeavors become more salient to girls, whereas material items (e.g., home TV, sports equipment) and athletic activities become more salient to boys. Of course, not all boys and girls embrace the gender roles associated with male and female identity, respectively. Differences in adaptation sometimes occur as a result of deviation from such roles. For instance, males whose coping behaviors are associated with feminine gender roles exhibit poor adaptation in adulthood. For females, however, coping behaviors associated with feminine gender roles are associated with good adaptation in adulthood. In sum, gender differences in behaviors do exist, and they most likely stem from

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the way children are socialized. Socialization, in turn, is an important influence on the gender attitudes, activities, and behaviors of adolescents. Richard M. Lerner Jasna Jovanovic Candace Dreves Jacqueline V. Lerner See also Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Sex Differences; Sex Roles; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of References and further reading American Association of University Women. 1992. How Schools Shortchange Girls. Washington, DC: American Association of University Women. Camerena, Phame M., Mark Stemmler, and Anne C. Petersen. 1994. “The Gender-Differential Significance of Work and Family: An Exploration of Adolescent Experience and Expectation.” Pp. 201–221 in Adolescence in Context. Edited by R. Silbereisen and E. Todt. New York: Springer. Chipman, Susan F., Lorielei R. Brush, and Donna M. Wilson. 1985. Women and Mathematics: Balancing the Equation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Crockett, Lisa J., and Anne C. Crouter. 1995. “Pathways through Adolescent Individual Development in Relation to Social Contexts.” Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Johnson, Lloyd D., Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman. 1999. National Survey Results from the Monitoring the Future Study: 1975–1998. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Kelly, Alison. 1987. Science for Girls? Philadelphia: Open University Press. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Simmons, Roberta, and Dale Blyth. 1987. Moving into Adolescence: The Impact of Pubertal Change and School Context. New York: Aldine. Spencer, Margaret. 1990. “Identity, Minority Development of.” Pp.

111–130 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland.

Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development Many people believe that men and women, or boys and girls, are very different from each other, even when the evidence from research studies does not reveal great gender differences. Many believe the saying, “Sugar and spice and everything nice; that’s what little girls are made of. Snips and snails and puppy dog tails; that’s what little boys are made of.” Some people think that girls care more about feelings and relationships and boys are more analytical and rational. Boys and girls often are thought to be different in their intellectual abilities. Girls are expected to be better at language and reading, and boys are expected to be better at math and science. Some people think that boys are more objective thinkers and concerned about issues of equity and justice; some think that girls are more likely to care about other people and are less concerned about justice. The research evidence, however, does not show that boys are more concerned with justice and individual rights than girls or that girls’ thinking is more swayed by emotions than boys’, nor that girls and women have different ways of knowing, or intellectual abilities, than boys and men. Research on moral and intellectual development in males and females reveals that although stereotypes persist, boys and girls are actually more similar than different. (Stereotypes are schemas or beliefs about how people should think, feel, and behave.) Part of the reason

Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development stereotypes persist is that the media tend to report and emphasize differences between males and females rather than similarities. Indeed, newspaper stories about gender differences make “good copy,” especially when the claim of differences supports a gender stereotype. Nevertheless, considerable research since the 1970s has shown that girls and boys are not as different as many people seem to believe. Moral Development Research indicates that children are concerned with moral and ethical issues at a very early age. They care about “what’s fair” and are disturbed when someone else is hurt. Throughout history, many social scientists and theorists have linked moral development and cognitive development, arguing that women are not as capable as men of “rational” thought (“objective” thought, not influenced by one’s personal preferences or emotions). Their moral concerns were thought to be tied to their emotions rather than their intellects. For example, Herbert Spencer, one of the earliest psychologists, stated that “the love of the helpless, which in her maternal capacity woman displays in a more special form than man, inevitably affects all her thoughts and sentiments; and, this being joined in her with a less developed sentiment of abstract justice, she responds more readily when appeals to pity are made than when appeals are made to equity” (Spencer, 1873, p. 36). Here, Spencer makes the argument that women are innately concerned with caring for others and are not as adept as men at thinking about what is fair or just. Sigmund Freud made a similar argument. He was the first psychologist to claim that women and men differed in

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their capacity for morality. He called the part of the psyche that contains the conscience the “superego” and thought that girls had a less developed superego than boys did. Freud claimed, “For women the level of what is ethically normal is different from what it is in men, . . . [women] show less sense of justice than men, . . . they are more often influenced in their judgments by feelings of affection or hostility” (Freud, 1925, pp. 257–258). A common theme in both Spencer’s and Freud’s work is that they see advanced or more sophisticated moral thinking as the ability to think abstractly without the influence of one’s emotions and without consideration of the specifics of the context in which these moral dilemmas arise and must be resolved. Carol Gilligan (1982), a developmental psychologist, noticed these claims about differences in moral development of men and women, and began to look for them herself. She gave an interview following the presentation of moral stories that had been developed by Lawrence Kohlberg (1969). The stories involved moral questions, such as should a man steal a drug that would save his wife’s life. She found that girls and boys responded differently to these stories. When boys explained their ideas about morality, they were more likely to talk about the rights of individuals and responsibilities that people have to fairness and justice. Girls, on the other hand, she thought, were more likely to focus on the relationships between people and the potential for human suffering and harm. Gilligan also asked women to tell her about a real-life moral dilemma when she interviewed women who were deciding whether or not to have an abortion. She claimed to find in their responses to interview questions, “a different voice.” She called this

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distinctive voice an “ethic of care” and the voice often heard in men’s responses an “ethic of justice.” More specifically, she saw an ethic of care as a different perspective and different way of resolving moral problems (Gilligan, 1982). An ethic of care attended to relationships, one’s feelings, and the specifics of people’s lives, whereas an ethic of justice attended to individuals’ and society’s rights and responsibilities, focusing on abstract principles. Gilligan believed men and women were indeed different in their moral development and decision making. Although research testing Gilligan’s assertions shows that men and women are not as different as Gilligan originally proposed, she made an important contribution to our understanding of moral development, asserting that girls are not inferior to boys, just different. In fact, part of the original impetus for Gilligan’s work was based on feminist researchers’ increasing realization that those characteristics associated with “femininity” were also those characteristics that were labeled “deficient” in psychological theories such as moral development. Gilligan’s work helped identify an aspect of moral development not fully addressed in some of the original theories about moral development. Furthermore, she urged people to value these characteristics. A lot of research has been conducted to test Carol Gilligan’s theory. Some researchers have used a powerful statistical technique called meta-analysis. This technique allows one to examine the results of many studies to test whether there are differences between groups, such as between men and women. In a meta-analysis of 152 samples using the same interview questions developed by Kohlberg that Gilligan had used,

Lawrence Walker found no significant gender differences in moral reasoning. In a second meta-analysis (statistical technique that allows a researcher to examine findings of many studies together), Walker reported that gender explained only a very small amount (one-twentieth of 1 percent) of the variation in participants’ moral reasoning scores. In another study, using a paper and pencil measure (e.g., the Defining Issues Test, Rest, 1979) of responses to moral stories, Stephen Thoma conducted a meta-analysis of 56 samples with over 6,000 participants. He found that age and educational level were 250 times more powerful in explaining the variance in moral reasoning than gender. This finding strongly suggests that age and one’s amount of education leads to differences in moral reasoning, not gender. Bebeau and Brabeck (1989) conducted a meta-analysis of Rest’s (1979) Defining Issues Test scores for seven groups of dental students, and adult women are as likely as men to use justice reasoning. What is important to note from this research is education and experience with thinking through moral dilemmas can help advance, or “improve,” one’s moral reasoning in both care and justice. Education is more important in promoting moral development than is one’s gender. Education also need not take place only in classrooms. Life experience outside of the classroom can lead to moral development even in challenging and painful situations. For example, one study examined the relationship between moral development and parental marital status among 108 male and female adolescents. The study found that both male and female adolescents, whose parents had been divorced during their adolescence, had significantly higher levels of

Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development moral development than those whose parents remained together throughout their adolescent years. The study’s authors hypothesized that in one-parent families, adolescents may take on the role of the absent parent and are often developing in more egalitarian households. Experience with responsibilities and adult roles may lead to moral development and is more important in determining morality than is one’s gender. Instead of gender being a determinant of moral reasoning, some researchers have found that whether someone uses an ethic of care versus and ethic of justice depends on the type of moral dilemma they discuss. Researchers have asked participants to generate their own real-life dilemmas. They report that the type of dilemma discussed (e.g., a moral dilemma involving a personal issue or relationship versus an impersonal dilemma involving conflicting claims about individual rights) is a better predictor of moral orientation (ethic of care vs. ethic of justice) than gender. When people choose their own dilemmas to talk about, girls and women were more likely to choose personal ones, whereas males were more likely to choose impersonal dilemmas. If one focuses on the people and their relationships (a friend who betrays another friend’s confidence, a person who harms someone by saying untrue and bad things about them), one is more likely to see that the ethic of care has been violated. On the other hand, if one focuses on issues in which the rights of others are violated and/or societal rules are violated, like cheating on a test or breaking a law, one is more likely to be concerned about issues of justice. When people spend a great deal of time working with people in a variety of situations (e.g, as a counselor, doctor, or nurse), moral issues related to

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interpersonal aspects of a situation may arise to a greater degree than if most of our time is spent in independent work (e.g., working with computers). When asked to think about an issue differently, both boys and girls are able to change and use either justice or care reasoning. What’s important here is that both justice and care reasoning are valid and important, and involve ethical principles that researchers have found are common across cultures and across times. Justice and care matter in moral development, though gender is not a major influence on whether one uses justice reasoning or care reasoning. Gender is only an influence in the sense that women and men may have had different experiences, such as women are often in more relationshiporiented professions and less often in higher positions of authority, positions that often require more use of an ethic of justice. Thus, the use of an ethic of care versus an ethic of justice depends greatly on one’s experiences and roles in society, not some inherent, stable characteristic such as gender. Intellectual Development Over time and across cultures, much is made about gender differences in intellectual development. Researchers have come up with elaborate theories to argue that men are more intellectually capable than women. However, as with morality, these claims are almost always overstated. Gender differences that have been found are that, on average, boys do better in math and girls do better in reading. However, the gender differences found in mathematics appear to be diminishing through educational efforts. Although males score higher than females on standardized math tests, girls get equal or slightly higher grades in

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math. Gender differences in verbal ability, when they are found, show women are superior. However, gender differences in verbal ability are also diminishing, and meta-analysis once again reveals that boys and girls are more similar than different (see the work of Janet Hyde and colleagues). The largest gender difference in intellectual abilities occurs in the area of spatial abilities. Boys are better skilled in mental rotation, which allows you to imagine and then mentally rotate a twoor three-dimensional object. Mental rotation ability appears to be the result of both biology and experience with spatial tasks (e.g, playing ball, building with blocks or legos). However, other verbal strategies can be used to solve these problems, so this gender difference ought not exclude girls and women from excelling in math or science fields. Following Carol Gilligan’s theory that women have a “different moral voice,” a group of researchers (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, and Tarule, 1986) recently claimed that there are “women’s ways of knowing.” Belenky and her colleagues conducted interviews with 135 women and claimed that women have a more connected and relational way of knowing and understanding than do men. Brabeck (1984) argued that Women’s Ways of Knowing (WWK) theory joins at least eleven recently articulated theoretical models of adolescent and adult cognitive development, but the WWK theory was the first to claim gender differences in ways of knowing. Since Belenky and her colleagues did not include any men in their studies, we cannot make any statement about gender differences based on their work. Studies that have tested the WWK claims are sparse (see Brabeck and

Larned, 1996). In the few cases in which gender differences are found, differences in men and women’s education, occupation, social status, or age offer equally plausible explanations for the results. In conclusion, the beliefs about gender differences in moral and intellectual development are more belief than fact. One is reminded of Samuel Johnson’s response to the question, “Who is smarter, men or women?” He said, “Which man? Which woman?” While continuing to acknowledge and attend to the historical and societal inequities in boys’ and girls’ experiences and opportunities, boys and girls, and men and women would be better served by also attending to questions about how to promote intellectual and ethical development for all, rather than on how to define the differences. Educators and parents must continue to devote energy celebrating all of the qualities possessed by both boys and girls, even those qualities that become invisible when overshadowed by our gender stereotypes. If people can do that, they will gain a more complex, and more true, understanding of both boys and girls and their moral and intellectual capabilities. Mary M. Brabeck Erika Shore See also Cognitive Development; Gender Differences; Moral Development; Sex Differences References and further reading Bebeau, Muriel, and Mary M. Brabeck. 1989. “Ethical Sensitivity and Moral Reasoning among Men and Women in the Professions.” Pp. 144–163 in Who Cares? Theory, Research and Educational Implications of the Ethic of Care. Edited by Mary M. Brabeck. New York: Praeger. Belenky, Mary F., Blythe M. Clinchy, Nancy Goldberger, and Jill M. Tarule.

Gifted and Talented Youth 1986. Women’s Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self, Voice and Mind. New York: Basic Books. Brabeck, Mary. 1984. “Longitudinal Studies of Intellectual Development during Adulthood: Theoretical and Research Models.” Journal of Research and Development in Education 17, no. 3: 12–27. Brabeck, Mary, and Ann G. Larned. 1996. “What We Do Not Know about Women’s Ways of Knowing.” Pp. 261–269 in Psychology of Women: Ongoing Debates, 2nd ed. Edited by Mary R. Walsh. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Freud, Sigmund. 1925. Some Psychical Consequences of the Anatomical Distinction between the Sexes. (The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Vol. 19). Translated and edited by James Strachey. London: Hogarth Press, 1961. Gilligan, Carol. 1982. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hyde, Janet S., and Marcia Linn. 1988. “Gender Differences in Verbal Ability: A Meta-Analysis.” Psychological Bulletin 104: 53–69. Hyde, Janet S., Elizabeth Fennema, and Susan J. Lamon. 1990. “Gender Differences in Mathematics Performance: A Meta-Analysis.” Psychological Bulletin 107: 139–155. Kohlberg, Lawrence. 1969. “Stage and Sequence: The Cognitive Developmental Approach to Socialization.” Pp. 347–480 in Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research. Edited by D. A. Goslin. Chicago: Rand-McNally. Rest, James. 1979. Development in Judging Moral Issues. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Spencer, Herbert. 1873. “Psychology of the Sexes.” Popular Science Monthly 4: 31–32.

Gifted and Talented Youth Adolescents who are recognized for having special skills or traits that are valued in our society are often referred to as

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gifted or talented. The definition of giftedness, according to the Jacob K. Javits Gifted and Talented Students Act of 1988 (Public Law 100-297), is as follows: “‘Gifted and talented students means children and youth who give evidence of high performance capability in areas such as intellectual, creative, artistic, or leadership capacity, or in specific academic fields, and who require services or activities not ordinarily provided by the school in order to fully develop such capabilities.” Identifying gifted and talented youth and helping them reach their full potential, though a complex process involving many variables, are of great importance for the betterment of these individuals and society at large. Intellectual giftedness is the most common criterion used to identify gifted and talented youth. Tests like the StanfordBinet are often administered by schools to determine whether children qualify for enhanced or accelerated instruction. A typical benchmark for being admitted to such a “gifted program” is an IQ above 130, or an IQ in the top 3 or 5 percent of youth in the same age range. Certain problems, however, are associated with such tests and programs. For instance, intelligence tests were constructed using Caucasian samples and therefore may not be appropriate in assessing other racial and cultural groups. In addition, there are many more dimensions of giftedness than high IQ and the capacity for abstract and logical reasoning. Though highly valued in most Western cultures, adolescents with a high IQ might not be perceived as special or talented in a culture with a farming-based economy. Almost any skill or trait, in fact, can be seen as a talent if it is recognized by members of a society as valuable or useful. In other

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Adolescents who are recognized for having special skills or traits that are valued in our society are often referred to as gifted or talented. (Shirley Zeiberg)

words, talent or giftedness is a label of approval placed on individuals who possess characteristics that are valued in a culture. Some of the first academic programs devised for gifted and talented children were established in New York City in the early 1900s. In 1919, Detroit became the first city to introduce a formal “XYZ plan” for classes of students with high, middle, and low ability. And, by 1920, accelerated instruction was an established method being used across the country for educating gifted schoolchildren. The rationale behind such programs was that it was easier to instruct students who resembled one another in terms of aptitude and learning rate. In

fact, “ability grouping” remains an oftenpracticed technique for teaching intellectually gifted and talented youth. The presumed benefit of this approach is that students with little individual variation in ability can be taught at a more advanced and challenging level. Research has confirmed that ability grouping is effective when substantial adjustment or acceleration of curriculum is ensured. But there are drawbacks as well, including the high cost of specialized teachers and materials, the possibility that an “elitist” attitude might develop among the students, the intense focus on achievement and competition, and the loss of beneficial interaction between students of different ability levels.

Gifted and Talented Youth One of the earliest studies to follow a group of intellectually gifted and talented students was conducted by L. M. Terman in 1925. More recently, a wider range of talents has been investigated, along with the social contexts in which children develop their talents. Common to many current approaches is the recognition that talent is only partly due to genetic inheritance. Although it may be true that children can inherit genes providing a favorable predisposition toward a talent, certain social resources are crucial to the full realization of the talent. In addition to their inherited traits, children’s skills can develop over time only with investments of time and energy from parents, teachers, and other committed individuals. Such individuals are often a source of emotional and financial support; they may also provide needed challenges to the youth. Although there are wellknown historical accounts of persons who have survived harsh circumstances to realize their gifts, it is a myth that talent alone can overcome all external obstacles. There are aspects of talent development that have very little to do with the gifted or talented individuals themselves. For instance, math, science, music, athletics, art, and many other culturally valued domains have unique histories, symbols, and rules that guide them. Gifted and talented youth must learn these rules and, in a sense, walk for a time in the footsteps of others who came before them. And even then, such individuals need others to publicly recognize their talents and accept them into their “field.” All of these factors must come together if the full expression of a gift or talent is to be ensured. Talented writers, for instance, must inherit some capacity for the use of language, practice their

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skills, be introduced to literature and the study of the rules of grammar and punctuation, and, finally, be recognized by others (e.g., writers, critics) who can bring them into the field and help them get established. In addition to their greater focus on social processes, contemporary studies pay more attention to the motivations and experiences of gifted and talented youth. Developing a talent takes a long time, and sustaining energy toward this goal is enhanced when the youth enjoy exercising their particular skills. For example, adolescents who enjoy playing basketball are more likely to continue practicing when they are tired than those who are playing the game simply because their parents want them to be great basketball players. Such enjoyment is often referred to as “intrinsic” motivation because it arises directly from the experience of the activity itself. Kevin Rathunde

See also Academic Achievement; Cognitive Development; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Mentoring and Youth Development References and further reading Amabile, Teresa M. 1983. The Social Psychology of Creativity. New York: Springer-Verlag. Bloom, Benjamin S., ed. 1985. Developing Talent in Young People. New York: Ballantine Books. Colangelo, Nicholas, Susan Assouline, and DeAnn Ambroson, eds. 1992. Talent Development: Proceedings from the 1991 Henry B. and Jocelyn Wallace National Research Symposium on Talent Development. Unionville, NY: Trillium Press. Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly, Kevin Rathunde, and Samuel Whalen. 1997. Talented Teenagers: The Roots of Success and Failure. New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Gonorrhea

Gardner, Howard. 1983. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Sternberg, Robert, and Janet Davidson. 1987. Conceptions of Giftedness. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Gonorrhea Gonorrhea is one of the most common sexually transmitted diseases in the United States. It is caused by a bacterium called Neisseria gonorrhoeae, which is transmitted from an infected person by contact with that person’s bodily fluids. The most common way of getting infected is by having sexual intercourse with a person who is infected, but gonorrhea can also be acquired through oral sex or anal intercourse. Many people carry the bacterium without any signs of illness. The time between exposure and the development of symptoms is two to seven days. In boys, the most common symptoms are severe burning on urination and a milky yellow discharge from the penis. If these symptoms are ignored, the infection may infect the area around the testes (epididymitis), resulting in a dull aching pain in this area. In girls, symptoms appear seven to twenty-one days after infection. Although some burning on urination may occur, it is less common and less severe than in boys. The more likely symptom is a change in the normal vaginal discharge that many girls experience. Specifically, the discharge is heavier than usual and may be foul smelling. As this symptom is also associated with bladder infections (cystitis), the two disorders must be distinguished from each other. However, many girls experience no symptoms at all. In such cases, they can discover the infection only when told that their sexual

partner has gonorrhea. If the symptoms in girls are ignored, or there are no symptoms, the infection may travel from the vagina into the uterus and fallopian tubes, resulting in pelvic inflammatory disease. This condition is accompanied by severe abdominal pain, which needs to be distinguished from acute appendicitis. In individuals infected through oral sex, a severe sore throat with pus on the tonsils may be present, whereas those with anal gonorrhea may experience discharge from the anus as well as pain in the anal area made worse during defecation. The diagnosis of gonorrhea is confirmed by examination of vaginal or anal discharge under the microscope in order to identify the bacteria. Discharge can also be grown in culture media. There is no blood test for gonorrhea. Treatment with one dose of antibiotics will cure most uncomplicated cases of gonorrhea. However, patients with pelvic inflammatory disease or epididymitis need a longer course of antibiotics and sometimes require hospitalization for intravenous treatments. Gonorrhea affecting males’ or females’ gonaducts is one of the most common causes of infertility in both sexes, since the diameter of the gonaducts is very small and the infection may cause parts of these tubes to stick together, thus preventing normal passage of sperm or ova. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; HIV/AIDS; Sex Education; Sexual Behavior; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories.

Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships Hendee, William R., ed. 1991. The Health of Adolescents. San Francisco: JosseyBass.

Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships An aspect of childhood and adolescence that is receiving renewed attention is intergenerational relationships and, more specifically, the relationships between grandparents and their grandchildren. Although these interactions are hardly new to either historical or contemporary family experience, their presence and significance to child and adolescent development, while often acknowledged, are not fully understood. That is, although considerable research has been directed at parent-child and parent-adolescent relationships, particularly in relation to developmental outcomes (e.g., self-concept, intellectual and verbal skills, and life changes), less is known about the contribution of intergenerational relationships to adolescent development. Below we will consider three intergenerational dimensions that are essential to understanding the contributions of the grandparent-grandchild relationship to the adolescent experience: (1) the dimensions of intergenerational solidarity that orchestrate the strength of the bonds between grandparents and their adolescent grandchildren, (2) the specific strategies employed by family members to organize grandparent-grandchild relationships, and (3) the nature of the mutual influence between grandparents and grandchildren. Solidarity and Strength of the Relationship As a result of demographic changes involving longer life spans and social

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changes such as higher rates of divorce (as well as other events that may disrupt parent-child interaction), the grandparentgrandchild relationship has received increasing attention both because it is available to more people (because of greater longevity) and because it sometimes serves to address or avert family crises. In turn, such issues require a better understanding of the grandparent-grandchild relationship. Research suggests that six dimensions of intergenerational solidarity may be of particular import in understanding the nature of the strength of the bond between grandparents and grandchildren, including adolescents (Roberts, Richards, and Bengtson, 1991). Affectional Bonds. Affectional bonds reflect the extent of closeness between grandchildren and grandparents. Although both grandparents and grandchildren report degrees of closeness to one another, grandparents tend to feel closer to grandchildren than vice versa (Miller and Bengtson, 1991). One explanation for this difference in perception of closeness may well be the extent of the grandparents’ need for the grandparent role. Such a need is based on life-course circumstances, including losses (e.g., of employment or friends through death) (Kivnick, 1993). Reported closeness is also influenced by the middle generation—the parents of the grandchild. If these parents have an emotionally close relationship with their own parents (the grandparents), then the grandparents and grandchildren are likely to be emotionally close as well (Cherlin and Furstenberg, 1986). In addition, there is a tendency for closeness between grandparents and grandchildren to fall along gender lines, inasmuch as women tend to take a more active role in kin-keeping than men (Hagestad, 1985). Finally, whatever the

An aspect of childhood and adolescence that is receiving renewed attention is the relationships between grandparents and their grandchildren. (David Turnley/Corbis)

Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships nature of the grandparent-grandchild relationship, including the extent of closeness, there is an apparent continuity of the general character of the relationship over time. For example, relationships characterized by closeness tend to remain close as children move from childhood through adolescence (Miller and Bengtson, 1991). Structural Bonds. Structural bonds are factors relating to opportunities for association between grandparent and grandchild (Roberts, Richards, and Bengtson, 1991). Such factors include geographic propinquity as well as demographic and personal characteristics of the grandchild and grandparent (e.g., age, gender, and health status) (Bengtson, 1985). Factors such as the parents’ employment status, marital status, and socioeconomic level may also play a significant role in the opportunity structure for association between grandparent and grandchild (Cherlin and Furstenberg, 1986). Such related parent characteristics as divorce, single parenthood, and unemployment have become primary determinants in the transformation, where necessary, of the grandparent role to that of surrogate or direct parental responsibility. Associational Bonds. This dimension of solidarity relates to the frequency of contact between grandparents and grandchildren (Kivett, 1991; Roberts, Richards, and Bengtson, 1991). Parents’ circumstances may exert a substantial influence on the extent of such contact, particularly in cases of parental divorce. As might be expected, both contacts and associational bonds tend to increase in situations where a divorced daughter is given custody of a grandchild, returns to the home of her parents, or requires considerable support in her own dwelling. A similar

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increase in solidarity of association might occur when parents are unable to care for children (Burton, 1995). However, divorce can also have a negative impact on solidarity. Consider, for example, the grandparent-grandchild interactions that might occur in situations involving a noncustodial parent, typically the father. Such situations often generate considerable anxiety, resulting in some level of political action (as in the grandparents’ rights movement) on the part of grandparents who are denied visitation opportunities to see their grandchildren. Functional Bonds. This form of bonding refers to the exchange of assistance or help between grandparents and grandchildren (Roberts, Richards, and Bengtson, 1991). As mentioned above, the exchange of support may be prompted by parents’ circumstances, particularly when grandparents are involved in raising grandchildren (Burton, 1995; Minkler and Roe, 1993). In most situations, however, it appears that grandparents prefer “intimacy at a distance,” which translates into involvement without interference in the activities of the middle-generation child-rearing practices (Chalfie, 1994). Although psychologists have some understanding of the social factors and circumstances that may bring grandparents to the assistance of grandchildren, they are less certain about what grandchildren “do” for grandparents in the form of providing a morale boost or other “support.” Consensual Bonds. Consensual bonds have to do with the degree of intergenerational similarity in values between grandparents and their grandchildren. Although such similarity is sometimes taken as evidence of successful socialization across generations (Troll, 1983,

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1985), an important related question that has received relatively little attention is how these generational values, beliefs, and attitudes are negotiated in shaping and organizing grandparent-grandchild relationships (Hagestad, 1985). Normative Bonds. This mode of bonding refers to intergenerational perceptions of responsibilities and obligations about the character of the relationship. An example of normative solidarity would be the degree of grandparental acceptance of responsibility to assume a surrogate parent role for a grandchild when a parent is unable to perform that function. Here, too, the nature of the obligations in the other direction—from grandchildren to grandparent—have received much less attention. Although the preceding discussion of the six modes of solidarity provides some insight into the nature and strength of intergenerational bonds, it does not directly address two important aspects of that relationship: (1) How are relationships between grandparents and grandchildren organized, particularly in the face of changing societal values? (2) What is the nature of the grandparents’ influence on their grandchildren? Organizing the GrandparentGrandchild Relationship Based on findings from interviews with three generations (late adolescent/young adult grandchildren, middle-generation parents, and grandparents), G. O. Hagestad (1985) has identified several significant features influencing the formation and organization of the grandparentgrandchild relationship. • The development of this relationship is problematic in a rapidly

changing and heterogeneous society. Grandparents and grandchildren are faced with the challenge of building a relationship that, in previous generations, was guided and shaped by commonalties across generations: “Like father, like son. Like mother, like daughter.” • The establishment of a grandparent-grandchild relationship requires not only continuous and reciprocal socialization but also negotiation and interaction management. For example, Hagestad (1985) has noted the lengths to which grandparents and grandchildren go to ensure, as much as possible and reasonable, that the topics of intergenerational conversation are sufficiently neutral and noncontroversial, so as not to disrupt the connections between the generations. • The specific activities and conversational topics that form the nexus of the grandparent-grandchild relationship vary widely. • Regardless of the activities or conversational topics under way, there are systematic differences in the ways that grandmothers and grandfathers relate to their late adolescent/young adult grandchildren: Grandmothers tend to focus on interpersonal family dynamics, and grandfathers tend to emphasize instrumental matters, i.e., achieving a goal or performing an activity. Grandmothers are more flexible than grandfathers in covering a wider spectrum of both domains in the relationship with their grandchildren. Grandmothers are more comfortable than grandfathers in their interaction with

Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships both male and female grandchildren. And, finally, in terms of the reciprocal and mutual character of the grandparent-grandchild relationships, grandmothers are more receptive than grandfathers to socialization “up the generational ladder”; in other words, they are more responsive to learning from their grandchildren and better able to adjust their views accordingly.

Grandparent’s Influences on Adolescent Grandchildren Research on the influences of grandparents on their adolescent grandchildren is incomplete and somewhat elusive. There is a general impression that grandparents may be important in the lives of their grandchildren, but few studies confirm this expectation, particularly with reference to outcomes for adolescents. Several investigators suggest that the character of grandparents’ influences is vague, though by no means inconsequential, primarily because the contribution of grandparents is related to a variety of symbolic functions. Sociologists have identified several of these symbolic functions of grandparents in family life, including the following (Kivnick, 1993; Troll, 1985): • Supporting family cohesion. • Moderating intensity and family stress by serving as “sounding boards” or mediators. • Serving as family “watchdogs” to actively intervene with support, as or if necessary. • Symbolizing the continuity of families over generations as sources of support during times of family difficulty.

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Thus, although it is not unreasonable to expect that the grandparent-grandchild interaction contributes to positive adaptation and the mental health of the grandchild in adulthood, conventional research methodologies have neither confirmed nor denied this possibility. The difficulty of establishing these positive connections may be due not only to the relative absence of longitudinal studies but also to the symbolic and diffuse nature of grandparent contributions. Nonetheless, although the empirical findings on the contributions of the relationship are perhaps disappointing, there is some encouraging evidence of these contributions throughout the childhood and adolescence of their grandchildren (Kivnick and Sinclair, 1996): First, when close and effective relationships are established in childhood, they tend to continue into adolescence. Second, analysis of secondary data suggests that the adolescent offspring of single parents benefit from the presence of grandparents in their lives. And, third, high school students often report that they view their grandparents as both companions and important contributors to their lives. Lawrence B. Schiamberg

See also Child-Rearing Styles; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Mothers and Adolescents; Parental Monitoring; Parenting Styles References and further reading Bengtson, Vern L. 1985. “Diversity and Symbolism in Grandparental Roles.” Pp. 11–26 in Grandparenthood. Edited by Vern L. Bengtson and Joan F. Robertson. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Burton, Linda M. 1995. “Intergenerational Patterns of Providing Are Found in African-American Families with Teenage Childbearers: Emergent Patterns in an Ethnographic Study.” Pp.

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79–96 in Adult Intergenerational Relations: Effects of Societal Change. Edited by Vern L. Bengtson, K. W. Schaie, and L. M. Burton. New York: Springer. Chalfie, D. 1994. Going It Alone: A Closer Look at Grandparents Parenting Grandchildren. Washington, DC: American Association of Retired People Women’s Initiative. Cherlin, Andrew, and Frank Furstenberg. 1986. The New American Grandparent: A Place in the Family, a Life Apart. New York: Basic Books. Hagestad, G. O. 1985. “Continuity and Connectedness.” Pp. 31–48 in Grandparenthood. Edited by Vern L. Bengtson and Joan F. Robertson. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Kivett, Vira. 1991. “The GrandparentGrandchild Connection.” Journal of Marriage and Family Review 19: 26–34. Kivnick, Helen Q. 1993. “Everyday Mental Health: A Guide to Assessing Life Strengths.” Pp. 19–36 in Mental Health and Aging: Progress and Prospects. Edited by M. A. Smyer. New York: Springer. Kivnick, H. Q., and Heather Sinclair. 1996. “Grandparenthood.” Pp. 611–624

in Encyclopedia of Gerontology. Edited by J. E. Birren. New York: Academic Press. Miller, R. B., and Vern L. Bengtson. 1991. “Grandparent-Grandchild Relations.” Pp. 414–418 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. New York: Garland. Minkler, M., and K. M. Roe. 1993. Grandmothers as Caregivers. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Roberts, R.E.L., L. N. Richards, and Vern L. Bengtson. 1991. “Intergenerational Solidarity in Families: Untangling the Ties That Bind.” Pp. 11–46 in Marriage and Family Review. Vol. 16, Families: Intergenerational and Generational Connections. Edited by S. K. Pfeifer and M. B. Sussman. Binghamton, NY: Haworth. Troll, L. E. 1983. “Grandparents: The Family Watchdogs.” Pp. 63–74 in Family Relationships in Later Life. Edited by T. Brubaker. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. ———. 1985. “The Contingencies of Grandparenting.” Pp. 135–149 in Grandparenthood. Edited by Vern L. Bengtson and Joan F. Robertson. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

H Health Promotion

Brindis and Philip Lee, adolescents in sixth through twelfth grade believe that health is more than just the absence of illness, and that illness is more than just a matter of somatic signs and symptoms. For these older adolescents, the definitions of illness take into account such signs and symptoms, but they also include affective states and role functioning. By contrast, younger adolescents are more likely to focus on external indicators, as their thinking tends to be concrete rather than abstract. Thus, prevention and promotion efforts should not be aimed entirely at illness avoidance. Another factor that needs to be considered when designing health-promotion efforts is “risk-taking” behaviors. Paradoxically, many of the risk-taking behaviors that adolescents engage in are not perceived by them as such—perhaps because adolescents have had little or no firsthand experience with the consequences of these behaviors. To address this problem, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) have set up a system called Programs that Work (PTW). The purpose of PTW is to identify curricula with credible evidence of effectiveness in reducing the frequency of risk-taking behaviors among young people. PTW also provides information and training for interested educators from state and local education agencies, departments of

Health promotion consists of activities designed to help adolescents maintain their physical, mental, and social wellbeing. Such activities—when promoted in the family, the media, the school, and the peer group—may also prevent the development of chronic conditions. Many educational programs are designed to encourage adolescents to “take control” of their health. Indeed, adolescents’ perceptions of themselves as being healthy or ill may be the key to their seeking medical care and taking advantage of health-promotion and disease-prevention services. Promotion efforts aimed at adolescents are important because many of the health-compromising behaviors seen in adulthood (e.g., cigarette smoking) begin in adolescence. Because the majority of adolescents are healthy, many presume that teens have little interest in health promotion and disease prevention. However, as research has demonstrated that adolescents do think of health and illness as important, intervention efforts should be developed with an understanding of how adolescents think about these concepts (Brindis and Lee, 1991). For example, adolescents who view health as the absence of disease would benefit from programs that focus on illness avoidance. Adolescents vary widely in their conceptualizations of health and illness. According to Claire

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The adolescent years are critical for developing good health-related behaviors. (Shirley Zeiberg)

health, and national nongovernmental organizations. Every school day, 66 million young people attend the nation’s schools, colleges, and universities. Obviously, then, the school setting is an optimal place for information delivery, assessment of risk behaviors, and monitoring of policies and programs already in place. Discussed below are some of the major adolescent health-promotion efforts now under way. Nutrition Many adults consider adolescents’ eating behaviors to be inappropriate. For the

most part, however, adolescents’ eating behaviors reflect the eating behaviors of adults, especially the adults in their immediate family. Although many teenagers experience brief periods of “fad” eating, the majority consume a healthy diet. Current recommendations for a healthy diet are as follows: (1) Eat a variety of foods, (2) choose a diet low in saturated fat and cholesterol, (3) eat plenty of vegetables, fruits, and grain products, and (4) use salt in moderation. A healthy diet can help adolescents feel and look good; it can also reduce their risk for the development of heart disease, cancer,

Health Promotion and stroke, the three leading causes of death in adults. Although the majority of adolescents maintain healthy eating patterns, some young people make poor eating choices that put them at risk for health problems. Establishing healthy eating habits at a young age is critical because changing poor eating habits in adulthood can be difficult. Moreover, programs aimed at promoting healthy eating can prevent childhood and adolescent health problems such as obesity, eating disorders, dental caries (tooth decay), and iron deficiency anemia. Unfortunately, eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia— which can lead to severe health problems and even death—are increasingly common among young people. Healthy eating patterns are in part a function of nutrients, which fall into three main categories: sources of energy (carbohydrate, fat, and protein), trace elements (vitamins and minerals), and water. Sources of Energy. For teens of both sexes, caloric intake varies according to degree of activity and phase of growth. On average, boys need about 2,500 calories per day during early puberty and about 3,000 calories per day during midpuberty (when rapid growth occurs) and young adulthood. Girls need about 2,000 calories per day from early puberty onward. The distribution of energy nutrients should be about 15 percent of calories from protein, 30 percent of calories from fat, and 55 percent of calories from carbohydrate. The adequacy of total caloric intake is best determined relative to body weight. Charts reflecting the standards for gains in both weight and height are readily available from the teen’s primary healthcare provider. Research indicates an increasing trend

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toward both obesity and extreme thinness among teenagers, especially girls. Most people have little or no information about either the caloric or the nutritional content of the food they eat. Product labeling has made this task easier. Reading food labels can help teens determine the adequacy of their diet. It is important to realize that the proportion of a particular nutrient has to be calculated on the basis of calories—not on the basis of weight. For instance, milk labeled as “2 percent” contains 2 percent fat by weight, but the important proportion to consider is the percentage of calories from fat. One serving (8 ounces) of 2 percent milk contains 120 calories, of which 40 calories are from fat. Therefore, 33 percent ([40/120] x 100), not 2 percent of the calories in this milk, come from fat. Trace Elements. Many of the manufactured foods that adolescents eat are enriched with vitamins and minerals, so vitamin deficiencies are rare. The routine use of vitamin pills is therefore not recommended for otherwise healthy adolescents. Nevertheless, many adolescents are at risk for inadequate intake of iron and calcium. For example, whereas most boys consume adequate calcium, many girls do not. Calcium content is high in most high-protein foods such as meat, fish, and diary products. And among vegetables, spinach is the highest in calcium. Adequate calcium intake is essential during puberty since almost all calcium storage in bones is completed by the end of puberty. Teens who are considered to have inadequate calcium intake should consider taking calcium carbonate, which can be found in some over-thecounter antacids such as Tums. Iron deficiency anemia is the most common

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trace-element disorder among adolescents. As many as 15 percent of male and female adolescents have this condition. Girls are most at risk because of their additional need for iron related to blood loss during menstruation. Foods rich in iron are meats, fish, and enriched grain products such as bread. Inadequate intake of iron or excessive loss of this mineral during menstruation can be made up by taking iron supplements. However, these should be used only under the supervision of a healthcare provider who has done a blood count to determine the need for iron supplementation. Salt (sodium chloride) should be used only in moderation because excessive amounts can lead to high blood pressure. Foods with high sodium content include snack foods such as potato chips and beef jerky as well as prepared foods such as canned vegetables. The sodium content of foods can be found on package labels. Water. All of the body’s chemical reactions take place in water. Although most adolescents do not drink much water per se, they take in adequate amounts by consuming food and flavored drinks. In fact, inadequate water intake is almost unheard of among healthy adolescents, so the current recommendation of drinking eight glasses of water a day is questionable during adolescence. Exercise Physical activity is part of a healthy lifestyle, and teenagers need to stay active in order to stay healthy and look good. The current recommendation is that teens should exercise at least five days a week for at least thirty minutes at a time, and that they should exercise in such a way that their heart is beating

faster and they are breathing harder. This form of exercise, called aerobic exercise, is recommended over more passive types such as weight training. Most teens feel good after exercising, probably because of the release of brain chemicals that promote this feeling. Exercise also promotes a healthy heart, lowers blood pressure and cholesterol levels, helps control weight, and strengthens bones, muscles, and joints. Competitive sports are a good way to keep up with exercise and conditioning, but not all young people want to participate in these activities. In addition, choosing a sport can be especially difficult for teens as they near puberty. Early maturing boys may be stronger and have more stamina than their peers, whereas late maturers may feel as though they are lagging behind their peers in strength and sport ability. Teen athletes should consider which sports are convenient and affordable, and try to match their own skills to the demands of those sports. They should also realize that some sports are associated with a high degree of risk. Water sports are a case in point. Injuries can occur as a result of diving into shallow water, swimming in deep water, and mixing drugs and alcohol with water sport activities. In addition, drowning is a leading cause of death among teens. Sleep Younger adolescents need nine to ten hours of sleep, compared to older teenagers, who need about seven to eight hours. In addition, older teens tend to stay up later and wake up later. Adolescents who get enough sleep wake up feeling refreshed and energetic; those who don’t often become drowsy during the daytime hours. Inadequate sleep can compromise school performance. It also

Health Promotion poses an increased risk of injuries among teens who are working with machinery or driving. Teens should not perform shift work because the changes in sleep times are very disruptive to normal functioning. Stress Stress is what people experience when they are not sure they can manage or cope with a specific situation. It occurs frequently in adolescents because they face relatively new situations frequently. Stress affects almost all of a teen’s body systems, potentially interfering with normal pubertal growth and sexual maturation. It also takes a psychological toll. To minimize stress, adolescents should avoid taking on too many new activities. When stress does occur, several steps can be taken to reduce its effects. Consider trying to solve one problem at a time. Talk things over with someone who can potentially help. (Another teenager might not be a good choice for this.) Keep busy with activities that are familiar and relaxing. Exercise regularly. Learn and use some physical and mental relaxation techniques such as meditation. Sex Increasing frequency of sexual behaviors is normal during adolescence. One of the major tasks of this period of life is the establishment of interpersonal relations with others. Sexual gratification can be attained by a variety of means, including solitary sexual behaviors (thinking, looking, self-stimulation) and outercourse behaviors with a partner (looking, kissing, touching, petting to orgasm), which are generally healthier than intercourse. These relations often involve sexual behaviors that should be accompanied by considerations for the feelings of part-

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ners as well as efforts to prevent sexually transmitted disease and unwanted pregnancies. Dozens of programs for teens aimed at safe-sex practices are found in schools and community health centers. These programs generally focus upon postponement of sexual involvement, prevention of pregnancy and STDs/AIDS, and preparation for childbearing. Other programs are aimed at slightly younger people, before they are at risk. Professionals in these programs work closely with parents through home visits and are aimed at increasing parenting skills, enhancing positive self-worth, and encouraging the delay of sexual initiation. Some programs use peer educators—a technique that has been shown to have benefits both for students and for the peer educators themselves. Teens are more likely to express their concerns and talk to people their own age. In sum, the adolescent years are critical for developing good health-related behaviors. During this time, teens begin to make independent decisions about their health and the behaviors that promote or impede healthy development. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Dental Health; Drug Abuse Prevention; Environmental Health Issues; Health Services for Adolescents; Nutrition; Sexual Behavior References and further reading Brindis, Claire D., and Philip R. Lee. 1991. “Adolescents’ Conceptualization of Illness.” Pp. 534–540 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2000. The Programs That Work (PTW) Project. Atlanta, GA. Web site: http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/dash/ rtc/moreinfo.htm.

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Health Services for Adolescents Health is difficult to define and measure at any life stage. Given the rapid changes of adolescence in growth and physiology, it is even more difficult to assess health status during this period of life. Many diseases and disabilities that are debilitating in adulthood begin in adolescence. Diagnosis of disorders and overall health assessment are therefore critical during the adolescent years. There is a widespread perception that adolescents are healthy—a perception supported by the fact that adolescents use less medical care, when all types of care are considered, than any other age group. About seven out of ten adolescents seek medical care once a year, but only 4 percent spend as much as one night in a hospital (Daniel, 1991). Female adolescents use more medical care than males, accounted for by their greater use of reproductive care. Hospitalizations are used more often by females—and this, too, is accounted for by pregnancy complications and delivery (Daniel, 1991). Males are more likely to be hospitalized for accidents than females. Overall, rates of smoking and illicit drug use have decreased among the adolescent population, as have death rates. Teenage pregnancy rates are also down from prior years. The health problems of adolescence are not problems of disease but problems of stress and change. The professionals in the field of health services need to recognize the individual needs of adolescents in order for prevention and intervention efforts to be successful. Adolescence is a time of rapid growth and change, calling for the teen to adjust to new situations, ways of thinking, and relationships. In addition, adolescents are adjusting to the physical changes within themselves. Unfortunately, the health services and profession-

als that are used by the adolescent population are not always adequately equipped to provide optimal care to this segment of the population. Adolescence as a life stage entails specific health-related problems for teenagers, their parents, and their healthcare providers. These include issues related to developing a personal identity, independence, decision making, interpersonal relationships, work, sexuality, and chronic health problems. Until recently, however, most adolescents obtained healthcare from providers with little or no training in providing services directed specifically at adolescents. This situation has improved now that some of the medical specialty certification organizations (such as the American Board of Pediatrics) require that a specific segment of the training curriculum for physicians after they have graduated from medical school be directed toward the health problems of adolescents. In the meantime, education for health professionals has become more complex because it is no longer feasible for a single profession to meet the diverse health needs of adolescents. Optimal training in adolescent healthcare should involve the study of growth and development as well as of puberty and its interrelation with the social and psychological tasks of adolescence. Indeed, because individual growth is affected by numerous external factors in the family, the peer group, and the social culture, an understanding of the complex world of adolescents is necessary if a comprehensive assessment of health is to be achieved. The Context of Care The majority of adolescents receive healthcare from family or general physicians, followed by pediatricians, usually

Health Services for Adolescents in office settings. It is only a small minority of adolescents who get care at sites offering services directed specifically at teenagers. These most often include such settings as high school and college health clinics, medical school clinics, and correctional facilities. Almost no office sites provide care solely to adolescents. Some office practices do set aside specific times of the week when the practitioners see only adolescents, but these sites are the exception rather than the rule. Much more often, adolescents are intermingled with all of the other patients seen by the practices. In pediatric practices, this means that the teenagers will be waiting to be seen in a room populated by screaming infants and rambunctious toddlers who are sneezing, coughing, and so on; in family-medicine settings, they will be waiting with older adults. These settings make most teenagers unhappy and may discourage them from returning except for emergencies. If possible, separate waiting areas for adolescents should be made available. Barriers to Care Utilization A serious problem in adolescent health service delivery is the underutilization of services by adolescents. The high frequency of preventable conditions such as unplanned pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, and injuries indicate that adolescents are not making use of the services available to them. Researchers have identified several impediments to obtaining health services for prevention or treatment. For example, many adolescents do not understand the importance of prevention and therefore do not go for periodic checkups. Since very few adolescents experience major health disorders, minor conditions do not worry them, and they often are not

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Adolescence as a life stage entails specific health-related problems for teenagers, their parents, and their healthcare providers. (Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis)

urged by parents to seek medical attention. Many of the presenting problems for adolescents have to do with sexuality or substance abuse; according to one study, however, many adolescents will not go to a physician for sexuality, substance abuse, or emotional problems (Klerman, 1991). Another barrier that prevents adolescents from seeking treatment for health issues is that they are unaware that their present behavior (i.e., smoking, poor nutrition) can cause future problems. Teens are often not informed about centers and other places that offer preventive

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care or counseling, and they are hesitant to ask parents or school personnel for information. Although parents may take their adolescents for yearly exams, adolescents may not reveal to family physicians important information about their health status. The normal separation from parents during adolescence may also lead teens to ask their peers for information and support. Unfortunately, much of the information obtained from peers is incorrect, resulting in unhealthy behaviors and failure to obtain care for presenting health problems. Still other barriers are unaffordability, inaccessibility, and inappropriateness. The most typical financial impediment is the absence of public or private health insurance. A large number of American families are not covered by private insurance or Medicaid, and many of the services needed for adolescents are not covered even when there is insurance. Transportation to health services is another problem for many adolescents and for poorer families in general. Public transportation is often unavailable in rural areas, and adolescents (along with other family members) may not have access to private transportation. In addition, many adolescents may find it inconvenient to visit healthcare professionals during the school or workday. Thus, it is essential for healthcare facilities to schedule evening and weekend hours. Below are recommendations for health service delivery to adolescents. Staff Office staff should take a friendly approach that provides a positive atmosphere and recognizes that adolescents are not babies. If the staff give the impression that they are unhappy with having teenagers at the site—that they stereo-

typically expect to find angry, rebellious, intoxicated teenagers and will treat them accordingly—they run the risk of further increasing the adolescents’ (and their own) uneasiness in regard to the visit. The adolescents, in turn, may be reluctant to return for additional care if they do not feel comfortable with the staff. Most adolescents want staff to listen to them and to treat them nonjudgmentally. They are also concerned about confidentiality and need some assurance that all issues discussed will be kept confidential. Parents Parents should recognize that most adolescents are quite capable not only of providing appropriate information about their health to providers but also of managing most of their own health problems. Most parents will accompany their teenager to the office visit and want to have all available information relating to the visit, the diagnosis, and the treatment plan. Many object when the provider attempts to obtain a confidentiality agreement for the teenager. Under this arrangement, the parents are asked to agree that whatever their child reveals to the provider will be confidential except for information that involves a risk to the adolescent or someone else (e.g., a threat to commit suicide) or a situation in which the provider is required by law to reveal the information (e.g., physical or sexual abuse). In either of these exceptional circumstances, the provider explains to the adolescent that he or she must reveal the information to others; then the parents are told that if they want to know what happened at the visit, they should ask their child. This practice is important in that it allows teenagers to feel that they can safely reveal very personal issues to the provider. For instance,

High School Equivalency Degree since few sexually active teens want their parents to know about their sexual involvement, they are not likely to express their concern about sexually transmitted disease if their parents are in the room with them and the provider. One of the most important roles for parents is to help adolescents become responsible for their own healthcare. This is best accomplished not only by arranging for a confidentiality agreement among parents, adolescents, and providers but also by discussing healthcare issues directly with the adolescents. Providers Providers of health services to adolescents should be informed and comfortable about managing issues of particular importance to adolescents. These include confidentiality and health behaviors involving sexuality; substance use and abuse; relations with parents, siblings, and peers; and behavioral issues related to chronic health problems and others. In cases where providers have limited their practices to exclude adolescents, referral should be made to a provider who does treat individuals in this age group. Family practitioners are often the most appropriate and available source of healthcare for teens, inasmuch as they provide a mixed setting with varied clientele and offer services for the entire family. By the same token, family practitioners may be less of a problem than other providers in terms of the transition between child and adolescent healthcare to young adult healthcare. Note that most internists treat only adults, so they are not the best choice for a teenager who has been discharged from a pediatric practice because of age or developmental status. Jordan W. Finkelstein

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See also Conflict Resolution; Counseling; Dental Health; Drug Abuse Prevention; Environmental Health Issues; Health Promotion; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Psychotherapy References and further reading Daniel, William A., Jr. 1991. “Training in Adolescent Health Care.” Pp. 450–453 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Friedman, S. B., M. M. Fisher, S. K. Schoenberg, and E. M. Alderman. 1998. Comprehensive Adolescent Health Care. St. Louis, MO: Mosby. Klerman, Lorraine V. 1991. “Barriers to Health Services for Adolescents.” Pp. 470–474 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Kovar, Mary Grace. 1991. “Health of Adolescents in the United States: An Overview.” Pp. 454–458 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland.

High School Equivalency Degree The General Educational Development (GED) tests provide individuals who have dropped out of high school with an opportunity to obtain a diploma equivalent to a high school degree. The GED tests, which are periodically revised, assess knowledge and critical-thinking skills and may be taken by anyone not currently enrolled in high school who meets state age requirements. Teens and young adults who pass the GED report greater confidence, increase their chances of college admission, and receive higher salaries than high school dropouts. One out of every seven high school degrees conferred is a GED. The GED tests were developed in 1942 to provide U.S. veterans who had not finished high school with a way to obtain

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Adult students study for their GED in Minnesota. (Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis)

an alternative degree in order to satisfy college entrance requirements. However, the program became popular with the general public, and by 1959 civilians taking the tests outnumbered military personnel. Currently, about 800,000 individuals, most between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four, take the GED each year. The American Council for Education (ACE) produces the GED tests and determines minimal score standards, although individual states may set additional requirements. Test takers can choose among 3,500 official testing centers throughout the world. The tests are available in English, Spanish, French, and Braille, and accommodations are made for individuals with disabilities. The GED tests consist of a written essay and four multiple-choice sections: social

studies, science, language arts, and mathematics. They reflect the skills and concepts found in high school curricula and have become more challenging as secondary education has evolved. The tests have undergone four versions, the most current of which is the 2002 series. They require seven and one-half hours to complete, although some testing centers allow candidates to complete each of the test sections separately. Prior to taking the GED, most people average about thirty hours of preparation consisting of classes or individual study using books and practice tests. Standards for passing the tests are based on norms derived from high school seniors’ scores on the GED in order to verify that GED graduates are academically equivalent to high school graduates. About 70 percent of GED candidates pass

Higher Education the tests on their first attempt; another 15 percent succeed after taking the tests a second time. Almost 14 million people have received GED diplomas since the program began. Two out of three individuals who take the GED do so in order to pursue higher education, and more than half of those who pass actually obtain additional schooling. Although more than 90 percent of four-year universities accept GED graduates who satisfy other admission requirements, most people with GEDs attend trade and technical schools or community colleges. Students enrolled in vocational programs complete them at the same rates as do high school graduates, but a smaller number finish the programs at two- and four-year institutions. The armed services admit about 40,000 recruits with GED diplomas each year, but they give preference to high school graduates since they drop out of the military at lower rates than do individuals with GEDs. More than 95 percent of employers consider the work skills of people with GED and high school degrees to be equivalent. Compared to high school dropouts, individuals with GEDs are employed full-time at higher rates and receive wages that are 6 to 13 percent greater. However, individuals with high school and, especially, college diplomas are usually salaried at higher levels than GED recipients. Well-known individuals who have earned GED diplomas include entertainer Bill Cosby, U.S. Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell, Wendy’s founder Dave Thomas, country music singer Waylon Jennings, and Delaware Lieutenant Governor Ruth Ann Minner. Wendy Hubenthal

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See also Academic Achievement; Career Development; School Dropouts; Standardized Tests; Vocational Development References and further reading American Council on Education. Web site: http://www.acenet.edu/ (select GED link). Boesel, David, Nabeel Alsalam, and Thomas Smith. 1998. Research Synthesis: Educational and Labor Market Performance of GED Recipients. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Martz, Geoff, and Laurice Pearson (contributor). 1999. Cracking the GED, 2000. New York: Random House (published annually).

Higher Education Higher education (also called postsecondary or tertiary education) refers to the broad set of educational opportunities available beyond the level of secondary education (junior high through high school). A mix of general and specialized study, it is intended to prepare graduates for advanced professional employment in government, industry, and business. Relative to other world countries, where advanced education opportunities are typically managed by a central government ministry and available to only a select number of individuals, higher education in the United States is unique in terms of its diversity, size, competitiveness, and decentralized nature. U.S. institutions providing higher education include public and private colleges, universities, professional schools, community (or junior) colleges, and proprietary schools. Length and type of study vary by institution and degree type. Community colleges typically offer two-year technical and general education programs leading to the associate’s degree. At four-

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A mix of general and specialized study, higher education is intended to prepare graduates for advanced professional employment in government, industry, and business. (Joseph Sohm; ChromoSohm, Inc./Corbis)

year colleges and universities, bachelor’s degrees are awarded to students who complete a “liberal arts” program of study that consists of both general and specialized classes. Following the completion of a bachelor’s degree, qualifying candidates can elect to pursue advanced master’s or doctoral degree study, or attend a professional academy such as a medical, business, or law school. Proprietary, for-profit institutions offer a broad range of degree, certificate, and diploma programs of shorter duration. Higher education in the United States currently serves more than 14.3 million domestic and international students—an enrollment increase of 16 percent since 1985—in more than 4,000 higher educa-

tion institutions (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1998). Understood by most Americans to be a key ingredient in social accession and success, access to some form of higher education has grown significantly over the past fifty years and is now almost universally available (Trow, 1989). On average, 62 percent of each year’s 2.5 million secondary school graduates enroll in some form of postsecondary education. Since 1980, the number of women at colleges and universities has exceeded the number of men. Minority enrollment levels have been increasing slowly over time. In 1995, 11 percent of African Americans, 2 percent of Asians/Pacific Islanders, and fewer than 1 percent of Native Americans were

Higher Education enrolled in institutions of higher learning (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1998). History Higher education in the United States has evolved significantly during its long history, continually modifying itself to parallel the needs of the growing country. American higher education began with Harvard College (Rudolph, 1990). Chartered in 1636 by leaders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Harvard was modeled after the British colleges of Oxford and Cambridge. Other colonial colleges soon followed. As with Harvard, the purpose of these early schools was to prepare new generations of elite, young men for civic and religious leadership. Discipline and character building, rather than knowledge or skill attainment, were their primary goals of instruction. Hence, these institutions offered studies, known as the liberal arts, that were believed to be instrumental in inculcating moral and spiritual growth—studies that included work in mathematics, grammar, rhetoric, and the memorization of certain classic Greek and Latin texts. As America grew and changed following nationhood, so too did its institutions of higher education. During the first half of the nineteenth century, westward expansion brought with it a dramatic proliferation of small, private colleges. Modeled after the original colonial schools, most of these were founded by members of various Protestant religious denominations. By midcentury, however, the traditional and elitist practices of the country’s old and new colleges were perceived as increasingly out of step with the events of the day. Science and scientific theory—for the most part imported from continental Europe—had established a

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foothold in the curriculum of many colleges, and a crop of young, new educators began agitating for changes in the traditional methods and content of instruction. With similar feelings being voiced by the population at large, calls for a more practical approach to education grew in frequency and intensity. One product of this sentiment was the enactment, in 1862, of the Morrill Land Grant Act, an article of federal legislation that gave land to each state to be sold to start new colleges dedicated to both liberal arts and agricultural and mechanical training (Veysey, 1965). Another was the adoption, from Germany, of specialized research and graduate education practices. When fused with the liberal arts curricula, these initiatives resulted in the formation of the country’s first true universities; undergraduate cum graduate institutions were now committed to providing instruction in traditional subjects while at the same time using the tenets of science to generate new knowledge. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the basic structure of today’s modern postsecondary educational system was in place. Disciplinary departments had formed. Administrators, rather than professors, as was previously the case, had or were assuming responsibility for various operational functions. And in response to the growing perception that higher education represented a means for improving one’s social station, colleges and universities continued to differentiate and grow in number, modifying themselves along the way to offer ever-more specialized and practical educational opportunities. Yet despite these advancements, higher education remained a privilege of America’s wealthy male elite well into the latter half of the century. Women and minorities, for instance, were often

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either excluded from study altogether or segregated into women- and black-only colleges. Since World War II, a number of federal government initiatives—the G.I. Bill, funding for scientific research, and the Higher Education Act—have dramatically impacted the growth and direction of higher education. An article of federal legislation, the G.I. Bill exploded enrollments by subsidizing the college and university study of hundreds of thousands of returning veterans, forever changing the tradition of who had access to college (Boyer, 1990). The influx of millions of dollars of federal research aid, given initially to promote cold war weapons initiatives, greatly expanded the research function and capacities of universities, solidifying their role as producers of new knowledge. In the 1960s, the government’s first Higher Education Act, in conjunction with the change in social perception inspired by the civil rights movement, combined, at last, to fully secure access to higher education for all people, regardless of color, religion, gender, or disability. In recent years, discussions of higher education policy have revolved around the issues of quality, diversity, access, affordability, academic freedom, and what should be taught. Organization Unlike primary and secondary education, higher education in the United States is neither mandatory nor provided free by law. In addition, unlike education in most other countries, it is not overseen by a federal ministry. (In other words, the Department of Education has no direct control over higher education practices.) For these reasons, American colleges and universities are remarkably unencumbered in terms of how they define them-

selves, hire and fire personnel, design curricula, and provide other services. Perhaps the most distinguishing characteristic of American higher education is its incredible diversity. Across the land, cities, towns, and rural areas alike are sprinkled with a rich variety of public and private, large and small, and for- and nonprofit institutions. Within this mixture, educational mandates and practices vary greatly. Some schools are controlled by religious organizations and offer study that is tightly coupled to church teachings. Others may specialize in research. Still others may be profit-directed and offer short-term training courses leading to a particular profession. Some have residential facilities, whereas others organize their programs of study around the needs of commuting students. Regardless of orientation, the higher education model most familiar to Americans is that of the two- and four-year degree-granting colleges or universities. Community or junior colleges are twoyear public institutions. They offer a mixture of technical and vocational programs, nondegree adult-learning classes, and general study that results in the associate degree and is intended to prepare students for transfer into a four-year institution. Admission to community colleges is generally open to anyone with a high school (or equivalent) diploma. This open-admissions policy does not imply poor standards, however. On the contrary, the quality of instruction at community colleges is often as rigorous as that at more prestigious and wellknown four-year schools. Because most community colleges cater to local, commuting residents, they do not operate housing facilities. Heavily subsidized with public tax dollars, they have in recent years become increasingly popular

Higher Education with students looking to fulfill general education requirements before enrolling at more expensive four-year schools. Four-year institutions are both public and private. Of the approximately 4,000 four-year colleges and universities in the United States, slightly more than half are private. Despite being outnumbered, public schools—including most community colleges and state-operated comprehensive universities—are home to nearly three out of four Americans enrolled in higher education nationwide. There are few practical differences in the modes and methods of instruction at public and private institutions. Based, however, on the principle of providing universal access to a wide range of educational opportunities, public colleges and universities tend to be more comprehensive than their private counterparts (Thullen et al., 1997). A lay board, commonly referred to as a board of regents or governors, governs public institutions. This board directs institutional policy and appoints a president to implement the members’ decisions and lead the institution. Although tuition fees account for a significant component of public institutions’ operating budgets, the bulk of their annual funding is legislatively allocated from state and local tax coffers. Private colleges and universities are privately owned nonprofit organizations. Like public schools, they are guided by a board of directors (known as trustees) as well as by a president who oversees their day-to-day operations. Unlike public schools, private colleges and universities receive no direct tax assistance. As a consequence, tuition revenues account for a significant percentage of their annual operating budgets, making them more expensive to students and their families. This issue has raised concerns among

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some people who fear that the hefty price tags at these institutions will depress low-income enrollments and turn them into bastions of elitism. To make sense of the variety of public and private colleges and universities in the United States, The Carnegie Foundation created a classification system in 1973. Known as the Carnegie Classification, the widely recognized typology organizes all degree-granting and accredited tertiary institutions into these groups: doctorate-granting institutions; master’s colleges and universities; baccalaureate colleges; associate’s colleges; specialized institutions (e.g., theological seminaries, teachers colleges, and schools of medicine, business, and law); and tribal colleges and universities. In some of the categories, subsets exist to provide greater refinement of type. It is important to note that the Carnegie Classification does not rank schools by quality. Organized by highest degree awarded and mode of financing, it is instead a tool to assist in identifying an institution’s general characteristics and mission. The classification is regularly updated to reflect changes in higher education institution types. Despite differences in size, cost, mission, and affiliation, the programmatic offerings of most four-year American colleges and universities are remarkably similar. Undergraduate study refers to the initial phase of postsecondary education leading to the bachelor’s degree. Designed to require four years of fulltime work to complete, it proceeds in two stages: one or two years of general study, covering a broad range of subjects (also called distribution or liberal arts requirements), and a period of concentrated study in a particular academic discipline (major) meant to directly prepare students for either entry-level work or

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advancement to graduate-level studies. Undergraduate study programs are often quite flexible. Students are able—and frequently encouraged by professors or academic advisers—to select classes and specify majors of an interdisciplinary nature. Classes, especially during students’ freshman and sophomore years of study, are often large and conducted in lecture halls. Although format and size vary by institution and course type, actual contact and conversation with professors can be infrequent, especially at some of the larger institutions. Undergraduates are regularly tested over the course of an academic semester. The most common forms of assessment are exams, quizzes, and essays. Successfully completing a course results in a grade and the awarding of a set number of credit hours. Like most secondary schools, the majority of four-year institutions award grades from A to F. These marks are then translated into a numerical scale, running from 4.0 (outstanding) to 0 (failing), that is used to formulate a student’s grade-point average. Students graduate after accumulating a predetermined number of credit hours and fulfilling the curricular requirements particular to their degree program. The type of bachelor’s degree one can earn is determined by field of study. For example, math, physical science, and engineering graduates are typically awarded a Bachelor of Science (B.S.) degree, whereas Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) degrees are conferred upon persons completing humanity, social science, and interdisciplinary majors. Additional B.A.–like degrees are occasionally awarded for study in specialty fields such as education, business, and nursing. Graduate education refers to study undertaken after the award of a bachelor’s

degree. In the United States, graduate study is available along two separate tracks: (1) master’s (M.A.) and doctorate (Ph.D.) degree programs and (2) professional-school programs. Master’s and doctorate programs are designed to impart expertise in a particular academic discipline. These programs—in effect, intensive extensions of the undergraduate major—are organized and offered by the same departments and professors responsible for undergraduate instruction. With few exceptions, M.A. and Ph.D. study requires the completion of a set number of courses, followed by the production of an original work of scholarly research. Historically, master’s and doctorate degree recipients have found employment as researchers and educators in higher secondary and postsecondary education institutions. Although this is still the case, the specialized knowledge gained via advanced degree study—especially at the master’s level—is becoming increasingly necessary for success in a broad range of professions. Professional-degree programs offer specialized training in fields such as law, dentistry, pharmacy, theology, and medicine. Often undertaken at schools affiliated with but separate from universities, professional degrees include a period of extended classroom and laboratory study, followed by some sort of supervised field or clinical work. Given the importance of hands-on training for many professional degrees, credits are awarded for work conducted both in and outside the classroom. Most professional-degree programs also include an extensive internship, sometimes lasting a number of years. Although certain professional degrees include the term doctor in their titles— Doctor of Veterinary Medicine (D.V.M.), or Juris Doctor (J.D.), for instance—they

Higher Education are applied rather than research degrees and, thus, different from the Ph.D. College student demographics and routines have changed significantly in recent years. In the past, it was common for students to begin their college studies immediately after completing high school. Many lived in campus residence halls, off-campus apartments, or Greek Letter Society sorority or fraternity houses. Working while at college was uncommon. Instead, students dedicatedly pursued their studies full-time for four years, then graduated and looked for professional work. Although this pattern still exists, it is no longer the norm. Higher education student populations are older and more diverse than ever before. Students at almost all institutions are increasingly likely to commute to campus, to be enrolled part-time, and/or to be engaged in part- or full-time employment. In 1993, for instance, 85 percent of all part-time students worked, as did nearly half of all full-time enrollees (Thullen et al., 1997). On-campus services are also on the rise. A growing group of campus employees—known as student affairs professionals—now routinely supply such services as counseling, childcare, health and welfare advice, remedial assistance, and job search advice. Campus recreational facilities have likewise expanded in quantity and quality as a result of efforts to provide students with constructive activity outlets separate from their classroom duties. Postsecondary educators are organized by area of specialization into departments, divisions, and professional-school faculties. As employees of the institution in which they teach and/or do research, they are usually expected to hold the terminal academic degree in their area of specialization. The exact role of an Amer-

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ican academic is dictated by the particular needs of the institution in which she or he is employed. Some institutions—community colleges as well as small to mid-sized schools, for instance—tend to promote teaching above research. In others, research is more highly valued, and career advancements are tied more closely to the work produced than to the time spent in a classroom. Nationwide, most professors spend significantly more time teaching than they do undertaking research. Over the course of their academic careers, fulltime American educators are promoted through four academic levels: professor, associate professor, assistant professor, and lecturer. Advancement to the rank of professor and associate professor, the two highest appointments, results in tenure— a guarantee of lifetime employment. To receive tenure, scholars must demonstrate, over a five- to seven-year period, a high level of academic productivity, accomplishment, and teaching skill. In recent years, public attacks on tenure have become increasingly shrill. As a result, some colleges and universities have begun to abandon it, preferring instead to link merit raises with the results of regular performance tests. David Engberg

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Career Development; School, Functions of; School Transitions References and further reading Boyer, Ernest. 1990. Scholarship Reconsidered: Priorities of the Professoriate. Princeton, NJ: Carnegie Foundation. National Center for Educational Statistics. 1998. Digest of Education Statistics. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Rudolph, Frederick. 1990. The American College and University: A History.

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Athens/London: University of Georgia Press. Thullen, Manfred, et al. 1997. Cooperating with a University in the United States. Washington, DC: NAFSA. Trow, Martin. 1989. “American Higher Education: Past, Present, and Future.” Studies in Higher Education 14: 5–22. Veysey, Lawrence. 1965. The Emergence of the American University. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

HIV/AIDS What Is AIDS? AIDS stands for acquired immunodeficiency syndrome; it is caused by HIV (which stands for human immunodeficiency virus). The world first became aware of this new disease in 1981. Since that time, AIDS/HIV has exploded in successive waves in various regions of the world, thus receiving much attention and public concern. AIDS/HIV continues to be a major public health concern, both because it is incurable and because HIV continues to spread rapidly in many parts of the world––nearly 50 million people have been infected with HIV since the epidemic first began (UNAIDS, 1999). The words comprising the acronym AIDS have the following meanings: Acquired refers to the fact that the disease is received from someone else. Immuno- refers to the immune system, which protects the body against diseasecausing microorganisms, and deficiency refers to a loss of this protection. Finally, syndrome means a group of signs or symptoms that together define AIDS as a human pathology. Thus, AIDS is a deficiency of the human immune system that is acquired from someone else. AIDS is not a single disease per se, but instead is a label for the final stages of HIV disease,

when the immune system is severely damaged. HIV, which causes AIDS, destroys an essential component of the immune system, the T4 “helper” cells. In a healthy person, these cells organize and arrange the immune system’s response––they act as the immune system’s “generals,” coordinating the attack against foreign invaders, such as bacteria, viruses, and other microorganisms. HIV slowly kills these helper cells, weakening the immune system, and eventually causing AIDS. According to the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), an HIV-infected person is considered to have AIDS if he either has a T4 cell count of less than 200 or has one or more of twenty-six opportunistic infections or neoplasms. An opportunistic infection is a normally benign microorganism or virus that becomes pathogenic (or harmful) in people with a weakened immune system; a neoplasm is an abnormal cell growth, such as a cancerous tumor. Although most healthy people’s immune systems can easily fight off these infections and illnesses, they can kill people with AIDS. AIDS is considered an epidemic because it is contagious, has affected so many individuals worldwide, and is associated with enormous economic costs. In the United States, there have been over 711,000 AIDS cases, and at least 420,000 persons have died from this disease (CDC, 1999). In recent years, the number of new AIDS cases has decreased sharply as a result of the development of antiretroviral drug treatments that hold HIV in check, and partly also as a result of public education and prevention efforts. The annual number of AIDS cases reported among adolescents ages thirteen to nineteen years has declined significantly from 581

HIV/AIDS continues to be a major public health concern, both because there is no known cure and because HIV continues to spread rapidly in many parts of the world. (Skjold Photographs)

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reported cases in 1993 to 312 cases in 1999 (CDC, 2000a). The ratio of adolescent male to female cases has decreased over time. In 1999, more females (180, or 58 percent) than males (132) were reported with AIDS (CDC, 2000a). It is hypothesized that the proportion of males who acquired HIV through receipt of blood products has diminished, thus narrowing the gender gap. Although the number of AIDS cases in the United States has declined in recent years, the number of new HIV diagnoses remains relatively stable. The CDC estimates that between 800,000 and 900,000 Americans currently live with HIV and that at least 40,000 new HIV infections occur each year (CDC, 1999, 2000b). In 1999, 828 adolescents of thirteen to nineteen years of age were reported with HIV (based on states providing confidential HIV infection surveillance data). African American and Hispanic youth have been, and continue to be, disproportionately affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Although only 15 percent of the U.S. adolescent population is African American, 49 percent of the AIDS cases from 1981 to 1999 and 60 percent of the AIDS cases in 1999 were among African American youth. Similarly, Hispanic youth constitute 14 percent of the U.S. population; however, they accounted for 24 percent of the AIDS cases in 1999 and 20 percent of the AIDS cases in 1981–1999 (CDC, 2000a). AIDS continues to be a serious global health problem. Based on estimates from the United Nations Programme on AIDS (UNAIDS, 1999), approximately 47 million people have been infected with HIV since the start of the global epidemic. Through December 1999, an estimated 16.3 million children and adults have died from AIDS. An additional esti-

mated 33.6 million people are living with HIV infection or AIDS. UNAIDS estimates that 5.6 million new HIV infections occurred in 1999. This represents almost 16,000 new infections each day. How Does One Get HIV? A person can only become infected with HIV through direct contact with HIVinfected body fluids. HIV is not transmitted by casual contact, by toilet seats, or by mosquitoes. There are three major routes of transmission: sexual behaviors, including vaginal sex, anal sex, and oral sex; direct injection of HIV-contaminated drugs into the body with needles or/and syringes, or during a blood transfusion or receipt of other blood products (such as factor VIII for hemophiliacs); and from mother to baby, either before birth (when the fetus shares a circulatory system with its mother), exposure to blood or cervicovaginal fluids during delivery, or during breast-feeding, through the milk. In general, it is easier to get HIV through the intravenous routes than through sexual ones. However, most people get HIV as a result of sexual contact. This is especially true in Africa, where the vast majority of infected people acquired HIV through heterosexual intercourse. Among adolescents, reported exposure categories for HIV transmission vary by gender. According to the most recent data (CDC, 2000a), over one-third (34 percent) of male adolescents thirteen to nineteen years of age report acquiring AIDS from engaging in sexual relations with other men. An additional 34 percent acquired their infection from blood transfusions used to treat hemophilia, prior to the advent of heat treatment of blood products to prevent HIV transmission. In contrast, among females in this age

HIV/AIDS group, 52 percent identified heterosexual transmission and 14 percent identified injection drug use as their mode of HIV exposure. In terms of sexual behavior, HIV can be transmitted by vaginal, anal, or oral sex with an infected person. However, there is a greater chance of transmitting or becoming infected with HIV through anal sex than through vaginal or oral sex. Oral sex appears to be much safer than either vaginal or anal intercourse. Also, the person who is the “receiving” partner in anal sex is more likely to become infected than the “insertive” partner. Furthermore, it is easier for a woman to get infected by having vaginal or anal sex with a man than it is for a man to be infected by a woman. The consistent (every time) and correct use of latex condoms can substantially reduce the risk associated with any of these sexual activities. Scientists are also working on methods to help women protect themselves, such as the female condom (a plastic pouch that lines the vagina) and various microbicides that can be applied to the vagina prior to sex and that will kill the HIV virus. The second main way that HIV is acquired is by injecting drugs with an HIV-contaminated needle or syringe, or by receiving contaminated blood products during a transfusion or other medical procedure. Injecting with an HIVcontaminated syringe is a very efficient way to transmit the virus from one person to another. Therefore, injection drug users who share needles and syringes with other drug users are at high risk of becoming infected. Through 1999, 26 percent of the reported AIDS cases in the United States were due to intravenous drug use (CDC, 1999). Experts believe that half of all AIDS cases can be linked

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to injection drug use, either directly or indirectly. For example, an injection drug user might pass the virus to his female sex partner, and she, in turn, might pass it on to their children. Rinsing syringes with bleaching and water can help deactivate the virus, but by far the safest way to avoid injection-related infections is not to inject drugs at all, or to avoid sharing needles and syringes with others. Early in the epidemic, many people (mostly children) with hemophilia and other coagulation disorders received HIVcontaminated blood products during medical procedures. Others received infected blood while undergoing transfusions during surgery. In 1985, an HIV antibody test was developed that could detect, with high accuracy, whether blood was contaminated with the virus. (Antibodies are made by an infected person’s body in response to exposure to the HIV virus. The “HIV test” does not actually test for the presence of HIV itself. Instead, it tests for the presence of antibodies.) Thanks to rigorous blood screening policies, the blood supply in Western countries, such as the United States, is now very safe. However, in much of the developing world, receiving blood or blood products can be very risky. Finally, a woman can infect her baby while it is still in the womb (HIV can cross the placental barrier), during childbirth (through exposure to cervicovaginal fluids), or after birth (as a result of breastfeeding). Anywhere from one-quarter to one-third of the babies born to HIVinfected women will become infected through “perinatal” (mother-to-child) transmission. Fortunately, antiretroviral medications given to pregnant women before they give birth can reduce the likelihood of perinatal transmission by onehalf to two-thirds. Regular prenatal care

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and routine (voluntary) testing of pregnant women is critical to ensure that these medications can be used appropriately. How to Get Tested A person can get tested for HIV antibodies at the doctor’s office, at a local family planning clinic, or at a publicly funded counseling and testing site. In many states, one can either get tested completely anonymously or confidentially (the name is known but the records are kept private). Testing is critical to ensure that people can get appropriate medical care if infected, to help prevent perinatal HIV transmission, and to help infected persons reduce the risk of spreading HIV to their sex partners. Knowledge is power! Most HIV testing centers use the ELISA (enzyme linked immunosorbent assay) antibody test and follow up with another ELISA and then, if applicable, the Western Blot Assay. The ELISA is used in most testing centers. It is used as an initial screening test because it is inexpensive, has standardized procedures, has high reproducibility, and provides quick results. This test is very sensitive, which means that it is very accurate at detecting infected blood samples. But it is not very specific, which means that it produces many false positives (i.e., the test indicates that the blood is infected when in reality it is not). The sensitivity was set extremely high because it is better to have some false positives than to let any bad blood slip by. This makes the ELISA a good screening tool, but it is not definitive. Therefore, the standard procedure is to combine the ELISA with a more specific test, known as the Western Blot Assay. First, an initial ELISA test is performed. If that test comes back positive, then the ELISA is rerun (just to make

sure). If the second ELISA test also comes back positive, then a Western Blot is performed. The Western Blot, unlike the ELISA, is very specific. It is not used as a screening test because it is an expensive and timeconsuming test. Thus, it is used only for confirming the results of the repeated ELISA tests. Combined, these tests are extremely accurate, with very few false positives. What Is the Treatment for HIV/AIDS? There is no cure for AIDS or for HIV infection. However, there are now treatments available that can markedly improve the health of (some) infected people. Guidelines have been developed for the use of potent anti-HIV drugs, which are generally administered in combinations of three or more drugs at a time, usually including a protease inhibitor (CDC, 1998; Vittinghoff et al., 1999). These drug combinations are known as highly active antiretroviral therapy and have been found to be effective in lessening the severity of illness in many patients, as well as preventing the progression of disease in those who are relatively healthy. However, not all persons infected with HIV respond well to these therapies, and many persons cannot tolerate the toxic side effects, or are unable to comply with the rigorous treatment plan (which requires taking a large number of pills according to complicated dosing schedules). In addition, new strains of HIV continue to develop, some of which may be resistant to currently available drugs. Heather Cecil

See also Contraception; Drug Abuse Prevention; Gonorrhea; Health Promotion;

Homeless Youth Health Services for Adolescents; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). 1998. HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report10 (No. 2). Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control. ———. 1999. HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report 11 (No. 1). Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control. ———. 2000a. HIV/AIDS Surveillance in Adolescents. L265 slide series through 1999. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control. ———. 2000b. CDC Update: A Glance at the HIV Epidemic. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control. Durant, J., P. Clevenbergh, P. Halfon, P. Delguidice, S. Porsin, P. Simonet, N. Montagne, C. A. B. Boucher, and J. M. Schapiro. 1999. “Drug-Resistance Genotyping in HIV-1 Therapy: The VIRADAPT Randomised Controlled Trial.” The Lancet 353: 2195–2199. Fauci, Anthony S. 1999. “The AIDS Epidemic. Considerations for the 21st Century.” The New England Journal of Medicine 341, no. 14: 1046–1050. The Kaiser Family Foundation. 2000. “The State of the HIV/AIDS Epidemic in America.” Capitol Hill Briefing Series on HIV/AIDS, April: 1–8. UNAIDS. 1999. AIDS Epidemic Update: December 1999. Switzerland: UNAIDS. Vittinghoff, Eric, Susan Scheer, Paul O’Malley, Grant Colfax, Scott D. Holmberg, and Susan P. Buchbinder. 1999. “Combination Antiretroviral Therapy and Recent Declines in AIDS Incidence and Mortality.” Journal of Infectious Diseases 179: 717–720.

Homeless Youth Adolescents who are homeless sometimes are part of a homeless family, one or two parents plus their children. But there is a separate category of homeless adolescents, those who are on their own. These homeless youth are no longer part of their family; in fact, their existence on

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the streets of the United States is made more precarious by the lack of family support and familial resources. The number of these homeless teens in the United States is controversial, but 700,000 to 1.3 million youth fit the category as defined above. They have received little systematic attention. Indeed, according to the Institute of Medicine, homeless youths are the most understudied subgroup within the homeless population. Their ages usually range from thirteen to seventeen, with most homeless youth fifteen and over. Some homeless youth are as young as nine. The proportion of males and females is unknown, varying from sample to sample. Their ethnic background tends to match that of the communities in which they live. Although there are spectacular exceptions, including homeless youth who secretly attend local colleges, most homeless youth have had considerable academic and behavioral problems in school. One of the first questions one might ask about homeless youth is whether they are merely an extreme form of rebellious teenagers looking for freedom. The overwhelming majority are not. Instead, they are typically from problem families or have generated problems for their families. Some are “throwaway teens,” forced out of the home by parents who felt that the teenager was causing too many problems. Others are “runaways” who left the family of their own volition. But both groups of homeless teens report family environments that were far from ideal. Homeless runaways describe the families they had left as unstable, neglectful, and abusive, often accompanied by parental substance abuse and alcoholism. Up to 40 percent of homeless teens report physical abuse in the

Almost all homeless youth describe themselves as having been unprepared for the horrors of street life. (Skjold Photographs)

Homeless Youth parental household, and up to a quarter report sexual abuse. Only a small proportion of homeless teens are from twonatural-parent households. Throwaway teens report being forced out because of extremely high levels of conflict with parents, the family’s lack of money or room, the teens’ pregnancy, or the teens’ homosexuality. Reports from both runaways and throwaways indicate that these teens were neither wanted nor well cared for by their families. Regardless of the stress they experienced in the home, all teenagers, whether runaways or throwaways, find life on the streets very difficult. The adverse circumstances they face lead to considerable psychological distress and the use of extreme measures for survival. Almost all homeless youth describe themselves as having been unprepared for the horrors of street life. Just as homeless youth can be categorized in terms of the origin of their homelessness, so they can be classified in terms of their willingness to accept help from any social service organization or shelter. About half of homeless teens are “street teens,” choosing not to use any social services. The other half are “shelter teens,” accepting assistance from shelters or drop-in centers for teenagers. One reason that street teens avoid services and shelter has to do with their fear that service providers will notify the parents of their whereabouts or place them in custodial care. Regulations often mandate social agencies to notify either parents or civil authorities when these agencies provide assistance to teens for more than a period of a few hours. Despite the harshness of the conditions under which they live on the street, almost none of the street teens are willing to go home or to enter residential placement; by contrast,

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about half of the shelter teens are willing to return home eventually. Even though the shelter teens have, by definition, requested assistance from an agency, almost half of that group expresses concerns about the possible costs of accepting help. Among their greatest needs, homeless teens report the following: a place to sleep, a job or job training, food, a place to shower, medical and dental care, and counseling. Street teens, in particular, want assistance without conditions. Considerable outreach will be required to deliver such services to homeless youth. Although both groups find life on the streets harder than they expected, street teens have many more adverse experiences than do shelter teens. Street teens, to a greater extent than shelter teens, experience the death of friends, attempt to commit suicide, and have severe health problems (e.g., strep throat, bladder infection, anemia, malnutrition, venereal disease, stomach ulcer, hepatitis, and scabies). To obtain money, food, or a place to stay, many homeless adolescents are forced to use extreme measures for survival. Street teens—again, to a greater extent than sheltered teens—tend to take up panhandling, theft, sales of drugs, or prostitution; however, a substantial minority of shelter teens also beg, steal, or sell drugs. Street teens tend to be more socially isolated than shelter teens—a difference that appears to precede the experience of homelessness. The majority of street teens report that they were loners when they attended school, compared with a small proportion of early isolates among shelter teens. Nevertheless, the psychological distress associated with homelessness is great, with no difference between street teens and shelter teens in the average level of distress.

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The majority of street teens regularly use alcohol and illicit drugs, whereas among shelter teens the proportion is lower for alcohol and much lower for illicit drugs. Among substance abusers of either type, there are higher levels of psychological distress, more frequent health problems, and a greater number of attempted suicides. The overwhelming majority of homeless youth are sexually active, with the rate of sexual activity slightly higher for the street teens. The majority of homeless youth are informed about the dangers associated with AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases; they also have some knowledge of safe-sex practices. Yet many engage in unprotected sex. It appears that the daily problems of living on the street are so great that they overshadow concerns about the long-term health consequences of risky behaviors. It also appears that the problems of homeless youth on their own are markedly different from those of homeless adults on their own and of homeless families with children. To date, the policy initiatives intended to reach this population at risk have been sporadic, poorly funded, insufficiently integrated with other efforts to assist the homeless, and not based on knowledge of the special characteristics of this high-risk group. Sanford M. Dornbusch

See also Conduct Problems; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Juvenile Crime; Programs for Adolescents; Rights of Adolescents; Risk Behaviors; Runaways; School Dropouts References and further reading Adams, G. R., T. Gulotta, and M. A. Clancy. 1985. “Homeless Adolescents: A Descriptive Study of Similarities and

Differences between Runaways and Throwaways.” Adolescence 20: 715–724. Hagan, John, and Bill McCarthy. 1997. Mean Streets: Youth Crime and Homelessness. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hutson, S., and M. Liddiard. 1994. Youth Homelessness: The Construction of a Social Issue. London: Macmillan. U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment. 1991. Adolescent Health. Vol. 1, Summary and Policy Options, OTA-H-468. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Homework Webster’s New Riverside University Dictionary (1988) defines homework as follows: “1. work, as schoolwork or piecework, done at home; 2. preparatory or preliminary work.” More informally, homework is an almost universal phenomenon for America’s young people: It is work assigned to them at school to be done at home. Most students spend a considerable amount of time in school study hall and at home completing assignments to further their knowledge. In a recent survey of fourth- and eighth-grade students, nearly a quarter reported that they are given no homework assignments but more than half said that they spend up to two hours per night on homework (U.S. Department of Education, 1998). Another study has uncovered differences in the amount of homework assigned in public and private schools. Forty-nine percent of public elementary school teachers reported that they assign more than an hour of homework a week, compared to almost 60 percent of private elementary school teachers (U.S. Department of Education, 1994–1995). Additionally, private school teachers are more likely than public school teachers to collect, correct, and return written home-

Homework work assignments and to use them as a basis for grades. But why do teachers assign homework at all? The answer is that homework further solidifies concepts and procedures introduced in class. Through practice and repetition, new knowledge becomes ingrained in a student’s memory. Written assignments drive the student’s thinking processes into new realms. Mathematics and science problems, in particular, force students to create and use problemsolving strategies; more generally, homework provides practice with writing, reading, keyboarding, and organizing and planning time. Although some students may beg to differ, homework is good for the brain! Problem solving and engaging in higherorder thinking can forge and strengthen new connections in adolescents’ brains. This growth through challenge and stimulation leads, in turn, to increased intellectual growth (Healy, 1994). It’s no coincidence that the more academically oriented schools are, the more homework they assign. Although homework is beneficial, it’s not always easy—or fun. Fortunately, there are some strategies that teens can use to facilitate their homework time: • Pick a designated spot. Knowing where you work best is important. It may be a quiet, secluded place (e.g., bedroom) or a more social area (e.g., kitchen). Some students may need to work outside of the home—for example, in school or at the town library. Choose a spot that works well for you, and then stick to the routine of using it. • Pick a designated time. Making a schedule and keeping to it can help organize not only your time

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Homework is an almost universal phenomenon for America’s young people: It is work assigned to them at school to be done at home. (Laura Dwight)

but your entire life! Pick a “homework time” that fits your schedule, and consistently use that time for work and/or free reading. • Recognize your learning style. Knowing how you learn can be critical to your academic success. For instance, do you absorb the most information when you experience material in a hands-on fashion? Understanding what your learning style is will help you determine what strategies you need to follow in order to be successful. • Manage your time well. It’s easy to waste time! If it is taking you

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hours to complete an assignment that should be done more quickly, split the work into ten- or fifteenminute segments and create shortterm goals for yourself (such as writing one paragraph, reading two pages, or doing three math problems). In addition, take short breaks as needed—every thirty minutes, say. Doing so will foster your ability to stay on task and use your time well. • Get help, if needed. It’s the rare person who doesn’t need help at some time or another. If you find that homework is overwhelming you or taking too much time, try talking to your teacher about getting either a professional tutor or a peer tutor. (Many schools have excellent peer tutoring networks.) Asking for help, far from being a sign of weakness, can make you a stronger student! • Focus on the process, not just the product. The process of learning can be just as important as the final product. So be sure to focus on the process. How are you thinking through those math problems? When you’re right, that’s great, but what about those times when you came up with the wrong answer? What process did you use then? Focusing on the process highlights

the importance of not rushing through work. Further information on this topic is available at the Web sites for the U.S. Department of Education (http://www. ed.gov) and the National Center for Education Statistics (http://nces.ed.gov/ index.html). Elizabeth N. Fielding

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Intelligence; School, Functions of; Standardized Tests; Teachers References and further reading Fielding, Elizabeth N. 1999. Learning Differences in the Classroom. Delaware: International Reading Association. Healy, Jane M. 1994. Your Child’s Growing Mind: A Practical Guide to Brain Development and Learning from Birth to Adolescence. New York: Doubleday. Levine, Mel. 1994. Educational Care: A System for Understanding and Helping Children with Learning Problems at Home and in School. Cambridge, MA: Educators Publishing Service. U.S. Department of Education. 1994–1995. Teacher Follow-Up Survey, 1994–1995. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. ———. 1998. National Assessment of Educational Progress, Trends Almanac: Writing, 1984 to 1996. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Webster’s New Riverside University Dictionary. 1988. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

I Identity

Identity provides a self-statement of who one is, what one stands for, and what one is becoming. It provides the structure of the self, from which basic commitments, directions, plans, and decisions are made. The book presents adolescents as choosing between searching and exploring and presence and absence of commitment as ways of identity formation, and uses those terms to describe four identity states, a typology based on the writings of Erik H. Erikson and the research innovations of James Marcia. This typology assumes that society gives teenagers an extended period of time to search for, find, or select identity commitments, time, for example, to choose a career, select a political party to join, or accept a specific religion and its ideologies. Further, this period of searching for, discovering, or finding one’s identity is thought to be supported by a psychosocial moratorium during which teens can experience a wide range of life, watch role models, read, experience different jobs, and the like, as part of the moratorium. In Germany and other European countries youth take a year to travel, live in hostels, work at part-time jobs, and meet a variety of people, as part of their psychosocial moratorium. In Germany this is called wanderschaft, and in other parts of the world it is called backpacking; in all cases, it is a period of time where youth are thought to

Anyone who has an adolescent in the family or works with adolescents in schools, religious organizations, community centers, or youth organizations knows each and every youth is building a sense of identity. Teenagers need to explore, experience, and share ideas or thoughts with other teens and adults. They need to be introduced to the technology of their day, to explore the beliefs and ideologies involved in religions, politics, government, education, and other institutions of society. They need to have ideas of what it means to live in a democracy, understand personal responsibility, and be socialized in the basics of law and behavior. Teenagers need to be informed about the role of education and training within the economics of capitalism. They need to begin considering what career they wish to pursue, what training is necessary, what occupational identity they wish to select. In The Adolescent Experience, Thomas Gullotta, Carol Markstrom, and the author of this entry have explored in depth the nature of adolescence and the role of identity during adolescence and young adulthood. The book describes the way identity development is at the very crux of the major developmental tasks of adolescence, and concludes that it is impossible to think of adolescence as a life stage without the concept of identity.

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be learning, exploring, finding things out about themselves, experimenting, and so forth. Of course, the length and degree of a teenager’s psychosocial moratorium are determined by many factors, such as educational level of parents, socioeconomic supports, culture, and even gender. Some youth are supported by parents in taking a long moratorium, while others (especially teens from poor homes) may have a brief moratorium, if any at all. For the latter, the necessity of immediate employment may require taking the first available job in the neighborhood. For the former, the psychosocial moratorium might include unsupervised travel, extensive education and training, or periods of employment interspersed with periods of unemployment and parental support for culturally or socially enriching educational or travel experiences. The four identity states that emerge during the psychosocial moratorium reflect the level or degree of searching, and the presence or absence of commitments to values, beliefs, vocations, and the like. If a youth is avoiding making a choice and remaining uncommitted and uninterested in establishing a firm sense of identity, he or she is known as identity diffused. The sense of self for diffused adolescents is fluid, shapeless, undirected, and wandering. These teens are often faddish, uninterested in and uncommitted to specific groups, and disaffiliated from peers. The next type includes adolescents who have not taken, or have not been given the opportunity to take, a psychosocial moratorium. Instead, they assume, without thought or consideration, the values, beliefs, attitudes, and intentions, of their parents or their parents’ generation. The identity of these teens is referred to as foreclosed. Foreclosed identity offers some direction,

assumed by simple identifications with parental values, but the commitment is often weak and shallow because it hasn’t been carefully inspected, just assumed. Foreclosed youth are obedient, compliant, and rule-conscious adolescents. They are easy to get along with, but they demonstrate little autonomy and independence in thought or behavior. Foreclosure works for teenagers until the values, beliefs, or choices are confronted and shown to be inadequate for the natural interests of the adolescent or a poor fit with the youth’s generation. The remaining two forms of identity are related and are similar as to the level of experience in searching, discovery, and self-construction, but different in the level of commitment. The moratorium youth is experiencing the searching and discovery process of identity formation, but has not established commitments. Once these commitments are made the adolescent becomes identity achieved. There is ample evidence to indicate that identity diffusion is the least desirable identity state. Identity-diffused adolescents avoid making important decisions, are prone to mindless peer influences, and are most likely to be depressed; they are not using their psychosocial moratorium to profit their own future self. Foreclosed adolescents are well behaved, conform to rules, and do well in high school. However, when foreclosed teens are challenged to consider all the alternatives to their own beliefs, values, or opinions, they demonstrate rigidity, authoritarianism, and constrained experience and action. Foreclosed adolescents are fragile and can be easily upset or disturbed when the environment doesn’t support their own views. Moratorium youth are in a constant search mode, always looking for new

Identity information and different ways of seeing or experiencing things. They tend to be anxious, most likely due to their constant searching and attempts to discover, which makes them vulnerable to receiving too much new information at one time. However, most moratorium youth will self-regulate the amount of information they will process at any given time. This form of identity is well suited for educational and training experiences where learning, exploring, discovering, and searching are central. Moratorium youth do less well in environments where they are given orders and expected to follow them without questioning. Often this is just the kind of environment that is found in most youth employment settings like fast food, retailing, and service jobs. Identity-achieved adolescents tend to have the most complex form of thinking processes, and have the best social skills and styles of personal interaction. These youth know what they want, where they are headed, what direction they have chosen for their life. They conform, when conformity is generally expected, but are nonconformists when conformity would contradict who they are as a person or who they need to be to accomplish their goals. Identity-achieved youth are guided by goals, values, and a sense of self that has been constructed by the use of information and experience during their psychosocial moratorium. The value of a self-constructed identity that is achieved by searching for information, observing life, analyzing options, and engaging in a self-selected commitment to an identity is observed in the functions it provides a youth. In a theoretical treatise on identity formation, Sheila Marshall and the author of this entry have outlined the major functions of an achieved identity. These functions

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are strengths that accompany a well-constructed sense of self. The five most common and widely documented functions of identity include the following: (1) It provides a narrative or verbal structure about who one is and how one is to be viewed and understood; (2) it gives meaning and direction to one’s life through the selected commitments, values, and personal goals; (3) it offers a sense of personal control, agency, and the feelings that accompany a free will to select and be whatever one wants to be; (4) it provides a coherent sense of self that is relatively consistent and stable, but always open to some change, and a sense of harmony; and (5) it enables one to recognize one’s own potential through a sense of what the self offers for the future, other possibilities, and alternative choices. Essentially, when teenagers begin to develop a self-construction of their own identity they are creating self-regulatory strategies that operate to direct attention, filter or process information as it is discovered, and help the youth to manage their impressions by the selection of appropriate behaviors for their identity as presented to others. There are at least two forms of identity, social and personal. Personal identity focuses on the acceptance, modification, and/or rejection of social and institutional ideologies. Aspects of faith, religion, philosophy of life, and ideologies of work and economic systems are part of the personal identity. Membership and affiliation are central to the other form of identity. A social identity depends on whom one is affiliated with, what the groups are that matter to the individual, and what the nature is of one’s social relationships and connections. Adolescents and adults alike have a compelling need to enhance their sense of self as a

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unique and special person. This need or dynamic is most readily seen in personal identities that express themselves as different, special unto themselves, unique. However, we all also have a need to belong and matter to others, a need that finds fulfillment in the social identity, where one expresses one’s sense of socially possible faces, voices, or relationship themes. Scholars often talk of social identity using terms like collective, role, interpersonal, cultural, or group identity. In adolescents the nature of social identity is readily seen in the choice of peer groups, extracurricular activities, and membership in community groups. Certainly, as many scholars have pointed out, a healthy identity includes both a personal and a social form of identity and identification. There is, however, one caveat to note. Although parents, schools, work supervisors, coaches, teachers, and the like socialize and enhance a teenager’s identity formation, the teenager’s identity also shapes and changes the peers and adults who are making contributions to the youth’s personal development. Identity formation is embedded in many social contexts, and as a teenager’s identity unfolds it begins to shape others who are in her contexts. Living systems shape individuals, who in turn shape the nature of the living system. This dynamic helps to explain why parents change their parenting behaviors as their children grow and develop. All living things are shaped by others and, in turn, shape others. Roy Baumeister completed a historical analysis of identity that reveals that societies provide different opportunities for different levels of choice in the construction of the self. Each new and dramatic change in history brings new opportunities for self-construction. Extrapolations

from his thoughts suggest that at one extreme, society might provide a social structure where identity could be assigned by lineage, gender, race, or other defining characteristics. This extreme could provide an environment of limited choice and the encouragement of primarily imitation and identification. Youth would need to passively accept what their society considered acceptable for their particular gender, social class, or racial heritage. In such a world there is little active self-construction, but rather a passive form of identity development. This world would value identity foreclosure. At another extreme, society may be constructed to demand choice, perhaps even require making many choices over one’s lifetime. There could be so many choices that the teenager has to work hard to eliminate the unacceptable options. Clearly, this world would value the active self-constructed forms of identity (moratorium and identity achievement) that involve commitment, but also flexible responsiveness to circumstances demanding change or evolution in identity construction. In the twenty-first century, we are closer to a society that demands choice than one that assigns identity. However, there are still certain constraints due to gender, poverty, and race. Fortunately, there is a constant form of pressure within democratic societies to push for open choice, equity, and self-selection. Many of the experiences of adolescence are designed to directly or indirectly facilitate the construction of a personal and social identity. Teenagers are often asked the following kinds of questions: Who are you? What do you want to do with your life? What kind of career do you want? What kind of education are you going to get? And much of the work

Inhalants of adolescence involves finding acceptable answers to such questions. However, there is one catch to all of this. The answers are best found through searching, selecting, and establishing commitments that are self-constructed. But the construction must fit the teenager’s social context, so that crucial groups (e.g., parents) can affirm and support the choice. If the people who are important to a teenager offer support for the teenager’s emerging personal and social identity, their support will help the teenager to confirm his sense of an emerging self. Without it he is likely to waver or retreat into role confusion or identity diffusion. Parents and teachers have considerable influence on teenagers. Teachers who provide a supportive and engaging learning environment for adolescents facilitate growth in identity. Critical analysis of contemporary issues, analysis of historical events, examination of alternative views on a topic, and encouragement to strive harder and dig deeper into an issue or idea not only enhance learning but facilitate growth in identity formation. Parents who utilize democratic, expressive, and cohesive parenting styles facilitate identity development. Rejection, withdrawal, weak involvement, or lack of interest in the teenager diminishes positive identity formation. Finally, the best thing adolescents can do for themselves to facilitate identity development is to remain open to experiences, explore and discover new ways of understanding others and themselves, and work to shape an environment to facilitate personal growth. Identity formation unfolds at crucial points where one must face one’s self, deal with the self-consciousness that occurs when one sees who one is in contrast to who one

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could be, and use appraisal and feedback from others to help forge a sense of self that includes values, goals, and commitment, the trinity of a healthy sense of identity. Gerald R. Adams See also African American Adolescents, Identity in; African American Male Adolescents; Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts; Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity; Body Image; Chicana/o Adolescents; Ethnocentrism; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and SexualMinority Youth; Gender Differences; Latina/o Adolescents; Native American Adolescents; Racial Discrimination; Self-Esteem; Sex Roles References and further reading Adams, Gerald R., and Sheila K. Marshall. 1996. “A Developmental Social Psychology of Identity: Understanding the Person-in-Context.” Journal of Adolescence 19: 429–442. Baumeister, Roy. 1986. Identity: Cultural Change and the Struggle for Self. New York: Oxford University Press. Erikson, Erik H. 1968. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. Gullotta, Thomas P., Gerald R. Adams, and Carol Markstrom. 2000. The Adolescent Experience. New York: Academic Press. Marcia, James E. 1967. “Development and Validation of Ego-Identity Status.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 3: 551–558.

Inhalants Inhalants, also known as volatile substances or organic solvents, are a diverse class of drugs used by some adolescents to alter moods, feelings, and perceptions. Included in this class are such commonly available substances as adhesives (glue, special cements), aerosols (spray paint, hair spray, asthma spray), anesthetics (nitrous oxide), solvents (nail-polish

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Inhalants are used primarily for recreational purposes or out of curiosity or peer pressure. (James Marshall/Corbis)

remover, paint remover, paint thinner), and gases (fuel gas, lighter gas). As the name suggests, these products are inhaled into the lungs. For example, they may be “sniffed” from an open container or plastic bag (“bagging”), “huffed” from a rag soaked in the substance (“toque”), or squirted directly into the mouth. Because inhalants are products intended for other purposes and are not meant for human consumption, they can be legally obtained at grocery, hardware, or auto supply stores. They also tend to be relatively inexpensive, making them attractive to adolescents and economically disadvantaged individuals. Younger adolescents are the most common users of inhalants, although the number of young adult users is growing. Inhalant use peaks at age thirteen and then steadily declines. Use of inhalants,

particularly aerosols and glues, has increased dramatically among American youth: The number of adolescents trying inhalants for the first time tripled from 1990 to 1995. In the past, males were more likely than females to use these substances; however, the gender gap is narrowing as more females begin to experiment with these drugs. The most frequent use of inhalants is observed among non-Hispanic white adolescents and Native American adolescents, followed by Hispanic adolescents; the least frequent use is associated with African American adolescents. At high risk for use are adolescents who live in areas, such as reservations and rural towns, where access to other mind-altering substances is limited. Exclusive use of inhalants is rare; most adolescents who use them are likely to use other types of drugs as well, such as marijuana and alcohol. Considered “gateway drugs,” inhalants are one of the first substances that adolescents use before moving on to other drugs. In fact, most adolescents who use inhalants do so only experimentally, eventually abandoning them in favor of other, often illegal drugs. Thus, inhalants are used infrequently and, even then, primarily for recreational purposes or out of curiosity or peer pressure. However, a small proportion of adolescents use inhalants chronically, over prolonged periods of time. It is these adolescents who may develop physical and psychological problems related to use. Although inhalant use is not limited to any one socioeconomic level, adolescents from economically disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely than their peers to use inhalants because of the relatively low cost of these drugs. Moreover, inhalant users are likely to come from homes characterized by chaos, disorgani-

Inhalants zation, parental alcoholism and drug abuse/dependence, parental aggression, and little family support and cohesion. Inhalant users themselves tend to do poorly in school, have low self-esteem, and exhibit elevated levels of aggression, depression, and antisocial personality disorder. These individuals are also likely to associate with inhalant-using peers and to have siblings who use these volatile substances. Finally, a strong relationship exists between inhalant use and juvenile delinquency: Adolescents who use inhalants are often involved in a variety of criminal activities including shoplifiting, burglary, and attempted murder. Inhalants vary widely in terms of their behavioral and physiological effects on individuals. In general, the intoxicating effects of these substances are similar to those obtained by alcohol but shorterlived, necessitating repeated administration to sustain a prolonged “high.” Intoxication includes initial excitation, followed by drowsiness, disinhibition, light-headedness, agitation, and, eventually, depression. Heavy users may experience hallucinations as well as distortions in their perceptions and sense of time. They are easily identified by a rash that develops around the nose and mouth (“glue sniffer’s rash”), by the smell of paint or chemicals on their breath, skin, and clothes, and by discoloration from paint on the hands and the skin around the nose and mouth. Most users do not understand the dangers of inhalants, falsely believing that these substances cause no physical harm. Yet even first-time users run the risk of neurological and physical complications. Although complications vary depending upon the specific substance inhaled, physical problems include damage to the

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brain, liver, kidney, and heart. Inhalant use has also been associated with sudden death (“sudden sniffer’s death”), usually due to heart failure. Sudden death affects not just chronic users but also first-time users. In addition, because of the mindaltering effects of these drugs, inhalant users are prone to accidents such as suffocation (from the bag in which the inhalant is placed), car crashes, and serious falls, and may be in danger of physical or sexual assault. Prolonged use of inhalants may result in “tolerance”; in other words, as use continues, increasingly larger doses of the substance are needed to produce the same initial effects. Moreover, when chronic users of inhalants cease use, they experience withdrawal symptoms that last for two to five days and include sleep disturbance, nausea, tremor, irritability, and abdominal and chest pains. Currently there is no proven treatment for chronic inhalant users; rather, because these individuals have multiple problems including the use of various drugs, emotional and psychological difficulties (such as depression), and family dysfunction, they are viewed as difficult to treat. Furthermore, neurological damage sustained from using volatile substances may complicate whatever treatment is attempted. As a result, the long-term outcomes for adolescents who have problems related to inhalant use are poor. Alexandra Loukas See also Drug Abuse Prevention; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Substance Use and Abuse References and further reading Pandina, Robert, and Robert Hendren. 1999. “Other Drugs of Abuse: Inhalants, Designer Drugs, and Steroids.” Pp. 171–184 in Addictions: A Comprehensive Guidebook. Edited by

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Barbara S. McCrady and Elizabeth E. Epstein. New York: Oxford University Press. Sharp, Charles William, Fred Beauvais, and Richard Spence, eds. 1992. National Institute on Drug Abuse Research Monograph Series, No. 129. Inhalant Abuse: A Volatile Research Agenda. Rockville, MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse.

Intelligence Many people wonder what all the fuss is about regarding intelligence. Many individuals do not understand the concern about intelligence, IQ, and other qualities that are at the outset difficult to define. There seems to be a common need to know more about the nature of intelligence—to answer several questions that arise about it. In general, there is a fair amount of knowledge that has been generated about intelligence, but new questions arise frequently. The first question that professionals in the field want to answer is one that asks about the necessity of intelligence—what do we need it for? Intelligence is an adaptive ability, which means that it enables one to adjust to the environment. Adjustment may mean changing oneself, or changing the environment to make it better satisfy one’s needs. This brings up the issue that, although intelligence is a necessary tool, it may also be a serious weapon. That is, intelligence can also be used for war, destruction, and other acts aimed at harming others. But in its ability to change the environment, the adaptive nature of intelligence is clearly seen. The fact that this useful tool may also be used for the wrong purpose does not change its nature. It only indicates the complexity of the human psyche. Here, the notion of morality comes into play, and morality

goes beyond the topic of the present discussion. The crucial point is that intelligence is something very basic, primary, and necessary; it is the quality that allows human beings to live and to develop, which may mean very different things, from finding a better way to breed cattle to finding a better way to get a good job. The next issue is getting a clear definition of intelligence. Intelligence is usually thought of as a primary mental ability that allows one to solve problems in different areas of life. The origins of intelligence should be sought in actions. Making fire, using a sharp stone to cut a tree, or making a shelter to hide in or a trap for an animal—all those are manifestations of early human intelligence. Swiss scholar Jean Piaget was one of the first who pointed out the operational nature of intelligence, that is, the way intelligence originates/is shaped by the very actions it guides. His theory pictures the long path that every child travels while developing this very complex ability. The first stage of this path involves sensory-motor intelligence, intelligence that develops through the senses and muscular movement. According to Piaget, with time, this ability becomes more and more complicated and elaborated and can be applied to more and more tasks and domains of life. This theory poses one very controversial question that has bothered scholars for a considerable amount of time and still is not resolved. The question has to do with whether intelligence is a sole, general ability, or a complex set of skills, functions of different modules of mind. There are two approaches in contemporary psychological science that propose different answers to this question. One theory is based on the simple observation that if an individual is

Intelligence “smart,” he is able to do well in school on many subjects, as well as to make his way through city streets, learn a new computer program, and make sense of a movie or a deep book. This approach defines intelligence as a general mental faculty whose powers may be applied to a multitude of tasks. On the other hand, if one observes different people in different situations, one finds that an individual who is very good at math is not necessarily also exceptionally able to understand people’s behaviors and motives. In addition, the fact that someone is a good musician does not imply that she should be expected to speak several foreign languages or write poetry. To account for these observations, the idea of modularity of mind was proposed, and this is the second approach to human intelligence, or rather, in its own terms, to human intelligences. To put it simply, the theory says that the mind may be represented as a set of modules, each of which is responsible for operations in one particular domain. The idea was proposed some time ago, and today is most clearly expressed in Howard Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences (MI) theory. In his view, every human being possesses all the following kinds of intelligence: • Linguistic intelligence, which operates in the domain of language • Musical intelligence, which manifests itself when one performs, listens to, or composes music • Logico-mathematical intelligence, which is applicable to reasoning in mathematics and other sciences, where the relations between objects and concepts are usually invariant, straightforward, and logical

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Intelligence is reflected in problem solving and other mental activities. (Laura Dwight)

• Spatial, or visual-spatial intelligence, which allows one “to perceive the visual world accurately, to perform transformations and modifications upon one’s initial perceptions, and to be able to recreate the aspects of one’s visual experience, even in the absence of the visual stimuli” (Gardner, 1993, 173) • Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, which manifests itself in athletic achievements and dance • The personal intelligences, which may be divided into interpersonal intelligence, which enables one to

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Intelligence understand other peoples’ thoughts, feelings, and motives; and intrapersonal intelligence, which enables one to understand oneself

Gardner’s theory is strongly supported by empirical evidence, and one of the most convincing arguments in its favor is the existence of prodigies—people, including children, who are extremely talented in one particular domain, such as playing chess, or performing music, but do not exhibit equal progress in other domains. This phenomenon is difficult to explain from the viewpoint that argues that intelligence is one unified mental faculty. On the other hand, the main fact that the proponents of general intelligence use—that an ordinary intelligent person is usually good at many life tasks—does not really contradict the MI theory. It may be explained by the fact that the level of intelligence (including any of the intelligences) individuals achieve depends heavily on the opportunities to develop they have as children, on their environment, and on training. So, one could say that a person who shows intelligence in many areas simply had experiences that allowed her to develop the full range of her different mental abilities. Some professionals would not find this argument convincing. Some would offer other arguments, both for and against MI theory. The debates are still alive, and it may very well be possible that both approaches are right, at least to a certain extent, and that the final word in the debate is yet to be said. One way of summing up the current state of the field is that normal achievements seem to be well explained by the general intelligence proponents, but that the highest peaks of human thought usually seem to fall in one particular area.

What is promising about the idea of multiple intelligences is that it gives hope to people who would consider themselves unintelligent, or at least not smart enough, just because they are not good at math or cannot learn a foreign language. They may be good music performers, or good football players, or just very good friends (which presupposes interpersonal intelligence, reflected in their ability to understand their friends’ needs and states of mind). Thus, the fact that in American culture the knowledge of central academic subjects such as math and the sciences is considered of main importance should not obscure the fact that there are other cultures (say, oral ones, where math does not really exist in the form it does here and where the wisdom of the tribal leaders has nothing to do with the ability to read and write) and other domains (say, music or poetry) that are important, too, and that require a certain level of a given intelligence. Typical IQ tests predict school achievement, yet it is common knowledge that, although school achievement is definitely related to intelligence, it does not necessarily predict success in life. IQ tests measure the ability to perform certain types of operations, usually in the domains covered by formal school subjects. In addition, performance on standard IQ tests depends heavily on reading ability, since the test is usually given in the paper-pencil format. Also (and this is true about most types of tests), good results may indicate simply that a given person was trained for this particular test. It is possible to train a person to take an IQ test, just as many students are trained to take the SAT. This idea is related to one more claim that even IQ test proponents would not argue against: The test measures the current level of

Intelligence whatever it measures and says nothing of the speed at which the tested person has arrived at this level or the speed at which he probably would move further, to the next intellectual achievement. A popular misunderstanding about intelligence is that IQ testing can assess it with complete accuracy. To say that this is a misunderstanding is not to deny that IQ testing is useful; it is simply to point out that it has its limitations, and these limitations should be stated and understood. Another myth is that intelligence is fully genetically determined, a belief that means seeing the intelligence one is born with as a kind of destiny and leaving very little room for one’s own efforts to improve. Again, as in the case of IQ, to say that this belief is a myth is of course not to deny the genetic basis of intelligence, as well as of many other properties of the human psyche. Research indicates that one’s genetic heritage may be responsible for a portion of one’s intellectual achievement. Nevertheless, heredity is not everything, and it would clearly be a mistake to believe that one can simply rely on the intelligence one has inherited and need put no effort into developing one’s mind, or, on the other hand, that the level of intelligence one has inherited is the limit beyond which one is unable to move, and effort is hopeless. An even more erroneous claim is to state that some races and cultures are inherently less intelligent than others, because their living conditions (recall that intelligence functions for survival value) have not led them to the invention of planes and computers. Heredity may determine predisposition to a certain extent, but how intelligence will be used is a matter of environment, culture, and training. A child with a gift of poetry would not know about it if she were

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raised in a village where everyone was mute. And very modest inborn abilities, when well cultivated, may lead to a very impressive intelligence level. Many individuals want to know what can be done to improve their intelligence level. There is one general solution to this problem: training. To develop intelligence, one needs to train oneself to solve problems and complete tasks in a given field. Although training is popularly believed to develop only skills, it also builds intelligence itself. For example, in learning how to do a particular arm movement (say, in sports), one actually does three things: one learns this task, one strengthens the muscles, and one develops the area of the brain responsible for managing arm movements. In the same way, when one solves a math problem, one trains the chains of neurons that are used in this process. After the same chains have fired several times, they will react faster, as well as better—meaning that the right chains will fire. The solution will then be reached in less time, with less possibility of error. In sum, intelligence is an important adaptive characteristic of humans. It is crucial that adolescents understand this potential for growth if they are to make the best possible use of education. Janna Jilnina

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Developmental Assets; Homework; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Memory; Standardized Tests; Thinking References and further reading Case, Robbie. 1985. Intellectual Development: Birth to Adulthood. New York: Academic Press.

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Gardner, Howard. 1983. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Piaget, Jean, and Barbel Inhelder. 1969. The Psychology of the Child. New York: Basic Books. Sternberg, Robert, ed. 1992. Intellectual Development. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press.

Intelligence Tests Intelligence tests—also known as IQ (intelligence quotient) tests—measure skills such as verbal expression, abstract reasoning, numerical achievement, memory, and visual-motor abilities, all of which are related to school learning. Intelligence tests were developed in the late nineteenth century by pioneers in the field of mental retardation who were concerned about societal mistreatment of mentally retarded individuals. The goal of these pioneers was to develop a cure for retardation—but they first had to identify appropriate procedures for diagnosis. Today, intelligence tests are still used in assessing mental retardation, but their main purpose is to identify ways to help children learn better in school. Unfortunately, there has been much misunderstanding about the skills measured by intelligence tests, and the tests themselves have sometimes been misused. The most widely used intelligence tests in use today are the Wechsler scales. A version exists for preschoolers (Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence—Revised/WPPSI-R), for schoolaged children five to sixteen years old (Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—Third Edition/WISC-III), and for adults sixteen and older (Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale—Third Edition/WAISIII). All three Wechsler scales provide a total or Full Scale score, a Verbal IQ score

(which assesses skills such as word knowledge, numerical reasoning, and social reasoning), and a Performance IQ score (which assesses spatial skills, visual motor skills, and nonverbal problem solving through puzzles). The average score for each scale is 100; scores above 100 are above average and those below 100 are below average. As with all tests, no score is perfectly accurate. Accordingly, test scores should always be reported as occurring within a range (e.g., “The true score is likely to fall between 90 and 105”). How well individuals perform in any test administration depends not only on what they know but also on their interest, motivation, and level of comfort in the testing situation. Research indicates that scores on the WISC-III correlate with scores on academic achievement tests and with grades in school. The use of intelligence tests has been highly controversial at times, for reasons having to do with differences in average scores and in the percentages of children labeled as mentally retarded among diverse ethnic and minority groups. African American and Latino children, for example, receive lower scores than white youth. A number of explanations have been suggested to account for group differences in test performance, including the effects of poverty and racism as well as cultural bias in both test content and testing conditions. One of the most damaging interpretations of these group differences stems from a misunderstanding of what is measured by IQ tests. Intelligence tests measure skills developed through learning experiences at home, at school, and in the community. In this sense, they are measures of achievement and, as such, reflect a combination of experience and ability. They are not measures of pure

Intelligence Tests ability or innate potential. Some psychologists have suggested that they should be called achievement tests instead of intelligence tests to more accurately reflect their content. This content, which includes questions that test vocabulary and memory for facts related to science and social studies, clearly reflects the culture and school curricula of mainstream America. Children who have had considerable exposure to such content are likely to do well, but those with less exposure may be unfairly disadvantaged. Thus, it is impossible to draw conclusions about the innate ability of any individual or group of people based upon their test scores. The assumption that such conclusions could be drawn has contributed to stigmatization of persons with low scores as innately inferior. During the 1960s and early 1970s, Spanish-speaking children took IQ tests written in English and were labeled as mentally retarded when they achieved poorly. The abuse of testing under these conditions is obvious. Federal legislation (Public Law 94-142) passed in 1975 mandated that either IQ tests must be administered in the child’s native language or a nonlinguistic means of assessment must be used. Another cultural bias in assessment is perhaps less apparent: The original authors of intelligence tests were from European and North American cultures, and the content of the tests still reflects the values of those cultures. The IQ test performance of children, adolescents, and adults who have been exposed to cultural experiences that differ from common North American and European practices are affected as a result. Critics have pointed out numerous cultural biases in our educational systems and methods of assessment that do not appreciate or value the styles of learning practiced in

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Intelligence tests may be used to identify ways in which children’s abilities differ. (Skjold Photographs)

other parts of the world. Competing with others is one example of a style valued in Europe and North America that is not highly valued in non-Western cultures. Thus, non-Western students may perform poorly on a commonly used intelligence test despite possessing a wealth of knowledge and understanding that stems from their own cultural traditions but is not assessed by the IQ test. Researchers have also discovered that children who grow up in families with more economic resources, whose parents are more educated, and who attend more affluent schools also tend to score higher

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on intelligence tests. Although this finding is understandable, inasmuch as economic advantages can increase opportunities for learning, the great concern is that test scores not be used to discriminate against children and adolescents who are economically disadvantaged. If children from lower-income families do not get admitted to good schools or are placed in less challenging classes as a result of low test scores, the economic disadvantages they experience will be compounded by inferior educational opportunities. Just as intelligence test scores are influenced by a number of factors, the meaning of any individual’s test score and how well that score will predict further achievement depend on multiple factors including test motivation and prior exposure to the content and skills assessed by the test. However, currently available IQ tests do not assess skills in many areas that are critical to success in life, such as leadership, interpersonal skills, creativity, and physical prowess, among others. Robert Sternberg (1985) and Howard Gardner (1983) have sought to develop assessments of intelligence that measure a wider variety of skills and talents important to life success. Moreover, significant gains in scores can be achieved when individuals are provided with new learning opportunities. In educational settings, the purpose of intelligence testing is to help children become more successful in school. Unfortunately, intelligence testing does not always contribute to this goal. Maureen E. Kenny

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Intelligence; Standardized Tests

References and further reading Gardner, Howard. 1983. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books. Helms, Janet E. 1992. “Why Is There No Study of Cultural Equivalence in Standardized Cognitive Ability Tests?” American Psychologist 49, no. 7: 1038–1101. Kamphaus, Randy W. 1993. Clinical Assessment of Children’s Intelligence. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Miller-Jones, Dalton. 1989. “Culture and Testing.” American Psychologist 44, no. 2: 360–366. Reschly, David. 1981. “Psychological Testing in Educational Classification and Placement.” American Psychologist 36, no. 10: 1094–1102. Sternberg, Robert. 1985. Beyond IQ—The Triarchic Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press. Weinberg, Richard A. 1989. “Intelligence and IQ: Landmark Issues and Great Debates.” American Psychologist 44, no. 2: 98–104.

Intervention Programs for Adolescents Intervention programs for youth are planned, systematic attempts to (1) ameliorate the presence of emotional, behavioral, and social problems; (2) prevent such problems from occurring; and (3) promote positive, healthy behaviors among young people. The key attributes of positive youth development can be described by “five C’s”: competence, confidence, character, connection, and caring/compassion (Lerner, Fisher, and Weinberg, 2000). Programs that seek to develop these attributes of positive development in young people constitute attempts to optimize the lives of individuals by building up their strengths. In addition, such programs reflect an abiding concern for the well-being of youth: They are committed to going beyond traditional intervention strategies—such as remediation, alleviation, or prevention of

Intervention Programs for Adolescents problems—to emphasize skill and competency development (Roth et al., 1998). In regard to all three types of programs—problem reduction, problem prevention, and positive development promotion—the work undertaken constitutes attempts to intervene in the course of a person’s development in order to change that person’s life for the better. Some intervention programs are conducted by professionals trained to use particular methods (e.g., psychotherapy, group interactions); others are presented to youth through community-based clubs or organizations (e.g., YMCA, 4-H, Boys and Girls Clubs, Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts). Focal Issues of Youth Programs The behaviors targeted by youth programs fall into two categories: “external” problems such as alcohol use and abuse, conduct disorders, social-skill deficits, delinquency, and violence and “internal” problems such as depression, anxiety, anger, and suicide. Programs that specifically seek to promote positive development may include efforts that, on the one hand, focus on adolescents’ social relationships (with parents and peers) and, on the other, enhance cognitive development or self-esteem. An excellent example of a program aimed at promoting positive youth development is the National 4-H Council, America’s largest youth-serving organization. In every county of every state in the United States, 4-H organizations are building community-based partnerships to serve youth. In fact, the National 4-H Council envisions a renewed society in which youth and adults take action together as equal partners. Toward this end the council has created partnerships with corporations, foundations, the Cooperative Extension Service (CES), and

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others to bring together resources for meeting the needs of young people. These partnerships and resources include training, developing curricula, offering technical assistance, and conducting youth forums and seminars. In the early 1900s, 4-H programs were established throughout the country in an attempt to provide a better agricultural education for young people. Most states organized boys and girls clubs outside of schools, with parents serving as volunteer leaders and CES agents providing appropriate educational materials. Through the years, the overall objective of 4-H programs has remained the same: development of youth as responsible and productive citizens. 4-H serves youth through a variety of methods including community service activities, organized clubs, school enrichment programs, and instructional television. Universally recognized by its four-leaf clover emblem, representing head, heart, hands, and health, 4-H conducts such programs in 3,150 counties of the United States, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, Micronesia, and the Northern Mariana Islands. The “alumni” of 4-H total about 45 million people, and more than 5.4 million youth currently participate in its programs. Fifty-two percent of these 4-H youth live in towns and cities with populations between 10,000 and 50,000-plus; 26 percent are minorities. 4-H reaches out to young people from all ideological and demographic backgrounds and designs its programs to respond to the needs of local youth. The National 4-H Council believes that if today’s youth are to survive and prosper, all of society must support them, engage them in civic life, and help them develop the necessary life skills to meet

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the challenges they face. Accordingly, the diverse programs supported by the National 4-H Council and by 4-H organizations throughout the United States represent a collaborative opportunity that has had a vast impact on America. There are, of course, other youth programs as well. Jodie Roth and her colleagues (1998) estimate that more than 17,500 programs in the United States are aimed at either preventing youth problems or promoting the positive development of young people. Regardless of their individual objectives, however, all such programs need to focus on three key issues: effectiveness, scale, and sustainability. Program Effectiveness. The purpose of some programs is to reduce youth violence. Others aim to prevent unsafe sexual behaviors. Still others are designed to enhance self-esteem among adolescents. But do these programs actually achieve what they intend to achieve? If so, they are deemed to be effective. Procedures known as evaluations are used in an attempt to ascertain whether any changes youth experience over the course of their participation in a program are due to the program itself rather than to extraneous factors. Evaluations aimed at proving that a program is effective are often termed “outcome” or “summative” evaluations. One function of such evaluations is to improve the quality of the program as it is being conducted. For example, an evaluator may consider implementing certain mid-course corrections in an attempt to improve a program’s efforts at promoting self-esteem or preventing violence. Evaluations that seek to improve programs are sometimes called “formative” evaluations. Because they aim to

enhance the process through which a program provides its services, they may also be termed “process” evaluations. Another function of program evaluations is to empower both the youth participating in the program and the people delivering it. Indeed, a key goal of evaluators of contemporary youth programs— especially those located in communities, and begun and continued through the efforts of community members (as opposed to trained professionals such as psychologists, social workers, nurses, and physicians)—is to increase the community members’ ability to both improve the programs and prove their effectiveness. Enactment of these “empowerment” evaluations is seen as critical if the community is to succeed in using evidence of program effectiveness to bring programs to all the youth who need them and to maintain the programs over time. Program Scale. The characteristics of effective youth programs are generally well understood. Researchers know how to prove that programs are effective, how to improve the quality of programs as they are being conducted, and how to empower communities through evaluation. However, even those programs known to be effective may not be reaching all the youth for whom they are intended—and for whom they could have positive benefits. This a problem of program scale. The challenge is to determine the number of youth who would be appropriate for a given program. Consider, for instance, a YMCA modern dance program that involves a dozen youth. Would greater skill attainment be ensured if the maximum number of participants were decreased to eight—or increased to twenty?

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Another scale-related issue concerns the possibility that more people could benefit from a particular program. Consider, for instance, a program that sends visitors to the homes of adolescent mothers to help improve their skills as parents. This program is known to be effective, but only 50 percent of eligible youth are participating in it. The challenge here is to determine what psychological, social, economic, or political reasons are preventing the other 50 percent from becoming involved in the program. Alternatively, let’s say that there are known economic reasons for which certain adolescent mothers are being kept out of home visiting programs (e.g., they have to work and are not available when the program is offered). In this case, the challenge would be to change the social system in such a way as to enable the program to be brought to scale (e.g., by developing labor law policies regarding flexible working hours or time off from work for program participation).

Key Features of Effective Youth Programs As noted, youth programs vary in numerous ways—in terms of their emphasis on problem reduction or prevention or their attempts to promote positive development, in terms of their focus on the individual versus his or her relationships, and, finally, in terms of their approach to the issues of effectiveness, scale, and sustainability. These dimensions of difference add up to a complex picture of contemporary youth programs. Simplifying the picture somewhat is the knowledge that has been gained about the characteristics that define effective youth programs. Indeed, it is possible to provide an overview of the ideal features—the best practices—of such programs. These features include coordinated attention to each youth’s personal characteristics and social context. Accordingly, programs that are effective in promoting positive youth development

Program Sustainability. There is even more to learn about program sustainability. A sustained program is one that is maintained over time. Unfortunately, however, most youth programs—especially community-based ones—are shortlived. Some of these programs are initiated through “start-up” grants provided by government agencies or private philanthropic foundations; others are initiated by university faculty members who have obtained grants to demonstrate the effectiveness of the interventions they have devised. In either case, after the start-up funds have run out or the demonstration project is completed, the program usually ends. This lack of sustainability affects even programs that have been proven through evaluations to be effective.

1. are predicated on a vision of positive youth development (e.g., the “five C’s” of positive youth development) and have clear goals; 2. focus on the assets of youth and on the importance of their participation in every facet of the programs—including their design, conduct, and evaluation; 3. pay attention to the diversity of youth and of their family, community, and cultural contexts (both the strengths and the needs of youth need to be of central concern); 4. ensure the accessibility of a safe space in which youth can use their time constructively; 5. in recognition of the interrelated challenges facing youth, integrate

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6.

7.

8.

9.

Intervention Programs for Adolescents the assets for positive youth development that exist within the community (including collaborations or partnerships among youth-serving organizations as well as contributions by families, peers, and schools); provide broad, sustained, and integrated services to youth and a “seamless” social support system across the community; in recognition of the importance of caring adult-youth relations in healthy adolescent development, provide training to adult leaders that involves, for instance, enhancing sensitivity to diversity and learning about the principles of positive youth development; are committed to program evaluation and to strengthening the use of research in the design, delivery, and evaluation of the programs (the role of university-community partnerships is important here); and, finally, advocate for youth.

Regarding this last point, although youth programs should not be partisan, they do need to provide a clear voice to policymakers across the political spectrum about the importance of investing in positive youth development. Conclusions about Effective Youth Programs There is reason to be optimistic about the success of youth programs if they continue to be designed on the basis of the multiple, interrelated challenges facing youth. A coordinated set of community-based programs, aimed at both individuals and their contexts, is indeed

required for success. But these programs also have to begin as early as possible and be maintained throughout their participants’ adolescent years. Clearly, then, means must be found to capitalize on the potentials and strengths of all youth and, by meeting their developmental needs, promote their positive development. Toward this end, the resources of society must be marshaled in the service of designing programs consistent with this vision for young people, and scholars of youth development must engage the support of public policymakers. Young people themselves can also play a significant role in such communitybased efforts. How Adolescents Can Collaborate with Youth Development Organizations Indeed, there are numerous ways in which adolescents can become involved in youth development organizations that are open to collaborative efforts (e.g., 4-H programs, scholarly organizations such as the Society for Research in Adolescence and the American Psychological Association, nongovernmental and community-based organizations such as Big Brothers/Big Sisters and the YMCA/YWCA, and selected programs in governmental organizations such as the Department of Housing and Urban Development or the Department of Education). If they are interested in collaborating with 4-H, for example, they can contact the office of the 4-H program in their county (usually located at the site of the public, land-grant university in each state in the nation) or the National 4-H Council in Chevy Chase, Maryland. Alternatively, they can direct their inquiries to the Cooperative Extension Service. CES offices can be found in almost every

Intervention Programs for Adolescents county in the nation, and every state has a CES director who can provide information about volunteering and other forms of collaboration. Resources for community involvement and service can also be found in many high schools and colleges. For instance, students can become involved in opportunities to integrate the information they are learning in classes with opportunities for community service organized by their university. Such service learning can take many forms. For instance, students can volunteer at community “hot lines” that provide services to youth through telephone referrals or work at their local 4-H club or county CES office. They can also serve as mentors to younger persons. An interesting example is “One to One,” a program associated with the National Mentoring Partnership that focuses on the needs of mentored participants. Youth programs of this type foster caring and supportive relationships, encourage young people to develop to their fullest potential, help them create a vision for the future, and provide a means through which they can collaborate in the promotion of positive youth development. Richard M. Lerner See also Career Development; Counseling; Drug Abuse Prevention; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Juvenile Justice System; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Programs for Adolescents; Services for Adolescents; Sex Education

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References and further reading Benson, Peter. 1997. All Kids Are Our Kids: What Communities Must Do to Raise Caring and Responsible Children and Adolescents. San Francisco: JosseyBass. Damon, William. 1997. The Youth Charter: How Communities Can Work Together to Raise Standards for All Our Children. New York: Free Press. Dryfoos, Joy G. 1990. Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence and Prevention. New York: Oxford University Press. Fetterman, David M., Shakeh J. Kaftarian, and Abraham Wandersman, eds. 1996. Empowerment Evaluation: Knowledge and Tools for Self-Assessment and Accountability. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Jacobs, Fran. 1988. “The Five-Tiered Approach to Evaluation: Context and Implementation.” Pp. 37–68 in Evaluating Family Programs. Edited by H. B. Weiss and F. Jacobs. Hawthorne, NY: Aldine. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lerner, Richard M., Celia B. Fisher, and Richard A. Weinberg. 2000. “Toward a Science for and of the People: Promoting Civil Society through the Application of Developmental Science.” Child Development 71: 11–20. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs, and Policies.” Annual Review of Psychology 49: 413–446. Roth, Jodie, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Lawrence Murray, and William Foster. 1998. “Promoting Healthy Adolescents: Synthesis of Youth Development Program Evaluations.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 8: 423–459. Schorr, Lee B. 1988. Within Our Reach: Breaking the Cycle of Disadvantage. New York: Doubleday.

J Juvenile Crime

niles. In other words, approximately one in five of all arrests involved a juvenile. These numbers vary by state and county as well as by urban versus rural areas. On average, the largest number of juvenile arrests for crimes occur in large urban cities. Crimes are often subdivided into categories, three of which are violent crimes, property crimes, and nonindex crimes. Violent crimes are crimes that have the potential to seriously harm an individual; they include murder, rape, robbery, and assault. Property crimes are crimes against property and include burglary, theft, and arson. And nonindex crimes are all other types of crimes including fraud, carrying or possessing a weapon, sex offenses, running away, and drug abuse violations. The percentages of crimes committed by juveniles vary by type of crime. Specifically, juveniles commit 17 percent of all violent crimes and 35 percent of all property crimes known to officials, 50 percent of all arson cases, between 25 percent and 45 percent of all vandalism, motor vehicle theft, burglary, theft, robbery, disorderly conduct, and stolen property crimes, and approximately 12 percent of all murders. Recent official records also show that juveniles are more likely to commit some crimes than others. For example, more than 40 percent of all juvenile arrests

Juvenile crime is defined as an unlawful act committed by a person under the age of eighteen. The most recent official records, compiled in 1997, reveal that 2.8 million juveniles were arrested for crimes committed over a one-year period. This rate is slightly lower than that in the previous year. During the last two decades overall, however, the juvenile crime rate has been at its highest level. Juveniles commit a variety of crimes. Some types of crimes are more likely to be committed by juveniles than other types of crimes. Juvenile crime rates vary by age and gender. In addition to committing crimes, juveniles are often victims of crimes. Juvenile crime is differentiated from adult crime by the age of the offender; by definition, it refers to a crime committed by an individual younger than eighteen. In addition, juvenile crime carries different penalties than adult crime. Juveniles who commit offenses are reported to the juvenile justice system, whereas adults are referred to the adult penal system. States vary somewhat, but in general the goals of the juvenile justice system are both prevention and punishment. By contrast, the goals of the adult penal system tend to be more focused on punishment than on rehabilitation. In a recent one-year period (1997), 19 percent of all arrests were arrests of juve-

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A staff member sorts the wreckage at a vandalized recreation center. (Urban Archives, Philadelphia)

occur in one of the following four categories: theft, simple assault, drug abuse, or disorderly conduct. In addition, juveniles are more likely to commit property crimes than violent crimes. Only a small number of juvenile arrests are for murder, rape, forgery, embezzlement, prostitution, gambling, or vagrancy. Official records are used to determine juvenile crime rates, but such records reflect only the number of juvenile crimes reported to the police or other authorities. Thus, since many juvenile crimes are not known to police and not included in official records, the number of juvenile crimes is probably well over the 2.8 million noted earlier. Indeed, when a group of arrested juveniles was asked whether they had committed crimes that they were not arrested for,

many of the youth replied that this was in fact the case. Juvenile crimes are typically committed by groups of juveniles rather than by individuals acting alone. Specifically, records show that, in a majority of cases, juveniles commit crimes in groups of two or more. Some, but not all, of these crimes are committed by juvenile gangs. Crimes committed in groups occur in both urban and rural areas. Many juveniles who commit crimes are arrested just once. Indeed, 54 percent of male and 73 percent of female first-time offenders are never arrested again. Other juveniles, however, are arrested for subsequent crimes. These juveniles are referred to as chronic or repeat offenders. In general, chronic offenders are arrested for committing various types of crimes

Juvenile Crime rather than for committing the same type of crime repeatedly. Moreover, chronic offenders commit the majority of juvenile crimes. Thus, it can be concluded that the majority of juvenile crimes are committed by a small number of juveniles. Recent official records also reveal that, on school days, juvenile crimes are most likely to occur in the hours following school (between 3 and 6 P.M.), whereas on nonschool days they are most likely to take place in the evening. In short, juvenile crimes are unequally dispersed throughout the day. Juvenile crimes are committed at different rates by male and female offenders. Although the number of crimes committed by females has increased in the last two decades, males overall commit considerably more crimes than females. Specifically, of the 2.8 million juvenile arrests officially recorded in 1997, 26 percent of these were for crimes committed by females. In other words, juvenile males committed almost three-fourths of all juvenile crimes in that year. Except for prostitution and running away, juvenile males are more likely to be arrested for all types of crimes. For example, male juvenile offenders commit five times more violent crimes and two times more property crimes than female juvenile offenders. Juvenile crime rates also vary by age. About 90 percent of all juvenile crimes are committed by juveniles between the ages of thirteen and seventeen, compared to less than 10 percent among juveniles twelve and younger. Crimes committed by very young children are rare. Analysis of juvenile crime rates over several decades reveals that the highest rates of juvenile crime occurred in the 1980s and early 1990s. Specifically, whereas property crime arrest rates

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remained relatively stable over the past two decades, violent crime arrest rates increased and then only recently began to decline. Juvenile crime is staggeringly expensive for society. One youth who commits one to four crimes a year over a four-year period (the average “career” length of a chronic juvenile offender) costs crime victims between $62,000 and $250,000. And depending on the type of juvenile justice that intervenes, the court and corrections costs incurred by this youth average between $21,000 and $84,000. These totals are even higher when the costs associated with drug abuse and dropping out of school are taken into account. Juveniles themselves are often victims of crime. Two age groups in particular— young adults eighteen to twenty-four years old and youths younger than eighteen—are at the greatest risk of being victims of serious violent crimes. Twenty percent of all serious violent crimes, 12 percent of all property crimes, and 26 percent of simple assaults are committed against juveniles twelve to seventeen years old. Furthermore, murder is one of the five leading causes of juvenile death. (The juvenile murder rate is considerably higher in the United States than in other industrialized countries.) Juvenile victimizations are most likely to occur in the daytime, between noon and 6 P.M. Many juveniles know their assailants but do not report crimes committed by their peers. The rate of school crime has remained approximately the same for several years. The most common type of crime committed at school is theft. Males between the ages of twelve and fourteen are at the greatest risk of being victims of school crime. And although theft crimes occur at equal rates in urban and rural schools,

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urban schools experience higher rates of violent crimes. Overall, violent deaths at school are very rare. Leanne J. Jacobson See also Aggression; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Homeless Youth; Runaways; Youth Gangs References and further reading Snyder, Howard N., and Melissa Sickmund. 1995. Juvenile Offenders and Victims: A National Report. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. ———. 1999. Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.

Juvenile Justice System The juvenile justice system comprises a network of courts, agencies, and organizations that process youth who have been charged with violating a law. The juvenile justice system is premised on the idea that children should be treated differently from adults because children are somewhat less responsible for their actions and are in need of protection. In 1998 alone, according to the National Center for Juvenile Justice (2000), 2,603,300 youths passed through at least one of the multiple layers of this complex system. Given this large number of youth and the billions of dollars being spent on juvenile crime, it is imperative that we understand the history of this specialized court, the way it functions, the current trends that are emerging as a result of a changing society. Developed in Chicago in 1899, the first juvenile court was specifically designed to process youth between the ages of eight and seventeen. The fundamental principle of this juvenile court was that

the state would become the guardian of the child, making the child a ward of the state to receive whatever services the state had to offer. This principle differed from that underlying the adult criminal court. The juvenile court was originally intended to be rehabilitative rather than punitive, and its focus was on the individual child’s treatment and rehabilitation. The judges in juvenile court took on a parental role and, like parents, determined the needs of the child. The founders of the juvenile court intended to create a flexible and individualized system for dealing with wayward youth. Judges were given broad discretionary powers, as it was assumed that they were acting in the best interests of the child. It was not until the late 1960s, following the occurrence of numerous abuses within the system, that the government began to formalize procedures within juvenile courts. In recent years, there has been a growing trend within the juvenile system away from rehabilitation and toward punishment. Paralleling this trend has been an increasing awareness of the need to protect the rights of juveniles within the system in order to ensure due process. Overview of the Juvenile Justice System Juvenile courts have jurisdiction over three types of cases: status offenses, dependency cases, and delinquency cases. Status offenses are acts committed by juveniles that would not be considered crimes if committed by an adult; examples include running away from home or being truant from school. Dependency cases are cases in which the juvenile court is responsible for providing protection for children who are abused or neglected or deemed to be in need of supervi-

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The juvenile justice system aims to help and protect as many youth as possible. (Urban Archives, Philadelphia)

sion because their parents cannot manage them. Finally, delinquency cases involve violation of a law or ordinance. The focus throughout this entry is on delinquency cases. There is a great deal of discretion built into the juvenile justice system. Police, prosecution, judges, and probation all exercise discretion that can move a youth deeper into the process or divert the youth out of the process. The juvenile justice system aims to help and protect as many youth as possible. Toward this end, many juveniles are brought into the system, yet few make it to the final

stages of the process. At each stage, cases may be resolved or referred for further intervention. Police provide the primary means by which youth are brought into the juvenile justice system. When an adolescent is arrested or taken into custody by a police officer, he or she is booked at a police station or sheriff’s office. Booking involves obtaining information about the detained youth and creating a written record of the arrest or detention. After booking, the police classify the adolescent according to the offense allegedly committed and determine whether the

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juvenile justice system has jurisdiction over the case. In some states, juveniles are automatically transferred to criminal court for more serious offenses such as rape or murder. Once jurisdiction has been established, youths may be released to the care of their parents, referred to community resources (e.g., counseling), referred for juvenile intake procedures and then released to parents, or transferred to a juvenile hall or shelter. These actions, referred to as preliminary disposition or diversion, depend on several factors including the nature of the offense and the resources available. The next stage of the process involves an intake screening, which often takes place at the time of booking and is conducted by a court officer or a juvenile probation officer. The formality of this procedure varies from case to case. The intake officer acts as a screening agent and decides what action is to be taken on the case. This decision is based on a number of factors including the seriousness of the offense and the youth’s attitude, demeanor, age, and previous offense history. In most jurisdictions, the intake screening results in one of five actions: (1) dismissal of the case, with or without verbal or written reprimand; (2) release of the youths into the custody of their parents; (3) release of the youths to the custody of their parents with a referral for counseling or special services; (4) referral of the youths to an alternative dispute resolution program; or (5) referral of the youths to the juvenile justice prosecutor for further action and possible filing of a delinquency petition. Cases that are referred to juvenile prosecutors usually involve either youths who commit serious offenses or youths who are chronic recidivists (e.g., children who chronically run away from home).

Juvenile prosecutors have broad discretionary powers and can decide among a number of actions ranging from dismissing the case to diverting it to criminal court through waiver. Prosecutors are also responsible for filing petitions or acting on petitions filed by others. Petitions are official court documents specifying the reason for the youth’s court appearance. Filing a petition formally places the youth before a juvenile court judge. The next stage is adjudication, which refers to the process by which a judgment or action is taken on the petition filed within the court. The formality of the adjudication process varies from state to state. However, there is a growing trend toward a more formal and adversarial procedure that emulates the criminal court system. Defense attorneys represent the juvenile’s interests during the adjudicatory proceedings and ensure that due process is fulfilled. Then, after hearing the evidence presented by both sides, a judge decides or adjudicates the matter. If the petition alleges that a delinquency has occurred (i.e., that the youth has committed a crime), the judge decides whether the youth is or is not delinquent. If the adjudicatory proceedings support the allegations then the judge sentences the juvenile or orders a disposition. If the allegations are not supported, the case is dismissed and the youth is freed. Dispositions are actions ordered by a juvenile judge. Generally, dispositions are grouped into three categories: nominal, conditional, and custodial. The idea behind dispositions is that they represent the least restrictive alternative providing for the public safety. Nominal dispositions, which entail verbal warnings or stern reprimands, are the least punitive; in such cases, release to the custody of the parents usually completes the juvenile

Juvenile Justice System court action against the youth. Conditional dispositions are probationary options in which youths are referred to probation and required to comply with certain conditions. A probation officer oversees the youth during this period and ensures that he or she complies with the probationary conditions. Custodial dispositions are classified as nonsecure and secure. Nonsecure options include foster homes, group homes, or camp ranches or schools, whereas secure options include juvenile detention centers or other forms of incarceration. The secure custodial option is considered by most juvenile judges to be a last resort for the most serious juvenile offenders; however, even nonserious offenders are sometimes incarcerated because of a lack of appropriate community-based treatments. Finally, it is important to note that in some states there is a death penalty for juveniles tried as adults through the transfer process. Trends within the Juvenile Justice System Since the 1960s, three major developments have altered the focus of the juvenile justice system: (1) U.S. Supreme Court rulings protecting the rights of juveniles during court proceedings, (2) passage of the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act, and (3) the shift in public and social policy from treatment and rehabilitation toward deterrence and punishment. These changes have altered the original vision of the court, resulting in a system with competing goals and orientations. In short, the original goals of social service, advocacy, and treatment have been replaced by a focus on consequences and retribution. Four landmark Supreme Court decisions reformed the legal framework that determines the quality of justice for delin-

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quent youth. Kent v United States (1966) established juveniles’ right to a hearing before transfer to a criminal court as well as their right to counsel during a police interrogation. In re Gault (1967) gave juveniles the right to be represented by an attorney, the right to confront and crossexamine witnesses, the right to avoid selfincrimination, and the right to receive notice of charges. In re Winship (1970) established a juvenile’s right to the criminal court standard of “beyond a reasonable doubt.” And Breed v Jones (1975) provided protection against double jeopardy. (Double jeopardy exists when a juvenile is adjudicated as a delinquent in juvenile court and tried for the same offense in adult criminal court.) Taken together, these rights given by the U.S. Supreme Court guarantee juveniles a minimum of due process during adjudicatory proceedings. The Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974 and its 1980 and 1996 amendments profoundly altered juvenile laws and practices. This act requires that states receiving federal funding follow four mandates. The first mandate, which calls for the “deinstitutionalization of status offenders,” maintains that status offenders should not be institutionalized as though they had committed crimes. The second mandate requires “sight and sound separation” of juveniles and adult prisoners and requires that juvenile offenders not come into contact with adult prisoners. The third mandate, involving “jail and lock up removal,” requires that all juvenile offenders be removed from adult criminal facilities. And the fourth mandate, which concerns “disproportionate confinement of minority youth,” requires that states make efforts to reduce the disproportionate representation of minority youth in juvenile facilities. Although

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these reforms have been considered major advances in the fight for juvenile rights, girls and children of color, in particular, have not experienced the intended benefits. Legal factors such as severity of the offense and prior record heavily influence the court’s decision-making process, but race and gender also play significant and pervasive roles in these deliberations. With respect to race, statistical analyses demonstrate that the number of minority youth confined to public correctional facilities is disproportionately large relative to their representation in the general population. As for gender, girls continue to be arrested and incarcerated for offenses (generally status offenses and prostitution crimes) that would not trigger a similar response for males. Girls’ pathway into the system is markedly different from that of boys: Many girls arrive in the juvenile justice system with histories of sexual and physical abuse, mental illness, substance abuse, family disconnection, and special education. And, finally, the court has been reluctant to reduce its use of incarceration for girls, even though the facilities they are sent to are often unequipped to handle their special medical, mental health, and social service needs. Although many reforms have attempted to increase the rights of juveniles, public concern over lenient consequences for dangerous juveniles has resulted in more vigorous prosecution of violent youthful offenders. This new emphasis, however, is in conflict with the original rehabilitative mission of the juvenile courts. In their struggle to balance these two competing demands, the courts are currently experiencing an identity crisis that pulls them in different directions between rehabilitation and punishment.

The move toward punishment and away from treatment and prevention within the juvenile courts is evidenced by the fact that numerous states have passed laws expanding eligibility for criminal court processing, increasing sentencing authority, and reducing confidentiality protections. In 1976, for example, more than half the states made it easier to transfer youth to adult courts where more severe punishments could be imposed. Some states have lowered the minimum age at which youths can be transferred into the adult system; others have discounted the issue of age altogether. Several states have passed laws that give juvenile courts increased sentencing options. And, finally, a number of states have passed laws that modify or remove court confidentiality provisions, making juvenile records and proceedings more open. All of these laws are aimed at “cracking down” on juvenile crime and have changed the focus within the juvenile justice system from individualized treatment and rehabilitation to punishment. Juvenile Rights in the Juvenile Justice System Although juveniles have more legal rights today than they did thirty years ago as a result of the Supreme Court rulings described above, they are still not vested with the same rights as adults in criminal court. For example, their right to a trial by jury is not constitutionally required, although in some states it is granted by statute (McKeiver v Pennsylvania, 1971). One reason juveniles are not granted the same rights given to adults in criminal court is that juvenile courts continue to exercise civil jurisdiction. In other words, adolescent offenders do not acquire a criminal record for offenses committed as

Juvenile Justice System juveniles. In some states, however, juvenile records can be used for later adult proceedings such as enhanced sentencing. In addition to having fewer rights than adults, many adolescents do not exercise their constitutional rights. Although the right to counsel is constitutionally granted (In re Gault, 1967), it may be waived. And, indeed, records show that counsel is offered but technically waived in many cases. Instead of assigning counsel, many states permit youth not only to choose whether to have the services of counsel but also to waive their right to a fact-based hearing. However, there is considerable debate over whether children and adolescents have the cognitive or emotional capacity to fully understand the consequences of such decisions. In particular, children and adolescents may need counsel during interrogation in order to protect them against self-incrimination. Jodi E. Morris Jennifer A. Murphy Francine T. Sherman See also Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Delin-

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quency, Trends in; Foster Care: Risks and Factors; Juvenile Crime References and further reading Center on Juvenile Justice and Criminal Justice. 2000. Web site: www.cjcj.org Champion, Dean J. 1992. The Juvenile Justice System: Delinquency, Processing, and the Law. New York: Macmillan. Humes, Edward. 1997. No Matter How Loud I Shout: A Year in the Life of Juvenile Court. New York: Simon and Schuster. Jones, LeAlan, Lloyd Newman, and David Isay. 1997. Our America. New York: Simon and Schuster. Krisberg, B., and James F. Austin. 1993. Reinventing Juvenile Justice. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. National Center for Juvenile Justice. 2000. Web site: www.ncjj.org Phillip, Kay, Andrea Estepa, and Al Desetta, eds. 1998. Things Get Hectic: Teens Write about the Violence That Surrounds Them. New York: Touchstone. Schwartz, Irma M., ed. 1992. Juvenile Justice and Public Policy. New York: Macmillan. Synder, Howard N., and Melissa Sickmund. 1999. Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Web site: www.ncjj.org.

L Latina/o Adolescents

and in the frustration of having lost land, culture, and language rights guaranteed them by the treaty. Also, there are Latinas/os, Puerto Ricans, whose entire island was seized by the United States. With their homeland colonialized by the United States, Puerto Ricans are officially U.S. citizens, but they do not enjoy the same voting privileges and social services on the island that U.S. citizens do in the continental United States. Despite these challenges, Latina/o adolescents have many things about which to feel proud. While the largest numbers of Latinas/os in the United States are Mexican American, Latina/o adolescents in the United States are extremely diverse, including Chicanas/os (see “Chicana/os” entry in this encyclopedia), Boricuas, Puerto Riqueñas/os, El Salvadoreñas/os, Nicaragüenses, Guatemaltecas/os, Cubans, Dominicans, Peruvians, Mexicans, Chileans, Argentineans, Colombians, and Tejanos. Further diversity within the Latina/o umbrella can be seen in the range of skin tones (black, brown, bronze, and white), heard in the range of language backgrounds (Spanish only, Spanish dominant, fully bilingual, English dominant, and English only), heard in the range of accents and word choices (guagua means child in Chile and a bus in the Caribbean) and experienced in the range of holidays (from the Mexican

Latina/o adolescents in the United States come from all Spanish-speaking countries in the Western hemisphere, including the United States itself, which is today the fifth largest Spanish-speaking country in the world (considering numbers of Spanish speakers in the country). However, many include in Latinas/os Brazilians (who speak Portuguese) and indigenous peoples such as Mayans, Zapotecans, and Quechua (who speak a home language other than Spanish—such as Tzotzil, Chol, Ki’che, Zapoteca, or Quechua—and often speak Spanish also). Latinas/os (also sometimes spelled Latin@s) hail from several races and mixtures, including the indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere, Africans, Europeans, and Asians. Latinas/os vary in their distance from their home country, both in terms of actual land distance and in terms of immigration distance. Some Latina/o adolescents are new to the United States, immigrants themselves. Some Latinas/os come from families who originated in what is now the United States—today Texas, New Mexico, California, Arizona, Colorado, and other states that were originally Mexican territory stolen by the United States in the Mexican-American War through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The sentiment of these Latinas/os is captured in the statement, “We didn’t cross the border; the border crossed us”

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Cinco de Mayo to the Puerto Rican El Grito de Lares), foods (from tostones to mole poblano to paella), and dances (from salsa to tejano to banda to danza). A few excellent works in literature that capture the Latina/o adolescent experience in the United States include: Barrio Boy by Ernesto Galarza, When I Was Puerto Rican by Esmeralda Santiago, How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accent by Julia Alvarez, Bless Me Ultima by Rudolfo Anaya, The House on Mango Street by Sandra Cisneros, So Far from God by Ana Castillo, Down These Mean Streets by Piri Thomas, Drown by Junot Diaz, and Dreaming in Cuban by Cristina Garcia. Our heroes for whom Latinas/os feel pride include Rigoberta Menchu, the indigenous rights activist; Jennifer Lopez, the singer/actor; Bob Menendez, a Congress member and Democratic Party leader; Gloria Estefan, the singer; Gloria Molina, the chair of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors; Samuel Betances, an education and diversity specialist; and María Hinojosa, the journalist. Latinas/os also remember their heroes no longer alive (but very much remembered), including Emiliano Zapata, the revoluntionary who fought for peasant land rights in Mexico; Rubén Salazar, the Chicano journalist murdered by police officers; Cesar Chávez and Dolores Huerta, the leaders of the United Farm Workers; Tito Puente, the Latin Jazz band leader; Lola Rodríguez de Tió, the Puerto Rican poet and artist; and Che Guevara, the Cuban revolutionary. Although proud of their origins, Latina/o adolescents notice when Latinas/os are missing from almost all mainstream television programming: There are no Latinas/os on the Supreme Court, there has never been a Latina/o president, bilingual education programs are rarely offered to

those Latinas/os who might most benefit from developing bilingual/biliterate/ bicultural skills, and school curricula rarely include the contributions of Latinas/os to the United States—how many U.S. citizens know that Latinas/os were the most overrepresented and most decorated, compared to the proportion of the population, of the soldiers who served in Vietnam? Latinas/os offer strengths to the United States, bringing with them a robust sense of family and familial loyalty, often expressed in extended family networks, extreme respect for the elders in their communities, and a strong work ethic. Regardless of society’s lack of equal representation for Latinas/os, most Latina/o adolescents know that the struggle for voice and recognition continues (la lucha sigue) and that yes, they can win this struggle (si se puede). Given current demographics, the third millennium will likely be the Latina/o millennium in the United States, as one in four in the United States will soon be Latina/o and this percentage will be greater amongst adolescents, given that Latinas/os are a young group. Danielle Carrigo See also Chicana/o Adolescents; Ethnic Identity; Identity; Racial Discrimination References and further reading Acuna, Rodolfo. 1988. Occupied America: A History of Chicanos, 3rd ed. New York: HarperCollins. Anaya, Rodolfo A., and Francisco Lomeli, eds. 1989. Aztlan. Albuquerque, NM: El Norte Publications. Anzaldúa, Gloria. 1987. Borderlands: La Frontera, the New Mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books. Cummins, Jim. 1986. “Empowering Minority Students: A Framework for Intervention.” Harvard Educational Review 56, no. 1: 18–36. Garcia, Eugene E. 1991. The Education of Linguistically and Culturally Diverse

Learning Disabilities Students: Effective Instructional Practices (Educational Practice Report 1). Washington, DC: National Center for Research on Cultural Diversity and Second Language Learning. Martinez, Elizabeth. 1998. De Colores Means All of Us: Latina Views for a Multi-Colored Century. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. Rodriguez, Luis J. 1993. Always Running: La Vida Loca: Gang Days in L.A. New York: Touchstone. Romo, Harriett D., and Toni Falbo. 1996. Latino High School Graduation: Defying the Odds. Austin: University of Texas Press. Schecter, Sandra, Diane Sharken-Taboada, and Robert Bayley. 1996. “Bilingual by Choice: Latino Parents’ Rationales and Strategies for Raising Children with Two Languages.” The Bilingual Research Journal 20, no. 2: 261–281. Secada, Walter, et al. 1998. No More Excuses: Final Report of the Hispanic Dropout Project. Washington, DC: Hispanic Dropout Project.

Learning Disabilities An adolescent who has a learning disability, most basically defined as a disorder that interferes with the learning process, faces significant challenges. Learning disabilities are widespread, and it is crucial to understand exactly what constitutes a learning disability and what can be done about it. The term learning disability has evolved over the years, but in general one can say that a learning disability is characterized by a significant difference between overall intelligence, or cognitive potential, and academic achievement. Individuals with learning disabilities are usually of average or above-average intelligence, but they have more difficulty than their peers with an aspect of the learning process. For example, an individual with a learning disability may have important ideas but cannot express

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them in speech or on paper; a learning disabled student may have difficulty identifying and remembering important details from class in order to complete homework independently; or an individual with a learning disability cannot seem to make sense of letters or numbers to read or calculate math. A leading organization for individuals with learning disabilities, the National Joint Committee on Learning Disabilities (NJCLD), defined learning disability as a generic term that refers to a heterogeneous group of disorders manifested by significant difficulties in the acquisition and use of listening, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities. These disorders are intrinsic to the individual, presumed to be due to central nervous dysfunction, and may occur across the life span. Problems in self-regulatory behaviors, social perception, and social interaction may exist with learning disabilities, but do not by themselves constitute a learning disability. Although learning disabilities may occur concomitantly with other handicapping conditions (for example, sensory impairment, mental retardation, serious emotional disturbance), or with extrinsic influences (such as cultural differences, inappropriate or insufficient instruction), they are not the result of those influences or conditions (Hammill, Leigh, McNutt, and Larsen, 1981, p. 336). What we know about learning disabilities, including the definition and how to measure a learning disability, has changed considerably over the last thirty years. This change has resulted in an increased awareness of the prevalence of

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learning disabilities, as well the implementation of national laws in order to protect those who have a learning disability. Public Law (P.L.) 101-476, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), mandates that all students with learning disabilities are entitled to a “free” and “appropriate” education in the “least restricted environment” possible. This law defines a learning disability as a disorder in one or more of the basic processes involved in understanding or in using spoken or written language, a disorder that may present as difficulty with listening, thinking, speaking, reading, writing, spelling, or doing mathematical calculations (Federal Register, December 29, 1977, p. 65083, 121a.5). It is important to remember that a learning disability is not due to lack of motivation, environmental or economic disadvantage, poor parenting, mental retardation, physical handicap, autism, deafness, blindness, or behavioral disorders. In addition, the term learning disability is a broad term that encompasses many types of learning disabilities, such as developmental articulation disorder (difficulty controlling rate of speech), developmental expressive language disorder (difficulty with verbal expression), developmental receptive language disorder (trouble understanding verbally presented information), developmental reading disorder (dyslexia), developmental writing disorder (difficulty composing written work), or developmental arithmetic disorder (difficulty with mathematics). Attention difficulties, such as attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), often occur simultaneously with a learning disability. However, a learning disability is a separate disability with distinct, defining characteristics.

Whereas some students may have a specific learning disability that affects an isolated area of their learning process (such as calculating mathematics), other students may have a learning disability that overlaps into many areas of the learning process (such as understanding and processing verbal instructions). The effects of having a learning disability often reach beyond the walls of the school, into the areas of work, family, friendships, and other relationships. Because students with a learning disability may also suffer from difficulties with attention, social skills, motivation, and organization, these individuals may exhibit other symptoms, such as inconsistent test performance, perceptual difficulties, motor disorders, and behaviors such as impulsiveness, frustration, and difficulty interpreting and responding appropriately to social interactions. The skills that are impaired in a learning disability are necessary for functioning not only in a school setting but also in the “real world,” with family and friends. Finally, it is important to remember that a learning disability may mildly, moderately, or severely impair a student’s learning process, and therefore the disability will look different in each person. Students with learning disabilities often wonder why they have a learning disability and other students do not. Scientists first thought that learning disabilities were caused by a specific neurological problem; the latest theory, however, suggests that learning disabilities may occur as a result of disturbances in brain structures and functions—disturbances that begin before the birth of the child. During pregnancy, important cells come together to create the various parts of the body and brain. This development is very

Learning Disabilities sensitive to disruption, especially during the early stages of formation. During the later stages of brain development, when the larger structures are in place and the cells are becoming specialized, disruption may lead to errors in cell makeup, location, and connections, errors that some scientists believe could be the cause of learning disabilities. The disruption could be the result of genetic factors (family history), or substances taken during pregnancy (drugs and/or alcohol). Other suggested causes of learning disabilities include toxins ingested at an early age, or maturational lags (since some children develop at slower rates than others for unknown reasons). However, these are only hypotheses, unsupported by scientific evidence, and the exact cause of learning disabilities remains unclear. A learning disability may be a lifelong condition that influences the way individuals interact in the world throughout their entire lives. Some individuals are diagnosed with a learning disability as children, others as adolescents, others even as late as when they are adults. Individuals with learning disabilities often compensate for their disability if there is early and appropriate intervention, support, and awareness. Without early and accurate identification and intervention, students with learning disabilities may not understand why they do not understand school-related information as quickly or as easily as their peers do. As a result, these students will not learn strategies to compensate for their disability, and may just feel stupid and hopeless, which may lead to low self-esteem, dropping out of school, juvenile delinquency, illiteracy, and other problems later in life. It is important to remember that a learn-

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ing disability is a disability, not a prescription for ultimate failure. A student with a learning disability is not dumb. In fact, students with a learning disability are intelligent people. A student with a learning disability can learn, but may require different strategies than other students in order to learn. Many famous and successful men and women have learning disabilities and have learned effective ways to compensate for their disabilities and build on their strengths. Examples include Thomas Edison, Charles Darwin, Walt Disney, Albert Einstein, John F. Kennedy, Tom Cruise, John Bon Jovi, Whoopi Goldberg, and Cher. According to the latest research from the National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities (NICHCY), approximately 5–10 percent of the U.S. population has some form of a learning disability (NICHCY, 1999). However, this number may underrepresent how many children and adolescents actually have a learning disability. In order to be diagnosed with a learning disability, a student must meet certain specific criteria, which vary from state to state. A student who meets the criteria for special education services because of a learning disability in one state may not qualify in another state. Assessment of a learning disability usually begins with a team approach (made up of a guidance counselor, special educator, psychologist, and other professionals who may be appropriate) to assess the various areas of spoken language, written language, arithmetic, reasoning, and organizational skills, and continues through the development of an individual educational program (IEP). An IEP outlines the specific skills the student needs help with, learning strategies to address

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the student’s needs, as well as ways in which to measure how much the student has progressed as a result of the intervention. Because a student with a learning disability has specific learning needs, most public schools accommodate the various needs of the students by offering special education programs ranging from inclusion classrooms—where regular education students are placed in classes with special education students and the class is taught by a general education teacher and a special education teacher, to separate classrooms with smaller numbers of only special education students. Adolescents with learning disabilities face unique challenges because of developmental and environmental demands placed on them. As students move into secondary school, they are expected to complete most of their academic work independently. The academic material becomes more complex and requires more advanced abstract reasoning and processing in the various subject areas. Adolescents are expected to acquire, store, integrate, and express knowledge, both in written and verbal form, more independently than before. This is a developmentally appropriate expectation, but adolescents with learning disabilities may have difficulty because they may lack basic skills necessary to meet these academic demands, fail to systemically use appropriate skills in problem-solving situations, and/or not use effective learning strategies to assist them to assimilate new information. On the elementary level, more individual attention is typically given to students as they learn new information. However, on the secondary level, students are expected to perform more independently than before. In addition, the elementary student needs to learn to accommodate to only

one teacher and one teaching style. However, on the secondary level, adolescents typically have to adjust to the teaching strategies and expectations of different teachers in different subject areas. This may be especially problematic for adolescents with learning disabilities, who may have difficulty discerning the expectations and adjusting to the strategies of even one teacher, especially if that teacher is not teaching in ways that are appropriate for the adolescent or the adolescent’s disability. Without individualized assistance, adolescents with learning disabilities may struggle to keep up with the developmental and environmental demands of the secondary level. In addition to the academic challenges of the secondary level, adolescents face new challenges in the social realm as well. Relationships with peers become increasingly important and require more advanced and complex social skills. Adolescents with learning disabilities may have more difficulty in social situations, either because they do not have the necessary social skills or because they do not implement appropriate social skills in social situations. Adolescents with learning disabilities often have difficulty in reading nonverbal cues, are often compulsive, and often have difficulty in communicating. The skills they lack are necessary not only for the learning process but also for forming and maintaining social relationships. Therefore, adolescents who have learning disabilities that impact their ability to interpret and respond appropriately to social situations are at risk for difficulties with social relationships. Each student with a learning disability is unique, and therefore the strategies that are helpful will be different for each student. Not only is it important for

Learning Disabilities teachers to understand an adolescent’s disability and how to accommodate this disability in the classroom, it is also important for the adolescent to understand the disability. An important developmental task for adolescents is defining themselves and who they are, which includes understanding their strengths and weaknesses. Adolescents with learning disabilities can and should learn ways to advocate and adjust to maximize their success in the school setting, and in life. When it comes to setting goals beyond high school, they need to know that colleges and universities are required by law to accommodate students with learning disabilities just as public schools are, and, therefore, students with learning disabilities can and should set high goals for themselves and their future. Overall, adolescents with learning disabilities can benefit from various strategies, which include basic skills remediation, curriculum reductions, alternative textbooks, and instruction using various teaching styles (multimodal) and social skills instruction. Adolescents with learning disabilities often perform best within the context of a highly structured environment, where there are clear and explicit expectations. Furthermore, adolescents with learning disabilities may benefit from assistance in problem solving, which includes learning strategies to break down multistep tasks. It is often helpful to have modeling for new tasks, and teachers should not only model but also incorporate tasks that include both verbal and hands-on activities. Adolescents with learning disabilities may also benefit from using various devices in the classroom, such as a tape recorder for note taking and a word processor or computer for written assignments. In addition,

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there are many software programs designed to assist students with their learning disabilities. Students may need accommodations in test-taking situations, such as being given additional time or having test material read to them instead of having to read all of the material themselves. Moreover, for individuals who struggle with focusing their attention in addition to their learning disability, a full assessment for attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) should be completed. A student with ADHD often may be mistaken for one who has a learning disability and vice versa. Therefore, a comprehensive evaluation is warranted to discern the nature of the adolescent’s difficulties and appropriate intervention to help the student succeed. It is important to remember that just because an adolescent has difficulty in school, this does not necessarily mean that the adolescent has a learning disability. By the same token, if an adolescent has a learning disability, this does not necessarily mean that the adolescent cannot learn. Individuals with learning disabilities have made important contributions to society. After proper assessment and diagnosis, followed by implementation of appropriate interventions, adolescents can learn ways to capitalize on their strengths in order to learn and be successful in school and in the world. Catherine E. Barton See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Dyslexia; Intelligence Tests; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Schools, Full-Service; Standardized Tests; Tracking in American High Schools Resources Many organizations offer free information about learning disabilities. Contact

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them by telephone or on the World Wide Web. A few suggestions follow: International Dyslexia Association: 1-800222-3123 (www.interdys.org) Learning Disabilities Association of America (LDA): 1-888-300-6710 (www.ldanatl.org) Learning Disabilities Online (www.ldonline.com) National Center for Learning Disabilities: 1-800-575-7373 (www.ncld.org) National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities: 1-800-6950285 (www.nichcy.org) References and further reading Hammill, Donald D., J. E. Leigh, G. McNutt, and S. C. Larsen. 1981. “A New Definition of Learning Disabilities.” Learning Disability Quarterly 4: 336–342. National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities (NICHCY). 1999. Fact Sheet No. 7 (FS7). Available by mail: P.O. Box 1492, Washington, DC 20013 or by phone, 1-800-695-0285. Olivier, Carolyn, Bill Cosby, and Rosemary Bowler. 1996. Learning to Learn. New York: Fireside. Silver, Larry, B. 1991. The Misunderstood Child: A Guide for Parents of Children with Learning Disabilities, 2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. ———. 1998. The Misunderstood Child: Understanding and Coping with Your Child’s Learning Disabilities, 3rd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Smith, Corinne, and Lisa Strick. 1999. Learning Disabilities A to Z. New York: Simon and Schuster. Smith, Sally L. 1993. Succeeding against the Odds: How the Learning Disabled Can Realize Their Promise. Los Angeles, CA: J. P. Tarcher. ———. 1995. No Easy Answers: The Learning Disabled Child at Home and at School. New York: Bantam Books. Wong, Bonnie. Y. L., ed. 1991. Learning about Learning Disabilities. San Diego: Academic Press.

Learning Styles and Accommodations A learning style represents a unique approach used to perceive, understand,

and plan interactions in the world. This personal style of information selection affects learning. Education literature suggests that students who are actively engaged in the learning process will be more likely to achieve success: Once they are actively engaged in their own learning process they begin to feel empowered, and their personal achievement and self-direction levels rise. It has been shown that adjusting teaching materials to meet the needs of a variety of learning styles benefits students. Educators who can recognize the diverse learning styles of students can then also modify their teaching styles to meet the individual needs of students in their classrooms. These teachers play an important role in assisting each student to use her strengths to meet the challenges of her individual learning profile. Research about human learning differences has been categorized in a number of different ways. The categorization called Instructional and Environmental Preferences recognizes preferences about sound, light, temperature, and class design, as well as such issues as motivation, persistence, responsibility, and structure. The Social Interaction Models consider ways in which students react socially in learning conditions. The Information Processing Model is an effort to understand the processes by which information is obtained, stored, and utilized. The Personality Model involves the way in which personality traits shape the orientations people take toward the world. An example of a Personality Model is the popular Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, which categorizes people as extroverts or introverts, sensing or intuitive, thinking or feeling, and judging or perceiving. For educators, the challenge is not only to recognize trainable skills and attitudes

Learning Styles and Accommodations but also to identify students with fundamentally different instincts. An awareness of the many kinds of learning styles is helpful in understanding the student of today and allows a teacher to be cognizant of nuances in student learning. Yet the student’s processing strengths and challenges go beyond preference. The way a student processes material is very difficult to change. For that reason, the students, teachers, and parents need to be aware of a student’s learning profile in an effort to address the needs of the individual student and to plan pedagogical strategies. Educators may use the general strategy of creating increased opportunities for students to use different styles of learning. This strategy may involve offering additional alternative activities that supplement and replace traditional ones. For example, a student may write a poem or dramatize a segment of a unit of study to respond in a global fashion and use sensitive, holistic abilities. Traditional lectures may be supplemented by hands-on activities that permit active experimenters the chance to confirm abstractions. A variety of modalities may be used in teaching, or lectures may alternate among various styles to engage students and develop their awareness of teaching styles. The teacher who wants to challenge students to develop learning skills may design a systematic set of activities that demands that students use all the various learning styles in completing an assignment. Each person develops a preferred and consistent set of behaviors or approaches to the learning process that is composed of cognition, conceptualization, and affect. Cognition involves the acquisition of knowledge; conceptualization, the manner in which the information is

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An awareness of the many kinds of learning styles is helpful in understanding the student of today. (Skjold Photographs)

processed; and affect, the person’s motivation, values, and emotional preferences. Theorists such as David Kolb and Howard Gardner have provided models of learning styles. Kolb has shown that learning styles can be seen on a continuum running from concrete experience to reflective observation to abstract conceptualization and finally to active experimentation. For example, in concrete experience the student is involved in a new experience such as laboratory work. In reflective observation the student watches others and develops observations such as logs and journals. Abstract conceptualization is

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the creation of theories and explanation of observation, of the kind involved in lectures and papers. Active experimentation is the use of theory to solve problems and make decisions. This activity occurs in the completion of homework and the development of case studies or the use of simulations. Gardner sees learning style in a different light; he uses the term multiple intelligences, and his theory is referred to as MI. MI states that there are at least six different ways of learning and, therefore, six intelligences: body/kinesthetic, interpersonal/intrapersonal, logical/mathematical, musical/rhythmic, verbal/linguistic, and visual/spatial. Education has tended to emphasize two of the ways of learning, logical/mathematical and verbal/linguistic. Children who experience difficulties in school may profit from a comprehensive educational evaluation to help in understanding how the student learns so that he or she may achieve success in the learning/testing process. This evaluation will include interviews, direct observation, a review of the child’s educational and medical history, tests that will measure the student’s strengths and challenges, and conferences with professionals who work with the child. Either the school or the parent may request the evaluation, but it is only given with the parent’s written permission. Teachers are usually the first to note a learning difference, yet parents may be aware of the student’s challenges. Often, the student knows there is a problem but cannot find a way to succeed. Identifying a student’s preferred learning style may be the first step to a student’s success in school. Once the decision to test has been reached, many questions arise. Who is

qualified to evaluate a student’s learning profile? What tests measure the student’s strengths and challenges? What happens after the student has been evaluated? Who should be notified of the test results? What will be done for the student? What is the student expected to do? A qualified evaluator may be a learning specialist trained in testing, an educational diagnostician or educational consultant, a speech/language pathologist, a psychologist, or some other individual (with or without certification) experienced in identifying learning differences. Learning specialists work with students who are experiencing academic difficulties. They identify learning styles after they administer, analyze, and interpret tests. After reviewing pertinent information, they prescribe specific, appropriate, and practical learning strategies and coordinate a team effort that usually includes teachers, other educational professionals, students, and parents. They may also serve as tutors or help in the areas of time management, organization, and study skills. Educational diagnosticians administer batteries of tests and conference with parents, teachers, and students following the tests to assist in creating appropriate educational plans. Often, an educational diagnostician is also an educational consultant who helps parents and students with school placement by developing a detailed profile of the student from school reports, testing results, medical information, and interviews with the parents and the student. Many speech pathologists have received training in a variety of testing batteries, but they are particularly sensitive to the central auditory tests that provide an extensive view into the language/listening

Learning Styles and Accommodations parts of the brain. Many learning disabilities are closely related to auditory processing deficits. Psychologists receive training in the evaluation and treatment of emotional problems. They may also administer intelligence batteries that help individuals and families recognize strengths and challenges in a student’s profile. A battery of tests may be given to get a complete picture of a student’s abilities. These may include tests of intelligence, visual perception, auditory perception, and language fundamentals, as well as achievement tests and visual-motor integration tests. One comprehensive test is the Woodcock-Johnson Psycho-Educational Battery, which consists of both cognitive ability testing and achievement testing. The cognitive battery affords an excellent profile of a student’s learning style. The Standard Battery of the WoodcockJohnson-Revised Tests of Cognitive Ability (WJ-R COG) consists of seven tests, each of which measures a different intellectual ability. By administering the standard battery of the WJ-R COG and some of the supplemental tests, one may determine a subject’s learning profile. The seven major areas include: fluid reasoning, comprehension-knowledge, visual processing, auditory processing, processing speed, long-term retrieval, and shortterm memory. Fluid reasoning involves the broad ability to reason or “general intelligence.” The tasks presented on the fluid-reasoning test do not depend on previously acquired knowledge. It is a test that measures a subject’s ability to draw inferences and comprehend implications. The comprehension-knowledge test measures “crystallized intelligence.” It represents a per-

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son’s breadth and depth of knowledge, and the reasoning is based on previously learned procedures. A comparison of these two test scores provides a clearer picture of the type of reasoning a subject has. Visual processing and auditory processing are involved in everyday functioning. Visual processing is “broad visualization”; the test measures ability to perceive visual patterns and to think with them. Many of the tasks of this test include recognizing rotation and reversal of figures, finding hidden figures, and comprehending spatial configurations. The test for auditory processing measures comprehension and synthesis of auditory patterns. These tasks involve understanding spoken language. Subjects are asked to repeat words when syllables are omitted and to repeat words when all syllables are presented but a delay is made between syllables. Long- and short-term memory abilities are also measured by the WJ-R COG. The test for long-term retrieval measures effectiveness in storing information and retrieving it over extended periods of time, whereas the test for short-term memory involves apprehending information and utilizing it within a short period of time. The test for processing speed measures a person’s ability to perform relatively trivial cognitive tasks quickly. One of the subtests measures the ability to locate and circle two identical numbers in a row of six numbers, and the other subtest measures the ability to scan and compare visual information quickly by marking five drawings in a row of twenty drawings that are identical to the first drawing in the row. An overview of the types of test questions has been provided only to allow for

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an awareness of the tasks. However, the value of these tests lies in their relation to learning. Students with processing disabilities need to first recognize the existence of the disability and then be provided a means for accommodating these disabilities. Students, teachers, and parents need to work together to address the student’s needs. Once a qualified test administrator has evaluated the student, the results should be shared with the teacher, parents, and student. Each plays a vital role in using this information to meet the learning challenges. Strengths may be used to compensate for difficulties. Just as a blind person learns to use his other senses (hearing, touch, smell, taste) in order to compensate for not being able to see, a person with a learning disability may use his natural learning strength or preference to compensate for the disability. For example, someone with an auditory-processing disability may have a strength in visual processing and would be helped by using visual cues to support the weak auditory cues in his learning environment. A student with weak auditory processing may miss oral homework assignments, but she will remember what she has for homework by seeing the assignment on the board. Four types of processing disabilities will be addressed: visual, auditory, memory, and speed. Information may need to be simplified, clarified, and supplemented with information through stronger senses. Accommodations are listed to assist teachers, and suggestions are given to students of things they can do on their own. Visual-processing accommodations assist students in retrieving visual information. Teachers may help by reducing distracting stimuli on or near the stu-

dent’s desk. The students may be provided with a clear and simple overview or summary of what will be learned before each lesson so that they understand the basic concepts and are able to relate the information to previous knowledge. Teachers may also create worksheets with larger print and less “clutter,” put math problems on graph paper to keep the numbers in line, or highlight important words or phrases in the student’s assignments. Students may be allotted extra time to look at visual information (pictures, videos, writing on the board) and encouraged to use their other senses to reinforce the visual channel, perhaps through hands-on experiences or verbal descriptions designed to assist in the understanding of visual information. Refer students to the Reference Library for the Blind, where they may receive assistance with the use of books and assignments on tape. Students may address visual-processing challenges by taking more time to visualize numbers, letters, and words. They need to listen for information and to ask for an explanation when the visual information is not clear. By reading out loud, the students may transfer the written word to the oral word. Listening to books on tape helps students picture the information. They reach math solutions more easily by drawing pictures and graphs and by copying the steps to math problems on index cards and working the problems nightly. The most important visual aid is the use of a plan book in which students write down assignments. Teachers may provide auditory-processing accommodations by slowing down the verbal input and reducing the number of directions given to students. They may also repeat and clarify verbal instruction or draw and write important information

Learning Styles and Accommodations on the board. Examples and demonstrations help in the clarification of projects and assignments, as do hands-on experiences. Students with auditory-processing challenges may need extra time for reading and writing assignments, and they may benefit from a quiet working place and a seat near the front of the class where they are able to maintain auditory attention and where visual distraction is minimized. These are also the students who may need a modification or reduction of foreign-language requirements. In turn, these students may help themselves with auditory-processing challenges by jotting down key terms to use as cues for future recall and by paraphrasing directions, explanations, and instructions soon after hearing them. They should use a plan book to write down assignments and draw pictures to help visualize the information. These students need to ask for explanation when verbal information is unclear and pay attention to the source of the information (e.g., by making eye contact and looking at assignments). In order to make the information easier to recall, teachers (or students) may break larger assignments into smaller ones and put information to be learned into sequences or lists. Teachers may assist students who have memory or organizational challenges by providing accommodations that use multiple modalities (e.g., auditory, visual, tactile) when presenting directions, explanations, and instructional content. Activities that involve the student and provide repetitive practice enhance short-term memory. Teachers may assist students by teaching them to use associative cues or mnemonics, organize information into smaller units, recognize main points and important facts, and rely on resources in

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the environment to recall information. It is important to maintain consistency in sequential activities in order to increase the likelihood of student success. When presenting information, the teacher needs to allow students time to think, provide real-life examples, and deliver directions, explanations, and instructional content in a clear manner and at an appropriate pace. By stopping at various points during the presentation of information the teacher is able to monitor the student’s understanding and to introduce the next task only when the first has been successfully completed. Students with memory challenges profit from the provision of extra time and the presentation of summaries and overviews. These students may need a modification or reduction of foreign-language requirements. Students with memory deficits need to use study skills to assist them in recalling and organizing information. A plan book should be used to list all assignments and projects. Careful use of the plan book provides the student with a picture of what will be learned, so that large assignments may be broken into smaller ones and students may avoid the last-minute crunch by reviewing regularly and frequently before an assignment is due or a test is given. Students need to highlight important information and use mapping and webbing techniques to organize information from main ideas to details. By establishing a regular routine in performing activities and by using mnemonics, students remember information more easily. To accommodate processing-speed deficits teachers may allow extra time for the completion of tests and assignments, slow down instruction so that students have time to digest the material, and allow students think time in class. Since

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students may miss important information presented in class, they may be allowed to use tape devices in order to repeat the lessons at a later time. Teachers may provide handouts with underlining or highlighting, since students may not have time to read or write everything, or assignments may be reduced or altered to meet the student’s ability to complete the assignments. Students benefit from examples and demonstrations of what is expected on assignments and tests, understand information better when real-life examples are used to explain the relevancy of a lesson, and are better able to process information when provided with summaries and overviews. Students with processing-speed challenges need to use a plan book to schedule for daily assignments and long-term projects. They need to break large assignments into smaller pieces and highlight and underline pertinent information to allow for quick review. Prior to beginning a new chapter they should read summary sections and review questions to get a better picture of what will be learned. Once material has been presented, they need to relate the material to previous experiences and to repeat the information in order to increase recall speed. The accommodations listed above are techniques that alter the academic setting or environment. They enable the students to show more accurately what they actually know. Teachers may need to modify tests and assignments or change the way they present information to a student. Appropriate accommodations should either help the student learn better or give the student a better way of demonstrating his knowledge. Accommodations should not simply give an easier way to get better grades. Students and teachers need to work as a team. Accom-

modations are determined to meet the need of each situation. It is important to understand the reason for each accommodation so that it can be used to the student’s best advantage. For example, some students may profit from hearing material as they read and would benefit from the services of the Recording for the Blind & Dyslexic (RFB&D). RFB&D, a nonprofit volunteer organization, offers diagnosed individuals the opportunity to send for tape recordings of books. It is the nation’s educational library that serves people who cannot read standard print effectively because of a visual impairment, learning disability, or other physical disability. (Information about this bureau may be obtained by calling 1-800221-4792.) Bringing accommodation and strategy instruction into the classroom curriculum may improve the learning process of students with learning disabilities. Strategies are systematic procedures for approaching learning tasks, and they empower students by emphasizing the process of learning. Learning strategies are the tools and techniques that help students understand and learn new material or skills. The strategies serve to integrate new information with what a student already knows and help to make sense of the new material so that a student may recall that information or skill later or in other contexts. When students are taught how to learn, the focus is on the process and not only the outcome of learning, and students become independent learners and take responsibility for their own learning. They learn to think flexibly and to rely on their strengths and meet their challenges. Students become their own advocates by requesting accommodations and then become more independent by modifying strategies to

Learning Styles and Accommodations match task demands. Students with learning challenges often need explicit, classroom-based, and individualized strategy instruction in organization, planning, self-checking, studying, and test taking. Strategy instruction should be an essential component of remediation, and it should also constitute the base for effective classroom instruction for all students. Either classroom teachers or trained educational consultants may assist students by teaching the steps to becoming independent learners. Effective teaching usually combines several approaches so that the student uses more than one sense at a time while learning. These multisensory approaches allow students to team strengths with weaknesses so as to develop strategies for better learning. Thus, if a student has strong auditory-processing skills, these skills may be teamed with weaker visualprocessing skills to optimize the learning conditions. Positive aspects of accommodations, especially those related to extended time, are that they do not affect what information is learned and that students are given ample opportunity to learn as much as they are capable of learning. These strategies give direction to alternative teaching and allow progressive educators to engage in student-centered teaching. Classrooms are becoming more open to alternative approaches to intellectual work. Different social groupings, alternative activities, and complex projects have been introduced to create opportunities for students to use their various strengths in dealing with course material. The types of things a person enjoys and finds comfortable in different learning situations do not necessarily define the person’s processing strength or challenge, but this preference along with appropri-

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ate accommodations may help counteract a learning disability. The accommodations listed above are suggestions that will assist teachers and students. The Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which addresses discrimination against persons with disabilities, has different sections for different areas of discrimination. One of those sections is Section 504, which provides individuals with disabilities basic civil rights protection against discrimination in federal programs. The law states that “no otherwise qualified handicapped individual in the United States shall, solely by reason of his [or her] handicap, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” Although Section 504 does not provide federal funds, it applies to schools receiving money under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), previously known as the Education for Handicapped Children Act of 1975, which is explained in the following paragraphs. Section 504 is enforced by the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Civil Rights. The Education for Handicapped Children Act of 1975 [P.L. 94-142] mandated that all children with disabilities, ages five to twenty-one, be provided a free, appropriate public education, including special education and related services to meet their unique needs. The law required states to identify and evaluate children suspected of needing special education and develop a plan for implementing the federal directives. This act provided funds for states to implement the law. Following the passage of this federal law, states have also enacted state funding to provide special education and services to educate students with disabilities.

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In October 1990, Congress passed amendments to the Education for Handicapped Children Act of 1975 [P.L. 101476] and changed the name of the law to the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. These amendments to the initial act broadened the range of children covered by the original provisions. There are guidelines for appraisal of students meeting the criteria of IDEA. Funds are provided to states to implement the provisions. Although the range of children covered by IDEA is broader than in the original act, eligibility under IDEA criteria is very specific and includes a much smaller population of students than the population eligible under Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. When students apply to take the SAT or ACT tests with extended time or request an accommodation when being tested, the counselors are required to provide a 504 Accommodation Plan or an individualized education plan (IEP) for each student. In the case of private institutions, which are not required to have 504 Plans or IEPs, the schools are asked to provide a qualified examiner’s report and to state the accommodation requested. The Educational Testing Bureau then reviews those forms, and students are informed of their eligibility for accommodation. A standard 504 Accommodation Plan indicates the reasonable accommodations the school agrees to make in order to address the student’s individual needs. These accommodations may involve the physical arrangement of the room or the kinds of accommodation in lesson presentation and the like discussed above. As mentioned above, it is advisable to have a student seated near the teacher and/or near a positive role model and away from distracting stim-

uli. In addition, instruction may be assisted via computer. Also, peers can play an important role in assisting students with their lessons. Peers may be tutors, may aid in checking work, or may serve as note takers. The type of accommodation for worksheets and assignments may range from extra time to complete tasks and reduction of homework assignments to the requirement of fewer correct responses to achieve a grade. Simple and clear directions, structured routine in written form, and frequent short quizzes allow students to concentrate on one topic at a time. These students need to learn selfmonitoring devices and should be provided study skills training. Such training may show the student how to organize notes and organize assignments. The teacher may assist note taking by allowing open-book exams, providing oral exams, giving take-home tests, using more objective test items, or allowing students to give test answers on tape. Organization may be improved by providing homework buddies, allowing students to have an extra set of books at home, sending daily or weekly progress reports home, or developing a reward system for in-school work and homework completion. Due to the frustration students with challenges face, it may help to consider behavior modification techniques. Praising specific behaviors and making prudent use of negative consequences assist in forming a student’s behavior. Students may then learn to use self-monitoring strategies. If classroom rules are simple and clear, short breaks are allowed between assignments, and students are allowed legitimate movement, there may be less need for timeout procedures and a more stringent classroom management system.

Loneliness The law protects a student’s rights, but the student has duties that go with these rights. Accommodations may be provided, but it is the student’s duty to use them wisely and to enhance his learning by using learned strategies. The student needs to be his own advocate by learning to communicate effectively, to convey his needs, and to assert and negotiate for his own needs and rights. He needs to make informed decisions and to take responsibility for those decisions. Billie V. Andersson See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Dyslexia; Family-School Involvement; Gifted and Talented Youth; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Schools, Full-Service; Teachers; Tracking in American High Schools References and further reading Anderson, Betsy, and Janet Vohs. 1992. “Another Look at Section 504.” Coalition Quarterly 10, no. 1: 1–4. Deshler, Donald, E. S. Ellis, and B. K. Lenz. 1996. Teaching Adolescents with Learning Disabilities: Strategies and Methods, 2nd ed. Denver, CO: Love. Gardner, Howard. 1993. Creating Minds. New York: Basic Books. Hartman, Virginia F. 1995. “Teaching and Learning Style Preferences: Transition through Technology.” VCCA Journal 9, no. 2: 18–20. Hogan, K., and M. Pressley, eds. 1997. Scaffolding Student Learning: Instructional Approaches and Issues. Cambridge, MA: Brookline. Hughes, C. A., and S. K. Suritsky. 1993. “Notetaking Skills and Strategies for Students with Learning Disabilities.” Preventing School Failure 38, no. 1: 7–11. Kolb, David A. 1984. Experiential Learning: Experiences as the Source of Learning and Development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Kramer-Koehler, Pamela, Nancy M. Tooney, and Devendra P. Beke. 1995. “The Use of Learning Style Innovations to Improve Retention.” In ASEE/ISEE

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Frontiers in Education ’95: Proceedings. Purdue University. http://fie.engrng. pitt.edu/fie95/4a2/4a22/4a22.htm Lerner, Janet. 1997. Learning Disabilities: Theories, Diagnosis, and Teaching Strategies, 7th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Mastropieri, Margo. 1991. Teaching Students Ways to Remember: Strategies for Learning Menmonically. Cambridge, MA: Brookline. McCarney, Stephen B., ed. 1994. Attention Deficit Disorders Intervention Manual. Columbia, MS: Hawthorne Educational Services. Mercer, Cecil. 1997. Students with Learning Disabilities. Columbus, OH: Merrill. Myers-Briggs, Isabel. 1989. Manual: A Guide to the Development and Use of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator: From Theory to Practice. Austin, TX: Pro-Ed. Wang, Po-Ching. 1996. Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences. Penn State Educational Systems Design Home Page: Penn State University. http://www.ed.psu.edu/ Woodcock, Richard, and M. Bonner Johnson. 1989a. Woodcock-Johnson Tests of Achievement-Revised. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ———. 1989b. Woodcock-Johnson Tests of Cognitive Ability-Revised. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Loneliness Loneliness is the feeling of being disconnected or isolated from other people. It is the self-perception of peer rejection. Some researchers have argued that loneliness is experienced more frequently and more intensely in adolescence than in either childhood or adulthood. This is not true for everyone, but some teens do report feeling very isolated. Why would people be lonelier during adolescence? One explanation points to changes in self-concept and abstract cognitive abilities that may lead to the emergence of internalizing problems during adolescence. (Internalizing problems are problems that are

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Loneliness is the feeling of being disconnected or isolated from other people. (Lawrence Manning/Corbis)

expressed inside the person, such as depression, anxiety, and loneliness, as opposed to externalizing problems such as aggression or delinquency.) These new cognitive abilities may cause teens to feel the full impact of their circumstances (e.g., peer rejection) mentally and emotionally. In addition, because peer acceptance is of great significance during adolescence, some teens may be particularly sensitive to their peers’ opinions and behaviors. It is important to remember that everyone feels lonely now and then, and that even popular children admit to feeling disconnected from their peers sometimes. However, temporary loneliness and wanting to be alone need to be distinguished from severe and chronic loneliness.

How can researchers and clinicians determine whether a teenager is chronically lonely? One approach is to ask parents and teachers about the teenager’s social behavior and peer interactions. More typically, however, they would ask the adolescent directly, using a questionnaire created by Steven Asher. According to several studies using this measure, about 1 to 5 percent of children report severe and/or stable loneliness during childhood and adolescence (e.g., Asher, Hymel, and Renshaw, 1984; Cassidy and Asher, 1992). These kids say that it is hard for them to make friends at school, that they have no one to talk to, that they feel alone, that it is hard for them to get other children to like them, and that they feel there is no one they can go to when

Loneliness they need help. Of course, most people would make statements similar to these at some point or another in their lives. Chronically lonely people, however, say that these experiences are true for them most of the time. The key to defining chronicity is that the problem is stable over a significant period. Several researchers now argue that extreme loneliness is related to a poor attributional style whereby the teen believes that being friendless is stable, uncontrollable, and due to defects within the self. And, indeed, many chronically lonely people seem to believe that peer isolation is their fault and cannot or will not change. This is one reason for which extreme loneliness is included, along with depression and anxiety, in the class of psychiatric symptoms called internalizing problems. Internalizing problems are more difficult to assess than externalizing problems such as aggression and delinquency. For one thing, externalizing problems are just that—external. Accordingly, they are easier to see early in development, and parents and teachers usually agree about their frequency and nature. In fact, aggressive behaviors such as hitting, biting, and fighting are easier for everyone to see and agree about than are depressive behaviors such as sulking, withdrawing, and sadness. Second, internalizing problems tend to be less disruptive in home and classroom contexts than externalizing problems. This is not to suggest that parents or teachers are less concerned about depressed, anxious, or lonely adolescents. But in situations where adults are thinking about and taking care of several children or students at once, it may be harder for them to identify teens who are withdrawn. Third, since people’s self-perceptions are fundamental to the identification of loneli-

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ness, it is may be difficult to detect internalizing problems early in development when it is harder for children to articulate their feelings. During adolescence, however, many measures can be used to assess the degree to which teens feel isolated or rejected by their peers. In cases where there is reason to be concerned, a number of approaches can be used to treat severe loneliness. Some treatments involve changing the self-blaming aspect of the problem; others focus on building social skills and supportive relationships. What causes chronic loneliness? According to current research, chronic loneliness in childhood is related to insecure attachment during infancy, low selfesteem and regard for others, and academic problems. It is also linked to negative emotionality, a temperament thought to have biological roots. Indeed, people who are easily upset or angered tend to report more loneliness than other people. It is hard to know whether lonely teens alienate their peers with their difficult, temperamental style and low selfregard or, conversely, are overly emotional because their peers do not accept them. In all likelihood, both factors are at work. Not surprisingly, extreme loneliness is consistently linked to actual peer group isolation and victimization. Given the significance of peer interaction for children’s development, it is important that parents, teachers, and friends try to help identify adolescents with chronic loneliness. Fortunately, however, the presence of one stable friendship in a child’s life greatly reduces feelings of loneliness, even for kids who have been rejected by the larger peer group. Are there gender differences in loneliness? The literature on adult loneliness suggests that women tend to report

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higher levels of loneliness than men when the questionnaire contains the words loneliness or lonely. There is little evidence, however, of gender differences in children’s perceptions of loneliness during childhood and early adolescence. This finding is surprising, given the gender differences in other behavior problems among youth. Perhaps the gender differences in adult loneliness are due to adults’ greater willingness to report their feelings to other people. Shirley McGuire See also Counseling; Depression; Emotions; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Peer Groups; Peer Status; Peer Victimization in School; Personality; Sadness; Self-Consciousness; Self-Esteem; Shyness References and further reading Asher, Steven R., Shelly Hymel, and Peter D. Renshaw. 1984. “Loneliness in Children.” Child Development 55: 1456–1464. Cassidy, Jude, and Steven R. Asher. 1992. “Loneliness and Peer Relations in Young Children.” Child Development 63: 350–365. Ernst, John M., and John T. Cacioppo. 1999. “Lonely Hearts: A Psychological Perspective on Loneliness.” Applied and Preventive Psychology 8: 1–22. Graham, Sandra, and Jaana Juvonen. 1998. “Self-Blame and Peer Victimization in Middle School: An Attributional Bias.” Developmental Psychology 34: 587–598. Parker, Jeffrey G., and Steven R. Asher. 1993. “Friendship and Friendship Quality in Middle Childhood: Links with Peer Group Acceptance and Feelings of Loneliness and Social Dissatisfaction.” Developmental Psychology 29: 611–621. Peplau, Letitia A., and Daniel Perlman. 1982. Loneliness: A Sourcebook of Current Theory, Research, and Therapy. New York: Wiley. Renshaw, Peter D., and Peter J. Brown. 1993. “Loneliness in Middle Childhood: Concurrent and Longitudinal Predictors.” Child Development 64: 1271–1284.

Lore Given the social character of adolescence, it is not be surprising that, in modern Western societies, there is a social stereotype or lore of adolescence. All individuals and families have conflicts and negative experiences. Such experiences are a normal part of life. Yet many people believe that the adolescent period is an unusually stormy and stressful one, particularly with respect to the parent-child relationship. Is such conflict actually prototypic of adolescence? Does this developmental stage follow a universal, inevitable trajectory, regardless of historical period or culture? The word adolescence itself is hardly new. It can be traced to the Latin adolescere, which means “to grow into maturity.” The term is especially salient, however, for people of the twenty-first century. One reason for its current importance has to do with the ongoing debate, both popular and scientific, over the nature of the developments that occur in this period. According to psychologist G. Stanley Hall, for instance, “Human development everywhere included a period of sturm und drang between childhood and adulthood”—that is, during adolescence (quoted in Demos, 1986, p. 94). In turn, anthropologist Margaret Mead designed her classic study, Coming of Age in Samoa, as a more or less direct refutation of Hall’s theory of universal and inevitable sturm und drang (storm and stress) in adolescence. Mead’s view was that storm and stress are culturally conditioned and, indeed, quite specific to developmental experiences in modern Europe and North America. Other anthropologists, too, have “noticed an absence of special concern for adolescence in pre-modern cultures

Love around the world. . . . [S]ociologists discovered a similar pattern—i.e., less versus more highlighting of adolescence—in rural as contrasted with urban populations even within the United States” (Demos, 1986, p. 94). A review of the history of the adolescent period indicates that the presence and degree of storm and stress in adolescence are indeed related to historical, cultural, and subcultural variations. For instance, teenage pregnancy—one possible instance of a stressful event for the adolescent—is not a universal or inevitable phenomenon of adolescence. Rather, the occurrence and rate of teenage pregnancy are related to two historical trends taking place in the United States especially. One trend involves “a decline in the capacity of parents and their agents to direct the behaviors of their adolescent children” (Modell, 1985, p. 3); the other entails “a temporarily enlarged capacity of adolescents themselves to construct and maintain a coherent path to adulthood for themselves” (Modell, 1985, p. 3). In short, the characteristics attributed to the adolescent period vary historically and culturally. It is in this sense that we can speak of the lore of adolescence. Richard M. Lerner See also Storm and Stress; Why Is There an Adolescence? References and further reading Demos, John. 1986. Past, Present, and Personal. New York: Oxford University Press. Hall, G. Stanley. 1904. Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education, Vols. 1 and 2. New York: Appleton. Lerner, Richard M. 1986. Concepts and Theories of Human Development, 2nd ed. New York: Random House. ——— In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and

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Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Mead, Margaret. 1928. Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization. New York: Morrow. Modell, J. 1985. A Social History of American Adolescents, 1945–1985. Pittsburgh, PA: Carnegie Mellon University Press.

Love Love, as defined by Webster’s dictionary, is “a powerful emotion felt for another person manifesting itself in deep affection, devotion, or sexual desire.” Read carefully, this definition implies that there are several different forms of love such as affection for one’s parents, devotion to one’s child, and the sexual desire one feels for and shares with an intimate partner. As feelings of love are very subjective to the individual, they cannot easily be defined or determined by an outside observer. Although love is usually a shared experience between two people, it can be felt for someone not directly known to an individual, as when one is infatuated with a musician or movie star or feels respect and admiration for a politician or religious leader. Conversely, love for a known acquaintance may be unrequited. Although the forms of love may vary, feelings of intimacy and one’s selfdefinition—one’s “identity”—are connected. Intimacy and identity influence each other throughout the life span. As advances in identity development allow for greater intimacy, experiences with greater intimacy lead to further identity formation. In most instances, the seeds of love between parents and children are planted and begin to be nourished at birth. Ideally, this loving relationship is nurtured

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and continues to grow and prosper throughout childhood. For much of childhood, the emotion of love is shared with those closest to the children and those most responsible for their sense of security and happiness—typically, the children’s parents and other primary caregivers. As the children enter adolescence, however, they begin to experience significant changes—changes characterized by the very close relationship between physical and psychological development. With the onset of these dramatic changes, adolescents begin to redefine and redistribute their expressions and feelings of love. Love for Family Members and Close Friends Feelings of Love in Early Adolescence. The emotion of love, which at one time was easily and naturally expressed and shared with parents and family, becomes, in adolescence, more complicated and less clearly defined. As their physical, social, and intellectual worlds change, so, too, do adolescents’ definitions of love and the objects of their affection. To most adolescents, the family remains not only the primary force shaping their social life but also an important and significant focus of love. Yet beginning in the early teen years, the influence of peers becomes increasingly strong. Although parents retain their importance in the lives of adolescents, they can no longer provide all of the necessary support and recognition needed for healthy identity development. Young adolescents feel both emotionally and cognitively compelled to begin to disengage from the intimacy of the family, turning to peers and new love interests as objects of the love they once shared with parents and sib-

lings. With the beginning of sexual maturity and the powerful emotions that come with it, they attempt to redefine more than just their body image and personality. At the same time, the definition of love itself is expanded and redefined. In middle childhood and early adolescence, males and females tend to interact predominantly with members of their own sex. The intimacies shared between same-sexed friends support identity development at a time of rapid changes in both body and mind. In this phase of life, conversation and the sharing of emotions are not as important as doing things together. Young teens feel an emotional connection and sense of inclusion that comes from being part of a group. Although to the adult eye this group mentality may seem immature, early adolescents place great importance on their group identity. Therefore, it is important to recognize that the intimacy shared in these early friendships can be quite critical in the forming of a healthy identity. Feelings of Love in Middle Adolescence. In middle adolescence, friendships, particularly female friendships, become more defined by a close sharing of emotions and mutual understandings. During this phase of development the need for a “best friend” or two is particularly strong. Young teens are beginning to be consciously aware not only that they are changing but that they are changeable. When attempting to determine what kind of persons they are or want to be, they find it helpful to have close friends who can reflect an image of themselves back to them. Given that these early friendships are usually shared between teens who are similar in both experience and appearance, they enable the teens to develop some sense of who they are; the

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Although the forms of love may vary, feelings of intimacy and one’s identity are connected. (Skjold Photographs)

intimate bonds that are formed offer the social support necessary for the teens to feel “normal.” These experiences prove to the adolescents that their sense of themselves is accurate and acceptable. It is only through the sharing of experiences and emotions that young teens are able to realize that others see them as they see themselves. Feelings of Love in Late Adolescence. In late adolescence, patterns of friendship and expressions of love are once again redefined. As teens begin to reach the end of the pubertal maturation process and have numerous social experiences that entail adult roles and responsibilities, adolescent identity becomes increasingly more consistent and consolidated. One

result is that the adolescents no longer value and love their friends for their similarity to themselves. Instead, friends are now adored and respected for their uniqueness—for their personal talents and traits. These more mature friendships generate an emotional closeness based on mutual understanding and appreciation. Ultimately, this heightened and constantly changing intimacy with peers enables young teens to establish a more mature relationship with their parents. The entire process is a good example of how identity and intimacy impact each other throughout life. Reliance on peers allows young teens to gradually and more easily let go of their earlier dependencies on their parents—a necessary step in

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healthy identity development. Parents who recognize and support the importance of this shared love between adolescent friends, and who are willing to let go of some of the strong ties within the family, find, in the end, that they have nurtured their own relationship with their children. By “letting go” they enable themselves and their children to reach a new level of intimacy and love for each other. When, and if, these friendships and changing relationships with parents are supported, so that intimacy is nurtured and allowed to develop, adolescents benefit. They learn the social skills of empathy, responsibility, and prosocial behavior, which in turn foster the interpersonal experiences necessary for future shared romantic relationships. Romantic Love It is not surprising to anyone who has experienced feelings of romantic love that the theme of “first love” is repeatedly played out in art, music, and literature. The first true experience of love can be dramatic, even life changing. Typically, the experience of first love is accompanied by intense and powerful emotions, which stimulate changes in the individual’s very sense of self. Most adults report having been “in love” at least once during their adolescence, and yet little is known about adolescent love. Cross-culturally, recollections of the emotions and experiences of first love, both heterosexual and homosexual, are preeminent in memories of adolescence. Although adults often downplay these burgeoning emotions as passing fancies and “puppy love,” feelings of love are very real to the teenager, and deeply felt. These teenage emotions of felt love for another are quite important for healthy

development and identity formation. As such, they should not be dismissed as trivial or treated lightly by parents. Feelings of Romantic Love in Early Adolescence. Much like love for parents and friends, romantic love tends to change throughout the adolescent period. It is during early adolescence that crushes begin to develop. Although the feelings attached to a crush are intensely felt by the young teen, they can easily wane and be replaced by strong emotions directed to another object of affection. Again, although crushes may seem ephemeral to the adult witness, they should not be minimized. The object of a crush is usually older than—and unobtainable to—the teen, and possesses attributes that are attractive to or lacking in the teen. Often crushes develop as young teens begin to disengage from their parents and seek out replacements for the affection they once shared with their parents. Research on the subject has found that females tend to have more crushes then males—apparently because females are more willing and able to acknowledge their emotions and physical responses as romantic attraction. Although the objects of crushes can consume a young teen’s thoughts, it is not always important that the affection be acknowledged or returned. For many gay and lesbian teens, romantic attraction for someone of the same sex is a new and overwhelming feeling. These teens have to deal with their own emotions and determine what such emotions mean to their developing identities. In addition, they must confront, often for the first time, the biases and prejudices that homosexuals experience in our society. All too often, gay and

Love lesbian teens feel compelled to repress or deny the crushes that they develop for someone of their own gender. Whereas for most heterosexuals a crush is discussed by girls with their girlfriends and by boys with their boyfriends, gay and lesbian teens often keep such attractions and emotions to themselves. Since shared conversations about crushes influence identity development and offer teens a sense of inclusion in the adolescent experience, it is important to consider the effect that this usually missed opportunity has on gay and lesbian youth development. Feelings of Romantic Love in Middle Adolescence. By midadolescence, the segregation between the sexes begins to decrease. Although males and females continue to spend time in same-sexed groupings within large environments such as schools, they prefer to spend time outside of school with someone for whom they have romantic feelings. When couples do begin to date or become more intimate, their conversations become more personal and mature than was the case in earlier relationships, when actual emotions were rarely conveyed. These early dating experiences and the intimacies exchanged between dating couples provide an additional opportunity for adolescents to separate from their parents, laying the groundwork for later intimate relationships. Among heterosexual teens in this age group, it is common for females to be interested in older boys and for boys to be interested in younger girls. Feelings of Romantic Love in Late Adolescence. In late adolescence, dating becomes more frequent and relationships

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become more open and emotionally reciprocal. During this phase, the open communication typically shared between best friends begins to characterize romantic dating relationships. With acknowledgment and support of their emotions from loved ones, adolescents can more easily accept themselves as important and valuable. These love relationships have a better chance of enduring than earlier romantic encounters, due to the mutual acceptance and respect they engender. Indeed, such relationships enable teens to come to terms with their identities and to feel content with who they are and might become in the future. Elizabeth Dowling See also Dating; Dating Infidelity; Emotions; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; Puberty: Pyschological and Social Changes; Sexual Behavior; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of; Social Development; Transition to Young Adulthood References and further reading Erikson, Erik. 1985. Childhood and Society. New York: Norton. Guerney, Louise, and Joyce Arthur. 1984. Adolescent Social Relationships. In Experiencing Adolescents: A Sourcebook for Parents, Teachers, and Teens. Edited by Richard M. Lerner and N. Galambos. New York: Teachers College Press. Hill, Craig, Judith Blakemore, and Patrick Drumm. 1997. Mutual and Unrequited Love in Adolescence and Young Adulthood. Vol. 4, Personal Relationships. New York: Cambridge University Press. Kulish, Nancy. 1998. First Loves and Prime Adventures: Adolescent Expressions in Adult Analyses. Vol. 72, Psychoanalytic Quarterly. New York: Psychoanalytic Quarterly Press. Sroufe, Alan, Robert Cooper, and Ganic DeHart, eds. 1996. Child Development: Its Nature and Course. New York: McGraw-Hill.

M Maternal Employment: Historical Changes

by 1988 two-thirds (66 percent) of adolescents lived in homes where the coresident parents were both in the labor force. By 1999, 78 percent of adolescents lived in a home where the coresident parents were employed, and 70 percent had mothers in the labor force. Although younger children have been somewhat less likely than adolescents to live in homes where the parents were employed, they, too, have experienced enormous increases. For example, among children aged zero to five the proportion with working parents jumped from 8 percent in 1940 to 51 percent in 1988, and then further to 68 percent in 1999. Thus, between 1940 and 1998, the average proportion with parents in the home who worked increased by about 12 percentage points per decade for adolescents and about 10 percentage points per decade for young children ages zero to five (Hernandez, 1993, p. 152). What caused this revolutionary increase in mother’s labor force participation? Much of the answer lies in other historic changes in the family and economy. Between the early Industrial Revolution and about 1940, many parents had three major avenues for maintaining, improving, or regaining their relative economic standing compared with other families. First, they could move off the farm and have the husband work in comparatively well paid jobs in the growing urban-industrial

A revolutionary increase in mothers’ labor force participation has occurred since the Great Depression of the 1930s. As of 1940, many mothers were potentially available for work, and mothers’ work had become the only major avenue available for most couples over age twenty-five seeking to maintain, improve, or regain their relative social and economic status compared to other families. After 1940, not only did the economic demands on married women increase, but work also held a greater attraction. As a result, the proportion of adolescents with a mother in the paid labor force exploded from less then 10 percent in 1940 to 70 percent in 1999 (Hernandez, 1993). The most important consequence of this transformation in the family economy has been the greatly increased economic resources available to adolescents during the last half of the twentieth century. Adolescents, and younger children as well, experienced an explosion in their mothers’ employment after the Great Depression. In 1940, only 10 percent of adolescents (twelve to seventeen years old) lived in families without one parent in the home (usually the mother) who was not in the paid labor force, but this increased by 9 to 12 percentage points during each of the next five decades, and

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economy. Second, they could limit themselves to a smaller number of children, compared to other families, so that available family income could be spread less thinly. Third, they could increase their educational attainments. By 1940, however, only 23 percent of Americans lived on farms, and 70 percent of parents had only one or two dependent children in the home (Hernandez, 1993, p. 392). Consequently, for many parents, these two historical avenues to improving their relative economic standing had run their course. Further, most persons achieve their ultimate educational attainments by age twenty-five, and additional schooling beyond age twenty-five is often difficult or impractical. With these avenues to improving their family’s relative economic status effectively closed for a large majority of parents after age twenty-five, a fourth major avenue to improving family income emerged between 1940 and 1960, namely, paid work by wives and mothers, because the traditional sources of female nonfarm labor, that is, unmarried women, were either stationary or declining, while the demand for female workers was increasing. Meanwhile, mothers were becoming increasingly available and well qualified for work outside the home. By 1940, the revolutionary increase in children’s school enrollment had effectively released mothers from personal childcare responsibilities for a time period equivalent to about two-thirds of the hours in an adult workday for about two-thirds of a fulltime adult work-year, except for the few years before children entered elementary school. In addition, many women were highly educated, since the educational attainments of women and mothers had increased along with those of men during

the preceding century. By 1940, young women were more likely than young men to graduate from high school, and they were about two-thirds as likely to graduate from college (Hernandez, 1993, p. 392). Paid work outside the home for mothers was becoming increasingly attractive in our competitive, consumption-oriented society for another reason. Families in which the husband’s income was comparatively low could, by virtue of the wife’s work, move economically ahead of families in which the husband had the same occupational status but lacked a working wife. This placed families with comparatively well paid husbands at a disadvantage, making their wives’ work more attractive. In addition, with the historic rise in divorce, paid work also became increasingly attractive for mothers as a hedge against the possible economic disaster of losing most or all of their husbands’ income through divorce. More immediate economic insecurity and need, associated with father’s lack of access to full-time employment, also made mothers’ work attractive. In the Great Depression year of 1940, 40 percent of children lived with fathers who did not work full-time year-round. This proportion declined after the Great Depression, but has continued at high levels. In 1950 and 1960, 29 to 32 percent of children lived with fathers who did not work fulltime year-round. Even with the subsequent expansion in mother-only families (with no father present in the home— (Hernandez, 1993, p. 108), throughout the half-century following the Great Depression, at least one-fifth of children lived with fathers who, during any given year, experienced part-time work or joblessness. This has been a powerful incentive for many mothers to work for pay. The

Maternal Employment: Historical Changes importance of sheer economic necessity in fostering growth in mother’s employment is reflected in the following example: In 1988, one of every eight American children in two-parent families was either living in official poverty despite the mothers’ paid employment or would have been living in official poverty if the mother had not been employed (Hernandez, 1993, p. 395). The desire to improve their family’s relative social and economic status is not, of course, the only reason that wives and mothers enter the labor force. Additional reasons for mothers to work include the personal nonfinancial rewards of the job itself, the opportunity to be productively involved with other adults, and the satisfactions associated with having a career in a high-prestige occupation. Nonetheless, for many mothers economic insecurity and need provide a powerful incentive to work for pay. Finally, all these inducements for mothers to enter the labor force after 1940 existed along with the fact that at age twenty-five young women still have a potential for about forty years when they might work for pay in the labor force. As of 1999, only 22 percent of adolescents living with their mothers had a mother who had not been employed during the past year; 46 percent lived with mothers who were employed full-time year-round; and 32 percent lived with mothers employed part-time or part-year. Among those living with their mothers, white adolescents (81 percent) were slightly more likely then black adolescents (78 percent) to have an employed mother, followed by Hispanic adolescents (71 percent). But full-time year-round maternal employment was most common among black adolescents (53 percent), followed by non-Hispanic white adolescents

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(45 percent) and Hispanic adolescents (39 percent) (Hernandez, 2000). Adolescents living with a mother but no father in the home were more likely than adolescents living with two parents to have a mother who was employed at least part-time part-year, at 80 percent versus 74 percent, in 1999. Adolescents living with their mother only were especially likely to have a mother who was employed full-time year-round (53 percent), compared to adolescents living with two parents (43 percent). Among adolescents living with two parents in 1999, the proportions with mothers who had been employed during the past year ranged from 80 percent for both whites and blacks to 63 percent for Hispanics. But full-time year-round maternal employment for adolescents in two-parent families was most common for blacks (58 percent), followed by whites (42 percent) and Hispanics (36 percent). Among adolescents in mother-only families in 1999, 87 percent of whites had a mother who had been employed during the year, compared to 76 percent for blacks and 73 percent for Hispanics. Most of the difference in mother-only families is accounted for by differences in full-time year-round maternal employment, which stood at 60 percent for whites, 49 percent for blacks, and 46 percent for Hispanics. Donald J. Hernandez

See also Child-Rearing Styles; Chores; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships; Mothers and Adolescents; Parental Monitoring; Vocational Development References and further reading Elder, Glen H., Jr. 1974. Children of the Great Depression: Social Change in Life Experience. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Hernandez, Donald J. 1993. America’s Children: Resources from Family, Government, and the Economy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ———. 2000. Calculated by author from U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey, March. Oppenheimer, Valerie Kincade. 1970. The Female Labor Force in the United States. Population Monograph Series, no. 5. Institute of International Studies. Berkeley: University of California Press. ———. 1982. Work and the Family. New York: Academic Press.

Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents The increase in the number of women in the labor market that began after World War II has been one of the most significant economic and social trends in modern U.S. history. Not only is almost half of the labor force women, but a large portion of these working women are mothers. Many mothers who work have infants and preschool-aged children, while other mothers wait until their children begin school before entering or reentering the world of employment. The increasing numbers of working mothers illustrate that the idea of women in the labor market is no longer the exception to the rule, but, instead, is the norm for the majority of families in America. Women today choose to work for a variety of reasons. Some women work due to purely economic circumstances. They simply must be employed to help support their family, along with their husband’s employment, for example, or they may in fact be the sole breadwinner and must work in order to support their family entirely. Other women work for more personal reasons, such as the selfsatisfaction and fulfillment that they get from being in the workforce. Despite their reason for being employed, many

women experience conflict over their decision to work outside the home and their roles as a wife and mother. They may experience feelings of guilt and anxiety about leaving their child in the hands of another caregiver. These feelings can be heightened by the societal pressure conveying the idea that a mother “belongs” at home with her child. It may be difficult to reconcile these feelings and to balance both work and family, but, nevertheless, the rewards of having a satisfying job as well as a family make it an attractive lifestyle for millions of women. Given the numbers of women, and particularly mothers participating in the workforce, parents, teachers, social scientists, and policymakers alike have become interested in the issue of how a woman’s employment relates to her children’s development, her relationship with her spouse, and how maternal employment affects the entire family. Consequently, there has been a significant amount of research done on this topic over the past thirty years. Much of the research that has been conducted has focused on the impact that maternal employment has on infants. However, we are continuing to learn more about how having an employed mother affects adolescents as well. Research that has examined adolescents’ adjustment has been somewhat conflicting, with many studies failing to show significant differences between children of employed and nonemployed mothers on indices of cognitive, social, and emotional development. However, several patterns that have emerged across some studies indicate that (1) daughters of employed mothers have higher academic achievement, aspire to more nontraditional career choices, and show

Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents greater occupational commitment, (2) children from impoverished backgrounds have higher scores on measures of both cognitive and socioemotional development when their mothers are employed, and (3) both sons and daughters of employed mothers have less traditional sex role attitudes. Scholars have suggested that differences found between working mothers and nonworking mothers may not necessarily be due to simply whether or not the mother is employed. Differences in family socioeconomic status, in parental attitudes toward employment, in mothers’ work and home stress, in fathers’ involvement in childcare and household tasks, and in the number of children in the home may all influence the family environment and, consequently, children’s adjustment. Researchers interested in examining this topic must include other variables in the adolescent’s environment that may potentially effect his or her development when trying to decipher the relationship between maternal employment and adolescents’ outcomes. For example, one related important factor in adolescents’ development is maternal role satisfaction, that is, how satisfied a mother is with her role (e.g., as a wife, as a mother, as an employee), whether she is working or not. One study demonstrated that both mothers and fathers reported more closeness with their adolescents when mothers had high levels of satisfaction with their employment status. High role satisfaction has also been associated with higher academic competence in adolescents regardless of whether their mothers were working or not. Thus, research has shown that other factors, be they related to being employed or not, are important to con-

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Satisfied and happy mothers interact more positively with their children whether the mother is employed or home full-time. (Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis)

sider when evaluating the influence of maternal employment on adolescents’ development. One common concern regarding mothers working has been that if mothers are employed, they don’t have enough time to spend with their families. Despite the fact that employed mothers have less total time with their children, there is little research that demonstrates that mothers who work give their children less attention than mothers who do not work. In fact, working mothers may try to compensate for their time away from home by spending more time in direct

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interactions with their children when they are together. Overall, the most important conclusion taken from the research is that satisfied and happy mothers interact more positively with their children, and it is sensitive and warm mothering that has the most significant impact on children’s development and well-being, whether their mother is employed or home full-time. Public Policy Implications The escalating numbers of women in the workforce has prompted government to take action regarding the lack of family policy in the United States. In 1993, the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) was signed into law by President Clinton. This law guarantees job security for employees for a maximum of twelve weeks, should they need to leave their job due to the birth of a child or in the case of a family medical emergency. However, this leave is entirely unpaid, meaning that even if parents have the option of taking time off from their jobs, they may not financially be able to afford to do so. As illustrated by the FMLA, the United States lags behind its industrialized counterparts in terms of parental leave policies. Until this act was passed in 1993, the United States was the only country out of seventy-five industrialized nations that was without a governmentsponsored family policy that specified some form of paid maternity benefits, parental leave for parents, and subsidized childcare. Given the lack of national supports for working women in our country, mothers have been forced to negotiate leave and time off from work by themselves, as well as find and afford quality childcare and after-school care for their children. As the numbers of women participating

in the workforce continue to increase, thereby escalating the numbers of children who require out-of-home care, the United States will be faced with increasing pressures to provide flexible work policies, and high-quality childcare and after-school care for the numerous families who need it. Domini R. Castellino See also Child-Rearing Styles; Chores; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Mothers and Adolescents; Parental Monitoring; Single Parenthood and Low Achievement; Vocational Development References and further reading Furstenberg, F. F., and A. J. Cherlin. 1991. Divided Families: What Happens to Children When Parents Part. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Grych, J. H., and F. D. Fincham. 1999. “Children of Single Parents and Divorce.” Pp. 321–341 in Developmental Issues in the Clinical Treatment of Children. Edited by W. K. Silverman and T. H. Ollendick. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Keidel, K. C. 1970. “Maternal Employment and Ninth Grade Achievement in Bismarck, North Dakota.” Family Coordinator 19: 95–97. Schmittroth, L., ed. 1994. Statistical Record of Children. Detroit: Gale Research.

Media Media—including television, music, movies, magazines, computer games, and the Internet—are a pervasive part of teens’ daily lives. The typical American teen listens to music for about four to six hours a day (Christenson and Roberts, 1998), and watches television for another two to four hours (Roberts et al., 1999). In the bedrooms of adolescents aged fourteen to eighteen, two-thirds have a televi-

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American adolescents are estimated to typically spend about eight hours per day using media, either as a primary activity or as background to other activities. (Tony Arruza/Corbis)

sion and nearly 90 percent have a tape player or CD player (Roberts et al., 1999). Adolescents watch more movies than any other segment of the population; over 50 percent of adolescents aged twelve to seventeen go to at least one movie per month (Greenberg, Brown, and Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1993). Over a third of high school juniors and seniors claim daily magazine reading, and three-fourths of adolescent girls read at least one magazine regularly (Durham, 1998; Evans et al., 1991). Altogether it is estimated that American adolescents typically spend about eight hours per day using media, either as their primary activity or as background to other activities (Roberts et al., 1999). Media are used by teens for leisure and fun and as a way of passing time when

they are alone. However, there is a great deal of concern, in our time, about the potential negative effects that media have on teens. Claims of negative effects include television and aggressiveness, computer games and aggressiveness, sex in television and movies, the effects of rap music, and girls’ magazines and gender socialization. Television and Aggressiveness The question of whether television promotes aggressiveness is an issue of particular importance with regard to teens, because a high proportion of violent crimes is committed by young males and because the rate of violent crimes among teens rose sharply in the United States from 1960 to 1990, a period in which there

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was also an increase in the pervasiveness of television. Unfortunately, most of the studies on adolescents and television violence are correlational studies, which ask adolescents about the television programs they watch and about their aggressive behavior. Correlational studies cannot prove causality and merely support the unremarkable conclusion that aggressive adolescents prefer aggressive television programs. In an effort to address the question of causality, numerous field studies have focused on the effects of television on adolescent aggression, in which adolescents (usually boys) in a setting such as a residential school or summer camp were separated into two groups, and one group was shown television or movies with violent themes while the other viewed television or movies with nonviolent themes. However, the findings of these studies are weak and inconsistent, and overall they do not provide support for the claim that viewing violent media causes adolescents to be more aggressive (Freedman, 1984; Strasburger, 1995). Nevertheless, a few studies provide support for the argument that watching violent television causes violent behavior. One intriguing study (Williams, 1986) involved a natural experiment in which a Canadian community (called “Notel” by the researchers) was studied before and after the introduction of television into the community. Aggressive behavior among children in Notel was compared to the behavior of children in two comparable communities, one with only one television channel (“Unitel”) and one with multiple channels (“Multitel”). In each community, several ratings of aggressiveness were obtained, including teachers’ ratings, self-reports, and observers’ ratings of children’s verbal and physical

aggressiveness. Aggressive behavior was lower among children in Notel than among children in Unitel or Multitel when the study began, but increased significantly among children in Notel after television was introduced, so that Notel children were equal in aggressive behavior to their Unitel and Multitel peers two years after the introduction of television. However, the study involved children in middle childhood rather than adolescents, and it is difficult to say how the adolescents of the community reacted. Overall, research provides only tepid support for the claim that watching violent television causes teens to behave aggressively (Freedman, 1984). It is probably true that, for some adolescents, watching television violence acts as a model for their own aggressiveness (Strasburger, 1995). However, if watching violent television were a substantial contributor to violence among teens, the relationship would be stronger than it has been in the many studies that have been conducted by now. Computer Games and Aggressiveness In recent years computer video games have become especially popular among young adolescents, and especially among boys. One survey of seventh and eighth graders found that boys reported spending over four hours a week playing computer games, and girls about two hours (Funk, 1993). Many of these computer games are in the category of harmless entertainment. A substantial proportion of the games simply involve having a computerized character jump from one platform to the next; or sports simulations of baseball, tennis, or hockey; or fantasies in which the player can escape to other worlds and take on new identities. However, com-

Media puter games such as Quake II and Doom involve depictions of extreme violence. In fact, the majority of teens’ favorite computer games involve violence. Because violent games have proven to be so popular, manufacturers have steadily increased the levels of violence in computer games over the past decade (Funk et al., 1999). Does playing these games promote violence? Some notorious and widely publicized cases indicate yes. For example, one of the two boys who murdered twelve students and a teacher in the massacre at Columbine High School in 1999 named the gun he used in the murders “Arlene,” after a character in the gory Doom video game. However, only a handful of studies thus far have examined the relationship between video games and aggressiveness, and the results of these studies are mixed (Funk et al., 1999). It seems likely that with computer games, as with other violent media, there is a wide range of individual differences in responses, with young people who are already at risk for violent behavior—such as the Columbine murderers—being most likely to be affected by the games, as well as most likely to be attracted to them (Funk et al., 1999). However, with regard to computer games specifically, there is not much evidence to go on at this point. Because of the growing popularity and growing levels of violence in computer games, this will be an area to watch for future research. Sex in Television and Movies Sex is second only to violence as a topic of public concern with respect to the possible effects of television on adolescents. A high proportion of prime-time television shows contain sexual themes. What sort of information about sexuality does television present to adolescents?

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A study by Monique Ward (1995) provides a detailed examination of the sexual content of the television shows most often viewed by adolescents. Her analysis found that both men and women were often portrayed as having a “recreational” orientation toward sex. Part of this recreational orientation was that sexual relations were frequently portrayed as a competition, a “battle of the sexes” in which men and women discussed “scoring,” cheating on partners, stealing partners, and how to outmaneuver one another. Another part of the recreational orientation was the view of sexual relations as fun, a natural source of play and amusement that can be enjoyed without concern over commitment or responsibility. However—in contrast to the early days of television when the word pregnant was considered too racy to be mentioned and even married characters slept in separate beds—there were also occasional discussions of contraception. What sort of uses do adolescents make of the portrayals of sexuality on television? In television programs adolescents learn cultural ideas about how male and female roles differ in sexual interactions and what is considered physically attractive in males and females. For adolescents, who are just beginning to date, this information may be eagerly received, especially in a culture where there is little in the way of explicit instruction in male and female sexual roles. Of course, the “information” they receive about sexual scripts from television—the emphasis on themes of sex as an arena for recreation and competition—may not be the kind most adults would consider desirable. Television music videos also frequently contain portrayals of sexuality. However, few good studies investigating adolescents’ responses to music videos

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have yet been conducted (Strasburger, 1995). Movies (in theaters and on video) are another medium where adolescents witness portrayals of sexual behavior. Although adolescents spend less time watching movies than they do watching television, the movies they watch tend to have more frequent and explicit portrayals of sexuality than television shows do. In one study by Greenberg and colleagues (1993) that compared content in primetime television programs to content in Rrated movies, the movies contained seven times as many sexual acts or references than the television programs did, and in the movies sexual intercourse between unmarried people was thirty-two times more common than between married people. Of course, adolescents under age eighteen are not supposed to be able to see R-rated movies (unless accompanied by an adult), but Greenberg and colleagues found that the majority of the fifteen- and sixteen-year-olds they surveyed had seen the most popular R-rated movies either in the theater or on video. Rap Music Rap music (also known as “hip-hop”) rose steadily in popularity among teens during the 1990s, and now equals rock in popularity (Roberts et al.,1999). Although rap is especially popular among black adolescents, white adolescents also comprise a substantial proportion of rap fans. Not all rap is controversial. Some rap performers enjoy a wide mainstream audience for themes of love, romance, and celebration. The controversy over rap has focused on “gangsta rap” performers such as Dr. Dre, Tupac Shakur, and N.W.A. (Niggas with Attitude), and has especially concerned sexual exploitation of women and violence.

Gangsta rap has been criticized for presenting images of women as objects of contempt, deserving sexual exploitation and even sexual assault. Women in controversial rap songs are often referred to as “hos” (whores) and “bitches,” and sexuality is frequently portrayed as a man’s successful assertion of power over a woman (Decker, 1994; Peterson-Lewis, 1991). Violence is another common theme in the lyrics of gangsta rap performers. Their songs depict scenes such as driveby shootings, gang violence, and violent confrontations with the police. The performers of such songs, and their defenders, have argued that their lyrics simply reflect the grim realities of life for young black people in America’s inner cities, such as poverty, violence, and lack of educational and occupational opportunties (Decker, 1994). However, critics have accused the performers of contributing to the stereotype of young black men as dangerous criminals. What effects—if any—do rap lyrics with themes of sexism and violence have on teens? Unfortunately, although there have been many academic speculations about the uses of rap by adolescents, thus far there are no studies that provide research evidence on the topic. Perhaps rap is used by some adolescents as an expression of their frustration and anger in the face of the difficult conditions they live in. But does rap also reinforce and perhaps magnify tendencies toward sexism and violence? At this point, we lack an informed answer to this question. Girls’ Magazines and Gender Socialization Girls’ magazines have received criticism for the messages they deliver to girls about how they should look and act. Boys read

Media magazines, too, but their favorite magazines—such as Sport, Gamepro, Hot Rod, Popular Science—involve active recreation and have not been controversial. What sort of gender messages do adolescent girls get when they read these magazines? Several analyses have been made of the content in girls’ magazines, and they have reported highly similar findings (e.g., Durham, 1998; Evans et al., 1991). The analyses show that the magazines relentlessly promote the gender socialization of adolescent girls toward the traditional female gender role. Physical appearance is stressed as being of ultimate importance, and there is an intense focus on how to be appealing to boys. Fashion is the most common topic, followed by beauty and health—but most of the articles on “health” are about weight reduction and control. Altogether, over half the content focuses directly on physical appearance. But this percentage actually understates the focus on physical appearance because it does not include the advertisements. Typically, nearly half the space in the magazines is devoted to advertisements, and the ads are almost exclusively for clothes, cosmetics, and weight-loss programs. In contrast to the plethora of articles and advertisements on physical appearance, there are few articles on political or social issues. The main topic of “career” articles is modeling. There are virtually no articles on possible careers in business, or the sciences, or law, or medicine, or any other high-status profession in which the mind would be valued more than the body. Of course, there is little doubt that the magazine publishers would carry an abundance of articles on social issues and professional careers if they found they could sell more magazines that way. They pack the magazines

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with articles and ads on how to enhance physical attractiveness because that is the content to which adolescent girls respond most strongly. Why? Perhaps because early adolescence—the time when these magazines are most popular—is a time of gender intensification. Girls become acutely aware when they reach adolescence that others expect them to look like a girl is supposed to look and act like a girl is supposed to act—but how is a girl supposed to look and act? These magazines promise to provide the answers. Wear this kind of blouse, and this kind of skirt, and style your hair like this, and wear this kind of eye shadow and this kind of lipstick and this perfume, and be sure to stay or get thin. The message to adolescent girls is that if you buy the right products and strive to conform your appearance to the ideal presented in the magazines you will look and act like a girl is supposed to look and act and you will attract all the boys you want (Durham, 1998; Evans et al., 1991). Of course, not only gender intensification is involved in the appeal of girls’ magazines but also culture. Girls respond to their portrayal in the magazines as appearance-obsessed slaves to love because they have been taught through the gender socialization of their culture to see themselves that way, and by adolescence they have learned that lesson well (Durham, 1998). Positive Uses of Media Although controversial media receive the bulk of the public attention, in fact most of teens’ media use is noncontroversial and can play a positive role in their lives. Three positive uses of media for teens are entertainment, identity formation, and coping (Arnett, 1995).

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Adolescents and emerging adults, like children and adults, often make use of media simply for entertainment, as an enjoyable part of their leisure lives. Music is the most-used media form among adolescents and emerging adults, and listening to music often accompanies young people’s leisure, from driving around in a car to hanging out with friends to secluding themselves in the privacy of their bedrooms for contemplation (Larson, 1995). This applies to music videos, too—adolescents state that one of their top motivations for watching music videos is simply entertainment. Television is used by many adolescents as a way of diverting themselves from personal concerns with entertainment that is passive, distracting, and undemanding (Larson, 1995). Entertainment is clearly one of the uses young people seek in movies and magazines as well. Media are used by young people toward the entertainment purposes of fun, amusement, and recreation. One of the most important developmental challenges of adolescence and emerging adulthood is identity formation—the cultivation of a conception of one’s values, abilities, and hopes for the future. In cultures where media are available, media can provide materials that young people use toward the construction of an identity. Part of identity formation is thinking about the kind of person you would like to become, and in media adolescents find ideal selves and feared selves, to emulate and to avoid. The use of media for this purpose is reflected in the pictures and posters adolescents put up in their rooms, which are often of media stars from entertainment and sports (Steele and Brown, 1995). After their parents, media celebrities of various kinds are mentioned most often by ado-

lescents when they are asked whom they most admire. Media can also provide adolescents with information that would otherwise be unavailable to them, and some of this information may be used toward constructing an identity. For example, adolescents may learn about different possible occupations in part by watching television or reading magazines. Young people use media to cope with and dispel negative emotions. Several studies indicate that “Listen to music” and “Watch television” are the coping strategies most commonly used by adolescents when they are angry, anxious, or unhappy (Arnett, 1995). Music may be particularly important in this respect. Larson (1995) reports that adolescents often listen to music in the privacy of their bedrooms while pondering the themes of the songs in relation to their own lives, as a way of processing difficult emotions. In the course of early adolescence, when there is an increase in the amount of problems, conflict, and stresses at home, at school, and with friends, there is also an increase in time spent listening to music, while time spent watching television decreases. New Media: The Internet A new medium growing rapidly in popularity among young people is the Internet. In a 1998 survey by Consumers’ Research Magazine, 79 percent of high school students in the United States reported having regular Internet access, compared to just 13 percent of persons over age fifty. Similar or even higher percentages are reported for other Western countries, and for Eastern countries such as Tiawan (Anderson, 2000). Internet access for young people in industrialized countries is expected to become nearly universal in the next decade, in part because schools

Media are increasingly becoming linked to the Internet and encouraging students to use it for finding information. The Internet makes available literally millions of different Web sites and information sources, so the potential uses that adolescents could make of the Internet are almost limitless. Scholars have suggested that young people’s uses of the Internet are likely to include both benefits and risks (Bremer and Rauch, 1998). Benefits of Internet use for young people include access to educational information, access to health information (e.g., about sexual health), and the opportunity to practice social interactions in “chat rooms” and via e-mail. Risks include exposure to pornographic material, substituting computer play for social interactions, and being exposed to adults in chat rooms who may try to exploit them sexually. Because Internet use is relatively new, little research has yet explored how young people use it, but research is sure to explore this topic in the future. Jeffrey Jensen Arnett See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Attractiveness, Physical; Computers; Television; Violence References and further reading Anderson, Ronald E. 2000. “Youth and Information Technology.” Unpublished manuscript, University of Minnesota. Arnett, Jeffrey J. 1995. “Adolescents’ Uses of Media for Self-Socialization.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 24: 519–533. Bremer, Jennifer, and Paula K. Rauch. 1998. “Children and Computers: Risks and Benefits.” Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 37: 559–560. Christenson, Peter G., and Donald F. Roberts. 1998. It’s Not Only Rock and Roll: Popular Music in the Lives of Adolescents. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.

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Decker, Jeffrey L. 1994. “The State of Rap: Time and Place in Hip Hop Nationalism.” Pp. 99–112 in Microphone Fiends: Youth Music and Youth Culture. Edited by A. Ross and Tricia Rose. New York: Routledge. Durham, M. G. 1998. “Dilemmas of Desire: Representations of Sexuality in Two Teen Magazines.” Youth and Society 29: 369–389. Evans, E. D., J. Rutberg, C. Sather, and C. Turner. 1991. “Content Analysis of Contemporary Teen Magazines for Adolescent Females.” Youth and Society 23: 99–120. Freedman, Jonathan L. 1984. “Effects of Television Violence on Aggressiveness.” Psychological Bulletin 96: 227–246. Funk, Jeanne B. 1993. “Reevaluating the Impact of Video Games.” Clinical Pediatrics 32: 86–90. Funk, Jeanne B., Geysa Flores, Debra D. Buchman, and Julie N. Germann. 1999. “Rating Electronic Video Games: Violence Is in the Eye of the Beholder.” Youth and Society 30: 283–312. Greenberg, Bradley S., Jane D. Brown, and Nancy Buerkel-Rothfuss. 1993. Media, Sex, and the Adolescent. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Larson, Reed. 1995. “Secrets in the Bedroom: Adolescents’ Private Use of Media.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 24: 535–550. Peterson-Lewis, Sonja. 1991. “A Feminist Analysis of the Defenses of Obscene Rap Lyrics.” Black Sacred Music: A Journal of Theomusicology 5: 68–80. Roberts, Donald F., Ulla G. Foehr, Victoria J. Rideout, and Mollyann Brodie. 1999. Kids and Media @ the New Millennium. Menlo Park, CA: Henry J. Kaiser Foundation. Steele, Jeanne R., and Jane D. Brown. 1995. “Adolescent Room Culture: Studying Media in the Context of Everyday Life.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 24: 551–576. Strasburger, Victor C. 1995. Adolescents and the Media: Medical and Psychological Impact. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Ward, L. Monique. 1995. “Talking about Sex: Common Themes about Sexuality in the Prime-Time Television Programs Children and Adolescents View Most.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 24: 595–616.

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Williams, T. B., ed. 1986. The Impact of Television: A Natural Experiment in Three Communities. New York: Academic Press.

Memory Popular opinion does not hold memory among the most exciting topics of psychology. Rather, it is thought of as a useful tool, nothing more. It is not even to be compared with the more important topic of intelligence, or the highly abstract and thus mysterious self, or multifaceted personality, or with unstable, stubborn emotions. Intelligence and emotions are quite complex concepts and quite different from memory. The term memory refers to millions and millions of bites of information stored in a certain order in a small box of the human brain and able to be retrieved any time, with or without any cues. It is daunting to think that the brain has enough room for all of the information contained in memory. Researchers have discovered that there is great variability among the levels of performance on memory tasks, even within just one person. Memory is very selective: Some things get memorized and some do not, and sometimes either can happen in spite of a person’s conscious efforts. Memory ability depends on one’s level of vigilance, many contextual factors, the nature of information, and the person’s emotional engagement, or lack of it, in the material to be memorized. People tend to better remember what makes them feel something. Memory holds an exclusive place among the faculties of the human psyche—it is involved in practically every process of one’s thinking, in practically every aspect of life. While thinking, we use stored as well as

new information. While eating, or skating, or biking, or doing anything at all, we use procedural memory that tells us how an action must be performed. The most independent creative processes, such as writing or invention, still use a good deal of stored information as building blocks of a new creation. The last but not the least important characteristic of memory that deserves attention is its involvement in self, or personality, construction. In fact, autobiographical memories are the material that our personalities are built with, so without memory, a person in a sense does not exist. Total amnesia, or the loss of memory, demonstrates quite explicitly that a loss of memory is also a loss of self. There is really no such thing as a general memory. Memory is domain specific. Also, there are different types of memory even in one domain. The first and most basic division is into the sensory register (SR), a short-term store (STS), and a longterm store (LTS). The sensory register takes in everything, all new information. The best demonstration of how it works is iconic memory—if we close our eyes, we will still see the afterimage of what we just saw. But the information never stays for more than a second in the SR. After that, it enters the STS. And here, the selection procedures begin, since the storage space of STS is very limited. The goal is to pass the information to the LTS to be remembered for the rest of our lives, or at least for a long enough period. As already noted, sometimes this entering of long-term memory happens spontaneously and quite effortlessly, but in most cases different memory strategies (such as rehearsal) are employed to keep the information alive until it enters the LTS. The long-term storage capacities are thought to be unlimited, and it is amaz-

Memory ing how quickly one is able to retrieve just exactly what one needs from this infinite storage house. Yet it is also true that with time the unused information from LTS can decay. The information in LTS is not piled randomly, but organized in various ways. In terms of types, most researchers agree to distinguish declarative and nondeclarative memory. Nondeclarative memory includes all unconscious knowledge of skills (procedural memory), and conditional factors such as an intuitive sense of danger or fear when something previously experienced as dangerous or fearful (even without an exact recollection of the event) is encountered. Declarative memory is conscious, and it is composed of two components, semantic (knowledge of rules, concepts, ideas) and episodic (knowledge of events) memory. Memory is also domain specific, and the distinction, for instance, between the autobiographical memory and the memory for faces is rather significant. The latter is a puzzle in itself, if one thinks about thousands of faces that a human being can recognize. In recent decades most researchers have agreed that the amount of information retained depends mostly (though not exclusively) on the speed of processing, as well as on one’s level of expertise in a given domain. In other words, if one wants to memorize more in a particular field (as already noted, the global memory is at best a theoretical generalization), one may want to simply work hard in this domain to increase one’s level of expertise, which in turn will increase the speed of processing new information, which in turn will increase the memory level. Memory strategies can be taught and are useful tools for enhancing memory

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ability and for learning new information. Strategies are potentially conscious, deliberate, and controllable cognitive plans that are adopted to enhance performance in memory tasks. The most important of them are rehearsal, organization, and elaboration. The idea of rehearsal may be the oldest, the simplest, and probably the most effective for memorizing a poem or a list of items. The frequency of rehearsal is important, but it is not the only factor that matters. The style of rehearsal plays a role in how effective the strategy is. Two rehearsal styles, passive and active (or accumulative, when all the information is repeated every time), are widely used, with the latter definitely yielding better results. However, even accumulative rehearsal may not be good enough if it is not used with other strategies. Another strategy, organization, is used every time one tries to organize the information to be remembered according to a certain system. Elaboration involves associating items to be remembered with something new, that was not presented in the material, but should be invented through imagination (for instance, if we need to remember two colors, we may find an object where they are found together). These are three of the basic memory strategies, but they cannot always be used with all types of memory. Thus, to enhance one’s memory performance, it may be useful to remember the main principles of memory functioning and then use them to select or maybe invent the strategies that work better for a particular person in a particular memory task. • One remembers better what is interesting, and it is not com-

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pletely out of one’s control to make something interesting. • One remembers better what one has actively processed, upon which one has acted in one way or another. • One remembers better information on a subject or in a field that is already familiar; in short, knowledge attracts knowledge. Adolescents should be aware that they can learn strategies to enhance menory performance. Janna Jilnina See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Homework; Intelligence Tests; Thinking References and further reading Baddley, Alan D. 1986. Working Memory. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Loftus, Elizabeth F. 1980. Memory, Surprising and New Insights into How We Remember and Why We Forget. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Weinert, Franz, and Marion Perlmutter, eds. 1988. Memory Development: Universal Changes and Individual Differences. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Menarche Menarche, which means “first menstrual period,” is a late event during physical pubertal development. It is most likely to occur when a girl has reached near-adult levels of breast and pubic hair growth. In general, menarche entails at least three days of vaginal bleeding. (Spotting or bleeding for fewer than three days is not considered menarche.) This bleeding usually rarely occurs in the early stages of puberty when the lining of the uterus is not thick enough to cause a regular amount of flow. However, it can also be a result of trauma such as rape or, in very rare instances, due to tumors in the vagina or uterus.

The age at which menarche occurs has steadily declined over time. In 1880, the average age at which menarche occurred among American girls overall was between 14.5 and 15 years. At present, by contrast, menarche occurs among white girls at 12.8 years, among black girls at 11.9 years, and among Puerto Rican girls at 11.5 years (Clayman, 1994). In fact, the normal range for menarche in the United States is now between ten and fourteen years of age. Onset before age ten or after age fourteen is an indication of possible abnormal development; in such cases, a physician should be consulted. Causes for absence of menarche include late development (which tends to run in families and can be considered normal), absence of the ovaries or uterus, imbalance of the hormones involved in the menstrual cycle, and pregnancy. Excessive exercise (especially among gymnasts and long-distance runners) and anorexia nervosa are commonly associated with delayed menarche. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Body Fat, Changes in; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty, Timing of; Rites of Passage; Sex Education References and further reading Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed.. New York: Random House, pp. 624, 756.

Menstrual Cycle The menstrual cycle consists of four major phases: the menstrual phase, during which the lining of the uterus is discarded as bleeding (days 1–5, a total of five days); the follicular phase (days 6–13, a total of eight days), during which an egg (ovum) matures and the lining of the

Menstrual Dysfunction uterus regrows after being shed during the menstrual phase; ovulation (day 14, a total of one day), during which the egg is released from the ovary and begins its travel to the fallopian tube; and, finally, the luteal phase (days 15–28, a total of fourteen days), during which the lining of the uterus continues to develop so that it can receive a fertilized egg. Contrary to common belief, only about 10–15 percent of cycles are twenty-eight days long. The overall cycle length may vary from twenty-one to forty-two days, but most mature women’s cycles last between twenty-five and thirty days. During the first five years of menstruation, cycles exhibit considerable variability in terms of length and regularity. After that time, however (especially following a pregnancy), cycles tend to be more stable. Among women who ovulate regularly, the length of the luteal phase is usually fourteen days. In women with a thirtytwo-day cycle, menstrual bleeding will occur on days 1–5 (five days), the follicular phase will last from days 6 to 16 (eleven days), ovulation will occur on day 17 (one day), and the luteal phase will occur on days 18–32 (fourteen days). Alternatively, in women with a twentyfour-day cycle, menstrual bleeding will occur on days 1–5 (five days), the follicular phase will last from days 6 to 9 (four days), ovulation will occur on day 10 (one day), and the luteal phase will occur on days 11–24 (again, fourteen days). This knowledge can be used to predict ovulation in women whose cycles are very regular—a procedure that, in turn, can be used as a method of natural birth control. The menstrual cycle, which involves coordination of hormone secretions from the pituitary gland as well as the ovaries, can be influenced by numerous factors

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including nutritional status, stress, exercise, and chronic disease. Many of these factors cause periods to stop (amenorrhea) or to become infrequent (oligomenorrhea). For example, the extreme exercise associated with long-distance running and gymnastics induces the body to revert to the hormone pattern seen in prepubertal children, stopping all menstruation. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Body Fat, Changes in; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty, Timing of References and further reading Namnoum, A., B. Koehler, and S. E. Carpenter. 1994. “Abnormal Uterine Bleeding in the Adolescent.” Adolescent Medicine: State of the Art Reviews 5: 157–170.

Menstrual Dysfunction Menstrual dysfunction (MD) refers to abnormal uterine bleeding that is excessive or unpatterned in amount, duration, or frequency. A period that is not preceded by ovulation (known as an anovulatory period) is one of the most common causes of MD. Fifty to 80 percent of cycles in the first year of menstruation are anovulatory, as are about 28 percent of cycles by the fifth year. In short, many girls experience MD during their first five years of menstruation. The absence of ovulation associated with MD often results in incomplete shedding of the lining of the uterus. This lining then gets thicker and thicker with each cycle, usually leading to very heavy periods (menorrhagia) and/or irregular periods (metrorrhagia). Eventually the thickened lining reaches a critical level, at which point the lining of the uterus begins to be shed almost continually, resulting in

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almost constant menstrual flow or very heavy periods (menometrorrhagia). Less common causes of menstrual dysfunction include pregnancy, which is sometimes complicated by periods of bleeding, and blood-clotting disorders, which are seen in about 20 percent of women. (In one study, among women who presented with severe blood loss in their first period, 45 percent had a clotting disorder.) In addition, abnormal bleeding can be caused by other problems in the reproductive system, including trauma, infection, foreign matter in the vagina, congenital malformations, irritation of the cervix (the neck of the uterus), polyps, misplaced lining of the uterus outside of the uterus (endometriosis), blood-vessel malformations, and tumors. Malnutrition, as well as certain chronic illnesses such as kidney disease, liver failure, diabetes, and malnutrition, can also cause MD. Hormonal dysfunction is another possible cause of MD. For example, pituitary problems associated with high prolactin levels and milk production can lead to lactation and, ultimately, to MD in a nonpregnant teenager. Also problematic are over- or underactive thyroids and abnormalities of adrenal or ovary function. The most common form of the latter, called polycystic ovary syndrome, involves infrequent periods. It is seen most often among teenagers with obesity, high blood pressure, increased growth of body hair, and, sometimes, diabetes. In some instances, hormonal medications, anticoagulants (blood thinners), and medications to prevent seizures have also been known to cause MD. Accurate diagnostic procedures are needed to rule out these and other such causes. Jordan W. Finkelstein

See also Anemia; Body Fat, Changes in; Contraception; Eating Problems; Health Promotion; Health Services for Adolescents; Nutrition; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty, Timing of; Sex Education References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories. Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House.

Menstruation During menstruation, the lining of the uterus is shed because a pregnancy has not occurred during the previous menstrual cycle. The majority of blood loss occurs during the first three days of the cycle, and the usual amount of blood lost is about one ounce. Loss of more than three ounces is considered abnormal and may cause anemia. Two weeks prior to menstruation, there are high levels of estrogen and progesterone in the blood. Menstruation occurs when the concentration of these hormones decreases. In other words, menstruation is the result of withdrawal of hormones that would otherwise allow the lining of the uterus (the endometrium) to be maintained. Menstrual bleeding stops when the concentration of estrogen begins to rise at the beginning of a new menstrual cycle. This rising level of estrogen not only increases the ability of blood to clot but also stimulates the lining to grow again. The most common problem during menstruation is abdominal pain from menstrual cramps (dysmenorrhea). Overall, between 30 and 50 percent of women experience this problem (Sanfilippo and Hertwick, 1998). About 30 percent of

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The most common problem during menstruation is abdominal pain from menstrual cramps (dysmenorrhea). (Skjold Photographs)

women present with dysmenorrhea in the first six months after menarche (first period), and it is the leading cause of short-term school absence among adolescent girls. Dysmenorrhea is caused by the increased production of hormones called prostaglandins, which induce contractions of the uterus and are experienced as cramping. Some antiprostaglandin medications (such as ibuprofen and other nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs) can decrease the symptoms of dysmenorrhea. Whenever possible, these medications should be started two or three days prior to the expected start of bleeding and then continued for three days after bleeding has commenced. They should be taken at the proper dose and around the clock rather

than only when pain occurs. Oral contraceptives may also reduce or eliminate the symptoms of dysmenorrhea, given that cramping occurs only during cycles in which ovulation occurs and these contraceptives inhibit ovulation. Of course, among sexually active adolescents, oral contraceptives provide the additional benefit of preventing pregnancy. Premenstrual syndrome (PMS) is another common problem associated with menstruation. Its symptoms include fluid retention, bloating, breast tenderness, headaches, irritability, fatigue, anxiety, hostility, and depression. Many women also experience cravings for certain foods or drinks. PMS is usually worst in girls who also have dysmenorrhea. Several treatments are reported to be

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effective, including changes in diet, exercise, hormones, diuretics (water pills), vitamins, and drugs that affect behavior. The usual duration of the menstrual cycle ranges from twenty-one to fortytwo days, and bleeding generally lasts for fewer than seven days. Women with menstruation occurring outside these limits should consider medical evaluation. Prolonged, irregular, and frequent menstruation is generally related to abnormal ovarian function, the most common cause of which is failure to ovulate. This condition is most often seen in women who have just started menstruating. Between 55 and 82 percent of menstrual cycles in the first two years after menarche are anovulatory (i.e., ovulation does not occur) (Sanfilippo and Hertwick, 1998). In the second through fourth years after menarche, 30–55 percent of women do not ovulate; in the fourth and fifth years, the range is 0–20 percent. Other causes of prolonged, irregular, frequent bleeding include disorders of blood clotting, certain medications, hormonal disorders, and certain sexually transmitted diseases—all of which should be evaluated in all women with this problem. Treatment of the most common form of abnormal bleeding (due to lack of ovulation) is accomplished by using the hormones involved in the normal menstrual cycle—specifically, by using oral contraceptives. Other forms of hormone replacement are also available, but they are not as convenient as oral contraceptives. In addition, specific treatments are available for causes of this problem other than lack of ovulation. Women with absent periods fall into two categories. Those who have breast and sexual hair development but who have not experienced menstruation by the age of sixteen years, or those who

have no breast or sexual hair development and no periods by the age of thirteen years, have primary amenorrhea. Fewer than 0.1 percent of women have this problem. The most common causes are hormonal disorders and absence of the ovaries or uterus. Women who have periods at intervals of more than three months have secondary amenorrhea, a problem experienced by about 0.7 percent of women (Sanfilippo and Hertwick, 1998). The most common causes include hormonal disorders, certain medications, substantial changes in weight, stress, and excessive exercise. Both groups need medical evaluation. Administration of hormones such as oral contraceptives can induce periods in those individuals who have hormonal abnormalities involving the ovaries but no other identifiable causes. Specific treatments are appropriate for those persons whose disorders have been specifically identified. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Body Fat, Changes in; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Sex Education; Sports and Adolescents References and further reading Berk, Laura. 1999. Infants, Children, and Adolescents. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Sanfilippo, J. S., and S. P. Hertwick. 1998. “Physiology of Menstruation and Menstrual Disorders.” Pp. 990–1017 in Comprehensive Adolescent Health Care. Edited by S. B. Friedman, M. Fisher, S. K. Schoenberg, E. M. Adlerman, and E. Mosby. New York: Random House.

Mental Retardation, Siblings with Millions of adolescents in the United States have a brother or sister with mental retardation or some other type of

Mental Retardation, Siblings with developmental disability. Mental retardation is a lifelong condition that is characterized by problems with adaptive behavior and by significant limitations in intellectual functioning. It can be caused by a variety of genetic, metabolic, and environmental conditions. Although many persons with mental retardation achieve a measure of independence as adults, most live with the support of their families throughout their lives. Although mothers and fathers of persons with mental retardation bear the major responsibility for ensuring needed care, siblings in the family face many unique and lifelong challenges. This entry explores the experiences and concerns of being an adolescent with “a difference in the family” (Featherstone, 1980). Of all human relationships, the sibling relationship is the longest in duration, and as such, it goes through many changes over the life course. When one of the siblings in a family has mental retardation, a cascade of issues is confronted by the nondisabled sibling(s), issues that have been well described by siblings, parents, clinicians, and researchers. These include: • Ongoing need for information about their sibling’s disability (its cause, manifestations, future course, and the like) • Feelings of isolation, because they might not have access to others in similar situations and/or because they are being excluded from discussions with service providers and even family members • Guilt feelings about having caused the disability or being spared the condition • Resentment of the extra time parents devote to the sibling with

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mental retardation and of parental overprotectiveness or indulgence of the brother or sister with mental retardation • Perceived pressure to achieve in academics, athletics, or social situations • Increased caregiving requirements, particularly from nondisabled sisters • Concerns over their own future role as potential caregivers for their brother or sister with mental retardation Adolescence can be a particularly difficult time for all individuals, and some of the challenges of sibling relationships during adolescence are magnified when a nondisabled person has a brother or sister with mental retardation. There are also unique issues faced by siblings of persons with mental retardation during adolescence that may set them apart from their friends who do not have the same family situation. Using knowledge gained from over a dozen years of studies of families of persons with mental retardation, including research on siblings’ lives, this entry highlights the personal, social, and familial impacts of having a brother or sister with mental retardation. It also includes some of the advice that adult siblings of persons with mental retardation have offered to teenagers, and it concludes with a list of resources that may be useful to adolescents with a brother or sister with mental retardation. Having a brother or sister with mental retardation used to be considered a family tragedy. One of the biggest worries was that parents would need to spend so much time caring for the child with mental retardation that their other children would feel neglected. It was also assumed

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that sisters of children with mental retardation would be thrust prematurely into a caretaking role to help out their mothers and would not be able to develop independent lives as an adolescent. To some extent, even today, these attitudes about what it means to have a child with mental retardation still exist in the general public. However, studies of siblings of persons with mental retardation reveal a much more complex and generally positive picture. Most adult siblings of persons with mental retardation, in looking back on their childhood and adolescence, say that their experiences were “mostly positive”—they feel deep love for their brother or sister with mental retardation, and they learned valuable lessons about appreciating people’s differences, about tolerance and patience, about accepting situations that cannot be changed, and about the value of each individual. Many say that their families have been stronger and more loving because they have a member with mental retardation. As one sibling put it, “There are much worse things that can happen to a family, so look for your blessings.” From their perspective as adults, however, many siblings point to their adolescent years as a time when new difficulties arose and when their emotional relationship to their brother or sister with mental retardation underwent strains that had not been as evident during their earlier childhood years. We describe some of these strains below. Unique Challenges during Adolescence There are several unique challenges that adolescents who have a brother or sister with mental retardation face. First, nondisabled adolescents often worry about what their future role will be

regarding the care and support of the brother or sister with mental retardation. It is often during adolescence that siblings, and particularly sisters, of persons with mental retardation start to anticipate how their adult lives will be affected by the reality that their brother or sister with mental retardation will need ongoing support. About 25 percent of siblings anticipate living with their brother or sister during adulthood and about half expect to be their brother or sister’s legal guardian (Krauss et al., 1996). Many do not know what their role will be, but knowing that their brother or sister will have lifetime needs for family support can weigh heavily on the minds of adolescents who are also thinking about their own futures. Indeed, over half of the siblings we’ve studied said that their own plans for the future were affected by their having a sibling with mental retardation. The areas in which the greatest impacts were noted included their feelings about themselves, their plans for their future, where they expected to live as adults, and their choices of romantic partners. Second, adult siblings often described adolescence as a time when they experienced much more embarrassment about having a disabled sibling and resentment of their responsibilities toward him or her. The behavioral oddities or problems of the brother or sister with mental retardation were more stigmatizing, which resulted in the nondisabled adolescents seeking to avoid going out in public with their brother or sister. While most adolescents cringe at being seen with their parents and family in public, the added issue of having a brother or sister who has atypical behaviors and skills can be particularly painful. The push toward conformity, toward being accepted by one’s peer group, often makes differences less cher-

Mental Retardation, Siblings with ished during adolescence. One sibling commented, “When I was younger, I was proud of the attention my brother brought our family, but as I entered adolescence, I didn’t want to be different.” Another noted, “My friends from grade school accepted my brother, but as I went to junior high, it was more difficult to have new friends over. They didn’t understand and were afraid. The few places we did go (like to the zoo), people really stared at my brother.” Third, nondisabled adolescents must cope with changes in their feelings toward their brother or sister with mental retardation; their feelings may get more complicated, and they may feel emotionally distant during adolescence in comparison to early childhood. Most adolescents renegotiate their family relationships during the teen years as they struggle toward greater personal independence and autonomy. Many adult siblings of persons with mental retardation, however, described a wild flux of emotions about their brother or sister that stood in contrast to their earlier childhood memories of less stormy, more accepting relationships. As one sibling put it, “Through grade school, I felt he was more like another ordinary brother but as I went through high school, I went through all sorts of stages—extreme embarrassment, extreme protectiveness, disgust, as well as love and compassion.” Advice from Adult Siblings of Persons with Mental Retardation to Adolescents In the course of their research, Krauss and her colleagues asked adult siblings of persons with mental retardation what advice they would give to teenagers in their situation. The most common counsel was to treat the brother or sister with

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mental retardation as a “normal” person, to encourage his/her potential, and to give lots of love and attention. Others mentioned the need to access community services, both for oneself (such as sibling support groups) and for one’s sibling with mental retardation. Many also advised patience and having frequent contact with the brother or sister. Many encouraged a high level of involvement by brothers and sisters with their sibling with mental retardation. One wrote, “Encourage your sibling’s independence as much as possible, for there will be a time when parents will not be there to support your brother or sister. You must have a mutual respect for his/her ideas and thoughts.” Others advised that acceptance of the brother or sister with mental retardation was critically important. “Probably my strongest advice would be to accept the problem the brother or sister has and then try and treat the person as simply a person with a type of problem that can possibly be an experience that will make you a more sensitive individual.” Another strong sentiment was to view the situation as a family issue and to work closely with parents regarding caretaking decisions. One wrote, “Make sure you maintain open communication with your family about your needs and your sibling’s needs. Remember that your parents have a big responsibility caring for your sibling—relieve them sometime and give them some time off. It’s okay to think about alternatives to living at home and talking about it with parents.” Another wrote, “Encourage your parents now to plan for the future and find some kind of independent placement for your sibling that will not impact on your life.” Others encouraged teenagers to participate in peer support groups. One said,

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“Take advantage of educational and peer support groups. I did not have this opportunity.” And many encouraged teenagers to just enjoy their adolescence. One wrote, “This too shall pass. The teenage hormones conspire to make the most self-assured child a monster of insecurity. Conformity is impossible if your family is different. It is a good thing to develop some coping skills early in life.” Resources for Siblings of Persons with Mental Retardation Many communities offer sibling peer support groups through the local Arc (Association for Retarded Citizens—www. thearc.org). There are also national and international efforts to increase the opportunities for siblings of persons with mental retardation to meet personally or electronically (via the Internet) to share concerns, ideas, and understanding. The Sibling Support Project, directed by Donald Meyer at the Children’s Hospital and Regional Medical Center in Seattle, Washington, has a Web site that posts useful information for siblings of all ages (www.chmc.org/departmt/sibsupp). There is also a list server for siblings (www. chmc.org/departmt/sibsupp/SendMail1. asp). The Family Village (www. familyvillage.wisc.edu) is a Web site for family members of people with disabilities, containing a wealth of information about the causes of different kinds of disabilities and describing strategies families have found to be helpful in responding to a variety of challenging situations. In addition, a variety of written materials, some listed in the reference list, may be particularly helpful to adolescents with a brother or sister with mental retardation. Marty Wyngaarden Krauss Marsha Mailick Seltzer

See also Cognitive Development; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Sibling Differences; Sibling Relationships; Teasing References and further reading Featherstone, Helen. 1980. A Difference in the Family. New York: Basic Books. Kaufman, Sandra Z. 1999. Retarded Isn’t Stupid, Mom! Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes. Krauss, Marty W., Marsha M. Seltzer, Rachel Gordon, and Donna H. Friedman. 1996. “Binding Ties: The Roles of Adult Siblings of Persons with Mental Retardation.” Mental Retardation 34, no. 2: 83–93. McHugh, Mary. 1999. Special Siblings: Growing Up with Someone with a Disability. New York: Hyperion. The research on which this entry is based was funded by the National Institute on Aging (Grant No. R01 AG08768) and by the Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., Foundation and was administratively supported by the Starr Center on Mental Retardation, Heller School, Brandeis University, and the Waisman Center at the University of Wisconsin.

Mentoring and Youth Development Mentoring programs for youth involve a structured one-to-one relationship or partnership that focuses on the needs of the mentored participant. However, to be effective in helping young people develop, a mentor and a mentoring program must do more than simply pair an adult with a young person. “One to One,” the National Mentoring Partnership, has described several elements of effective practice in youth mentoring programs (National Mentoring Working Group, 1991). In line with its mission—to increase the availability of responsible personal and economic mentoring for America’s children—One to

Mentoring and Youth Development One convened a volunteer subgroup of organizations with substantial experience in the conduct of mentoring programs for young people (e.g., Big Brothers/Big Sisters of America, Baltimore Mentoring Institute, the National Black Child Development Institute, the National Urban League, the Enterprise Institute, and Campus Partners in Learning/Campus Compact). This subgroup was called the National Mentoring Working Group. This working group developed a brochure called Elements of Effective Practice that specified the features mentoring programs need to have if they are to provide effective mentoring to young people. The group noted that a responsible mentoring program fosters caring and supportive relationships, encourages individuals to develop to their fullest potential, helps an individual develop his own vision for the future, and represents a strategy to develop active community partnerships. Moreover, the National Mentoring Working Group of One to One specified also that the conduct of a mentoring program in a responsible manner involves the following elements: regular, consistent contact between the mentor and the participant; support by the family or guardian of the participant; an established organization of oversight; written administrative and program procedures; and written eligibility requirements for program participants. One to One notes that research provides evidence that mentoring facilitates the experience by youth of relationships marked by mutual caring, accountability, and trust. A mentoring relationship provides youth with the resources to avoid behavioral risks and problems and facilitates the development among youth of a healthy and productive life.

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The scholarship of Jean Rhodes and her colleagues provides considerable evidence that mentoring programs having the program characteristics specified by One to One can indeed effectively promote the positive development of youth. For example, among pregnant and parenting African American adolescents, the support of a natural mentor lowers depression and increases optimism, career activities, and beliefs about opportunity (Klaw and Rhodes, 1995; Rhodes, Ebert, and Fischer, 1992). Similarly, Latina adolescent mothers with natural mentors have lower levels of depression and anxiety, are more satisfied with their support resources, and are more able to cope effectively with relationship problems (Rhodes, Contreras, and Mangelsdorf, 1994). Moreover, only 20 percent of urban adolescent girls with mentors continue to show sexualand school-related risk behaviors (Rhodes and Davis, 1996). Urban youth involved in Big Brother/ Big Sister mentor relationships for a year or longer show the largest number of improvements. However, mentoring appears to work best when it is extended for specific lengths of time, and, in turn, some people profit more from mentoring than do others. For example, among youth who are in mentoring relationships that terminate earlier, progressively fewer positive effects occur, and adolescents who are in relationships that terminate after a very short period of time show deterioration in their behavior. Older adolescents, adolescents referred for having experienced sustained emotional, sexual, or physical abuse, married volunteers aged twenty-six to thirty years, and volunteers with low incomes are most likely to be in relationships that end early (Grossman and Rhodes, in press).

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Moreover, particular levels of mentoring seem most effective. That is, among ten- to sixteen-year-old youth involved in Big Brother/Big Sister programs, mentoring relationships that involve moderate levels of both support and structure are associated with improvements in parent and peer relationships, in personal development, and in academic performance (Langhout et al., 2000). These positive effects of mentoring relationships on academic performance are mediated primarily through improvements in parent-child relationships and are associated as well with reductions in unexcused absences and improvements in academic perceived competence (Rhodes, Grossman, and Resch, in press). Finally, there is evidence that mentoring programs can be effective with youth in difficult family circumstances. For instance, among foster-care youth involved in Big Brother/Big Sister programs, mentoring relationships are associated with improved social skills, greater trust and comfort in social interactions, stable peer relationships, prosocial behavior, and self-esteem (Rhodes, Haight, and Briggs, 1999). Richard M. Lerner See also Academic Achievement; Apprenticeships; Career Development; Cognitive Development; College; School, Functions of; Vocational Development References and further reading Grossman, Jean B., and Jean E. Rhodes. In press. “The Test of Time: Predictors and Effects of Duration in Youth Mentoring Relationships.” American Journal of Community Psychology. Klaw, Elena L., and Jean E. Rhodes. 1995. “Mentor Relationships and the Career Development of Pregnant and Parenting African-American Teenagers.”

Psychology of Women Quarterly 19: 551–562. Langhout, Regina E., Lori N. Osborne, Jean B. Grossman, and Jean E. Rhodes. 2000. An Exploratory Study of Volunteer Mentoring: Toward a Typology of Relationships. Unpublished manuscript. National Mentoring Working Group. 1991. Elements of Effective Practice. Washington, DC: United Way of America and One to One/The National Mentoring Partnership. Rhodes, Jean E., and Anita A. Davis. 1996. “Supportive Ties between Nonparent Adults and Urban Adolescent Girls.” Pp. 213–225 in Urban Girls: Resisting Stereotypes, Creating Identities. Edited by Bonnie J. R. Leadbeater and Niobe Way. New York: New York University Press. Rhodes, Jean E., Josefina M. Contreras, and Sarah C. Mangelsdorf. 1994. “Natural Mentor Relationships among Latina Adolescent Mothers: Psychological Adjustment, Moderating Processes, and the Role of Early Parental Acceptance.” American Journal of Community Psychology 22: 211–227. Rhodes, Jean E., Lori Ebert, and Karla Fischer. 1992. “Natural Mentors: An Overlooked Resource in the Social Networks of Young, African-American Mothers.” American Journal of Community Psychology 20: 445–461. Rhodes, Jean E., Jean B. Grossman, and Nancy L. Resch. In press. “Agents of Change: Pathways through Which Mentoring Relationships Influence Adolescents’ Academic Adjustment.” Child Development. Rhodes, Jean E., Wendy L. Haight, and Ernestine C. Briggs. 1999. The Influence of Mentoring on the Peer Relationships of Foster Youth in Relative and NonRelative Care. Journal of Research on Adolescence 9: 185–201.

Middle Schools Middle school generally encompasses grades 5–8 or 6–8. These middle grades can be situated in one of two settings: as part of a kindergarten through eighth

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Middle school students possess many newly emerging developmental abilities and needs. (Skjold Photographs)

grade (K through 8) setting or as a separate and distinct school setting. In the last ten to fifteen years, the number of middle schools in the United States has risen nearly 50 percent, whereas the number of junior high schools (usually grades 7–8 or 7–9) has declined by nearly 40 percent. One important issue regarding middle schools as separate and distinct school settings is the actual middle school experience for ten- to fourteen-year-olds. As part of the educational reform movement, middle schools have drawn a great deal of attention in the last few years for three interrelated reasons: (1) because the period of early adolescence is viewed by psychologists and educators as a significant time for development at sev-

eral levels simultaneously (physically, socially, emotionally, and cognitively); (2) because the organization, structure, and curriculum of traditional middle schools do not tend to fit well with the developmental needs and abilities of early adolescents; and (3) because more than 88 percent of public school students enter a new school when they begin the middle grades, and many of these students experience difficulty making the transition from elementary school to middle school, as demonstrated by decreased motivation, self-esteem, and academic achievement. Middle school students possess many newly emerging developmental abilities and needs. For example, ten- to fourteen-

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year-olds begin to demonstrate an increased desire for autonomy (i.e., for selfgoverning), stronger peer orientation, heightened self-consciousness, exploration into identity issues, concern over heterosexual relationships, capacity for abstract cognitive activity, and an interest in opportunities that demonstrate higherorder thinking and problem-solving skills. The characteristics of the middle school setting and the characteristics of the early adolescent reflect what is referred to as a developmental mismatch. In other words, traditional middle school settings are not suited to the needs and abilities of their students. Psychologists have identified seven key developmental needs as characteristic of early adolescence: positive social interaction with adults and peers, structure and clear limits, physical activity, creative expression, competence and achievement, meaningful participation in family and school, and community experiences as opportunities for growing self-definition. Traditional middle schools, however, appear to lie in opposition to fulfillment of these needs. Three problems associated with middle schools are school size, departmentalization, and instructional style. First, students often go from smaller neighborhood elementary schools to larger middle schools that draw students from several different elementary schools. At a time when adolescents are becoming capable of and requiring greater intimacy and closeness with peers and adult role models, the sudden change from a smaller neighborhood school to a larger middle school can foster alienation, isolation, anonymity, and difficulties in communication and intimacy. Some schools have emphasized the role of homerooms and/or an advisory system in an attempt to offset the isolat-

ing effects of a large school as well as to foster the development of relationships with peers and teachers. Departmentalization poses a second problem. Although students in elementary school tend to spend the better part of their day with the same teacher and the same group of students, departmentalization forces students to switch from classroom to classroom and from teacher to teacher, thereby imposing a series of disruptions throughout the day that decrease the number of opportunities for students to develop closer relationships with others. Allowing students to navigate such switches as groups rather than as individuals lessens this interference in their communication and contact with peers. The third problem, instructional style, impedes three aspects of development among adolescents: increased autonomy, cognitive ability, and self-consciousness. In the context of autonomy, researchers have discovered that most middle school teachers tend to exert more control over student behavior, maintain stricter rules and discipline, and allow less student input in decision making than do most elementary school teachers. This approach decreases the likelihood of positive student-teacher interactions, thus potentially preventing the development of relationships with much-needed supportive adult role models. Moreover, student reactions to seemingly unfair and punitive control over the environment can range from acting-out to losing interest altogether. Whenever possible, the structure and process of general classroom and school management should respond to and foster adolescents’ growing capacity for autonomy, responsibility, and critical thinking. In terms of cognitive ability, adolescents have reached a developmental stage in which they are generally more capable

Middle Schools of logical and abstract thinking. They can now formulate and test hypotheses or ideas mentally; use more effective strategies for studying and remembering class material; and plan, monitor, and evaluate the steps they must take in order to solve a problem. Upon entering middle school, many students encounter increased work demands and stricter grading policies, but not necessarily a demand for higherorder thinking and problem-solving skills. On the contrary, many find middle school work less cognitively challenging than what they experienced in the last year or so of elementary school. Finally, researchers have shown that the middle school experience sometimes results in increased self-consciousness as well as decreased motivation in all but the highest-performing students. One explanation for this finding is that middle school classes tend to involve occasions of public comparison in which achievement is based on a competitive rather than collaborative model of task completion and academic success. Although the physical and physiological changes associated with adolescence have remained fundamentally the same for generations, the broader historical context within which these changes are played out is dramatically different than before, highlighting the need for and importance of an appropriate match between students and middle schools. Every day, early adolescents now confront pressures to engage in sex and to use alcohol, cigarettes, and marijuana. In addition, many suffer from feelings of depression, isolation, and alienation. For example, at least one-third of students in this age range report that they have contemplated suicide. The school plays a significant role in the lives of young people: Development

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of educational programs that meet their needs is vital to their future as healthy, happy, and successful teenagers and adults. Middle school programs and practices can meet the developmental needs of early adolescents in a variety of ways. By means of advisory programs, for example, schools can provide students with social and emotional support through consistent contact with peers and adults in small-group settings. Some researchers claim that strong, small-group advisory programs are helpful in reducing feelings of isolation and anonymity. Urban schools that serve high-risk students are especially encouraged to implement such programs. Interdisciplinary teaching teams provide another means of meeting the needs of middle school students. A typical interdisciplinary team consists of four teachers (usually in math, English, social studies, and science, respectively) who share the same group of students. This approach is intended to meet the social, emotional, and cognitive needs of students. Ideally these four teachers meet regularly to coordinate their lesson plans in a way that enables students to make connections between ideas across different subjects or disciplines, ensures that the material is sufficiently challenging, allows the students to provide social and professional support to one another, and enables the teachers themselves to periodically assess the students’ progress and plan interventions. Of course, this approach requires that teachers receive training in team teaching and that school schedules are sufficiently flexible to permit regular team meetings. Some schools have also created programs designed to ensure that the transition from elementary to middle school is as smooth as possible. These programs

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generally consist of three activities: having elementary school students visit prospective middle schools, having administrators of elementary and middle schools meet, and having middle school counselors or staff meet with elementary school counselors or staff. More generally, effective and developmentally appropriate middle schools are attuned to all levels of student development: physical, social, emotional, and cognitive. They help students explore their sense of self, their aspirations, and their concerns; they involve students in setting goals, planning, and assessing their own learning; they provide challenging content and appropriate teaching and assessment techniques; they create an environment where individual students have the opportunity to experience themselves as successful; they ensure that teachers and staff are accessible and supportive and serve as positive role models; they create a climate that stimulates student exploration, curiosity, and creativity; they provide a stable, safe environment in which to learn; and, finally, they support ongoing faculty development. Middle schools are invited to integrate these new practices into their programs. But they are also advised to phase out certain existing features. Examples include curricula consisting of separate subjects in which skills are taught and tested in isolation from one another; student assessments that do not take progress into account along with content mastery; tracking of students into rigid ability groups; reliance upon lecturing, rote learning, and drills; use of textbooks and work sheets almost exclusively; and low investment in ongoing faculty and staff development. The role of the middle school is a critical and demanding one; however, it con-

stitutes only one of two important socializing institutions in our society, the other being the family. As early adolescents develop a growing desire for independence and privacy, it is no small task for parents to remain involved in their children’s lives, yet parents are one of the richest resources available to schools, inasmuch as they facilitate student achievement and positive attitudes toward school. Parental involvement tends to decrease as children move through elementary and middle school; however, the involvement of parents in their children’s schooling depends strongly on how the schools seek to involve parents. This is especially true among schools that serve students from low-income, minority families. Collaboration between parents and schools can take many forms. First among these is school-home communication. Even before the first day of middle school, parents should be fully informed of the expectations, rules, and procedures that students will encounter. In particular, the parents need to see how such practices differ from those implemented in elementary school and to understand the varied effects that new demands and roles can have on students. When parents are aware of these circumstances and their potential consequences, they can be more supportive and understanding toward their children throughout the adjustment period, which may initially include a slight decline in achievement, motivation, and positive attitude toward school. Middle schools have an obligation to keep parents informed about the programs that are available (academic or otherwise) as well as about the students’ achievement, progress, and general well-being. Communication can take the form of letters, telephone calls, conferences, and so on.

Miscarriage Of still greater importance is the timing of such communication. Indeed, it should be ongoing rather than restricted solely to scheduled schoolwide report card periods and parent conferences. Active engagement in learning activities is another form of parental involvement. Parents may not always be able to directly help with homework assignments, but they can certainly monitor their children to ensure that they are spending time doing homework and be aware of the academic expectations placed on their children as well as the quality of their children’s response to those demands. Teachers, in turn, can integrate assignments that require students to share and discuss with their parents the skills and information they are learning at school. Yet another form of parental involvement has to do with the role of parents in school governance and decision making. Parent associations and committees can be instrumental in advancing general schoolwide improvement, supporting academic and extracurricular activities, and handling concerns and problems regarding school programs, quality of school life, student behavior and attitudes, and so on. Too often the prevailing view is that teachers and principals take care of what happens at school, whereas parents take care of what happens at home. But sustaining links between school and home can be mutually informative and supportive as well as promote relationships based on trust and respect. The world of ten- to fourteen-year-olds is filled with increasing newness and complexity that can be both exciting and distressing. However, if the middle schools they attend are attuned to their abilities and needs, and if they actively

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encourage and guide parental involvement, these early adolescents can experience continuity, consistency, and a sense of stability amid all the ongoing change and increasing pressure confronting them. Imma De Stefanis See also Conformity; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Private Schools; School, Functions of; School Transitions; Schools, Single-Sex; Teachers References and further reading Eccles, Jacquelynne, Carol Midgley, Allan Wigfield, and Christy M. Buchanan. 1993. “Development during Adolescence: The Impact of Stage Environment Fit on Young Adolescents’ Experiences in Schools and in Families.” American Psychologist 48, no. 2: 90–101. Hollifield, John H. 1995. “Parent Involvement in Middle Schools.” Principal 74, no. 3: 14–16. National Middle School Association. 1995. This We Believe: Developmentally Responsive Middle-Level Schools. Columbus, OH: National Middle School Association. Scales, Peter C. 1991. A Portrait of Young Adolescents in the 1990s: Implications for Promoting Health Growth and Development. Minneapolis: Search Institute/Center for Early Adolescence. Wigfield, Carol, and Jacquelynne Eccles. 1994. “Children’s Competence Beliefs, Achievement Values, and General SelfEsteem: Change across Elementary School and Middle School.” Journal of Early Adolescence 14, no. 2: 107–138.

Miscarriage A miscarriage is sometimes called a spontaneous abortion. It is the loss of a fetus from natural causes before the twentieth week of pregnancy (the average duration of pregnancy is forty weeks). About 85 percent of miscarriages occur in the first twelve weeks of pregnancy and about 20 percent of all pregnancies

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A miscarriage is the loss of a fetus from natural causes before the twentieth week of pregnancy. (Alan Towse; Ecoscene/Corbis)

are miscarried (Berkow, 1997, p. 1150). Sometimes an adolescent’s menstrual period is late and then some bleeding occurs. In some instances this is actually a very early miscarriage. The most common symptom of a miscarriage is vaginal bleeding. About 20 percent of all women who know they are pregnant have some vaginal bleeding during the early part of pregnancy. About half the time, this results in miscarriage. The rest of the time the bleeding stops and the pregnancy continues. Abdominal cramping may also occur because of contractions of the uterus of the kind that happen during labor (caused by the release of hormones). These contractions may result in a miscarriage—the expulsion of the fetus and placenta (afterbirth).

Many times an ultrasound of the fetus is used to tell if the fetus is still alive. Fetal death leads to miscarriage. In some miscarriages the fetus and the afterbirth may be completely discharged from the uterus, in which case nothing further need be done. If they are not discharged or only incompletely discharged, then the fetal parts or placenta that remain must be removed. This is usually done through the vagina by using suctioning of the contents of the uterus of the kind commonly done in an induced abortion. The teenager rarely has to stay overnight in a hospital for this procedure. There is no effective medical treatment to prevent a person who is pregnant and bleeding or cramping from having a miscarriage. Bed rest is usually advised. Hor-

Moral Development mone treatment (progesterone) has not proved effective and in some instances may be harmful to a fetus who survives (since it can result in abnormal genital development). Effective prevention measures include obtaining early prenatal care, which most teenagers fail to do, and using contraception (which prevents pregnancy if used correctly). Prenatal care among adolescents is commonly put off until the third missed period or later, which places both mother and fetus at risk for complications of pregnancy, including miscarriage. Adolescents who delay prenatal care usually do so because of denial or fear of confronting their parents with the pregnancy. Some sex education programs in schools provide information to adolescents about where to obtain care confidentially. Services at family planning clinics are also available to the adolescent, in most cases without parental consent. Of course, the most beneficial situation for the adolescent is to confide in parents early so that appropriate steps for the care of the mother and the fetus can be taken. Other risk factors for miscarriage include a history of previous miscarriage, certain chronic diseases such as diabetes, infectious diseases such as hepatitis, high blood pressure, kidney disease, substance abuse, and some immune disorders such as lupus. Some women have problems with their uterus, such as an underdeveloped uterus or a double uterus. In some instances the cervix (the part of the uterus that opens into the vagina) is weak and allows the fetus to fall out of the uterus. In some cases this weakness can be treated. Most of the time, a miscarriage is the result of chromosome abnormality of the fetus. The abnormality is so severe in these cases that the fetus was not meant to survive.

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A miscarriage usually results in significant depression, even if the pregnancy was not planned. A miscarriage may suggest that the adolescent is not competent to bear a child, and this may be very upsetting to a young woman. Some adolescents wrongly feel that a miscarriage might be their fault, especially if they did not want to be pregnant. After a miscarriage, there is a slight increase in the risk of having subsequent miscarriages, but most women are able to have successful pregnancies (Merck, 1997). Counseling is essential for any young woman who has experienced a miscarriage. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Abortion; Coping; Counseling; Sadness; Services for Adolescents References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories. Boston Women’s Health Collective. 1998. Our Bodies, Ourselves for the New Century. New York: Simon and Schuster. Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House.

Moral Development Research in moral development has focused primarily upon two relatively simple questions: How do children decide what is “fair” and what is “right,” and Do children, adolescents, and adults differ from one another in the way that they make such judgments? Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory of moral development has thus far provided the most comprehensive response to such questions. His theory suggests that the moral reasoning of children is different in important

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Adolescence is a period of changes in moral reasoning. (Skjold Photographs)

ways from the reasoning of adolescents and adults, respectively. One of the important reasons for such differences is that children have not yet developed some of the cognitive skills necessary for more sophisticated reasoning. In other words, since younger children tend to have difficulty taking the perspective of others while simultaneously appreciating the consequences of certain actions, their moral judgments are limited and tend to be based on less sophisticated reasoning (Piaget, 1932, 1936; Kohlberg, 1969). Kohlberg was heavily influenced by Jean Piaget’s (1936) theory of cognitive development and by his ideas regarding moral development. Piaget’s theory of cognitive development described how children move from an egocentric stage

in which they cannot assume the perspectives of others to a stage in which they are capable of more logical, flexible, and organized thought. During this latter stage, Piaget argued, children begin to be able to focus on several aspects of a problem at once and to understand reversibility and reciprocity; and by around eleven years of age, more abstract thought processes emerge. Piaget’s (1932) early work on children’s moral judgment built upon his basic theory of cognitive development. Specifically, Piaget suggested that children move through two broad stages of moral understanding: “heteronomous” morality, which involves respect for rules, and “autonomous” morality, which involves respect for the persons who make the rules. In other words, children at earlier

Moral Development stages of development submit to regulation by others and to rules whose reason is external to their understanding, but as they mature their judgments come to be based upon more internal principles. Extending Piaget’s notion that individual moral reasoning becomes more autonomous with maturity, Kohlberg (1969) developed a six-stage model that describes the development of moral reasoning through adolescence and into adulthood. Kohlberg’s six moral stages are grouped into three major levels: the preconventional (Stages 1 and 2), the conventional (Stages 3 and 4), and the postconventional (Stages 5 and 6). These stages progress from a rather egocentric morality to a more socially oriented one. Those operating at the preconventional level tend to judge the “goodness” of an action on the basis of its consequences. In other words, they view the “good” action to be the one that enables them to avoid punishment and to satisfy their own needs (Kohlberg, 1969). This first level primarily characterizes the moral reasoning of children, although it also applies to some adolescents and adult criminal offenders. During preadolescence, most individuals move into the conventional level of moral reasoning, becoming less selfinterested and more concerned with conforming to the fixed rules of society. In making moral judgments, the “conventional” individual is guided by the notion that the rules, expectations, and norms of authority and of society should be upheld. In the first stage of this level (Stage 3), “good behavior” is equated with that which pleases and is approved by others, whereas the focus in the second stage (Stage 4) shifts to what Kohlberg described as a “law and order” orientation. In this second stage, the

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“right” behavior consists of doing one’s duty, showing respect for authority, and maintaining the given social order for its own sake. At Kohlberg’s highest level of moral reasoning, the postconventional or principled level, the individual comes to recognize that what is “moral” cannot always be equated with what is legal or socially accepted, and, indeed, that the two often conflict. In the earlier stage of this level (Stage 5), individuals accept that a rigid adherence to the law is not always best, and that the law should, in some instances, be changed in the interest of social utility. In simplest terms, the philosophy of Stage 5 might be “the greatest good for the greatest number.” Finally, Stage 6 has been termed the stage of universal ethical principles, inasmuch as individuals at this stage make moral judgments on the basis of self-chosen ethical principles that they believe best promote “universal justice.” Thus, the person at Stage 6 focuses on broader, more abstract principles such as universality, consistency, and the equality of human rights in making moral judgments and recognizes that the value of the law lies in its ability to promote higher principles. It follows, then, that in cases where the law violates these higher principles, the person at Stage 6 acts in accordance with “principles” and rejects the law. Research has found, however, that most adults fail to reach this level, remaining instead in either Stage 3 or Stage 4 (Snarey, 1985). Thus, Kohlberg’s stages, like Piaget’s, assume that moral development progresses from judgments that equate convention with morality to judgments that view convention as subordinate to higher moral principles. This progression is particularly apparent if one con-

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siders Kohlberg’s levels of moral reasoning as three different types of relationships between the self, on the one hand, and society’s rules and expectations, on the other. For example, those at the preconventional level view rules and social expectations as something external to the self, to which they must adhere simply in order to avoid punishment. Those at the conventional level, by contrast, follow society’s rules and conventions out of concern for the welfare of others and out of loyalty to other people and/or authority. And, finally, those at the postconventional or principled level differentiate morality from the rules and expectations of others, defining it in terms of self-constructed principles that are believed to best promote “universal justice.” Through a description of his teaching experiences with a group of seventh graders, Robert Kegan (1982) provides a particularly good example not only of the limitations of children’s moral reasoning at the earliest stages but also of how such limitations are tied to children’s cognitive skills in much the same way that Kohlberg’s theory suggests. Kegan describes having told his class a story in which a group of children are choosing sides for a baseball game. In this story, a boy named “Marty” is always chosen last and forced to play in the outfield. This is humiliating for Marty, and, as luck would have it, when the ball finally does come his way, he misses it and costs his side the game. Each time this happens, his teammates ridicule him and leave him feeling very badly about himself. Then, a new kid appears one day, and he is even more awkward than Marty. When the sides are chosen for the game, this new kid, not Marty, is chosen last. Much the same thing happens to

this new kid: When the ball comes his way, he misses. And when the game is over, the teammates begin to ridicule him just as they had ridiculed Marty— except that Marty is the one who begins and leads such teasing. When Kegan (1982, p. 47) asked his twelve-year-old students to describe the moral of this story, their answers were largely as follows: “The story is saying that people may be mean to you and push you down and make you feel crummy and stuff, but it’s saying things aren’t really all that bad because eventually you’ll get your chance to push someone else down and then you’ll be on top.” Kohlberg’s theory helps us to understand both the immaturity and the sophistication of such a response. Although its immaturity is initially more striking to the listener, the response does suggest the beginnings of moral understanding (Kegan, 1982). The children are clearly trying to decide what is “fair,” and they are basing their judgment on an understanding of reciprocity. This capacity for reciprocity is a developmental milestone, yet the overall judgment of these children is characteristic of Kohlberg’s conventional level of moral reasoning because they are unable to integrate their understanding of reciprocity into an appreciation of the perspective of the “other.” These children simply cannot yet take the viewpoints of “Marty” and the “new kid” simultaneously. As a consequence, they fail to recognize that Marty, more than anyone, should have understood how the new kid felt and objected to such treatment. In short, Kohlberg suggests that moral development very closely mirrors cognitive development. His theory explicitly proposes that a basic shift in cognitive structure is required if a person is to move from one stage to another. Thus, each

Moral Development stage presupposes the understanding gained at previous stages and represents a more advanced underlying thought structure. If children develop and change their notion of what is just, they do so always in the direction of Stage 2 to Stage 3, never the reverse (Kegan, 1982). In other words, children who reason at Stage 2 will prefer a Stage 3 solution to a given conflict if it is explained to them in a way they can understand (Kegan, 1982). However, children at Stage 3 already understand the Stage 2 solution and do not prefer it (Kegan, 1982; Rest, 1979). A considerable body of research provides evidence that individuals do move through these stages in the order in which Kohlberg suggests (Colby et al., 1983; Walker and Taylor, 1991). Cultural Differences in Moral Development Although Kohlberg initially claimed that his proposed stages were “culturally universal,” psychologists have since discovered that the rate and level of moral development attained vary considerably among distinct social groups. Cross-sectional data from five societies (Kohlberg, 1969) as well as longitudinal data from Turkey indicate that whereas children throughout the world appear to pass through Kohlberg’s earliest stages of moral reasoning, those from isolated peasant villages fail to reach his higher stages. Similar findings apply to Western society: Although only a minority of adults from either class attain the “postconventional” level, middle-class adults tend to attain higher levels than workingclass adults—a result that holds true even when IQ and educational level are held constant (Gibbs and Liebermann, 1983). A social class difference favoring the middle class has also been found in a

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study investigating the rate of children’s progression through the stages (Gibbs and Liebermann, 1983). Two distinct reasons for such differences in moral development have been set forth in the literature. First, the opportunities for social perspective taking and dialogue vary across social classes and in distinct cultures, and such variability contributes to the differences in moral reasoning noted. For example, Bindu Parikh (1980) and Lawrence Walker and John Taylor (1991) have found that the disposition of parents to allow or encourage dialogue on value issues is one of the clearest determinants of moral-stage advancement in children. Their findings suggest that mutuality of role taking between parent and child facilitates the development of the child’s higher moral reasoning by providing the child with more opportunities to take on the social perspectives of others. Such research strongly supports Kohlberg’s assertion that individuals develop moral reasoning through their “opportunities” for “role taking,” and it is in providing such opportunities that parents influence the rate and level of moral development attained by the child. Indeed, Kohlberg (1969, p. 398) equates role taking with the ability to communicate and take on the role of the other, stating that “principles of justice are themselves essentially principles of role-taking.” An alternative explanation of the differences noted in moral development across social groups has been set forth by cultural psychologists who suggest that the cultural differences in moral development noted in Kohlberg’s research may be indicative of something more than developmental delay (Miller, 1994; Shweder, Mahapatra, and Miller, 1987). That is, distinct cultural and socio-

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economic groups may well adhere to principles that are distinct from those proposed by Kohlberg and, in turn, may use moral reasoning that does not fit with the structures that Kohlberg set forth. Cultural psychologists have proposed that children’s cognitive and moral development is shaped by the everyday practices of their cultural groups. Thus, differences in moral development do not reflect deficits within distinct communities so much as point to the problem that comes with assuming that all children “construct” their world in much the same manner. In short, although Kohlberg’s stages of moral development may be descriptive of upper-middle-class Western individuals, they do not necessarily reflect the moral development of other social groups that prioritize and teach distinct values to their children. Gender Differences in Moral Development In addition to the cross-cultural differences in moral development evidenced by research employing Kohlberg’s scale, a gender discrepancy favoring men has been noted in the literature (Gilligan, 1982; but see also Brabeck, 1983, 1996). Some researchers claim that women typically fail to achieve Kohlberg’s higher stages, and that their judgments generally fall within Kohlberg’s Stage 3, which conceives morality in interpersonal terms and equates goodness with helping and pleasing others. In response to this argument, Carol Gilligan asserts that the problem lies not in women but, rather, in the scale that has been used to measure moral development. Her suggestion is that women have a different mode of thinking about morality that is represented inadequately—indeed, misrepresented—by Kohlberg’s theory (Gilligan, 1982).

Gilligan (1977, 1982) further argues that a gender bias is inherent in Kohlberg’s “justice” orientation. Noting that no females were even considered in the research from which Kohlberg derived his theory (Gilligan, 1982), Gilligan points to the fact that Kohlberg’s six stages of moral development were based empirically on a study of eighty-four boys whose development Kohlberg followed for a period of over twenty years. In defining justice as the central feature of the moral domain, then, Kohlberg fails to account for women’s orientation toward “care” and “responsibility to others.” As Gilligan (1982) puts it, to understand women’s development, one must move away from a system that focuses exclusively upon an “ethic of justice” to one that incorporates an “ethic of care.” In this context, Gilligan points to differences in socialization between the sexes and suggests that such distinctions have important implications for moral development, which Kohlberg has failed to address. She stresses that whereas men are socialized to value separation, autonomy, and natural rights, women are taught the importance of attachment, relationships, and responsibility. Her argument is that if women conceptualize moral problems as arising from conflicting responsibilities rather than competing rights, they are inevitably misrepresented by Kohlberg’s measure of moral development, which holds the rights of the individual above the responsibilities that one has to another. In short, Gilligan (1982) claims that what is actually a problem in theory becomes a “problem in women’s development.” Although many studies have tested and refuted Gilligan’s claim that Kohlberg’s approach underestimates the moral maturity of females (Brabeck, 1983; Walker and Tay-

Mothers and Adolescents lor, 1991), her argument raises an important issue by pointing to the extent to which Kohlberg prioritizes justice above other values. Like the argument set forth by cultural psychologists regarding crosscultural differences, Gilligan’s (1982) work suggests that there may be qualitatively different but equally valid moral codes that differ in important ways from Kohlberg’s model. Thus, although Kohlberg’s theory is the most influential approach to moral development to date, it may represent a culturally specific rather than universal way of thinking. This issue, a controversial one within the literature on moral development, continues to generate considerable research. Dita G. Andersson See also Child-Rearing Styles; Cognitive Development; Conflict and Stress; Conflict Resolution; Decision Making; Identity; Political Development; Self References and further reading Brabeck, Mary. 1983. “Moral Judgment: Theory and Research on Differences between Males and Females.” Developmental Review 3: 274–291. ———. 1996. “The Moral Self, Values, and Circles of Belonging.” Pp. 145–165 in Women’s Ethnicities: Journeys through Psychology. Edited by K. Wyche and F. Crosby. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Colby, Anne, Lawrence Kohlberg, John Gibbs, and Marcus Liebermann. 1983. “A Longitudinal Study of Moral Judgment.” Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development 48 (issues 1–2, serial no. 200). Gibbs, John, and Marcus Liebermann. 1983. “A Longitudinal Study of Moral Judgment.” Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development 48: 1–124. Gilligan, Carol. 1977. “In a Different Voice: Women’s Conceptions of Self and of Morality.” Harvard Educational Review 47: 481–517. ———. 1982. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s

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Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Kegan, Robert. 1982. The Evolving Self: Problem and Process in Human Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Kohlberg, Lawrence. 1969. “Stage and Sequence: The CognitiveDevelopmental Approach to Socialization.” Pp. 347–481 in Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research. Edited by D. Goslin. Chicago: Rand McNally. Miller, Joan. 1994. “Cultural Diversity in the Morality of Caring: Individually Oriented versus Duty-Based Interpersonal Moral Codes.” CrossCultural Research 28: 3–39. Parikh, Bindu. 1980. “The Development of Moral Judgment and Its Relation to Family Environmental Factors in Indian and American Families.” Child Development 51: 1030–1039. Piaget, Jean. 1932. The Moral Judgment of the Child. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books. (Reprinted in 1965.) ———. 1936. The Origins of Intelligence in Children. New York: International Universities Press. (Reprinted in 1952.) Rest, James. 1979. Development in Judging Moral Issues. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Shweder, Richard, M. Mahapatra, and Joan Miller. 1987. “Culture and Moral Development in India and the United States.” Pp. 1–90 in The Emergence of Morality in Young Children. Edited by Jerome Kagan and Sharon Lamb. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Snarey, John. 1985. “Cross-Cultural Universality of Social-Moral Development: A Critical Review of Kohlbergian Research.” Psychological Bulletin 97: 202–232. Walker, Lawrence, and John Taylor. 1991. “Family Interactions and the Development of Moral Reasoning.” Child Development 62: 264–283.

Mothers and Adolescents The period of adolescence is one in which significant changes in physiological, psychological, and social aspects of development occur. For instance, adolescents are

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For most adolescents, mothers (and fathers) remain important and positive figures in their lives. (Skjold Photographs)

faced with the biological changes that accompany puberty, new challenges involving school transitions and achievement during middle and high school, increasing independence from parents, and, subsequently, changing adolescentparent relations. Indeed, various changes in both the quantity and quality of the

adolescent-parent relationship—such as the amount of time spent together, negotiations regarding supervision, activities, and decision making in general—affect virtually all adolescents and their parents during this developing period. For children and their parents, adolescence can be a time of both anxiety and excitement,

Mothers and Adolescents happiness and conflict, discovery and bewilderment—a time of breaking away from past childhood years and yet continuing some childlike behaviors. Because of these changes, a considerable amount of attention has been directed to adolescent-parent relations and to the influence of the family on development during the adolescent period. For example, research has shown that families with adolescents are likely to be less cohesive and more chaotic than families with either younger or older children. Moreover, adolescents today tend to spend less time with their parents than did adolescents in earlier years— largely because youth are now more pressured to achieve independence from parents during this period. These gains in autonomy can alter the adolescent-parent relationship, often in ways that heighten family conflict. Much of the research on adolescentparent relationships focuses on adolescents and mothers—in part, because mothers still spend the most time with their children, despite the fact that increasing numbers of mothers are working outside the home. Some studies have shown that, throughout puberty, warmth and involvement between mothers and sons decline and conflict increases—that is, until the boys pass through puberty, after which conflict decreases. Acting-out and noncompliant behaviors also increase. These tendencies are not evident among pubertal girls, even though mothers become less involved and monitor their daughters’ behaviors less effectively as they progress through puberty. Similar results have been reported in other studies, indicating that pubertal development is indeed associated with increased conflict and tension, less effective discipline

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and control, and decreased warmth and involvement by parents. Why do conflict and tension increase between adolescents and their mothers during this period? One possible explanation points to the multiple life changes that adolescents are undergoing and the consequent adjustments that parents must make. Single Mothers Given the 50 percent divorce rate in this country, it is estimated that the majority of all American youth born in the 1990s will spend some amount of time in a single-parent family before the age of sixteen years (Furstenberg and Cherlin, 1991). In addition, approximately 25 percent of American children are born to nonmarried women (Grych and Fincham, 1999), resulting in a staggering number of youth in single-parent families. In 1991, almost 29 percent of all families in the United States were single-parent families, a sharp increase from only 9 percent in 1960. The overwhelming majority of all single-parent homes—approximately 90 percent—are homes without a father (Schmittroth, 1994). Therefore, most children in single-parent families are living in homes where the mother is primarily, if not solely, responsible for the overall well-being of the household. Single mothers are faced with a host of challenges, including financial pressures and adolescent supervision and discipline— challenges that can be especially harsh if the mothers lack access to support from friends or family. What is the impact for adolescents growing up in a home without a father? It is difficult to answer this question concretely because of the many factors involved in the adjustment of adolescents to their fathers’ absence. One such

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factor may be the presence of a “father figure” (e.g., an uncle, older brother, or coach) in the adolescent’s life; another may be the quality of the relationship between the adolescent and his or her mother; still another may have to do with the reason for the father’s absence, such as divorce or death. In general, however, research suggests that boys are more likely than girls to have difficulty when a father is not present: Compared to girls in the same situation, they tend to be more impulsive, to perform lower in school, and to exhibit poorer relations with their peers. It has been suggested that father absence has a greater impact on sons than on daughters because the boys lack a same-sex role model with whom to identify, making adjustment more difficult for them. The effects of father absence on girls have been studied less, but one general finding is that adolescent girls experience anxiety and difficulty relating to males when a father is not present in their lives. Mother absence, on the other hand, seems to have a more dramatic effect on girls. Girls in father-custody families are reported to be less feminine, less independent, and more demanding than girls whose mothers are present. It is critical to remember, however, that even though many factors affect the ways in which adolescents adjust to the absence of a parent, whether mother or father, the majority of adolescents make a successful adjustment to living in a single-parent home. Working Mothers Partly as a consequence of the growing number of single-mother families and, therefore, of the greater role played by single mothers in maintaining responsibility for the financial well-being of the

family, the participation of women in the U.S. workforce has increased considerably. In 1997, women accounted for 46 percent of the workforce. Specifically, in that year more than 78 percent of mothers with children between the ages of six and seventeen were employed. The number of women in the workforce is expected to grow even further over the next fifteen years. Because of the increasing numbers of mothers now working, a great deal of research has taken up the question of how mothers’ employment affects adolescents. Many studies, for instance, have examined how working mothers influence their adolescents’ career and educational goals. Although some of these studies conclude that the educational and career aspirations of adolescents are not associated with having an employed mother, many more investigations suggest the contrary. For example, higher educational aspirations have been found among college females with employed mothers than among those with nonemployed mothers. Among females attending college to pursue traditionally male-dominated occupations, more had working mothers than did those pursuing traditionally feminine occupations. Daughters with working mothers received higher grades in college and more often aspired to work outside the home. Adolescent females with employed mothers have less-stereotyped ideas regarding female roles and are more willing to consider nontraditional roles for themselves. And, finally, maternal occupational level has been associated with adolescent outcomes. For example, ninth-grade adolescents whose mothers work in professional-level occupations tend to earn higher grade-point averages than those whose mothers work in lowerlevel occupations.

Motivation, Intrinsic Mothers’ Education Another important factor related to adolescent development is mothers’ education level. Higher maternal education is associated with adolescent daughters’ higher educational aspirations, a greater knowledge of occupations, more nontraditional courses taken in high school, and a greater likelihood of working during high school. Both the sons and the daughters of mothers who have attained higher levels of education are more likely to attend and complete college. And higher levels of maternal education are associated with higher occupational aspirations among daughters. Of course, many other factors can also affect adolescent outcomes. For example, family socioeconomic status, parental attitudes toward employment, the degree of work and home stress experienced by mothers, fathers’ involvement in childcare and household tasks, and the number of children in the home may influence the family environment and, consequently, adolescents’ development. Overall, however, the most important conclusion is that satisfied and happy mothers interact more positively with their children than those who are not satisfied. Indeed, sensitive and warm mothering has the most significant impact on children’s development and well-being. Domini R. Castellino See also Child-Rearing Styles; Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships; Maternal Employment: Historical Changes; Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents; ParentAdolescent Relations; Parental Monitoring; Parenting Styles References and further reading Furstenberg, F. F., and A. J. Cherlin. 1991. Divided Families: What Happens to

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Children When Parents Part. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Grych, J. H., and F. D. Fincham. 1999. “Children of Single Parents and Divorce.” Pp. 321–341 in Developmental Issues in the Clinical Treatment of Children. Edited by W. K. Silverman and T. H. Ollendick. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Keidel, K. C. 1970. “Maternal Employment and Ninth Grade Achievement in Bismarck, North Dakota. Family Coordinator 19: 95–97. Schmittroth, L., ed. 1994. Statistical Record of Children. Detroit: Gale Research.

Motivation, Intrinsic Motivation concerns actions undertaken toward particular goals. When individuals are strongly motivated, they typically find themselves enthusiastically pursuing certain activities. On the other hand, activities that are undertaken when individuals have low motivation are generally more difficult to participate in. Motivation to succeed in school is of great importance in adolescence. Adolescents’ future lives are often strongly shaped by the choices made during these years. For example, choosing to complete high school and enter college will produce a far greater range of opportunities than failing to complete a high school education. Because of the enormous importance of decisions that young people make during these years, motivation is of critical importance. Whereas there are several types of motivation that concern academic achievement, such as developing a sense of self-worth, striving to compete with a standard of excellence, expecting and valuing certain goals and activities, or understanding the causes of one’s own successes or failures, intrinsic motivation is particularly salient for students’ academic success. Specifically,

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Motivation, Intrinsic

Adolescents’ future lives are often strongly shaped by the choices made during their teenage years. (Skjold Photographs)

intrinsic motivation concerns enjoyment of learning involving curiosity, persistence, and the desire to learn challenging tasks. Students who are intrinsically motivated enjoy their involvement in these learning activities without expecting to receive external rewards such as prizes. These individuals desire to master their pursuits. Intrinsic motivation that is geared specifically toward school learning, termed academic intrinsic motivation, is measured with a self-report instrument called the Children’s Academic Intrinsic Motivation Inventory (CAIMI). Three versions of the CAIMI have been developed, which together span across the school years. The CAIMI was first developed for students in the upper elemen-

tary through the middle school years. Two additional versions were developed to measure academic intrinsic motivation in younger and older students. The Young-CAIMI (YCAIMI) is for young elementary school children, and for high school students the CAIMI-HS (High School) version was developed. Specific subject areas distinguish academic intrinsic motivation. For example, individuals who are highly motivated in English may not be highly motivated in math, and vice versa. Research has found that intrinsic motivation is distinguished into reading/English, math, social studies/history, and science. Students also experience motivation for school in general. Within each subject area, students who have a stronger enjoyment of learn-

Motivation, Intrinsic ing tend to be more competent in school performance. Those with higher intrinsic motivation have higher report card grades and higher achievement test scores. Their teachers also view them as more highly intrinsically motivated. Such students are also more likely to view themselves as more competent and less likely to be anxious about their school performance. These relationships between academic intrinsic motivation and school performance have been found throughout adolescence, and they have beginnings extending back to elementary school. Moreover, the link between academic intrinsic motivation and school performance is valid across the grades, for girls and boys, and for children of different ethnicities. Children and adolescents with higher intellectual abilities tend to be those who are more intrinsically motivated as well. Intrinsic Motivation Trends across Adolescence There have been some recently obtained trends about the course of academic intrinsic motivation across adolescence. Academic intrinsic motivation tends to become quite stable and predictable over these years. In terms of the adolescent, the intrinsic motivation with which they enter their teenage years tends to remain similar throughout that period. If adolescents are strong in academic intrinsic motivation compared to their peers, they are likely to remain consistently higher than their peers. Conversely, if adolescents have weak academic intrinsic motivation compared to their peers, they are likely to have lower motivation throughout adolescence. Because academic intrinsic motivation is related to school achievement and performance, and because academic intrinsic motivation

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becomes increasingly stable over the adolescent years, adolescents with relatively stronger academic intrinsic motivation would be expected to be more competent in their school performance throughout this period; likewise, those who have relatively weaker academic intrinsic motivation would be expected to be less academically competent across this period. Therefore, adolescents’ academic intrinsic motivation must be as strong as possible when entering this period. This is especially important since the choices, such as course decisions, that adolescents make are likely to be based in part upon their intrinsic motivation. Further, adolescents are likely to become more knowledgeable about their preferences, successes, and areas that interest them most, and intrinsic motivation is likely to be an influence in these. These findings indicate the incredible importance of providing experiences to encourage adolescents’ intrinsic motivation. Parents, teachers, counselors, and peers may all be expected to play important roles in providing the environment that will encourage or discourage such motivation. A second and alarming trend is the decline of intrinsic motivation across the adolescent years. Consistently across many studies, findings have shown that as children progress across these years, their enjoyment of learning, curiosity, and desire for challenge decreases. This process begins as early as the upper elementary school years and continues through high school. Particular subject areas provide different declining trends. Intrinsic motivation for math declines most steeply, followed by intrinsic motivation for science, reading/English, and finally for school in general. On the other hand, intrinsic motivation for social studies/history shows no decline at all. To

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what are these differences due? Perhaps the difficulty of the subject areas plays a role. If students perceive great difficulty in a subject area, such as math, they may lose their intrinsic motivation for that area. Further, if students feel less capable in a particular subject area, or if they feel that they have little control or choice over the subject matter or assignments, their sense of intrinsic motivation may suffer. Alternatively, a subject area such as social studies/history may provide more room for choice, which may contribute to the absence of decline in intrinsic motivation across adolescence. There is a point at which the decline in academic intrinsic motivation ends. From ages sixteen to seventeen, near the end of high school, the drop in intrinsic motivation ceases and motivation even increases slightly. With high school graduation near, and new vistas ahead, such as college or work, intrinsic motivation may prove to become important in charting new paths. Influences on Intrinsic Motivation There are important influences on adolescents’ academic intrinsic motivation. Schools themselves may contribute to a decline in such motivation. For example, in middle and high schools, there may be an increase in peer group competition for which students are more likely to compare their achievement with others. Further, school environments may become increasingly extrinsic in orientation. Grades may become more important to students as they decide upon college applications versus entering the workforce. When students receive external rewards for activities their intrinsic motivation often decreases. If adolescents believe that they are participating in learning primarily to receive the reward, such as grades, they are less likely to appreciate and enjoy

the learning itself. Some rewards, such as praise, are not detrimental to intrinsic motivation. Praise differs from tangible rewards because students’ capability is usually emphasized, thereby supporting their sense of competence. Research has also shown that parents have an important influence on students’ academic intrinsic motivation. For example, academic intrinsic motivation and achievement is higher in children whose parents encourage their curiosity, enjoyment of learning, and active engagement in the learning process. On the other hand, children tend to have lower academic intrinsic motivation and achievement when their parents are more likely to give them extrinsic rewards for successful school performance, such as money or toys, or who withhold external rewards when performance is less adequate, such as removing privileges. Therefore, the type of motivational practices used by parents has a significant effect on their children’s academic intrinsic motivation and their school performance. Another aspect of home environment, the quality of cognitive stimulation, has been shown to be related to adolescents’ intrinsic motivation. Adolescents’ academic intrinsic motivation tends to be stronger when parents provide stimulating activities, such as going to the library, visiting museums, extracurricular lessons, and having discussions in the home. Therefore, to stimulate their adolescents’ intrinsic motivation parents must realize their influence in providing an intellectually stimulating home environment. Intrinsic motivation does not emerge fully developed in adolescence. Childhood provides the foundation. Infants who are more attentive, persistent, and goal directed when engaged in activities become more intrinsically motivated

Motivation, Intrinsic later in childhood. Similarly, children who are more intrinsically motivated as early as first grade are more intrinsically motivated by age nine, and those who are more intrinsically motivated at age nine are more motivated at age seventeen. Therefore, parents and teachers must pay particular attention to encouraging and stimulating children’s interests and opportunities from the earliest ages and thereafter throughout adolescence. Educators can assess academic intrinsic motivation in order to detect and encourage both weak and strong areas. The commitment of students, parents, teachers, counselors, and peers provides the framework to promote enjoyment of learning throughout adolescence. Encouraging intrinsic motivation for learning is one of the most important gifts of adolescence as it will go far to helping our next generation to a higher level of satisfaction and success. Adele Eskeles Gottfried See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Homework; School Engagement; Thinking References and further reading Anderman, Eric M., and Martin Maehr. 1994. “Motivation and Schooling in the Middle Grades.” Review of Educational Research 64: 287–309. Gottfried, Adele E. 1985. “Academic Intrinsic Motivation in Elementary and

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Junior High School Students. Journal of Educational Psychology 77: 631–645. ———. 1986. Children’s Academic Intrinsic Motivation Inventory. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. Gottfried, Adele E., and Allen W. Gottfried. 1996. “A Longitudinal Study of Academic Intrinsic Motivation in Intellectually Gifted Children: Childhood through Early Adolescence.” Gifted Child Quarterly 40: 179–183. Gottfried, Adele E., James S. Fleming, and Allen W. Gottfried. 1994. “Role of Parental Motivational Practices in Children’s Academic Intrinsic Motivation and Achievement.” Journal of Educational Psychology 86: 104–113. ———. 1998. “Role of Cognitively Stimulating Home Environment in Children’s Academic Intrinsic Motivation: A Longitudinal Study.” Child Development 69: 1448–1460. ———. 2001. “Continuity of Academic Intrinsic Motivation from Childhood through Late Adolescence: A Longitudinal Study.” Journal of Educational Psychology 93: 3–13. Lepper, Mark R., Sheena Sethi, Dialdin Dania, and Michael Drake. 1997. “Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation: A Developmental Perspective.” Pp. 23–50 in Developmental Psychopathology: Perspectives on Adjustment, Risk, and Disorder. Edited by Suniya S. Luthar, Jacob A. Burack, Dante Cicchetti, and John Weisz. New York: Cambridge University Press. Stodolsky, Susan, Scott Salk, and Barbara Glaessner. 1991. “Student Views about Learning Math and Social Studies.” American Educational Research Journal 28: 89–116.

ADOLESCENCE IN AMERICA An Encyclopedia

The American Family The six titles that make up The American Family offer a revitalizing new take on U.S. history, surveying current culture from the perspective of the family and incorporating insights from psychology, sociology, and medicine. Each two-volume, A-to-Z encyclopedia features its own advisory board, editorial slant, and apparatus, including illustrations, bibliography, and index.

Adolescence in America edited by Jacqueline V. Lerner, Boston College, and Richard M. Lerner, Tufts University; Jordan W. Finkelstein, Pennsylvania State University, Advisory Editor

Boyhood in America edited by Priscilla Ferguson Clement, Pennsylvania State University, Delaware County, and Jacqueline S. Reinier, California State University, Sacramento

The Family in America edited by Joseph M. Hawes, University of Memphis, and Elizabeth F. Shores, Little Rock, Arkansas

Girlhood in America edited by Miriam Forman-Brunell, University of Missouri, Kansas City

Infancy in America edited by Alice Sterling Honig, Emerita, Syracuse University; Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Michigan State University; and Holly Brophy-Herb, Michigan State University

Parenthood in America edited by Lawrence Balter, New York University

ADOLESCENCE IN AMERICA An Encyclopedia

Volume 2 N–Y

Jacqueline V. Lerner, editor Boston College

Richard M. Lerner, editor Tufts University

Jordan Finkelstein, advisory editor Pennsylvania State University

Santa Barbara, California Denver, Colorado Oxford, England

Copyright © 2001 by Jacqueline V. Lerner and Richard M. Lerner All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 1-57607-205-3 (hardcover) 1-57607-571-0 (e-book)

06 05 04 03 02 01 00

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 (cloth)

ABC-CLIO, Inc. 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911

This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an e-book. Visit www.abc-clio.com for details.

This book is printed on acid-free paper ∞ Manufactured in the United States of America

About the Editors

Jacqueline V. Lerner is professor of psychology and chair of the Counseling and Developmental Psychology program at Boston College. Richard M. Lerner holds the Bergstrom Chair in Applied and Developmental Science in the Eliot-Pearson Department of Child Development, Tufts University. Jordan Finkelstein is professor of behavioral health, human development, and pediatrics at Pennsylvania State University.

v

Contents

A-to-Z List of Entries

ix

Volume 1: Entries A to M 1 Volume 2: Entries N to Y 465 Bibliography Index 903

827

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A-to-Z List of Entries

VOLUME 1, A–M

Autonomy

B

A

Body Build Body Fat, Changes in Body Hair Body Image Bullying Bumps in the Road to Adulthood

Abortion Abstinence Academic Achievement Academic Self-Evaluation Accidents Acne Adoption: Exploration and Search Adoption: Issues and Concerns African American Adolescents, Identity in African American Adolescents, Research on African American Male Adolescents Aggression Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in Alcohol Use, Trends in Allowance Anemia Anxiety Appearance, Cultural Factors in Appearance Management Apprenticeships The Arts Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Attractiveness, Physical

C Cancer in Childhood and Adolescence Career Development Cheating, Academic Chicana/o Adolescents Child-Rearing Styles Children of Alcoholics Chores Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence Cigarette Smoking Cliques Cognitive Development College Computer Hacking Computers Conduct Problems Conflict and Stress Conflict Resolution Conformity Contraception Coping Counseling Cults

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x

A-to-Z List of Entries

D

Freedom

Dating Dating Infidelity Decision Making Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems Delinquency, Trends in Dental Health Depression Developmental Assets Developmental Challenges Diabetes Discipline Disorders, Psychological and Social Divorce Down Syndrome Drug Abuse Prevention Dyslexia

G

E Eating Problems Emancipated Minors Emotional Abuse Emotions Empathy Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences Environmental Health Issues Ethnic Identity Ethnocentrism

F Family Composition: Realities and Myths Family Relations Family-School Involvement Fathers and Adolescents Fears Female Athlete Triad Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors

Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and SexualMinority Youth Gender Differences Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development Gifted and Talented Youth Gonorrhea Grandparents: Intergenerational Relationships

H Health Promotion Health Services for Adolescents High School Equivalency Degree Higher Education HIV/AIDS Homeless Youth Homework

I Identity Inhalants Intelligence Intelligence Tests Intervention Programs for Adolescents

J Juvenile Crime Juvenile Justice System

L Latina/o Adolescents Learning Disabilities Learning Styles and Accommodations

A-to-Z List of Entries Loneliness Lore Love

M Maternal Employment: Historical Changes Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents Media Memory Menarche Menstrual Cycle Menstrual Dysfunction Menstruation Mental Retardation, Siblings with Mentoring and Youth Development Middle Schools Miscarriage Moral Development Mothers and Adolescents Motivation, Intrinsic

VOLUME 2: N–Y

N Native American Adolescents Neglect Nutrition

P Parent-Adolescent Relations Parental Monitoring Parenting Styles Peer Groups Peer Pressure Peer Status Peer Victimization in School

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Personal Fable Personality Physical Abuse Political Development Poverty Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent Private Schools Programs for Adolescents Proms Prostitution Psychosomatic Disorders Psychotherapy Puberty: Hormone Changes Puberty: Physical Changes Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes Puberty, Timing of

R Racial Discrimination Rape Rebellion Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems Responsibility for Developmental Tasks Rights of Adolescents Rights of Adolescents in Research Risk Behaviors Risk Perception Rites of Passage Runaways

S Sadness School Dropouts School Engagement School, Functions of School Transitions Schools, Full-Service Schools, Single-Sex Self Self-Consciousness

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A-to-Z List of Entries

Self-Esteem Self-Injury Services for Adolescents Sex Differences Sex Education Sex Roles Sexual Abuse Sexual Behavior Sexual Behavior Problems Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of Sexually Transmitted Diseases Shyness Sibling Conflict Sibling Differences Sibling Relationships Single Parenthood and Low Achievement Social Development Spina Bifida Sports and Adolescents Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control Standardized Tests Steroids Storm and Stress Substance Use and Abuse Suicide

T Teachers Teasing

Teenage Parenting: Childbearing Teenage Parenting: Consequences Television Television, Effects of Temperament Thinking Tracking in American High Schools Transition to Young Adulthood Transitions of Adolescence Twins

V Violence and Aggression Vocational Development Volunteerism

W Welfare White and American: A Matter of Privilege? Why Is There an Adolescence? Work in Adolescence

Y Youth Culture Youth Gangs Youth Outlook

N Native American Adolescents

they live in two worlds: one Indian and one European. They strive to maintain their native culture while trying to fit in with and adapt to the larger society (one that is not very friendly toward them)—a struggle commonly referred to as biculturalism. Several native youth have expressed their difficulty with identity issues by stating that they need role models to show them how to live their life on a day-to-day basis, and to do so successfully (Grand Rapids Youth Groups, 2000). Indeed, as C. Farris (1976, p. 387) notes in writing about the efforts of Indian children to survive in this dual world, “Indian children critically need to have meaningful contact with successful role models who are also Indians and can accurately interpret and teach their mutual tribal heritage.” Unlike generations before them, today’s native teenagers live with their families and attend public, private, charter, or year-round Native American schools. In 1978, Congress passed the Indian Child Welfare Act in order to prevent the removal of native children from their families of origin. Prior to this year, native children could be removed from their families because of poverty or alcoholism and sent to live in boarding schools or non-Indian homes, often hundreds of miles away from their parents. Of the current population of American Indians, estimated at 2 million, 65.6

Today’s Native American adolescents may choose to identify as American Indians, as Indians, as members of their tribe, or simply by their given name. They share many of the same concerns as other groups of teenagers: identity, daily living, teenage pregnancy, alcoholism and substance use, getting a good education, having a good career, having access to youth groups and activities, and having access to positive role models and mentors. In the United States in 1996, there were reportedly 237,000 American Indians between ten and fourteen years of age (120,000 boys and 117,000 girls). Current population figures for 2000 indicate that 17.4 percent of American Indians (418,000) are between the ages of five and thirteen, 8.2 percent (196,000) are between fourteen and seventeen years of age, and 12.6 percent (238,000) are between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four; moreover, all three totals are declining (www.doi.gov/ nrl/StatAbst/Aldemo.pdf). Indeed, American Indians are regarded as the “invisible minority” because of their small presence, in terms of both numbers and percentages. Native American teenagers today struggle with many of the same identity issues that their parents and grandparents confronted in the past. For native teens even the simple question “Who am I?” is made more difficult by the fact that they feel

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Contemporary Native American teenagers struggle with many of the same identity issues that their parents and grandparents confronted in the past. (Miguel Gaudert/Corbis)

percent have a high school education or higher (www.doi.gov/nrl/TribalPop/ pdf). The degrees earned by Native American graduates in the U.S. population break down as follows: 0.9 percent Associates, 0.5 percent Bachelor of Arts, 0.4 percent Master of Arts, 0.3 percent Doctorates, and 0.5 percent First Professional Degrees (www.doi.gov/nrl/ StatAbst/Aleduc.pdf). Education continues to be a main concern among American Indian families because children are seen as the community’s most valuable resource. Government statistics show that 45 percent of first-time mothers in the Native American community are under age twenty, compared to an average of 24 percent in all other races. Moreover, the

infant mortality rate among Native Americans is 30 percent higher than the average rate for all other races, although it has dramatically decreased (by 61 percent) since 1972. The leading causes of infant deaths among Native Americans are sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) and birth defects (www.doi.gov/nrl/ StatAbst/Birth_inf_matern_mort.pdf). Native American adolescents want the general public to know that they are not all alcoholics, substance users, high school dropouts, and aimless teens. They continue to fight many of the same stereotypes and myths that their parents and grandparents fought in past generations. For example, native youth complain that others do not understand their culture. Many of these youth feel left out and lack

Neglect a sense of belonging because of differences in their cultural practices. Native adolescents uphold the principle of diversity; central to their culture is the belief that difference is to be valued, respected, and appreciated. Unfortunately, however, many native male teens have been teased by peers because they have let their hair grow long, honoring an age-old cultural practice. It is not uncommon to hear stories about male adolescents who have cut their hair because of such peer pressure— in an attempt to fit in, to belong. Native teens also want the general public to know that they take pride in their heritage. They are grateful that they can practice their religious and cultural ceremonies without the fear that their ancestors experienced, thanks to passage of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act in 1978. They are trying to better their lives and to make a difference for native adolescents in the future. And they are emphatically fighting the stereotype that they are apathetic, aimless teens with no direction in life and no ambition to make something good of themselves. Indeed, many native youth are actively involved in youth groups, leadership councils, cultural activities that educate others about who they are, theater productions, community presentations, and community sobriety walks in conjunction with powwows. Above all, they are strong, positive role models for the generations to come. As such, they are living proof that “knowing one’s heritage, place of origin, and identity, as well as passing that knowledge from one generation to the next, is a critical form of resistance to racial/cultural oppression and annihilation” (Kawamoto and Cheshire, 1999, p. 98). Le Anne E. Silvey

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See also Ethnic Identity; Identity; Racial Discrimination References and further reading Farris, C. 1976. “Indian Children: The Struggle for Survival.” Social Work 21: 386–389. Grand Rapids Youth Groups. 2000. Nishnabek Youth Leadership Council and People of Our Time. Personal communication (January 25). Kawamoto, Walter T., and Tamara C. Cheshire. 1999. “Contemporary Issues in the Urban American Indian Family.” Pp. 94–104 in Family Ethnicity: Strength in Diversity, 2nd ed. Edited by Harriette P. McAdoo. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Neglect Neglect is the most prevalent form of maltreatment facing American children and adolescents today. According to The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS-3), 879,000 children and adolescents are neglected each year (Sedlak and Broadhurst, 1996). Based on a conservative index established by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, this figure equates to 13.1 acts of neglect per 1,000 children and adolescents. Each year 16.3 percent of all reports to Child Protective Services (CPS) agencies involve youth ages twelve and older (USDHHS, 1997). Yet the NIS-3 study indicates that only 18 percent of all neglect cases are eventually investigated by CPS agencies. This finding implies that adolescent neglect incidents are more likely to be underreported to CPS agencies than other forms of maltreatment or neglect incidents involving younger children. In addition, compared to other forms of maltreatment such as physical and sexual abuse, reports of neglect are less likely to be substantiated once investigated. Adolescent neglect generally falls into three categories: physical, educational,

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Neglect controlled substances, encouraging an adolescent to engage in antisocial behaviors, refusal to provide psychological care, delaying the provision of mental healthcare, and other forms of inattention to an adolescent’s developmental needs (Gelles, 1999). The NIS-3 study found that the highest rates of emotional neglect occur during late childhood and adolescence, between the ages of nine and seventeen. It is important to recognize that many adolescents experience more than one form of maltreatment and that the boundaries between the subcategories of neglect are often blurred.

Adolescent neglect generally falls into three categories: physical, educational, and emotional. (Urban Archives, Philadelphia)

and emotional. Physical neglect is typically defined in terms of refusal to provide healthcare, delay in providing healthcare, abandonment, expulsion of an adolescent from the home, inadequate supervision, failure to meet food and clothing needs, and clear failure to protect an adolescent from hazards. Educational neglect is associated with acts of omission and commission that permit chronic acts of truancy, failure to enroll an adolescent in school, and inattention to individual academic needs. Emotional neglect includes such behaviors as failing to meet the nurturing or affection needs of an adolescent, exposing a minor to severe and chronic spousal abuse, allowing the use of alcohol or other

Potential Contributors to Neglect Adolescent neglect is often associated with risk factors such as stress, social isolation, and involvement with delinquent peers. According to the NIS-3 study, children and adolescents in families with an income under $15,000 per year were twenty-two times more likely to be victims of neglect than children in families with an income over $30,000. The rate of neglect was also significantly higher among children living with a single parent. Nevertheless, most children raised in low-income or single-parent families do not experience neglect, and within low-income communities, families who neglect their children are viewed as deviant (Black and Dubowitz, 1999). Outcomes of Neglect Neglected adolescents have been found to display deficits in cognitive and socialemotional functioning in conjunction with socially withdrawn behavior. For example, research by John Eckenrode and his colleagues (1993) indicates that neglected children and adolescents perform more poorly in school than nonmaltreated children and adolescents. And

Neglect although some neglected youth show signs of passivity and withdrawal, research by Cathy Spatz Widom (1989) suggests that other neglected youth exhibit higher levels of violent behavior compared to abused children. Protective Factors and Interventions Studies indicate that a positive temperament, good intellectual capacity, and flexibility serve as protective factors for at-risk youth. Resilient youth are able to recognize and change undesirable emotions such as fear, anger, and sadness. Moreover, the use of external support systems by adolescents and their families promotes competent functioning in the presence of adversity. Adolescents who have experienced neglect may need interventions centered on overcoming deficits in cognitive, academic, and social skills. Interventions that have been proven to be helpful include (1) special education programs to remedy deficits in cognitive stimulation and motivation to learn, (2) school- or communitybased tutorial programs using professional teachers or volunteers to provide academic assistance and encourage relationships with nurturing adults (e.g., mentoring), and (3) enrichment classes for older children and adolescents designed to develop personal and life skills appropriate to their ages and developmental levels (Gaudin, 1999, p. 227). According to Diane DePanfilis (1999), the “integral ingredients” in all such interventions include helping alliances and partnerships with family members, empowerment of families to cultivate and use their strengths, and a flexible service model to better meet the needs of different families. Indeed, educators, counselors, and parents need to adopt a difference, rather than deficiency, perspective that allows them to be sensitive

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to the many cultural variations intrinsic to the process of rearing children. Adolescent neglect is most readily understood when each youth is examined within the context of the many systems in which she or he is embedded (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Lyscha A. Marcynyszyn John Eckenrode See also Accidents; Child-Rearing Styles; Coping; Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parental Monitoring References and further reading Black, M. M., and Howard Dubowitz. 1999. “Child Neglect: Research Recommendations and Future Directions.” Pp. 261–277 in Neglected Children. Edited by Howard Dubowitz. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. 1979. The Ecology of Human Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. DePanfilis, Diane. 1999. “Intervening with Families When Children Are Neglected.” Pp. 211–236 in Neglected Children. Edited by Howard Dubowitz. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Eckenrode, John, Molly Laird, and John Doris. 1993. “School Performance and Disciplinary Problems among Abused and Neglected Children.” Developmental Psychology 29, no. 1: 53–62. Gaudin, J. M. 1999. “Child Neglect: ShortTerm and Long-Term Outcomes.” Pp. 89–108 in Neglected Children. Edited by Howard Dubowitz. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Gelles, R. J. 1999. “Policy Issues in Child Neglect.” Pp. 278–298 in Neglected Children. Edited by Howard Dubowitz. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Sedlak, Andrea J., and Diane D. Broadhurst. 1996. The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect. Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (USDHHS), Administration on Children, Youth, and Families. 1997. Child Maltreatment 1997: Reports from the States to the National Child Abuse

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and Neglect Data System. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Widom, Cathy S. 1989. “Does Violence Beget Violence? A Critical Examination of the Literature.” Psychological Bulletin 106, no. 1: 3–28.

Nutrition The teenage years comprise a period involving the most rapid growth and physiological maturation since infancy, requiring greatly increased amounts of calories and nutrients. However, the psychological, emotional, and social changes experienced at this time often lead to exploratory and experimental behaviors that, in turn, result in food choices placing teens at risk for poor or less than optimal health during adolescence as well as subsequent adulthood. Specific Nutrient Requirements As noted, the rapid growth and developmental changes of adolescence require significant increases in nutrients. Recommended dietary allowances (RDAs), which reflect current knowledge of nutrient needs, have been established for different gender and age groups. These allowances include a safety factor and are intended as guidelines for optimal nutrition. Energy, in the form of calories, is required to support rapid linear growth and increased lean body mass: Daily calorie recommendations range from 2,200 calories per day for girls between eleven and fourteen to 3,000 calories per day for boys between fifteen and eighteen. At the same time, there is wide variation in the caloric needs of both sexes, depending upon their rate of growth (which may not be apparent until a growth spurt is completed) and physical activity. Protein recommendations, which are based on height and growth rates, range

from 44 grams per day for girls between fifteen and eighteen to 59 grams per day for boys between fifteen and eighteen. Most teens consume considerably more than the RDA for protein; however, in cases where energy intake is inadequate (as when a teen is dieting, chronically ill, or unable to afford sufficient food), protein may be used for energy rather than for growth needs, thereby compromising linear growth and augmentation of lean body mass. Mineral needs increase significantly during adolescence. For example, because almost half of an individual’s skeletal mass is deposited during adolescence, calcium requirements are significantly higher than during childhood. The Recommended Dietary Allowance (RDA) for calcium is 1,300 milligrams for all adolescents. National surveys indicate, however, that average calcium intakes during adolescence are less than two-thirds of this amount. In addition, many teens drink large amounts of soft drinks (comprising up to 15 percent of their total caloric intake), and the increased amounts of phosphorus and caffeine in these beverages may interfere with metabolization of calcium in the body. This, in turn, may affect calcium skeletal deposition and final total bone mass— especially in girls who drink inadequate amounts of milk. Such girls are at greater risk for osteoporosis in later adulthood. Both males and females need extra iron during adolescence to support increased blood volume and increased lean body mass (and, in females, to replenish menstrual losses). Iron recommendations are 12 and 15 milligrams per day for males and females, respectively. However, surveys indicate that 12 percent of boys and 14 percent of girls are iron deficient. The need for most other minerals, as well as

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for vitamins, also surges during adolescence. For example, larger amounts of B vitamins such as thiamine, niacin, and riboflavin are required for the increased energy processes, tissue syntheses, and cell growth characteristic of this period. Physical Changes Puberty is defined, in part, as the orderly growth and development that occur from childhood to adult maturity. Part of this development manifests as linear growth and body composition changes (Spear, 2000, p. 263). Although the pubertal process is sequential and predictable, there is wide variation among individuals in terms of initiation of puberty, rates of growth, and growth completion, with resulting differences in specific indicators such as menarche and growth spurts. Teens gain about 15 percent of their adult height and, as noted, almost half of their adult skeletal mass during adolescent growth. On average, girls attain their adult height at about four and one-half years after menarche (approximately seventeen years of age), and boys, at about twentyone years of age. During this period, teens also gain about one-half of their ideal adult body weight and experience significant body shape and composition changes. Girls tend to gain weight slightly before they achieve gains in height, whereas boys tend to gain weight and height at the same time. As children, girls and boys have similar body proportions of fat and muscle (about 15 percent and 20 percent, respectively). During maturation, however, such proportions change to those of mature adulthood: Girls attain about 23 percent body fat and boys about 15 percent. Psychosocial Changes In addition to the significant physiological changes that occur with physical growth

Healthy growth during adolescence requires greatly increased amounts of calories and nutrients. (Wartenberg/Picture Press/Corbis)

and maturation, adolescents shift from the status of children to more independent adult roles. This transition involves a number of processes and experiences, including experimentation. Most teens test boundaries and try new behaviors— especially eating behaviors. They eat more meals and snacks away from home; family meal patterns and food behaviors may be at least partly replaced by social meals and snacks with peers at fast-food restaurants or shopping malls. Many teens skip meals, especially breakfast. And they often try new food styles such as vegetarianism or diets to lose or gain weight. Busy schedules—with time allocated to school, out-

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side activities such as sports or the arts, and part-time jobs—influence when and where teens eat. Another factor is the amount of money they are able to spend. Fast food and other meals away from home often provide calories and protein but are usually low in nutrients such as vitamins, minerals, and fiber. In addition, fast food tends to be high in calories, fat, sodium, and simple carbohydrates such as sugar, relative to the other nutrients provided. In short, it has low nutrient density. Adolescents typically try new food choices and behaviors and then gradually return to the familiar food patterns of their childhood and families of origin. Other Influences on Adolescent Eating Behaviors Although peers and outside activities affect adolescent eating behaviors, the family food milieu is, for many teens, the strongest influence on their eating habits. Teens raised in families with healthy attitudes toward food are used to making food choices and may thus feel free to experiment with new behaviors and then return to more healthy ones. Ellyn Satter (1987) describes a healthy food relationship as one in which the parent or caretaker provides a reasonably well balanced selection of foods on a regular schedule (i.e., meals and snacks) in a safe and pleasant environment; each family member is then responsible for deciding how much to eat or even whether to eat. Children raised in such a food environment are likely to respond to interior eating cues such as fullness or satiety as a signal to stop eating rather than to exterior cues such as a clean plate. Other components of a positive food environment include healthy attitudes toward body size and shape as well as a moderate approach to

exercise. Parents who obsess about thinness, dieting, or exercise encourage children and teens to adopt similar attitudes and behaviors, just as parents who require that children “learn to like” certain foods or that they “eat their vegetables before having dessert” often end up creating aversions for the very foods they hoped would be consumed. In contrast are those parents who model good food behaviors, present their families with reasonable food choices, and let family members make individual eating choices, thus encouraging their children to accept a wider variety of foods and to attend to internal cues as signals to eat or not to eat. Parents can also influence their family’s eating habits through careful selection of the foods they purchase as well as through healthy food preparation methods. Indeed, since teens tend to prefer foods to which they have been regularly exposed, those who are accustomed to foods prepared with large amounts of fat or sugar will tend to prefer such foods themselves, whereas those whose parents have regularly offered lower-fat food choices and lots of fruits and vegetables will more often make these healthy choices in their own lives. Yet another influence on adolescent eating behaviors is passive recreation. Research indicates that television viewing and computer use are associated with higher-than-normal weight levels among children and teens. Time spent in front of a television or computer screen involves very low energy use, and television viewers, in particular, often simultaneously consume high-calorie snacks. In addition, most food advertisements targeted at youth are for snack foods with high sugar and fat content; studies show that children frequently exposed to such

Nutrition advertising request more of the advertised foods than do children not so frequently exposed. Less is known about how food advertising affects teens, but given that food habits tend to persist over time, it seems logical to assume that early childhood choices for advertised foods could have long-term influences. Surveys of food choices indicate that many American adolescents fail to select the kinds and amounts of foods most desirable for optimal health and growth. (Interestingly, teenage boys are more likely than teenage girls to meet their nutrient and energy recommendations by choosing appropriate kinds and amounts of foods.) The Food Guide Pyramid was created by the U.S. Department of Agriculture as a model to help individuals make healthy food choices. Its daily recommendations include six or more servings of grain products, two or more fruits, three or more vegetables, and two or more servings from milk and meat groups. (Fats and sweets are considered “extras” to be chosen in small amounts.) Teens who choose foods based upon this guide are likely to consume the recommended amounts of nutrients; conversely, those who neglect one or more food groups are likely to have inadequate intakes of specific nutrients. For example, teens who avoid the milk group almost always have low calcium intakes, and those who rarely choose foods in the fruit or vegetable groups tend to have low vitamin and fiber intakes. In fact, teen diets overall are characterized by low levels of selections from milk, vegetable, and whole-grain groups, with resulting low calcium, vitamin, and fiber intakes. A related factor is dental health. Dental caries and gum disease have multiple causes including genetics, diet, and oral

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hygiene. Frequent exposure to sweet or sticky foods increases the risk for caries. Since as much as 80 percent of the average person’s dental decay occurs during adolescence, this age range is a time to choose foods conducive to good dental health such as vegetables, fruits, and dairy products; to continue the use of fluoridated water; and to get regular oral hygiene and dental checkups. Obesity and Eating Disorders The incidence of overweight and obesity among adolescents (as well as adults and children) is increasing at a rapid rate in the United States and other countries. Based on the body mass index (BMI) definition of obesity, data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey show that adolescent obesity increased from to 5.7 percent of adolescents in 1976–1980 to 12 percent of adolescents in 1988–1994, and, more recently, that 21.7 percent of males and 21.4 percent of females are classified as overweight. Obesity is a major concern because of its association with various health and psychosocial risks. Among adolescents it is associated with elevated blood lipid levels and abdominal obesity, which lead to elevated risk for cardiovascular disease in adults; glucose intolerance; noninsulin-dependent diabetes (NIDDM), which is increasing rapidly among children and adolescents (since 1982 its incidence has increased tenfold in Cincinnati) (Dietz, 1998); gallstones; elevated liver enzymes; hypertension; sleep apnea; and orthopedic complications. Possible psychosocial effects of adolescent obesity include negative selfimage, low self-esteem, disturbed body image, and decreased socioeconomic status, educational level, and marriage rates (Dietz, 1998).

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Other weight-related disorders include binge eating, unhealthy dieting practices such as inappropriate weight loss and poor food choices, and anorexic and bulimic behaviors such as laxative use, overexercising, and self-induced vomiting. These conditions may be causally related to such factors as individual inherited susceptibility, cultural pressures for thinness in women and a muscular physique among men, and adverse individual and family experiences such as a history of overweight or need for control. Surveys indicate that as many as 60 percent of girls consider themselves overweight and that 40 percent of girls and 15 percent of boys are dieting at any given time. Approximately 30 percent of clinically overweight teens and 2.5 percent of all college students have binge eating disorder, 10–20 percent of adolescents have exhibited anorexic or bulimic behaviors one or more times in their lives, 1–3 percent of adolescents are diagnosed with bulimia, and 1 percent of adolescents (primarily young women) are diagnosed with anorexia nervosa. Treatment of weight-related disorders is difficult, and long-term outcomes are poor. Dieting to lose weight rarely results in permanent appropriate weight stabilization (rebound and regain are more common), and bulimia and anorexia often lead to long-term deleterious physical effects or even death. Diagnosis and treatment of the latter two conditions, especially, should be made by an interdisciplinary team experienced in short- and long-term physiological and psychological treatment of eating disorders. Athletics Teens who participate in organized sports such as gymnastics or wrestling are sometimes pressured to “make weight” or to

attain a specific body shape or composition. Such attempts are not recommended, however, because they can be extremely harmful—to the point of impeding normal growth and development. Carbohydrate loading, though occasionally recommended for endurance activities such as swimming or track, has been shown to have widely varying individual effects and may compromise performance. Similarly, numerous dietary supplements such as amino acids have been promoted as muscle building and endurance enhancing but usually enhance only the wallet of the seller. To avoid such outcomes, all participants in athletics (and their coaches) are advised to consult a registered dietitian with training and experience in sports nutrition for expert advice on performance nutrition. Physical Activity Activity level influences caloric use and thus body weight. Numerous factors account for the decreased physical activity of many teens today: Not only television and other sedentary work and play activities such as computer use and video games but also transportation and technological home and work improvements have resulted in lower physical output and caloric consumption. Moreover, fewer and fewer schools offer regular physical education from kindergarten through high school, and even fewer require it. The combined effect of these factors has been to divide adolescent population into two groups: one that has little or no exposure to school-affiliated physical activities and another that regularly participates in organized sports and is more active and physically fit. Any individual’s weight is a delicate balance between growth and mainte-

Nutrition nance, calorie intake and activity. Regular physical activity is an important part of good health and weight regulation. It is also a significant factor in preventing adult maladies such as cardiovascular disease and diabetes. Food and Nutrition Advice Teens are often faced with conflicting advice: They are encouraged, on the one hand, to eat more (or at least to eat better) and, on the other, to eat less and be slim. Many groups and organizations offer recommendations on making good food choices in the interest of good health and disease prevention; these include the American Heart Association, the American Cancer Association, the American Public Health Association, and the American Dietetic Association. The U.S. government, too, has issued guidelines such as the Food Guide Pyramid and Dietary Guidelines for Americans as well as specific nutrient recommendations such as RDAs and dietary reference intakes (both of which can usually be found on food labels). In addition, numerous books offer food or nutrition advice; some provide reliable information, others do not. It is often difficult to decide which information is beneficial—let alone to follow it! The best advice for teens and others interested in good nutrition and health is to aim for moderation, balance, and, especially, variety in food choices. For most of us, the easiest model to use is probably the Food Guide Pyramid. Choosing foods that are low in fat (such as skimmed milk and lean meats) and high in fiber (vegetables, fruits, and whole-grain products) not only contributes to healthy weight control but also helps prevent chronic diseases such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, and diabetes. Daily physical activity

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is also recommended. Indeed, good eating habits and exercise will help youth feel better, gain more energy, and stay on track to good health throughout the teen years and beyond. Marcia Vandenbelt See also Acne; Anemia; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Diabetes; Eating Problems; Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control References and further reading Birch, Leann L., and Jennifer O. Fisher. 1998. “Development of Eating Behaviors among Children and Adolescents.” Pediatrics 101 (suppl.): 539–549. Clark, Nancy. 1996. Nancy Clark’s Sports Nutrition Guidebook. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Publishers. Dietz, William H. 1998. “Health Consequences of Obesity in Youth: Childhood Predictors of Adult Disease.” Pediatrics 101 (suppl.): 518–525. Haworth-Hoeppner, S. 2000. “The Critical Shape of Body Image: The Role of Culture and Family in the Production of Eating Disorders.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 62: 212–227. Hill, James O., and John C. Peters. 1998. “Environmental Contributions to the Obesity Epidemic.” Science 280: 1371–1374. Kelder, Steven H., Cheryl L. Perry, KnutInge Klepp, and Leslie L. Lytle. 1994. “Longitudinal Tracking of Adolescent Smoking, Physical Activity, and Food Choice Behaviors.” American Journal of Public Health, 84, no. 7: 1121–1126. Munoz, Kathryn A., Susan M. KrebsSmith, Rachel Ballard-Barbash, and Linda E. Cleveland. 1997. “Food Intakes of U.S. Children and Adolescents Compared with Recommendations.” Pediatrics 100, no. 3: 323–329. Neumark-Szainer, Dianne, and Jillian K. Moe. 2000. “Weight-Related Concerns and Disorders among Adolescents.” Pp. 288–317 in Nutrition throughout the Life Cycle. Edited by Bonnie S. Worthington-Roberts and Sue Rodwell Williams. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Satter, Ellyn. 1987. How to Get Your Kid to Eat . . . But Not Too Much: From

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Birth to Adolescence. Palo Alto, CA: Bull Publishing. Spear, Bonnie A. 2000. “Adolescent Nutrition: General.” Pp. 262–287 in Nutrition throughout the Life Cycle. Edited by Bonnie S. WorthingtonRoberts and Sue Rodwell Williams. Boston: McGraw-Hill.

Troiana, Richard P., and Katherine M. Flegal. 1998. “Overweight Children and Adolescents: Description, Epidemiology, and Demographics.” Pediatrics 101 (suppl.): 497–504. Walsh, Timothy B., and Michael J. Devlin. 1998. “Eating Disorders: Progress and Problems.” Science 280: 1387–1390.

P Parent-Adolescent Relations

tions are important ones for the adolescent in several ways. In many cases, the young person experiences changes in school structure, and, often, these changes require adjustment to a larger school, to different grading procedures, to more stringent teacher expectations, and to a less personal overall school environment. In addition, as a consequence of changes in school environments, adolescents may experience alterations in their friends and peer groups. They are also confronted with new temptations, which may include engaging in sexual activity or participating in deviant behavior or substance use. Finally, psychological changes result, for example, in the need for increased independence from parents that is yet another alteration from the childhood years to the teenage years. Adolescence is a period in the life span when changes begin that contribute to one’s life course development. Taken together, these changes represent major adjustments and transitions from the earlier childhood period. Consequently, it would seem reasonable that some changes would occur in the parentadolescent relationship as well during this period of development. The adjustment of both adolescents and their parents to these changes is related, at least in part, to the nature and quality of their relationship prior to the onset of the adolescent years. For example, a child

Adolescence is a time when both changes in the individual and changes within their relationships are markedly evident. In particular, adolescents undergo many alterations in their relationship with their parents. Many parents experience apprehension and concern about their children beginning with the adolescent years. In fact, the teenage period has often been referred to as one of storm and stress, a time marked by conflict, rebellion, and acting-out. But is this really the case for most adolescents or is this a stereotype that has been perpetuated over the years? Although changes in adolescents are evident, contemporary research suggests that most adolescents and their parents continue to have a positive relationship during the adolescent period of development. It is true that adolescents do undergo a variety of changes that may, to varying degrees, alter the parent-adolescent relationship. For example, the period of adolescence is marked by physiological, social, and psychological changes. Specifically, physiological alterations such as those involved in puberty, including hormonal changes, bodily growth and maturation, and sexual maturation and awareness, are all part of adolescence. Social transitions also take place, such as the transition from elementary to middle school or junior high school. These transi-

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who was overprotected by her parents during her early years may find it especially difficult to adjust to the new expectations for independence and self-reliance during adolescence. On the other hand, a child who was reared permissively may be more likely to give in to new temptations such as engaging in delinquent or in sexual behavior. Because of the multiple changes and transitions that are associated with this period of the life span, social scientists have paid a considerable amount of attention to the influence of the family on adolescent development and to the nature of parent-adolescent relations during the adolescent years. Research suggests that despite the pervasive influence of parents on youth behavior and development across the adolescent period, there is generally a decrease in the amount of time that adolescents spend with their parents. For instance, one study reported that the amount of time adolescents spent with their families decreased from 35 percent to 14 percent of waking hours as youth progressed through adolescence (Larson et al., 1996). At the same time, adolescents begin to spend more time with their peers. Often this change in where adolescents spend their time is a result of the pressure put on youth to achieve independence from parents during this period. Whatever the cause, these gains in autonomy can alter the parent-adolescent relationship and can heighten family conflict. In turn, some research has found that families with adolescents are more likely to be less cohesive and more chaotic than families with either younger or older children. This finding is not really surprising. As noted, adolescents are at a time where they are striving to gain independence and autonomy and thus spend less time with parents and

more time with peers. It would follow then that families with adolescent children would seem to be less cohesive than families with younger children where independence is not a focal concern, or with families with older children who have already undergone the transition. Moreover, adolescents strive to gain more influence over decision making as a result of their increasing independence, and since they typically spend less time with parents, one might anticipate a more chaotic environment due to these factors. Additional research suggests that alterations in the parent-child relationship may be a function of puberty. For example, E. R. Anderson and colleagues have found that pubertal development is related to decreases in mothers’ warmth and involvement with their children. Mothers were also reported to monitor their adolescents less effectively. This research lends support to what L. Steinberg has termed the distancing hypothesis. That is, as pubertal development proceeds, relationships within the family become increasingly disengaged as a result of pubertal maturation. On the other hand, the acceleration hypothesis suggests that disengagement in the parent-child relationship may result in accelerated physical maturation. In fact, Steinberg reported that greater distance between adolescents and their mothers was associated with faster pubertal development for girls in one study. Similar results were not reported for boys, however. Adolescents, Mothers, and Fathers Much of the research that has been done on adolescents and their parents focuses on adolescents and mothers in particular. This is due, at least in part, to the fact that mothers still spend the most time

Parent-Adolescent Relations with their children, despite the fact that increasing numbers of mothers are working outside the home. In fact, adolescents feel that their mothers know them better than their fathers do. Moreover, many families in the United States today are single-parent families, and the overwhelming majority of all single-parent homes are homes without a father. Thus, much of what we know about parents and adolescents specifically pertains to mothers and adolescents. In contrast to the vast literature on mothers and children, there is a paucity of empirical research on fathers’ contributions to their adolescents’ development. However, literature is beginning to emerge that documents the importance of the role of the father in parent-child relations and in child adjustment. The greater attention to father-child relations may be due to increased interest in the role of the father in general, and to the recent assumption by many fathers of the more traditional caretaking roles that have been previously held by mothers. This shift may be primarily due to increases in women’s employment and to changes in societal expectations regarding fathers’ involvement with their children. Research suggests that mothers and fathers engage in different types of interactions with their children. In the early years, for example, in contrast to mothers, who specialize in caretaking and nurturance, fathers specialize in play. M. E. Lamb reports that although mothers may actually spend more time in play activity, clearly fathers spend a greater proportion of their time with children engaged in play. During the adolescent years, differences between mothers and fathers are evident as well. For example, D. M. Almeida and N. L. Galambos report that fathers have been found to have less feel-

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ing for and show less understanding toward their adolescents than mothers. Fathers also, however, were reported to have less intense conflicts with their children as compared to mothers. This may be related to the fact that, in general, mothers are more involved with their children’s day-to-day activities than fathers are. In fact, research has supported this idea. When fathers were more involved with their adolescents, they also reported having more conflict with them than less involved fathers. Contemporary Research on the Family and Adolescent Adjustment Self-esteem has been the focus of a considerable amount of adolescent research. Perhaps this focus is due, in part, to the key developmental issue concerning this period of the life span, the formation of one’s identity. According to Erik Erikson, the most important task of the adolescent period is that of achieving an identity. The knowledge that the adolescent has gained thus far of who he is is challenged by the changes that begin during the early adolescent period: changes in physical, psychological, cognitive, and social dimensions. Thus, the adolescent is forced to evaluate himself in light of these changes, and is faced with the question, Who am I? This is basically a question that requires information (knowledge) about the self. In addition, if this development allows the youth to find a socially approved role in society, Erikson argues, then positive self-esteem will accrue. Because of the multiple transitions associated with adolescence, self-esteem has been an important focus of research and has been given much attention by social scientists. The family, and the interactions that occur within the family,

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are considered of primary importance for the development of one’s self-concept. For instance, adolescent self-esteem and well-being have been related to supportive, close family relationships. David Demo and his colleagues found that adolescents’ perceptions of communication within the family and participation with parents were related to adolescent selfesteem. Parental control was reported to have an inverse relationship to adolescent self-esteem. Further, sons’ selfesteem, more so than daughters’, was related to dimensions of the parent-child relationship, including communication with parents and with youth participation in joint activities with them. Similarly, other research reported that adolescents’ perceptions of parents’ supportive behaviors were related to positive selfesteem in the mother-daughter dyad. Parental coercive behavior was negatively related to self-esteem in the fatherdaughter dyad. In addition to self-esteem, parenting behavior is related to adolescents’ academic achievement. Studies assessing parenting styles in relation to scholastic achievement report that children with authoritative parents have higher grades and have more positive attitudes toward school as compared to children with authoritarian or permissive parents. Authoritative parents also tend to be more involved in their children’s education, for instance, through participating in activities and helping with homework. Researchers such as A. E. Gottfried and D. L. Stevenson and D. P. Baker have also confirmed that the more parents are involved in their children’s education, the better they do in school. Moreover, researchers have reported that other parental characteristics are related to adolescents’ academic achieve-

ment. For example, school achievement in adolescence has been positively related to parents’ educational aspirations for their children. Similarly, positive parental beliefs and attributions about their adolescent’s capabilities are positively related to adolescent academic achievement. High levels of parental control and high parental responsiveness were also related to positive achievement outcomes for adolescents. One study reported that the way adolescents themselves perceived the quality of parenting they received and how they assessed the degree of their parents’ involvement in their lives mattered more for their achievement in school than the way the parents saw their own parenting (Paulson, 1994). Although some research finds negative outcomes for the parent-adolescent relationship during this period, other research suggests that the majority of adolescents feel they get along well with their parents and in general report feeling positive about their relationships with their parents. And, although some research reports heightened conflict between parents and children, these disruptions are often temporary and not long-lasting. In addition, despite the fact that there is generally a decrease in the amount of time that adolescents spend with their parents, research indicates that youth still most often seek parental advice on matters regarding further education, career choice, and financial matters. In essence, then, past research indicates that, despite quantitative and qualitative changes in the parent-child relationship, parents still play an important role in the socialization of their adolescents, and most adolescents and parents maintain an overall positive relationship during this period. Domini R. Castellino

Parental Monitoring See also Academic Achievement; Allowance; Child-Rearing Styles; Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Identity; Mothers and Adolescents; Parenting Styles; Parental Monitoring; Sibling Relationships References and further reading Almeida, D. M., and N. L. Galambos. 1991. “Examining Father Iinvolvement and the Quality of Father-Adolescent Relations.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 1, no. 2: 155–172. Anderson, E. R., E. M. Hetherington, and W. G. Clinempeel. 1989. “Transformations in Family Relations at Puberty: Effects of Family Context.” Journal of Early Adolescence 9, no. 3: 310–334. Demo, D. H., S. A. Small, and R. C. SavinWilliams. 1987. “Family Relations and the Self-Esteem of Adolescents and Their Parents.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 49: 705–715. Erikson, E. H. 1963. Childhood and Society. New York: Norton. Gottfried, A. E. 1991. “Maternal Employment in the Family Setting: Developmental and Environmental Issues.” Pp. 63–84 in Employed Mothers and their Children. Edited by J. V. Lerner and N. L. Galambos. New York: Garland. Lamb, M. E. 1997. The Role of the Father in Child Development, 3rd ed. New York: Wiley. Larson, R. W., M. H. Richards, G. Moneta, G. Holmbeck, et al. 1996. “Changes in Adolescents’ Daily Interactions with Their Families from Ages 10 to 18: Disengagement and Transformation.” Developmental Psychology 32, no. 4: 744–754. Paulson, S. E. 1994. Relations of Parenting Style and Parental Involvement with Ninth-Grade Students’ Achievement. Journal of Early Adolescence 14: 250–267. Steinberg, L. 1988. “Reciprocal Relation between Parent-Child Distance and Pubertal Maturation. Developmental Psychology 24: 122–128. Stevenson, D. L., and D. P. Baker. 1987. The Family-School Relation and the Child’s School Performance. Child Development 58: 1348–1357.

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Parental Monitoring Parental monitoring is the activity that allows parents to be knowledgeable about their adolescents’ whereabouts, activities, and companions. Parents monitor their adolescents when they keep track of them from a distance. Parents who are effective monitors know about their adolescent’s day and are aware of their adolescent’s experiences. Monitoring is not an isolated activity but part of the parent-adolescent relationship. Parents who are good monitors are interested in their adolescents and make an effort to establish open channels of communication with them. Because most of the information parents have about their adolescents comes from the adolescents themselves, adolescents must be willing to share their experiences with their parents and be honest about those experiences. Effective parental monitoring emerges from a trusting relationship between interested and involved parents and open and truthful adolescents. Parental monitoring is more than just knowing where adolescents are, what they are doing, and whom they are with. Good monitors attempt to influence the behavior of their adolescents and try to shape their experiences. Good parental monitoring not only includes knowledge of adolescent behaviors but also includes attempts by parents to instill positive behaviors and discourage adolescent deviant behavior. Researchers who study parent monitoring typically measure it by comparing the responses of adolescents and parents to questions about typical or specific experiences of the adolescent. Adolescents answer questions about themselves, their friends, and their recent activities, and these answers are compared to the same questions asked of parents about their

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Parental monitoring involves actions that enable parents to be knowledgeable about their adolescents’ whereabouts, activities, and companions. (Laura Dwight/Corbis)

adolescents. Questions include items that assess knowledge about an adolescent’s activities in school and after school, television watching, and interactions with friends. One cannot be certain which individual more accurately portrays the reality of the adolescent’s experiences, but researchers usually assume that the adolescent’s report is accurate and examine the match between parent report and adolescent report. What adolescents say they do and what parents think their adolescents do is frequently at odds, oftentimes to a signifi-

cant degree, and especially in regard to illegal and unhealthy behavior. For example, in one study of ninth graders by Deborah Cohen and Janet Rice, 19 percent of parents indicated that they thought their adolescents had used alcohol or drugs, a percentage in striking contrast to the 55 percent of these same adolescents who reported that they had used these substances. Many parents believe that other adolescents use drugs and alcohol, but their own adolescents do not. Although monitoring is a specific aspect of parenting, it is related to several other components of parenting. A study by Debra Mekos and colleagues found that parents who are good monitors are also likely to be warm and supportive and to have relationships with their adolescents that are low in conflict and negativity. Parental monitoring is positively related to using discipline effectively and reinforcing healthy adolescent behavior. Monitoring is also positively related to family cohesion and good parent-adolescent communication. All of these findings suggest that effective monitoring is built upon a healthy and positive parentadolescent relationship. In general, mothers are better monitors than fathers; they know more about the everyday whereabouts of their adolescents and their activities. This gender difference is not only true for mothers who are full-time homemakers but even for mothers who are employed full-time outside the home. Ann Crouter and Susan McHale found that fathers seem to calibrate the extent to which they monitor their adolescents based in part on the availability of mothers. Fathers monitor their adolescents more when mothers work than when they do not, but fathers typically monitor their adolescents less than mothers in either work situation.

Parental Monitoring Even though mothers know more about their adolescents than do fathers, parents of both genders know more about their same-sex adolescent than they do their opposite-sex adolescent. Several factors may play a part in this same-sex matching: fathers and sons, as well as mothers and daughters, may have more related interests and engage in more similar activities; parents may be more interested in the lives of same-sex adolescents; and same-sex adolescents may be more likely to confide in a parent of the same sex. Debra Mekos and colleagues also found that in remarried families parents monitor their biological children more closely than they do their stepchildren. The low monitoring of stepchildren may be one reason stepchildren are more likely to engage in problem behavior than biological children. In general, stepparents seem to adopt a disengaged style of parenting with stepchildren, especially when the stepchildren are adolescents. Between childhood and late adolescence there is a marked decrease in parent monitoring. What this means is that as adolescents get older they spend an increasing amount of time away from home and parents, and that parents are not well informed about where their adolescents are, what they are doing, and whom they are with. Many adolescents handle this increase in freedom and autonomy well, but for some adolescents a decrease in parent monitoring is associated with contact with deviant peers and participation in unhealthy and illegal activities. Many studies have shown that effective parent monitoring of adolescents decreases adolescents’ involvement in unhealthy and deviant behavior. Low parental monitoring is associated with adolescent academic problems; tobacco,

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alcohol, and marijuana use; and antisocial behavior. In addition, parents who are ineffective and inconsistent monitors are more likely to have sons who engage in sexual intercourse at an early age. The pathway from low parental monitoring to adolescent problem behavior is through association with deviant peers, which increases the risk of involvement in illegal and unhealthy behavior. Monitoring plays a pivotal role in the prevention of adolescent problem behavior. When parents are aware of where their adolescents are spending their time and with whom, the opportunity for engaging in deviant behavior is reduced. Monitoring becomes an especially important aspect of parenting during adolescence, when adolescents spend more unsupervised time with peers after school and in the evenings. In general, studies with adolescents show that poor parental monitoring is more highly related to adolescent problem behavior than any other aspect of parenting. Overall, adolescents who do well in school, do not abuse alcohol or drugs, and do not engage in delinquency have parents who are good monitors and who are warm and supportive. Raymond Montemayor

See also Child-Rearing Styles; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Maternal Employment: Historical Changes; Maternal Employment: Influences on Adolescents; Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parenting Styles References and further reading Ary, D. V., T. E. Duncan, A. Biglan, C. W. Metzler, J. W. Noell, and K. Smolkowski. 1999. “Development of Adolescent Problem Behavior.” Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology 27: 141–150.

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Bahr, S. J., R. D. Hawks, and G. Wang. 1993. “Family and Religious Influences on Adolescent Substance Abuse.” Youth and Society 24: 443–465. Capaldi, D. M., L. Crosby, and M. Stoolmiller. 1996. “Predicting the Timing of First Sexual Intercourse for At-Risk Adolescent Males.” Child Development 67: 344–359. Cohen, Deborah A., and Janet C. Rice. 1995. “A Parent-Targeted Intervention for Adolescent Substance Use Prevention: Lessons Learned.” Evaluation Review 19: 159–180. Crouter, Ann C., and Susan M. McHale. 1993. “Temporal Rhythms in Family Life: Seasonal Variation in the Relation between Parental Work and Family Processes.” Developmental Psychology 29: 198–205. Crouter, Ann C., H. Helms-Erikson, K. Updegraff, and Susan M. McHale. 1999. “Conditions Underlying Parents’ Knowledge about Children’s Daily Lives in Middle Childhood: Between- and Within-Family Comparisons.” Child Development 70: 246–259. Forehand, R., K. S. Miller, R. Dutra, and M. W. Chance. 1997. “Role of Parenting in Adolescent Deviant Behavior: Replication across and within Two Ethnic Groups.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 65: 1036–1041. Hetherington, E. M., and W. G. Clingempeel. 1992. “Coping with Marital Transitions.” Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development 57 (2–3, serial no. 227). Jacobson, K. C., and L. J. Crockett. 2000. “Parental Monitoring and Adolescent Adjustment: An Ecological Perspective.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 10: 65–97. Mekos, Debra, E. M. Hetherington, and D. Reiss. 1996. “Sibling Differences in Problem Behavior and Parental Treatment in Nondivorced and Remarried Families.” Child Development 67: 2148–2165. Patterson, G. R., and M. StouthamerLoeber. 1984. “The Correlation of Family Management Practices and Delinquency.” Child Development 55: 1299–1307. Stoolmiller, M. 1994. “Antisocial Behavior, Delinquent Peer Association and Unsupervised Wandering for Boys: Growth and Change from Childhood to

Early Adolescence.” Multivariate Behavioral Research 29: 263–288.

Parenting Styles The term parenting style refers to a cluster of parental attitudes and practices that tend to produce certain identifiable patterns in child and adolescent adjustment outcomes. Research has demonstrated that particular parenting styles may differentially impact an adolescent’s psychosocial adjustment, achievement level, success in school, and involvement with drugs or alcohol. Many factors are likely to influence what type of parenting style a particular family adopts when their child reaches adolescence. For instance, research suggests that the cognitive, social, and emotional changes that developing adolescents experience are likely to influence which parenting styles their parents adopt. Individual characteristics of parents, and the parenting style adopted earlier in their child’s development, may also influence which parenting style is most prominent in their child’s teenage years. It is generally accepted that there are two dimensions of parenting, demandingness and responsiveness, and these two dimensions are used to define four parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and rejecting-neglectful; see table). Demandingness refers to the extent to which parents supervise and discipline their offspring and place age-appropriate demands on them.

Demandingness

Responsiveness

High Low

High

Low

Authoritative Authoritarian

Permissive RejectingNeglectful

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Parenting style refers to the set of behaviors and attitudes used by parents to raise their children. (Jennie Woodcock; Reflections Photolibrary/Corbis)

Responsiveness refers to the degree to which parents are accepting of their offspring and how attentive and sensitive parents are to their changing needs. The four styles of parenting are defined in terms of these two dimensions: Authoritative parents are both highly responsive and demanding; permissive parents are highly responsive but not demanding; authoritarian parents are highly demanding but not responsive; and rejecting-neglectful parents are neither demanding nor responsive. History of Parenting Styles Parenting styles have been extensively researched during the past sixty years. Over the course of that time there have been several major developments that

have shaped the way in which we think about parenting styles today. Scholars in the 1960s and 1970s employed factor analytic techniques to identify parenting constructs that repeatedly emerged from parenting questionnaires and interviews. The first major development in this field was the emergence of two dimensions, warmth-hostility and permissivenessrestrictiveness, that seemed to account for most of the variation in parenting attitudes and practices. Building on research that spurred these dimensional constructs, a classification system that categorized parents as being authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, or rejecting-neglectful was employed to further describe the differences between parents. These four categories were defined by

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two-dimensional constructs that were different in name but quite similar in nature to the earlier dimensional ideology. The revised dimensions, termed demandingness and responsiveness, were quickly adopted into the literature and became very influential in further research endeavors. The four categories of parenting style and the two-dimensional constructs upon which they are based comprise the classic nomenclature in this field and are mentioned in some way by most studies on parenting styles. Another key development in the field of parenting styles was the discovery of discrete parenting characteristics, other than those captured by the responsiveness and demandingness dimensions, that seemed to consistently cluster with particular categorical parenting styles. In an effort to represent these characteristics, the existing classification system was broadened to include four hybrid terms: authoritative-reciprocal, authoritarian-autocratic, indulgent-permissive, and indifferent-uninvolved. Since this last major development in the field, researchers on parenting styles have continued to come up with new terminology to more accurately and precisely classify parenting characteristics. Despite the evolving nature of this classification system, a basic understanding of the four most widely used parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and rejecting-neglectful) is the key to understanding and interpreting this body of research. In order to better understand the classic categories of parenting styles, one must clearly understand what researchers mean by responsiveness and demandingness. Responsiveness refers to how attuned parents are to the individual needs of their adolescents. A parent who

is responsive is highly aware of his adolescent’s development and is able to foster social and emotional development in his adolescent. Demandingness refers to the extent to which a parent places maturity demands on his adolescent, as well as the way in which a parent chooses to enforce those demands. A parent who is moderately demanding is able to teach his adolescent social responsibility and the value of delayed gratification. Additionally, a moderately demanding parent is likely to set reasonable goals and demands for his adolescent and follow up with consistent but nonpunitive discipline. The most successful parenting happens when demandingness and responsiveness are in balance with one another. As will be discussed, when there is either too much or too little of either responsiveness or demandingness, negative outcomes can ensue. A better understanding of how these are integrated into parenting styles requires taking a closer look at each parenting style and its associated outcomes in terms of adolescent psychosocial adjustment. Authoritative, Permissive, Authoritarian, and RejectingNeglectful Parenting Styles Research has shown that the most successful parents are those who adopt an authoritative parenting style. Authoritative parents are highly responsive as well as somewhat demanding. Parents who are authoritative work with their adolescent to establish clear and reasonable rules to live by, and they expect that their adolescent will be responsible and behave in an age-appropriate manner. Authoritative parents may make demands on their adolescent, but they also allow their adolescent to make demands upon them. In this sense, authoritative parents foster a part-

Parenting Styles nership with their adolescent that is mutually respectful and reciprocal in nature. When an adolescent misbehaves, an authoritative parent will provide consistent but reasonable disciplinary action. At the same time, an authoritative parent provides a warm and supportive environment in which their adolescent is encouraged to make her own decisions, express her own opinions, and strive for autonomy. Authoritative parents typically raise adolescents who have a positive sense of themselves, are well socialized, are high achievers, do well in school, and are not likely to get involved with drugs, alcohol, or antisocial activities. A permissive parenting style is highly responsive but not demanding. Permissive parents are warm and accepting but do not set appropriate rules or reprimand their adolescent, and in an effort to avoid confrontation, permissive parents will not hold their adolescent accountable for misconduct. Permissive parents may try too hard to be friends with their adolescent, and as a result these parents typically do not provide enough adult influence and guidance in the home environment. Permissive parenting generally produces adolescents who are comparable to adolescents of authoritative parents, except that adolescents of permissive parents tend to have difficulty in school and to be at increased risk for drug and alcohol use. Authoritarian parents are highly demanding but not responsive. Authoritarian parents set extensive rules and guidelines for their adolescent and do not tolerate a cooperative or reciprocal relationship with their adolescent. Authoritarian parents frequently assert parental power by enforcing punitive discipline when their adolescent does not adhere to rules or live up to parental expectations. Adolescents raised by authoritarian par-

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ents tend to have psychological difficulties (depression or anxiety), difficulty in school, low self-esteem, and even though these adolescents typically exhibit good self-control, they are at risk for involvement with drugs, alcohol, and illegal activities. The rejecting-neglectful parent is low on both responsiveness and demandingness. A rejecting-neglectful parent is uninvolved with his adolescent and does not provide either support or structure. The rejecting-neglectful parent may view parenting as a burden and therefore may limit both the quality and quantity of time he spends with his adolescent. As a result, adolescents raised by rejectingneglectful parents tend to have a significant amount of internalizing difficulties, problems asserting themselves, a high frequency of drug and alcohol use, and may have lower cognitive skills and academic abilities than adolescents raised by authoritative parents. Parenting Attitudes and Practices Parental attitudes and parental practices are both important components of a parenting style. However, there are distinct differences between these three terms. Parenting attitudes represent the way in which parents think or believe they should raise their adolescent. Parenting style is the term used to describe a constellation of parenting attitudes. As such, parenting styles set the emotional tone of parent-adolescent interactions and provide the framework for the parent-adolescent relationship. Although parenting styles define the contextual features of a parent-adolescent relationship, the manner in which parents actually impose their belief systems (i.e., parenting practices) may actually comprise the nuts and bolts of parenting. Therefore, although

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parenting styles greatly influence which parenting practices are implemented, these two constructs are not interchangeable. Research has shown that parenting practices directly impact adolescent outcome, while parenting attitudes or styles have a more indirect role. It is not difficult to see how this relationship unfolds; a parent believes their adolescent should behave in a certain way, but simply having these beliefs (parenting attitudes or style) does not directly influence an adolescent. It is the manner in which a parent chooses to enforce these beliefs (parenting practices) that directly affects the adolescent. It is especially important that parenting practices be fluid, reflecting the developmental changes of the adolescent as she progresses into young adulthood. Parents who are inflexible with their parenting practices are likely to be in conflict with their adolescent. This parentadolescent conflict typically occurs when parenting practices that worked well during childhood are viewed by an adolescent or young adult as an infringement on her autonomy. The most successful parents are those who are in sync with the changing needs of their adolescent. Though it is difficult to generalize across all adolescents, parenting is most likely to be effective when parents allow the power structure in the family to shift as their adolescent matures. Thus, while a more parent-centered family structure is appropriate for young children, a more balanced structure between parents and their maturing adolescent is necessary. It has been found that parents who are able to balance the power structure and adopt fluid and responsive parenting practices, while at the same time maintaining stability in the home environment, have better relationships with their adoles-

cents, and their adolescents have higher self-esteem and are more satisfied with their lives. The influence of different parenting styles has been relatively consistent across socioeconomic status, gender, age, and family composition. However, most of the research on parenting styles has been focused on European Americans, and research with other ethnic groups in the United States and abroad is relatively new. Developing a better understanding of cross-cultural differences in parenting styles will require further research. Rachael B. Millstein Grayson N. Holmbeck Sean N. Fischer Wendy E. Shapera

See also Child-Rearing Styles; Family Relations; Fathers and Adolescents; Mothers and Adolescents; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Parental Monitoring References and further reading Baumrind, Diana. 1973. “The Development of Instrumental Competence through Socialization.” Pp. 3–46 in Minnesota Symposia on Adolescent Psychology, vol. 7. Edited by Anne D. Pick. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ———. 1991. “Parenting Styles and Adolescent Development.” Pp. 746–758 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence, vol. 2. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Peterson, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Darling, Nancy, and Laurence Steinberg. 1993. “Parenting Style as Context: An Integrative Model.” Psychological Bulletin 113, no. 3: 487–496. Holmbeck, Grayson, Roberta Paikoff, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1995. “Parenting Adolescents.” Pp. 91–118 in Handbook of Parenting, vol. 1. Edited by Marcus H. Bornstein. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Maccoby, Eleanor E., and John A. Martin. 1983. “Socialization in the Context of the Family: Parent-Adolescent Interactions.” Pp. 1–101 in Handbook of

Peer Groups Adolescent Psychology, vol. 4. Edited by Paul H. Mussen. New York: Wiley. Steinberg, Laurence. 1999. “Families.” Pp.118–149 in Adolescence, 5th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Steinberg, Laurence, Nina Mounts, Susie Lamborn, and Sanford M. Dornbusch. 1991. “Authoritative Parenting and Adolescent Adjustment across Varied Ecological Niches.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 1, no. 1: 19–36.

Peer Groups As children make the transition into adolescence, they exhibit increased interest in their peers and a growing psychological and emotional dependence on them for support and guidance. One reason for this growing interest is that many young adolescents enter new middle school structures that necessitate interacting with larger numbers of peers on a daily basis. In contrast to the predictability of self-contained classroom environments in elementary school, the uncertainty and ambiguity of multiple classroom environments, new instructional styles, and more complex class schedules often result in students turning to each other for ways to cope, information, and social support. Interest in sexuality and dating also increases at this age, widening the focus of peer interactions from same-sex to opposite-sex peers. As a result, young adolescents quickly form groups based on factors such as mutual interest, values, activities, or ethnicity; group membership is a hallmark of adolescent society well into the high school years. Typically, adolescent peer groups are studied in two ways. Peer crowds reflect fairly large, reputation- and status-based collectives of peers who have common interests, values, or attitudes. Peer networks or cliques are characterized by

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smaller groups of self-selected friends who interact with each other on a frequent basis. Peer crowds are largely defined by stereotypic characterizations of individuals based on interests, attitudes, behavioral repertoires, values, or even race and social class. Therefore, crowd membership is typically a function of how a student is perceived by her peers rather than what she is really like or the extent to which she actually interacts with the other students in the crowd. In fact, although a peer crowd is often thought of as a group to which an individual actually belongs, students do not necessarily think they belong to a crowd to which their peers assign them. Moreover, peer crowds can serve as reference groups for those who would like to be a part of the crowd but are not. In other words, students observe crowd behavior for information about acceptable behavior, popular styles, and what they should be like. In general, the importance of belonging to a crowd peaks during early adolescence and then decreases over the course of the high school years. Although adolescents themselves seem to define and organize their own groups, adults can play a critical role in group formation. For instance, class size can determine the size of peer cliques, and ability grouping and tracking practices can determine their composition. The degree to which schools emphasize group activities, such as sports and music, or academics also can influence the types of crowds that are formed and their relative status in a school. Peer crowds differ on a range of characteristics, including the social status associated with group membership, the ease with which the group accepts new members, and the degree to which the group is

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Young adolescents form groups based on factors such as natural interest, values, activities, or ethnicity. (Skjold Photographs)

similar to or different from other groups. Most peer crowds are easily recognized by the defining norms or activities of the group. For instance, most schools have groups that students label as nerds, jocks, druggies, populars, and loners. Nerds, or brains, are students who earn high academic grades and are perceived as being smart. Jocks are students who like and participate in sports and physical activities. Druggies, in contrast, are typically known for using drugs and for antisocial forms of behavior. Populars are those students perceived as having many friends, going to lots of parties, being cool, and having fun. Loners are perceived as not belonging to any particular crowd and not being accepted by peers in general. Although these groups are typically found

in all schools, other crowds based on ethnicity, social class, or specific activities are also common. During the early adolescent years, peer crowds are often large and typically represent only two or three distinct sets of interests or levels of social status. For instance, middle school crowds might simply consist of those students who are popular and those who are not. It is relatively difficult to move in and out of these crowds, and many students remain associated with a crowd for two or more years. As adolescents progress through high school, crowds become more differentiated, with five or six groups representing the peer population. In contrast to young adolescent crowds, which are defined primarily on the basis of behav-

Peer Groups ioral styles and activities, crowds of midadolescents are defined to a greater extent according to abstract and personality-based qualities. For instance, at this time crowds might have highly distinct characteristics, as represented by labels such as nerds, druggies, punkers, or populars. High school crowds also represent varying levels of the social status hierarchy, although students often are able to move from one crowd to another. By the end of high school, social status becomes less important in defining peer crowds. At this age, students can and do move from crowd to crowd with relative ease. In contrast to peer crowds, peer networks or cliques are smaller and based on mutual relationships. Peer cliques can also be formed on the basis of common activities such as study groups, athletic teams, or music and arts activities. A young adolescent in sixth grade might be affiliated with a crowd comprised of roughly a half or a third of her class while at the same time belonging to a peer clique of seven or eight peers. Members of peer cliques based on friendships are likely to have similar behavioral styles, similar orientations toward aggression, for instance, or similar tendencies to be cooperative and prosocial, as well as similar personality styles. Adolescents belonging to the same friendship network also tend to be similar in terms of levels of emotional stress or psychological well-being. Members of peer cliques interact with each other frequently, although not exclusively. Like peer crowds, networks can be characterized according to the visibility and importance of the group within a classroom, and they often differ in the social status accorded their members. The status and centrality of specific individuals in a particular network also

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help define these groups. Adolescents often belong to several peer networks and make new friends as a result. Because of the changing nature of adolescent friendships, network membership is more unstable than crowd membership. Adolescent peer groups seem to play several important roles in the social and emotional development of young people. Peer crowds are believed to serve two primary functions, to facilitate the formation of identity and self-concept and to structure ongoing social interactions. With respect to identity formation, crowds are believed to provide adolescents with values, norms, and interaction styles that are sanctioned and commonly displayed. Behaviors and interaction styles that are characteristic of a crowd are modeled frequently, and so they can be easily learned and adopted by individuals. In this manner, crowds provide prototypical examples of various identities for those who wish to try out different lifestyles and can easily affirm an adolescent’s sense of self. As adolescents enter high school and the number of crowds increases, identities associated with crowds are more easily recognizable and afford the opportunity to try on various social identities with relatively little risk. Because crowds are associated with specific norms and patterns of behavior, they also tend to structure the nature of adolescents’ social interactions. For instance, crowd affiliation can determine the quality of one’s friendships. Members of popular crowds often have friendships that are fairly superficial and status based, whereas members of low-status crowds tend to form friendships marked by loyalty, stability, and commitment. Because it is often easier to move to one crowd with similar characteristics than to another crowd that has very different

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norms and values, crowd membership also tends to determine how many friends an individual might have and the ease with which friends can be made outside one’s crowd. A specific example of the power of crowd influence is reflected in relations between crowd membership and adolescents’ attitudes toward academic achievement. Peer crowds differ in the degree to which they pressure members to become involved in academic activities, with jock and popular groups providing significantly more pressure for academic involvement than other groups. Ethnic group status also appears to be a factor, in that white and Asian American adolescents tend to value an education, whereas in African American samples valuing education is less prevalent. At a more general level, the degree to which adolescents are able to establish positive relationships with groups of peers is related to their adjustment to and ultimate success in school. Students who believe that their peers support and care about them tend to be more engaged in positive aspects of classroom life than students who do not perceive such support. In particular, perceived social and emotional support from peers has been associated positively with prosocial outcomes such as helping, sharing, and cooperating, and related negatively to antisocial forms of behavior. In contrast, young adolescents who do not perceive their relationships with peers as positive and supportive tend to be at risk for academic and behavioral problems. Of additional interest with respect to academic achievement, however, is that being liked by teachers might offset any negative effects of peer rejection on adolescents’ adjustment at school. For instance, young adolescents who have

few friends but are not necessarily disliked by their peers are often highly motivated students if they are well liked by their teachers. These adolescents tend to remain academically and socially well adjusted over the course of the middle school years. Therefore, it appears that the absence of peer relationships does not inevitably influence motivation to achieve and academic performance if supportive relationships with teachers exist. The function of peer networks is believed to be somewhat different from that of peer crowds. Peer networks typically provide members with the help, support, companionship, and mutual aid typical of close friendships. Peer networks also play a role in defining social boundaries and status hierarchies that help to maintain social control and enforce conformity to group norms and practices. Social control can be accomplished when adolescents provide each other with positive types of support such as instrumental help and emotional validation. In addition, however, social control can be maintained by peer interactions that are less helpful and often quite negative. Adolescent gossip is a typical mechanism of social control that conveys approval or disapproval of behavior to group members. It is clear that adolescents are often highly motivated to conform to peer standards of behavior for fear of rejection or ridicule. Indeed, emotional distress has been linked consistently to peer rejection and lack of peer support during this stage of development. Interestingly, adolescents who believe that approval from peers makes them feel good about themselves suffer from the negative emotional effects of peer rejection, whereas adolescents who believe

Peer Groups that feeling good about one’s self leads to peer acceptance do not. Perhaps one of the more interesting questions with respect to peer groups is how great the strength of their influence is when compared to that of parents and other adults. It often is assumed by researchers as well as the general public that adolescent peer groups provide alternative and competing influences to those of parents. Interestingly, however, this is not entirely the case. Although adolescents vary in the extent to which they succumb to peer pressure, adolescents typically follow parental advice when faced with conflicting advice from parents and peers, especially if decisions involve future plans such as choosing and attending a college. As adolescents get older, they tend to make important decisions on their own, independently of advice or pressures from peers or parents. Exceptions to this pattern are found in adolescents who associate with delinquent gangs. In this case, peers have an enormous amount of influence on individual gang members. However, the strength of gang influence is in large part due to parents who have been ineffective in providing their children with social skills and emotional support. In the case of gang cultures that evolve among children from poor immigrant or ethnicminority groups, economic hardships, cultural discontinuities, and lack of supportive programs in the schools serve to weaken further the role of parents in adolescents’ lives. As a result, these adolescents who have become detached from family and school cultures tend to group together into gangs that offer them friendship, emotional support, a sense of security, and protection. Most adolescents, however, do not engage in gang activities and are able to negotiate the

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world of peer groups successfully, especially if they have the support of patient and nurturing parents. Kathryn R. Wentzel See also Cliques; Dating; Ethnic Identity; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Proms; Social Development; Youth Gangs References and further reading Brown, Bradford B. 1989. “The Role of Peer Groups in Adolescents’ Adjustment to Secondary School.” Pp. 188–215 in Peer Relationships in Child Development. Edited by Thomas J. Berndt and Gary W. Ladd. New York: Wiley. Brown, Bradford B., Margaret S. Mory, and David Kinney. 1994. “Casting Adolescent Crowds in a Relational Perspective: Caricature, Channel, and Context.” Pp. 123–167 in Personal Relationships during Adolescence. Edited by Raymond Montemayor, Gerald R. Adams, and Thomas P. Gullotta. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Epstein, Joyce L. 1989. “The Selection of Friends: Changes across the Grades and in Different School Environments.” Pp. 158–187 in Peer Relationships in Child Development. Edited by Thomas J. Berndt and Gary W. Ladd. New York: Wiley. Furman, Wyndol. 1989. “The Development of Children’s Social Networks.” Pp. 151–172 in Children’s Social Networks and Social Supports. Edited by Deborah Belle. New York: Wiley. Kindermann, Thomas A., Tanya McCollam, and Ellsworth Gibson. 1996. “Peer Networks and Students’ Classroom Engagement during Childhood and Adolescence.” Pp. 279–312 in Social Motivation: Understanding Children’s School Adjustment. Edited by Jaana Juvonen and Kathryn R. Wentzel. New York: Cambridge University Press. Urberg, Kathryn A., Serdar M. Degirmencioglu, Jerry M. Tolson, and Kathy Halliday-Scher. 1995. “The Structure of Adolescent Peer Networks.” Developmental Psychology 31: 540–547.

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Peer Pressure Peer pressure is the influence that peer groups exert, through implicit or explicit demands, on individual members to conform to a group’s activities, beliefs, or norms. Although peer pressure can be in positive directions, the focus has primarily been on the negative impact that peer pressure can have on adolescent development. It is popularly believed that peer pressure is one of the key causes of deviant and antisocial adolescent behavior. This belief has influenced social policies and research concerning peer pressure in adolescence, generating policy and research biases toward discovering ways to keep adolescents from succumbing to the negative influence of peer pressure, neglecting positive effects that it might have. However, concerns over research design and methods of data collection have raised questions about the impact that peer pressure has. Studies that address these concerns demonstrate that although peer pressure plays a role in adolescent development, the importance of that role has been overstated. Additionally, other research shows that peer pressure is not experienced uniformly by all adolescents. Factors such as age, gender, group status, the nature of the peer group demands, and parenting style all play a role in determining susceptibility to peer pressure. Peer pressure is popularly perceived as a major cause of deviant behavior among adolescents. This belief has its roots in neo-Freudian theories of adolescent detachment, according to which “healthy” adolescents “break free” of parents during puberty, a detachment that occurs with a concomitant attachment to peers. Belief in the rejection of parental influence and increase in peer influence is reinforced by the positive correlation

consistently found between individual levels of antisocial behavior (e.g., smoking, substance use, delinquency, and the like) and antisocial behavior among peers. Thus, social programs aimed at preventing these antisocial behaviors typically target peer groups, attempting to inoculate adolescents against conformity pressures. The most famous example of such a program was First Lady Nancy Reagan’s “Just Say No” American antidrug campaign, in which teens were advised to say “no” to peer demands. Programs such as this one operate under the assumption that peer groups exert a large influence over adolescent behavior and use this influence to enforce antisocial norms. Thus, many studies investigating peer pressure focus on how peers initiate and maintain negative pressure. Studies investigating positive aspects of peer pressure are seldom conducted, overlooking the role that peers can have on socially desirable outcomes, for example, school achievement. Given the negative emphasis society and social policy place on peer pressure, it is important to understand the impact it has on adolescent behavior. Due to research designs, the importance of peer pressure in the lives of adolescents tends to be overstated. Peer pressure is not a reflection of how similar peer group members are, but of the degree to which the group influences the behaviors of individual members. Investigations that use a single time period to explore the relationship between an adolescent’s behavior and that of her peer group are assessing similarity, not peer pressure. These studies confound peer selection with peer influence; not all similarities between peers are due to conformity demands. Adolescents tend to join peer groups that have similar inter-

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Peer pressure is one of the key causes of deviant and antisocial adolescent behavior. (Shirley Zeiberg)

ests. For example, a teenager who is in the school band is not forced by peer pressure to learn to play an instrument. Instead, the teenager typically joins the band if she already knows how to play an instrument. Therefore, measuring the level of similarity among band members’ musical ability needs to account for the fact that they may have originally been highly similar. In order to assess the degree to which an adolescent changes to conform to peer pressure, she needs to be studied over time, in a longitudinal research design. Although peer groups have an impact on adolescent behavior, studies using a longitudinal design find

that the majority of similarities observed are due to initial selection. A similar research problem arises in how information is gathered about adolescent and peer similarity. Many researchers have chosen to use a single adolescent informant. That is, one teenager provides information for both his behaviors and the behaviors of peers. Thus, a positive relationship between a teenager and peers could partially reflect the teenager projecting his behaviors onto peers. Studies that have collected information from both adolescents and peers support this idea. Peer pressure is still found to have an impact when it is measured with multiple

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informants; however, its impact is significantly lower than when assessed with a single informant. Additionally, researchers investigating peer pressure have found various factors that influence the impact of peer pressure. One of the most reliable findings is the role of age. Conformity to peer pressure appears as an inverted U across time. That is, adolescent conformity to peer pressure increases as individuals enter adolescence, peaks during middle adolescence (approximately twelve to fifteen years old), and declines thereafter. Gender has also proven a relatively consistent modifier of susceptibility to peer pressure. Although male and female adolescents generally display similar levels of susceptibility to peers, males are more likely to conform to peer demands to engage in antisocial activities than are females. Both genders are equally susceptible to peer pressure concerning musical preferences, but females are less susceptible to peer pressure involving illegal activities. Classic views of peer pressure as a negative phenomenon, therefore, are more applicable to the adolescent male experience. The status a teenager has in a peer group also affects the nature of peer pressure. Low-status group members are usually subject to unilateral influences from the peer group; the peer group pressures the adolescent and she conforms. Higher status adolescents also experience peer pressure, but in a more subtle and bidirectional manner. Higher-status teens can influence and guide the peer group, yet their status and influence are bound by group expectations. Thus, although higher status members appear more influential, their behavious are guided in less obvious ways by the demands of the group.

The degree to which adolescents conform to peer pressure also depends on what the peer group is demanding. Adolescents are more likely to be influenced by peer pressure involving neutral behaviors than peer pressure involving antisocial or deviant behaviors. Thus, although teenagers may readily conform to peer demands to attend a certain film, they are less likely to conform to similar pressures to take illegal drugs. On a related point, teenagers are also more susceptible to peer pressure in some areas of their life than others. Life decisions involving short-term and transient outcomes are highly subject to peer pressure, but peer pressure has a smaller impact on longterm decisions. For example, peer pressure plays a larger role in the color that a teenager dyes his hair but a smaller role in college selection. The broader social context of the adolescent, especially her relationship with parents, also modifies the impact that peer pressure has on behavior. Permissive or authoritarian parents tend to increase the degree to which a teen is susceptible to peer pressure. Additionally, it has recently been shown that autocratic parenting influences adolescent susceptibility differently, depending on whether peer pressure is positive or negative. Teens with highly autocratic parents are more influenced by positive peer pressure and less influenced by pressure to engage in positive rather than negative behaviors than are teens with less autocratic parents. Douglas W. Elliott

See also Cliques; Conflict and Stress; Dating; Decision Making; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Juvenile Crime; Moral Development; Substance Use and Abuse; Teasing; Youth Gangs

Peer Status References and further reading Berndt, Thomas J. 1979. “Developmental Changes in Conformity to Peers and Parents.” Developmental Psychology 15: 608–616. Berndt, Thomas J., and Keuho Keefe. 1995. “Friends’ Influence on Adolescents’ Adjustment to School.” Child Development 66: 1312–1329. ———. 1996. “Transitions in Friendship and Friends’ Influence.” Pp. 57–84 in Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Edited by Julia A. Graber, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, and Anne C. Petersen. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Brown, B. Bradford, Donnie Rae Classen, and Sue Ann Eicher. 1986. “Perceptions of Peer Pressure, Peer Conformity Dispositions, and Self-Reported Behavior among Adolescents.” Developmental Psychology 22: 521–530. Bukowski, William M., Andrew F. Newcomb, and Willard M. Hartup. 1996. The Company They Keep: Friendship in Childhood and Adolescence. New York: Cambridge University Press. Chassin, Laurie, Clark C. Presson, Steve J. Sherman, Daniel Montello, and John McGrew. 1986. “Changes in Peer and Parent Influence during Adolescence: Longitudinal versus Cross-Sectional Perspectives on Smoking Initiation.” Developmental Psychology 22: 327–334. Kandel, Denise B. 1978. “Homophily, Selection, and Socialization in Adolescent Friendships.” American Journal of Sociology 84: 427–436. Mounts, Nina S., and Laurence Steinberg. 1995. “An Ecological Analysis of Peer Influence on Adolescent Grade Point Average and Drug Use.” Developmental Psychology 31: 915–922. Youniss, James. 1980. Parents and Peers in Social Development: A Sullivan-Piaget Perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Peer Status What characteristics of the person and of his context enhance the quality of his peer status? How can adolescents be

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aided in building healthy and supportive friendships? Although there has not been a lot of theoretical attention paid to conceptualizing what individual and contextual variables may help answer these questions, research does indicate that there are three dimensions of peer relationships, or friendships, that affect the course of youth development: first, simply having friends; second, the kind of person one has as a friend; and third, the quality of the friendship. Variations in all three of these dimensions are related to differences in the adjustment of youth. Clearly, unless one has a friend, the other influences of friendship on adolescent development cannot act. There is a diverse set of individual and contextual variables that shape the formation of friendships in adolescence. Friendships are formed more readily by youth who are more age-mate oriented than family oriented in their attempts to establish new social relationships with peers. Also, the ability to take the perspective of other people whom one is meeting is important in establishing new friendships in adolescence. In addition, knowledge of what are appropriate and inappropriate strategies to use in making friends is important in establishing acceptance by peers. Knowing these strategies, along with the ability to take someone else’s perspective, can be quite useful, since being able to fit one’s style of behavior to that desired by peers is a key factor in positive peer relations and popularity. Useful strategies in establishing friendships include managing conflicts in ways that avoid any disruption in the relationship (that is, that avoid “stopping talking” for a while) and using display behaviors to enhance one’s attractiveness to others.

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Friendships marked by stability, engagement, and lack of deviance in the friend are associated with positive self-esteem among adolescents. (Skjold Photographs)

For instance, and in light of the fact that physical attractiveness is linked to better peer relations in both boys and girls, each gender may use a set of behaviors that they believe is associated with greater physical attractiveness. For instance, in order to try to appear more attractive, girls have been found to display chin strokes, hair flips, head tilts, coy looks, and movements designed to make themselves appear physically smaller. To the extent that these behaviors and characteristics are successful in forming a friendship, and if the adolescent can then become engaged in a friendship that is marked by the qualities of 1. stability (duration over time);

2. engagement (i.e., being involved in activities with a best or close friend); and 3. lack of deviance in the friend (that is, a friend who does not get into trouble, a friend who has behaviors and attitudes that are socially positive), then it is likely that positive self-esteem will develop in the youth. However, not all friendships are formed with youth who are engaged in positive behaviors and who avoid trouble and deviance. When friendships are formed with youth having negative characteristics, the implications for adolescent development are not favorable. For

Peer Victimization in School instance, when a youth’s friends engage in antisocial behavior or in disruptive behavior, it is likely that the youth will follow the same course. In addition, young people and their friends frequently have the same feelings of internal distress, and such personality characteristics can be associated with both adolescent and peer substance abuse. Involvement with deviant peers and feelings of depression increase the likelihood that the adolescent will use drugs. Similarly, changes in youths’ grades and drug use are linked to these same changes in their friends. Such associations may develop through a process involving both hostile and lowreciprocity relationships with a close friend, occurring in relation to feelings of depression and self-destructive behaviors in a youth. Indeed, such a process has been found to be related to high levels of alcohol use among adolescents. In sum, a range of types of friendships exists in adolescence. As with peer relations in general, there are specific implications for youth behavior and development of the type of friendships they possess. Richard M. Lerner

See also Cliques; Ethnocentrism; Loneliness; Social Development References and further reading Hartup, Willard. 1993a. “Adolescents and Their Friends.” New Directions for Child Development 60: 3–22. ———. 1993b. “The Company They Keep: Friendships and Their Developmental Significance.” Child Development 67: 1–13. Kolaric, G. C., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1995. “Face-to-Face Interactions in Unacquainted Female-Male Adolescent Dyads: How Do Girls and Boys

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Behave?” Journal of Early Adolescence 15, no. 3: 363–382. Laursen, Brett. 1993. “Conflict Management among Close Peers.” New Directions for Child Development 60: 39–54. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Rubin, Kenneth A. 1998. “Peer Interaction, Relationships, and Groups.” Pp. 619–700 in Handbook of Child Psychology, vol. 3. 5th ed. Social, Emotional, and Personality Development. Edited by W. Damon and N. Eisenberg. New York: Wiley. Windle, Michael. 1994. “A Study of Friendship Characteristics and Problem Behaviors among Middle Adolescents.” Child Development 65: 1764–1777.

Peer Victimization in School Peer victimization can be defined as the repeated bullying, insulting, terrorizing, or intimidating of youth that takes place in and around school in contexts where adult supervision is minimal. Although victimization is of concern to teachers, administrators, and parents of schoolaged children at any age level, early adolescence may be a particularly critical developmental period for understanding the nature of chronic harassment, as well as its causes and consequences. Both the pubertal changes that signal the onset of adolescence and the transition to middle school bring about major shifts in the importance of the peer group to individual well-being. Given their heightened concern about finding their niche, fitting in, and peer approval in general, adolescents who are targets of peer victimization may be particularly vulnerable to adjustment difficulties. Academic problems may also be exacerbated among adolescent victims, since they must

Peer victimization is repeated bullying, insulting, terrorizing, or intimidating of youth. (Skjold Photographs)

Peer Victimization in School learn to cope with the general decline in motivation that often accompanies the middle school transition and adjust to a school structure that provides more opportunities for avoidance (e.g., skipping classes). Types of Peer Victimization Peer victimization takes many forms. It can be either direct, entailing face-to-face confrontation, or it can be indirect, usually involving a third party. Direct victimization can be further distinguished as either physical (e.g., assault, damage to one’s property) or verbal (e.g., name-calling, threats, racial slurs). Indirect victimization usually involves spreading nasty rumors, gossiping, or other kinds of behaviors that are designed to exclude or ostracize the victim from his or her peer group. The most common types of victimization reported by middle school students are being the target of nasty rumors, name-calling, and public ridicule. Overt physical victimization appears to decline from childhood to adolescence, whereas the psychological types, both direct and indirect, increase from elementary to secondary school. How pervasive is peer-directed victimization in schools? Harassment begins as early as preschool, and its effects are evident at a relatively young age. For example, survey data reveal that children as young as age seven list feeling unsafe at school as one of their greatest worries. Other studies indicate that more than one-third of all aggressive acts against twelve- to fifteen-year-olds take place at school, with another 20 percent occurring on the way to school. Furthermore, anywhere from 40 percent to 80 percent of students report that they personally have been victimized at school, with the reported incidents ranging from verbal

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abuse and intimidation to property damage and serious assault (Hoover, Oliver, and Hazler, 1992). In some urban secondary schools most of the youth who carry weapons to school claim that they do so for self-defense. All of these findings suggest that psychological abuse, physical threat, and direct aggression have become accepted facts in American schools, and that the perpetrators of hostility are becoming more aggressive and the targets of their abuse are feeling more vulnerable. Although the public tends to think of peer victimization as a dyadic interaction between a perpetrator (bully) and her victim, it may be more accurate to portray victimization as a group phenomenon involving multiple social roles. As many as six participant roles that children may assume during a victimization incident have been identified. In addition to bully and victim, these roles are bully’s assistant, bully’s reinforcer, victim’s defender, and bystander. In studies among middle and high school students, a greater percentage of students report taking on roles that encourage and maintain peer abuse as opposed to roles that discourage it. For example, at least 35 to 40 percent of adolescents act as bullies, assistants, or reinforcers. If those in the bystander role are included, there are as many as 60 to 70 percent of students who do nothing to stop bullying. In contrast, only about 20 percent of students report that they take on defender roles (Salmivalli, 1999). There are no clear gender differences in victimization. Girls and boys are about equally likely to be harassed by their peers, although they tend to be harassed in different ways. Boys are more often physically victimized, whereas girls are more typically indirectly or relationally victimized by being excluded from social groups. Verbal harassment, such as name-

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calling, occurs with about the same frequency among males and females. As a special type of peer victimization, sexual harassment in school does have clear links to gender. Girls are more likely to report being the victim of unwanted sexual attention than boys. The most common types of sexual victimization reported in school are being the target of sexual comments, jokes, or gestures, and being touched, grabbed, or pinched in a sexual way. The least common types reported are voyeurism (i.e., being spied on as one gets undressed in the locker room) and forcible rape. Sexual harassment is likely to occur more often and be perceived as more severe in high school than in middle school, and among older than younger high school students. Because sexual harassment is unique and has its own developmental course, it is not included in the sections that follow on the causes and consequences of peer victimization. Risk Factors for Peer Victimization Although large percentages of students report some experiences with victimization, only about 10 to 15 percent of school children are chronic victims (Olweus, 1991). These are the youngsters who are repeatedly harassed by their peers. Chronic victimization can last from a few weeks to several years. The reasons why some children become chronic victims are not well understood, but there are both individual and family factors that place a child at particular risk. Because victimization occurs when there is an imbalance of power between individuals, one characteristic that appears to directly contribute to victimization is physical weakness. Physically weak children are often increasingly victimized over time because they lack the ability

and confidence to ward off the attacks of their peers. Late pubertal development relative to one’s peers has been linked to victimization for boys, because boys who mature later are typically smaller and physically weaker in middle school than their on-time and early-maturing male classmates. A second risk factor for victimization is being different from others. Habitual teasing is especially likely for children who look different due to, for example, being fat, wearing glasses, being an ethnic minority, or having speech problems or an obvious physical disability. Youngsters who behave in a deviant way are also at increased risk. Hyperactivity and other kinds of annoying or disruptive behavior often invite peer harassment. Hence, the dimensions of difference that can cause victimization may be both within the potential victims’ control (e.g., annoying behavior) and outside of their control (e.g., looking different). The absence of good-quality friendship networks is a third risk factor for victimization. It has been shown that children who are vulnerable in other ways are less likely to be harassed by peers if they have even one close friend. A close friend provides not only emotional support but also someone who will stick up for the child if victimization does occur. Studies have shown that bullies prefer to attack friendless children because there is little risk of retaliation from others. On the other hand, the quality as well as the quantity of one’s friendships can also be an important consideration. Chronic victims who do have more than one friend often have chums who themselves are weak, timid, and fearful. Nevertheless, victims often do have close relationships that can offer much in the way of support or protection against bullies.

Peer Victimization in School A fourth risk factor can be traced to the chronic victim’s family relationships. Children who display what is called insecure attachment to parents are often the targets of peer harassment. As infants and toddlers, insecurely attached children are easily upset by novelty, have difficulty separating from their parent, and are not easily comforted by their parent when they are upset. When these children reach school age, they tend to be anxious and reluctant to explore or try new things, and they cry easily. Such behaviors often invite harassment by classmates. Parenting styles also are related to victimization. Overprotectiveness or intrusiveness by mothers, particularly toward their sons, can interfere with the boy’s development of physical play and risk taking, which are behaviors that are valued by the male peer group and that protect against victimization. In contrast, overcontrolling parents who use coercion and threat of love withdrawal to insure compliance are more likely to be a risk factor for girls. Parents who employ such tactics may foster self-doubts in their daughters about their ability to develop the kind of interpersonal relationships that are more expected of girls. In summary, there are individual child factors and family factors that can be causes of victimization. It is important to remember, however, that the presence of these risk factors does not mean that victims are responsible for their plight. Peerdirected victimization would not take place if there were no bullies to initiate it and if there were better ways to supervise and monitor all children at school. Consequences of Peer Victimization The psychological and behavioral consequences of chronic victimization are

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overwhelmingly negative. Chronic victims tend to have low self-esteem, and they feel more lonely, anxious, unhappy, and insecure than their nonvictimized peers. Studies of victimization over time reveal that these psychological consequences can have long-term effects. For example, one large-scale study conducted in Norway showed that chronic victimization in ninth grade predicted depression, negative self-views, and suicide attempts ten years later when the former victims were young adults. One reason why many victims suffer from low self-esteem and depression is that they blame themselves for what happens to them. That is, when youngsters are harassed by others, they often ask themselves, “Why me?” To the extent that their answer to this question focuses on their own perceived weaknesses (e.g., “I’m a wimp,” “I’m the type of person who deserves to be picked on”), they will feel worse about themselves. Victims who attribute their plight to situational factors (e.g., “This school has a lot of tough kids”) that do not single them out (e.g., “These kids pick on everybody”) show better coping and adjustment. There is increasing evidence that chronic victims are also at risk for school difficulties. Victims of all ages report that they like school less than do nonvictims. At the secondary level, victimization is associated with attendance problems, such as tardiness and unexcused absences. Such findings may indicate that victims use avoidance as a way of coping with chronic harassment by others. Less is known about how victimization directly affects actual school performance, as measured by grade-point average. What is clear, however, is that when victimization is accompanied by psychological problems, such as low self-esteem or depres-

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sion, adolescents are at particular risk for diminished academic performance. In addition to suffering from negative self-views and school difficulties, victims tend to be rejected by the general peer group, especially during early adolescence. In addition to showing dislike, studies on peer attitudes document that young adolescents express little concern that victimization might cause pain and suffering for the target of such behavior. In general, adolescents appear to be unsympathetic toward victims and to endorse the belief that these children bring their problems on themselves. This may partly explain why peers take on the role of participants in the victimization process and why victims have difficulty finding peers who will either protect them or come to their aid. As a result of negative self-views and peer rejection, many victims become passive and withdrawn, and they yield to bullies’ demands with little or no protest. Other victims, in contrast, become hostile and aggressive themselves. When picked on by others, they react with exaggerated displays of anger and hostility. But such youngsters are rarely successful in their attempts to defend themselves or gain acceptance from the peer group. The long-term consequences of being an aggressive victim can be just as devastating as those associated with being a passive victim. One such consequence is perhaps best illustrated by the series of school shootings that took place in America over a two-year period in the late 1990s. A common factor underlying almost all of these shootings was that the perpetrator had a history of being teased and taunted by fellow classmates, and that he felt picked on and persecuted. In summary, research on the consequences of chronic peer harassment por-

trays a dismal picture of the school life of victimized youth. Victims feel bad about themselves, lonely, isolated, and depressed. They are also disliked by their peers, who are very unsympathetic to their plight. The behavioral consequences of victimization involve both turning inward, with submissiveness and withdrawal, and turning outward, with hostility and aggression. Chronic harassment can also lead to poor school performance. School-Based Interventions for Victimization The negative consequences of victimization highlight the need for intervention, and a few different approaches have been offered. One approach focuses on the victim, in order to teach social skills and strategies for dealing with harassment. These may include assertiveness training, where victims learn to defend themselves in nonaggressive ways; the learning of effective problem-solving tactics; and friendship development training, such as learning cooperation and sharing. Many victims are reluctant to tell anyone about their experiences out of fear of further retaliation or being singled out as an easy mark. To address this problem, victim hot lines have been established as a second approach. A phone call to counselors at the victim’s discretion is thought to both protect their privacy and encourage help seeking. Yet a third kind of approach has been designed to change the school environment where peer harassment takes place. The goal is to target everybody in the school setting, including staff, teachers, and all students. This kind of approach is guided by the belief that victimization can be combated only if two things happen: First, teachers and administrators

Personal Fable must take harassment seriously and know how to handle it. And second, the student body must become less tolerant of victimization and more empathetic toward victims. Schoolwide programs are multifaceted, in that they typically include a curriculum for staff development and empathy training for all students, as well as specific interventions for both victims and bullies. Given the pervasiveness and seriousness of peer victimization in schools today, it seems that schoolwide programs will be the most effective strategy for both prevention and intervention. Only when the school community comes to accept the fact that the problem of victimization is everyone’s responsibility will the climate be right for effective and lasting change. Sandra Graham

See also Cliques; Conflict and Stress; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Shyness; Teasing References and further reading Graham, Sandra, and Jaana Juvonen. 1998. “A Social Cognitive Perspective on Peer Aggression and Victimization.” Annals of Child Development 13: 21–66. Hoover, J., R. Oliver, and R. Hazler. 1992. “Bullying: Perceptions of Adolescent Victims in Midwestern USA.” School Psychology International 13: 5–16. Juvonen, Jaana, and Sandra Graham, eds. 2000. Peer Harassment in School: The Plight of the Vulnerable and Victimized. New York: Guilford Press. Lee, Valerie, Robert Croninger, Eleanor Linn, and Xianglei Chen. 1996. “The Culture of Sexual Harassment in Secondary Schools.” American Educational Research Journal 33: 383–417. Olweus, Dan. 1991. “Bully/Victim Problems among School Children: Basic Facts and Effects of a School-Based Intervention Program.” Pp. 411–454 in The Development and Treatment of Childhood Aggression. Edited by Debra

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Pepler and Kenneth Rubin. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Rigby, Ken. 1996. Bullying in Schools and What to Do about It. Melbourne: Austrailian Council for Educational Research. Salmivalli, Christina. 1999. “Participant Role Approach to School Bullying: Implications for Intervention.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 453–459. Verlinden, Stephanie, Michael Hersen, and Jay Thomas. 2000. “Risk Factors in School Shootings.” Clinical Psychology Review 20: 3–56.

Personal Fable The personal fable is a story adolescents tell themselves, about themselves. The personal fable emerges during adolescence when they begin to think differently about the world. While they are developing new cognitive abilities, adolescents become self-centered or egocentric. Aspects of egocentrism are extreme self-consciousness, a sense that one is always under critical scrutiny of others, and a feeling that one is different from everyone else. In the personal fable the adolescent portrays herself as special or unique. People at all stages of their lives have personal fables that help them to overcome difficult times. For adolescents, however, the fable dominates their thinking and understanding. The period of adolescence is marked by dramatic changes in ways of thinking. Adolescents gain the ability to think abstractly and hypothetically. For instance, they can now think about what might happen given certain circumstances. Adolescents can reflect on their own and other people’s thinking and can consider the point of view or perspective of others. However, with these new abilities come errors in judgment. These errors contribute to the personal fable.

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Personal fables can lead to adolescents’ feeling they are invulnerable or indestructible. (Shirley Zeiberg)

The personal fable may appear in many different forms. Adolescents may fail to distinguish between experiences and feelings that are unique to them and those that are common to humanity. They may underestimate how much other people can relate to their experiences. For example, a young man may have his heart broken and believe that no one has experienced the pain he feels. Alternatively, adolescents often believe that others share their own concerns and preoccupations. A young woman with a blemish on her face is likely to think that everyone else notices it, too, and cares about it as much as she does. Another part of the personal fable is that adolescents have a feeling of invulnerability or indestructibility. They be-

lieve that “bad things happen to other people but not to me.” Since they are special and unique, they are not vulnerable to the same dangers as other people. This belief may lead to risk-taking behavior. For instance, although adolescents know drunk driving is dangerous and may even know of someone who was involved in a drunk-driving accident, they do not think it could ever happen to them. The personal fable can be adaptive for adolescents, since it protects them from being overwhelmed by fears and experiences that they did not have to deal with as children. As their thought processes mature, adolescents begin to realize the many threats in the world that were not of concern to them previously. The personal fable may also protect and help develop self-esteem at a time when adolescents are particularly vulnerable to criticism. In general, personal fable behavior begins to diminish as young people begin to develop friendships in which intimacies are shared. Once young people begin to share their personal feelings and thoughts, they discover that they are less unique and special than they originally thought. In addition, the sense of loneliness in being special and apart from everyone else diminishes. As adolescents move into adulthood, self-esteem increases and the need to fit in diminishes, as does the need for the personal fable. Susan Averna

See also Accidents; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Lore References and further reading Buis, Joyce, and Dennis Thompson. 1989. “Imaginary Audience and Personal Fable: A Brief Review.” Adolescence 24, no. 96: 774–781.

Personality Elkind, David. 1978. “Understanding the Adolescent.” Adolescence 13, no. 49: 127–134. Lapsley, Daniel, Matt Milstead, Stephen Quintana, Daniel Flannery, and Raymond Buss. 1986. “Adolescent Egocentrism and Formal Operations: Tests of a Theoretical Assumption.” Developmental Psychology 22, no. 6: 800–807.

Personality Each person is different, not like anybody else, unique. This uniqueness is a very complex set of biological characteristics, ideas, memories, motivations, attitudes, and values. Theoretically, the number of characteristics that each person possesses is unlimited or at least very large. Moreover, these characteristics themselves are not equal; they define a very complicated system called a human being, and they define it in different ways. Some of these characteristics can be observed directly and established objectively (like eye color or height), some could be judged based on a person’s action (like kindness or anxiety), some influence a person’s behavior in life situations (for instance, sociability), and some do not (again, eye color or, for instance, blood type). Personality is defined as one’s characteristics that define one’s behavior in life situations. These characteristics are called personality traits. They are “individual differences in the tendency to behave, think, and feel in certain consistent ways” (Caspi, 1998, p. 312). Some of these traits are biologically determined (as properties of one’s nervous system) and related closely to one’s temperament; some are mostly cognitive (like values and attitudes) and related to a person’s self, a mental structure that encompasses a person’s views and beliefs about him/herself and

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the world around them. Personality can be viewed as a kind of geometrical shape with multiple facets, with each facet representing a personality characteristic, and all the facets with unique joints between them should be taken into consideration if one wishes to explain or predict a person’s behavior in any given moment. This shape is personality. There are numerous traits, so it would be hard or maybe impossible to describe a particular personality without some kind of generalization. In the early years of research on personality, scholars noted that those characteristics might be grouped, reducing their number and making descriptions, explanations, and comparisons much easier. Continuing to use a geometrical metaphor, if the shape is viewed from a distance, the edges between some facets would be blurred and several of them would be perceived as one, bigger facet. The number of facets we see will depend on the distance, or, more scientifically, the number of traits to take into consideration will depend on the level of analysis. In sum, personality might be thought of as a hierarchy of traits, from broadest domains that correspond to the most general tendencies of a person’s behavior, to smaller traits, as well as the values and ides that may influence his reaction to a particular situation. On the top of the hierarchy are the Big Five factors, the broadest qualities each of which encompasses several more precise personality characteristics. Most researchers agree that these five factors are: • Extraversion, or Positive Emotionality, defining to which extent a person actively engages in life on the whole and likes to seek new experiences; extraverts are usually

Personality is defined as the characteristics that define an adolescent’s behaviors, emotions, and motivations. (Skjold Photographs)

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active, assertive, enthusiastic, outgoing, humorous, and sociable; Neuroticism, or Negative Emotionality, defining to which extent a person sees the world as hostile, distressful, and threatening; people who possess this quality are basically anxious, self-pitying, concerned with adequacy, not selfreliant, worrying, and have fluctuating moods; Agreeableness, defining warm, giving, and sharing quality of a person’s interpersonal nature; manifests itself in generousness, kindness, warmth, compassion, and trust; Conscientiousness, or Constraint, or the strength of one’s self-controlling ability; conscientious people are organized, planful, reliable, and responsible; Openness, or Intellect, defining the complexity of one’s intellectual life; as it is obvious, it is directly related to a person’s intellectual level and expresses itself in creativity, curiosity, width of interests, the depth of understanding experiences, artistry, and fantasy.

The above schema is widely accepted by most scholars of personality and represents the two highest levels of the personality hierarchy. Yet the complexity of a human being cannot be represented in one, even one very well developed and very precise schema. In many instances one cannot predict their own behavior or the behavior of others. In fact, human personality is much more complex than any schema can represent, and, in addition, it is constantly changing. It is also interesting that the very nature of our understanding of personality is full of contradictions. Some of these are:

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• between the holistic nature of personality and the need, already discussed, for some classification and generalization; • between objectivity and subjectivity—there is no way of objectively measuring any personality traits; • between stability and change; • between the roles of heredity, environment, and the conscious will in development of one’s personality. The first contradiction is that there are a large number of traits, attitudes, and values that influence any act in any situation. These numerous traits were invented by psychologists to describe and measure personality with a certain degree of precision, but in reality all of these qualities are at work simultaneously. The ability to generalize is useful if we want to compare two personalities, or if we want to measure change in one’s personality over time. However, these scales and dimensions are approximations. For instance, we may want to describe someone as outgoing, agreeable, extravert, kind, generous, self-reliant, yet not planful enough, who likes to avoid responsibility, yet is always devoted to his friends. Based on these characteristics, a person can be judged. Yet, it would still be an approximation, and it would be impossible to predict this person’s behavior in a given situation just based on that description. Thus, the first contradiction lies in the idea of personality as a scientific concept. The second contradiction is evident when one attempts to measure all the qualities that are considered to be part of personality. How do we know that the person is kind, or sociable, or optimistic? How do we compare one person with another and claim that one of them has more of a certain quality than another?

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How can we judge our own qualities? In other words, the question is how some degree of objectivity is reached while making judgements about personality characteristics. One measurement strategy is to judge personality based on a person’s actions. A kind person does more for the others. A sociable person has more friends. Yet, there are at least two problems with using this way of measuring. First, there is no way of recording ALL of a person’s actions and behaviors, even during some short period of time. Second, one’s actions and behaviors in any situation depend on the situation no less than they depend on one’s personality characteristics, so to make a comparison between two people, for instance, we would need to compare their actions in absolutely identical situations, which is not realistic. In addition, there are some personality traits (like optimism) that do not display themselves directly into actions and define more global attitudes toward life. However, using actions to measure personality is common in questionnaires and interviews. Another way to capture one’s personality is to rely on people’s opinions, and, if opinions of several people concur, then that our measurement has at least some degree of objectivity. The next contradiction is between continuity and change. As it can be inferred from the definition of personality traits, traits are consistent qualities. At the same time, human personality is an everchanging system. The questions that arise out of the notion of a changing system have to do with whether change is possible; if it is possible, is it necessary; and last, what changes? First of all, change is possible. Moreover, the scholars in the field of behavioral genetics, who deal with the prob-

lems of heredity in temperament and personality characteristics, claim that change is genetically programmed; in other words, people are born with predispositions for more or less change. For instance, it is well known that twin studies have shown that all twins, even those who grow up in the same family, during the life course always grow apart or become less similar. At the same time, those studies have shown that different pairs of twins (even of one kind, monozygotic, or biologically most similar twins) display different degrees of change. Since in such studies all the other variables seem constant (all monozygotic, all growing together in a normal environment), the only logical explanation would be that the proneness to change is another genetic characteristic. Most of the change happens in the first part of life, from birth until early adulthood. In other words, this change is part of usual maturation, which is, as we know, biologically inevitable. On the other hand, people change for the rest of their lives, though this change, happening beyond young adulthood, is less drastic and more environmentally than biologically influenced. Trying to draw conclusions about whether change is necessary is more difficult. It implies that change should be evaluated as positive or negative for development. Basically, researchers agree that stability is positive and that people whose personalities remain relatively stable from adolescence to adulthood are more intellectually, emotionally, and socially successful than those who exhibit higher degrees of change (Block, 1971). Some have hypothesized that stability, or consistency of personality characteristics, is related to the very important and defi-

Personality nitely positive human trait—integrity, which means a person’s stability and strength in the face of different life events. To answer the question of what changes is difficult. Human personality is a complex construct that is hierarchically organized. There are global traits (domains), there are specific ones, and there are ideas and attitudes situated at the lowest levels of hierarchy. Keeping in mind that all change is relative to consistency, it is nevertheless possible to claim that there is at least one global rule of change that holds true for most human personalities. The more global the trait is, the slower it changes. The most stable across the life span are the five factors, or domains, which are mostly biologically determined and thus harder (yet not impossible) to change. The less stable are traits, values, and attitudes that are culturally and cognitively created and thus are possible to reshape when a new culture, new environment, or a new stream of events comes into play. The last contradiction that arises when the topic of personality is looked at is the one between heredity, environment, and conscious will in shaping one’s personality. This problem is probably the most important one, since some information in this field would promote one’s understanding of the forces shaping his personality and his own role among these forces. On one hand, the most basic personality traits are biologically determined, hence inherited, hence hard to change. Yet taken literally, this fact contradicts the very idea of contemporary developmental psychology, which states that nothing, or very little in human psyche, is predetermined and impossible to change; everything is the result of a very complex interplay of biology and envi-

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ronment. There are different opinions about this issue in the field. First of all, the scholars of behavioral genetics claim that heredity is responsible for from 22 to 46 percent of variation in different personality characteristics, more so for Extraversion and Neuroticism and less for the rest of the factors (Agreeableness, Constraint, Openness). These numbers seem pervasive. But if one thinks about it not in terms of bare numbers but in terms of people and imagine that, for instance, if two people have the same inherited level of sociability, and then for one of them it remained as it was but for another one it increased four times (this could be true, since this is the difference between inherited 22 (25) percent and the 100 percent that we have as the result of different life influences), even without being acquainted with these two people we can say that they will be quite different. So a great deal of flexibility and unpredictability exists here, and it is easier to understand if we think of the fact that “we do not inherit personality traits or even behavioral mechanisms as such. What is inherited are chemical templates that produce and regulate proteins involved in building the structure of the nervous system and the neurotransmitters, enzymes, and hormones that regulate them. . . .” (Zuckerman, 1991). These biological characteristics are always somehow influenced by the environment, so it is in a sense artificial to talk about biological characteristics as separate factors. Another consideration that may evolve here is the idea that in usual studies researchers deal with usual environmental influences and do not deal with environments especially designed for a specific goal, for instance, in families where

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parents put all of their efforts to suppress aggression and develop sociability in their child. Since the effect of such an experiment would be impossible to measure (we could never know how this child would develop under normal circumstances), we cannot estimate it in terms of numbers and percentages, but we can suppose that the impact of such a special, goal-oriented environment might be impressive. Another example of an environmental impact is what we call “a self-made person.” This can be understood in the context of the previous example, with the only difference being that this is the person himself, and not his parents who created a special environment for developing special personality traits. The mechanism of this change is a little more complex than for any other change, since to create the environment the person needs to understand exactly what the difference between his ideal self and his real self is and how to eliminate this difference. To do this, he needs to understand exactly and correctly his real self, and to determine the means of change. It is very hard, but still possible, and though, as in the previous examples, the effects of the impact of an intentionally created environment would be impossible to measure, it is here that the complex, yet flexible and open to perfection nature of human personality is clearly seen. Janna Jilnina See also Autonomy; Conformity; Disorders, Psychological and Social; Emotions; Ethnocentrism; Gender Differences; Identity; Moral Development; Motivation, Intrinsic; Rebellion; Self; Self-Consciousness; Sex Roles; Shyness; Social Development; Temperament

References and further reading Block, Jack. 1971. Lives through Time. Berkeley, CA: Bancroft Books. Caspi, Avshalom. 1998. “Personality Development across the Life Course.” In Handbook of Child Psychology. Edited by W. Damon and N. Eisenberg. New York: Wiley, pp. 311–388. Caspi, Avshalom, Glen Elder, and Ellen Herbener. 1990. “Childhood Personality and the Prediction of Life-Course Patterns.” In Straight and Devious Pathways from Childhood to Adulthood. Edited by Lee N. Robins and Michael Rutter. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zuckerman, Marvin. 1991. Psychobiology of Personality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Physical Abuse There is no single definition of what constitutes child physical abuse. Arriving at a consensus definition is difficult because of diverse beliefs and values regarding parents’ rights to discipline their children using physical means. Within the United States, some national leaders and child welfare experts believe that hitting a child in any way (e.g., spanking, slapping) should be considered abuse, whereas others believe that physical punishment is an appropriate method of discipline. Following the lead of Sweden, several European countries forbid all physical punishment. No state in the United States forbids parents from using physical punishment on their children. Given that it is not unlawful for parents or guardians to use corporal punishment, when does physical discipline become abuse? Most states employ guidelines that define physical abuse as inflicting physical injury to a child causing abrasions, lacerations, and fractures. However, a determination of abuse involves taking into consideration such

A child who has been the victim of physical abuse is at risk for juvenile delinquency, drug and alcohol abuse, and criminal activity. (Corbis/Bettmann)

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factors as the age of the child, the extent of injury, and the circumstances surrounding the incident. Ultimately, federally mandated state agencies, called child protective services, are responsible for determining if abuse has occurred. Child protective services often work in conjunction with the police because physical abuse can be a criminal act. Child protective services can seek the removal of children from parents and placement in foster care through court action if children are determined to be at substantial risk of further harm. Prevalence Historically, parents in the United States have used physical methods to punish their children for perceived misbehavior. National surveys indicate that approximately 97 percent of Americans have received physical discipline at some point during their childhood. More than 50 percent of adults report that they were physically punished by their parents during adolescence. Approximately 205,000 children were identified by child protective service agencies as being physically abused within the United States in 1998 (a rate of 2.9 per 1,000 children). Child protective service records showed that the physical abuse rate was 3.2 per 1,000 among 12-15 year-olds and 1.9 per 1,000 among 16-17 year-olds; these victimization rates are based on cases known to the authorities and are likely to significantly underestimate the number of adolescents who are physically abused. Physical abuse occurs in all socioeconomic groups, yet children from families who earn less than $15,000 are at least fifteen times more likely to experience physical abuse than children who are from families with incomes of more than $30,000.

A 1995 Gallup poll of parents on their use of physical punishment concluded that 49 children per 1,000 were physically abused; this estimate of the rate of abuse indicated that approximately 3 million children were physically abused that year. However, parents are not likely to be completely candid about their use of physical discipline in an interview, so these data are also likely to underestimate the prevalence of physical abuse. There were 1,110 child fatalities in 1998 as the result of child maltreatment, which includes both neglect and physical abuse. Many experts believe this figure underestimates the number of deaths resulting from maltreatment because of the difficulty in determining the exact cause of death for many young children. Several states have instituted child fatality review teams to review and investigate the causes of all accidental child deaths. Children under the age of five are the most vulnerable to severe physical harm and death (approximately 85 percent of child deaths due to physical abuse involved children under five) because they cannot flee from harm, verbalize what has happened, or defend themselves, and they have only minimal contact with adults beyond their families. Further, their bodies are the most vulnerable to physical injury. The most frequent cause of serious injury (brain damage) or death for children under the age of three is shaken baby syndrome. Shaken baby syndrome can occur when an adult grabs an infant by the shoulders and shakes the child; the child’s head bobs back and forth causing the brain to hit the skull resulting in internal hemorrhaging. Although many school-aged children are injured by their caregivers each year, school-aged children are less likely than younger children to suffer severe injuries

Physical Abuse due to physical abuse. The reduction in serious injury is attributed primarily to their greater physical development and access to teachers, principals, and counselors who are mandated to report any suspected abuse to child protective services. If a child discloses any form of child maltreatment to school officials, these professionals must immediately make a report to child protective services. Teachers and other professionals (e.g., counselors, doctors, nurses) who fail to report suspected abuse are subject to criminal prosecution. Causes No single factor has been identified as the cause of physical abuse. Research reveals that there are many factors that contribute to child abuse. These include parents who have a history of being physically abused as children, are of low socioeconomic status, are young and single, have less than a high school education, have poor impulse control, lack social supports, are under significant stress, and/or have a special needs child. Statistics indicate that 70 percent to 80 percent of parents who abuse their children were physically abused themselves. However, the majority (60–70 percent) of physically abused children do not harm their children when they become parents. Fifty to 80 percent of all physical abuse cases occur when parents are intoxicated or using illegal substances. A link has also been established between domestic violence and child abuse; many men who batter their spouses or partners also abuse the children in the home. Effects Children who experience physical abuse are frequently reluctant to disclose what has occurred. They are often threatened

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with further punishment, fearful of getting their parents into serious trouble, or frightened of the unknown consequences following disclosure. Some children, in order to maintain secrecy regarding their victimization, may hide their injuries by wearing extra clothing, creating fictitious stories about their injuries when questioned, or stay at home until the injuries are healed. Children who believe that a nonoffending parent will support them are far more likely to disclose their abuse than children who feel unsupported. It is common for abused children to think that they deserved the physical abuse they received. Children are taught to love and respect parents; consequently, they may believe that parents are acting in their best interest even when physical injury occurs. This is especially true for younger children. Unless children become aware that there are legal limits to physical discipline, they may be subject to continuous abuse without considering seeking help to prevent further incidents. The impact of physical abuse on physical development varies. Beyond immediate physical pain and temporary injury, research indicates that abused children have a greater likelihood of neurological impairment. Sensory and motor skills problems are associated with physical abuse. In cases of severe abuse, children may experience a lifetime of physical limitations. The effects of physical abuse are not limited to bodily harm. There are also psychological consequences for children and adolescents who have been emotionally traumatized by the experience of physical abuse. The most significant consequence is that victims of abuse often view the world around them as a hostile, unpredictable place that threatens them

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with harm. Abused children and adolescents learn that in order to survive they must physically, psychologically, and emotionally protect themselves from others. They can become distrustful and suspicious of any adult. Research shows that adolescents who have been physically abused are more likely than nonabused peers to act out in an aggressive manner or to withdraw from peers. They may have difficulty initiating and maintaining positive social relationships during adolescence, and this pattern may still be evident in adulthood. Adolescents with a history of physical abuse frequently show low levels of self-esteem and have a much greater probability of suffering from depression and anxiety disorders than nonabused adolescents; they also report thinking more often about committing suicide than other adolescents. Physical abuse has been linked to other problem behaviors in adolescence and adulthood. Having been physically abused increases the probability of participation in juvenile delinquency, drug and alcohol abuse, and criminal activity. More than 80 percent of adult criminals in prison for assault reported being physically abused as children. Remediation and Treatment Several factors can mitigate the harmful effects of physical abuse. Less severe abuse, shorter duration, and being older than five have all been linked to fewer negative consequences. Studies consistently show that the most powerful factor in minimizing or eliminating the harmful consequences of abuse is experiencing a trusting, supportive relationship with an adult, preferably the nonoffending parent. Such relationships serve to provide children with physical and psychological

safety; they can reduce feelings of fear, betrayal, and self-blame that are often found in victims of physical abuse. Psychotherapy is the recommended treatment for abused children. The specific type of therapy utilized (play, cognitive behavioral, group, and/or family therapy) depends on the age of the child, familial support, and circumstances surrounding the physical abuse. The primary issues include assisting children in expressing feelings, gaining a sense of control over traumatic memories, personal empowerment, enhancing selfesteem, building positive relationships, and developing alternatives to acting-out behaviors. Children and adolescents may need to participate in psychotherapy for varying lengths of time and at different stages of development to overcome the effects of physical abuse. Victims of abuse who have participated in psychotherapy report significant benefits to self-esteem and interpersonal relationships. In addition, they are able to resolve traumatic memories and reduce feelings of self-blame. James Henry Tom Luster See also Aggression; Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Anxiety; Bullying; Coping; Counseling; Emotional Abuse; Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors; Neglect; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Rights of Adolescents; Self-Injury; Sexual Abuse; Violence; Youth Gangs References and further reading Dote, Martha. 1999. “Emotionally and Behaviorally Disturbed Children in the Child Welfare System: Points of Preventative Intervention.” Children and Youth Services Review 21, no. 1: 7–29. Egeland, Byron. 1993. “A History of Abuse Is a Major Risk Factor for Abusing the Next Generation.” Pp. 197–208 in Current Controversies on Family

Political Development Violence. Edited by Richard J. Gelles and Donileen R. Loseke. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. English, Diana. 1998. “The Extent and Consequences of Child Maltreatment.” The Future of Children 8, no. 1: 39–51. National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information. 1999. “Child Fatalities Fact Sheet.” Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, pp. 1–3. Straus, Murray A., and Glenda K. Kantor. 1994. “Corporal Punishment of Adolescents by Parents: A Risk Factor in the Epidemiology of Depression, Suicide, Alcohol Abuse, Child Abuse, and Wife Beating.” Adolescence 29, no. 115: 543–560. Urquiza, Anthony J., and Cynthia Winn. 1999. “Treatment for Abused and Neglected Children: Infancy to Age 18.” National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, pp. 1–16.

Political Development Teenagers typically consider politics a boring topic with little relevance for their lives, probably because by politics they mean the business of elected officials. But politics is a much broader domain. It concerns rights and responsibilities and a commitment to the principles that bind us together as a society. Political participation is the way in which we stabilize our society and make our communities a good place to live. It is also the way in which we challenge our society and contribute to social change. Political comes from the word polis, which means the public sphere of society. Aristotle referred to the polis as a network of friends working together for their common good. The common good or public sphere refers to those things that members of a community share, that no one individual or group owns but that belong to everyone—like public

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schools, public parks, or public roads. They exist for the people, and the people have a stake in making them work well. Political participation is the way people work together to make their communities good places to live. In this sense it is very similar to civic work or public service. When teenagers do volunteer work in their communities—whether cleaning up a river or helping children learn to read—they are doing civic work. Such work benefits the public, that is, all citizens, not just the individuals that the adolescent helps. When a river is polluted, everyone for whom it was a source of drinking water or of recreation loses out. Likewise, if a child doesn’t learn to read, as an adult she will be poorly prepared to find work that can support a family or to make informed decisions that affect the entire community. When politics is conceived in this broader way, teenagers are very engaged. In fact, the results of an annual nationwide study of college freshman found that 81 percent of the class of 2000 had done volunteer work and 45.4 percent had participated in an organized demonstration, but only 28.1 percent said that they were interested in keeping up with politics (Kellogg, 2001). This is a far cry from the self-absorbed and apathetic picture that is sometimes painted of youth. In fact, adolescents are real assets to their communities—with fresh ideas and the energy to make things happen. Getting involved as a teenager seems to predict a lifetime of political participation and civic engagement. Adults who are active in the civic and political affairs of their communities were active in extracurricular activities at school and in other community and youth groups when they were teenagers (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, 1995). Why this is so is

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Political participation is the way people work together to make their communities good places to live. (Skjold Photographs)

not entirely clear. However, it is likely that by being a member of a group and helping to define and work toward common goals, one gets a sense of what it means to work for the common good. The feeling of group solidarity is a good one, and membership in the group becomes part of who one is. One identifies with the group, cares about the other members, and wants to help accomplish the goals of the group. This group identification is an essential part of political development because political goals are rarely accomplished by individuals. They result from group effort. Getting involved in extracurricular activities or community groups is not the only factor that promotes political or

civic participation. Families also play an important role, especially in the values they teach children. In a large study of adolescents in seven different countries, Flanagan et al. found that youth in each country were more likely to be involved in civic work if their parents had taught them that it was important to empathize with others’ feelings and needs and not just their own. In fact, research by Wendy Rahn and John Transue shows that increasing materialist aspirations among youth over the past few decades have eroded their feelings of trust in others, and low levels of social trust are related to lower levels of political participation. Social trust does increase, however, as a result of participating in community

Political Development activities. Thus, youth participation in community service should increase their trust in others. The adolescent and young adult years are generally considered an ideal stage in life for reflecting on political issues. Adolescence is the period when questions of identity—who I am, where I am headed, what meaning my life has—come to the fore. Questions of values—what I stand for, what ideals I believe in, and where my society is headed—may also emerge. Erik Erikson held that an ideology was a psychological necessity for adolescents, offering them, among other things, a correspondence between the inner world of ideals and the social world and helping them frame a perspective for the future. Our political views reveal something about ourselves and our view of the world. And the political views that evolve during the adolescent years are concordant with the person the teen is becoming and with his personal aspirations, values, and beliefs (Flanagan and Tucker, 1999). As they search for a direction in life, adolescents experiment with different ideas, roles, and lifestyles. Indeed, there is a certain freedom during this time to search because, compared to adults, adolescents are relatively free from responsibilities, especially for families. For these reasons, Karl Mannheim argued that it was during the late adolescent and early adult years that youth experienced a fresh contact with their society. They saw it from a new vantage point and could decide how their own ideals meshed with their social order and which aspects of that order were in need of change. As each new generation of youth comes of age, the particular political and historical events of the era are the context for their decisions about personal identity and political action. Politics is a world of con-

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tested views, and in their choice of music or the clothes they wear, youth make political statements. They decide who they are and with which groups and cultural messages they are aligned. And by the culture they create as a generation, they shape the world around them. According to generational theorists, social change occurs because each new generation of youth, with their own set of experiences, ideals, and choices, replaces the generation before them. Although political views continue to evolve after the adolescent and young adult years, the way an individual grapples with social and political issues during this period and the values to which she commits are formative of her personality and behaviors thereafter. Constance Flanagan See also Autonomy; College; Conformity; Decision Making; Ethnic Identity; Ethnocentrism; Family Relations; Freedom; Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Identity; Media; Moral Development; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Peer Pressure; Racial Discrimination; Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems; Rights of Adolescents; Self; Social Development; Transition to Young Adulthood; White and American: A Matter of Privilege?; Youth Culture; Youth Outlook References and further reading Erikson, Erik H. 1968. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. Flanagan, Constance A., and Leslie S. Gallay. 1995. “Reframing the Meaning of ‘Political’ in Research with Adolescents.” Perspectives on Political Science 24: 34–41. Flanagan, Constance A., and Corrina Jenkins Tucker. 1999. “Adolescents’ Explanations for Political Issues: Concordance with Their Views of Self and Society.” Developmental Psychology 35, no. 5: 1198–1209. Flanagan, Constance A., Jennifer Bowes, Britta Jonsson, Beno Csapo, and Elena Sheblanova. 1998. “Ties That Bind:

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Correlates of Adolescents’ Civic Commitments in Seven Countries.” In Political Development: Youth Growing Up in a Global Community. Journal of Social Issues 54, no. 3: 457–475. Kellogg, Alex. 2001. “Looking Inward, Freshmen Care Less about Politics and More about Money.” Chronicle of Higher Education Jan. 26: A47–A49. Mannheim, Karl. 1952. “The Problem of Generations.” Pp. 276–322 in Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. (Original work published 1928). Rahn,Wendy M., and John E. Transue. 1998. “Social Trust and Value Change: The Decline of Social Capital in American Youth, 1976–1995.” Political Psychology 19: 545–565. Verba, Sidney, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady. 1995. Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Youniss, James, Jeffrey A. McLellan, and Miranda Yates. 1997. “What We Know about Engendering Civic Identity.” American Behavioral Scientist 40: 620–631.

Poverty Income and poverty levels and trends are important, because adolescents in lowincome families may experience marked deprivation in such basic areas as nutrition, clothing, housing, and healthcare, and because differences in family income influence an adolescent’s chances of achieving economic success during adulthood. Many adolescents throughout the past half-century have experienced the deprivations associated with low family incomes, and the proportion has increased over the past two decades. Using a poverty measure that is most appropriate for historical and international comparisons, about one-fourth of adolescents in the United States lived in relative poverty in 1998, a proportion substantially higher than for other rich Western countries

(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998). The proportion who ever experienced relative poverty at any time during childhood or adolescence is substantially higher. The primary factors determining both levels and trends in adolescent poverty have been the trends in fathers’ and mothers’ employment and income earned from their work. Poverty is higher among adolescents in the United States than in other rich countries primarily because government income transfer programs in other countries are much more generous than in the United States. Adolescents in the United States have experienced two distinct eras of economic change during the past half-century, with corresponding changes in poverty and economic inequality. The post–World War II era of rising prosperity and improved opportunities was followed by declining economic circumstances and prospects. An understanding of the consequences of these changes for adolescents requires attention both to changes in average economic levels and to shifts in inequality in access to economic resources. In a specific year, one-half of families have incomes below the median family income, and one-half have incomes above the median. During the twenty-six years from 1947 to 1973, median family income more than doubled. But twentyfive years later, in 1998, median family income was only 12 percent greater than in 1973, despite the enormous jump in mothers’ labor force participation. In fact, because increased mothers’ labor force participation requires additional work-related expenditures including transportation, clothing, and childcare (Ruggles, 1990; Citro and Michael, 1995), the average income actually available to families for nonwork-related expenditures increased less than indicated by

Poverty change in the median income during the post–World War II era. Economic deprivation is often measured by the official U.S. poverty rate, which was developed in the 1960s, based on income levels, or poverty thresholds, that were designed to measure the minimum income needs experienced by families as of the early 1960s. The official poverty rate for adolescents ages twelve to seventeen fell sharply during the 1960s from 24 percent in 1959 to 15 percent in 1969 (Hernandez, 1993, p. 260). Since then, official poverty has increased somewhat for adolescents, rising to 16 percent as of 1998. For studies of long-term change, however, increasing numbers of scholars call into question the official poverty measure. One major limitation of the current official measure is that it fails to take into account changing social perceptions about what income levels are viewed as “normal” or “adequate.” Given the enormous increase in real income between World War II and 1973, for example, it would be surprising if a corresponding change had not occurred in social perceptions regarding the amount of income needed to maintain a “normal” or “adequate” level of living. That such judgments are relative has been noted for at least 200 years. Adam Smith emphasized in Wealth of Nations that poverty must be defined in comparison to contemporary standards of living. He defined economic hardship as the experience of being unable to consume commodities that “the custom of the country renders it indecent for creditable people, even of the lowest order, to be without” (cited in U.S. Congress, 1989, p. 10). More recently, John Kenneth Galbraith also argued, “People are poverty-stricken

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when their income, even if adequate for survival, falls markedly behind that of the community. Then they cannot have what the larger community regards as the minimum necessary for decency; and they cannot wholly escape, therefore, the judgment of the larger community that they are indecent. They are degraded for, in a literal sense, they live outside the grades or categories which the community regards as respectable” (1958, pp. 323–324). Based on these insights, and Lee Rainwater’s comprehensive review of existing U.S. studies and his own original research, as well as additional literature, Hernandez developed a measure of income inequality that classifies family income levels in terms of “relative poverty,” “near-poor frugality,” “middle-class comfort,” or “luxury,” based on income thresholds set at 50, 75, and 150 percent of median family income in specific years and adjusted for family size (1993, pp. 241–242). This measure shows that adolescents experienced a sharp drop in relative poverty after the Great Depression from 37 percent in 1939 to 30 percent in 1949, and then a continuing rapid decline to 23 percent in 1959. The 1960s and 1970s brought a much smaller decline of only 3 percentage points, but these gains were lost during the 1980s and 1990s. By 1998, nearly one in four adolescents, 24 percent, lived in relative poverty. At the opposite extreme, adolescents in families with luxury-level incomes declined from 23 percent in 1939 to a nearly constant 20 to 21 percent during the 1940s and 1950s. The proportion living in luxury then increased to about 24 percent in 1979, and 27 percent in 1988 and 1998. As a result adolescents living in middle-class comfort or near-poor frugality increased from 38 percent in 1939 to 58 percent in 1969, but declined to 56

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percent in 1979, and further to 49 percent in 1988 and 1998. All told, income inequality for adolescents narrowed markedly after the Great Depression, but then expanded substantially beginning in the 1970s. What accounts for these trends in relative poverty and income inequality? Further analysis indicates that change in available fathers’ incomes can account for much of the post-depression decline and subsequent increase in childhood relative poverty, and that changes in mothers’ incomes acted to speed the earlier decline in relative poverty and then slow the subsequent increase. Additional income from relatives other than parents in the home had little effect on poverty trends after 1949, and the total effect of cash welfare programs on these trends is no more than 2–3 percentage points, although the effects of taxes and the value of noncash government benefits would be important, if they were taken into account (see below). Finally, the rise of mother-only families, which often leads to lack of access to fathers’ incomes in many of these families, has also contributed to the recent poverty increase, but the prime factor in determining both levels and trends in childhood poverty has been trends for fathers’ and mothers’ employment and income earned from their work (Hernandez, 1993, p. 371; 1997, p. 33). For example, between 1964 and 1974, employed men became substantially less likely to have low earnings, that is, annual earnings below the official poverty level for a four-person family (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992b). Since 1974, but especially since 1979, substantial increases have occurred in men with low earnings, especially among men working full-time year-round, and of the

ages when children are most likely to be in the home. Among year-round full-time workers, the proportion with low earnings for men ages thirty-five to fifty-four dropped from 13 to 5 percent between 1964 and 1974, but then climbed to 9 percent by 1990 (Hernandez, 1993). The trends were similar for white, black, and Hispanic males with full-time, year-round work, but the proportions with low earnings were much higher for blacks and Hispanics than for whites. It is not surprising that trends in relative (and official) poverty rates have followed a similar pattern during the past quartercentury, and that black and Hispanic children are much more likely to live in poverty. In 1998, for example, relative poverty rates of 44 to 45 percent for black and Hispanic adolescents were three times greater than the rate of 14 percent for non-Hispanic white adolescents. In fact, while about one-fourth of non-Hispanic white adolescents (26 percent) lived in relative poverty or near-poor frugality, more than three-fifths of black and Hispanic adolescents, 62 and 66 percent, respectively, lived in families with relatively poor or near-poor incomes. Hence, while most non-Hispanic white adolescents (74 percent) live in families with middle-class or luxury-level incomes, fewer than four-fifths of black (38 percent) or Hispanic (34 percent) adolescents live in families with middle-class or higher income levels. Adolescents experience economic inequality not only among themselves but also compared to younger children. In 1959 and 1969, for example, adolescents were slightly (2 percentage points) less likely than young children ages zero to five to live in relative poverty, but this gap expanded to 5 percentage points in

Poverty 1979, and to 7 percentage points in 1988 and 1998. Thus, the transition from early childhood to adolescence has involved a decline in relative poverty for children born during the past half-century. Adolescents also experience economic inequality compared to adults. At least since the Great Depression, the economic situation has been less favorable for adolescents than for adults. The 8 percentage point gap in relative poverty separating children from adults shrank to only 3 percent in 1969, but then expanded to 7 percentage points in 1988, virtually the same as in 1939. Meanwhile, the 12 percentage point deficit in 1939 in the proportion of adolescents, compared to adults, living in families with luxury-level incomes expanded to 14 percentage points in 1949, and then fell to the nearly constant level of 10 percentage points between 1969 and 1988. Among adults, poverty trends for parents with children under eighteen in the home have been most similar to those for children, since such parents and children share the same households, but other working-age adults have experienced quite different trends. Immediately after the Great Depression, relative poverty declined more slowly for adults without children than for parents, but by 1969 the gap had closed, and after 1979 children and their parents experienced substantial increase in relative poverty, while working-age adults without children experienced a slight decline. At the opposite extreme, parents, like children, experienced declines in luxury living between 1939 and 1969, followed by substantial increases to 30 and 22 percent, respectively, as of 1988, while working-age adults without children at home experienced high rates of 38–42 percent during the Great Depression,

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with increases, especially after 1969, to 45–50 percent. Adolescents experienced less relative poverty than the elderly until the 1980s. But if the value of homes owned by the elderly is taken into account (since elderly homeowners have lower current housing costs than other groups), adolescents experienced less relative poverty than the elderly until the 1970s, when a sharp reversal occurred as social security pensions increased and other federal policies favorable to the elderly were enacted. Adolescents have been about as likely as the elderly to live in luxury since 1996. Economic status measures presented here are based on before-tax income, that is, before the reduction in available income associated with paying taxes, and not including as income the value of health insurance and other noncash benefits provided by employers or governments. Because such taxes and benefits effectively decrease or increase the economic resources actually available to persons and families, they should be taken into account to accurately measure levels and changes in economic status. Empirical estimates for long-term historical change taking these factors into account do not exist, but an overall assessment of how broad conclusions would be altered based on available evidence is possible. First, tax law changes between 1965 and 1989 tended to increase relative poverty and economic inequality, but the trend then reversed during the 1990s, because of the increasing value of the earned income tax credit for low-income working families. Second, increasing private health insurance, especially for middle-class and higher-income families between 1939 and the mid-1950s, tended to increase inequality and relative poverty, while the subsequent spread

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downward of private insurance, and growth of public insurance (Medicaid and Medicare) after 1965, tended to reduce relative poverty. But during the early 1980s, declining Medicaid coverage for the relatively poor and near-poor, and increased private coverage for the middle class, tended to increase relative poverty. Third, the effect of other cash and noncash welfare programs changed little between 1939 and the mid-1960s, but then tended to reduce relative poverty by several additional percentage points as of 1979. From 1979 to 1991, the effect of these programs remained about constant (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992a, p. 98), while subsequent changes tended to reduce relative poverty during the early 1990s and increase relative poverty during the later 1990s. Altogether, then, taking these three factors into account might yield the following. During the 1940s and 1950s, actual adolescent relative poverty probably declined less than the estimated 14 percentage points. During the 1960s and 1970s, actual adolescent relative poverty probably declined by more than the estimated 2–3 percentage points, although about 29 percent of relatively poor and near-poor persons remained without health insurance by 1980. Since the early 1980s, actual adolescent relative poverty probably has increased by more than the estimated 4 percentage points, since access to health insurance among lowincome families has declined, while little change has occurred in the combined effect of changes in taxes and in the value of other cash and noncash benefits. Another approach to measuring poverty is to estimate the proportion of persons who experience a low family income during one or more years over an extended period of years. By this accounting, the

proportion of adolescents ever experiencing low family incomes before reaching adulthood is much higher than indicated here, because some children fall into poverty, while others rise out of poverty from one year to the next. Compared to other developed countries, poverty rates for U.S. children in general, and no doubt for adolescents in particular, are unusually high. Using a measure similar to the relative poverty measure described above, for example, U.S. children in the mid1980s were substantially more likely to live in poverty than were children in Canada, Germany, Sweden, France, or the United Kingdom. At the extreme, U.S. children were about nine times as likely as Swedish children to be living in relative poverty (27 versus 3 percent), and U.S. children in single-parent families were about fourteen times as likely as corresponding Swedish children to be living in poverty (63 versus 4 percent) (Smeeding and Torrey, 1993, p. 874; 1995, p. 10). What accounts for these international differences in poverty rates? Part of the explanation is the low levels of support provided by U.S. government transfers compared to Sweden. In the United States around 1980, for example, the average poor family with children received only about $2,400 per year in government transfers, compared to $6,400 in Sweden. An additional part of the explanation is the low proportion receiving any government transfers. Among the United States, Australia, Canada, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom around 1980, only 73 percent of poor families with children in the United States received government transfers—27 percent received none—while in all the other countries 99–100 percent of poor families with children received government transfers

Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent (Hobbs and Lippman, 1990, pp. 12, 36). These comparisons suggest that the high and increasing poverty rates experienced by U.S. children of all ages, including adolescents, are not inevitable, but result at least partly from explicit public policy decisions. Donald J. Hernandez See also Coping; Homeless Youth; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Juvenile Crime; Maternal Employment: Historical Changes; Runaways; School Dropouts; Self-Esteem; Social Development; Welfare References and further reading Citro, Connie, and Robert Michael. 1995. Measuring Poverty: A New Approach. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Duncan, Greg J., and Willard L. Rodgers. 1988. “Longitudinal Aspects of Childhood Poverty.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 50: 1007–1021. Galbraith, John Kenneth. 1958. The Affluent Society. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Hernandez, Donald J. 1993. America’s Children: Resources from Family, Government, and the Economy. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. ———. 1997. “Poverty Trends.” Pp. 18–34 in Consequences of Growing Up Poor. Edited by Greg J. Duncan and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Hobbs, Frank, and Laura Lippman. 1990. “Children’s Well-Being: An International Comparison.” U.S. Bureau of the Census, International Population reports, series P-95, no. 80. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Rainwater, Lee. 1974. What Money Buys: Inequality and the Social Meanings of Income. New York: Basic Books. Ruggles, Patricia. 1990. Drawing the Line: Alternative Poverty Measures and Their Implications for Public Policy. Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press. Smeeding, Timothy M., and Barbara Boyle Torrey. 1993. “Poor Children in Rich Countries.” Science 242: 873–877.

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———. 1995. “Revisiting Poor Children in Rich Countries.” Unpublished manuscript. Smith, Adam. 1776. Wealth of Nations (London: Everyman’s Library, cited in “Alternative Measures of Poverty.” A Staff Study Prepared for the Joint Economic Committee (of the U.S. Congress), October 18, 1989, p. 10. U.S. Bureau of the Census. 1992a. Measuring the Effects of Benefits and Taxes on Income and Poverty: 1979 to 1991. Current Population Reports, series P-60, no. 183. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. ———. 1992b. Workers with Low Earnings: 1964 to 1990. Current Population Reports, series P-60, no. 178. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. ———. 1998. “Poverty and the United States: 1997.” Current Populations reports, series P-60, no. 178. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Congress. 1989. “Alternative Measures of Poverty.” A Staff Study Prepared for the Joint Economic Committee, October 18.

Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent Teen pregnancy is a significant social, economic, and political concern. Although rates of teen pregnancy have decreased in the United States in recent years, they are higher than any other industrialized nation. In 1997, the U.S. rate was 52.3 births per 1,000 women aged fifteen to nineteen. In the 1950s and 1960s, birthrates were almost double what they are today. Teen pregnancy increases the risk of negative outcomes for mothers and their children. Teen mothers are more likely to have poorer school and job outcomes, and their children are at risk for behavior and school problems. There are many reasons why teens become pregnant. Although teen pregnancy occurs in all segments of society, it

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Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent tion education, providing access to contraception, and community-based programs offering a broad variety of educational and job skills as alternatives to pregnancy. The programs use a variety of approaches, including hospital- or clinicbased, school-based, and home visitation services.

Teen pregnancy is most common among teenagers living in poverty. (Anna Palma/Corbis)

is more frequent among teens living in poverty. Pregnancy and parenthood may appear to be positive options for teens living in poor communities with few positive role models and no job opportunities. Some teens may be imitating the behavior of their peers, and others may be seeking emotional closeness by having a baby. As a result of the widespread concern about teen pregnancy, many intervention programs have been established with the goal of reducing teen pregnancy. These interventions include pregnancy preven-

Pregnancy Prevention Education Pregnancy prevention education or family life education is a common approach of intervention programs. Data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth indicates that 90 percent of women eighteen to nineteen years of age report that they have received formal instruction on safe sex. Many pregnancy prevention education programs provide information about sexuality, reproduction, decision making, and sexual relationship issues. In addition, these programs often promote abstinence as the major method of birth control. Many of the abstinencebased programs focus on attitudes about early sexual initiation and communication with parents and peers about abstinence-related values. Pregnancy prevention education programs by themselves have been successful in increasing teen’s short-term knowledge about contraception and reproduction; however, longterm impact is less certain. Programs that provide teens with factual information and skills to negotiate difficult peer relationships are more successful than programs that focus on knowledge about sexuality alone. One such program is Postponing Sexual Involvement. This program was developed in Atlanta, Georgia, and was designed to provide teens sixteen years of age and younger with skills to resist peer pressure. The main message of the program is to delay sexual intercourse. The

Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent program consists of ten sessions that are lead by a male and female senior high school student. The program targets lowincome students. Results of the program showed that by the end of the eighth grade, boys who did not participate in the program were three times more likely to engage in sexual intercourse than boys who participated in the program. At the end of the eighth grade, females not participating in the program were fifteen times more likely to have engaged in sex than females who participated in the program. Similar programs have been developed in other areas of the country in schools and other community groups. Another program, Reducing the Risk, was a sex education program in health education classes in high schools in California. Teens who received this program were less likely to have started sex than other teens and less likely to report engaging in unprotected sex. In general, education programs that use small groups, teen counselors, and communitybased components have been most successful preventing teen pregnancy. As a result, program developers have begun to incorporate an educational/informational component of teen pregnancy into larger, more comprehensive programs. Contraceptive Services Approaches Programs that provide family planning services can be an important method for preventing teen pregnancy. In recent years, new methods of birth control have also been available to teens. For example, some teens using depo provera injections have a lower incidence of pregnancy than those using the birth control pill. Contraceptive services approaches to teen pregnancy prevention also may be useful in promoting healthy, responsible behavior related to birth control. The most suc-

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cessful of these programs have focused on contraceptive use by promoting problem-solving and decision-making skills and addressing difficulties in accessing birth control. Research indicates that teens are more likely to use contraceptive services if services are teen-friendly and easy to obtain. A large number of teens receive contraception services through family planning clinics. For example, data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth indicates that almost 30 percent of fifteen- to nineteen-year-old females were seen by a healthcare provider for at least one family planning visit during the past year. Program results indicate that contraceptive service programs also need to engage teens just before their first sex. Recent figures from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth show increases in the use of contraceptives at the time of first sex for both teen and adult women. Teens, however, are still more likely to delay birth control services until well after their first intercourse, and this delay can have serious consequences. School-based clinics can be a way to provide primary healthcare to students who may otherwise have difficulty getting access to health services. Although school-based clinics often incorporate counseling and sex education into their programs, fewer than 20 percent actually provide contraception services on-site. In addition, their services can be limited to students and miss the highest risk teens, who may have dropped out of school. One well-known, successful school-based program in Baltimore, Maryland, provided middle and high school students with classroom instruction, group discussion, and individual consultation about sexuality and reproduction. A community clinic provided contraceptive

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services across the street from the high school. A social worker provided individual counseling, and a nurse provided education about reproduction and contraception. Presentations were made at homeroom classes, during lunch hours, and after school. A peer leader component was also used for small-group discussion. Results of this program indicated that pregnancy rates for teens participating in the program decreased 30 percent at a three-year follow-up period. Pregnancy rates for teens not enrolled in the program increased by 58 percent (Zabin et al., 1986, p. 18). Family planning programs may be useful in answering questions related to increasing use of contraception. One clinic-based pregnancy prevention initiative in Philadelphia involved tailoring services to the need of teens. It incorporated additional hours for teens and it trained staff about the special needs of teens. The program also offered a media campaign and school- and communitybased components. Results of this citywide program indicated that teens who received the teen-friendly services were more likely to continue using a birth control method than a group who received traditional contraceptive services. Other programs include a series of integrated psychological counseling visits and medical appointments. Community-Based Life Options Programs In recent years community-based pregnancy prevention initiatives have become more common. Many hospitalor university-based prevention programs have developed community partnerships. Community-based programs are a promising approach to teen pregnancy prevention. They go beyond pregnancy preven-

tion to providing ways of increasing teens’ life options. Successful programs provide comprehensive services, including recreational programs, education about birth control, physical and mental health services, mentoring, job skills training, and even admission to local colleges. When teens feel successful and confident in their academic or employment skills, they may feel less pressure to define success by becoming a parent. Increasing educational and employment incentives for teens may be an effective approach to preventing pregnancy among teens. An example of a community partnership is the Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention Coalition of North Carolina, a group of community members and professionals who assist groups in the community to implement programs to reduce teen pregnancy. The statewide coalition has followed state teen pregnancy rates from 1978. Community media and outreach campaigns have also become more prevalent. Some community marketing campaigns have used public-service announcements, condom vending machines, and small-group workshops focusing on decision-making skills. Results of some of these programs have demonstrated that during the campaign there was a significant increase in a specific behavior such as condom use, but after the campaign ended, condom use returned to preprogram levels. Many of the community programs stem from grassroots agencies. One grassroots initiative is Pain Talk. This program targets six communities across the country. Its goal is to increase teens’ knowledge about sexuality and communication between teens and adults about sexuality issues. Individual communities identify a contact agency, which works

Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent with community members to address teen pregnancy in their community. Another program has even offered guaranteed admission to a local college. Finally, some programs have used concrete monetary investments in teens, rather than job training per se. For example, teens are paid for each hour they spend in the program. They can work toward a savings account, and they receive bonuses after working a certain number of hours. Programs to Reduce Repeat Pregnancy Approximately 30 percent to 35 percent of all first-time teen mothers have a repeat pregnancy within two years after the first delivery (East and Felice, 1996, p. 36). A variety of programs aimed at reducing repeat pregnancy have been developed. Successful programs that reduce repeat pregnancy are comprehensive and focus on areas that extend beyond the prevention of a second pregnancy, including peer support and educational and occupational skills. Some programs also have used monetary incentives to reduce repeat pregnancies among teen mothers. Mothers can receive a specific amount of money per week if they do not become pregnant again. Another kind of program to prevent repeat pregnancy is a home visitation program in rural areas that provides counseling and comprehensive health services. Programs to reduce repeat teen pregnancy also need to intervene with other members of the teen’s family and enlist their help and support, either through family counseling or home visitation. Programs have begun to include the father of the baby and the grandmother of the baby. Programs increasing positive family relationships and support may lead to better pregnancy prevention.

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Federal and State Programs In response to the high rates of teen pregnancy, the federal and state governments have developed various agencies to help reduce teen pregnancy. These agencies can be sources of important information for teens and their families. For example, Congress passed the Adolescent Family Life Act (AFL) in 1981. The main objective of the AFL was to decrease the negative consequences associated with teen pregnancy and parenting. As part of this legislation, the Adolescent Family Life Program was created as part of the Office of Population Affairs of the U.S. Public Health Service. The AFL Program has funded demonstration, care, and research projects related to teen pregnancy and parenting. In recent years other organizations have been created with the purpose of reducing the high rates of pregnancies and births among teens. For example, the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy is a recent initiative whose goal is to reduce the teen pregnancy rate by onethird by the year 2005. Grants help communities develop innovative approaches to preventing teen pregnancy by promoting good health and preventing unhealthy behaviors in both boys and girls. Numerous state initiatives have also been developed. For example, the California Department of Education implemented a grant program targeting highrisk youth to prevent teen pregnancy. Similarly, the state of Maryland formed the Governor’s Council on Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention and funds pregnancy prevention programs throughout the state. Effective Programs Effective teen pregnancy prevention programs have certain components that parents and teens can look for. Effective

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programs focus on sexual behaviors that lead to pregnancy, such as not using contraception or initiation of sexual intercourse. These programs have a clear message about using condoms or abstaining from sex. A second component is that effective programs are age appropriate and sensitive to the culture of the program participants. For example, programs need to be tailored differently for middle and high school students and for African American and Hispanic teens. Culturally based programs need to address the positive contributions of a cultural group with the belief that by strengthening cultural awareness, they will help teens to be less likely to engage in unprotected sex. In addition, programs need to be of sufficient duration for teens to acquire the skills necessary for pregnancy prevention. Programs must be long enough to provide opportunities to complete comprehensive services. Programs that offer a variety of teaching methods including mentoring, role playing, and practicing communication skills that help teens resist peer pressures also may be more effective than programs offering only one style of teaching. Successful programs also provide practice with regard to peer communication and assertiveness training. Developing specific skills is essential to negotiating peer situations that involve sexuality. In addition, programs with multiple approaches, which focus on issues that go beyond individual decisions about birth control, are also more successful. There are multiple predictors of adolescent pregnancy and childbearing. Poverty, school failure, family problems, and being the child of an adolescent parent increase the risk for adolescent pregnancy. Teen pregnancy prevention programs should recog-

nize the impact of family, neighborhood, and community influences on sexual behavior and address these issues. Effective programs also recognize that some programs may need to be tailored to the individual needs of each teen. Some youth may require long-term, intensive intervention, whereas others may only require information and birth control. It is important to differentiate which components are effective for different teens and to determine the level of intensity that is required by each teen. Programs need to disseminate their findings so that successful programs can be replicated in other parts of the country. Programs should also include males or other family members in their interventions. For many years programs on adolescent pregnancy focused only on females and virtually ignored males. In recent years programs have begun to focus on the partners of teen mothers. Young fathers have many of the same characteristics as young mothers, including low educational and occupational attainment. However, many fathers of the children born to teen mothers are not teens themselves. Programs need to include males and consider the role of males in teen pregnancy prevention. Programs also need to intervene with other members of the teen’s family and enlist their support. Family instability often precedes adolescent pregnancy. Thus, programs to enhance family functioning should lead to lower rates of teen pregnancy. Recently, programs have begun to focus on the younger sisters of teen mothers. Adolescent mothers are strong role models for early parenthood to younger sisters. Therefore, programs need to target this high-risk group. Different strategies are also needed for teens who have not yet experienced a

Private Schools first pregnancy and teens who have already given birth. For adolescent mothers, the return to school within a relatively short period of time may be more important in preventing a repeat pregnancy than birth control alone. Obviously from this discussion, many programs are already targeted toward reducing births to teenagers. Given our nation’s high teen pregnancy rates, we still need to continue to develop programs that offer incentives to delay pregnancy and make them accessible to all of our country’s youth. Katherine Nitz See also Abstinence; Contraception; Dating; Decision Making; Family Relations; Health Promotion; High School Equivalency Degree; Menstrual Cycle; Peer Pressure; Programs for Adolescents; Risk Behaviors; Sex Education; Sexual Behavior; Sexually Transmitted Diseases; Single Parenthood and Low Achievement References and further reading Abma, J., A. Chandra, W. Mosher, L. Peterson, and L. Piccinino. 1997. “Fertility, Family Planning, and Women’s Health: New Data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth.” National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Health Statistics 23, no. 19. Alan Guttmacher Institute. 1994. Sex and America’s Teenagers. Washington, DC: Author. California Senate Office Research. 1997. Issue Brief: California Strategies to Address Teenage Pregnancy. Sacramento, CA: Senate Printing Office. Delgado, D. 1994. “The Annie E. Casey Foundation’s Plain Talk Initiative.” PSAY Network 2: 1–12. East, P. L. 1996. “Do Adolescent Pregnancy and Childbearing Affect Younger Siblings?” Family Planning Perspectives 28: 148–153. East, P. L., and M. E. Felice. 1996. Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenting: Findings from a Racially Diverse Sample. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

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Howard, M., and J. McCabe. 1990. “Helping Teenagers Postpone Sexual Involvement.” Family Planning Perspectives 22: 21–26. Hughes, M. E., F. F. Furstenberg, and J. O. Teitler. 1995. “The Impact of an Increase in Family Planning Services on the Teenage Population of Philadelphia.” Family Planning Perspectives 27: 60–65. Kirby, D. 1997. No Easy Answers: Research Findings on Programs to Reduce Teen Pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy. Peterson, S., and C. Brindis. 1995. Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention: Effective Strategies. San Francisco: National Adolescent Health Information Center. Zabin, L. S., M. B. Hirsch, E. A. Smith, R. Street, and J. Hardy. 1986. “Evaluation of a Pregnancy Prevention Program for Urban Teenagers.” Family Planning Perspectives 14: 15–21.

Private Schools In the United States most schools fall under one of two broad categories: private or public. Approximately 46 million students from kindergarten through grade 12 are enrolled in public schools in the United States, while 6 million students in the same grades are enrolled in private schools (National Center for Education Statistics, 1997, p. 87). The discussion of private schools here pertains to both religiously affiliated and nonsectarian (i.e., schools that are independent or have no religious affiliation) day schools whose goal is to place the majority of their students in two- or four-year colleges. This discussion does not include boarding schools or trade schools. Private schools differ from public schools in three key areas: school attributes (e.g., school organization and climate), student/family attributes, and teacher/administrator attributes. There

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Approximately 46 million students from kindergarten through grade 12 are enrolled in public schools in the United States, while 6 million students in the same grades are enrolled in private schools. (David H. Wells/Corbis)

is an ongoing debate regarding the merits of private schools versus public schools. Some of the differences that exist favor public schools, while others favor private schools. Regarding school attributes, school organization encompasses many features. The defining organizational distinction of private school, however, lies in the sources of financial support. Public schools depend primarily on local school district, state, and federal funds to finance the operation of a school, which includes, but is not limited to, basic maintenance of building and grounds; teacher, staff, and administrator salaries and benefits; classroom and teacher supplies and materials; and whatever equip-

ment or supplies are necessary to maintain a variety of extracurricular activities. Private schools have virtually all of the same expenses but receive no public monies. Instead, private schools are usually funded by tuition, grants, charitable donations, and large-scale fund-raising campaigns. Tuition varies considerably by grade level and whether or not the school has a religious affiliation. Tuition ranges anywhere from $2,000 to $20,000 per year, with religiously affiliated schools tending toward lower tuition rates than nonsectarian schools. Tuition represents one form of selectivity characteristic of private schools. Although many schools offer academic and financial scholarships, the majority of

Private Schools students attending a private school tend to come from families in higher income brackets who can afford to pay the tuition of one or more of their children over the course of several years. Another form of selectivity exercised by private schools is through an admissions process. Schools vary considerably in how selective they are and in the criteria they use for selection; however, there is almost always an application process. This process generally entails completing various application forms, taking an entrance examination, obtaining teacher recommendations from one’s previous school, spending a day at the school, and engaging in student and parent interviews with principals, headmasters or headmistresses, and/or an admissions committee. Another feature of school organization is size. Private schools and classes within private schools tend to be considerably smaller than public schools. For example, public schools tend to have up to three or four times as many students overall, and classes may contain nearly twice as many students. There is a good deal of recent research emphasizing the merits of smaller school and class sizes. For adolescents, who tend to desire closer contact with peers and need close, positive contact with adults, smaller schools tend to promote a sense of community between and among students and teachers. In addition, smaller schools and classes are thought to be easier to manage and to allow teachers more opportunities to provide students with individual attention as needed. To the extent that one values small school and class size, this distinguishing feature of private schools is a significant advantage. Since private schools tend to have admissions policies and criteria that require students to demonstrate their

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academic potential and commitment, the curriculum or academic program in private schools also tends to be more rigorous. For example, the National Commission on Education and the Economy has proposed that all high school graduates be required to complete four years of English, three years each of social studies, science, and mathematics, and some foreign language study. Private schools tend to have similar requirements, so virtually all students in private schools will have completed this course work as required for graduation. In addition, a large proportion of private school students are more likely to have taken advanced mathematics and science courses. This is not to say that public schools do not provide rigorous classes or requirements, but rather that the proportion of students in a public school who opt for more rigorous programs and/or are able to manage them tends to be smaller. With regard to academic programs, requirements, and performance in public school settings, it is important to emphasize that public schools vary considerably according to their location and the population served. For example, public schools located in wealthier, suburban areas where the majority of students and parents are oriented toward college and postgraduate professional education (e.g., advanced degrees in medicine, law, and business) tend to resemble private schools in their programs and requirements. These families tend to resemble families found in private schools, when we consider such characteristics as parents’ educational level and family income level. School climate refers to the degree to which the school environment promotes and is conducive to positive social, emotional, and educational experiences for students and teachers. Neither students

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nor teachers can work to the best of their ability when schools are unsafe or if teaching and learning are disrupted by persistent behavior problems. Private school students tend to experience far less exposure to crime and violence than do public school students, particularly public school students in urban settings also characterized by higher rates of crime and violence. Alcohol and drug use among adolescents also contributes to the quality of a school’s climate. Although alcohol and drug use is a rampant problem among adolescents regardless of socioeconomic, racial, or cultural backgrounds, there are significant differences in the degree to which such use affects school climate. For example, private schools tend to have fewer occurrences of alcohol consumption or drug use during the school day on school premises. Perhaps the most significant difference between private and public schools lies in their ability to control and create safe environments. Private schools are not obliged to retain students who pose persistent and serious behavior problems or threaten the potential safety and learning of others. As a result, private schools can more effectively maintain school climates conducive to teaching and learning. Along with the differences in parent education and income levels discussed above, private schools tend to be less racially and ethnically diverse than public schools. As a result, minority students attending private schools may feel isolated or alienated at times. For this reason, it is especially important that private schools emphasize the richness of diverse cultures, which is a difficult undertaking when that richness does not appear to be immediately present. Although many private schools, espe-

cially those located near or within urban settings, are eager to build more diverse student and faculty populations, the recruitment of such students and faculty is difficult as long as the school remains largely homogeneous (i.e., middle- to upper-middle-class white families, teachers, and administrators). To the extent that one sees racial and ethnic diversity as an asset and as affording an opportunity to teach students respect and tolerance for differences, the diversity of public schools serves as a potential advantage over private schools. However, it is often an advantage in potential only; the benefits of diversity are not always part of daily school experience, because such diversity can also pose great challenges and tension in a school. Part of what may make private schools easier to “manage,” as mentioned earlier, is lack of diversity and the wide array of challenges and tensions this can also bring. Private schools also tend to differ from public schools in terms of teacher/ administrator attributes. Teachers in private schools tend to earn lower salaries than do public school teachers, but are less likely to perceive students and their families as having problems that interfere with learning and are more likely to perceive themselves as effective in making a difference in the lives of their students. Teachers in private schools also tend to enjoy greater autonomy in the classroom. That is, they tend to have a certain amount of control over what and how they teach. Thus, it appears that teachers in private schools may be willing to accept lower salaries as a trade-off for enjoying smaller classes, fewer discipline problems, a stronger sense of community, and more influence over curriculum, teaching, and policy.

Programs for Adolescents Private schools have historically been accessible to those who can afford them, that is, white, middle- to upper-middleclass students and their families. At the same time, these schools have many attributes that potentially promote a more positive and safe environment for students and teachers alike and that are in keeping with the academic and social recommendations made by educators, policymakers, and parents. In the last five to ten years private, religiously affiliated middle schools have been opening in inner-city areas around the country. These schools are private in the sense that they do not receive financial support from local school district, state, or federal educational offices. Some schools are still tuition based, but tuition is nominal and set according to what families can afford. Others have corporations and sponsors who financially support a class throughout its four years of middle school. Additional financial and material support comes largely from grants, charitable donations, and fund-raising efforts, both within and beyond the local community. Such schools are committed to providing early adolescents with the organizational and curricular benefits of private school in combination with the rich racial and ethnic diversity generally found in public school settings. Imma De Stefanis

See also Academic Achievement; College; Gifted and Talented Youth; Homework; Middle Schools; School Engagement; School, Functions of; School Transitions; Schools, Single-Sex; Teachers; Tracking in American High Schools References and further reading Alexander, Karl L., and Aaron Pallas. 1983. “Private Schools and Public Policy: New Evidence on Cognitive Achievement in Public and Private

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Schools.” Sociology of Education 56, no. 4: 170–182. National Center for Education Statistics. 1997. Public and Private Schools: How Do They Differ? Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement.

Programs for Adolescents Youth today have more discretionary time than ever before in America. For instance, one research study found that approximately 40 percent of the waking hours of a sample of high school youth were spent in leisure time (Csikszentmihalyi and Larson, 1984). It is also important to note that most of that time is spent without companionship or supervision from adults. Often this discretionary time is not spent in constructive activities; rather, it is spent on watching television, talking on the phone with friends, and playing computer games. Yet unstructured time is an opportunity for youth to engage either in positive activities that enhance their development and foster their competency or in negative activities that increase their chances of yielding to social pressures to engage in drug use, sex, and antisocial activities. For example, FBI statistics indicate 47 percent of violent juvenile crime occurs on weekdays between the hours of 2 p.m. and 8 P.M. (Sickmund, Snyder, and PoeYamagata, 1997). Creating structured activities through youth programs during the nonschool hours offers a strategy for promoting the positive development of youth. Programs for nonschool hours include not only after-school programs and activities but evening, weekend, and summer programs. By being engaged in constructive activities, youth have an opportunity to explore their world, develop skills, and

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Youth programs allow adolescents to see themselves as a part of their community. (Kevin R. Morris/Corbis)

gain a sense of belonging with peers and adults. This entry will present some of the evidence for the importance of these programs, followed by an overview of the critical components of quality youth programs. A youth program is defined here as any structured activity offered during the nonschool hours. Youth programs include but are not limited to sports programs, after-school clubs, service clubs, faithbased organizations, 4-H Youth Development, Boys and Girls Clubs, Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, YMCA, and programs run by other youth-serving organizations. Importance of Youth Programs Nonschool programs offer youth an opportunity to meet their developmental needs while decreasing the likelihood

that youth will engage in risky behavior that threatens their life chances. These programs provide youth the chance to develop positive relationships connecting them to peers, other adults, and their communities. The development of these relationships in conjunction with the structured activities provided by a program increases the likelihood that youth will successfully navigate the challenges they face as they move toward adulthood. Participation in quality youth programs engages young people in reflective learning experiences. These experiences enhance youths’ understanding of self and others. Moreover, youth are able to see themselves as a part of their community, become invested, and engage in activities that better the community.

Programs for Adolescents In a recent synthesis of research findings, Peter Scales and Nancy Leffert examined the impact that involvement in youth programs had on young people. Their review of more than thirty research studies suggests that involvement in youth programs is linked to the following: • Increased self-esteem, sense of personal control, and enhanced identity development • Better-developed life skills, leadership skills, public speaking skills, and decision-making skills, and increased job dependability and responsibility • Increased academic achievement • Improved protection of students at risk of dropping out of school • Improved likelihood of college attendance • Increased involvement in constructive activities in young adulthood • Increased safety • Increased family communication • Decreased psychological problems, such as loneliness, shyness, and hopelessness • Decreased involvement in risky behaviors This synthesis of numerous research studies provides strong scientific evidence of the positive influence that programs can have on youth development. Programs do more than occupy the idle time of youth; they provide them a playing field on which they can learn essential life lessons, develop practical life skills, and build strong positive relationships with adults and peers. Yet not all youth programs are the same in their effectiveness. The impact that participating in a youth program has on a young

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person is determined by the quality of that program. Key Components of Quality Youth Programs According to a recent study, engagement in youth programs was the most pervasive positive influence and common predictor of positive youth outcomes (Scales et al., 2000). The level of positive influence that a youth program has on a young person is dependent on the focus of the program, on the level of youths’ participation, and on the adults leading it. Programs that focus on promotion of skills and competencies in addition to prevention are more likely to have a positive influence on youth. By becoming thoroughly engaged in programs, youth increase the number of core experiences and opportunities for positive development. Adult leaders who possess a strong sense of commitment to the youth and their engagement are going to foster the positive development of youth. For example, a coach who emphasizes the growth and development of each player and the team as a whole would create a very positive learning experience, one that would provide youth with opportunities to learn teamwork, problem solving, fine and gross motor skills, and sportsmanship. On the other hand, a coach who emphasizes winning at all costs can create a negative learning experience, one that would increase the likelihood of youth learning inappropriate behaviors that could negatively influence their life trajectory. Therefore, programs and the staff who conduct them must establish a clear focus that intentionally includes time for positive relationship building between the adults and youth. Besides offering access to caring adults and responsible peers, high-quality youth

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programs provide skill-building activities that reinforce positive values and skills. Scholars in the youth development field have identified the following characteristics of quality youth programs (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Quinn, 1995; Roth et al., 1998). • Good youth programs provide youth an opportunity to have an ongoing one-on-one positive relationship with a caring adult. These interactions are organized around concrete productive purposes. In addition, the program offers frequent opportunities for youth to interact with other adults through intergenerational events and activities. • Good youth programs provide youth with social support by connecting youth to a positive peer group. • Good youth programs create a strong sense of belonging with clear rules and expectations, responsibilities, and, at the same time, flexibility. Flexibility means being able to adapt a program to meet the unique needs of the young people involved. • Good youth programs focus on the specific needs and interests of young people. Therefore, a quality program engages youth as partners in the identification of the needs a program will meet, as well as in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of the program. Youth can be engaged in these processes through various methods (e.g., focus groups, concept mapping, and coleadership). • Good youth programs offer young people the opportunity to hold

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meaningful leadership roles within the program and the parent organization. Moreover, youth are engaged in organized service activities within the community. Good youth programs provide an accessible safe haven for youth both physically and emotionally. They provide youth with a sense of a positive group experience. Good youth programs provide learning opportunities that are active and participatory. Therefore, programs use experiential learning opportunities and encourage young people to take positive risks. All attempts, successful or unsuccessful, are viewed as part of the learning process. Thus, learning how to take risks also involves learning how to “fail courageously.” This approach empowers youth to consistently take new risks without fear of being rejected. Good youth programs focus on recruiting and retaining young people from diverse backgrounds (e.g., diverse in race, ethnicity, family income, family structure, and gender) by intentionally designing activities that address their needs. Good youth programs provide multiple opportunities for youth to engage in activities with their families and communities. Good youth programs encourage parental involvement by offering a variety of possibilities for participation (e.g., social events, parental workshops, volunteer opportunities). Good youth programs are designed and conducted based on explicit theories of adolescent development. The theory may be helpful

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in the identification of the target population and in the types of activities to be implemented within the program. Good youth programs strive to assist youth in avoiding identified problem behaviors by providing them with other opportunities. These opportunities are designed to enhance skills (e.g., goal setting, decision making, problem solving, and accepting delayed gratification), civic responsibility, and prosocial behavior. Good youth programs offer skillbuilding activities that reinforce the values and skills linked with doing well in school and maintaining good physical health. Good youth programs are ongoing and occur on a frequent basis. They are at least a year in length and have built-in follow-up sessions. Good youth programs offer a variety of resources through collaboration with other youth-serving community organizations and schools. Good youth programs have clearly stated goals that are assessed on a regular basis. These goals are linked to outcomes for youth (e.g., development of decision-making skills, problem-solving skills, and conflict-resolution skills) that emphasize the benefits of program participation. The evaluation strategy being used allows for midcourse corrections in the program. Good youth programs have welltrained staff: The staff have appropriate educational backgrounds and are diverse, the program provides for frequent staff in-services, and the turnover rate for staff is low. Staff are visible advocates for youth.

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• Good youth programs have a visible organizational structure and are well organized and managed. • Good youth programs have established strategies for recognizing the accomplishments of their participants. No one program can address all the needs of young people. However, the research is clear—youth who are engaged in programs are making a positive difference in their world now and are increasing their chances of being successful as adults. As with anything, however, too much of a good thing can be bad. Researchers have found that youth who are engaged in more than twenty hours of extracurricular activities a week are more likely to engage in risky behaviors compared to youth who engage in five to nineteen hours of extracurricular activities. Therefore, young people’s participation in youth programs must be balanced with meeting other demands for their time (e.g., school and family). Young people develop as the result of core experiences with diverse persons and systems, communities, and the institutions in those communities. Communities and institutions can be supportive influences in youths’ lives through programs. Communities that offer a variety of programs and encourage youth participation are more likely to harness youths’ energy toward the common good. Programs, through positive connections and activities, empower youth to develop their skills, build their capacity to be resourceful, and increase their self-confidence. In order for programs to provide all youth with the developmental opportunities that they need, communities and citizens are going to have to intentionally commit themselves to expanding those

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programs. For example, some 29 percent of the adolescent population, approximately 5.5 million, are not being served by any existing youth programs. Most of these young people are in impoverished neighborhoods and are in dire need of a safe place to be challenged. Thus, barriers to participating in youth programs need to be addressed in order to provide equal access. If we as citizens want our children and youth to do more than avoid risky behaviors, if we want them to be contributing, engaged members of society, then we must take the initiative to create places and opportunities that nurture their development. The core experiences that young people can gain from participating in youth programs during the nonschool hours can provide them with a clear sense of direction as to what they should be doing. Daniel F. Perkins Lynne M. Borden See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Apprenticeships; Children of Alcoholics; Counseling; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Drug Abuse Prevention; Eating Problems; Foster Care: Risks and Protective Factors; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; High School Equivalency Degree; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Juvenile Justice System; Schools, Full-Service; Services for Adolescents; Sex Education; Substance Use and Abuse; Suicide References and further reading Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development. 1992. A Matter of Time: Risk and Opportunity in the Nonschool Hours. New York: Carnegie Corporation. Csikszentmihalyi, M., and Reed Larson. 1984. Being Adolescent: Conflict and Growth in the Teenage Years. New York: Basic Books.

Durlack, Joseph A. 1998. “Common Risk and Protective Factors in Successful Prevention Programs.” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 68: 512–520. Larner, Mary B., Lorraine Zippiroli, and Richard E. Behrman. 1999. “When School Is Out: Analysis and Recommendations.” The Future of Children 9: 4–20. Quinn, Jane. 1995. “Positive Effects of Participation in Youth Organizations.” Pp. 274–303 in Psychosocial Disturbances in Young People: Challenges for Prevention. Edited by M. Rutter. New York: Cambridge University Press. Roth, Jodie, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Lawrence Murray, and William Foster. 1998. “Promoting Healthy Adolescents: Synthesis of Youth Development Program Evaluations.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 8: 423–459. Scales, Peter C., and Nancy Leffert. 1999. Developmental Assets: A Synthesis of the Scientific Research on Adolescent Development. Minneapolis: Search Institute. Scales, Peter C., Peter L. Benson, Nancy Leffert, and Dale A. Blyth. 2000. “Contribution of Developmental Assets to the Prediction of Thriving among Adolescents.” Applied Developmental Science 4: 27–46. Sickmund, Mellisa, Howard Snyder, and Eileen Poe-Yamagata. 1997. Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1997 Update on Violence. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Zill, Nicholas, Christine W. Nord, and Laura S. Loomis. 1995. Adolescent Time Use: Risky Behavior and Outcomes: An Analysis of National Data. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Proms Discussions of dresses and tuxedos, limousines and flowers—is there a wedding on the horizon? Not necessarily. If it’s springtime, it’s prom time for most teenagers, and that means an American

Proms tradition is about to occur—a rite of passage for many teens that signals the prospect of romance and glamour. Throughout history, traditional cultures around the world have invented rituals that signify the passage from childhood into adulthood. These cultural rituals often involve tests or celebrations of physical endurance, intellect, and maturity, and serve as a way for society to guide young men and women through a period of developmental challenges. Modern American teenagers often refer to prom as a significant milestone in their development, as much more than an ordinary school dance. Upon close examination it is apparent that proms incorporate many of the components of other cultural rituals, both cognitive and physical. Cognitive aspects of prom can range from community efforts, such as planning the celebration, to the more personal aspects, such as self-esteem. Physical aspects of prom involve appearance, such as style of dress, but also more serious concerns about body image and sexuality. Most often, a high school prom is an annual event that is recognized by teenagers as a culmination of social activity. The effort involved in organizing a prom is tremendous, and usually a committee is selected by the student body. This committee manages the organizational details, such as location (hotel or school cafeteria?), theme (“Enchantment under the Sea” or “Dream Date”?), music (band or disc jockey?), food (chicken or filet mignon?), and price of admission. Local stores tend to donate items or services in return for advertising, and the whole community may choose to take part in the event. Attention to prom extends past the immediate community into the larger teenage community, as the

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media hype topics such as “prom fashions” and “finding the perfect date.” There are thousands of Web sites dedicated to proms, and numerous books, such as Sheryl Berk’s The Ultimate Prom Guide, that provide suggestions and strategies for the occasion. However, for many teenagers, the prom can still be an anxiety-provoking experience. The stresses of prom night begin well before the night of the prom. Problems are most often associated with girls, perhaps because they articulate their worries more frequently than boys, and society dictates that boys aren’t supposed to care as much about prom as girls. Both parents and their teens invest time and money in prom night, which can put a strain on the family. More subtle strain comes from worries such as, “What if no one asks me to the prom?,” “What will I wear?,” and “Who will pay for the tickets? Limo? Dinner?” These questions often plague girls and boys as the prom looms in the distant future. Once the prom arrives, new worries replace old worries, such as, “How do I look?,” “I think I blinked in our picture,” and “What does she think will happen when we’re alone tonight, after the prom?” For those students who are either not asked to the prom or are rejected by prospective dates, the negative associations can leave painful, longlasting imprints on the teenager’s selfesteem. Books such as Sean Covey’s The 7 Habits of Highly Effective Teens aim to help teens navigate through some of these issues, most of which are not limited to prom season. Physical concerns associated with prom night vary, but the first and most common concern is about physical appearance. Clothes, hair, makeup, and

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accessories are important factors in the prom experience. Students sometimes spend up to a thousand dollars on a prom “look,” and those students who cannot afford such lavish expenditures most definitely notice the contrast between the “haves” and “have nots.” This serves as a blatant reminder of economic differences that are usually diluted because of related social differences. Physical appearance also includes weight and height, and many teens resort to dieting or purging to lose a few pounds before prom. The outcomes of these behaviors can have serious, sometimes dangerous, outcomes. The implications of prom fashions also extend to issues of sexuality, particularly sexual intercourse. In addition to the social rite of passage, a large number of teenagers include an additional rite of passage from so-called “innocent” youth into the realm of sexually active individuals. At a time when sexual intercourse can result in life-threatening viral infections, many parents and educators worry about the physical well-being of their student population. Alcohol consumption and drug use are other concerns for adults, since drugs and alcohol often accompany the prom celebration, and intoxication can be lethal if a student decides to drink and then drive to or from the dance. Many communities create hot lines, staffed by parent volunteers, that a teen may call if he requires assistance of any kind. The no-questions-asked policy and promise of confidentiality make this an invaluable teen resource. The American prom experience may have changed in some ways over the years. For example, it is not uncommon for boys and girls to go with same-sex partners to the dance, and an increasing number of students choose to go without

a date (“stag”), rather than miss the big event. Yet, much of the tradition remains the same as it was fifty years ago. There are still dresses and tuxedos, corsages and boutonnieres, and dancing until students’ feet are swollen. Prom is perceived by many teens as an American rite of passage, not a rite of exclusion. It is the embodiment of life’s joys and anticipation about the future. Lisa B. Fiore See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Conformity; Dating; Decision Making; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Rites of Passage; School Transitions; Schools, Single-Sex; Sexual Behavior; Substance Use and Abuse; Transitions of Adolescence; Youth Culture References and further reading Berk, Sheryl. 1999. The Ultimate Prom Guide. New York: HarperCollins Juvenile Books. Covey, Sean. 1998. The 7 Habits of Highly Effective Teens: The Ultimate Success Guide. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Prostitution Prostitution is engaging in sexual relations in return for material goods. Prostitution is not a problem just in the United States; it is a profitable industry all over the world. Young children and adolescents are routinely sold or lured into sexual labor. In the United States, many teenage prostitutes are youth who have run away from homes where they have experienced physical, mental, and/or sexual abuse. Their parents may be abusing drugs or alcohol and may be neglectful. These young people often describe themselves as “latchkey” kids. Children run away to escape difficult home lives, but

Prostitution the problem of teenage prostitution cannot be blamed entirely on the family. Although these young people may be estranged from their families, they are often experiencing difficulty in school and with peers as well. They feel they have nowhere to go, no option but to run away to a “better life.” Only the life is not always what they expect. Adolescents often do not know of services that can help them to escape a dysfunctional home environment, or these services are inadequate to meet their needs. Once young people run away from home, they typically attempt to seek legitimate employment. Often they are thwarted in these attempts by legal restrictions on employment for young people or by an inability to find jobs that will support their needs for food, shelter, and other basic necessities. In many cases, they cannot find a job at all. Searching through dumpsters for food and begging is frequently the next step, but often these acts are not enough to support adolescent needs. As a consequence, young children and adolescents may turn to prostitution in order to make money to survive. Male and Female Teenage Prostitutes Although most people think of prostitutes as female, estimates are that onethird of the teenage prostitutes currently on the street are male. It is often harder for male prostitutes to find someone to take them in, so they are very susceptible to beatings, theft, and other dangers of the street. There is little written about young male prostitutes, and what is written is often focused on the sexual orientation of these young men. Male prostitutes are not necessarily homosexual. They are often lured into prostitution by the same means used to lure young

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In the United States, many teenage prostitutes are youth who have run away from homes where they have experienced physical, mental, or sexual abuse. (Robert Holmes/Corbis)

female prostitutes: the promise of money, food, protection, and shelter, as well as attention and friendship from their pimps (men who get clients for prostitutes) or madams (women who run houses of prostitution, and get clients for prostitutes). Young prostitutes, both male and female, are in demand by customers. Young prostitutes are wanted because there is a mistaken belief that the younger prostitutes are “cleaner” (i.e., do not have sexually transmitted diseases), and thus the client will not catch anything from the young person. The exact number of young prostitutes on the

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street is difficult to measure precisely, as there are debates regarding what constitutes prostitution (e.g., whether to include those adolescents involved in child pornography). In addition, there is no consistency in defining what ages are considered, and the information on gender inclusion is often absent. One estimate puts the number of child prostitutes currently within the wide range of 300,000–600,000, while a slightly more optimistic count places the number at 100,000–300,000. Pathways to Prostitution Resistance to prostitution is often broken by forced sex. Many teenage runaways are raped during their first months on the street. The young person is then approached by a paying client, and he finds it difficult to resist offers of food, shelter, drugs, and attention. Often, for female prostitutes, men will offer the attention and companionship these young girls are desperately seeking, making the young girl feel loved. The firsttime sexual experience as a teenage prostitute can be emotionally confusing. Prostitutes will describe their feelings of shame and guilt for having performed sexual acts in exchange for money, and yet they also feel relief over having earned often desperately needed money. For street children, prostitution becomes a survival strategy. Most prostitutes work for a pimp or madam in return for promises of money and protection. Pimps can cast themselves in the role of boyfriend and protector, while at the same time exploiting the young man or woman for money. The young people then become the victims of violence at the hands of their pimps if they aren’t “working hard enough.”

Madams and pimps will isolate young prostitutes in order to keep them under control and create a sense of dependency, so that they feel they have no one else. This isolation is achieved by not allowing the young person to have outside friends, a boyfriend or girlfriend, other jobs, or to attend school. The pimp or madam will also try to ensure that the teenage prostitute does not make any attempts to contact her family. Threats of violence from their pimp or madam, the lure of money, and a perceived lack of options keep many young people in prostitution. Pimps and madams often take the lion share of teenage prostitutes’ earnings, thus further keeping the young people under their control by making them financially dependent. They also keep a close eye on their prostitutes to make sure they will not escape. Although pimps are often portrayed as adults, young prostitutes often work for pimps who are young people themselves. One example would be a girlfriend prostituting for her boyfriend. The boyfriend will convince the young woman that the sex will not mean anything emotionally but will help them financially. However, there does not have to be this form of a relationship for a young person to pimp for another young person. Pimps or madams use teenage prostitutes to recruit other young people into the world of prostitution. They will lure other young people on the street into prostitution with the promise of lots of money and protection, while hiding the dangers of the work. They glamorize the freedom of life on the streets. Once new prostitutes have been lured in, competition between the prostitutes is fierce, and is in fact promoted by the pimps and madams. This fierce competition is

Prostitution another way to keep the young prostitutes isolated and loyal. Dangers of Teenage Prostitution Teenage prostitutes are subject to a variety of dangers. Many teenage prostitutes become addicted to drugs and become the victims of rape and/or other forms of violence. These young women and men live in constant fear of being beaten, raped, or even murdered. Since drug use is often associated with life on the streets and prostitution, these teenagers are also at risk for addiction, overdosing, and diseases associated with intravenous drug use (e.g., HIV/AIDS). Although laws vary by state, the risk of jail time for prostitution is very real. Prostitutes often find their pimp or madam will abandon them when it comes time to pay for an attorney or to post bail money. Thoughts of selfdestruction and suicide are very real risks for teenage prostitutes. Clients will pay extra money not to use protection, and the teenage prostitute is often overcome by the lure of money, or uninhibited because of drugs and alcohol, and will thus engage in unsafe sex practices. Female prostitutes face the risk of getting pregnant, thus having to choose between abortion, adoption, or raising a child in an already difficult lifestyle. Unprotected sex with multiple partners also increases the chances of contracting HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), such as gonorrhea and chlamydia. Even oral sex, once thought to be safer than vaginal or anal intercourse, is now known to be quite dangerous for the transmission of HIV. Contracting an STD can also leave a woman unable to have a child and can cause sterility in men.

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Prostitution also interferes with the successful completion of many of the important developmental tasks of adolescence. In adolescence, there is a conflict between needing to belong and creating an identity, which is difficult to resolve when under the control of another person such as a pimp or madam. Selling one’s body for sex can also cause confusion about the role of sexuality in relationships and causes problems for establishing sexual identity. Intimacy is another developmental task of adolescence. Prostitution inhibits the forming of intimate relationships. Prostitutes distance themselves from the psychological dimension of the physical act of sex. Whether this is through denial, drug and alcohol use, or other methods, the result is the same— the failure to meet the developmental task of learning to form intimate relationships. Finally, although most of this article has been focused on street prostitution, young people also end up involved in socalled high-class prostitution. This form of prostitution is presented as being cleaner and safer than street prostitution. However, young people involved in white-collar prostitution face all the same risks of violence, sexually transmitted diseases, and failure to develop psychologically as do teenagers in street prostitution. Helpful Resources for Teenage Prostitutes There is no one reason why a young person ends up in prostitution. Prostitution is the end result of a variety of problems faced by the young person in the family, school, and peer context. Lack of support for exploration of gender roles, lack of social services to recognize children at

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risk for running away, the failure to provide such youth with counseling and assistance, and problems with the welfare system all contribute to youth prostitution. Given the diversity of reasons youth engage in prostitution, there are several useful approaches to helping teenage prostitutes. Although there have been no longitudinal studies of the long-term effects of childhood prostitution, there are organizations that report success stories of young women and men escaping the life of prostitution. Former prostitutes can go on to live productive, drug-free lives with the right assistance from a variety of organizations. This assistance is offered through agencies or community-based programs that offer resources for teenagers thinking about running away, currently on the streets, or involved in prostitution. These organizations and programs provide support and referrals, they help young people get off the streets, and they provide them with resources such as education, food, shelter, clothing, and counseling. They include the following: • The National Runaway Switchboard, 1–800–621–4000, www.nrscrisisline.org • Children of the Night, 1–800–551–1300, www. childrenofthenight.org • Boys Town, 1–800–448–3000, www.boystown.org • Covenant House, 1–800–999–9999, www.covenanthouse.org Deborah L. Bobek See also Counseling; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; High School Equivalency Degree; Homeless Youth; Juvenile Crime; Juvenile Justice System; Physical Abuse;

Programs for Adolescents; Rape; Risk Behaviors; Runaways; Sexual Abuse; Sexual Behavior; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Bell, Laurie. 1987. Good Girls/Bad Girls: Feminists and Sex Trade Workers Talk Face to Face. Toronto: The Women’s Press. Ennew, Judith, Kusum Gopal, Janet Heeran, and Heather Montgomery. 1996. Children and Prostitution: How Can We Measure and Monitor the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children? New York: UNICEF. Hart, Jordana. 1998. “Young and on the Run after Fleeing Home, They Often Find a World of Rape, Prostitution and Drugs.” The Boston Globe, February 2, A1. Jesson, Jill. 1993. “Understanding Adolescent Female Prostitution: A Literature Review.” British Journal of Social Work 23, no. 5: 517–530. Schissel, Bernard, and Kari Fedec. 1999. “The Selling of Innocence: The Gestalt of Danger in the Loves of Youth Prostitutes.” Canadian Journal of Criminology 41, no. 1: 33–56. Strauss, David Levi. 1992. “A Threnody for Street Kids: The Youngest Homeless.” The Nation 254: 752–755. Weisberg, D. Kelly. 1985. Children of the Night: A Study of Adolescent Prostitution. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

Psychosomatic Disorders The term psychosomatic disorders indicates that a physical disease is the consequence of the interaction between the mind (or psyche) and the body (or soma). Examples of psychosomatic disorders are asthma, neurodermatitis, ulcers, migraine headaches, and hypertension (high blood pressure). Psychosomatic disorders are studied, among others, by the field of behavioral medicine, which is concerned with the integration of behavioral and medical knowledge and techniques for the prevention, diagnosis, and rehabilita-

Psychosomatic Disorders tion of illness. Since adolescence is a time of rapid and often stressful change, psychosomatic disorders are common, and an understanding of the mechanics of these disorders is useful to anyone who deals with adolescents. Psychosomatic disorders are also sometimes called psychophysiological disorders, and in the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), the term psychosomatic was replaced by the diagnostic category of “psychological factors affecting medical conditions.” This last concept specifies that psychological factors can adversely affect the person’s physical condition, and the influence of these factors is made evident by the temporal association between the psychological factors and the initiation, exacerbation, and aggravation of, or delayed recovery from, the general condition. Some general psychological factors that could affect physical conditions are mental disorders (e.g., depression), psychological symptoms (e.g., anxiety, depressive symptoms), personality traits or coping style (e.g., not recognizing or denying the need of a surgery), maladaptive health behaviors (e.g., overeating, unsafe sex, lack of exercise), and stress-related physiological responses (e.g., headache produced by tension or stress). Psychosomatic disorders are distinguished from the concept of somatization, which refers to a tendency to experience and express physical symptoms in the absence of a known physical illness. For example, a sudden blindness without a demonstrated biological cause is an example of somatization. In these cases, nothing is physically wrong with the patient, although the physical problems are real in the patient’s mind. The person usually does not recognize and may even

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deny that the psychological distress might be related to the illness. Somatization might be useful to the individual because, through it, he may attain certain psychological and/or social gains (e.g., extra attention or relief from responsibilities). A bad headache, for example, may exempt a student from taking an exam that she does not want to take. Constant stomachaches might result in frequent visits to the doctor’s office, which would mean more attention from adults. In other words, somatization can be used as an unconscious strategy to cope with the demands and frustrations of life. Psychosomatic disorders, on the other hand, do involve real, organic pathology. They are real physical illnesses that involve a clear disturbance of the body, in which anxiety is the main emotion involved in producing the symptoms. In other words, if the person is not able to process or handle emotions on a psychological level, the conflicting emotions may be transferred to the body. The tendency to experience and communicate distress through the body rather than through a psychological mode exists in different societies, but it does not necessarily imply that the individual displaying it has a psychiatric disorder. After all, we all somatize at some point of our lives, because we all go through stressful times in life. It is not uncommon to experience dizziness, headaches, stomachaches, shortness of breath, palpitations, or other symptoms during these stressful periods. In the case of psychosomatic illnesses, there can be changes in the perceptual, structural, or functional responses of the body. This happens because the brain, the organ of the mind, is connected to the organs of the body through nerves and hormones. Through these connections,

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the mind can contribute to the creation and course of illnesses that reside in the body, such as neurodermatitis, peptic ulcer, and asthma, among others. Changes in the organs of the body are more likely to occur when the mind is overwhelmed by certain emotions, and the changes are a way of dealing with these emotions (Dubovsky, 1997). Emotions give rise to mental and physical changes in the body. When emotions are expressed openly (e.g., when anger is openly discussed or expressed with the person we are angry with), the mental and physical activities in which the individual engages help to end the physiological changes that occur in the body because of those emotions (Dubovsky, 1997). When we feel angry, for example, there is more blood flow to the muscles and our heart rate accelerates. These physical changes prepare the person for an action to deal with the emotion, such as yelling at the source of anger to relieve the anger. Normally, the physiological state created by the emotion returns to its usual functioning after the action is done and the emotion is relieved. In the case of anger, the muscles relax and the heart rate returns to its usual level of activity. If, instead, the feelings and emotions are repressed or relegated to the unconscious mind, the physiological changes will not be terminated through action, and the body may continue to respond to the emotion. Physiological changes such as rapid heartbeat, elevated blood pressure, muscle tension, headache, or an upset stomach will continue until the emotion is resolved (Dubovsky, 1997). Repressed anger and anxiety, for example, have been associated with a particular type of neurodermatitis in which the person loses hair very rapidly due to the altered emotional state (e.g., repressed anger). Rapid hair

loss, at the same time, produces great levels of anxiety because of the fear of becoming bald—establishing a pattern of anxiety, hair loss, anxiety—which may be quite difficult to treat. The continuous physical stimulation of undischarged emotions is not necessarily dangerous for a body that is healthy. However, a body that is vulnerable and that is subjected to intense and prolonged somatic responses to stressful situations may be permanently changed. For example, a person who is continually angry and whose heart is vulnerable might experience rapid, uncontrollable cardiac rhythms. With time, the person’s heart may adjust to the rapid beating, and “may reset itself to a pathological level of functioning that is independent of the emotional state that originally mobilized it” (Dubovsky, 1997, p. 47). Obviously, certain experiences may give rise to emotions that are natural in human beings, such as anger, anxiety, grief, love, or sexual desire. Under certain circumstances, it may be difficult to express these feelings and emotions openly, or they may become too strong. Thus, they may become uncomfortable. For example, an adolescent who is becoming aware of his growing sexual thoughts and impulses might feel anxious due to these newly felt desires. Societal conventions do not allow a free expression or immediate satisfaction of these desires, which can make the adolescent feel even more anxious about his new emotions. He might feel shame, guilt, and, sometimes, fear in relation to these emotions. When anxiety and feelings of guilt, fear, or shame become too strong, the conscious mind might try to push these problematic responses into the unconscious mind, into the part of the mind that will keep them out of his

Psychosomatic Disorders awareness. In order for these problematic feelings to remain out of the person’s awareness, the conscious mind needs continuous vigilance over them. When a person is having difficulty dealing with the emotions on a psychological level, the emotions can take the form of different psychological symptoms such as phobias or depression, which might not be as difficult for the person to deal with as the original ones were. However, these symptoms also reflect the same strong, hidden, and unconscious emotions. In some of these cases, it is also possible for the conflict to be transferred to the body. We also know that certain personality types are more prone to physical damage than others. These are those who seem more incapable of dealing with their problems, and they tend to keep them from getting out (e.g., from leaving the unconscious mind). Again, when people cannot deal with their problems efficiently, the problems may turn into a body dysfunction. In this way, getting sick may be an unconscious way of dealing with guilt, of manipulating others, or of obtaining care and attention. People who have learned that it is wrong to express their feelings and emotions directly may communicate them indirectly through, for example, physical symptoms (Dubovsky, 1997). In the case of psychosomatic disorders, the idea of somatic involvement does not mean, as early theoreticians believed, that either the organs or the autonomic nervous system can actually express an unconscious idea. However, it does mean that there is an interaction between the body and the mind, through which the mind and psychological factors can affect physiological changes in the body. Stress is a factor that is involved in the origin and course (“etiology”) of psycho-

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somatic disorders. It has been defined as a challenging event that requires physiological, cognitive, and behavioral adaptation (Oltmanns and Emery, 1998). Stress is known to play an essential role in the onset or exacerbation of most physical illnesses. It can be caused by many events in a person’s life, such as the death of a spouse, a divorce, detention in jail or other institution, the death of a close family member, a major personal injury or illness, a major change in behavior or health of a family member, pregnancy, sexual difficulties, gaining a new family member (e.g., birth, adoption, oldster moving in, etc.), major change in the financial state, outstanding personal achievement, beginning or ceasing formal schooling, a major change in life conditions (e.g., remodeling a home), a change in residence, or a change to a new school. Some people distinguish between external and internal stress. External stress refers more to observable events that happen or have happened to a person, such as pressures at work, difficult deadlines, troubles at home, or heavy traffic. Internal stress, on the other hand, refers to the different ways in which people can react physiologically to stress. Some people may perceive some challenges of life differently than others. For example, for some people a minor event might be perceived as something extremely stressful. Nowadays, however, most researchers argue that stress is the result of the interaction between the environment and the person, as well as how the person perceives the challenges of the environment. As we all know, adolescence is a time of many physical, intellectual, emotional, and social changes that occur in a short period of time. There are changes in the anatomy and physiology of the body, changes in cognitive abilities, changes

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involved in the transition from childhood and dependence toward adulthood and independence, and even changes in or restructuring of relationships with family and friends. It is a time of transitions and adaptations. According to Hendren (1990, p. 249), the typical adolescent stressors are pubertal growth and hormonal changes, heightened sexuality, change from dependence to independence, changed relationship between parents and adolescents, newly developed cognitive abilities, cultural and social expectations, gender role, peer pressure, parental psychopathology, school changes, family moves, parental marital discord and divorce, encounters with legal authorities, sexual mistreatment, and physical illness and hospitalization. Adolescence is thus a period that involves important transitions, increasing responsibilities, and changes in the roles the individual plays in society. All of these changes require adaptations and thus bring with them a certain amount of stress, which adolescents have to learn to deal with. The young person’s coping skills, the family’s functioning, and the sociocultural environment influence reactions to these normal developmental changes (Hendren, 1990). Environmental stressors, such as divorce or school changes, may increase the risk of developing stress-related illnesses. Stress is known to produce anxiety, and anxiety may contribute to the worsening of the conditions of psychosomatic illnesses. Indeed, anxiety is an important component in the following illnesses: insomnia, asthma, tensional headache, dermatitis, digestive disorders, chronic pain, eating disorders, and cardiovascular disorders. A high prevalence of psychosomatic symptoms has been documented among

adolescents, with chronic headaches and stomachaches as some of the most common symptoms related to stress. Because of the high prevalence of these symptoms, it has been argued that some psychosomatic symptoms may even represent a normal and temporary adolescent reaction to changes in the body. However, it has also been argued that these symptoms are indeed specifically related to stressful life experiences and psychological distress. It is extremely important for families to learn to recognize symptoms of stress in adolescents, in order to seek professional help if needed. Although a certain amount of stress seems to be usual in adolescence, psychosomatic symptoms are potential markers of psychosocial and emotional distress, which need to be attended to, particularly because a significant proportion of these symptoms can persist into adulthood. In our society, there is a general belief that stress is always bad, since it is the cause of many illnesses, and that it should be avoided. However, evidence now suggests that under the right conditions, stress can promote emotional strength rather than disorders. Thus, a certain amount of stress can be adaptive. Moreover, learning more adaptive ways of coping with stress can limit the recurrence or improve the course of many physical illnesses. One key to helping adolescents who are suffering from psychosomatic illness is not to try to remove all stress from their lives but to help them learn to maintain a balance between being challenged and being overloaded by stress. Susanna M. Lara Roth

See also Chronic Illnesses in Adolescence; Counseling; Disorders, Psychological

Psychotherapy and Social; High School Equivalency Degree; Self; Self-Consciousness References and further reading American Psychiatric Association. 1994. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), 4th ed. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Dubovsky, Steven L. 1997. Mind-Body Deceptions: The Psychosomatics of Everyday Life. New York: Norton. Hendren, Robert L. 1990. “Stress in Adolescence.” Pp. 247–265 in Childhood Stress. Edited by L. E. Arnold. New York: Wiley. Kaplan, Harold I., Benjamin J. Sadock, and Jack A. Grebb. 1994. Kaplan and Sadock’s Synopsis of Psychiatry: Behavioral Sciences, Clinical Psychiatry, 7th ed. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins. Krishkowy, Barry, et al. 1995. “Symptom Clusters among Young Adolescents.” Adolescence 30, no. 118: 351–362. Oltmanns, Thomas F., and Robert E. Emery. 1998. Abnormal Psychology, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Petrie, Keith J., and John A. Weinman, eds. 1997. Perceptions of Health and Illness. Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic Publishers. Pitts, Marian, and Keith Phillips. 1998. The Psychology of Health: An Introduction, 2nd ed. London: Routledge.

Psychotherapy There are many different theories and forms of psychotherapy and adolescents decide to become involved in psychotherapy for many different reasons. Most basically, however, psychotherapy (also commonly referred to as therapy or counseling) is a process through which a trained psychotherapist or counselor seeks to help a person learn and change in ways that contribute to psychological growth and well-being. The person who has sought psychotherapy is commonly referred to as a client. The goals of psychotherapy should be decided upon by the client and therapist

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prior to the start of psychotherapy. Although the goals of therapy may change over time, it is important that the process begin with an agreed-upon goal. Many adolescents find psychotherapy helpful for coping with the many challenges and transitions that accompany the teenage years. Adolescents may find therapy helpful in learning how to deal better with everyday concerns or in resolving more serious conflicts. One of the most common reasons for seeking therapy is dissatisfaction with some aspect of one’s life, such as family conflict, feelings of sadness, anxiety, suicidal thoughts, loneliness, dissatisfaction with school or occupational achievement, difficulties in making friends, issues concerning sexuality, and problem behaviors, such as lying or stealing. Adolescents sometimes enter therapy because they want assistance in coping with a difficult or traumatic life event, such as the death of a family member, an incident of physical or sexual abuse, or the aftermath of an accident or physical disaster. Therapy may also be sought for help in adjusting to changes, such as changing schools, parental divorce or remarriage, starting college, or the breakup with a romantic partner. In these circumstances, therapy may focus on enhancing coping skills to deal with the stresses of these transitions. Adolescents may also decide to enter psychotherapy because they are looking for guidance in future planning or because they want to learn more about themselves and ways that might enhance their success at school, at work, or in social relationships. Therapy can be practiced in many forms. Therapists often meet individually with clients or with groups of clients. Group therapy is a therapeutic format in which a small number of individuals, often with common concerns,

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Psychotherapy is a process through which a trained psychotherapist seeks to help a person learn and change in ways that contribute to psychological well-being. (Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis)

meet together with a therapist. Many adolescents find group therapy helpful because they can share feelings and learn from other teenagers, as well as the therapist. Family therapy occurs when all family members meet together with the therapist to change problematic family relationships. Oftentimes, family therapy is initiated because one family member is experiencing a specific problem. Family therapy can help adolescents and other family members learn to communicate and understand one another better. Individuals often participate simultaneously in several modalities of therapy, such as individual and group, or individual and family.

Trained psychotherapists generally have one of several graduate degrees and are licensed by the state in which they are practicing. Clinical social workers and mental health counselors are trained at the master’s level; psychologists are trained at the doctoral level, receiving either a Ph.D. or Psy.D. degree; and psychiatrists are trained physicians with an M.D., and a residency in the specialization of psychiatry. Psychiatrists are licensed to prescribe medications, as well as to provide psychotherapy. Some adolescents who are prescribed medications to help with depression or anxiety may meet with a psychiatrist, as well as with a psychologist.

Psychotherapy The process of psychotherapy usually relies upon a verbal interaction between a therapist and client. The nature of the verbal interaction and the extent to which the verbal interaction is supplemented by other activities will depend upon the theoretical orientation of the therapist. Psychodynamic therapists, for example, may focus on using the verbal interchange as a way to increase client understanding of the self and one’s history. The psychodynamic therapist believes that this understanding or insight will enable the individual to change in desirable ways. A behavioral therapist is not interested in client understanding or insight, but instead focuses on change in specific behaviors. In behavior therapy, a verbal interchange may focus on identifying the conditions that maintain negative behaviors, so that the antecedents and consequences of those negative behaviors can be changed. The behavioral therapist and client might establish a contract, which the client agrees to follow and through which a system of rewards is expected to modify undesirable behavior. The cognitive therapist focuses on changing the way in which the client thinks, believing that human behavior and feelings are caused most directly by what we think. From a cognitive perspective, the causes of depression include negative thoughts about the self (“I am worthless”), about others (“No one likes me”), and about the future (“This situation is hopeless and will not change”). The cognitive therapist might supplement verbal dialogue, with role playing or doing therapeutic homework, such as practicing new skills learned in the therapy session. A family systems therapist may focus on how the family interacts as a whole, may focus on

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interactions among family subsystems (children vs. parents), and may be interested in how social systems beyond the family, such as the neighborhood, school, or workplace, impact the family. Adolescents often enter therapy because an adult in their lives, such as parent or guardian, or a school official, has decided that they would benefit from it. Sometimes adolescents decide on their own that they would benefit from counseling and approach a parent, guardian, or school counselor for assistance in obtaining therapy. A therapist or counselor needs permission from a parent or guardian in order to provide therapy to persons under the age of eighteen. Therapists often provide progress reports to parents, so they will have a broad understanding of the goals and progress of therapy. The specifics of what the youth says during therapy, however, are confidential, and are thus not generally shared with others. There are limits to confidentiality, however. The therapist must report to appropriate authorities indications that the client is being physically or sexually abused, or indications that the client intends to cause harm to oneself or another person. Maureen E. Kenny See also Anxiety; Counseling; Depression; Disorders, Psychological and Social; High School Equivalency Degree; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Programs for Adolescents; Self References and further reading Patterson, Lewis E., and Elizabeth Reynold Welfel. 2000. The Counseling Process, 5th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Prout, H. Thompson, and Douglas T. Brown. 1998. Counseling and Psychotherapy with Children and Adolescents, 3rd ed. New York: Wiley.

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Puberty: Hormone Changes

Puberty: Hormone Changes Adolescence is the period of the life span that includes roughly the second decade of life. It is characterized by physical, hormonal, psychological, and emotional changes. Puberty is the term used to describe the physical and hormonal changes that occur during adolescence. It is a process that takes years to complete and consists of many different changes. Puberty is characterized by more rapid physical changes than at any time since infancy. These changes are brought on by complicated interactions among genes, hormones, the brain, and the environment where the adolescent lives. This entry will focus on hormones and the role they play in the physical changes of puberty. Hormones as a group are one of the factors responsible for increases in height and weight and changes in body size and body proportions at puberty. Changes in hormones, along with physical growth, are thought to be related to changes in moods and behavior at puberty. There are many hormones that contribute to the physical changes at puberty, but there are three main types of hormones that change at puberty: gonadotropins, gonadal hormones, and adrenal hormones. The term gonadotropins refers to two hormones, luteinizing hormone (LH) and follicle stimulating hormone (FSH). Gonadotropins are produced by the pituitary gland at the base of the brain. They stimulate the production of two other hormones, estrogen and testosterone. In early puberty, the gonadotropins rise during sleep, but as puberty advances they are present during the day as well. The second group of hormones that rise at puberty consists of the gonadal hormones, estrogen and testosterone. As

gonadotropins rise, so do the gonadal hormones, estrogen and testosterone. Gonadal hormones are produced by the gonads. The term gonads refers to the testicles in boys and the ovaries in girls. During puberty, estrogen is produced mainly by the ovaries in girls and is several times higher in girls than in boys. Estrogen is responsible for growth and the development of secondary sexual characteristics, that is, breasts and other organs that humans need to reproduce. Testosterone is produced mainly by the testicles in boys and is several times higher in boys than in girls. Testosterone is responsible for the development of sperm and other organs involved in reproduction, like the penis and testicles. Estrogen and testosterone begin to rise at approximately age eight to nine in girls and ten to eleven in boys. The adrenal hormones that change at puberty are dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA), dehydroepiandrosterone sulphate (DHEAS), and androstenedione. Adrenal androgens are produced by the adrenal glands, which sit on top of the kidneys. The adrenal androgens begin to rise at approximately age seven to eight in girls and boys. Adrenal androgens contribute to the development of a prepubertal growth spurt and pubic and underarm hair in boys and girls. Boys and girls can vary widely in the age at which they begin to have an increase in all three groups of hormones. Shortly after these hormones begin to rise, adolescents begin to show physical changes. Girls will begin to develop breasts. Boys will begin to develop a larger penis and testicles. Both boys and girls will develop pubic and underarm hair. Girls begin to show physical changes eighteen to twenty-four months before

Puberty: Physical Changes boys. At around ages twelve to thirteen in girls and fourteen to fifteen in boys, height will increase very rapidly. This rapid increase in height is referred to as the growth spurt. The growth spurt lasts about two years. Adolescents will continue to grow after the growth spurt, but at a slower rate. Growth hormone, along with other growth factors, contributes to the rapid rise in height at puberty. In early puberty, growth hormone is secreted mainly at night. For girls, menarche, the beginning of the menstrual period, is a late event of puberty that usually occurs after the growth spurt. Cyclical (monthly) changes in some of the hormones occur during the menstrual cycle. Girls and boys vary in when they will exhibit the hormonal and physical growth changes of puberty, although the majority of boys and girls begin to show changes at about the same age. Those who experience changes in hormones and, in turn, physical changes earlier than their same-age friends are called early maturers and those who begin later are called late maturers. The timing of hormone changes can be affected by many factors, which include genetic influences, stress, socioeconomic status, nutrition, diet, exercise, and chronic illness. In some cases, both early and late maturers can have problems coping with their time of maturation. These problems include changes in moods (from sadness to anger to happiness, and so on), disobedience, and more serious problems, like aggression and delinquency. Much more research needs to be done on how the timing of the physical changes of puberty will affect adolescents’ physical and mental health later on in life. Elizabeth J. Susman

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See also Acne; Aggression; Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Hair; Delinquency, Trends in; Emotions; Gender Differences; High School Equivalency Degree; Menarche; Menstruation; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Sex Differences; Sexual Behavior; Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control; Transition to Young Adulthood References and further reading Bourgignon, J., and T. M. Plant, eds. 2000. The Onset of Puberty in Perspective. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on the Control of the Onset of Puberty. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Griffen, J. E., and S. R. Ojeda. 1996. Textbook of Endocrine Physiology. New York: Oxford University Press. Herman-Giddens, M. E, E. J. Slora, R. C. Wasserman, C. J. Bourdony, M. V. Bhapkar, G. G. Koch, and C. Hasemeier. 1997. “Secondary Sexual Characteristics and Menses in Young Girls Seen in Office Practice: A Study from the Pediatric Research in Office Settings Network.” Pediatrics 99: 505–512.

Puberty: Physical Changes The physical changes of puberty occur some time after the hormonal changes have begun. This time interval is not accurately known, but it is assumed to be about six months to one year after the hormonal changes. There is a wide range of ages of both onset and completion of various physical sexual stages of development. These changes typically span the second decade of life, involving early adolescence (around ages ten to fourteen or fifteen), middle adolescence (ages fifteen to seventeen), and late adolescence (ages eighteen to twenty). Boys who do not experience testicular enlargement by thirteen and a half years, or who have no pubic hair development by age fifteen years, or who take more than five years

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to complete development are considered to have delayed pubertal development. Boys who show development prior to age nine years are considered to have precocious puberty. Girls who do not have breast development by age thirteen, who have no pubic hair by age fourteen, and fail to menstruate by age sixteen are considered to have delayed puberty. Appearance of these changes in girls younger than eight years has been considered abnormal. Some recent studies have reported that the onset of changes in girls was in fact more variable and that changes occurring earlier than eight years were not uncommon especially among black girls. This phenomenon has not been noted for boys. Between about six and ten years of age, but before the onset of true puberty, all children experience hormonal changes called adrenarche. These hormones may cause some physical sexual change in a small proportion of children. The most common of these changes is the appearance of an adult type of armpit odor, but some children also experience the appearance of axillary or pubic hair. These changes are normal in the vast majority of children. The primary physical sexual changes of true normal puberty are changes in development of the gonads (testes or ovaries). All other physical sexual changes are called secondary sexual characteristics—they are secondary to the hormones secreted by the gonads. In general, although there is a wide range of time of onset and rate of progress, there is an orderly sequence of the physical changes of puberty. For boys, the earliest visible change is enlargement of the testes. Testicular size greater than 2.5 cm is considered to represent pubertal development. Average adult testis size

is approximately 5 cm. The scrotum also shows development early in puberty. It becomes thinner, and increases in blood supply can easily be seen in its walls. Pubic hair appears next, either on the scrotum or around the base of the penis, and gradually spreads laterally. The penis enlarges next, first in length and later in width. Deepening of the voice occurs by mid-puberty. Axillary and facial hair appear late in puberty. The adolescent growth spurt in boys is also a rather late event in puberty, as is the increase in maximum muscle strength. Mature sperm appear early in boys, at about twelve and a half years on average. A significant proportion of boys will experience some breast development during middle puberty, which is benign and usually regresses without treatment. Breast development is usually the earliest indication of pubertal physical development among girls. Breast development may take place on one side only for a while. It is not uncommon for girls to complain about soreness of the nipple. This is caused by the thin-skinned nipple rubbing against clothing and will disappear as development proceeds and the skin of the nipple thickens. Pubic hair appears before or at the same time as breast development in a significant number of girls. A significant increase in body fat occurs in middle puberty, causing the more rounded body configuration seen in most young women. Peak growth spurt is a middle pubertal event. Axillary hair and the first menstrual period are late events in puberty. Most girls will grow an average of two more inches after they experience menarche. There are very obvious changes in behavior during puberty, but there is little data to suggest that these changes are related to the changes in hormones that

The physical changes of puberty typically begin earlier for girls than for boys. (Shirley Zeiberg)

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cause the physical changes of puberty. The bodily changes of adolescence involve, then, a period during which the person reaches an adult level of maturity. One aspect of that new level of maturity is that the person becomes capable of reproduction: of becoming pregnant, or being able to impregnate. But puberty is not synonymous with all maturation changes. Puberty is the process that is complete when the person is able to reproduce and it is only one event within the pubescent phase. For instance, puberty is not synonymous with menarche (the first menstrual cycle) in females or with the first ejaculation (the release of semen) in males. The initial menstrual cycles of females, for instance, typically are not accompanied by ovulation. Similarly, for males there is a gap between the first ejaculation, which usually occurs between eleven and sixteen years of age, and the capability to fertilize. Nevertheless, these most striking physical changes give a powerful message and play a significant role in the transformation to which we give the name of puberty. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Acne; Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Appearance Management; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Build; Body Hair; Body Image; Gender Differences; High School Equivalency Degree; Menarche; Menstrual Cycle; Nutrition; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Self-Consciousness; Sex Differences; Sexual Behavior; Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories, pp. 1254–1257. Clayman, Charles B., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family

Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House. Katchadourian, H. 1977. The Biology of Adolescence. San Francisco: Freeman. Paikoff, Roberta, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1991. “Do Parent-Child Relationships Change during Puberty? Psychological Bulletin 110: 47–66.

Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes Pubertal maturation is characterized by increased production of steroid hormones (estrogens in females and androgens in males). These hormones lead to the development of secondary sexual characteristics, such as the growth spurt, the development of breasts in girls, and the formation of masculine hair patterns in boys. Gradual physical alterations heighten young people’s awareness of their bodies and increase their self-consciousness. Their concept of self, now focused primarily on physical self, becomes more psychological. Gradually, young adolescents reach a higher level of self-understanding and come to see themselves as distinct from others and as carrying rather stable personality characteristics. This process of forming a coherent personal identity is at times characterized by crisis, which must be resolved if healthy development is to occur. Research has shown that adolescents’ ability to successfully resolve their pubertal identity crisis can shape their emotional outlook and impact their selfesteem and life choices. Some children tend to experience prolonged identity confusion and might later exhibit temporary pathological symptoms. However, most of these children successfully overcome the negative symptoms through the course of their normal development.

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The search for a new identity and the desire to establish interpersonal intimacy are important components of adolescents’ psychological and social development during puberty. (Skjold Photographs)

While trying to reach a feeling of comfort with their new body image and identity, adolescents also develop a need for more autonomy and begin to seek more contacts and support outside the family. They turn increasingly to peers, and through peer relations they look for friendships that offer loyalty and intimacy. Loyalty among friends becomes a necessary component of mutual understanding that develops during puberty, while peer relations provide a way to satisfy a longing for more intimate relationships with the members of the opposite or the same sex. The search for a new identity and the desire to establish interpersonal intimacy

are important components of children’s psychological and social development during the pubertal stage. However, what course one’s pubertal psychological and social functioning will take depends to a great degree on the timing of physical maturation, that is, whether adolescents reach puberty early (before the rest of their peers), late (after their peers), or “on time” (when most of the rest of their peers reach puberty). In addition, the influence of puberty on psychological and social functioning depends on the context within which the maturation takes place. All girls and boys go through puberty, but society does not regard their early, ontime, or late maturation in the same way.

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This differential treatment often increases children’s vulnerability to health risks (such as eating disorders) and/or problem behaviors (such as drinking). Sexual Differences and Pubertal Development The timing of pubertal development is different for boys and girls. The onset of puberty falls between the ages of 8 to 13 years for girls, and between the ages of 9.5 and 13.5 years for boys. Puberty is considered to be early if the first physical changes occur around the age of eight in girls and nine in boys, and it is considered to be delayed if no physical signs of change appear prior to age thirteen in girls and fourteen in boys. Since puberty is the time when children are absorbed in social comparisons and do not want to be different from their peers, being an early- or latematuring person has important implications for self-esteem and self-concept in young adolescents. Early-maturing girls usually weigh more and are taller than most of their classmates. Poor body image and negative self-evaluations are common in these girls. Since being thin is a norm for female popularity among peers, the desire for popularity prompts the girls to try to control their physical transformation by dieting. During the course of this preoccupation with physical appearance, some of the girls have been found to develop eating problems. Being an early maturer has more positive consequences for boys than for girls. During the process of their physical changes, boys experience not only a growth spurt but also a gain in muscle mass. These changes are favorable factors for gaining popularity among the peers of early-maturing boys. However, given the value placed on physical strength, sports,

and macho behavior among boys, this norm can also put late-maturing boys at a disadvantage, since it prompts the boys to develop negative self-evaluations and lower self-esteem. In addition to the impact of timing on young adolescents’ psychological and social behavior, the context within which the onset and development of puberty occur is equally important. Many parents may be uncomfortable about discussing puberty issues with their children. Fathers, in particular, report feeling uneasy about raising the subject of pubertal maturation with their children, especially their daughters. If they are unable to overcome their uneasiness, such an omission leaves children isolated in their efforts to understand the reasons for pubertal changes in their body shape. In their search for identity, for a selfdefinition that would be both personally satisfying and socially effective, children turn to social cues. The media are a prominent source of such cues. Through media such as television, teen magazines, and movies, young adolescents learn of and come to accept cultural preference for thinness in girls and muscularity in boys. The emphasis on specific body images puts pressure on girls to maintain a prepubertal figure and asks of boys to affirm themselves through engagement in sports. The possible negative effects that pubertal physical changes and their timing can have on young adolescents’ psychological and social adjustment can be illustrated among those adolescents whose involvement in athletic or professional training requires a particular body shape. An example of this requirement in boys would be participation in sports such as football, which promotes aggressiveness and the expectation of rigorous build-

Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes ing up of muscle mass. If a child is a late maturer, meaning that he is not physically mature enough to be able to build up his muscles as well as are early or on-time maturers, the physical expectations imposed on the child may negatively affect his psychological development. As for girls, professions that call for vigorous physical exertion and/or particular thinness regardless of one’s age may not only delay onset of menarche but also affect the girls’ successful identity development. In one study conducted by psychologists Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and E. O. Reiter, ballerinas from two different settings were studied. One setting was a highly competitive and physically strenuous ballet school and the second setting was a regular school. Brooks-Gunn and Reiter found that the different pressures of the settings for having a thin body figure were related to body image. Late-maturing ballerinas had better body image than did on-time ballerinas. However, ballerinas had more problems with body image and eating than did girls in the regular school setting. Pubertal changes can also alter young adolescents’ interactions with their parents. Indications of increased conflicts have been found between mothers and their pubertal sons. Mothers and sons tend to interrupt each other during conversations more during the initial pubertal period. However, conflict decreases by the time sons reach the height of their pubertal maturation. Timing of physical maturity has a certain value not only for adolescents themselves but also for adults who interact with them, specifically parents. At the beginning of puberty, children who are early maturers are taller than most other children in their age group. They are often expected to perform more demanding jobs or to show more socially adult

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behavior. Furthermore, parents may give girls and boys who are physically more mature than their peers more freedom to go out. This treatment may make it more likely that these young adolescents will start dating earlier than expected. Interactions between puberty, psychological and social functioning, and the context in which children are embedded may increase children’s vulnerability to problem behaviors and health risks. Both male and female early maturers are more likely to engage in adult behaviors (such as smoking, drinking, and sexual activity) at an earlier age than are on-time and late maturers. However, it has been shown that these problem behaviors depend somewhat on the characteristics of the children’s peers. Although earlymaturing girls are generally likely to start drinking or dating at an earlier age, they are more likely to act that way if their friends are older. Early-maturing girls with older friends expect fewer sanctions from their peers and tend to break more norms than is the case with early-maturing girls who do not have older friends. Societal preference for thinness can put young adolescents also at a health risk. Current ideals of slimness, as portrayed by the entertainment and fashion industries, inspire dieting at the time of puberty. Adolescents are affected by this societal value to such a degree that dieting and poor self-image increase as the body is developing. Thus, in some cases, adolescents can develop eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa (avoidance or loathing of food, often accompanied with psychological problems) or bulimia (uncontrolled binge eating and purging behavior). While girls are prone to anorexia nervosa, boys seem to be more vulnerable to physical anorexia (a type of anorexia that can be found in runners, for

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example). In either case, eating problems in young adolescents are prevalent, and, as some clinical studies show, both boys and girls can exhibit eating problems as early as eight years old. Eating problems in young adolescents are sometimes accompanied by depression. Early-maturing girls and latematuring boys who are dissatisfied with their body image might find it hard to feel happy. This unhappiness is likely to increase depressive tendencies in the children. Depressed males and females are found to be dissatisfied with their body weight and shape even when their peers do not rate them as less attractive. With all the psychological and social changes taking place during children’s transition to adolescence, and with all the risks associated with it, what is it that parents and children can do to help each other combat the risks? First, it should be understood that although parent-child relationships undergo important changes during children’s transition through adolescence, parents still continue to hold an important role in their children’s lives during this period. Parents are involved in their children’s lives by directly communicating their knowledge and values to them, and by indirectly providing emotional support for their teenagers’ attempts to form friendships outside their home. Adolescents turn to their parents for guidance when the actions that they are taking may have implications for their academic goals and future plans. Adolescents value their peers’ input over their parents only when it comes to issues of popularity and status in different teenage cliques. However, acceptance of particular peer values does not necessarily imply that adolescents will suddenly refuse to rely on their parents’ guidance alto-

gether. In their search for autonomy through expansion of peer relations and, at the same time, motivated by a desire to remain connected to their families, adolescents look for ways to establish peerlike relationships with their parents. The authority of adults in the parentchild relationship remains, but adolescents now seek to be respected and seen by their parents as their equals (which is exactly what they find in their peer relationships). At times when parents and their teenage children are able to meet halfway in this manner, mutuality of respect and communication between parents and their adolescent children tend to emerge. Second, as noted earlier, pubertal maturation is a rather stressful developmental period during which one’s success in resolving the identity crisis may shape one’s emotional outlook, self-esteem, and acceptance of oneself and one’s actions. Parents should help children understand that puberty is a developmental stage that everyone goes through, that they themselves went through, and that it does not last forever. In addition, for many girls the onset of menstruation is a cause for embarrassment and discomfort. Parents need to make an effort to explain to their pubertal daughters what the menstrual cycle is and what sorts of feelings the cycle usually brings up in females. Daughters should also be informed on how to conduct their menstrual hygiene. Third, puberty is also a time when parents need to be aware that their own behavior can elicit much greater variations of both negative and positive behaviors from their pubertal children. For example, factors such as family stressors (e.g., marital conflict or parental divorce) tend to be consequential for girls’ puber-

Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes tal development, much more than for boys’. A high level of family conflict is associated with early menarche (the first menstrual period) in girls. This is the case even when biological factors such as girls’ weight and nutrition are controlled for. Furthermore, some studies point out that many early-maturing girls tend to have absent biological fathers, and that the longer the period of father absence, the earlier is the onset of menarche in these girls. At the same time, however, stressful family context does not always necessarily result in early maturation. Requirements of particular environmental/social contexts may delay pubertal maturation as well. For example, the delay may be either environmentally imposed or personally desired and attained, as is the case with delayed menarche in ballerinas (mentioned earlier in this article) or in girls who engage in excessive exercise and dieting. For this reason, parents of adolescents should pay more attention to their diet-conscious girls and late-maturing boys. Family meals should be modified in order to ensure that the adolescents get enough calories while eating more healthy foods. Parent-child discussions regarding the child’s physical appearance should be structured in a way that meets the child’s need for emotional understanding and affirmation. Parents should also consider the possible effects that their own dieting or emphasis on muscular build and athletic involvement can have on the pubertal maturation of their children. For example, parents who actively foster weight control are likely to communicate to their pubertal children their own perceptions, beliefs, and attitudes regarding physical appearance and body shape. In addition, both parents and children need

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to be aware that in families with more than one child of pubertal or prepubertal age it is a common occurrence that siblings may behave similarly. Specifically, younger siblings are often found to imitate some of the behaviors of their older siblings. Thus, early-maturing girls and boys who engage in dieting, excessive exercise, drinking, or sexual activity may put their younger siblings (in particular, the younger siblings who are close in age to them) at a greater risk of developing similar problem behaviors themselves. In the end, it is equally important to propose that adolescents should explore different ways in which to communicate to their older siblings and parents any concerns that they might have regarding their maturational state and identity dilemmas and insecurities, as well as possible social pressures. By helping parents understand better what their adolescents’ concerns are, adolescents will enable parents to communicate with them more successfully and, thereby, know how to be supportive in a way that meets the developmental needs of their adolescent children. Aida Bilalbegovic´ See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Image; Conformity; Dating; Decision Making; Emotions; Ethnocentrism; Family Relations; Freedom; Gender Differences; Identity; Parental Monitoring; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Personality; Rites of Passage; Self; SelfConsciousness; Sex Differences References and further reading Aquilino, William S. 1997. “From Adolescent to Young Adult: A Prospective Study of Parent-Child Relations during the Transition to Adulthood.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 59, no. 3: 670–686. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, and E. O. Reiter. 1990. “The Role of Pubertal Process.”

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Pp. 16–53 in At the Threshold: The Developing Adolescent. Edited by S. Shirley Feldman and Glen R. Elliott. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Graber, Julia A., Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, and Anne C. Petersen, eds. 1996. Transitions through Adolescence: Interpersonal Domains and Context. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. O’Koon, Jeffrey. 1997. “Attachment to Parents and Peers in Late Adolescence and Their Relationship with SelfImage.” Adolescence 32, no. 126: 471–482. Simmons, R. G., and D. A. Blyth. 1987. Moving into Adolescence: The Impact of Pubertal Change and School Context. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

Puberty, Timing of The term timing of puberty refers to the time at which pubertal maturation begins. Timing of puberty usually is referred to as “early,” “on-time,” or “late” with respect to a defined norm, such as the peer group, the grade in school, or available norms used by the healthcare profession. The adolescent’s own perception of timing of puberty, or that of the parents, may be different from that defined by healthcare providers. Timing of puberty is known to have physical and psychological significance. The issues around timing of puberty actually encompass both physical changes and psychosocial changes in adolescence, since one can influence the other. This entry will focus on two primary aspects of timing of puberty. First, it describes what is meant by early and late puberty in adolescent boys and girls, which is sometimes referred to as offtime pubertal development. Second, it discusses the potential physical and psychological significance of off-time puberty with respect to healthy adolescent development.

Off-time puberty usually refers to the early or late development of physical changes that occur during puberty. These changes primarily include breast or genital development and pubic hair development as well as the first menstrual period (menarche). Clinicians use charts and tables that describe the average time of the beginning of pubertal development to evaluate the progression of these physical characteristics. There is an average age of onset of puberty, but the normal age range for development of these characteristics is wide. For example, some charts say that menarche is on time if it occurs anywhere from age ten to age sixteen. Based on these ages, early timing would be younger than age ten and later timing would be over age sixteen. (Recent evidence on timing of puberty is discussed in the next paragraph.) For boys, testicular development usually is the first observable change in puberty, and normally testes begin to increase in size anywhere from age nine to age thirteen and beyond. Based on the developmental norms, if testicular development begins before nine or so, that may be called early timing, and if after thirteen, it may be called late. However, clinicians do not look at just one developmental change to determine early or late development. They look at everything that should change at puberty. If there is evidence of some change, like a growth spurt or new presence of body odor, this may indicate that breast or genital development will occur soon. As a clinician, one cannot pay attention just to one change; one has to look at all of the changes together to make a decision about the timing of puberty. Moreover, many of the old charts that describe age of onset of puberty were based on only information from Caucasian adolescents. Now there

Puberty, Timing of is more information on minority adolescent development norms as well. There has been some recent research in 1997 showing that girls may be entering puberty earlier than before. Marcia Herman-Giddens and her group collected physical examination information on more than 17,000 girls in the United States aged three to twelve. They found that on average, girls are physically developing at a younger age than the norms that have been used. African American girls also develop earlier than Caucasian girls. This includes breast and pubic hair development and menarche. For example, about 48.3 percent of African American girls had begun physical development by age eight compared to about 14.7 percent of Caucasian girls (Herman-Giddens et al., 1997, p. 505). New guidelines reported by Paul Kaplowitz and colleagues suggest that early development needing a medical evaluation would be in an African American girl with either breast or pubic hair development before age six and in a Caucasian girl before age seven. (This information is not yet available for boys.) If a girl shows development at a young age, it may still be important to see a pediatric healthcare provider. The physician will look at all the signs of growth and development together, in order to determine that the early development is not worrisome. For example, early (or precocious) development can be caused by something going wrong in the body. In that case, the evaluation and any necessary follow-up or treatment for the problem would be important in order to prevent future health problems. One could then know if development was truly too early. Early puberty can also occur in overweight or obese girls. Sometimes a pediatric physician who specializes in growth and hormone problems of children and adolescents, that is, a pediatric endocrinol-

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ogist, may do the evaluation. Pediatric endocrinologists also evaluate those who are developing late. Importance of Off-Time Pubertal Development Off-time pubertal development may be important from both a physical and a psychological viewpoint. Physically, we have already touched upon the importance of a pediatric healthcare provider evaluating early or late pubertal development. In this case, early or late puberty is important from a medical viewpoint. We also do not yet know what influence early or late pubertal timing has on brain development and, in turn, behavior and thinking. Some scientists are now beginning to evaluate the influence that puberty and its timing may have on brain development. At this point it is too early to speculate, but soon we will have more information on brain development and pubertal timing. Offtime puberty also may be important psychologically, and this aspect has been studied by a number of scientists. Some of these studies have looked at the relation of off-time puberty to moods or behavior problems. The definition of “off-time” has often varied. Sometimes it has been based on the same norms that the medical profession might use, such as the charts and tables mentioned above. When it is based on the physical changes of puberty, those changes may be measured by an actual physical exam or by parent or adolescent report of development. Other times the scientists have defined timing with respect to the way the peer group (others in the study) has developed. Still other studies have actually asked adolescents a question like, “Compared to your friends, is your development at puberty earlier, later, or at about the same time?” For some studies,

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this last question may be more important, because how adolescents perceive their development may have more influence on certain moods or behaviors than what charts say about timing of development. An adolescent may be on time for development based on norms used by healthcare providers, but they may feel early or late compared to how other friends are developing, which in turn makes them feel out of place. There is some inconsistency in the conclusion of studies about timing of puberty. One group of studies shows that girls and boys who are off time in their pubertal development, that is, early or late, have a more difficult time adjusting at adolescence. They may be under more stress and may have more mood and behavior problems. Being off time, they may not have the same social support from peers, since they are now different from their peer group. A second group of studies supports the idea that early timing results in adjustment problems for girls. Early developers are assumed to be under stress more than on-time developers. They also may have missed the opportunity to complete normal psychological and social developmental tasks of middle childhood. That is, they missed time in childhood to develop and gain experience. These earlier maturers look more adult and therefore others expect adult behaviors. However, often an adolescent’s thinking ability and emotional control is not fully developed. Because early maturers look older than they are, they may be tempted to hang out with older adolescents and participate in more risky behaviors. Some of the studies show that early or late pubertal timing may be different for girls and boys. In general, early puberty seems more difficult for girls than for

boys, whereas late puberty seems more difficult for boys. The early-maturing girls tend to engage in more adult behaviors, which they may not be ready for, and they may be less happy with their body changes. For boys, early maturation means an advantage in some things. Earlymaturing boys may have an advantage in social development and in sports and leadership. On the other hand, late-maturing boys may be less accepted by peers and therefore have more social difficulties. In contrast, there is some evidence that latematuring girls may have an advantage when it comes to academics. Understanding differences in these studies can be somewhat confusing. There are no hard and fast rules about the psychological effects of off-time pubertal development. Adjusting to these changes can be very individual and may depend upon physiological differences, coping abilities, support, past experiences, and factors we don’t even know about yet, like genetic background. Lorah D. Dorn George P. Chrousos

See also Body Image; Conformity; Gender Differences; Menarche; Nutrition; SelfConsciousness; Sex Differences References and further reading Dorn, Lorah D., Stacie F. Hitt, and Deborah Rotenstein. 1999. “Psychological and Cognitive Differences in Children with Premature vs. on-Time Adrenarche.” Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine 153: 137–145. Graber, Julia A., Peter M. Lewinsohn, John R. Seeley, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1997. “Is Psychopathology Associated with the Timing of Pubertal Development?” Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 36: 1768–1776. Hayward, Christopher, Joel D. Killen, Darrell M. Wilson, Lawrence D.

Puberty, Timing of Hammer, Iris F. Litt, Helena C. Kraemer, Farish Haydel, Ann Varaday, and C. Barr Taylor. 1997. “Psychiatric Risk Associated with Early Puberty in Adolescent Girls.” Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 36: 255–262. Herman-Giddens, Marcia E., Eric J. Slora, Richard C. Wasserman, Carlos J. Bourdony, Manju V. Bhapkar, Gary G. Koch, and Cynthia Hasemeier. 1997. “Secondary Sexual Characteristics and Menses in Young Girls Seen in Office Practice: A Study from the Pediatric Research in Office Settings Network.” Pediatrics 99: 505–512. Kaplowitz, Paul B., Sharon E. Oberfield, and the Drug and Therapeutics and

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Executive Committee of the Lawson Wilkins Pediatric Endocrine Society. “Reexamination of the Age Limit for Defining When Puberty Is Precocious in Girls in the United States: Implications for Evaluation and Treatment.” Pediatrics 104: 936–941. Nottelmann, Editha D., Elizabeth J. Susman, Gale E. Inoff-Germain, Gordon B. Cutler Jr., D. Lynne Loriaux, and George P. Chrousos. 1987. “Developmental Processes in American Early Adolescents: Relationships between Adolescent Adjustment Problems and Chronological Age, Pubertal Stage, and Puberty-Related Serum Hormone Levels.” Journal of Pediatrics 110: 473–480.

R Racial Discrimination

• A white student gets into an argument because she is often told she has unfair advantages due to “white privilege.” She does not feel the stereotype applies because she grew up in a poor rural neighborhood with few resources. • A black teen walks into a store and is hassled by the store clerk. He leaves frustrated that he is unable to browse like all the other customers. • A Hispanic teen is upset after being told to “go back to his country” because he is speaking Spanish. He was born and raised in the United States and does not feel he should be made to feel bad because he is proud of his cultural heritage and chooses to speak Spanish among his friends.

Those who compile statistics for the U.S. Bureau of the Census predict that in the next few decades, the number of ethnic minorities in the United States will approach 50 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1994). Living in a multicultural society means that individuals from all cultures may come in contact with adults and peers from other ethnic groups who knowingly or unknowingly hold stereotypic prejudices. These prejudices may result in acts of racial discrimination. An act of racial discrimination is an action that denies equal treatment to persons based on their race. Experiences with racism and discrimination are often a common experience for members of ethnic minority groups. These encounters can lead to stress, anxiety, and increased health problems. Teaching youth strategies to deal with encounters with racial discrimination, strengthening their selfesteem, and providing information about diverse ethnic cultures all help to alleviate feelings of distress that could put them at risk for developmental problems.

A recent research study of a multiethnic sample of adolescents showed that teenagers often experience scenarios like these and are highly distressed by them (Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton, 2000). Although many American youth report experiences of discrimination, they often experience them in different forms. For example, teenagers of African descent have long family histories of harsh oppression rooted in legally sanctioned slavery and segregation. Historical and contemporary

• An Asian student feels pressured to do well by teachers, often being told he is a “model” minority. He does not agree that it is fair to burden all Asians with such high academic expectations.

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Teaching youth strategies to deal with racial discrimination and providing information about diverse ethnic cultures may help alleviate feelings of distress associated with such discrimination. (Skjold Photographs)

histories of teenagers of Hispanic, Native American, and East and South Asian heritage are marked by military conquest, displacement, and economic exploitation. Some youth of European descent share family histories of discriminatory immigration laws and experiences with oppression in their homelands. Old prejudices and historical forms of ethnic and racial discrimination are giving way to new, more subtle forms of ethnic stereotypes (Essed, 1991). The work of bodies like the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission and U.S. Sentencing Commission, as well as several recent studies, indicate that discrimination in jobs, housing, education, juvenile justice, and social serv-

ices continues to be a risk factor for minority youth. The effects of these experiences with discrimination can be great. For adolescents belonging to visible minorities in particular, negative self-evaluations may emerge from continuous experiences with discriminatory exclusion from opportunities and racially prejudiced attitudes (Spencer, 1999; Steele, 1997). Research with African American, Mexican American, and Chinese American families suggests that parents who socialize their children to be proud of their racial/ethnic heritage help them to develop coping styles to deal with discriminatory practices and negative ethnic stereotypes (Thornton, et al., 1990).

Rape The term that has come to be applied to this helpful kind of socializing is social construction. Social construction involves helping people restructure their experience with racism. A young person is apt to see a racial incident as his own fault; instead, parents should help their child place the blame for the problem on the perpetrator. It is also important to teach youth how to assert themselves during racist encounters. This is a difficult task, as most people prefer to ignore or avoid threatening encounters. However, addressing the racist incident directly and in an appropriate manner can be empowering. Teenagers socialized to be aware of and respond proactively to racism have been found to have a greater sense of personal efficacy and self-esteem (Phinney and Chavira, 1995). For many ethnic minority members, values within their communities may come into conflict with the values of mainstream society. This conflict may add to the stress experienced due to hostile and discriminatory experiences. There are strengths in the ability to understand and work within mainstream culture. Therefore, it is important for parents to strengthen their children’s identification with both “American” culture and their family’s cultural heritage. Teaching tolerance and diversity is an effective tool in decreasing stereotypic views and prejudicial attitudes. Therefore, it is also important to help broaden an adolescent’s knowledge of various cultures. Participating in social events, reading, and studying diverse cultures are just a few of the methods helpful to gaining cross-cultural appreciation. Scyatta A. Wallace Celia B. Fisher

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See also African American Adolescents, Identity in; African American Male Adolescents; Asian American Adolescents: Comparisons and Contrasts; Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity; Chicana/o Adolescents; Ethnic Identity; Latina/o Adolescents; Native American Adolescents; Peer Groups; Political Development References and further reading Essed, P. 1991. Understanding Everyday Racism: An Interdisciplinary Theory. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Federal Glass Ceiling Commission. 1995. Good for Business: Making Full Use of the Nation’s Human Capital. The Environmental Scan. Washington DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Fisher, C. B. S. A. Wallace, and R. E. Fenton. 2000. “Discrimination Distress during Adolescence.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 29: 679–695. Phinney, J. S., and V. Chavira. 1995. “Parental Ethnic Socialization and Adolescent Coping with Problems Related to Ethnicity.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 5: 31–53. Ridley, C. 1995. Overcoming Unintentional Racism in Counseling and Therapy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Spencer, M. B. 1999. “Social and Cultural Influences on School Adjustment: The Application of an Identity Focused Cultural Ecological Perspective.” Educational Psychologist 34: 43–57. Steele, C. M. 1997. “A Threat in the Air: How Stereotypes Shape Intellectual Identity and Performance.” American Psychologist 52: 613–629. Thornton, M. C., L. M. Chatters, R. J. Taylor, and W. R. Allen. 1990. “Sociodemographic and Environmental Correlates of Racial Socialization by African American Parents.” Child Development 61: 401–409. U.S. Sentencing Commission. 1995. Special Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy. Washington, DC: U.S. Sentencing Commission.

Rape Rape, or forced sexual intercourse, can happen in different situations, including dating situations, incest, rape in marriage,

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While both men and women are victims of rape, women tend to be at a much greater risk. (Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis)

and rape by a stranger. Rape is a very common crime and has intense physical, mental, and emotional consequences for the victims and their loved ones. While both men and women are victims of rape, women tend to be at a much greater risk. A recent national survey found that 700,000 women were victims of rape, attempted rape, or sexual assault in 1997 (National Crime Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1997). Statistics often underestimate the prevalence of rape because many incidents go unreported. Unfortunately, the topic of rape is very relevant to teenagers because they represent a high-risk group. According to the Justice Department, one in two rape victims is under age eighteen; one in six is under age twelve (U.S.

Department of Justice, 1992). Although there is a common misperception that rape is most often perpetrated by a stranger, in fact, the most common form of rape is date or acquaintance rape. Because teens are at high risk, they need information about self-protection and defense and about the best ways to cope with the aftermath of rape. Although there are no guarantees against rape, there are steps a person can take to reduce her/his risk. Drinking or taking drugs increases the chances of being raped considerably; abstaining from drugs and alcohol or drinking only in moderation is a simple preventive skill. Another preventive skill is learning to trust one’s own instincts. Women are often taught to be “nice” no matter what;

Rape this makes it difficult for many women to trust their instincts and get away when they feel uncomfortable in a social setting. Lastly, there are many selfdefense programs available that teach people how to fight off attackers. Many people find these programs very helpful and empowering. Although there are ways to reduce one’s vulnerability to rape, rape is never the victim’s fault, ever. Self-defense and rape prevention strategies can reduce risk, but they are not a guarantee against rape. If a person has experienced rape, the first step she should take once she is safe is to visit an emergency room as soon as possible. Visiting a doctor after being raped, however, can be very difficult for many reasons. Victims often experience shame and this makes reporting rape difficult. In addition, the examination process can feel like a second violation of privacy. Victims are often unaware that they have the right to assert their needs in the hospital setting and insist on a doctor they feel safe with or to refuse any exam that makes them feel uncomfortable. This information could be given to teenagers at home or in school settings. Attending to the physical injuries of rape is only the first step in the process of recovery. Rape leads to profound and far-reaching psychological trauma. Some rape victims may develop symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. This is a term used to describe a set of symptoms associated with trauma. Symptoms include flashbacks (in which a person may have vivid and intrusive memories of the event that seem frighteningly real), nightmares, intrusive thoughts, disassociation, memory loss, and hypervigilance. The aftermath of trauma may also include a spectrum of troubling, negative emotions including anger,

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depression, despair, anxiety, shame, or fear. Often, the pain of rape is intensified by feelings of guilt or shame about what has happened. The survivor may blame herself for being in the wrong place at the wrong time, for wearing clothes that were “too provocative,” or for being involved with drinking, drug use, or other reckless behaviors. One of the more devastating consequences of rape is the feeling of isolation and secrecy. Victims of rape often feel that they cannot talk about what happened to them. Survivors may fear that no one will understand, or that they will be blamed, or they may not want to burden other people with their pain. Keeping all the pain and confusion about rape to oneself leads to profound feelings of isolation. Professional psychological counseling is recommended to aid survivors in breaking the isolation and addressing the emotional damage of rape. There are multiple methods of therapy for survivors of rape. Individual counseling usually focuses on re-creating safety and a sense of control in the victim’s life. Some survivors find groups a powerful healing tool. Support groups can help with feelings of isolation, guilt, shame, and depression. As survivors share their stories with others, they often find that offering support to other group members helps them feel more accepting of themselves and less alone. Groups also help survivors feel empowered to take action on their own behalf and on behalf of other survivors. In addition to psychological healing, there are also legal aspects of rape. Some women decide to press charges, while others do not. In 1996, less than one in every three rapes was reported to law enforcement officials (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics,

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1997). It is important that the decision to report rape be left up to the survivor. Legal procedures can be very painful processes, and the law often makes it difficult for women to win their cases, even when they are equipped with a professional legal team. Too often a victim’s truthfulness and lifestyle comes under attack, making the experience feel like a second violation. Despite this, there are many reasons to pursue legal action. Rape survivors should be informed that it is easier to win their case if they start proceedings sooner because there is likely to be more evidence available. Lauren Rogers-Sirin See also Abortion; Adoption: Issues and Concerns; Aggression; Coping; Counseling; Dating; Decision Making; High School Equivalency Degree; Physical Abuse; Services for Adolescents; Sexual Abuse; Sexually Transmitted Diseases; Violence References and further reading Herman, Judith. 1992. Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence— From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror. New York: Basic Books. Koss, Mary P., Lisa A. Goodman, Angela Browne, Louise F. Fitzgerald, Gwendolyn Puryear Keita, and Nancy Felipe Russo. 1994. No Safe Haven: Male Violence against Women at Home, at Work, and in the Community. Washington, DC: American Psychological Society. Levy, Barrie, ed. 1991. Dating Violence: Young Women in Danger. Seattle: Seal Press. National Crime Center and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. 1997. Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Pierce-Baker, Charlotte. 1998. Surviving the Silence: Black Women’s Stories of Rape. New York: Norton. Pirog-Good, Maureen, and Jan E. Stets, eds. 1989. Violence in Dating Relationships: Emerging Social Issues. New York: Praeger.

U.S. Department of Justice. 1992. Child Rape Victims. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. ———. 1997. The Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics, 1997. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Wiehe, Vernon, and Anne Richards. 1995. Intimate Betrayal: Understanding and Responding to the Trauma of Acquaintance Rape. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Rebellion Development during adolescence involves extensive physical and psychological changes that provide youths with new perspectives of themselves and the world around them. Because of these new perspectives, many adolescents feel compelled to seek out and push the limits of discipline. However, the rebellious behavior of adolescents can be interpreted not as a disrespectful rejection of parental or social values, but as a drive to independently examine the world on their own terms. Prior to adolescence, children are less able to manage the complexities of daily life and rely on their parents and other authority figures for structure and guidance. As children move through adolescence they develop independent thinking (or cognitive) skills. They are increasingly able to balance multiple concepts, solve complex problems, and think abstractly. They begin to recognize and use their own skills and perspectives to guide themselves. These burgeoning abilities to look at and deal with the world are an important step in the development of autonomy. Growth in autonomy is a normal part of development, as adolescents gradually learn to think and behave independently. The development of autonomy is not always a smooth

Rebellion process and often involves mild conflicts with authority figures, as adolescents learn to manage themselves within the “real world.” Adolescent development of autonomy can be a mixed blessing for parents. Not having to constantly manage their adolescent child’s life can be a positive and almost liberating thing for parents. However, although their adolescent children may have increased capacities for independence, they still have a great deal of development ahead of them and so still require parental guidance and structure. When parents continue to enforce rules and regulations, their adolescent children may begin objecting to what they see as burdensome restrictions. Along with their cognitive skills, adolescents are developing their sense of self, an identity of their own. This is no easy task! Even though they are now beginning to recognize themselves as individuals, they do not yet have the independent experience and knowledge to help shape their own identities. Nevertheless, adolescents may rebel against their parents in order to experiment with new ideas and values. Parents should not despair; most adolescents continue to respect and adopt their parents’ values, even while they sometimes act in defiance of them. It is not uncommon for adolescents to feel constrained and frustrated by their parents’ efforts to maintain rules and regulations. This can lead to conflicts between parents who want to keep their children safe and adolescents who want to experience the world on their own terms. The passion with which adolescents pursue freedom to explore and discover can translate into emotional and sometimes impassioned defiance of parental restrictions.

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Conflicts and disagreements with parents may actually serve to teach adolescents valuable skills of independent thinking and social problem solving. We may think of the family as the “minor league” of social interaction. It is place where social skills are developed and practiced within a supportive and accepting context. Imagine if adolescents had to learn how to argue a point to an adult in the outside world without any practice! Although parents usually do have a better perspective on a situation than their adolescent children, it is important that adolescents feel as though they have a voice in the family that is listened to and valued. Adolescents are generally more prone to getting themselves into trouble because they face more new situations and challenges than older, more experienced adults do. They have less practice, fewer skills, and less confidence than adults and so are more likely to make mistakes. These mistakes can range from excessive driving speed to not wearing a condom during sex. The mistake itself is not usually an angry rejection of adult authority but the result of an uniformed step over an unfamiliar line. It is counterproductive to assume that adolescents are troublemakers, since most try to perform well and behave within acceptable standards. Communication between parents and their adolescents is a crucial ingredient to ensuring that adolescents are informed and supported throughout their journey toward adulthood. Adolescents may sometimes feel as though they do not need help or support and may object to parental interference in their affairs. However, adolescents actually do need to have support and structure in their lives

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even as they may rebel against it. It is very important that parents remain a consistently loving and supportive resource for their adolescents. As difficult and frustrating as it may be, parents should understand that adolescents do still require rules and restrictions. Simply removing boundaries can leave adolescents exposed to potentially dangerous personal and social complexities that they may not be ready to handle on their own. With gradual and careful widening of parental restraints, the mistakes that adolescents will inevitably make will remain learning opportunities rather than inescapable pitfalls. George T. Ladd See also Conflict and Stress; Conformity; Emotions; Ethnocentrism; Family Relations; Freedom; Identity; Juvenile Crime; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Transitions of Adolescence; Youth Outlook References and further reading Dacey, John S., and Alex J. Packer. 1992. The Nurturing Parent. New York: Fireside. Kett, Joseph F. 1977. Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present. New York: Basic Books. Larson, Reed W., Maryse H. Richards, Giovanni Moneta, Grayson Holmbeck, and Elena Duckett. 1996. “Changes in Adolescents’ Daily Interactions with Their Families from Ages 10 to 18: Disengagement and Transformation.” Developmental Psychology, 32, no. 4: 744–754. Paikoff, Roberta, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. 1991. “Do Parent-Child Relationships Change during Puberty?” Psychological Bulletin 110: 47–66. Turner, Rebecca A., Charles E. Irwin, Jeanne M. Tschann, and Susan G. Millstein. 1993. “Autonomy, Relatedness, and the Initiation of Health Risk Behaviors in Early Adolescence.” Health Psychology 12, no. 3: 200–208.

Youniss, James, and Jacqueline Smollar. 1985. Adolescent Relations with Mothers, Fathers, and Friends. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems Background Many modern ideas about religious development during adolescence can be traced to the early-twentieth-century work of G. Stanley Hall, considered to be the founder of developmental psychology. Adolescence, according to Hall, is the critical period for religious development. He viewed religious “conversion” as central to the experience of adolescence, the culmination of physical, cognitive, and spiritual development that takes place during adolescence. Conversion was not only the giving of one’s life to Christ but a transformation of the adolescent’s understanding of the world, involving moving from a belief system that is internally motivated to one that is externally motivated, actively seeking new ideas instead of passively accepting them, and rationally deciding how to direct the life course instead of unquestioningly following adult authority. The place of religion in the study of human development, however, shifted soon after Hall. Religion is no longer central to the study of contemporary adolescent development, and as such, is seldom an item of investigation. Nevertheless, although organized religion is not necessarily a part of every American adolescent’s experience, youths are still charged with forming a set of beliefs about themselves, the world around them, and whatever higher powers they may or may not believe in. Hall’s broader definition of the

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Spirituality is defined as a personal relationship with things above and beyond the self, while religion comprises the organizational aspects of a “search for the sacred.” (Skjold Photographs)

conversion of the adolescent’s entire belief system, a spiritual coming-of-age similar to the physical, cognitive, and social coming-of-age already well documented in adolescence, remains a useful paradigm for understanding religious development during adolescence. Definitions Recent summaries of the literature have noted the need for an integrative theory and a consensus on definitions and concepts. In their absence, spirituality is defined as a personal relationship with things above and beyond the self. Spirituality requires a personal search or quest and cannot be imparted by labels, such as

Muslim or Jewish, or by institutions, such as Evangelicalism or Islam. Religion comprises the organizational aspects of a “search for the sacred”; it is possible to use such labels as Protestant, Wiccan, or Catholic to name a religious belief system. According to these conventions, someone can be spiritual (feeling a strong connection to the supernatural) but not religious, religious (following doctrines and practices of a belief system social context) but not spiritual, both religious and spiritual, or neither religious nor spiritual. To echo Hall’s integrative perspective, the term belief system is defined as a person’s individual relationship with the supernatural and overarching principles of

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existence, without the assumption that a belief system is necessarily either religious or spiritual. Given this background and set of definitions, the purpose of this article is to provide basic data on the social context of religion in America; describe the contributions of cognitive, social construction, and motivational perspectives on religious development and applications toward resiliency and coping; organize existing research in a new way, according to the developmental paths it examines; and suggest directions for future research. Demographics and Contextual Considerations Popular sources agree that the religious landscape of America is changing, but no consensus exists as to how. Although Evangelical Christian sources decry the decline of family values and the plight of today’s young people, these claims are not supported by survey data. Nationwide, Christian church attendance has remained roughly the same across the past few decades, with membership in more established, liturgically focused denominations (e.g., Episcopal and Catholic) decreasing, and membership in new, evangelical denominations (e.g., Assembly of God, Church of Christ) increasing. Church attendance of adolescents has declined only slightly over the years, and their religious interest has not changed. Concerns with adolescents “falling away” from religion are borne out by longitudinal data, which confirm that over the life course the transition to adolescence predicts a drop in church attendance. Other studies find conversion to a religious identity from a nonreligious background to be relatively rare, while

apostasy, or falling away from religion, is far more common; however, most youth continue in the religious identity in which they were raised. Although these findings can be synthesized into a larger contextual picture of belief system development, most research only includes Protestant and Catholic participants, complicating access to the unique perspectives of other traditions. A further challenge is understanding the multiple contexts within which youth experience spirituality and religion. The interaction between the interpersonal and intrapersonal contexts of belief systems would be particularly salient, for example, to a hypothetical Christian adolescent who attended a parochial school until eighth grade and then went to a public high school. Surrounded by people who do not necessarily share her beliefs and an institution that is not supportive of religious behavior, the youth’s expression of religion would have to change if it were to fit a new secular context. She would have to decide whether religion meant deeply held spiritual beliefs or daily corporate prayer in class and constant interaction with those at least nominally of the same faith. Rite-of-passage rituals are also important to understand in context. Cultural literature has praised religion as a source of resiliency in the face of adolescent anomie. For example, ceremonies such as bar mitzvah or confirmation are intended to provide a meaningful religious transition to adulthood. However, they are traditionally celebrated at age thirteen, yet in the context of American society, adolescents do not receive adult privileges until age sixteen and are not considered adults until they are eighteen or twentyone. Many adolescents find that the only

Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems meaningful change in status they experience through these rite-of-passage rituals is limited to religious institutions. This example illustrates that adolescent belief system development can only be adequately understood if experiences at the individual, family, church/organizational, and cultural levels are considered in combination. Cognitive Stage Theories Several modern theories, such as those proposed by David Elkind and James Fowler, frame religious development in terms of cognitive stages. Fowler’s first stage, primal faith, begins with a child’s relationship to caregivers. As children become increasingly capable of concrete operational thought, they can perceive God as separate from their parents, as well as imagine and comprehend symbols and images of the sacred. Formal operational thought marks the breakthrough into Elkind’s abstract, undifferentiated religious reasoning stage and Fowler’s synthetic-conventional faith stage. The adolescent’s belief system is synthesized from childhood religious teaching, personal experiences, and a more adultlike understanding of the way the world works. The development of relativistic reasoning in late adolescence or young adulthood allows for a broader interpretation of beliefs beyond social contexts. Relativistic reasoning is possibly the developmental precursor to Lawrence Kohlberg’s postconventional stage of moral development, as well as C. Daniel Batson’s “quest” approach to religion. Although cognitive stage theories might prove capable of predicting an individual’s understanding of religion, separate from a social context it cannot predict the beliefs that a person will actually have. In addition, these theories have

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been criticized on the grounds that the majority of people do not reach the highest stages. One of the more dangerous extensions of the cognitive viewpoint has been explored in studies that show a negative correlation between “cognitive complexity” and religious orthodoxy and fundamentalism. Closely related is the construct of “quest” religion, in which doubting and questioning are the essence of mature faith. The danger lies in the logical conclusion that fervently held religious beliefs are a sign of a weak conflicted mind. However, according to recent findings, religious adolescents are more involved in community service, more flexible and open-minded, less susceptible to internalized racism, and have greater ego strength than nonreligious adolescents. Finally, stage theories of religious development make the precarious assumption that everyone goes through roughly the same experiences in the same order. An alternative perspective, the social construction viewpoint, holds that context has profound effects on belief system development The Social Construction Viewpoint The theory of the social construction of religion focuses on how well observable social factors predict adolescent religious commitment and participation. Using large samples and modern statistical techniques, investigators have shown that family religiosity, group identity of the adolescent’s religious organization, religious education, devotional behavior at home, and a generally supportive family environment predict adolescent church attendance and mature beliefs. Because this research has been conducted with populations that are homogenous with respect to religious background, the generalizability of these findings is limited.

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Joseph Erickson’s data (1992) are particularly interesting because they can be interpreted to show that religious participation does not necessarily follow directly from religious belief and commitment. His model tested various predictive factors for adolescent religious belief and commitment, which, in turn, would directly predict adolescent religious worship behavior. The model more or less worked, with devotional behavior at home and parents’ religiosity emerging as the strongest predictors of adolescent religiosity; peer influence and church attendance were also significant. The genius of Erickson’s study, however, lies in the difference between the expected and the observed models. Belief and commitment were strongly correlated with worship behavior, but other factors directly predicted worship behavior and did not have as strong of a correlation with belief and commitment. Motivation for religious participation might have been the invisible mediator that caused the striking difference between the observed and expected models. According to Erickson’s findings, it makes sense to study religion both in terms of the observable aspects of what adolescents are doing and the unobservable aspects of why they are doing it. Motivational Theories Motivational theories of religious commitment, first proposed by Gordon Allport (1950) and developed by Richard Gorsuch (1988), address the question of why people are involved in religion. Since the seminal work of Allport, motivations are usually classified as intrinsic, in which a person’s “master motive” is religion and the religion is an integral part of the individual’s identity, or extrin-

sic, in which a person is involved in religion as a means to an end. Empirical studies report that people of intrinsic orientation consistently fare best when evaluated for positive views of human nature, internal locus of control, prosocial behavior, lack of depression, psychological health, lower levels of prejudice, and lower levels of homophobia. Based on these findings, it would be logical to investigate religious motivation development with regard to resiliency, but, to date, this has not been done. Resiliency and Coping Applications Research on religion as a source of resiliency in adolescence has focused on specific cultural contexts, such as Angela Brega and Lerita Coleman’s recent study on the resilience of African American youth against internalized racism. Combining social construction and motivational perspectives, these researchers found that participants who attended church and were internally motivated to attend church scored lower on internalized racism. This study suggests the possibility of investigating religion in and of itself as a potential source of resiliency and as a predictor of positive coping behavior in adolescence. Clinical case histories relate situations in which a client’s religion had to be affirmed and used to make progress in therapy, and a client had to reconsider religious values as a necessary part of the belief system in order to work through negative experiences with religion. These cases indicate that religion can be a source of resiliency as well as a source of risk during adolescence, depending on the individual and the social context. Future investigations should not assume that every adolescent goes through iden-

Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems tical experiences with religion, but consider the possibility of individualized paths to belief system development. The Path of Continuity Various trajectories of belief system development have been investigated. One line of research has been concerned with the continuity of religious identity or how well children who are raised in a particular faith tradition internalize the spiritual values and participate in the religion as adults. Family religiosity, religious education, and a supportive family environment have been found to predict religious identity continuity during adolescence. Such youths also have higher levels of ego strength, hope, will, purpose, fidelity, love, and care than nonreligious adolescents, which suggests that they also have a greater degree of resiliency. Brega and Coleman demonstrate the importance of motivation for continuing religious participation, especially intrinsic religious motivation, which is so clearly correlated with positive outcomes in adulthood. Investigating religious motivation could reveal differences in belief systems and resiliency of adolescents who are internally motivated to participate in religion versus adolescents who participate for social reasons (e.g., compelled by parents) or who are spiritual but do not participate in religion. Further research should also focus on the continuity of nonreligious identity. If adolescents do not experience religion in the home, receive education about religion, participate in devotional behavior at home, or internalize what they learn about religion, they are not likely to be religious adults. Research that examines similarities between adolescents who simply grew up in a nonreligious home

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and others who report having been “raised Jewish” or “raised Catholic” but are otherwise not religious is needed. This could reveal important differences in how the experience of religion in multiple contexts affects the belief system of adolescents. The Path of Apostasy Apostasy, giving up a religious identity, has been a concern of organized religions for many years. Representing one school of thought on apostasy, the influential Puritan sermons of Cotton Mather at the beginning of the eighteenth century viewed adolescents as doomed to fall away from salvation without immediate and heavy-handed adult intervention. Taking the opposite and more empirically valid perspective, G. Stanley Hall 200 years later viewed apostasy as unlikely as long as ministers and rabbis working with youth provided the education and empathetic guidance necessary to help adolescents find God on their own terms. Investigators report that the correlates of apostasy are a poor relationship with parents, an intellectual approach to life, and perception of religious adults as hypocritical. Research should explore these “bad example” findings further, because they could have direct implications for the practices of religious leaders and parents. Research on apostasy should also distinguish among adolescents who were once religious but actively rejected it, those who came from a home that was only culturally or nominally religious and saw no point in continuing this into adulthood, and those who are simply experimenting with new adult choices without forsaking their beliefs. Future research also needs to investigate motivational differences in apostasy,

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given the correlation between resiliency and motivational variables. The research of Kenneth Pargament and his colleagues has recently found religion-positive patterns of coping with life stressors more adaptive and prevalent than religion-negative patterns of coping. They also identified a pattern of coping that involved doubting, questioning, and even blaming God, as well as reassessing long-held beliefs. This underscores the need for research that investigates not whether but for whom religious and spiritual methods of coping are adaptive. The Path of Conversion Conversion is the path of an adolescent who was not raised religious but experiences a spiritual awakening on the way to young adulthood. Converts are the most celebrated stories of Christian youth ministers, yet they do not occur in large enough numbers to constitute a meaningful longitudinal research sample. Further complicating research is the social construction of conversion itself, which might lead converts under the microscope of retrospective research to embellish the details of how horrible things were before they found God. Brian Zinnbauer and Pargament found no significant differences between sudden and gradual types of conversion. As fascinating as these stories are to religion researchers, dramatic and sudden religious conversion (as exemplified in the biblical story of Saul on the road to Damascus) does not emerge as a common phenomenon in the life course. Pehr Granqvist’s 1998 study is part of a new trend of framing the question of religious development in terms of attachment style. The predictions were that the relationship of young adults to God would either correspond with their

attachment to their parents or compensate for its absence, and therefore be different from their attachment to parents. Participant religiosity and spirituality turned out to be correlated with secure attachment and religious parents, supporting the findings about the resiliency of adolescents with continuous religious identity. Participant religious changes also turned out to be correlated with insecure attachment and nonreligious parents, which supports a separate path of conversion to the same destination of religious identity. The last two studies indicate that traumatic life events or a general need to connect with something greater than the self predict conversion. Future research needs to investigate the distinction between conversion to a spiritual belief and conversion to a religious identity. Conclusions Belief system development is the product of the interaction between the adolescent and the environment. Prior research has made it clear that features of self-development and identity exploration in adolescence, among them extreme thinking, unique patterns of judgment, and the desire to revise childhood attachments into more adult relationships, characterize belief system development during adolescence. Additionally, the direct interplay between individual belief systems and the cultural context must be acknowledged, although the unique developmental path of the individual necessarily mediates this relationship. With this caveat, more finely differentiated predictions can be made within and across developmental paths about what affects and is affected by belief system development. Without it, one could conclude that religious involvement and the importance of religion globally

Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems affect certain outcome variables, which might be true for some adolescents but not for others. G. Stanley Hall is often thought to have believed that conversion is a universal feature of adolescence; critics have ignored his broad and integrative view of the concept of conversion as comprising all the changes an adolescent’s belief system undergoes during the transition to adulthood. This integrative view accommodates findings that not every adolescent follows the same path toward belief system development, and that some do not develop a belief system that includes the supernatural. It is the task of future empirical work to validate a working model of differential developmental paths of belief system development and to discern which trajectories lead to resiliency and mental health. Certainly, adolescents’ relationships with the higher powers of the universe are as diverse as adolescents themselves, and researchers must direct their energies toward learning from that diversity. Geoffrey L. Ream

See also Cognitive Development; Cults; Decision Making; Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Identity; Moral Development; Self; Youth Culture References and further reading Allport, Gordon W. 1950. The Individual and His Religion: A Psychological Interpretation. New York: Macmillan. Batson, C. Daniel, Patricia Schoenrade, and W. Larry Ventis. 1993. Religion and the Individual: A Social-Psychological Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press. Bireley, Marlene, and Judy Genshaft, eds. 1997. Understanding the Gifted Adolescent: Educational, Developmental, and Multicultural Issues. New York: Teachers College Press.

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Bjarnson, Thoroddur. 1998. “Parents, Religion, and Perceived Social Coherence: A Durkheimian Framework of Adolescent Anomie.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 4: 742–754. Brega, Angela G., and Lerita M. Coleman. 1999. “Effects of Religiosity and Racial Socialization on Subjective Stigmatization in African-American Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 223–242. Donelson, Elaine. 1999. “Psychology of Religion and Adolescents in the United States: Past to Present.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 187–204. Elkind, David. 1971. “The Development of Religious Understanding in Children and Adolescents.” Pp. 655–685 in Research on Religious Development. Edited by M. P. Strommen. Erickson, Joseph A. 1992. “Adolescent Religious Development and Commitment: A Structural Equation Model of the Role of the Family, Peer Group, and Educational Influences.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 31, no. 2: 131–152. Fowler, James W. 1981. Stages of Faith: The Psychology of Human Development and the Quest for Meaning. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Gorsuch, Richard L. 1988. “Psychology of Religion.” Annual Review of Psychology 39: 201–221. Granqvist, Pehr. 1998. “Religiousness and Perceived Childhood Attachment: On the Question of Compensation or Correspondence.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 2: 350–367. Hall, G. Stanley. 1904. Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education. New York: D. Appleton. Hood, Ralph W., Jr., Bernard Spilka, Bruce Hunsberger, and Richard Gorsuch. 1996. The Psychology of Religion: An Empirical Approach. New York: Guilford Press. Kohlberg, Lawrence. 1981. The Philosophy of Moral Development: Moral Stages and the Idea of Justice. San Francisco: Harper and Row. Lerner, Richard M. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs,

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and Policies.” Annual Reviews of Psychology 49: 413–446. Lovinger, Sophie L., Lisa Miller, and Robert J. Lovinger. 1999. “Some Clinical Applications of Religious Development in Adolescence.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 269–277. Markstrom, Carol A. 1999. “Religious Involvement and Adolescent Psychosocial Development.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 205–221. Ozorak, Elizabeth Weiss. 1989. “Social and Cognitive Influences on the Development of Religious Beliefs and Commitment in Adolescence.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 24, no. 4: 448–463. Pargament, Kenneth I., Bruce W. Smith, Harold G. Koenig, and Lisa Perez. 1998. “Patterns of Positive and Negative Religious Coping with Major Life Stressors.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 4: 710–724. Silverman, Wendy K., and Thomas M. Ollendick, eds. 1999. Developmental Issues in the Clinical Treatment of Children. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Streib, Heinz. 1999. “Off-Road Religion? A Narrative Approach to Fundamentalist and Occult Orientations of Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 255–267. Wulff, David M. 1991. Psychology of Religion: Classic and Contemporary Views. New York: Wiley. Youniss, James, Jeffrey A. McLellan, and Miranda Yates. 1999. “Religion, Community Service, and Identity in American Youth.” Journal of Adolescence 22: 243–253. Zinnbauer, Brian J., and Kenneth I. Pargament. 1998. “Spiritual Conversion: A Study of Religious Change among College Students.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 1: 161–180.

Responsibility for Developmental Tasks Adolescents reach a point in their lives when it is not possible to proceed in the same way they did as children. It is the responsibility of each adolescent to

achieve the developmental tasks of adolescence, with support and guidance from parents, teachers, mentors, and the community. The nature of these developmental tasks depends on our culture’s definition of normal development at different points throughout the life span. According to Robert Havinghurst, adolescents must conquer eight developmental tasks: achieving emotional independence from parents and other adults, achieving new and more mature relations with peers of both sexes, achieving a masculine or feminine gender role, accepting one’s physique and using the body effectively, preparing for an economic career, preparing for marriage and family life, and developing an ideology, which involves acquiring a set of values and an ethical system as a guide to behavior. Most essentially, adolescents must develop autonomy, identity, social roles, gender roles, and morals and values to achieve a sense of self that will promote the transition from the childhood they must leave behind to the adulthood they must enter. Autonomy Autonomy signifies being independent and responsible for one’s actions. Some parents label the increased independence that typifies adolescence as rebellious. However, in many instances this new independence represents the adolescent’s pursuit of autonomy, rather than a reflection of the adolescent’s feeling toward parents. Adolescents’ quest for autonomy and a sense of responsibility can create confusion and concern for many parents. Therefore, it is important for parents to assess the appropriate times to relinquish control in the areas in which the adolescent can make reasonable and responsible decisions. Moreover, it is important

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The responsibility of achieving the developmental tasks of adolescence can occur with support and guidance from parents, teachers, mentors, and the community. (Skjold Photographs)

for parents to give guidance when the adolescent’s knowledge and skills are more limited and for the adolescent to receive and accept the guidance. This combination will gradually lead to the development of mature decision making and will support the adolescent’s struggle to master the developmental task of achieving emotional independence from parents and other adults. Identity Due to Erik Erikson’s theory of psychosocial stages of development, identity is a key concept in adolescent development. Identity versus identity confusion is Erikson’s fifth developmental stage, which

individuals experience during adolescence. Throughout this stage, adolescents are struggling to find out who they are, what they are about, and what their purpose in life is. Before adolescence, children identified with their parents. Adolescents attempt to move beyond the identity organizations they once had by integrating elements of their earlier identity into a new whole, one that includes their own interests, values, and choices. This is a time for adolescents to explore different roles, form knowledge systems, identify goals, and develop self-regulatory skills. Adolescents who are able to cope with the conflicting identities emerge with a new sense of self that is satisfying and

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acceptable. However, adolescents who do not successfully resolve this identity confusion may withdraw, thereby isolating themselves from their family and peers, or may immerse themselves in their peer world, which can result in the loss of identity in the crowd. Moreover, if the process of making self-defining choices is not attempted in adolescence, the transition to adulthood will be problematic. Social Roles Peer relations are an essential component of adolescent development. Peer relations are considered necessary for normal social development. When adolescents interact with peers, they participate in new activities that allow them to explore different norms and values. Thus, adolescents have the opportunity to reconstruct their identity with peers by relinquishing some of the norms and values that were previously developed. It is extremely important for most adolescents to be popular. Research in the field has discovered that popular adolescents listen carefully, maintain open lines of communication with peers, are generally happy, and are self-confident but not conceited. Friendships within adolescence involve sharing intimate conversations, sharing private information, listening, and comforting; however, it is the decision of each individual what and how much information is shared with others. It is the adolescent’s responsibility to achieve the developmental task of developing new and more mature relations with peers of both sexes, to facilitate the attainment of emotional independence from parents and other adults. Gender Roles Gender refers to the sociocultural dimension of being either male or female. A gen-

der role is a set of expectations that specifies how an individual should think, act, and feel as a male or female. Society has expectations pertaining to the ways girls and boys should behave and creates social pressures, which tend to force individuals to conform to these expectations. Moreover, during adolescence many physical and social changes are occurring in females and males that cause them to come to terms with new definitions of their gender roles. It is important to understand that there are many influences contributing to the way adolescents perceive their gender role, including parents, teachers, peers, and the media. Through these influences, several gender role stereotypes have been formed based on what is believed or expected of males or females. However, these differences have often been exaggerated. In the process of developing one’s sense of gender identity, it is important to accept one’s physical characteristics and to use one’s body effectively with the purpose of achieving a gender role that feels comfortable. Morals and Values Moral development involves rules and values about what people should do in their interactions with others. Most adolescents indicate that experiencing success in school and at work, providing better opportunities for their children, and maintaining strong relationships with family and friends are most important. These would be considered examples of morals and values. Adolescent morals and values begin to develop at an early age, usually shaped by attitudes and beliefs that have been communicated by parents. Most adolescents actually internalize and apply these morals and values that have been established by their parents. However, adolescents also begin to discover

Rights of Adolescents the ways in which their views differ from their families by experimenting with different perspectives to search for their own identity. Through this process, adolescents will be able to develop a sense of who they are and develop effective strategies for their school, work, families, and friendships. Moreover, this process will contribute to the fulfillment of the final adolescent developmental tasks of preparing for an economic career, preparing for marriage and family life, and developing an ideology. Deborah M. Trosten-Martinez

See also Autonomy; Decision Making; Developmental Challenges; Transition to Young Adulthood References and further reading Brandtstädter, Jochen, and Richard M. Lerner. 1999. “Introduction: Development, Action, and Intentionality.” Pp. ix–xx in Action and Self-Development: Theory and Research Through the Life Span. Edited by Jochen Brandtstädter and Richard M. Lerner. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cobb, Nancy J. 1998. Adolescence: Continuity, Change, and Diversity, 3rd ed. Menlo Park, CA: Mayfield Publishing. Erikson, Erik H. 1963. Childhood and Society, 2nd ed. New York: Norton. Havinghurst, Robert J. 1972. Developmental Tasks and Education. New York: David McKay. Head, John. 1997. Working with Adolescents: Constructing Identity. New York: Falmer Press. Pugh, Mary Jo V., and Daniel Hart. 1999. “Identity Development and Peer Group Participation.” Pp. 55–70 in New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development: The Role of Peer Groups in Adolescent Social Identity: Exploring the Importance of Stability and Change, no. 84. Edited by Jeffrey A. McLellan and Mary Jo V. Pugh. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Santrock, John W. 1996. Adolescence: An Introduction, 6th ed. Dubuque, IA: Brown and Benchmark.

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Rights of Adolescents Why should today’s teenagers be entitled to rights? Indeed, what is the real meaning of rights applied to persons who have not reached the age of majority? In this chapter we discuss the concept of children’s rights and the implications this has for children as citizens. It is important to point out that in the language of rights, children are defined as persons under age eighteen. As child development researchers, we highlight our approach to working with children, one that requires a fundamental readjustment in the nature of the adult-child relationship. In redefining the status of the child in civil society, we show how this idea has become universal in scope and revolutionary in content. A decade ago the General Assembly of the United Nations voted to establish a body of international law that would define, and hold governments responsible for, the rights of children (Van Bueren, 1995). This document, known as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), consists of forty-one articles that define a series of human rights as they relate specifically to the lives of children. Accompanying this delineation of rights is a series of articles that define the obligations states have to implement those rights. Although no sanctions are mentioned if a nation fails to support these rights, there is a strong moral authority that accompanies acceptance of the CRC. Looking back on the ten years since the CRC was introduced, it is both heartening and surprising that nearly all the countries in the world have ratified the CRC. In record time it has become the most widely endorsed treaty ever introduced by the UN. Only two countries have not fully ratified it: the United States and Somalia (UNICEF, 1995).

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The articles of the CRC are divided into four broad categories: the right to survive, to be protected and feel secure, to have one’s life chances promoted, and to participate in decisions and activities that have a direct bearing on one’s own wellbeing. Many of these are considered positive as opposed to negative rights in the sense that they represent children’s entitlement to opportunities and resources within in their own society, rather than the protection of individual liberties or the freedom from domination and oppression. The CRC is one of the few human right documents to balance positive and negative entitlements. To take the CRC seriously, one must understand and accept the fact that it reflects a major revision in the history of childhood (Bardy, 1994). In the evolution of international treaties it completes the process that had its origins in the Declaration on Human Rights. By recognizing the developmental capabilities of children, the document brings the circumstances of children into the same human rights framework as women, racial and ethnic minorities, and indigenous peoples. Children are elevated to the status of full-fledged citizens. It is ironic that as the world’s oldest democracy, the United States has not joined the global community in ratifying the CRC. America’s children, looked upon as the most modernized and independent in the world, still do not have a government that recognizes them as citizens (Wilcox and Neimark, 1991). As one colleague responded, “the problem is that children have too many rights.” Our response to this cynical comment is: were the rights of ethnic minorities or women the issue, would not that idea seem objectionable? Are children a sufficiently different lot of humanity?

In our work with street children in Brazil and South Africa, and profoundly deprived infants in Romanian orphanages, it became painfully obvious that simply being a signatory to the CRC does little to protect children or promote their well-being (Carlson and Earls, 1997; Earls and Carlson, 1999). The existence of a law does not guarantee its acceptance. Yet the presence of a law does change things. It becomes a standard against which injustices and insecurity can be measured. It is this legal and ethical standard that has compelled us to treat children with a higher level of respect and dignity. It is worth emphasizing that the child rights movement had its origins in the context of international human rights, not at a local or grassroots level. This means that implementation is subject to the acceptance of the child rights agenda within local milieus that differ in history, educational and economic development, and tradition. In the United States, the sources of resistance to adopting the CRC relate to a host of issues such as parental versus children’s rights in instances of custody, adoption, medical care, and the treatment of serious juvenile offenders as adults. Children have little impact on school policy and are deemed incompetent in decisions regarding their own medical treatment and participation in research. At the same time the conditions for child survivorship and the protection of children from exploitation and abuse are relatively well developed in the United States. This amounts to an inconsistency in the recognition and support for a universally established child rights agenda. Our work has been focused mainly on participatory rights, which are of particular importance during the teen years. Specifically, these rights are indexed in Articles 12 to 15 of the CRC (see sidebar)

Rights of Adolescents and refer to the child’s right to voice opinions, to form groups, and to deliberate in matters that bear on their own best interests. We first began to understand the importance of this matter while working with street children in Brazil. There we learned that a national organization of street boys and girls had successfully lobbied for a “Bill of Rights” for children in the new Constitution of Brazil of 1989 (Rizzini et al., 1994). Despite their deprivation, these adolescents viewed themselves as citizens and from this vantage maintained a sense of personal dignity that was obvious in our discourse with them. We returned to the United States with this lesson and began working with small groups of adolescents as research collaborators. The effort began by introducing them to the CRC as a framework for gaining the perspective of youth and for bringing attention to those particular rights that they viewed as important to their well-being. We introduced them to research methods in social science and had daily intensive dialogue sessions over an eight-week period in the summer. Favorable results using this approach were obtained in two very different settings. In Chicago, the work has been conducted within the context of a large study examining the impact of neighborhood organization on children’s behavioral and social adjustment. The aim was to gain a wider perspective on the measures used in the survey and to develop new insights into ways that children interpreted the local worlds we were investigating from the perspectives of adult academics. The teens involved in this project decided to focus their attention on the issue of standard of living as defined in Article 27 of the CRC. They viewed this standard as a function of the

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U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC): Selected Articles Participatory Rights Article 12: The Child’s Opinion The child’s right to express an opinion, and to have that opinion taken into account, in any matter or procedure affecting the child. Article 13: Freedom of Expression The child’s right to obtain and make known information, and to express his or her views, unless this would violate the rights of others. Article 14: Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion The child’s right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, subject to appropriate parental guidance and national law. Article 15: Freedom of Association The right of children to meet with others and join or set up associations, unless the fact of doing so violates the rights of others. Standard of Living Article 27: Standard of Living The right of children to benefit from an adequate standard of living, the primary responsibility of parents to provide this, and the State’s duty to ensure that this responsibility is first fulfillable and then fulfilled.

level of adult commitment toward children in their communities (parents, teachers, and police officers). They designed a questionnaire to scientifically measure the quality of relationships with these authority figures and went on to administer it to a sample of their peers. The insights and findings derived from their work have informed subsequent

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stages in the larger study (see newsletters at http://phdcn.harvard.edu, click on Young Citizens Program). The second venue was an ethnically diverse high school in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Again using participatory rights as a starting point and extensive dialogue sessions as a way of sharing perspectives to gain a consensus, a representative group of students decided to produce a video to explore the theme of internal or self-segregation at their school. The range of opinions that surfaced in their own discourse and the complexity of this issue led them to create a research questionnaire that is being used to survey their entire student body and the school’s faculty. The purpose of this study is to broaden the discussion of this important issue as it relates to academic success, emotional well-being, and quality of the school environment. These exercises represent a new orientation to young people and to our research. Once the rights approach is understood and adopted, it becomes nonnegotiable. It is no more possible to retreat from the posture that children are rights holders than it is to deny citizenship to ethnic minorities and women. The child rights movement is mobilized, the history of childhood has been revised, and the future of children’s well-being should be more promising as a result. Felton Earls Maya Carlson See also Political Development; Rights of Adolescents in Research; Transition to Young Adulthood References and further reading Bardy, Margitta. 1994. “The Manuscript of the 100-Year Project: Toward a Revision.” Pp. 299–317 in Social Theory, Practice and Politics. Edited by Jan Qvortttup, Margitta Bardy, and Hans

Winterberger. Aldeshot, UK: Avebury Press. Carlson, Maya, and Felton Earls. 1997. “Psychological and Neuroendocrinological Sequelae of Early Social Deprivation in Institutionalized Children in Romania.” Annals of the New York Academy of Science 807: 419–428. Earls, Felton, and Maya Carlson. 1999. “Children at the Margins of Society: Research and Practice.” Homeless and Working Youth around the World: Exploring Developmental Issues. Edited by Marcela Raffaelli and Reed Larson. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Rizzini, Irene, Irma Rizzini, Monica Munoz-Vargas, and Lidia Galeano. 1994. “Brazil: A New Concept of Childhood.” Pp. 55–99 in Urban Children in Distress: Global Predicaments and Innovative Strategies. Edited by Cristina Szanton Blanc. Langhorne, PA: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers. UNICEF. 1995. State of the World’s Children. New York: Oxford University Press. Van Bueren, Geraldine. 1995. The International Law on the Rights of the Child. Dordrecht, Germany: Martinus Nijhoff. Wilcox, Brian, and Hans Neimark. 1991. “The Rights of the Child: Progress towards Human Dignity. American Psychologist 46: 49–55.

Rights of Adolescents in Research Research on adolescent development is important, because it provides knowledge about factors that contribute to psychological adjustment or place teenagers at risk for problem behaviors. Such knowledge helps parents, practitioners, and policymakers determine the best ways to promote healthy psychological development. To provide knowledge about such adolescent problems as delinquency, school failure, drug abuse, and other health-compromising behaviors, scientists may ask teenagers to answer survey questions, observe their behaviors, give

Rights of Adolescents in Research them specific tasks to complete, or collect blood or other physical samples to determine if there is a biological basis for some problems. All such research poses both potential risks and benefits for those who participate. For example, in addition to contributing to society’s understanding of and strategies for ameliorating problems of youth, these methodologies can increase distress by focusing teenagers’ attention on emotionally charged issues, introduce them to forms of risk taking of which they may have been ignorant, or inflict knowledge about a medical condition for which they or their families may not be prepared. Consequently, the Office for Protection from Research Risks has developed federal guidelines to insure that scientists protect the rights and welfare of individuals who participate in their research. Formal ethical standards for the protection of research participants did not exist before World War II. Public outcry, in response to the Nazi medical research atrocities conducted on concentration camp prisoners during World War II, led to the establishment in 1946 of the first international set of regulations for biomedical research, called the Nuremberg Code. This code laid the foundation for current federal guidelines (e.g., Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS], 1991) and regulations put forth by professional organizations that have as their members individuals who conduct research with minors (e.g., Society for Research in Child Development [SRCD], 1993; American Psychological Association [APA], 1992). Current regulations for the ethical conduct of research are based upon three principles. The first, beneficence, requires that when designing a research study, investigators make every effort to maximize the

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benefits and minimize the risks of the research to participants. The second principle, justice, requires investigators to ensure that the benefits of research are available to persons from diverse backgrounds. The third principle, respect, draws attention to the scientist’s duty to protect the autonomy and privacy rights of participants. This last principle requires that individuals understand their rights in research, are capable of protecting themselves if their rights are violated, and volunteer without coercion or pressure to conform. A hallmark of the principle of respect is the researcher’s obligation to obtain informed consent from all research participants and their guardians. Informed consent means that before an individual agrees to participate in a study, the investigator must explain the purpose of the research, what participants will be asked to do, the potential risks and benefits of participating in the study, how participant privacy will be protected, and participants’ right to refuse to participate or to withdraw from the study at any time. Children and young adolescents are thought to be incapable of giving informed consent for three reasons. One is that their intellectual skills are not fully developed and, therefore, they cannot fully understand the information needed to make an informed decision. This assumption, however, has been a source of debate when adolescents aged fourteen years and older are involved. Another assumption is that even if they possess mature intellectual skills, teenagers lack experiences that are necessary to understand the true nature of their participation. Finally, actual and perceived power differences between teenagers and adults may make adolescents particularly vulnerable to coercion. For example, teenagers may

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perceive themselves as powerless to refuse a researcher’s request to participate in a study or fail to question an unethical action by a researcher because they are taught not to question those in authority. To ensure that teenagers’ best interests are protected and that they are not vulnerable to rights violations, federal and professional guidelines require that in most situations scientists obtain the informed consent of a legal guardian before an adolescent can participate in research. Federal guidelines also recognize, however, that there are times when guardian permission may not be in the youths’ best interest (e.g., when child abuse or neglect is being studied) or parental permission cannot be obtained (e.g., when problems confronted by teenage runaways are the focus of study). Under these circumstances, guardian permission may be waived if the investigator appoints an independent advocate to protect the teenagers’ rights. Guardian permission may also be waived when adolescents agree to participate in research about their reasons for and reactions to medical and mental health treatment (e.g., venereal diseases and abortions) that they are allowed by state law to obtain without parental permission. Out of respect for teenagers as developing persons, federal regulations and professional codes also require that in addition to guardian consent, adolescents must provide their informed assent before they can participate in research. Researchers must provide teenagers with information about the study at a level that they can understand. In addition, when a minor refuses to participate, this decision must be respected even if the legal guardian has given permission. When teenagers are asked to participate in a research study, it is important

that both they and their parents know their rights in research. These rights include the following: 1. The right to be fully informed about the research. Potential research participants and their parents should be given all information that might influence their decision to participate. Such information includes who the researchers are and which institutions they are affiliated with, why the project is being conducted, what the teenager will be asked to do, how long the study will take, when and where it will occur, and the risks and benefits of participation. 2. The right to participate or not in the research. Research participation is always voluntary. Participation in research cannot be required (e.g., for course credit), and teenagers should not be pressured by investigators, teachers, or others to participate. 3. The right to ask questions. At any point in the research, adolescents and their parents should feel free to ask questions, and the researcher must answer these questions as honestly as possible. 4. The right to withdraw from the study or not complete all aspects of the research. Once a study begins, teenagers can always tell the investigator that they do not wish to continue. In addition, the investigator should make it clear to teenage participants that they do not have to answer specific questions or engage in specific behaviors that make them uncomfortable. There should be no penalties for not fully completing a study.

Rights of Adolescents in Research 5. The right to privacy and confidentiality. Under most circumstances anything a teenager does or says when participating in a research study should remain confidential. Researchers cannot share the names of individuals who participate in a study, nor can they tell others what the teenager did or said. To protect confidentiality, investigators usually give participants a code number and keep the information they collect on individuals in secure files; when they publish the results of the study they only report how groups of individuals responded, not how an individual teenager responded. However, researchers are ethically obligated to disclose information if they learn that a teenager is being abused or is in danger of harming himself or someone else. 6. The right to be protected from harm. Teenagers should not experience any physical, social, or mental discomfort when participating in a research project. If something unforeseen does happen during the study, the researcher must address the problem as soon as possible. 7. The right to know the results of the study. When the study is completed, the researcher should share her findings with participants. This information can be distributed to teenagers and their parents in a written summary. It often takes many months for an investigator to analyze and interpret research findings, and during that time, teenage participants may have moved, changed classes, or graduated from the school at which a study was conducted. Consequently, investiga-

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tors often ask that teenagers and parents who would like a summary of the results provide their addresses when consenting to the research. 8. The right to understand and use these rights. These rights should be explained to teenagers and parents in an easily understandable way. If English is not a parent’s first language, then the investigator should have available consent forms in a language the parent can understand. Finally, teenagers should be allowed to exercise these rights without any penalties. Parents can play a key role in insuring that teenagers make an informed decision to participate in research. To help a teenager understand and exercise his or her research rights, the following steps are recommended: • Ensure that the teenager understands what will be expected of him or her for participation in the research. After explaining the purpose and procedure, ask the teenager to tell you in his or her own words what he or she will be doing. • Encourage the teenager to ask questions throughout the study and to expect answers from the investigator. • Discuss with the teenager his or her desire to participate or not in the study before you make your decision. This will allow the individual to make a decision without feeling pressured by your choice. • Be sensitive to the fact that the teen may feel pressure from peers or teachers to participate. Encourage him or her to make an independent decision about whether he

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or she would like to be in the study, rather than give in to pressure to be part of a group. • Tell the teenager that the researcher does not have authority over him or her. Emphasize that even if he or she agrees to participate, he or she does not have to complete any part of the study and can withdraw from the study at any time. • Explain to the teenager that answers will not be shared with other people, including yourself. Because of this, the individual can feel comfortable answering questions honestly. • Encourage the teenager to tell the researcher if some aspect of the study bothers or upsets him or her. Explain that it is the researcher’s responsibility to help alleviate any anxiety or discomfort. In today’s complicated world, research on teenage development is an essential tool for helping parents, teachers, practitioners, and policymakers solve the practical problems of adolescence. Adolescent research is a partnership among investigators, teenage participants, and parents, in which partners respect and learn from each other. Jean-Marie Bruzzese Celia B. Fisher See also Rights of Adolescents References and further reading American Psychological Association. 1992. “Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct.” American Psychologist 47: 1597–1611. Belter, Ronald W., and Thomas Grisso. 1984. “Children’s Recognition of Rights Violations in Counseling.” Professional Psychology and Practice 15: 899–910.

Bersoff, Donald N. 1983. “Children as Participants in Psychoeducational Assessment.” Pp. 149–178 in Children’s Competence to Consent. Edited by Gary B. Melton, Gerald P. Koocher, and Michael J. Saks. New York: Plenum Press. Department of Health and Human Services. 1991. “Protection of Human Subjects.” Code of Federal Regulations. Title 45 Public Welfare, Part 46. Washington, DC: DHHS. Fisher, Celia B. 1993. “Integrating Science and Ethics in Research with High Risk Children and Youth.” Social Policy Report. Society for Research in Child Development 7, no. 4: 1–27. Fisher, Celia B., Michi Hatashita-Wong, and Lori Isman Greene. 1999. “Ethical and Legal Issues in Clinical Child Psychology.” Pp. 470–486 in Developmental Issues in the Clinical Treatment of Children and Adolescents. Edited by Wendy K. Silverman and Thomas H. Ollendick. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Fisher, Celia B., Kimberly Hoagwood, and Peter Jensen. 1996. “Casebook on Ethics: Issues in Research with Children and Adolescents with Mental Disorders.” Pp. 135–238 in Ethical Issues in Research with Children and Adolescents with Mental Disorders. Edited by Kimberly Hoagwood, Peter Jensen, and Celia B. Fisher. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Freedman, Benjamin. 1975. “A Moral Theory of Informed Consent.” Hastings Center Report 5, no 4: 32–39. Gaylin, Willard, and Ruth Macklin. 1982. Who Speaks for the Child: The Problems of Proxy Consent. New York: Plenum Press. Grisso, Thomas, and Linda Vierling. 1978. “Minors’ Consent to Treatment: A Developmental Perspective.” Professional Psychology 9: 412–427. Holder, Angela R. 1981. “Can Teenagers Participate in Research without Parental Consent?” Irb: Review of Human Subjects Research 3: 5–7. Keith-Spiegel, Patricia. 1983. “Children and Consent to Participate in Research.” Pp. 179–211 in Children’s Competence to Consent. Edited by Gary B. Melton, Gerald P. Koocher, and Michael J. Saks. New York: Plenum Press.

Risk Behaviors Koocher, Gerald P., and Patricia C. KeithSpiegel. 1990. Children, Ethics, and the Law. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Rau, Jean-Marie B. 1997. The Ability of Minors to Define and Recognize Their Rights in Research. Dissertation #97-30, 105. Fordham University, NY. Rogers, Audrey Smith, Lawrence D’Angelo, and Donna Futterman. 1994. “Guidelines for Adolescent Participation in Research: Current Realities and Possible Resolutions.” Irb: Review of Human Subjects Research 16: 1–6. Society for Research in Child Development. 1993. “Ethical Standards for Research with Children.” Pp. 337–339 in Directory of Members. Ann Arbor, MI: SRCD. Thompson, Ross A. 1990. “Vulnerability in Research: A Developmental Perspective on Research Risk.” Child Development 61: 1–16. ———. 1992. “Developmental Changes in Research Risks and Benefits: A Changing Calculus of Consensus.” Pp. 31–64 in Social Research on Children and Adolescents. Edited by Barbara Stanley and Joan E. Sieber. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Weithorn, Lois A. 1983. “Children’s Capacities to Decide about Participation in Research.” Irb: Review of Human Subjects Research 5: 1–5. Weithorn, Lois A., and Susan B. Campbell. 1982. “The Competency of Children and Adolescents to Make Informed Consent Treatment Decisions.” Child Development 53: 1589–1598.

Risk Behaviors Far too many youth across America are dying—from violence, drug and alcohol use and abuse, unsafe sex, poor nutrition, and persistent and pervasive poverty. And among those who are not dying, their life chances are being squandered. They experience school failure, underachievement, and dropout; crime; teenage pregnancy and parenting; lack of job preparedness; and challenges to their health such as lack of immunizations,

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inadequate screening for disabilities, poor prenatal care, and insufficient infant and childhood medical services. They often experience feelings of despair and hopelessness as they watch their parents struggle with poverty and see themselves as having little opportunity to do better—to have a life marked by societal respect, achievement, and opportunity. There are numerous indications of the severity and breadth of the problems facing the youth, families, and communities of this nation. For instance, the quality of life that the United States offers its children and youth is poor in comparison to that provided by other modern industrialized countries. Indeed, as reported by the Children’s Defense Fund, although America leads other such nations in productivity related to military and defense expenditures, health technology, and the number of individuals who attain substantial personal wealth, it falls far behind other nations in indicators of child health and welfare. In fact, the poverty rate for children in the United States is highest among the major eighteen industrialized countries. Although the total number of American children living in poverty decreased by 1 percentage point between 1985 and 1996, one out of every five of this nation’s youth remains poor. Risk behaviors in late childhood and adolescence fall into four major categories: 1. Drug and alcohol use and abuse 2. Unsafe sex, teenage pregnancy, and teenage parenting 3. School underachievement, school failure, and dropout 4. Delinquency, crime, and violence Participation in any one of these behaviors could diminish a youth’s life chances—or, indeed, possibly eliminate

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the young person’s chances of even having a life. Unfortunately, such risks to the life chances of American children and adolescents are occurring at historically unprecedented levels. There are approximately 39.4 million American youth between the ages of ten and nineteen years. Researcher Joy G. Dryfoos has estimated that about 50 percent of these adolescents engage in two or more of the above-noted categories of risk behaviors. She further estimates that 10 percent of the nation’s youth engage in all of the four categories of risk behaviors. Dryfoos’s work suggests that risk behaviors are highly interrelated among adolescents. Drug and Alcohol Use and Abuse Adolescents drink alcohol and use a wide variety of illegal/illicit drugs and other unhealthy substances (e.g., inhalants such as glues, aerosols, butane, and solvents). They also extensively use cigarettes and other tobacco products. Recent national trends in the use of all these substances have shown some declines. For instance, according to the University of Michigan’s Monitoring the Future Study, which has been tracking this behavior among high school students since the 1970s, smoking rates among eighth, tenth, and twelfth graders, involving youth between thirteen and eighteen years of age, decreased slightly between 1997 and 1998. Similarly, youth in these grades showed some decline in using illicit drugs during the 12-month period prior to the survey. Nevertheless, the use of such substances is still widespread. The magnitude of this problem is well illustrated by the following examples: • The proportion of students who indicated that they smoked at all

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during the thirty days prior to a national study had decreased by 1.9 percent over the previous two years among eighth graders (to 19.1 percent), by 2.8 percent among tenth graders (to 27.6 percent), and by 1.4 percent among twelfth graders (to 35.1 percent). However, in a nationally representative sample of students in grades 9 to 12, the study found that 70.2 percent of all students had tried cigarette smoking, 36.4 percent had smoked on one or more days in the thirty days prior to the survey, and 9.5 percent of students had used smokeless tobacco on one or more days prior to the survey. An estimated 3 million underage smokers purchase 947 million packs of cigarettes and 26 million cans of smokeless tobacco each year. According to a national survey of students in grades 9 to 12, 79.1 percent reported having initiated alcohol use. In addition, 50.8 percent reported having had at least one drink on one or more days in the thirty days prior to the survey, and 33 percent of high school seniors reported being drunk at least once in that thirty-day period. Marijuana continues to be the most widely used illicit drug, with 22 percent of all eighth graders in 1998 saying that they had used marijuana and 49 percent of all twelfth graders reporting that they had done so. According to a nationwide survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 8.2 percent of students had used some form of cocaine, 3.3 percent had

Risk Behaviors used cocaine on one or more days in the thirty days prior to the survey, 17 percent had used other illegal drugs (e.g., LSD or heroin), and 16 percent had used inhalants. • Unsafe Sex, Teenage Pregnancy, and Teenage Parenting Adolescents have always engaged in sex. Indeed, historical records indicate that sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and pregnancy have always been problems among this age group. What is different today, however, is the extent of adolescents’ involvement in sex and the increasingly younger ages at which this involvement occurs. Consider the following examples: • More teenagers today are initiating sexual intercourse before age thirteen than in the past. For example, 10.8 percent of ninth graders report having had sexual intercourse before age thirteen compared to 4.7 percent of twelfth graders. And among girls younger than fifteen, the incidence of pregnancy rose 4.1 percent between 1980 and 1988—a rate higher than for any other adolescent age group. • In 1997, 61.9 percent of high school seniors reported having had sexual intercourse and 21 percent of high school seniors reported having had four or more sexual partners. Seven percent of ninth graders reported similar activities. Among sexually active female adolescents overall, 27 percent of those fifteen to seventeen years old, and 16 percent of those eighteen to nineteen years old, said that they use no method of contracep-

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tion. The proportions of Latino, African American, and European American adolescent females not using contraception are 35 percent, 23 percent, and 19 percent, respectively. Each year, 1 million adolescents nationwide become pregnant; about half have babies. This amounts to about one baby born every minute. In 1991, 38 percent of the pregnancies experienced by fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds ended in abortion. Among the married adolescents who give birth, 46 percent go on welfare within four years, compared to 73 percent of unmarried adolescents. Youth between fifteen and nineteen years of age account for 25 percent of STD cases each year. Moreover, 6.4 percent of adolescent runaways, who number between 750,000 and 1 million each year in America, register positive on serum tests for the AIDS virus. These runaway youth often engage in unsafe sex, prostitution, and intravenous drug use. Among all young women ages fifteen through nineteen, 15 percent of births occurred out of wedlock in 1960, compared to 76 percent in 1996. By age nineteen, 15 percent of African American males have fathered a child; the corresponding rates for Latinos and European Americans are 11 percent and 7 percent, respectively. Thirty-nine percent of the fathers of children born to fifteen-year-old mothers, and 47 percent of the

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fathers of children born to sixteenyear-old mothers, are older than twenty years of age. • About 20 percent of adolescent girls in grades 8 through 11 are subjected to sexual harassment, and 75 percent of girls under the age of fourteen who have had sexual relations are victims of rape. In short, sex is often forced on adolescent girls. • About $25 billion in federal money is spent annually to provide social, health, and welfare services to families begun by teenagers. School Underachievement, School Failure, and Dropout About 25 percent of the approximately 48 million children and adolescents enrolled in America’s 82,000 public elementary and secondary schools are at risk for school failure. Indeed, each year about 700,000 youth drop out of school, and about 25 percent of all eighteen- and nineteen-year-olds have not graduated from high school. The costs to society—and to the youth themselves—are enormous. Remaining in school is the single most important action that adolescents can take to improve their future economic prospects. For example, in 1992, a high school graduate earned almost $6,000 per year more than a high school dropout. In the same year, college graduates earned an average income of $32,629, compared to only $18,737 earned by high school graduates. Completion of a professional degree added $40,000 to the average annual income of college graduates. Despite these advantages, however, youth continue to drop out of school. Moreover, even among those who remain in school, many do not achieve at the levels expected of them.

There are numerous indicators of the seriousness of the problems of underachievement, school failure, and dropout among today’s youth. Some examples follow: • Although U.S. eighth graders scored above the international average in both mathematics and science, they were outperformed in science by students in nine other countries and in mathematics by students in twenty other countries. U.S. twelfth graders scored below the international average in both mathematics and science assessments. • About 4.5 million ten- to fourteenyear-olds are one or more years behind in their modal grade level. • In 1996, about five out of every hundred young adults enrolled in high school dropped out. In 1997, 9.5 percent of Hispanics were dropouts, compared with 3.6 percent of European American students and 5 percent of African American students. • Over the last decade, between 300,000 and 500,000 tenth-, eleventh-, and twelfth-grade students dropped out. • At any point in time, about 18 percent of dropouts eighteen to twenty-four years old, and 30 percent of dropouts twenty-four to twenty-nine years old, are under the supervision of the criminal justice system. Among African Americans, the corresponding percentages are about 50 and 75 percent. • In 1997, youth living in families with incomes in the lowest 20 percent of all family incomes were nearly seven times as likely as

Risk Behaviors their peers from families in the top 20 percent of the income distribution to drop out of high school. • Each added year of secondary education reduces the probability of public welfare dependency in adulthood by 35 percent. Delinquency, Crime, and Violence Of all the problems confronting contemporary youth, no set of issues has attracted as much public concern and public fear as youth delinquency and violent crimes. People point not only to the increased number of youth gangs in urban centers as well as rural communities but also to their territorial battles, drug trafficking, shootings, and random street violence. Also observable today is the increasingly younger ages of the gang members themselves. The magnitude of such problems as delinquency, crime, and violence among youth is daunting. To illustrate: • In 1996, 79 out of every 1,000 students (ages twelve to eighteen) were implicated in thefts at school. Theft accounted for about 62 percent of all crime against students at school that year. • Although the Violent Crime Index arrest rate among juveniles dropped 23 percent between 1994 and 1997, the 1997 rate was still about 30 percent greater than the average rate in the years between 1980 and 1988. • Nationwide, juveniles commit about one in four of all violent crimes. In 1997, according to victims’ reports, 70,000 serious violent crimes involved one or more juvenile offenders between the ages of twelve and seventeen.

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• In 1997, about 2,100 murder victims were younger than eighteen years of age—a level 27 percent below that of the peak year of 1993, when 2,900 juveniles were murdered. During the same year, the number of juveniles murdered in the United States exceeded, by more than 300, that in a typical year during the 1980s. About 6 juveniles are murdered daily. • In 1997, 84 percent of murdered juveniles aged thirteen or older were killed with a firearm. No other age group in that year exhibited a higher proportion of firearm homicides. • The National Center for Health Statistics lists homicide as the third leading cause of death for children aged five to fourteen and the second leading cause of death for youth aged fifteen to twentyfour. • At any point in time, about 20 percent of all African American youth are involved with the criminal justice system. • In 1997, 26 percent of juvenile arrests were arrests of females. Between 1993 and 1997, arrests of juvenile females increased more (or decreased less) than male arrests in most offense categories. • Even with the large increase in female rates, the 1997 Violent Crime Index arrest rate for juvenile males was five times the arrest rate for juvenile females. • African Americans experience rates of rape, aggravated assault, and armed robbery that are approximately 25 percent higher than those for European Americans, rates of motor vehicle theft that

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Risk Perception are about 70 percent higher, rates of robbery victimization that are about 150 percent higher, and rates of homicide that are between 600 and 700 percent higher. In a nationally representative sample of ten- to sixteen-year-olds, 25 percent experienced an assault or abuse in the previous year. Approximately 20 percent of the documented child abuse and neglect cases in 1992 involved young adolescents between the ages of ten and thirteen years. The suicide rate among adolescents aged fifteen to nineteen has nearly doubled from 5.9 per 100,000 in 1970 to 9.7 per 100,000 in 1996. And among youth aged fifteen to twenty-four, the suicide rate has increased from 12.9 per 100,000 in 1992 to 14.9 per 100,000 in 1994. In 1993, the cost of providing emergency transportation, medical care, hospital stays, rehabilitation, and related treatment for American firearm victims aged ten through nineteen was $407 million. An estimate of the current value of preventing a single youth from leaving school and turning to drugs and crime as a way of life is $1.7–$2.3 million.

All told, about 50 percent of America’s youth are at risk for engaging in unhealthy, unproductive, even life-threatening behaviors—a crisis the country needs to address promptly and thoroughly. Richard M. Lerner Daniel F. Perkins

See also Accidents; Aggression; Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Bumps in the

Road to Adulthood; Eating Problems; Juvenile Crime; Peer Pressure; Rebellion; Self-Injury; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexually Transmitted Diseases; Substance Use and Abuse; Teenage Parenting: Consequences; Youth Gangs References and further reading Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development. 1995. Great Transitions: Preparing Adolescents for a New Century. New York: Carnegie Corporation. Children’s Defense Fund. 1996. The State of America’s Children. Washington, DC: Children’s Defense Fund. Dryfoos, Joy G. 1990. Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence and Prevention. New York: Oxford University Press. Johnston, Lloyd D., Jerald G. Bachman, and Patrick M. O’Malley. 1999. The Monitoring of the Future Study. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Lerner, Richard M. 1995. America’s Youth in Crisis: Challenges and Options for Programs and Policies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lerner, Richard M., and Nancy L. Galambos. 1998. “Adolescent Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Research, Programs, and Policies.” Pp. 413–446 in Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49. Edited by J. T. Spence. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews. National Center of Education Statistics. 1997. Digest of Education Statistics, 1997. Washington, DC: National Center of Education Statistics. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 1996, 1998. Trends in the Well-Being of America’s Children and Youth. Washington, DC: Child Trends.

Risk Perception Speculation about adolescents’ competence in recognizing and assessing risk has existed since the time of Aristotle. Adolescents are frequently portrayed as believing they are invulnerable to harm, a portrayal that implies a compromised ability to judge risks. Yet at the same time,

Risk Perception others view adolescents as being able to make informed and competent decisions, and having capabilities equivalent to those of adults. Perceptions of adolescents as incompetent to judge risks provide the basis for many legal limitations on adolescents’ rights, while selected policies that allow adolescents to take part in research or to undergo certain types of medical treatments without parental permission reflect a belief in adolescents’ competence to judge risks. Resolving these contradictory views of adolescents’ capabilities to judge risks thus has important and farreaching implications. Most research on risk perception has focused on adults rather than adolescents. What we have learned from these studies is that risk assessment is inherently subjective, and prone to significant bias. Even experts demonstrate biases under certain conditions. Some of the most pervasive biases occur when people are asked to estimate their own risk status. Adults overestimate the probability that good things will happen to them, and underestimate their own vulnerability to many negative events. They also view their personal risk status as more favorable than the risk status of others. For example, people view themselves as better than average drivers, more likely to live past eighty years of age than others, less likely to die as a result of various factors, and less likely to be harmed by the products they use. Given the bias in adults’ perceptions of risk, it should not surprise us to find that adolescents demonstrate bias as well. Like adults, adolescents are inaccurate in their assessments of risk, overestimating some risks while underestimating others. They, too, view their personal risks as being less than those of their peers. Adolescents also rely on cognitive shortcuts

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when assessing risks, a practice that makes them susceptible to bias. However, studies do not show adolescents to be unable to judge risks. Even young adolescents appear to have the ability to consider risks and benefits associated with the consequences of engaging in risky behaviors and events like medical procedures. There is also little evidence to support the notion that adolescents, by virtue of their developmental status, are less likely than adults to perceive themselves as vulnerable to harm. Only three studies have directly compared adolescents’ risk judgments with those of adults—an important comparison because it allows us to identify whether adolescents’ risk judgments are quantitatively different from those of legal adults. Findings from these studies show that adolescents actually appear to be less likely than adults to see themselves as invulnerable, and only a small minority of adolescents evidenced such perceptions. When asked to judge how risky various situations are, adolescents also judge risks as higher than do adults, and younger adolescents perceive risks as higher than older adolescents. Does this mean that adolescents are better able to judge risks than adults? Not necessarily. For one thing, they are less accurate than adults. Most people think that risks are higher than they actually are, but adults’ judgments are closer to reality. There are also other things that we do not know about how adolescents assess risks that are relevant to their abilities in this regard. For example, do risk assessments that take place in research settings bear resemblance to those that occur spontaneously in adolescents? What effects does emotion have on adolescents’ risk judgments? There are, of course, many other factors that influence perceptions of risk. One of

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the most important is experience. People who engage in risky behaviors see the risks as lower than do people who do not engage in the behaviors. This probably occurs because most individuals who take risks do not suffer negative consequences, and thus do not perceive their behavior as dangerous. Judgments of lower risk among people with behavioral experience suggest that some of the age-linked variation in risk judgments may be attributable to experiential differences, since older people generally have more experience. Perceptions of control are also important. When people believe that risks are controllable, they tend to downplay them. Perceptions of risk are viewed as important because of the role they are thought to play in people’s behavior. Conventional wisdom holds that people avoid things they think are harmful, but longitudinal studies of adolescents have not been conducted to confirm this. If we think of risk judgments as reflecting generalized feelings of vulnerability or anxiety, it would make sense that these feelings would inhibit individuals from engaging in behaviors. But it is also possible, and likely, that other factors motivate adolescents to engage in risky behaviors, and that risk judgments play only a small role. The actual risks posed by many of the behaviors we want to protect adolescents from are serious but small. Few adults would suggest providing adolescents with information about the actual statistical risk. On the other hand, continuing to emphasize the likelihood of negative outcomes could be counterproductive if young people already feel a sense of vulnerability; it could also backfire as adolescents become aware of the reality that most experiences with risky behaviors do not lead to negative outcomes. Given

these considerations, perhaps a more appropriate goal for educating youth about health risks is to find ways to make small probabilities real to adolescents, without raising anxiety to unproductive levels. Efforts to decrease public and scientific perceptions of “the invulnerable adolescent” may also be warranted. Such perceptions can perpetuate negative views about young people that can have far-reaching implications for adolescent-related programs, policies, and legal statutes. Susan Millstein

See also Accidents; Cognitive Development; Conduct Problems; Conformity; Decision Making; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Ethnocentrism; Peer Pressure; Personal Fable; Thinking; Youth Culture References and further reading Cohn, Lawrence, Susan Macfarlane, Claudia Yanez, and Walter Imai. 1995. “Risk-Perception: Differences between Adolescents and Adults.” Health Psychology 14, no. 3: 217–222. Gochman, David, and Jean-Francois Saucier. 1982. “Perceived Vulnerability in Children and Adolescents.” Health Education Quarterly 9, nos. 2 and 3: 46–58, 142–154. Halpern-Felsher, Bonnie L., Susan G. Millstein, Jonathan M. Ellen, Nancy E. Adler, Jeanne Tschann, and Michael C. Biehl. In press. “The Role of Behavioral Experience in Judging Risks.” Health Psychology 20: 120–126. Jacobs-Quadrel, Marilyn, Baruch Fischhoff, and Wendy Davis. 1993. “Adolescent (In)vulnerability.” American Psychologist 48, no. 2: 102–116. Millstein, Susan G. 1993. “Perceptual, Attributional, and Affective Processes in Perceptions of Vulnerability throughout the Life Span.” Pp. 55–65 in Adolescent Risk Taking. Edited by Nancy Bell and Robert Bell. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Urberg, Kathryn, and Rochelle Robbins. 1984. “Perceived Vulnerability in

Rites of Passage Adolescents to the Health Consequences of Cigarette Smoking.” Preventive Medicine 13: 367–376.

Rites of Passage In its traditional sense, a rite of passage can most easily be thought of as walking across a one-way bridge: It represents a journey from one way of being, through a transformational period of change and growth, into a new way of being. This process can be described as one way because people who cross are usually not allowed or encouraged to return. These rites of passage, also called coming-of-age ceremonies or initiations, usually occur at puberty and serve at least three important purposes: (1) marking and facilitating the transition of children into adulthood, (2) transmitting and maintaining cultural values, traditions, and beliefs from one generation to the next, and (3) influencing the development of adolescents’ selves within a given cultural context. Rites of passage are an example of structured cultural practices that vary from one culture to another. Despite this variation, rites of passage have been identified in many cultures around the world and tend to be ceremonial, ritualized, and festive occasions. The most successful and significant rites of passage tend to be found in highly religious, seasonally based, stable, and preindustrial societies, where significant importance is given to individual development and the individual’s role within the larger society. Researchers generally agree that most rites of passage have some characteristics in common, including a generalized three-phase structure: (1) rites of separation, (2) rites of transition, and (3) rites of incorporation. The first phase involves the physical or sym-

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bolic separation from an individual’s old habits, responsibilities, support group, and identity. The separation process may involve fear, uncertainty, crisis, and a feeling of instability. The rite-of-transition phase represents a time of change and development within a new support group. During this phase, participants are taught about the knowledge, history, and religion of the culture as well as their new responsibilities as adults. In addition, the transitional phase may involve learning humility, respect for elders, and gaining an appreciation for the growth and change that they are going to experience. It is not uncommon for the transitional stage to include one or more forms of physical mutilation, ranging from cutting of the hair to tattooing, circumcision (for boys), excision (for girls), ritual scarring, piercing or cutting of the ears, or other ritualized practices. These physical rites serve to mark the participant in a permanent manner, in such a way that they are now the same as other adults. The final stage of incorporation represents a return to the community, physically and symbolically, of a transformed individual who is now widely accepted and respected as an adult. The incorporation phase brings celebration, new habits, roles, responsibilities, support groups, and peers, as well as a growing sense of stability and comfort in the role of adulthood. In addition to a three-phase structure, successful rites of passage are (1) recognized and valued by the culture as a critically important part of becoming an adult, (2) usually public in nature so that the entire community participates or is at least aware of the events, and (3) usually finish with some sort of significant closure, such that the participant and the community feel certain that the

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Rites of passage represent culturally specific transitions from youth to adulthood. (Ted Spiegel/Corbis)

participant has been fully transformed into an adult. The following is a generic example of a rite of passage compiled from several different tribes in Australia. Boys are expected to live with their mothers and the other children until the rite of separation. This expectation clearly separates the men from the boys. At a certain time, chosen by the elders, boys are violently separated from their mothers by the men of the tribe. Following the separation, boys are often secluded and may be painted white or black, thus symbolizing their death as boys. Often, the participants are considered to be dead by the

tribe for the remainder of the rite of passage. During this time, the boys endure a period of physical and mental weakening in seclusion. This experience will deepen the sense of permanent separation from childhood and may also be intended to inspire humility, spiritual awakening, and respect for elders. Following this, the boys are symbolically resurrected and begin the rites of transition, during which they are taught the laws of the tribe, adult rituals, dances, ceremonies, myths, and other secret knowledge. Before the boys are returned to the community (rites of incorporation) they complete a traditional religious ceremony, which often involves some form of physical mutilation, such as circumcision or ritual scarring, that will identify them to all others as a full adult member. Traditional rites of passage such as these are not widely used in the westernized world. Culturally specific rites of passage, such as the Jewish bar mitzvah or the Christian confirmation, are still in use, but even these traditional ceremonies no longer have the ability to serve as effective rites of passage for all, or even the majority, of adolescents in any given country. As cultures become increasingly large and diverse in beliefs, traditions, and values, it also becomes increasingly difficult to have a single effective rite of passage from adolescence into adulthood. Other reasons for this difficulty include industrialization and formalized education, both of which may postpone the achievement of social adulthood until the early twenties. Some researchers have argued that graduation from high school represents a rite of passage for adolescents in the United States. While graduation is important and valued, high school graduates do not experience separation, training in being an

Rites of Passage adult, or a return to society as a fully accepted adult member. Indeed, high school graduation is not even an attainable goal for all members of society. Although eighteen–year-olds are considered legally adult, they continue to experience numerous restrictions on what they are allowed to do, and many adults do not view an eighteen-year-old as an adult. Other researchers have found that adolescents in cultures lacking traditional rites of passage will develop their own. Examples include smoking, sexual experimentation, gang initiation ceremonies, and the use of drugs or alcohol. Although these experiences may demonstrate a desire to be seen as an adult or to belong to a specific group, they do not provide for a successful, culturally sanctioned rite of passage, which helps the individual achieve adulthood in the eyes of the larger community. The lack of universal rites of passage within westernized cultures has been identified as a potential cause of cultural problems ranging from teen violence to the breakdown of marriage. Although it may be true that westernized cultures often lack widely accepted rites of passage, it is more likely that the long-term and broad-ranging effects of the industrial revolution and formalized education (which helped to make rites of passage obsolete) are largely responsible for the ongoing cultural changes we are experiencing. Westernized cultures have, moreover, developed alternative mediums for the formation of adults, such as an extended period of education, internships, and job training. Current attempts to develop culturally sanctioned rites of passage within smaller communities do exist, and it will be some time before we know whether they have been effective.

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The reasons for the existence of rites of passage are not well understood. Researchers have attempted to identify patterns and theoretical associations between different cultures that have rites of passage. Unfortunately, such attempts have been largely unsuccessful at pinpointing precise biological, ecological, financial, or geographic reasons for their existence. What is clear, however, is that rites of passage provide a culturally supported medium for the education and training of children and their transition into adulthood, thus maintaining social structure, customs, and values within a given culture over many generations. Benjamin D. Locke

See also College; Dating; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Identity; Menarche; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Religion, Spirituality, and Belief Systems; Self; Sexual Behavior; Transition to Young Adulthood; Transitions of Adolescence; Why Is There an Adolescence?; Youth Gangs References and further reading Alves, Julio. 1993. “Transgressions and Transformations: Initiation Rites among Urban Portuguese Boys.” American Anthropologist 95, no. 4: 894–928. Dunham, Richard M., Jeannie S. Kidwell, and Stephen M. Wilson. 1986. “Rites of Passage at Adolescence: A Ritual Process Paradigm.” Journal of Adolescent Research 1, no. 2: 139–154. Gennep, Arnold Van. 1960. The Rites of Passage. Translated by Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published in 1908.) Kett, Joseph F. 1977. Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present. New York: Basic Books. MacDonald, Kevin. 1991. “Rites of Passage.” Pp. 944–945 in Encyclopedia of Adolescence, Vol 2. Edited by Richard M. Lerner, Anne C. Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland.

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Shweder, Richard A., Jacqueline Goodnow, Giyoo Hatano, Robert A. LeVine, Hazel Markus, and Peggy Miller. 1998. “The Cultural Psychology of Development: One Mind, Many Mentalities.” Chap. 15 in Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 1, Theoretical Models of Human Development. New York: Wiley. Zeagans, Susan, and Leonard Zeagans. 1979. “Bar Mitzvah: A Rite for a Transitional Age.” The Psychoanalytic Review 66, no. 1: 117–132.

Runaways The National Statistical Survey on Runaway Youth, completed by the National Opinion Research Corporation, is the most comprehensive study ever completed on runaway behavior. The results revealed that 5.7 percent of households with teenagers had at least one runaway incident the year of the study. Extrapolations to the general population of the United States suggest over 1 million runaway episodes per year. According to some figures, 71 percent of runaways are between the ages of ten and seventeen years (National Opinion Research Corporation, 1976, p. 14; Adams, 1997). Based on an analysis of a variety of studies, the estimate is that one in three adolescents consider running away at some time, that one in five actually run away, and that girls are more likely to run away than boys (Adams, 1997). About half of teens who run away do not run far and stay with friends, relatives, or neighbors. The majority of runaways are gone for brief periods of time, most commonly overnight. For those who stay away longer, more than 80 percent return or reconnect with the family in one month. There are clear patterns in adolescents’ psychological and social circumstances

that predict running away. Adolescents with a psychological profile that includes a combination of low self-esteem, signs of depression, a sense of loss of control, impulsiveness, and a history of poor interpersonal relationships are likely to run away. Often the home environment is filled with conflict, weak involvement by parents, poor communication, and perhaps physical or sexual abuse. Often parents are ineffective in supervising their children. Parents of runaway adolescent boys seem to be unable to control their sons, whereas parents of runaway adolescent girls are overcontrolling and punitive with their daughters. The list of potential negative consequences are staggering. The risks include alcohol and substance abuse, coercive sexual behavior, physical injury, sexually transmitted diseases, confrontation with the law, unwanted pregnancy, general health and nutrition problems, and loss of educational training opportunities, among many other problems. The two greatest threats to the runaway adolescent are abusing drugs and contracting a sexually transmitted disease (Adams, 1997). Runaways are very likely to sell drugs to support their habit, and the potential for addiction is extremely high. To get along, many runaways become sex workers. Prostitution in North America is filled with young teenage boys and girls, doing “tricks” for drugs or money. The threat of contracting HIV is large and looming for these street kids. For the unfortunate number of young runaway women who become pregnant, their future is often dismal. Early pregnancy can often have negative health consequences for the mother, and it also places the fetus and baby at risk for numerous medical problems. Looking further into these young women’s lives,

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If adolescents who run away from home live on the streets they may have a life filled with insecurity, fear, depression, alienation, and risks to survival. (Steve Raymer/Corbis)

the young children of a runaway adolescent woman are at great risk of becoming socially maladjusted, prone to temper tantrums and impulsivity, and having a variety of forms of learning disabilities. There are a variety of things that parents and families can do to avoid serious runaway behavior. The formula is simple. Talk to teenagers, listen to their problems and issues, and don’t make light of what they consider serious. Provide guidance without telling them what they have to do. Simple indirect suggestions, encouragement to face their teenage issues, and reassurance that the teen can deal with problems are the tools of good parenting. Allow teenagers to express views that are different from the parents; recognize that the adolescent

and parent can differ on some points and still love and respect each other. Promote positive peer relationships and healthy teen activities. Get teenagers involved in groups where the adolescent has a chance of making friends. Don’t devalue or degrade your teenager’s friends. Encourage involvement in school activities, sports, support groups, volunteer activities, and the like. If a teenager runs away from home, she is likely to return. Often she returns angry, afraid, depressed, and uncertain about the family’s response to coming back home. The most frequent reaction, unfortunately, is for families to express anger and frustration as the youth returns. The teenager needs instead to be welcomed, recognized, and told she is

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loved and needed. Most often families fail to talk about the issues that precipitated the runaway episode. Instead, families often settle into either a form of cold war where people don’t speak to each other or a series of small confrontations that keep the emotions hot and frustrating. Neither withdrawal nor rejection will help the runaway readjust. Instead, a series of open and frank discussions should be held about the issues that the teenager sees in her life and family. The goal should be to identify the issues and work together to find an acceptable compromise. This means, of course, that both the adolescent and the family need to make changes. Often it is best for all concerned to enter into family therapy. A family therapist uses a systemic approach to healing and recovery. When the whole family participates, including siblings, the underlying family issues are likely to be exposed and addressed in a therapeutic discourse. Considerable success has been observed using systemic or multisystemic approaches to healing and recovery among adolescent populations. It seems that there are two major forms of runaways (see pp. 418–419 in Gullotta, Adams, and Markstrom for a full discussion). One form involves runaways who have a home where they have a chance to return. These families want the runaway back home, safe and sound, loved and involved with the family. The other form includes throwaways, children and teenagers who are told to go and not to return. Often this form of runaway behavior is an action taken out of necessity, as a way to survive. The former form of runaway behavior is likely to be resolved over time by making readjustments in the dynamics of the family. The latter form is more complex, and those

teenagers who recover often do so outside of the family. Throwaways are left to the streets and/or social services that will embrace them. To this date, they remain a major challenge to the social and mental health agencies in cities around the world. When life on the street gives a young person more than he could have at home, we all know the circumstances at home are destructive. Children of the streets live a life of insecurity, fear, depression, alienation, and bare survival. The problems of runaways are extremely hard to address. Most of these teenagers are angry, hurt, and often rejected by family and society. Runaway shelters provide a temporary fix. In some states, the social and legal system allow a formal declaration of independence and assistance is provided. The use of residential foster homes has brought mixed results. Communities continue to struggle with finding a satisfactory solution to this social problem. Gerald R. Adams See also Family Relations; Homeless Youth; Parent-Adolescent Relations; Programs for Adolescents; Rebellion; School Dropouts References and further reading Adams, G. R. 1997. “Runaway Youth.” Pp. 826–828 in Primary Pediatric Care, 3rd ed. Edited by R. A. Hoekelman et al. St. Louis: Mosby. Adams, G. R., and G. Munro. 1979. “Portrait of North American Runaways: A Critical Review.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 8: 359–371. Gullotta, T. P., G. R. Adams, and C. Markstrom. 2000. The Adolescent Experience. New York: Academic Press. National Opinion Research Corporation. 1976. National Statistical Survey on Runaway Youth. Princeton, NJ: NORC. Young, R. L., et al. 1983. “Runaways: A Review of Negative Consequences.” Family Relations 32: 275–289.

S Sadness

or headaches, and loss of interest in friends. Depressed adolescents are often extremely self-critical and perceive all events negatively. Adolescents with depression may perceive their selves as worthless and their future as hopeless. This negative pattern of thinking can place depressed teens at risk for committing suicide. Suicide is currently the third leading cause of death among teenagers (Centers for Disease Control, 2000). Abrupt changes in mood are common during adolescence and can involve intense feelings of sadness that occur suddenly. These feelings can cause adolescents to withdraw from social activities and desire to be left alone. During puberty, endocrine glands such as the pituitary, thyroid, and adrenal glands secrete hormones into the body. Once activated, these glands cause the body’s metabolism to increase and rapid growth to occur. Increased spurts of growth coupled with changing levels of hormones can intensify an adolescent’s emotional experiences. For example, girls between the ages of twelve and eighteen years produce 60 percent higher levels of the hormone prolactin than boys do, which is released in tears when individuals cry. Crying is a normal process that relaxes muscles, lowers blood pressure, and releases emotional tension. Girls report crying four times more often than boys do during adolescence.

Sadness is an emotion that people of all ages and cultures experience once in a while. Sadness involves emotional discomfort, lethargy, and lack of pleasure or interest in enjoyable activities. Negative events can cause a person to feel sad (e.g., death, the loss of a friend, or something hoped for that does not happen). In other cases, the reasons for sadness may be less obvious. During adolescence, teens often experience frequent and intense periods of sadness, which may include feelings of hopelessness and loneliness, and negative feelings about one’s self. These feelings are often an emotional reaction to the many changes that teens experience physically, psychologically, and socially. When, however, sad feelings persist for more than two weeks and involve other symptoms, this may be a sign of an illness known as depression. Approximately 10–15 percent of teens experience brief, occasional depressive symptoms. However, 3 percent of teens experience a more chronic mood disorder known as dysthymia, and 5 percent develop major depressive disorder. Symptoms of depression include changes in energy level and sleep patterns and changes in weight that are not caused by dieting. Other symptoms are excessive crying, lowered self-esteem, feelings of guilt or self-blame, constant stomachaches

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As in all periods of life, sadness is an emotion experienced by many adolescents. (Skjold Photographs)

Sadness The pituitary glands activate the development of secondary sex characteristics such as female breasts and male facial hair, which can be noticeable to others and make teens feel self-conscious about their bodies. Teens may also feel frustrated and not understand the source of heightened sexual impulses that can emerge as the pituitary gland releases hormones. For girls, puberty involves the beginning of menstruation, which is often accompanied by increased body fat and weight gain. Adolescent girls often report lower body satisfaction and negative feelings about their selves as their bodies become different from current images of thinness idealized in the media. Regardless of the actual weight gained, girls who see their body image negatively are more likely to experience depressed feelings. Girls who get their period at a younger age than peers may feel unable to talk to their friends who have not yet experienced this marker of maturity. These girls may be less prepared and experience greater self-consciousness as they deal with these changes separate from peers. During adolescence, teens often try to define their personal values and show who they are as individuals distinct from their parents. As teens seek independence from their families, they also have a strong need to identify with peers and belong to a social group. Friends often help each other by sharing similar personal experiences, providing emotional support, and accepting each other socially. Being accepted into a social group, however, can involve conforming (going along) with behaviors that an adolescent feels uncomfortable with. Peers may pressure adolescents to participate in delinquent acts, experiment with drugs and alcohol, or engage in sexual acts that they are not

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ready for. Adolescents who don’t conform to their friends’ standards may be ridiculed, ostracized, or rejected. Adolescents who do not share the values of their peers may face social rejection as they reveal an identity that is different from the majority of teens. Adolescents who feel that they don’t belong to a social group may feel helpless and lonely. Minority groups such as gay and lesbian adolescents are at especially high risk for experiencing social isolation and sadness. Gay and lesbian adolescents may feel separate from their peers and receive little or no social support from friends or family when they reveal their sexual orientation. Similarly, other minority groups face prejudice from others, experience discrimination, and are exposed to negative stereotypes of their group depicted in the media. Some teens may even face life-threatening aggression from others who see them as different. The experience of not being accepted by peers for who one is as a person can contribute to sad, depressed feelings. Everyone gets the blues now and then, but generally these feelings pass. When sad feelings don’t seem to go away, they may be symptoms of clinical depression. Depression can affect an adolescent’s ability to concentrate in school, remember things, or make decisions. Often depressive symptoms can keep an adolescent feeling despair, helplessness, and hopelessness about the future. Suicide may seem like the only solution that will solve one’s problems. Rates of teen suicide have risen dramatically in the past decade, with 9.5 per 100,000 adolescents aged fifteen to nineteen committing suicide in 1999 (Centers for Disease Control, 2000). The rate of suicide is six times higher during adolescence than childhood. Boys are four

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times more likely to commit suicide, but adolescent girls are twice as likely to attempt suicide. Many adolescents use alcohol or drugs to ease sadness and to forget about their problems. Unfortunately, alcohol and drug use often leads to more serious problems, such as motor vehicle accidents, school failure, involvement in crime, unwanted pregnancy, and health problems. For thousands of teens, early substance abuse can lead to alcohol dependency, which serves to further complicate and increase problems. As common as occasional sadness may be, individuals who work with teens need to be aware that sadness can lead to more serious problems. Angela Howell

See also Coping; Counseling; Depression; Emotional Abuse; Emotions; Fears; Loneliness; Peer Victimization in School; Personality; Youth Outlook References and further reading Arbetter, Sandra. 1995. “Am I Normal? Those Teen Years.” Current Health 2, no. 21: 6–7. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2000. “Profile of the Nation’s Health.” In CDC Factbook 2000/2001. Washington, DC: Department of Health and Human Services. Frey, William H. 1985. Crying: The Mystery of Tears. New York: Harper and Row. Garrison, Carol Z., et al. 1997. “Incidence of Major Depressive Disorder and Dysthymia in Young Adolescents.” Journal of the Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 36: 458–465. Gullota, Thomas P., Gerald R. Adams, and Carol A. Markstrom. 2000. The Adolescent Experience, 4th ed. San Diego: Academic Press. Gullota, Thomas P., Gerald R. Adams, and Richard Montemayor, eds. 1995. Substance Misuse in Adolescence. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kist, Jay. 1997. “Dealing with Depression.” Current Health 23, no. 5: 25–28.

Peterson, Anne C., Nancy Leffert, and Barbara Graham. 1995. “Adolescent Development and the Emergence of Sexuality.” Suicide and LifeThreatening Behaviors 25: 4–17. Powers, Mick J. 1999. “Sadness and Its Disorders.” Pp. 497–519 in Handbook of Cognition and Emotion. Edited by Tim Dalgleish and Mick J. Power. Chichester, UK: Wiley. Rierdan, Jill, and Elissa Koff. 1997. “Weight, Weight-Related Aspects of Body Image, and Depression in Early Adolescent Girls.” Adolescence 32, no. 127: 615–625. Rutter, Michael. 1991. “Age Changes in Depressive Disorders: Some Developmental Considerations.” Pp. 273–300 in The Development of Emotion Regulation and Dysregulation. Edited by Judy Garber and Kenneth Dodge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smucker, Mervin R., Edward W. Craighead, Linda Wilcoxen, and Barbara J. Green. 1986. “Normative and Reliability Data for the Children’s Depression Inventory.” Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology 14, no. 1: 25–39.

School Dropouts A student who withdraws from school before completing the graduation requirements as defined by the school is commonly identified as a school dropout. The exact definition of a dropout varies widely across states and school districts, and even among schools within the same district. For example, some schools may not include students who drop out over the summer, while others do include them in the dropout total. On average, 6 percent of students in the United States drop out of school each year (U.S. Department of Education, 2000). In October 1999, some 3.8 million sixteen- to twenty-four-yearolds were not enrolled in a high school program and had not completed high

School Dropouts school (U.S. Department of Education, 2001). Major factors that contribute to a student’s dropping out of school are poverty, location of residence and school, the student’s behavior in school, and the student’s academic performance. School dropouts are more likely to develop mental and physical problems and to require social services during their lifetimes. Thus, dropping out of school is a complicated social problem, which has multiple causes and a number of negative consequences for the individual and for society in general. The U.S. Student Dropout Rate There are three different methods of calculating the dropout rate. The event dropout rate indicates the proportion of students who drop out in a single year without completing school. In October 1997, 5 percent of students who were in high school the previous October dropped out of high school sometime during the year (U.S. Department of Education, 2000). The status dropout rate indicates the proportion of all individuals in the population who have not completed their respective school and were not enrolled at a given point in time. In 1993, the national status dropout rate for sixteen- to twenty-four-year-olds was 11 percent. The status dropout rate is much higher than the event dropout rate, since it reflects the number of students in a given age range who have dropped out of school over a number of years, rather than the rate for a single year. The third dropout calculation method is the cohort dropout rate, which reflects the percentage of dropouts in a single age group or specific grade level over a given period of time. The cohort rate for sophomores in 1990 and 1992 was 5.6 percent (U.S. Department of Education, 2001).

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Nationwide, all dropout rates have declined during the last few decades. The event dropout rate for ages fifteen through twenty-four in grades 10 through 12 has fallen from 6.1 percent in 1972 to 4.5 percent in 1993. Similarly, the status dropout rate for sixteen- to twenty-fouryear-olds declined from 14.6 percent in 1972 to 11 percent in 1992 and 1993. The cohort dropout rate for students who were sophomores in 1980 and dropped out between grades 10 and 12 was 11.4 percent, while the cohort rate for a comparable group of 1990 sophomores was 6.2 percent. All the indicators of the dropout rate declined over the last two decades, but they still mean that a large segment of the population is not completing high school. For example, in October 1997, some 3.6 million teenagers were not enrolled in a high school program and had not completed high school (U.S. Department of Education, 2001). Gender and Racial Differences in Dropout Rates Although the dropout rates are about the same for males and females, the rates are not the same for students from different ethnic groups or different income levels. In general, rates are higher for minority students and students from disadvantaged backgrounds. For example, Latino teenagers in the United States have higher status dropout rates than either whites or blacks. In 1997, 25.3 percent of Latino young adults were status dropouts, compared to 13.4 percent of blacks and 7.6 percent of whites. Hispanic students were also more likely than white and black students to leave school before completing a high school program: in 1997, 9.5 percent of Hispanics were event dropouts, compared with 3.6 percent of white and 5 percent of black students.

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Event dropout rates were not significantly different between white and black students, but rates for American Indians and Alaska Natives are quite high, while those for Asian American students are quite low (U.S. Department of Education, 2001). Family Characteristics That Contribute to School Dropout Parents play a critical role in keeping teenagers in school. Family characteristics that influence dropping out of school include such factors as a stressful home environment, low socioeconomic status, minority membership, siblings who did not graduate from high school, single-parent households, poor education of parents, and primary language other than English. In 1997, teenagers living in families with incomes in the lowest 20 percent of all family incomes were nearly seven times as likely as their peers from families in the top 20 percent of the income distribution to drop out of high school (U.S. Department of Education, 2001). Students whose parents did not complete high school had a substantially higher dropout rate than did those whose parents had graduated. Similarly, students whose parents or siblings were dropouts are themselves more likely to drop out than their peers who come from families without any dropouts. In addition, those who marry and have children before graduating from high school are more likely to drop out of school than their peers who stay single and have no children while at school. Finally, the national data indicate that the dropout rate is greater in cities than in other suburban and rural locations, and is highest in the West and South of the United States. Although risk factors associated with socioeconomic status, family structure,

and ethnicity are correlated with dropping out, this does not mean that these factors create school dropouts. Risk factors have an impact on whether a student drops out of school, but most dropouts come from backgrounds that are not usually thought of in connection with risk of school failure. Similarly, the majority of students with any particular risk factor do not drop out. In other words, each individual student creates her school experience in a unique way, and students may drop out or stay in school for different reasons. Thus, most dropouts cannot simply be predicted from their family background. For example, an analysis of the dropouts from the 1980 sophomore class yielded rather surprising results: Sixty-six percent were white, 86 percent spoke English at home, 68 percent came from two-parent families, and 71 percent had never repeated a grade (U.S. Department of Education, 1989). Individual Characteristics That Contribute to School Dropouts School dropouts are more likely to fall into the general pattern of academic underachievement and social and emotional problems. They generally perform below their grade level and have problems in school, both with their peers and with the school personnel. Many researchers have found that students with poor grades, who have repeated a grade, who are below average for their grade, or who are frequently absent are more likely to become dropouts than other students. More specifically, truancy, tardiness, suspension, and other disciplinary infractions along with a poor attendance record during the first few months of tenth grade are important indicators of a possible dropout. Researchers studying why students leave their school before graduating

School Dropouts found a number of personality characteristics that are common among dropouts. First, many school dropouts indicate that they are not interested in school and do not believe that the school personnel are there for them when they need them. Dropouts point out that they did not feel as though they belonged to their school and say they were not identified with any part of the school environment. They also expressed that they did not share their decision to drop out with any of the school personnel because they did not believe that anybody in school would have helped them. In some cases, even though students wanted to contact somebody in school, they did not know whom to contact. It was also found that school dropouts are more likely to be transfer students who have experienced more than one school system. Finally, many school dropouts described problems in their family such as divorce, death, separation, and child abuse. Consequences of Dropping Out of School After leaving school, dropouts show even higher rates of high-risk behaviors, such as premature sexual activity, early pregnancy, delinquency, crime, violence, alcohol and drug abuse, and suicide. They also experience more isolation from their families and friends. School dropouts have more difficulty getting jobs than do graduates. For example, the unemployment rate for high school dropouts was about 25 percent by the early 1990s, while unemployment for high school graduates stayed around l4 percent. High school dropouts are three times more likely to slip into poverty than their peers who have finished high school (Brown, 1998). The issue of school dropouts must be considered as a social and economical

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problem in addition to a personal problem. In addition to individual efforts, dropout prevention requires the efforts of fellow students, parents, teachers, administrators, community-based organizations, and business, as well as governmental agencies. This is particularly critical to respond to multiple contextual and personal contributors of school dropout as well as the diverse individual needs of students at risk for school dropout. Selcuk Sirin

See also Academic Achievement; Decision Making; Family-School Involvement; High School Equivalency Degree; School Engagement; School, Functions of References and further reading Brown, Duane. 1998. Dropping Out or Hanging In: What You Should Know before Dropping Out of School. NTC Publishing Group. Dorn, Sherman. 1996. Creating the Dropout: An Institutional and Social History of School Failure. Westport, CT: Praeger. Dryfoos, Joy G. 1999. Safe Passage: Making It through Adolescence in a Risky Society. New York: Oxford University Press. Fine, Michelle. 1991. Framing Dropouts: Notes on the Politics of an Urban High School. Albany: State University of New York Press. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. 1989. “Dropout Rates in the United States: 1988.” ED 313–947. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. ———. 2000. “Dropout Rates in the United States: 1998.” NCES 2000–022. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. ———. http://nces.ed.gov/ The dropout rates reported in this entry were the most recent data available as of January 2000. One can get the latest dropout rates as well as other related statistics from this home page. ———. 2001. “Dropout Rates in the United States: 1999.” NCES 2001–022.

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Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. West, Linda L., ed. 1991. Effective Strategies for Dropout Prevention of AtRisk Youth. Gaithersburg, MA: Aspen.

School Engagement Any discussion of school engagement involves two ideas. The first is the idea that certain behaviors indicate whether a student is engaged in school. These behaviors include attending school, coming to school prepared, completing school assignments, and participating in class. Other behaviors associated with school engagement are initiating dialogues in the classroom, seeking help when needed, and participating in activities such as sports and clubs. The other idea behind school engagement is school identification. The degree of school identification depends on whether students feel as though they belong in school and whether they value what school has to offer in the way of an education. Although both school engagement behaviors and school identification are important in determining whether a student stays in school and achieves, in some instances it is the school behavior that is most important, and in other cases it is the school identification that is key. Many students become engaged in school early on. Due to the positive experiences they have in school and the support they receive from parents and friends, they come to view school as a valuable place to be, a place that can offer them opportunities in the future if they do well in school. Research indicates that students who are engaged in school are more likely to be academically successful than their peers who are not engaged in

school. It also indicates that self-esteem (whether one views who one is in a positive or negative manner) and future education expectations (how optimistic and realistic one is about one’s future) influence school engagement as well as academic performance. Although many students are engaged in school early on, as some students progress through school, they begin to disengage from school. For example, as students make the transition between elementary school and middle school, and between middle school and high school, many of them experience frustration and a drop in their self-esteem, which causes them to disengage from school. One reason for this change is that each time students make a transition, they have to become familiar with a new environment. Sometimes those environments are not designed to be developmentally appropriate for students. Let’s take the example of middle school. Students in middle school are generally between the ages of eleven and thirteen. Students at this age tend to worry about friendships and romantic relationships with peers, relationships with adults, and gender expectations (e.g., Is it okay for a girl to play sports? Is it okay for a boy to be in a cooking class?), and they are concerned about becoming competent in the areas that are important to them (e.g., sports, academic subjects, music, etc.). Unfortunately, many middle schools are not designed to support students in these areas. Students are often moved from class to class with multiple teachers throughout the day. As a result, teachers don’t have enough time to provide students with the one-on-one attention they may desire. For a variety of reasons, including a lack of money and choosing other priorities, many schools no longer offer activi-

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Students who are engaged in school are likely to be more academically successful than youth who are not engaged in school. (Shirley Zeiberg)

ties such as art, music, and sports. Students then have fewer opportunities to express themselves and to learn about who they are and what they want to become. As for gender expectations, because students and adults have less and less time to meet and talk, many students struggle with relationships with members of the opposite sex. Girls are often pressured to dress a certain way and behave in ways that get the attention of boys. Boys can be pressured to hide their feelings and emotions and instead to act brave or strong all the time. Feeling a desire to be liked, yet at the same time struggling to

create an identity for themselves, students can often find themselves feeling alone and alienated from their peers. Although transitions can be challenging for many students, for others school can become a place where they feel alienated and alone for another reason. Students of color (including African American, Asian American, Latino/a, and Native American students) often feel that school is not a place where they are welcomed. They may be treated poorly by European American students who do not understand or respect their language or cultural practices. In addition, in many schools,

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teachers do not teach about a variety of cultural groups and practices, instead choosing to focus on the history and accomplishments of European Americans. This, too, can make students of color feel that they do not belong and that school does not have anything of value to offer them and their futures. As a result they may disengage from school and have low academic performance. There are many programs in schools that are designed to help students stay engaged. Many schools offer school tutoring and mentoring programs. In these programs students can receive help with academic work, as well as connect with an adult and build a trusting relationship that might provide them support when things get difficult. Community agencies also offer programs after school and on the weekends to build student selfesteem and confidence. Many of these programs also help students think about their futures and begin making plans. With that kind of help, often students begin to see school as valuable again (or for the first time), become engaged, and start to do better in school. Lisa R. Jackson

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; College; Family-School Involvement; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Motivation, Intrinsic; School Dropouts; School, Functions of; Teachers References and further reading Davidson, Ann Locke. 1996. Making and Molding Identity in Schools: Student Narratives on Race, Gender, and Academic Engagement. New York: State University of New York Press. Fine, Michelle. 1986. “Why Urban Adolescents Drop Into and Out of

Public High School.” Teachers College Record 87: 393–409. Finn, Jeremy. 1993. School Engagement and Students at Risk. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Israelashvili, Moshe. 1997. “School Adjustment, School Membership and Adolescents’ Future Expectations.” Journal of Adolescence 20: 525–535. Mickelson, Roslyn Arlin. 1990. “The Attitude-Achievement Paradox among Black Adolescents.” Sociology of Education 63: 44–61. Skinner, Ellen, James Welborn, and James Connell. 1990. “What It Takes to Do Well in School and Whether I’ve Got It: A Process Model of Perceived SelfControl and Children’s Engagement and Achievement in School.” Journal of Educational Psychology 82, no. 1: 22–32.

School, Functions of Schools perform many functions. Schools have been viewed as training institutions, as agents of cultural transmission designed to perpetuate and improve a given way of life, and as a means to inculcate both knowledge and values. In addition, schools have been regarded traditionally as fulfilling a maintenance-actualization role, that is, as representing a way in which the adolescent can be happy and yet challenged. In other words, schools are a place to develop optimal personal and interpersonal attributes, and in that way the ability to contribute to society. Schools also provide a context for social interactions and relationship development. They can facilitate the adolescent’s emancipation from parents through giving youth an opportunity to earn their own social status. Students may earn status concurrently with school attendance

School, Functions of

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Schools can be viewed as training institutions, as agents of cultural transmission, and as a means to gain knowledge and values. (Skjold Photographs)

by demonstrating a mastery of the curriculum, by attaining high class standing, and by nonacademic interactions with the peer group in school activities such as organized athletics or clubs. Students may also prepare to earn social status in the future through the training and education attained in school. In addition, the school serves a custodial role in society, in that a system of compulsory education, such as that found in the United States, highly structures the time and activity of students. However, the structure provided by schools is not necessarily beneficial for all youth. For example, Native American youth do not perform as well in academics as do their European American peers. A study comparing Native American and

European American youth found that the Native Americans tended to perceive that the structure of the school created barriers to their success; this perception was associated with lessened school performance. Teachers are obviously a critical part of the school context, and their behaviors, attitudes, and expectations—apart from their skills as instructors per se—can influence youth behavior and development. For instance, in a longitudinal study of sixth- to eighth-grade students, Kathryn Wentzel found that perceptions by the adolescents that their teachers cared about them were associated with enhanced motivation to achieve positive social as well as academic outcomes. Teachers who cared were described as

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having attributes akin to those associated with authoritative parents. That is, they showed democratic interaction styles, developed expectations for their students that were based on the individual characteristics of the adolescents, and provided constructive feedback. Schools exist in relation to the other key contexts of adolescent development—the family, peers, and the community. All of these contexts strengthen or detract from the ability of schools to function as society intends. Support from the family context can enhance school performance. For instance, for African American, European American, and Latino students, such social support is associated with students’ grades, scores on a standardized achievement test, and teacher ratings. In addition, students’ self-esteem is enhanced by the support they receive. Similarly, middle school girls who have the ability and motivation to do well in mathematics show positive attitudes toward the subject when their mothers are also positive about it. In turn, among the offspring of African American teenage mothers, family support is among the key factors reducing the likelihood of dropping out of high school. The decrease in the chances of discontinuing school is related to high maternal educational aspirations for the child in early life, number of years the father was present, being prepared for school, and not repeating an elementary school grade. The culture transmitted through socialization by the family, as well as by peers, influences school performance. Positive family climate and peer group norms supporting positive behaviors for youth have been found to be associated with school achievement. Social support from parents has also been found to be related to youth

feeling open to, excited by, and involved in school-related activities; furthermore, a family climate that challenged the young person to succeed was related to an adolescent focusing on important goals. Youth who lived in families where both support and challenge were present had the best school experiences. Other research has found that mathematics scores of Asian American students are higher than those of European American students, but lower than those of Chinese and Japanese students. Factors associated with the achievement of Asian and Asian American students include having parents and peers who hold high standards, believe that one succeeds through effort, have positive attitudes about achievement, study diligently, and are less apt to distract youth from studying. Moreover, the psychological adjustment of Asian American and European American students is not different, suggesting that the higher performances and family and peer influences on the former group do not interfere with positive psychological functioning. Parents and peers can have negative as well as positive effects on school performance. Low parental academic achievement and ineffective child-rearing practices are linked to antisocial behavior and to decreases in engagement with course work among adolescent boys. In turn, African American students’ awareness of the discrimination toward people of their race that exists in America was found by Ronald Taylor and his colleagues to be associated with their perceptions that academic achievement was not important. However, when ethnic identity was high, students showed both school engagement and school achievement. Taylor’s study also found that in addition to family and peer influences, the

School, Functions of neighborhood or community context of the school has an influence on the academic performance of youth. For instance, African American youth attending neighborhood schools report feeling “stuck” in a setting where they perceive that they have little access to community culture and to the wider society. On the other hand, when African American youth from the same neighborhood attend a citywide school, they perceive that they possess such access. In addition, African American males are more likely to graduate from high school if they live in neighborhoods having a high percentage of residents working in white-collar occupations, or in middle-class neighborhoods more generally. However, the same does not hold true for females. Other research also has found that African American males from higher-income neighborhoods are more likely to stay in school. Similarly, other research supports the link between the type of occupations present in a community and a high school dropout rate. A higher percentage of service occupations in a community was associated with increased dropout rates; in turn, a higher percentage of managerial/professional occupations was associated both with a lowered dropout rate and a greater likelihood that high school graduates would continue their education. In sum, differences in the families and peer groups of youth are related to differential outcomes of school experiences. In addition, individual differences (diversity) among adolescents in their psychological and behavioral characteristics may moderate the potential influences of the school on youth development. Richard M. Lerner Jacqueline V. Lerner

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See also Academic Achievement; Career Development; Cognitive Development; College; Gifted and Talented Youth; Higher Education; Learning Disabilities; School Engagement; Schools, FullService; Vocational Development References and further reading Chen, Chaunsheng, and Harold W. Stevenson. 1995. “Motivation and Mathematics Achievement: A Comparative Study of Asian American, Caucasian American, and East Asian High School Students.” Child Development 66: 1215–1234. Dryfoos, Joy G. 1994. “Full Service Schools: A Revolution in Health and Social Services for Children, Youth, and Families.” San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———. 1995. “Full Service Schools: Revolution or Fad?” Journal of Research on Adolescence 5, no. 2: 147–172. Ensminger, Margaret E., Rebecca P. Lamkin, and Nora Jacobson. 1996. “School Leaving: A Longitudinal Perspective Including Neighborhood Effects.” Child Development 67: 2400–2416. Lerner, Richard M. 1994. “Schools and Adolescents.” Visions 2010: Families and Adolescents 2, no. 1: 14–15, 42–43. Minneapolis: National Council on Family Relations. ———. In press. “Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application.” Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Rathunde, Kevin. 1996. “Family Context and Talented Adolescents’ Optimal Experience in School-Related Activities.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 6, no. 4: 605–628. Taylor, Ronald D., Robin Casten, Susanne M. Flickinger, Debra Roberts, and Cecil D. Fulmore. 1994. “Explaining the School Performance of AfricanAmerican Adolescents.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 4: 21–44. Wentzel, Kathryn R. 1997. “Student Motivation in Middle School: The Role of Perceived Pedagogical Caring.” Journal of Educational Psychology 89, no. 3: 411–419. Wood, Peter B., and W. Charles Clay. 1996. “Perceived Structural Barriers and Academic Performance among American Indian High School Students.” Youth and Society 28, no. 1: 40–61.

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School Transitions

School Transitions A transition refers to a passage from one state, stage, or place to another. The term school transition refers to a change in school settings in particular. Normative school transitions are changes that most students in a community experience at particular points in time. For example, adolescents may experience as many as three school transitions: (1) from elementary to middle or junior high school, (2) from junior high school to senior high school, and (3) from senior high school to college, military service, or work. The change from elementary school to middle or junior high school has received the most attention from educators, psychologists, and policymakers. The change from high school to whichever path a student chooses to pursue (e.g., college, military service, or work) is also an important one, but for different reasons. The transition to high school, on the other hand, has received far less attention. Students generally enter high school from a kindergarten through eighth grade (K–8) school or from a middle or junior high school. There is some evidence to suggest that students who enter high school from a middle or junior high school appear to have more difficulty making the transition in comparison to those who come from a K–8 school. The terms elementary school, middle school, and junior high school are used very freely, but the schools themselves may look quite different from place to place. The term elementary school may refer to a school that consists of kindergarten through fifth-grade classes, kindergarten through sixth-grade classes, or kindergarten through eighth-grade classes. The terms middle school and junior high school are often used interchangeably; they can refer to schools that offer fifth

through eighth grade, sixth through eighth, or seventh and eighth grade only. The term middle school will be used here, but encompasses any one of these three types of school settings. The change from elementary school to middle school can be difficult for many students who are also trying to manage several other changes (physical/biological, social, emotional, cognitive) associated with puberty and early adolescence. For example, the typical eleven- or twelveyear-old begins to experience any combination of the following: bodily changes, increased self-awareness and self-consciousness, increased importance of peer relationships, attraction to the opposite sex, dating-type behavior, more critical and complex thinking skills, and an increased need for a trusting and supportive adult figure. Handling several changes at once requires a great deal of energy and effort, and for some adolescents this experience can be overwhelming. Psychologists have done research that indicates that during the transition to middle school many students experience declines in motivation, in positive attitudes toward school, and in self-assurance or confidence in their abilities. Declines in these areas, in turn, tend to result in a drop in grades. Although some students recover after the first year following a transition, many others have trouble bouncing back. Evidence from the research of both psychologists and educators suggests that the typical middle school environment does not fit with the needs and capabilities of most young adolescents. Early adolescent development is characterized by increases in desire for autonomy, peer orientation, self-focus, self-consciousness, importance of identity issues, concern over heterosexual relationships, capacity for

School Transitions abstract cognitive activity, and desire for opportunities to demonstrate higherorder thinking skills and problem-solving skills. The clash between the characteristics of the middle school setting and the characteristics of the early adolescent constitute what is referred to as a developmental mismatch. School size, departmentalization, and instructional style have been identified as three problematic characteristics of middle schools. Very often students go from smaller, neighborhood elementary schools to larger middle schools drawing students from several different elementary schools. At a time when adolescents are becoming capable of and require greater intimacy and closeness with peers and adult role models, the sudden change from a smaller, neighborhood school to a larger middle school can foster alienation, isolation, anonymity, and difficulties in communication and intimacy. Some schools have emphasized the role of homerooms and/or an advisory system in order to offset the isolating effects of a large school, as well as to foster the development of relationships with peers and teachers. Departmentalization poses a second problem. Whereas students in elementary school tend to spend the better part of their day with the same teacher and the same group of students, departmentalization forces students to change from classroom to classroom, and from teacher to teacher, thereby imposing a series of disruptions throughout the day and providing fewer opportunities for students to develop closer relationships with others. When students are able to move more as groups, rather than as individuals, this interference with the young adolescent’s growing ability and need for closer communication and contact can be lessened.

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The instructional style of the typical middle school causes problems by conflicting with three characteristics of the developing adolescent: increased need for autonomy, higher cognitive ability, and more self-consciousness. Researchers have discovered that most middle school teachers, instead of allowing more autonomy, tend to exert more control over student behavior, maintain stricter rules and discipline, and allow less student input in decision making than do most elementary school teachers. This approach often prevents the development of positive student-teacher relationships, which also prevents the development of relationships with much-needed supportive adult role models. Student reactions to seemingly unfair and punitive control over the environment can range from acting-out to losing interest altogether. Wherever possible it is important that the structure and process of general classroom and school management respond to and foster adolescents’ growing capacity for autonomy, responsibility, and critical thinking. As for cognitive ability, adolescents generally become more capable of logical and abstract thinking; they can formulate and test hypotheses or ideas mentally, use more effective strategies for studying and remembering class material, and plan, monitor, and evaluate the steps they take in solving a problem. Upon entrance to middle school many students encounter increased work demands and stricter grading policies, but not necessarily a demand for higher-order thinking and problem-solving skills. Rather, they tend to find less cognitively challenging work than they experienced in the last year or so of elementary school. Lastly, middle school classes tend to involve occasions of public comparison

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regarding achievement, where achievement is based on a competitive, rather than a collaborative, model of task completion and academic success. Researchers have shown that such experiences for the early adolescent can result in still sharper increases in self-consciousness as well as a decrease in motivation in all but the highest-performing students. While the transition from elementary school to middle school is characterized by the degree to which schools match, or fail to match, developing adolescents’ needs and capabilities, the transition from high school to a self-chosen path, on the other hand, is the first change that concretely represents movement toward adulthood and taking responsibility for oneself. Adolescents generally pursue one of four paths: a four-year college, military service, a community college, or fulltime employment. Although different paths may involve different questions or concerns pertaining to the future, there are certain experiences common to all groups to varying degrees: termination of relationships with friends, a general sense of loss, confusion and anxiety (despite the openly expressed attitude of “I can’t wait to get out”), and concern over the possibility that peers who provided a source of support all along may no longer be able to do so due to differing pursuits. For students going on to a four-year college or university, the pertinent issues include the following: learning to take care of oneself; dealing with “loss” of family, friends, boyfriends, girlfriends, and the like; fears regarding academic pressure and success; financial worries; making new friends; and the general process of separation, or what is called individuation. One can support these students in many ways, for example, by encouraging them to talk about their hopes, anxieties,

and sadness; by recognizing the importance of saying good-bye to friends, some of whom they may have known nearly all of their lives; by exploring with them the different ways of saying good-bye; by clarifying that the sadness and difficulty associated with leaving is not to be equated with childishness; and by discussing the impact of extracurricular activities, a social life, and possible part-time employment on academic demands and success during college. Students who choose military service encounter many of the same issues encountered by students pursuing a fouryear college; however, the nature and purpose of military service introduces additional concerns and questions. Military service carries very real possibilities of war, heroism, and death, for oneself and others. Students may need to explore how their personal ideals and values intersect with the requirements of military service. For females, there is the additional reality of entering into a maledominated field and how to manage possible experiences of feeling unwelcome. The need for saying good-bye and for talking about fears, hopes, and anxieties can be more difficult for this group of students, depending upon their perception of the life-risking purposes and potentials accompanying military service. Students who attend community colleges tend to fall into one of two groups: those who intend to transfer to a fouryear college and those who are seeking solely an Associate degree. Although some students attend community colleges for financial reasons, the greater proportion of students attend community colleges because their high school grades together with their SAT scores have prevented acceptance to a four-year college. For these students, the emphasis is less

School Transitions on saying good-bye and more on dealing with possible feelings of being left behind. Students may feel some tension or ambiguity around living at home while also trying to gain the adult independence that many of their peers will gain by virtue of distance from their parents. A counselor can play a key role in helping students to articulate their struggles, recognize the importance of academic performance if the goal is to transfer to a four-year college, and consider the impact of commuting, a social life, and a possible part-time job on academic success. Students making the transition from high school to full-time employment potentially struggle at two levels: They may not receive the same kind of structured support as college- and militarybound students, whose pursuits more strongly depend on and are mediated by ongoing contact with school staff and counselors, and they tend to be in the minority relative to their college and military-bound peers and thus may find it especially difficult identifying peers they feel understand and support them in their experiences of transition. For this group the choice or need to pursue fulltime employment entails more than the personal loss of high school friendships and familiar support systems. Workbound students lose a way of life that permits continued exploration of educational and career possibilities, social contact with and support from peers, and the attainment of skills and experiences that bring further career and economic advancement. Although high school graduates are more likely to find employment than those who drop out of school, they have fewer work opportunities than were available to this population several decades ago. When they are able to find

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work, jobs attained by high school graduates tend to be low-paying, unskilled positions with little or no possibility for long-term training or vocational counseling. These students may also struggle with the tension between assuming adult roles and responsibilities yet remaining financially dependent. In the United States, more adolescents are employed during high school than in any other developed country; most work in order to earn personal spending money. However, work-bound high school graduates, particularly low-income students, very often work to meet living expenses as well, whether family-related or personal. That is, the financial demands of food, rent, bills, transportation, and so on can be quite overwhelming and stressful. Regardless of the nature and direction of change involved in the transitions high school seniors make, it is critical that school staff and/or counselors provide students with information regarding all possible career and educational avenues; help students to process the impending transition, particularly with regard to termination and separation; wherever possible invite past graduates to come talk to students about various issues, questions, concerns, and hopes; and create opportunities for peer and adult support. Imma De Stefanis

See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; College; FamilySchool Involvement; Higher Education; Homework; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Middle Schools; Peer Groups; Private Schools; School Engagement; School, Functions of; Schools, FullService; Schools, Single-Sex; Teachers; Tracking in American High Schools References and further reading Eccles, Jacquelynne, Carol Midgley, Allan Wigfield, and Christy M. Buchanan.

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1993. “Development during Adolescence: The Impact of Stage Environment Fit on Young Adolescents’ Experiences in Schools and in Families.” American Psychologist 48, no. 2: 90–101. Goodnough, Gary E., and Vivian Ripley. 1997. “Structured Groups for High School Seniors Making the Transition to College and to Military Service.” The School Counselor 44: 230–234. McCormick, John F. 1995. “‘But, Nobody Told Me about . . . ’: A Program for Enhancing Decision Making by CollegeBound Students.” The School Counselor 42: 246–248. Wigfield, Carol, and Jacquelynne Eccles. 1994. “Children’s Competence Beliefs, Achievement Values, and General SelfEsteem: Change across Elementary

School and Middle School.” Journal of Early Adolescence 14, no. 2: 107–138.

Schools, Full-Service Among contemporary youth, risk behaviors—such as drug use, unsafe sex, delinquency, and school failure—occur together. A key tactic has been taken to prevent the occurrence of these interrelated risks: the creation of “full-service” schools. Most youth experts agree that schools by themselves are unable to deal adequately with the multiple problems facing many of their adolescent students.

Full-service schools are involved in community-wide, multiagency, collaborative efforts that work to prevent adolescent risk. (Shirley Zeiberg)

Schools, Single-Sex The problem is that schools are not part of community-wide, multiagency, collaborative (partnership) efforts that work to prevent and ameliorate adolescent risk. The leading spokesperson for the creation of full-service schools that are involved with the community in this manner is Joy G. Dryfoos. The call for the creation of full-service schools constitutes an appeal to reorganize and reform the structure and function of these schools. Research, although still in its initial stages, suggests that such revisions have positive influences on youth. For instance, when middle schools undertook reforms that included building school-community partnerships; enabling teachers of different subject areas (e.g., math, science, social studies, and language arts) to work together on interdisciplinary teams; and bringing community volunteers into the school to help the students discuss connections between social studies and art, students’ awareness of art increased, they developed attitudes and preferences of particular styles of art, and their movement from concrete to abstract thinking was enhanced. Thus, changing a school’s organization, in the direction of the reforms described by Dryfoos, can be beneficial to youth. Richard M. Lerner See also Academic Achievement; Cognitive Development; Health Promotion; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Mentoring and Youth Development; School, Functions of; Teachers References and further reading Dryfoos, Joy G. 1994. Full-Service Schools: A Revolution in Health and Social Services for Children, Youth, and Families. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———. 1995. “Full-Service Schools: Revolution or Fad?” Journal of Research on Adolescence 5, no. 2: 147–172.

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Epstein, Joyce L., and Susan L. Dauber. 1995. “Effects on Students of an Interdisciplinary Program Linking Social Studies, Arts, and Family Volunteers in the Middle Grades.” Journal of Early Adolescence 15, no. 1: 114–144. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Schools, Single-Sex Most experts on adolescent development agree that the junior and senior high school years provide teenagers with many challenges and opportunities in preparation for future life in wider society, or in the “real world.” The debate over singlesex (SS) schools versus coeducational (CE) schools is a long-standing one with some new wrinkles, but little resolution. Increasing interest in SS schools in the public sector stems largely from the positive effects it is said to have on the education and socialization of young people, particulary females, as documented by nearly thirty years of research. Although SS schools have traditionally been private (i.e., tuition-based) schools, most of which have been religiously affiliated (usually Roman Catholic or Orthodox Jewish), it is this movement into the public sector that raises the question again: What are the benefits of single-sex education? Public education in the United States remained all-male until about the mid– nineteenth century when early women’s rights advocates fought their traditional training in household management, arguing that to be thoroughly taught meant being taught with men in the same classes. By 1900, all but 2 percent of the nation’s public schools were coeducational, and gender equity had seemingly been achieved. Today, advocates of SS education argue that CE settings do not assure

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gender equity, and may even perpetuate gender-based stereotypical attitudes and behaviors. Equity in an educational context generally refers to the concepts of equal treatment and equal opportunity for all students, regardless of sex. Supporters of SS education believe that even though males and females may occupy the same classroom space, they do not mature at the same rate physically, cognitively, socially, or emotionally, and so their educational needs and experiences differ as well. Although research studies have supported the general benefits of a SS education for both males and females, the overwhelming majority of studies have focused on the advantages for females in particular. The central argument in support of SS schools in general is based on a belief in male-female differences in the rate and style of development in several areas. An SS environment can be more sensitive to varying emotional, cognitive, and social needs. Very often CE schools are portrayed as dominated by a culture of “rating” and social maneuvering to which SS schools are immune. The main tension between advocates of CE schools and SS schools revolves around this issue: CE advocates believe that the CE environment mirrors a gender-stratified society, while advocates of SS education maintain that social and sexual pressures can detract from social, emotional, and academic development. Research has shown that males and females who attend SS schools tend to have higher academic achievement and educational aspirations, as well as fewer stereotypical attitudes about gender and course subject or career (Lee and Bryk, 1986; Riordan, 1990). Regarding the benefits of SS education for boys, the research is sparse. Advocates of SS schools believe there are several

social and emotional benefits to the developing male adolescent: Since males mature at a slower rate than girls, all-male schools can better accommodate their social/emotional needs and development; SS schools yield improved behavior and a healthy sense of structure and discipline among male adolescents, who otherwise tend toward restlessness and unruliness; and the greater number of male faculty provides more role models than is possible in CE schools, where the majority of teachers tend to be female. This last argument has been pivotal in the recent initiatives to open public SS schools in lowincome areas serving minority males, for whom a positive role model may be lacking. Additional goals here include lowering high school dropout rates and delinquent/criminal behavior. In terms of academic gains, boys in SS schools tend to take more math and science and to have higher general academic achievement than their counterparts in CE schools. Those who oppose SS schools for boys primarily claim that, without the presence of girls, boys’ schools run the risk of fostering sexist attitudes and behaviors toward females. The central argument in favor of girls’ schools is related to the issue of gender equity. In 1992, the American Association of University Women released a report summarizing the findings of 1, 331 studies of girls in schools and demonstrated that there is ample evidence to show that in CE environments males tend to dominate over females. This report showed a pattern of unequal support and attention when both sexes are in the same classroom, at all levels, from preschool to college. For example, males are permitted to call out answers, are called upon more often, are asked higherlevel questions, are assisted more often

Self by the teacher in arriving at the “right” answer, and are more often given specific and affirming feedback. An SS school can be one antidote for gender inequities, which also lead to other difficulties, including lowered self-esteem, learned helplessness, lowered expectations about one’s own ability to succeed, lowered motivation, and a lowered sense of control over one’s life. Nearly thirty years of research shows that girls who attend SS schools show improved motivation and performance, do more homework, take more math and science classes, hold less stereotypical sex role attitudes, have a stronger selfconcept, more often pursue leadership positions and athletic activities, hold higher educational and career aspirations, and benefit from a greater number of female role models in positions of authority (e.g., administrators) than are found in CE schools (Lee and Bryk, 1986; Riordan, 1990; Sadker, Sadker, and Klein, 1991). Although the arguments favoring SS schools for girls can appear more compelling and numerous than those for boys, it is important to remember that the research on all-girls’ schools far exceeds the work on all-boys’ schools. More research is needed in the areas of male SS schools, public SS schools for both males and females, and the possibility that individual student differences (e.g., in needs, preferences, styles, temperament, and so on) may be just as important in assessing the best fit between students and school type. Imma De Stefanis See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Dating; FamilySchool Involvement; Gender Differences; Middle Schools; Peer Groups; Private Schools; School Engagement;

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School, Functions of; Services for Adolescents; Sports and Adolescents References and further reading American Association of University Women. 1992. How Schools Shortchange Girls: The AAUW Report. Washington, DC: American Association of University Women Educational Foundation. Carelli, Anne O. 1988. Sex Equity in Education. Springfield, MA: Charles C. Thomas. Lasser, Carol. 1987. Educating Men and Women Together: Coeducation in a Changing World. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Lee, Valerie E., and Anthony S. Bryk. 1986. “Effects of Single-Sex Secondary Schools on Student Achievement and Attitudes.” Journal of Educational Psychology 78, no. 5: 331–339. Riordan, Cornelius. 1990. Girls and Boys in School: Together or Separate? New York: Teachers College Press. Sadker, Myra P., David M. Sadker, and Susan Klein. 1991. “The Issue of Gender in Elementary and Secondary Education.” Review of Research in Education 17: 269–334.

Self Although there is little agreement about how to define the term self, both in everyday conversation and in social and behavioral science research, the self is presumed to be complex and to include both the subjective experiences and objective characteristics that distinguish a person as a unique individual apart from others. Across academic disciplines, scholars and researchers not only define self differently but also highlight different dimensions of the self-system; however, the contributions of each discipline provide valuable insights into the broader picture of how self is central to the human experience. How we both experience and understand our own selves is influenced by our capacity for cognition and self-consciousness, the current

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Physical, social, and cognitive aspects of a young person’s sense of self develop during adolescence. (Shirley Zeiberg)

beliefs of our culture about how persons fit into the larger world, and internalization of the everyday interactions we have in the social world. Adolescence as a stage of development has special implications for changes in self-experience and self-understanding, because both the adolescents’ physical selves and social selves are changing dramatically at the same time as new cognitive abilities to reflect about the self in the social world are increasing. Dimensions of Self Although the self is one of the central dimensions of humans studied by cultural anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, and philosophers, there is little agreement about what the self really is. There is, however, some general agree-

ment that it is possible to distinguish at least two parts of the self that need to be accounted for in any discussion of self. The first is called the subject, the I, or the knower—the awareness that an individual has of herself as a separate being in everyday life. The second part is given names that are counterparts to each of these, being called the object, the me, or the known—the capacity of an individual to consciously think about herself and the characteristics that distinguish her from others. For some psychologists and cognitive scientists, the most interesting part of the self is the subjective self-consciousness, self-awareness, and self-understanding that the mind creates as the individual lives his life. From this perspective, everything the individual thinks and does is always interpreted with regard to how it has meaning for his own self, and the primary focus of all self activity is in the brain. For social psychologists and sociologists, the self is presumed to come primarily from the social world and is structured in the form of a self-concept that includes all the labels, characteristics, and descriptions that the individual applies to herself. The conceptions the individual has of herself are multiple and occur at a number of different levels. For example, while some of the individual’s self-conceptions are known to others as part of the public self, other things the individual thinks and feels about herself may only be known to herself and therefore reside in the private self. One part of the private self might be the ideal self or the person she wishes she could really be. However, when there is a big gap between the person the individual wishes she were and the person she believes herself to be, then problems of self-esteem or self-

Self worth may emerge. While self-esteem refers to a general sense of personal worth or value, self-efficacy is the part of the self-concept that specifically reflects an individual’s belief about her competence or ability to meet social expectation and demands. A different psychological orientation to the study of self focuses on the structure and strength of the individual’s character, motivations, and other dimensions of personality. For psychologists who take this approach, the ego is presumed to be the most central part of the self, as it is what allows each individual to navigate the social demands of life, constantly balancing what is socially expected and what is personally desirable. Although much of this ego is presumed to be at a conscious level, self or ego psychology also assumes that at least some portions of the ego work at a subconscious level. An additional element of self that emerges from the ego as it negotiates the individual’s interactions in the world is identity or the way the individual chooses to identify himself as a member of the social world. Across both psychology and sociology, an increasing number of researchers are beginning to examine the personal narratives, or self-stories, that people tell about themselves and their lives. These scholars believe that when people think about themselves across time, they think of themselves as the main character of a story and connect events in their experiences in such a way as to make sense of their own experience in life. From this perspective, our personal stories or narratives are tools for organizing how to think about who we are, how we became the persons that we are, and why we are making choices about the person we are still to become. Since different stories

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can be constructed out of the same experiences (e.g., how parents’ divorce either ruined life or provided opportunity for growth), this means that individuals are able to reinterpret self-experience by changing the stories they choose to tell (e.g., changing the events to include, or the interpretation of, the motivations behind actions). Humanistic psychologists have a special interest in both the subjective experience, or phenomonology, of self, and the degree to which human self-control and free will are possible. From this perspective, all persons have a unique potential, and if they can have their basic needs met and make appropriate choices that allow for growth, they can self-actualize or reach the highest potential that is possible for them. As with the narrative perspective, the idea is that, since choice resides within the individual, self is not something that just develops or is fully determined by the social world; rather, it can be discovered, chosen, and actively created by the individual. Influences on Self-Experience and Self-Understanding Regardless of the definition of self used or the dimension of self examined, there are key influences on how the self of any person develops and key forces that limit the type of self that any one person can have. These influences and forces include the nature of cognitive functioning, the beliefs and norms of the broader culture the individual resides in, and interactions of the individual in the social world. Without the functioning of the brain, no self-conscious thought can exist. For example, few people imagine that a rock has a sense of self or a self-concept. Even an ant, which is part of the animal kingdom, is not presumed to have the mental

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capacity to have a sense of self; as we move up the animal chain, however, to species with more complex mental abilities like chimpanzees and dolphins, the questions about the nature of self these animals can have are much less clear. Similarly, when humans are first born, their mental capacities are limited and so, therefore, are their abilities to recognize that they are separate persons with their own individual characteristics and identity. As cognitive abilities increase, so does the potential for persons to construct complex self-concepts and personal stories. The importance of the mind in shaping the experience of the self is also reflected in the incomplete or confusing sense of self for persons who are diagnosed with cognitive disorders such as autism or schizophrenia. How the brain makes sense of the self experience in the world is, however, also shaped and constrained by the worldview or the cultural beliefs about the self and the world that the person is raised in. For example, while most Western cultures, including the United States, place a high priority on individuality and the rights of each person as a separate human being, many Eastern cultures put a much higher emphasis on the individual as an interdependent member of a broader collective. Similarly, not all cultures share beliefs about the degree to which human action is controlled by the self versus other forces including spirits and God. In either case, because people mentally internalize the usually unquestioned beliefs of the culture they are raised in, both the everyday experience of self-consciousness and the more reflective selfunderstanding of persons in each culture will be different as they filter their experience of reality through a different cognitive lens.

Although both the mind and culture may set the limits and potentials for the development of the self, the self of any one individual must develop through actual interactions with the social world. From birth, as parents and other caregivers begin to interact with newborns, an awareness of the distinction between self and others begins to develop in the mind. As children learn to use language, they recognize that they have their own names and that certain labels and words are applied to them and describe who they are presumed to be. Soon, children also are able to describe themselves in terms of the language of the culture, using the appropriate labels to describe their physical characteristics (e.g., tall), the social roles they have to perform (e.g., sister, student), and even the personality characteristics that are typically ascribed to them by others (e.g., shy, funny). Over time, as they compare themselves to others, reflect on their relative successes and failures in adjustment, and see the pattern of how others respond to them through what is called the looking-glass self, a more stable sense of self begins to form. Adolescence and Self Both the changes of puberty and the social transitions into more mature social roles (e.g., getting a license, starting high school) change the everyday subjective experience of adolescents and force them to more consciously reflect on who they are and how they fit into the social world. How these changes are experienced by the self are, however, complicated by new cognitive abilities, which allow the adolescent to think about themselves in more complicated ways. For example, as they move through adolescence, individuals are able to think

Self more abstractly, to imagine the future more completely, and to see ideas from multiple perspectives. Although these cognitive changes increase the capacity for self-understanding and self-awareness, they also have some negative consequences for self as well. Because adolescents do not yet have the perspective on self that will come with experience, these cognitive developments, along with the other changes that come after puberty, can lead to a heightened sensitivity to self-experience and a preoccupation with what others think about them. Adolescent egocentrism is the term for this adolescent self-focus, and it includes two different dimensions of experience, the imaginary audience and the personal fable. The imaginary audience refers to the heightened selfconsciousness, with the belief that everyone is watching, that emerges out of the interaction between these cognitive, physical, and social changes. The personal fable refers to the false sense of invincibility and self-importance that comes with this personal preoccupation. These two elements are of special concern, because they mean that, as adolescents turn to new reference groups (e.g., peers) to define who they are as persons, they are more likely to be influenced by peer conformity or to take risks in social situations (e.g., drug use, drinking and driving) without acknowledging the reality of the negative consequences that can follow. These factors also contribute to the concerns with body image and other mental health problems that increase across the adolescent years. All these changes in the experience of the adolescent also provide a new drive to make sense of how the self fits into the world as a soon-to-be adult. With new social expectations for choices (e.g.,

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whether to get a part-time job, what electives to take in school) and a new orientation toward the future, adolescents are confronted with the challenge of choosing an identity, a coherent sense of self that defines who one is and wants to be in the future. Although some adolescents may experience this challenge to define one’s self as a crisis and may explore a range of possible selves they could be, most adolescents are able to successfully achieve a sense of identity that provides continuity, stability, and unity to their sense of self in the world. Phame Camarena See also Autonomy; Conformity; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Personality; Self-Consciousness; Self-Esteem; Temperament References and further reading Baumeister, Roy F. 1986. Identity: Cultural Change and the Struggle for Self. New York: Oxford University Press. Brinthaupt, Thomas, and Richard Lipka, eds. 1992. The Self: Definitional and Methodological Issues. Albany: State University of New York Press. Brown, Jonathon W. 1998. The Self. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Damon, William, and Daniel Hart. 1988. Self Understanding in Childhood and Adolescence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kihlstrom, John F., and Stanley B. Klein. 1997. “Self-Knowledge and SelfAwareness.” Pp. 5–17 in The Self across Psychology: Self-Recognition, SelfAwareness, and the Self-Concept. Edited by Joan Gay Snodgrass and Robert L. Thommpson. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Lester, Marilyn. 1984. “Self: Sociological Portraits.” Pp. 19–68 in The Existential Self in Society. Edited by Joseph A. Kotarba and Andrea Fontana. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Levin, Jerome D. 1992. Theories of the Self. Washington, DC: Hemisphere Publishing. Scheibe, Karl E. 1995. Self Studies. Westport, CT: Praeger.

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Turner, John C., and Rina S. Onorato. 1999. “Social Identity, Personality, and the Self-Concept: A Self-Categorization Perspective.” Pp. 11–46 in The Psychology of the Social Self. Edited by Tom R. Tyler, Roderick M. Kramer, and Oliver P. John. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Elbaum Associates.

Self-Consciousness Self-consciousness involves thinking and feeling critically about oneself and may also involve a sense that one is being scrutinized by others. Self-consciousness is related to identity development, which is one of the major developmental tasks of adolescence and young adulthood. Feelings of self-consciousness are common in adolescents, and yet many adolescents do not realize that their peers have similar feelings. Self-consciousness often keeps teenagers trapped with their own feelings of insecurity, fearing that if they share these feelings they will be met with ridicule from others. Understanding that these feelings are normal and common is an important step in helping teenagers feel somewhat more comfortable with themselves. Self-consciousness is not specific to adolescents; many if not most people have feelings of self-consciousness at one time or another. However, adolescence seems to be a period of heightened self-consciousness. There have been some interesting theories suggested to explain this phenomenon. Some psychologists suggest that adolescents are in a period of egocentrism. Egocentrism is defined as self-absorption. This self-absorption leads to a view of the world that tends to be self-focused and to exclude other people’s point of view. Adolescent self-absorption can make teens highly critical of others, in that they do not necessarily consider the perspective of

another when making a judgment. Instead, teens make judgments based solely on their own point of view and assume that others share their point of view. There are two components of adolescent egocentrism. The first component, which refers most directly to self-consciousness, is called the imaginary audience. The imaginary audience is the adolescent’s perception that he or she is the focus of the attention of others. The imaginary audience is used to explain the adolescent perception that everybody is looking at them, for better or worse. In other words, adolescents often feel as though people are staring at them, noticing every blemish and shortcoming. For example, in a room full of people many teenagers are certain that everyone else has noticed their bad hair day or the pimple on their forehead. The imaginary audience also suggests that teenagers often feel as if they are “on stage.” This helps to explain why teens often seem to wonder, both to themselves and out loud, why everybody is staring at them, even when in fact nobody is paying any attention to them at all. The second component of adolescent egocentrism is known as the personal fable. The personal fable suggests that at the same time that teenagers are certain that everyone is watching them, they also believe themselves to be unique and unlike anyone else. Teens often believe that nobody else can possibly understand their experience, because it is completely unique. This personal fable has a number of practical implications. Feeling that one is unique and that one’s experience is unlike that of anyone else can create a sense of isolation and distance. Teens may find it hard to believe that parents and other adults can understand them or empathize with them, since they see themselves and their experience as so dif-

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ing and thus hamper judgment and decision making. It is not uncommon for adolescents to engage in risky behavior and report that they did so because they did not believe that anything bad could happen to them. For example, teenagers who drink and drive rarely believe that they will hurt themselves or others. Similarly, despite book knowledge to the contrary, teens engaging in unprotected sex do not believe that they will become pregnant, make someone pregnant, or contract AIDS or other sexually transmitted diseases. Feelings of invulnerability and invincibility are certainly interesting given the elevated level of self-consciousness among adolescents. On one hand, teens are highly critical of themselves and others, always sure that they are being watched. On the other hand, they seem to have difficulty accepting the very real risks to their safety that do exist. Deborah N. Margolis Self-consciousness involves thinking and feeling critically about oneself. (Skjold Photographs)

ferent and distinct. For example, a teenager experiencing family problems may believe that she must keep these problems to herself because no one else could possibly have similar problems or feelings. This, in fact, may be related to and help explain the isolation that many teens feel in their own self-consciousness. Beyond feelings of uniqueness, the personal fable may create a sense of invulnerability and invincibility for the adolescent. Invulnerability and invincibility refer to feelings of being immune to or safe from problems that plague others. Feelings of invulnerability and invincibility can seriously distort adolescent think-

See also Anxiety; Body Image; Conformity; Ethnocentrism; Fears; Identity; Self; Self-Esteem; Shyness References and further reading Elkind, David. 1998. All Grown Up and No Place to Go, revised ed. Cambridge, MA: Perseus. Kastner, Laura, and Jennifer Wyatt. 1997. The Seven Year Stretch. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Ryan, R., and R. Kuczkowski. 1994. “The Imaginary Audience, SelfConsciousness, and Public Individuation in Adolescence.” Journal of Personality 62: 219–238. Rycek, K. E., S. L. Stuhr, J. McDermott, J. Benker, and M. D. Swartz. 1998. “Adolescent Egocentrism and Cognitive Functioning during Late Adolescence.” Adolescence 33: 746–750.

Self-Esteem Self-esteem refers to an individual’s selfevaluation. Self-acceptance, respect for

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Adolescents with high self-esteem are often motivated to succeed. (Laura Dwight)

one’s own worth as a person, and liking oneself are all aspects of self-esteem. Selfesteem can be simply assessed by answering the question, “How much do I like the kind of person I am?” Research indicates that self-esteem is important to mental health and achievement. Adolescents with high self-esteem are often motivated to succeed and do well in school. They typically have positive ways of solving life’s problems and effective ways of coping, which reduce the harmful effects of stress. Low selfesteem, on the other hand, has been associated with a variety of emotional and behavioral disorders, including anxiety, depression, eating disorders, and delin-

quency. Since the developmental stressors of adolescence pose risks to selfesteem and emotional well-being, an understanding of the development of selfesteem, especially during adolescence, is crucial to anyone who works with young people. Obviously self-esteem is important, and scholars have paid a good deal of attention to how it develops. Some psychological theorists suggest that support, caring, and nurturance from parents and other caretakers during infancy and childhood contribute to a view of oneself as worthy of care. This does not mean that self-esteem is determined only by experiences early in life. Ongoing experiences at school and in the neighborhood and community also affect self-esteem. Adolescents who feel that they are liked by their close friends, classmates, teachers, and parents are also likely to feel good about themselves. Whether or not they are successful in areas they judge to be important also affects their self-esteem. For example, if athletics and academic achievement are important to a person, doing well in those areas will be important to maintaining positive self-esteem. Self-esteem may fluctuate at different ages. For example, between the ages of eleven and thirteen, some adolescents experience a drop in self-esteem. The increased freedom experienced by teens after age thirteen is believed to contribute to a gradual increase in self-esteem during the high school and college years. Not all teens, however, experience loss of selfesteem in early adolescence. In fact, across the transitions to middle school and to college, some teens experience gains in self-esteem, while others report little change. Social, biological, and cognitive factors have been used to explain the changes in

Self-Esteem self-esteem that sometimes occur during early adolescence. Socially, early adolescents are often making the transition from the security of an elementary school classroom, where they are well known by teachers and close friends, to the more impersonal and larger environment of the middle school, where they have to deal with many teachers who expect them to complete more difficult work with less teacher support. More competition among classmates, stricter grading, and decreased teacher attention can threaten self-esteem. Biologically, some early adolescents are entering puberty and may be stressed by coping simultaneously with changes at school. Teenagers who are physically mature may experience high social and academic expectations by adults and peers who assume these teens are older than they really are. Teenagers may also become more focused on their physical appearance and attractiveness to members of the opposite sex, which can also contribute to negative self-evaluation. Early puberty and a preoccupation with physical appearance make some early adolescent girls especially vulnerable to a decline in self-esteem. Cognitively, thinking processes move from being more concrete to more abstract during the adolescent years. Whereas a child is likely to describe the self in physical terms (e.g., tall, browneyed) or simple feelings (e.g., happy), adolescents are more likely to describe the self using abstract concepts, such as wishes, motivations, and complex emotions. Since these abstract characteristics are more difficult to assess in direct ways, some adolescents develop unrealistic selfconcepts and self-evaluations. Abstract reasoning skills also enable the adolescent to become more introspective or inward looking. They often become more

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self-conscious and concerned about what others think. When they imagine that peers and important adults are thinking about them negatively, self-esteem can suffer. Adolescents also describe themselves in a greater number of social roles. The self may interact differently with mother, father, close friend, teacher, coach, classmate, and romantic partner, and adolescents may evaluate themselves differently in each of these relationships. This can be confusing to the younger adolescent, who is not able to figure out who is the “real me.” The more advanced cognitive skills of older adolescents enable them to realize that it is common to behave and interact differently with different people and enable them to develop views of the ideal self or the self that one would like to be. Although these ideals can contribute to negative self-evaluations, they can also be a source of motivation and incentive to work hard. Although teenagers do not have control over many factors that impact selfesteem (such as family conflict, societal prejudices, and job opportunities available for young people), there are a number of strategies that adolescents can employ to maintain or enhance self-esteem. Adolescents should become actively involved in activities that match their interests and skills. Teens can learn how to identify caring adults in their schools, neighborhoods, and communities who can provide support, guidance, and assistance as needed. The support of these adults may be enlisted in developing and carrying out plans for improvements in the schools, neighborhoods, and communities. Recognizing that one has done something positive to enhance one’s community or improve one’s future often provides a boost to self-esteem. Because the opinions of others often impact self-esteem,

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teens should critically evaluate the sources and accuracy of information that are being incorporated into the evaluation of self. Sometimes one discovers that negative self-evaluations are based upon inaccurate views of the self. It is important that teens and the adults who care about them recognize that there are many strategies that can help teens cope with the challenges of adolescence in ways that contribute to enhanced selfesteem. Maureen E. Kenny See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Attractiveness, Physical; Developmental Assets; Ethnocentrism; Identity; Mentoring and Youth Development; Self References and further reading Hart, Daniel. 1988. “The Adolescent SelfConcept in Social Context.” Pp. 71–90 in Self, Ego, and Identity. Edited by Daniel Lapsley and F. Clark Power. New York: Springer-Verlag. Harter, Susan. 1999. The Construction of the Self: A Developmental Perspective. New York: Guilford Press. Markus, Hazel, and Paula Nurius. 1986. “Possible Selves.” American Psychologist 41: 954–969.

Self-Injury Self-injury can be defined as deliberate attempts to harm or damage oneself without suicidal intent. A number of terms have been used to describe the habit of self-injury, including self-mutilation, self-abuse, and deliberate self-harm, and it can include such behaviors as cutting, burning, scratching, hair pulling, interfering with the healing of wounds, head banging, swallowing sharp objects, and bone breaking. Self-injurious behaviors occur on a broad continuum, and it is

important to understand the behaviors in the individual’s context. For example, tattoos and body piercings by U.S. teens, while altering the skin or damaging it, are not considered self-injurious because of the acceptance of these behaviors in Western culture. Although self-injury can occur in a variety of populations and across the life span, self-injury has become an increasingly serious problem for adolescents, who use self-injury as a means of coping with extreme psychological distress. The reasons why adolescents engage in self-injurious behaviors are complex, and researchers have only begun to identify the characteristics of those who selfinjure and the causes of their behavior. Often superficial to moderate self-injury occurs in the context of psychiatric conditions or disorders. More severe and stereotypic (i.e., repetitive and rhythmic) self-injury is associated with developmental disorders (e.g., mental retardation) and psychotic disorders. Superficial or moderate self-injurious behaviors typically begin in early adolescence, involve methods with a low level of lethality, and can occur once or may continue over many years with repetitive episodes. Selfinjury can begin as experimentation, but may become a habitual way of coping with stress. Skin cutting is the most prevalent type of self-injurious behavior, but most individuals engage in multiple methods. The damage is rarely life threatening, and the wounds are often made on hidden parts of the body. However, selfinjury can be dangerous, resulting in permanent scarring or infections; it can even lead to death by accidentally cutting a vein. Often adolescents who self-injure feel a sense of shame or social stigma, which may result in hiding these behaviors and wounds from others. For this rea-

Self-Injury son, research on determining the rate of self-injury among teenagers has been difficult. Researchers have estimated that approximately 2 million Americans engage in superficial or moderate selfinjury each year (Favazza and Conterio, 1988). Although most evidence suggests that more girls than boys engage in selfinjurious behaviors, boys are still at risk Self-injury usually occurs in a trancelike state called dissociation. Adolescents who self-injure often cannot resist the impulses to commit these acts, and they seek out the physical pain as a calming effect to counter the distress they are feeling. Self-injury, however, may have several intentions, including to release tension, to return to reality, to establish control, to gain a sense of security and uniqueness, to influence others, to counter negative perceptions of the self, to vent anger, or to enhance or repress sexual feelings. Self-injury is sometimes viewed as an attempt at selfhelp that provides fast, but temporary, relief from overwhelming psychological distress. Self-injury can also be a means of being in control, of channeling anger, of keeping in touch with reality, and of avoiding a severe depression. Biological factors have been implicated in perpetuating self-injury. For example, hormones (e.g., endorphins) are released when the body is injured that fight anxiety and depression. Adolescents who self-injure often feel powerless, have difficulty trusting others with emotions, feel isolated or alienated, feel afraid, and have low self-esteem. Self-injury is also associated with a number of clinical symptoms and disorders, including depression, drug and alcohol abuse, negative body image, frequent problems with eating and eating disorders, and obsessive-compulsive disorder.

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Self-injury has been viewed as a method of relieving the adolescent of emotional pain brought on by overwhelming psychological distress, such as depression, anxiety, or extreme anger. In addition, self-injury in adolescents has also been associated with disrupted family situations, such as family conflict and parental alcoholism and depression. Self-injury may also occur in adolescents who experience a loss or disruption of an important interpersonal relationship. Selfinjurious behaviors can occur as a generalized reaction to stress in relationships, as a means to reduce the adolescents’ own feelings of frustration, anger, or anxiety, while at the same time communicating their feelings to others. Adolescents engaging in self-injurious behaviors often have difficulty verbally expressing their feelings and gain a sense of relief from overwhelming feelings after committing these acts. Some adolescents may also be exbihitionistic about their self-injurious behaviors in order to gain the attention of important people in their lives. Histories of trauma have also been associated with self-injurious behaviors in adolescents. For example, childhood physical and sexual abuse, as well as parental neglect and parental separation, are strongly associated with adolescent self-injury. Other evidence suggests a relationship between self-injury and body alienation, which may be related to chronic childhood illnesses. Adolescents who have had childhood illnesses, such as diabetes, asthma, epilepsy, and cardiac illnesses, and ongoing or invasive medical treatments, have been found to be more likely to self-injure than those who have not had childhood illnesses or major surgical procedures. Often, self-injurious behaviors are mistaken for suicidal gestures. It is true that

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some adolescents who self-injure also become suicidal. The two phenomena are, however, distinct in important ways, such as intent, method, lethality, and number of acts. Still, both behaviors are self-directed, result in concrete physical harm, are often the result of frustrated psychological needs, and reflect lifelong coping patterns. Both are of grave concern to friends, parents, teachers, counselors, and other mental health professionals. Most adolescents seek treatment for other problems, such as depression, and not for self-injurious behaviors. However, not everyone who engages in self-injurious behaviors has a severe psychological problem. Some warning signs to be aware of include increased depression, feeling overwhelmed with relationship or sexual issues, having been abused, or hurting oneself to manage one’s emotions. Individuals who self-injure may seek treatment from community mental health centers, local clinics, hospitals, and other specialized treatment programs. Laura A. Gallagher

See also Depression; Physical Abuse; Risk Behaviors; Self-Consciousness; Suicide References and further reading Favazza, Armando R. 1996. Bodies under Siege: Self-Mutilation and Body Modification in Culture and Pyschiatry, 2nd ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ———. 1989. “Why Patients Mutilate Themselves.” Hospital and Community Psychiatry 40, no. 2: 137–145. Favazza, Armando R., and Karen Conterio. 1988. “The Plight of Chronic SelfMutilators.” Community Mental Health Journal 24, no. 1: 22–30. Levenkron, Steven. 1998. Cutting: Understanding and Overcoming SelfMutilation. New York: Norton. Strong, Marilee. 1998. A Bright Red Scream: Self-Mutilation and the Language of Pain. New York: Viking.

Suyemoto, Karen L., and Marian L. McDonald. 1995. “Self-Cutting in Female Adolescents” Psychotherapy 32, no. 1: 162–171. Walsh, Barent W., and Paul M. Rosen. 1988. Self-Mutilation: Theory, Research, and Practice. New York: Guilford Press. Winchel, Ronald M., and Michael Stanley. 1991. “Self-Injurious Behavior: A Review of the Behavior and Biology of Self-Mutilation.” American Journal of Psychiatry 148, no. 3: 306–317.

Services for Adolescents This entry summarizes state-of-the-art knowledge about services for adolescent behavioral, emotional, and mental health problems discussed in other chapters. Adolescence is a time of high morbidity and mortality related to problems including violent behavior, substance use, unwed pregnancy, depression, suicide, anxiety, school failure, and peer difficulties. Each of these problems is associated with a youth’s community and family environment and mental health. However, existing interventions are scarce and fragmented. Treatment, when provided, usually attempts to intervene only with the individual, often focuses on attitudes rather than the actual problem, and ignores the environment. Nevertheless, on the positive side, there is increasing recognition of the need for effective action. Recently, prompted by the dramatically increasing rates of adolescent problems, governmental and public health sectors have jointly called for mobilization and coordination of comprehensive efforts to develop new interventions. The Services Needs of Adolescents Adolescence is a very unusual period physiologically and historically. Except for the infancy/toddler age, it is charac-

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Youth services provide sources of support and guidance for young people. (Urban Archives, Philadelphia)

terized by the steepest growth curve in a human’s life. Unlike a baby, the adolescent is conscious of these changes and must confront them to establish a sense of identity. Also, today, for the first time in history, adolescents are more at risk for permanent injury and death from problems that are not primarily biomedical. The initiation of risky behavior is occurring at progressively younger ages, and the proportion of adolescents who come from disadvantaged groups (who are at higher risk for behavior problems) is increasing. Adolescence is a time to develop the skills and knowledge that will lead to a productive, satisfying, healthy adulthood. Yet many adolescent

risk behaviors threaten future development. These include unwed pregnancy, unprotected sexual activity, violent behavior, and substance use. Further, risk behaviors seldom occur alone. Adolescents engaging in one risk behavior are likely to engage in many such behaviors and have other associated mental health problems. Many of these behaviors increase in frequency and intensity during adolescence, and many mild risk behaviors (such as experimentation with tobacco use or occasional alcohol use) serve as gateways for more risky involvement in later adolescence or adulthood. Need for services may be conceptualized in terms of diagnoses, symptoms, or

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functioning. Many adolescents have clusters of symptoms severe enough to be distressing or disabling. Research has estimated that between one-quarter and one-fifth of adolescents need services because they have mental health problems that meet diagnostic criteria. The rates for need of services by those who have distressing or disabling symptoms yet who do not meet diagnostic criteria would be much higher. Where Adolescents Can Find Services Adolescents are minors, and they are often reluctant or unable to seek services on their own. For example, youths may not be able to obtain services without a guardian’s permission, may not have the money or insurance to pay for services, may not have transportation to get to services, or may not believe that services can help them. Youths tend to be directed to services by their parents, teachers, physicians, social workers, juvenile justice authorities, and other adults. Large proportions of these “gateway” individuals come from four types of public-service sectors: primary health, child welfare, juvenile justice, and education. Providers from these sectors or informal sectors (e.g., clergy, family, friends, or self-help groups) often have the first contact with the youth and identify the problem. Even when they cannot offer direct services for behavioral or emotional problems, their actions in referral, consultation, and liaison help youth access services. The primary health and education sectors would appear to be universal sources of gateway services. In fact, few youths actually receive services in specialty mental health settings (e.g., mental health clinics, community mental health centers, or psychiatric outpatient depart-

ments); most receive such care through the education or primary health gateway sectors. Unfortunately, the financial capacity of the educational system to provide services is limited. Primary health providers, such as family doctors and city health clinics, are the second most likely gateway providers to be consulted; however, youths frequently do not discuss their emotional or behavioral problems with their healthcare providers. In order to provide services, these gateway providers must recognize that a youth needs services. Yet research shows large discrepancies between need for services and provider identification of need. The clustering of several mental health problems, functional impairments, and risk factors all influence identification of need for services. Gateway providers, including teachers, may be more likely to recognize behavior that disrupts classes or disturbs others, and fail to pay attention to problems such as depression or anxiety. However, even when a provider knows a youth needs services, services and treatments specifically designed for adolescents are often unavailable. Risk Factors Services for problems need to focus on factors that cause or maintain those problems, or factors that might protect a youth from such problems. A number of risk factors might predispose youths to need services. These risk factors include biological or genetic contributions, the youth’s environment (both social and physical), individual personality factors, and behavioral factors (or lifestyles). In addition, a number of protective factors can also fall into any of the above categories. For instance, a supportive family

Services for Adolescents environment and other external support systems may protect highly stressed youth. We know that risks and protectors work together in complex ways. The ecological and bio-psycho-social perspectives focus on interactions among multiple systems as they determine physical and mental health and social functioning. Research within the field of developmental psychopathology has examined the complex interplay between personal and environmental risk and protective factors in determining behavioral and mental health outcomes. The difficulty lies in distinguishing the relative influence of biological, psychological, social, communal, and economic factors so that services can efficiently target the most important factors. Individual Risk Factors. Individual differences may be present from birth. For example, physiology contributes to many behavior and mental health problems. Many youths with such problems also have problems with attention, memory, and social-cognitive processing. These problems may have their roots in hormonal or neurotransmitter problems, or may be related to environmental contaminants such as lead poisoning. Several studies show an association between genetics and other mental health problems, specifically depression, suicidal tendencies, and substance abuse. Peer Risk Factors. Peers provide the motivation, rationalization, attitudes, opportunities, and reinforcement for many adolescent behavior problems, including violence, unprotected sex, and substance use. In fact, peers may even punish prosocial behaviors.

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Family Risk Factors. Many behavior or mental health problems may have roots in early childhood through physical abuse, as well as observation of similar behaviors in families and in the community. Intervention studies support this association by showing that when parents adopt more positive, consistent, and less physical styles of discipline, their children’s antisocial behavior declines. School Risk Factors. Youths who have mental health or behavioral problems often also have school problems. This suggests that school environment and student attitudes toward education are important risk factors. When school is valued and considered a viable option, misbehavior is reduced. Alternatively, some assert that school problems and other behavioral or mental health problems are both symptoms of deeper root problems. Community Risk Factors. Aspects of the community or neighborhood may make a youth more likely to need services. Community problems include the presence of gangs, underemployment, economic deprivation, the availability and use of illicit drugs, and access to lethal weapons. In the United States, many risk factors are associated with minority status and low socioeconomic status. For example, minority communities have high rates of violent behavior, unprotected sex, substance use, suicide, and the like. Nevertheless, much of the racial variation in such behaviors may be due to community differences. Increased levels of such problems are also associated with community mobility, social disorganization, breakdowns of formal and informal social controls, and tolerant attitudes toward such behaviors.

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Prevention Programs Although we know about the types of risk factors, we do not understand why, given similar risk factors, some youths never develop problems, some engage in sporadic experimentation with problem behaviors and then desist, and some develop serious problems. Obviously there must be some protectors at work. Prevention programs help youths resist the development of serious problems by mitigating risks and enhancing potential protectors. The literature on prevention programs remains woefully underdeveloped. It consists largely of calls for action. Knowledge about prevention is fragmented, with little good outcome research. Prevention focuses on reducing access to means for problem behaviors such as substance use or violence, controlling media, enhancing prosocial skills, intervening with peers and families, reducing risk factors, and intervening at multisystemic community levels. Prevention by Reducing Access to Risks. Some preventive interventions to reduce substance abuse have focused on carding teens who try to purchase cigarettes, enforcing age minimums for alcohol purchase, and prosecuting illicit drug dealers and users. Similarly, some preventive interventions for violence have focused on firearm reduction by enforcing current laws and reducing the availability of firearms. Prevention through the Mass Media. Volunteer groups and legislators have called on the media to deglamorize unprotected sex, substance use, and violence. For example, legislators have demanded more accurate portrayal of violence and its consequences by the entertainment industry.

Prevention through Developing Life Skills. Life skills training teaches communication approaches, conflict resolution, anger management, and social skills. Such programs assume that many behavior problems are learned, and so they can be changed and prevented. Thus, these programs usually target youths from dysfunctional families or communities with high rates of problems. They may address factors indirectly associated with a problem, such as low academic achievement or drug use for gang prevention, and may include a combination of life skills training, mentoring, self-esteem development, peer tutoring, and education. These programs may begin as early as preschool in order to prevent later behavioral problems. Clearly, many youths lack such skills as problem solving, communication, and anger control. However, we know that these skills can be learned, particularly if the training is implemented at an early age. Therefore, preschool or elementary school social skills training would be an appropriate preventive intervention. Effective prevention would also involve changing youths’ future outlook through goal setting and/or job training. Many youths involved in problem behavior have no future goals, and cannot visualize themselves respectably and gainfully employed. Therefore, changing the individual youth’s perception of her future, and preparation for that future, would be helpful. Note that it is financially easier to influence the perception of one’s future than it is to influence actual opportunities. However, it is also possible to better prepare youths to take advantage of existing opportunities. School-based life skill programs have one distinct advantage: Because school attendance is mandatory, the programs

Services for Adolescents can involve virtually all youths in a community. Unfortunately, data suggest that such interventions have limited behavioral success within the school setting, and no studies show that reducing problem behavior in primary school generalizes to later behavior in the community. It is especially difficult to transfer prosocial behaviors to youths’ everyday environments if those environments are disadvantaged or nonsupportive. Prevention through Peers. Peer counseling and peer mediation are used to decrease violence, delinquency, and antisocial behaviors, as well as to increase the likelihood of using protection during sexual behavior, and so on. The rationale behind such peer programs is that adolescents may listen to the advice of their peers more than to that of adults. Unfortunately, no conclusive data show that peer programs are effective. In fact, some have concluded that peer counseling may even have negative effects on delinquency and associated risk factors, such as academic failure, rebelliousness, and lack of commitment to school. However, youth-led programs that document personal experiences or provide activities to fill idle time (such as basketball tournaments, game room activities, and dancing) give some evidence of effectiveness. Prevention through the Family. Attempts to alter high-risk family systems are another common approach to the prevention of behavioral and mental health problems in adolescence. Such programs generally target at-risk families with younger children. Parent training programs teach child and family management skills, and address both family conflict and early antisocial behavior. Marital and family therapy approaches focus on changing the

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dysfunctional patterns of family interactions, and addressing risk factors such as poor family management, family conflict, and early antisocial behavior. Studies of these interventions have demonstrated a significant reduction in children’s antisocial behavior and possible long-term preventive effects on delinquency. However, such programs are least successful with the most high risk families (e.g., those with multiple problems, including high conflict, unemployment, poverty, illness, and low stability). Prevention through Community Intervention. The personal interventions of skills training, goal setting, influencing perception, and efforts to develop selfesteem are all likely to fail unless intervention includes consideration of youths’ environments. Youths’ environments include families, school, peers, and neighborhoods. The acceptability and modeling of problem behaviors must be reduced at all levels. This is not easy, as issues of censorship, the profit-making motive of the media, societal welfare, and individual freedom must be balanced. Community interventions are based on the presumption that resource inequity, high tolerance of problem behaviors, and a sense of powerlessness and lack of control compound youths’ problems. Community prevention, therefore, focuses on decreasing cultural acceptance of the problem behaviors (such as violence, unwed pregnancy, or substance use), decreasing racial and gender discrimination, and supporting more positive role models. Community interventions include resource enhancement such as mobilizing community members and coordinating better financing for mental health, drug abuse, and social service programs. They also include services such as providing role models,

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family interventions, neighborhood projects, education, and job training. Often they include criminal justice involvement through improving police images and increasing police-resident interaction. The youths’ environment must have increased positive opportunities for activities that will reduce the likelihood of engaging in problem behavior and decrease the opportunities for problem behavior to flourish. Many adolescent problem behaviors occur during idle moments when groups of youths are unsupervised. Programs trying to increase constructive idle time include midnight basketball leagues and other clubs, sports activities, or choir activities sponsored by churches and community centers. Neighborhood environments can be enhanced through positive adult role models and desirable future opportunities. Many gender- and ethnic-specific mentor and role-model programs have already been instituted. These programs must also provide the educational, financial, and social support youths need to emulate the models. In many areas where risk behaviors are highest, the most common employment opportunities are through an underground illicit economy that allows the growth of gangs, unprotected sex, substance use, and violent behaviors. Real possibilities for gainful employment and for adequate, effective, and appropriate education would be effective services. Unfortunately, although community approaches with an evaluation component have produced evidence of attitudinal changes, they have been unable to document changes in behavior. Services Available to Adolescents Who Already Have Serious Problems Because we have addressed programs targeting at-risk youths and communities in

the prevention section, the following discussion concentrates on adolescents who already have serious behavioral or mental health problems. Treatment approaches have the same major problems as prevention approaches. In addition, in many areas, services for teens, such as drug abuse treatment, are unavailable. Even when services for a problem are available, communities are often not involved, and services are both uncoordinated and underfunded. Therapeutic Approaches. Treatments for youths are based on three different psychological perspectives: (1) psychosocial, (2) humanistic/nondirective, and (3) behavioral. (Note that we are excluding a discussion of psychopharmacological treatment in this chapter, as that is a separate medical issue.) Under each of those three categories, a whole range of specific approaches can be listed. For example, the psychosocial approach includes psychodynamic, psychoanalytic, and interpersonal approaches. The behavioral approach includes social learning and cognitive behavioral approaches. All three psychological perspectives share the concept that problems are due to a shortcoming within the individual, and treatment can be either short or long term. Additionally, a number of shortterm treatments, largely deriving from the behavioral perspective, focus primarily on solving problems. These include task-centered or solution-focused therapies, psychoeducation, and bibliotherapy. All three psychological perspectives assume that, if interventions target the deficiency in an individual, effective and healthy behavior will follow. Some reviewers of evaluated interventions conclude that no approach is clearly superior. Others argue that the results of

Services for Adolescents repeated evaluation studies tend to support the effectiveness of behavioral approaches. Unfortunately, many therapeutic interventions are crippled by the problematic nature of the families of disturbed youths. For instance, youths may be coping with an incarcerated parent, a drugusing parent, and/or an unstable and violence-filled home. Further, youths may lack adequate food and shelter, supervision, and schooling. Youths themselves may have addiction problems that limit their ability to take advantage of other therapies. Also, many problem behaviors revolve around alcohol and drugs, which both make users more apt to engage in problem behaviors by lowering their inhibitions and create a need to continue to engage in other problem behaviors to obtain alcohol and drugs. Residential or Inpatient Treatments. Residential or inpatient treatments provide youths with individual intervention while removing them from society. Unfortunately, services are not always available and are expensive, and positive results may not transfer to youths’ homes upon release. Further, many programs are designed to address a single issue, and are thus unprepared to cope with a youth who is, for example, both a substance abuser and suicidal. Also, youths with extreme behavioral problems may tax the resources of residential placements and put other residents at risk. Therefore, many programs are unwilling to accept youths with violent antisocial behavior problems. Many such youths are shuffled from one program to another and finally end up in jails. Criminal Justice Treatment. Traditionally, youths engaging in delinquent, vio-

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lent, or substance abuse behaviors were removed from society and placed in juvenile detention centers or jails. Mainstream criminology views clinical services as ineffective and prefers punishment. However, the criminal justice approach alone has never been proven effective. Crowded and poorly supervised residential, inpatient, or juvenile detention facilities expose healthier youths to more disturbed youths. Sometimes the justice system also provides psychological treatment, and that approach has produced a substantial reduction in recidivism. Such services include more intensive treatment of higher risk cases, services targeted at reducing the offenders’ need to commit criminal behavior, and services tailored to the abilities and learning style of the offenders. For youths whose major service option appears to be jail, diversion programs are popular. Examples of diversion programs include wilderness experiences and boot camps. Wilderness camping programs attempt to remove youths from their normal surroundings and challenge them to cooperate for survival. Unfortunately, neither program consistently shows long-term positive effects. Systems Approaches A number of therapeutic approaches take a more systemic approach by looking at youths’ environments. This addresses what we know about the many interacting causes and protectors of risk behaviors. Originally systems theory approaches focused on the family system. But it has become clear that individuals interact with multiple systems, including their families, their peers, their communities, and their schools. Therefore, a spate of systems-based interventions, ranging from family therapy to group therapy, has incorporated the theoretical approaches of the

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individual therapies. They deal with the youth’s problem as it interacts with the family, the school, peers, neighborhoods, communities, and so on. Recently, some treatment approaches for adolescents have broadened their approach to attempt to deal with multiple and interactive causalities. For example, multisystemic treatments (MST) combine cognitive intrapersonal strategies with family, peer, and school interventions. The approach involves collaborative work with the school, parents, teachers, and peers. Research shows behavioral improvements lasting up to one year, and reduced recidivism at a four-year follow-up. Clearly, adolescent behavioral and mental health problems are manifestations of complex economic, environmental, political, cultural, educational, and behavioral factors. Services must echo that complexity through the coordination of services (including public health, healthcare, mental health, criminal justice, social service, education, and the media) and foci of responses. Further, prevention programs must be developmentally and culturally appropriate and comprehensive, they must target risk groups, and they must include assessment. Literature, research, and experience quite clearly point to the necessity of increasing multifaceted interventions targeting multiple risk factors. Improvement of access to care would be easier to achieve if there were coordination of care across services and service sectors. Then multifaceted and multilevel services could take into account adolescents’ internal factors, developmental stages, social networks, and cultural backgrounds. Arlene Rubin Stiffman

See also Counseling; High School Equivalency Degree; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Programs for Adolescents References and further reading Bandura, Albert. 1986. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. 1980. “Ecology of Childhood.” School Psychology Review 9, no. 4: 294–297. Burns, Barbara, Carl A. Taube, and John E. Taube. 1990. Use of Mental Health Sector Services by Adolescents: 1975, 1980, 1986. Paper prepared under contract for the Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development and the Carnegie Corporation of New York, for the Office of Technology Assessment, U.S. Congress, Washington, DC. Springfield, VA: National Technical Information Service (NTIS No. PB 91–154 344/AS). DiClemente, Ralph J., William Hansen, and Lynn Ponton, eds. 1996. Handbook of Adolescent Health Risk Behavior. New York: Plenum Publishing. Henggeler, Scott W., Sonja K. Schoenwald, Charles M. Borduin, Melisa D. Rowland, and Phillippe B. Cunningham. 1998. Multisystemic Treatment of Antisocial Behavior in Children and Adolescents. New York: Guilford Press. Hurrelmann, Klaus, and Stephen F. Hamilton, eds. 1996. Social Problems and Social Contexts in Adolescence: Perspectives across Boundaries. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Jessor, Richard, and Shirley L. Jessor. 1977. Problem Behavior and Psycho-Social Development: A Longitudinal Study of Youth. New York: Academic Press. McWhirter, J. Jeffries, Benedict T. McWhirter, Anna M. McWhirter, and Ellen Hawley McWhirter. 1993. At-Risk Youth: A Comprehensive Response. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks-Cole. Rolf, Jon E., Ann S. Masten, Dante Cicchetti, Keith H. Nuechterlein, and Sheldon Weintraub, eds. 1990. Risk and Protective Factors in the Development of Psychopathology. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 1990. Healthy People 2000:

Sex Differences National Health Promotion and Disease Prevention Objectives. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Sex Differences Adolescence is the stage during which sex differences become much more marked, and it is crucial that those who work with adolescents understand the nature of those differences and be prepared to help young people understand them. At the same time, they need to be aware of the controversies that remain over whether those differences are caused by nature or nurture. There are many ways in which females and males are different. Some of these differences can be seen before birth, while others develop later in life. Some differences are biological, while others are influenced by society and experience. This section will address sex differences in physical development and growth, as well as differences in ability. The emphasis of this section is on sex differences, or those differences between males and females that are thought to be influenced primarily by biology and genetics (i.e., nature). Gender differences, on the other hand, are differences between males and females that are primarily shaped by society, culture, and the environment (i.e., nurture). The distinction between sex differences and gender differences is not always clear. Even experts in these areas of research do not always agree on where to draw the line between nature and nurture. How much are differences between people due to the fact that they are genetically female or male, and how much are they due to the way society raises girls and boys? For example, it is often found

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that males perform better than females on tasks that involve mentally moving and turning objects in their minds (spatial tasks), a finding that will be discussed later. Some experts interpret this difference as biological in nature, which would explain why males tend to be drawn toward working with tools and physical sports more than women are. However, other experts believe that this difference is due to the opportunities and experiences that males have through childhood and adolescence, such as playing sports or working with tools, which increase their ability for spatial tasks. In reality, it is likely that nature and nurture both contribute to the development of sex differences, with some differences being influenced more by nature than nurture and vice versa. Basic Differences The most basic sex difference between females and males is their genetic makeup. At conception, genes from the mother and father are combined. It takes a pair of chromosomes to create a human being, and each parent contributes one chromosome to the pair. The mother always contributes an X chromosome, and the father always contributes a Y chromosome. Two X chromosomes (XX) create a female offspring, while one X and one Y chromosome (XY) create a male. One of the most obvious differences between females and males is the appearance and function of their sexual organs. Although this difference is obvious in children and adults, it is impossible to tell the difference between females and males by looking at the genitals of fetuses. In fact, all fetuses look more like females than males until the sex organs develop. The fetus needs to receive certain hormones at important stages of

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During adolescence sex differences in various behaviors may become much more prominent. (Wartenberg/Picture Press/Corbis)

development in order to become male. If these hormones are not present, it will not develop male genitals, and will appear externally female, even though it is genetically male. The reverse can also occur, in which the baby is genetically female, though it appears externally male. This is known as having undifferentiated or ambiguous genitalia. Differences in Physical Development Females and males differ in how they grow and develop physically. Girls and boys have different biologically determined schedules for development, and this difference is most pronounced at adolescence. Sex differences in growth and development are first seen before birth, when the skeletal development of

female fetuses can be as much as three weeks ahead of that of male fetuses at the same stage of pregnancy. Female development is more advanced than that of males at birth, and this difference continues through puberty. At puberty, females’ skeletal structures are up to two years more advanced than males. This female “advantage” is also seen during puberty. Females begin and end puberty, on average, earlier than males. They tend to develop the first signs of puberty earlier, and reach their maximum height earlier, as well. Growth spurts are characteristic of adolescence, and a common way of measuring physical growth. Females have their growth spurts about six months earlier than males, on average. Girls experi-

Sex Differences ence their growth spurts around the ages of four and a half, six and a half, eight and a half, and ten years. Boys are close behind at just over four and a half years, and at seven, nine, and ten and a half years. Although females grow faster, males are generally larger. From birth to three years old, boys are about two pounds heavier and one to two inches taller than girls are. Using height spurts as a sign of puberty, females tend to reach puberty (ten and a half years) and end puberty (fourteen years) earlier than males, who begin puberty around twelve and a half years and tend to end around eighteen years. Puberty is also characterized by sexual development, both primary and secondary. Primary sex characteristics are those that are directly related to sexual functioning and reproduction. This includes, in both sexes, the ability to reproduce. In females the development of primary sex characteristics at puberty involves beginning of ovulation and menstruation (menarche). In males it means the ability to produce sperm. There are also secondary sex characteristics that develop during puberty. Before puberty, girls and boys look physically similar. Except for the genitals, and gender-stereotyped clothing and hair, it can be difficult to tell a girl from a boy. After puberty it is usually easy to tell women from men physically. Both sexes develop more body hair than they had before puberty, but males develop more of it, and in different places. Females develop breasts and their hips widen. Males’ shoulders broaden, and their voices deepen significantly. Differences in physical size other than height also become evident at puberty. Males begin to develop more muscle mass and become leaner, losing fat. Males also become larger overall than

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females. On the other hand, females gain fat at puberty but are, as a group, smaller than males once they reach adulthood. These differences may have evolutionary roots. For example, if males are designed to hunt and fight, they need to have more muscle mass and less fat. In contrast, one major role of females throughout evolution and across most species is to bear offspring. Pregnancy requires a lot of energy and nourishment, and some people think that the increase in female body fat at puberty is the body’s way of preparing itself for childbearing. In modern culture, females generally do not reproduce when their bodies are first ready to. However, the female body does not know that, and will prepare itself for that basic task, regardless of cultural body ideas for women. Differences in Ability There are also sex differences in ability, but this area of research is much more controversial and speculative than differences in development. Sometimes the controversy arises regarding whether there are actual sex differences in certain abilities. When actual sex differences are found, debate centers around whether the differences are caused by sex (i.e., they are natural or genetic), or whether they are influenced by society (i.e., being raised as a girl or boy). Although experts do not always agree on the causes of these differences (again the debate on nature versus nurture), there are distinct sex differences in some types of ability. First, there are sex differences in physical ability. Generally, females are better at activities that require agility, such as dancing and gymnastics, and fine motor skills, such as manipulating small objects with their fingers. Males tend to be better at activities that require power

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and force, such as weight lifting. These differences are due, in large part, to biology. After adolescence, males have much more muscle mass than females, which helps them excel at activities requiring power. In childhood, these sex differences are not as great as they become at puberty, but even then males still slightly outperform females on tests such as grip strength, jumping, running, and throwing distance and velocity. It is easy to assume that these differences are purely biological. Sex differences in very young children may indicate that there are biological roots to these differences, since sex differences in children are less influenced by society. At infancy, male infants are more active than female infants, suggesting a biological predisposition for activity. However, society helps shape the activities females and males will participate in, and subsequently become good at. Second, sex differences are found in abilities that are more mental than physical. One of these abilities is called spatial ability. Spatial ability is measured with puzzles that require a person to rotate a shape or object in the mind. Males have been found to perform better than females on these tasks in certain situations. Some experts would argue that the reason that males perform better is because they have more experience than females with games that promote spatial ability (throwing, building, and the like). Others would say that the differences are due to differences in the brain. Lateralization refers to which side of the brain is dominant. The left side of the brain is thought to deal primarily with verbal tasks, while the right side is thought to deal with mathematical and spatial tasks. However, there is little evidence of sex differences in brain lateralization

between females and males. Differences in lateralization between adult males and females could be due to environment and socialization. Although males, as a group, outperform females, as a group, in spatial orientation tasks, females tend to be better than males at orientation toward others. This term refers to how people acknowledge and interact with other people. Psychologists have studied this behavior by measuring length of eye contact with others, responses to people in distress, recognizing faces, and the amount of attention people pay to pictures of faces. Females outperform males on all of these behaviors. By childhood, some of these differences may be due to learning, but differences are seen in infancy. In sum, while sex differences in several areas are evident, it is clear that real differences between males and females are the result of both biology and socialization. Researchers continue to make progress in answering questions about both the biological and environmental differences between the sexes. Matthew Jans See also Body Build; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; Gender Differences; Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty, Timing of; Services for Adolescents References and further reading Bancroft, John, and June Machover Reinisch, eds. 1990. Adolescence and Puberty. New York: Oxford University Press. Geary, David C. 1998. Male, Female: The Evolution of Human Sex Differences. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Hoyenga, Katharine B. 1993. GenderRelated Differences: Origins and Outcomes. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Sex Education Jacklin, Carol Nagy. 1992. The Psychology of Gender. New York: New York University Press. Reinisch, June Machover, Leonard A. Rosenblum, and Stephanie A. Sanders, eds. 1987. Masculinity/Femininity: Basic Perspectives. New York: Oxford University Press.

Sex Education During the adolescent years, sexual development speeds up, and sexuality become a central focus for adolescents. Adolescents grapple with the physical, behavioral, and physiological aspects of their sexuality. It is not unusual for the adolescent to experience a certain amount of confusion and anxiety as a result of this increase in sexual drive and development. Specialists in child development agree that educating the young adolescent about sexual issues is a proactive way of reducing not only anxiety about sex but also behaviors that may result in disease or unwanted pregnancy. Although it may seem reasonable for adolescents to obtain information from their parents, they usually do not do so. Adolescents consistently identify their peers as their primary source of sex education, with parents and schools as lesser sources. Most adolescents get much of their information regarding sex from their peers, who are often misinformed about this topic. Research that has focused on the sex education occurring in the home has found it to be lacking. However, in some studies there have been positive outcomes when parents do talk to their adolescents about sex. For example, adolescents are less likely to engage in certain sexual behaviors, and if they do have sex they are more likely to use effective contraception and have

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fewer sexual partners if their parents talk to them about sexual issues. Parents usually agree that some sex education should be done in the schools, but a significant minority is strongly opposed to it. In a large opinion study, most parents reported that they thought public high schools should include sex education in their instructional program (Gallup, 1987). Unfortunately, schools rarely have teachers who have had specific training regarding human sexuality. Healthcare providers are another possible source of sex education, but many have had little training in this area. During a health checkup, most providers spend only a few minutes talking with teenagers about any topic. In many other Western and some Asian countries, sex education is a regular part of the curriculum and is taught in every grade according to the developmental stages of the child. Information collected from these countries suggests that there are no unwanted effects of using this curriculum (e.g., no increase in promiscuity) and also suggests that there are fewer problems related to adolescent sexuality (e.g., a lower rate of unwanted pregnancy among adolescents) (Zabin and Hayward, 1993). Below several potential problems and possible solutions in regard to sex education are discussed. Teaching Adolescents about Sexuality Peers provide the most information about sex to teens. Teens are more comfortable talking about private issues with their friends. Unfortunately, peers are often uninformed or misinformed about the issues and facts, and base their statements on their own personal experience or that of a few friends. If there were a standard curriculum for sex education, this problem could be eliminated,

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because all adolescents would be exposed to similar, accurate information. There are several reasons why parents are not typically a source of sex education for their children. First, it is likely that they have had no formal exposure to sexuality issues. In addition, most parents do not feel comfortable talking to their kids about sexual issues. The main exception is that most mothers tell their daughters about menstruation. Schools are the source of some sexual information. Most girls get to see a film on menstruation, often shown after most girls have already reached menarche. Boys are almost never allowed to see this film, especially at the same time and in the same room as girls. Some schools show boys a film about sexual development, but never in the same room and at the same time as girls. The practice of separating the sexes during instruction that applies to both of them sends a rather peculiar but common message in regard to sexuality. This message suggests that sex is something so private and mysterious that one sex should not know anything about the other sex. In the past, the teacher designated to be the instructor in sexual matters in schools did not have particular training or expertise in this area. Many times the person was the athletic coach, often by default. Today, all schools are required to provide students with information regarding AIDS. Children are informed about how AIDS is contracted and how it is not contracted, but little information is provided on explicit sexual practices. Most states have developed a standard curriculum to address this subject and have provided training for teachers who teach this topic. However, many states do not allow teachers to talk about any ways to prevent AIDS except by avoiding

having sexual relations. Some school systems have developed a curriculum that they require every child to complete. If parents do not want their adolescent exposed to the curriculum in the school setting, they may administer the curriculum at home or have another responsible and appropriate person (healthcare provider, religious leader, or the like) supervise the curriculum at a location other than the school. All students must pass a standard test based on the curriculum, regardless of where it was taught. Schools in other developed countries have successfully instituted courses in human sexuality, integrating it into the curriculum in appropriate places. Perhaps the media represent the largest source of information about sex in the United States. Sexually intimate behavior, often quite sexually explicit, is displayed by the media with increasing frequency. Films run in public theaters have been rated to exclude younger teens from certain movies. Although there have been attempts to do this for television, it is not known how much parents actually control what their adolescents watch, or how many younger adolescents still watch material considered inappropriate. Specifically pornographic films, videos, and magazines are also available. Part of the problem relates to the use of sexually suggestive advertisements whose message often is use this product and you will be sexually rewarded. So the teenager is often faced with mixed messages, hearing on one hand the message based on JudeoChristian belief, which says that sexuality is a personal and private issue of intimacy between one man and one woman, and on the other hand the message of the media and businesses that advertise using the media, which suggests that sex is all right anytime, anyplace, with anyone. Another

Sex Education part of the problem relates to the apparent absence of consequences for sexual behaviors displayed on-screen. Multiple sexual partners, no use of contraception or methods to prevent sexually transmitted disease, yet no ill effects, and the emotional side effects of sexual behaviors are rarely shown. This may give the message to adolescents that there are no unwanted consequences of sexual behaviors. Sex Education Curriculum—The Problem of What to Teach The question of the content of sex education programs creates anxiety in parents. There is little agreement among parents and teachers about the appropriate content of sex education curriculum. Anatomy (body parts), physiology (how the body works), changes associated with puberty, pregnancy, childbirth and infant care, sexually transmitted diseases, and family planning can be thought of as relatively scientific topics, but some parents feel that even mentioning some of these topics is a violation of their and their child’s right to decide on what is appropriate information to give to adolescents. Some parents also are concerned that if their children get information, they may become very curious about the information and want to act on it—they may become sexually active. Some parents feel that if their child is not sexually active, providing them with information about sex may make them think that there is something wrong with them because they may think that everyone else is sexually active except them. Many sex educators have felt that they should only provide scientific information and avoid discussing the ethical and moral issues involved in human sexuality. Many parents feel that the ethical and moral issues are of major importance and that only they as parents can know

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what these issues are for their families. It seems fairly clear, however, that almost everyone agrees about the basic ethical and moral issues of the Judeo-Christian philosophy. It is difficult to imagine that parents, teachers, or healthcare providers would advocate premarital intercourse, teenage unplanned pregnancy, promiscuity, and the like, or that they would not consider abstinence advisable for all adolescents. These and other commonly agreed upon points should be covered in any sexuality curriculum. Issues related to gender identity, gender roles, gender preferences, and abortion are extraordinarily complex issues compared with the topics mentioned previously. Inclusion of these issues in sexuality curricula will depend on the availability of experts in these areas. When to Teach Children about Sexual Issues Sexuality education should ideally begin at home during infancy and childhood. Parents have many opportunities to provide important and appropriate information to their children in the preschool years. If they did so, it would serve to appropriately prepare a child to experience a school-based curriculum regarding sexuality. To a great extent the practice of using a curriculum designed for each developmental age group will best suit most people. It would be inappropriate to discuss contraception with children in kindergarten, but an appropriate presentation of pregnancy would be important, since the mothers of many of this group will be pregnant. A different presentation of pregnancy would be most appropriate for high school juniors and seniors, since many of them will become parents within a few years. The concept that sexuality education

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should begin at puberty does not recognize the importance of child development in sexuality education. It also fails to recognize that all children are sexually curious and engage in sexual behaviors throughout development (e.g., genital fondling is common during the toddler and early childhood years, and masturbation typically begins in early adolescence), and therefore all children need information and guidance concerning this important aspect of life at all stages of life. Sexuality begins in the developing fetus and continues throughout all stages of life. Sexuality education should parallel these changes. Too often sex education is introduced after the adolescent is already sexually active. The essential point is that all children will become sexually educated. There is an abundance of information from informal sources such as peers and the media, and there is no way to shelter an adolescent from information and misinformation. All sources that adolescents elicit information from (parents, peers, clergy, teachers, and medical professionals) need to provide accurate and responsible information. Adolescents should have a means to discuss their sexual attitudes and behaviors in an open and honest way. Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Abortion; Abstinence; Contraception; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Sex Differences; Sexual Behavior; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Bourgeois, Paulette, and Martin Wolfish. 1994a. Changes in You and Me: A Book about Puberty, Mostly for Boys. Kansas City: Andrews and McMeel. ———. 1994b. Changes in You and Me: A Book about Puberty, Mostly for Girls. Kansas City: Andrews and McMeel.

Faulkenberry, Ray, M. Vincent, A. James, and W. Johnson. 1987. “Coital Behaviors, Attitudes, and Knowledge of Students Who Experience Early Coitus.” Adolescence 22: 321–332. Gallup, Gordon, Jr. 1987. The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1986. Washington, DC: Scholarly Resources. Irvine, Janice M. 1994. Sexuality Education across Cultures. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Koch, Patricia. 1991. “Sex Education.” In Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Edited by Richard Lerner, Anne Petersen, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Garland. Measor, Lynda, with Coralie Tiffin. 2000. Young People’s Views on Sex Education: Education, Attitudes, and Behavior. London and New York: Routledge/ Falmer. Zabin, L., and S. Hayward. 1993. Adolescent Sexual Behavior and Childbearing. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Sex Roles Sex roles are the prevailing societally defined male and female roles, or gender roles. All societies define expected role behaviors for males and females. In the United States, the traditional male sex role is an instrumental one, and the traditional female sex role is an expressive one. These roles are reversed in some other cultures, because they are not entirely biologically determined. Sex roles are learned in the same manner as other social behaviors and roles, through direct training, by parents, for example, or through peer pressure, observational learning (e.g., watching models such as parents or the way males and females behave in the media), and other socialization techniques. Because sex roles influence the view of the self, impact on vocational decision making, shape views of marriage and parenting, are related to general psychological adjustment, and

Sex Roles have an influence in a number of other ways, many consider sex roles to be at the center of the personality. During adolescence there is a heightened awareness of sex roles and of the importance of behaving in accord with them. Hence, understanding sex roles is an important component to understanding adolescent behavior and personality development. Defining and Measuring Sex Roles The traditional instrumental masculine sex role involves traits such as independence, aggressiveness, assertiveness, being a doer, and being successful as a manipulator of the environment. The traditional feminine sex role in the United States involves being nurturing, gentle, sociable, and nonaggressive. Those who view themselves as possessing the traditional masculine traits to a relatively high degree and the traditional feminine traits to a relatively low degree are called masculine. Those with the reverse selfperspective are called feminine. Some individuals view themselves as possessing both traditional masculine and traditional feminine sex role characteristics to a relatively high degree. These people are called androgynous. Some view themselves as neither very masculine nor very feminine. These individuals are called undifferentiated. Several instruments have been developed to measure sex roles. In general, each instrument assesses the degree to which individuals ascribe traditional masculine and feminine characteristics to the self. For example, after reading a sex role descriptor such as “sensitivity to others” or “willing to take risks,” the individual indicates the degree to which the characteristic accurately describes her by selecting from alternatives rang-

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ing from “Never or Almost Never True of Me” to “Always or Almost Always True of Me.” A masculinity and a femininity score are obtained for each person by summing their scores on the items composing the masculinity and femininity scales. These scores are then compared to the median score (the score that divides all the subjects’ scores on each scale in half). Individuals whose scores are below the median are considered to be low on the scale; those with scores above the median are considered “high” on the scale. People then can be classified into one of the four sex role groups. A word of caution about these scales is in order. Most were developed in the 1970s, and because there have been important changes in sex-typed behavior since then, they may not be as accurate an indicator of sex roles as they once were. For example, the number of women in the workforce and the number of women entering and completing college today reflects changes in the traditionally masculine traits of being the primary wage earner and being more oriented toward achievement. Sex Role Development Sex roles change in several ways. First, they evolve and change within their cultural context. That is, there are changes in the traditional sex roles as the culture changes and evolves. What may be considered traditionally feminine at one point in history may become much less sex-typed later on. Second, individuals’ sex roles change as they grow and develop. The traditional sex roles have a historical basis in biological sex differences. At one time they probably were an adaptive means of insuring survival. Many argue,

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however, that the historical necessity for capitalizing on biological sex differences—for example, the males’ greater strength as related to hunting successfully—has long since passed. They view the traditional sex roles as overly restrictive on both males and females, limiting their ability to develop as a person and engage in a variety of rewarding behaviors, and call for a blending of the traditional sex roles—androgyny. In order for sex role stereotypes to change, broad changes must occur within the culture. A significant shift in the percentage of women, and especially of mothers, who are in the workforce is an example of a cultural change that has given impetus to altering the traditional sex roles in the United States. Being a wage earner outside the home no longer is as exclusively a part of the masculine sex role as once was the case. Because gender is no longer strongly related to whether or not one works outside the house, working is no longer a strongly masculine trait. Similar changes, in sports opportunities, for example, and going to college, have resulted in other traits, such as being athletic and achieving, becoming less sex-typed. In some other ways, however, the traditional sex role stereotypes remain. Women still are the primary child caretakers (although changes are occurring), and many women still plan on leaving the workforce for some period of time to remain home with children. And, women continue to remain the primary person who runs the household. These are some ways in which traditionally sextyped behaviors, and therefore sex roles, have not changed. Sex roles not only change with shifts in cultural values, they also change during the person’s development. Evidence

shows that the proportion of androgynous males increases with age and the proportion of androgynous females decreases with age, with more females taking on a more traditional feminine sex role. In other words, we do not learn a sex role and then never change. Changes of this kind reflect other cultural pressures. For example, in current society it is more acceptable for female adolescents to behave in what once were considered masculine ways (e.g., being an achieving, striving person) than it is for males to behave in a more feminine manner. This has resulted in changes in current sex role stereotypes. Societal definitions of sex roles change as the culture evolves and changes. Individuals’ sex roles change with their development and particular circumstances. These changes occur because sex roles are not biologically determined but are learned, just as other social behaviors are. Because they are learned, they can and do change. Sex Roles and Psychological Adjustment Those who argue that traditional sex roles are limiting often suggest that an androgynous sex role is preferable to either the stereotypical masculine or feminine sex role. In other words, the view is that an androgynous sex role is associated with better psychological adjustment during the adolescent years. The evidence supporting this view is very clear. Adolescents who are androgynous, who view themselves as being comfortable when behaving in either traditionally masculine or traditionally feminine ways, show advantages in a number of realms. They are less likely to be depressed, have better self-esteem and identity development, feel healthier, cope better in a variety of situations, practice better health behav-

Sexual Abuse iors, and generally are more psychologically well adjusted than adolescents who are more traditionally sex-typed. It is also clear that being traditionally sex-typed is better than being undifferentiated (viewing the self as not possessing either traditionally defined masculine or feminine characteristics to a relatively high degree). Undifferentiated adolescents generally score the lowest on measures of psychological adjustment, perhaps because they feel relatively incompetent or uncomfortable in a wide variety of situations. These findings underscore the importance of sex roles within the larger context of our social institutions and sex role stereotypes. Being sex-typed as masculine or feminine, then, may be personally limiting and not as beneficial as being androgynous, but it is better than being undifferentiated. Adolescent Development and Sex Roles Adolescence is a time of important personality and identity development, especially in regard to learning how to navigate a number of interpersonal social roles. In many ways, learning how to behave as a male or female, that is, learning culturally defined sex-typed behaviors, is important to traversing the transition into adulthood. This task entails resolving conflicts between personal ideals and prevailing social standards, learning to adjust to feeling different, and learning to accept having goals that may differ from existing societal norms. As these norms change, such adaptations will become easier and we will see further changes in sex role norms. Jerome B. Dusek

See also Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; Gender Differences;

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Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Maternal Employment: Historical Changes; Media; Sex Differences; Sexual Behavior Reference and further reading Brovermann, I. K., S. R. Vogel, D. M. Broverman, F. E. Clarkson, and P. S. Rosenkrantz. 1994. “Sex-Role Stereotypes: A Current Appraisal.” Pp. 191–210 in Caring Voices and Women’s Moral Frames: Gilligan’s View. Edited by B. Puka. New York: Garland. Dusek, Jerome B. 1996. Adolescent Development and Behavior. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Endo, K., and T. Hashimoto. 1998. “The Effect of Sex-Role Identity on SelfActualization in Adolescence.” Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology 46: 86–94. Karniol, R., R. Gabay, Y. Ochion, and Y. Harari. 1998. “Is Gender or Gender-Role Orientation a Better Predictor of Empathy in Adolescence?” Sex Roles 39: 45–59. Norlander, T., A. Erixon, and T. Archer. 2000. “Psychological Androgyny and Creativity: Dynamics of Gender-Role and Personality Trait.” Social Behavior and Personality 28: 423–435.

Sexual Abuse Although legal definitions vary from state to state, sexual abuse involves the initiation of inappropriate sexual activities with a child or adolescent by an adult or someone who is considerably older than the victim (Finkelhor, 1994). Sexual abuse can involve physical contact, such as the abuser touching sexual portions of the child’s body, having intercourse, or causing a child to touch the abuser in a sexual manner. However, there is also noncontact sexual abuse, such as exhibitionism, voyeurism, or having a child pose for pornographic pictures. Prevalence It is difficult to know precisely how many children and adolescents have been

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sexually abused because most cases of sexual abuse are never reported to authorities. Based on surveys of adults who have been asked to recall any experiences of sexual abuse while growing up, it has been estimated that at least 20 percent of females and 5 percent to 10 percent of males in the United States have experienced some type of sexual abuse (Finkelhor, 1994, p. 31). Various surveys suggest that females are two to four times as likely as males to be sexually abused. For both males and females, the perpetrator of the abuse is likely to be male and someone who is known to the victim. Sexual abuse is less likely than physical abuse or neglect to be perpetrated by a parent or parent figure, but the perpetrator is viewed by the victim as an authority figure in about half of the cases. Sexual abuse can occur at any time from infancy through adolescence. In one national survey of adults, 34 percent of the female and 39 percent of the male victims reported that the sexual abuse occurred during adolescence (i.e., from ages twelve through eighteen) (Finkelhor et al., 1990, p. 21). Consequences What are the consequences of sexual abuse for those who have been abused? The consequences of sexual abuse vary from individual to individual, with some adolescents coping well with the experience (i.e., appearing to be very similar to adolescents who have never been abused) and other adolescents having serious negative consequences. Typically, studies of the consequences of abuse compare victims of abuse with peers who have never been abused to determine if the two groups, on average, differ on some outcome. Not surprisingly, these studies

show that more problems are found in the group that experienced sexual abuse than in the comparison group. Some of the differences involve how the victims feel. On average, adolescents who have been abused are more likely than their peers to feel fearful, anxious, angry, or depressed. Some victims even have suicidal thoughts because of the psychological pain they are experiencing. Other adolescents report that memories of the abuse intrude on their thoughts during the day or at night in the form of nightmares. How adolescents feel as a result of the sexual abuse may affect how they behave. Some victims of abuse become more socially withdrawn and are generally less trusting of others. Other adolescents who have been victimized may find it more difficult to concentrate on schoolwork, and their school performance may suffer. Victims of sexual abuse are more likely than their peers to engage in binge drinking and to use drugs; substance abuse may be one way that adolescents try to cope with the experience of sexual abuse, but it is a coping response that has its own negative consequences. Sexual abuse can also affect sexual behaviors. Children who have been victims of sexual abuse tend to show an early interest in sex that is evident in their play or through excessive masturbation. Adolescents who have been sexually abused may have sexual intercourse at an earlier age or have more sexual partners than their peers during the adolescent years. In contrast, some adolescents or adults may fear having normal sexual contact or may find it to be less pleasurable than others when they are having consensual intimate experiences. Adolescents who have experienced sexual abuse may act out in various

Sexual Abuse ways. Sexual abuse is associated with an increased risk of conduct problems, aggressive behavior, and delinquency. However, it is important to point out that no one is likely to show all of the symptoms that have been linked to sexual abuse, and as noted earlier, many adolescents who have been abused show none of these symptoms. Mitigating Factors Why do some victims of sexual abuse fare better than others? It seems likely that the consequences of sexual abuse depend on the adolescents’ experience prior to the abuse, to the nature of the abuse they experienced, and to what occurs after the abuse ends. Children who have had very positive relationships with their parents and other adults prior to the abuse experience and who have experienced success in areas that are important to them (e.g., school, sports, peers relationships) are more likely than children from less fortunate circumstances to have the personal resources to cope effectively with the abuse. The long-term consequences are likely to be less severe if the abuse represents a painful event in an otherwise happy childhood. The nature of the abuse is also likely to vary from individual to individual. More negative consequences are found when the sexual abuse is severe (usually defined as involving penetration) or involves the use of force. The duration and frequency of the abuse may also be important factors. Adolescents who have experienced physical abuse as well as sexual abuse are at higher risk for having problems than adolescents who have experienced only one type of abuse. The relationship that the adolescent had with the perpetrator is another important fac-

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tor; victims who feel betrayed by someone with whom they have had a close relationship, such as a father, are likely to be negatively impacted by the abuse, the betrayal, and the loss of a close relationship. Although one would expect the experience of sexual abuse and how it is processed to be markedly different for very young children and adolescents, the effect of experiencing sexual abuse at different ages is not well understood at this time. For those victims who disclose the abuse, what happens after disclosure in their family and in the legal system can also influence the long-term impact of sexual abuse. Victims fare better when their mothers believe them, are supportive, and take steps to protect them following disclosure. Those who disclose also tend to have fewer problems if the case is settled quickly either in court or through a plea bargain, if the victims are not forced to testify repeatedly, and if they feel supported by Protective Service workers, prosecutors, and other officials dealing with their case. The outcome of the case, the acquittal or conviction of the alleged perpetrator, seems to have little effect on how victims fare. The victim’s experiences after the sexual abuse has ended are also important. Victims of abuse have fewer problems if they have supportive relationships with their mothers and fathers. They are less likely to engage in problem behaviors, like binge drinking, if their parents monitor whom they are with and what they are doing when away from home. In general, victims of sexual abuse show an abatement of symptoms if they experience supportive environments once the abuse ends. In contrast, adolescents or adults who are victimized again (e.g., another incident of sexual abuse, rape, or

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domestic violence) exhibit more longterm problems than their peers. Although sexual abuse can result in long-term difficulties, one of the most important findings to come out of the research is that much can be done by families, case workers, and the judicial system to support the victims and reduce the negative consequences of sexual abuse. Tom Luster James Henry See also Aggression; Coping; Counseling; Emotional Abuse; Physical Abuse; Rape; Sexual Behavior Problems References and further reading Briere, John N., and Diana M. Elliott. 1994. “Immediate and Long-Term Impacts of Child Sexual Abuse.” The Future of Children 4, no. 2: 54–69. Finkelhor, David. 1994. “Current Information on the Scope and Nature of Child Sexual Abuse.” The Future of Children 4, no. 2: 31–53. Finkelhor, David, Gerald Hotaling, I. A. Lewis, and Christine Smith. 1990. “Sexual Abuse in a National Survey of Adult Men and Women: Prevalence, Characteristics, and Risk Factors.” Child Abuse and Neglect 14: 19–28. Henry, James. 1997. “System Intervention Trauma to Child Sexual Abuse Victims Following Disclosure.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 12: 499–512. Kendall-Tackett, Kathleen A., Linda M. Williams, and David Finkelhor. 1993. “Impact of Sexual Abuse on Children: A Review and Synthesis of Recent Empirical Studies.” Psychological Bulletin 113: 164–180. Luster,Tom, and Stephen A. Small. 1997a. “Sexual Abuse History and Number of Sex Partners among Female Adolescents.” Family Planning Perspectives 29: 204–211. ———. 1997b. “Sexual Abuse History and Problems in Adolescence: Exploring the Effects of Moderating Variables.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 59: 131–142. Trickett, Penelope K., and Frank W. Putnam. 1998. “Developmental Consequences of Child Sexual Abuse.”

Pp. 39–56 in Violence against Children in the Family and the Community. Edited by Penelope K. Trickett and Cynthia J. Schellenbach. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Sexual Behavior Although one of the most prominent features of adolescence is development into sexual maturity, what is understood about this development is limited and not organized by any particular theory. In fact, much of the research on adolescent sexual behavior is atheoretical and is a piecemeal collection of promising variables and different methods of assessing outcome, varying from self-report of coitus to pregnancy rates. The main theories that do exist on adolescent sexual development are typically a blend of cognitive and self-control models that focus on the individual. Unfortunately, the need for developmental research on sexual behavior has grown as the result of a focus on two health consequences of sexual activity: pregnancy and infection with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). In the United States, pregnancy among adolescents has been a growing concern of educators, governmental agencies, and service providers since the 1970s and has been the focus of much research, largely because of the generally poor outcomes for teenage mothers and their children. Compared to other adolescents, teenage mothers are less likely to complete their education, which may result in inadequate economic opportunities, are more likely to become dependent on public assistance, experience more economic instability (since pregnancy typically occurs outside of marriage), and

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Healthy sexuality requires a focus on positive and negative emotional aspects of sexuality, such as the qualities of respect and responsibility in relationships with a potential partner. (Jennie Woodcock; Reflections Photolibrary/Corbis)

commonly experience prenatal complications and a lack of adequate prenatal care. Although the research on the antecedents and consequences of teen pregnancy has been expanding over the last twenty-five years, there remains the need to increase the knowledge base because of two key limitations of the research to date. The first limitation is that teen pregnancy and early motherhood have been examined extensively among majority groups in the United States, but have only recently been the focus of attention among different ethnic minorities. This has resulted in a dearth of information on the nature of the process for minority teens. The second limitation of previous research on teen pregnancies and adoles-

cent sexual behavior is that the research has typically examined adolescents aged fifteen to nineteen, which is usually after the onset of sexual activity has occurred. Although the HIV infection rate is not currently of epidemic proportions among adolescents, numerous authors have suggested that given the increasing prevalence of HIV among heterosexual individuals in their twenties, and the long latency of the virus, it is possible that a number of these individuals were infected as adolescents. Estimates for other STDs are also high, suggesting high rates of unprotected intercourse. Younger adolescents may not consider themselves at risk for STDs and may have less information about HIV than older adolescents,

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who have taken sexuality education classes. Furthermore, the cognitive skills required for consistent condom use (the most effective barrier against disease transmission) may not have fully evolved among younger adolescents. Developmental literature suggests several possible trajectories for adolescents’ sexual development. For instance, there may be a normative pattern in which the onset of sexual behavior occurs later in adolescence or in early adulthood. Many believe that this sequence is optimal because the older adolescents have more cognitive, educational, and economic resources that protect them from the undesired consequences of sexual activity. Another possibility is a more risk-filled developmental trajectory in which the adolescent engages in sexual activity at an early age. Younger adolescents are less cognitively mature, suggesting poor decision-making skills, are biologically ill prepared for pregnancy, and are less likely to attain their educational goals; also, their maturity levels do not make it likely they will be able to provide good parenting for children. Early onset of sexual activity has also been correlated with a greater number of lifetime sexual partners, which increases the probability of exposure to sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/ AIDS. Recent research has also shown that younger adolescents are less likely to use contraception. The number of factors that have been examined with regard to the early onset of sexual activity is extensive. Individual factors such as self-esteem, locus of control, level of knowledge on sexual information, attitudes toward sexuality, pubertal status, and cognitive skills have been examined. Peer factors, such as actual peer activity and perceptions about peer activity, have also been exam-

ined. The influence of familial factors, such as parent-child communication, parental monitoring, parental support, maternal age, and other demographic factors, have also been researched. Less frequently, contextual factors such as acculturation have been explored. Estimates for the onset of sexual intercourse among adolescents vary according to race, ethnicity, location, and historical period of the data. Although the onset of sexual intercourse is an important marker in determining risk of negative consequences for adolescents, some researchers have suggested that heterosexual sexual development occurs in a sequence of behaviors. This sequence involves increases in intimacy, as couples move from kissing to fondling and petting before reaching intercourse. However, some authors have not found the same sequence of behaviors before intercourse for black adolescents. On the other hand, a later study by Judith S. Brook and colleagues did find a similar sequence for African American and Puerto Rican adolescents. The applicability of this sequence is not clear for younger adolescents, as their reports state that intercourse is an unpredictable and a spontaneous event. Also, it is often a demanding task to survey younger adolescents about these behaviors because of the sensitive nature of these topics and the difficulty of obtaining parental permission for interviews on these topics. Age and pubertal status are two factors that have been the subject of much investigation regarding the onset of sexual activity. Udry and colleagues explained in their study on adolescent female sexuality that social scientists have often assumed that “puberty supplies the hormones that create the motivation for sexual behavior” (1986, p. 217). In a later study, Udry

Sexual Behavior noted that certain social control variables might interact with the biological to predict the onset of sexual activity. Daniel J. Flannery and colleagues (1993) recommended separating age and physical maturation because the two are distinct social phenomena that interact with one another and are frequently entangled in the studies on adolescent development. Yet the relationship between age and pubertal status may be related more importantly to the subsequent effects on other psychosocial factors. In other words, pubertal development at younger ages may influence how the adolescent is perceived by family and peers. There have also been studies to examine whether early pubertal development is associated with the early initiation of sexual activity. Brent C. Miller and Kristin A. Moore reported on the basis of their 1990 review on the research of the 1980s that substantial evidence showed that early pubertal development is associated with early initiation of sexual activity. Although the importance of early pubertal maturation on sexual activity is clear, social factors must be considered in relation to hormonal effects. Although there is much individual variability in timing, part of early pubertal development is the corresponding development of secondary sexual characteristics, which may attract the attention of parents and peers in the adolescent’s environment. Yet, as noted by Roberta Paikoff and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, the meaning of pubertal events and familial relationships may vary by ethnicity, which may affect how these variables are related. Parental monitoring (in other words, parents supervising their children and being knowledgeable of their whereabouts) has been examined as a parenting

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practice important in relation to delinquent behavior, drug use, and early sexual behavior. The influence of parental monitoring on early sexual behavior, in particular, may be important by virtue of the fact that if parents decrease and control their child’s association with peers of the opposite sex, they may reduce the possibility of sexual activity. Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Frank Furstenberg (1989) note that with greater parental supervision, the onset of intercourse occurs later. Some researchers have speculated that parents who use greater monitoring have more access to their child’s activities while parents who use low monitoring permit their child to associate with deviant peers. Although clearly the consequences of adolescents’ sexual activity can be devastating or even life threatening, what is sadly missing from the study of adolescent sexual development is a focus on the development of healthy sexuality. In one of the few discussions of healthy sexuality for adolescents, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Roberta Paikoff suggested in their 1993 essay that as adolescents mature, the most optimal outcome is to develop a sense of what they call sexual well-being. They defined sexual well-being as having positive feelings about one’s body, accepting feelings of sexual arousal and desire in sexual behaviors, and if engaging in intercourse, practicing safe sex. Developmental research, interventions designed to prevent pregnancies and STDs, and society as a whole may benefit by shifting the focus of adolescent sexuality from purely the prevention of risk to the promotion of a positive sense of sexual well-being. Cami K. McBride Roberta L. Paikoff

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See also Contraception; Dating; Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Sexual-Minority Youth; Love; Sexual Behavior Problems; Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Brook, Judith S., Elinor B. Balka, Thomas Abernathy, and Beatrix A. Hamburg. 1994. “Sequence of Sexual Behavior and Its Relationship to Other Problem Behaviors in African American and Puerto Rican Adolescents.” Journal of Genetic Psychology 155: 107–114. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, and Frank F. Furstenberg. 1989. “Adolescent Sexual Behavior.” American Psychologist 44: 249–257. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, and Roberta L. Paikoff. 1993. “‘Sex Is a Gamble, Kissing Is a Game’: Adolescent Sexuality and Health Promotion.” In Promoting the Health of Adolescents: New Directions for the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Susan G. Millstein, Anne C. Petersen, and Elena O. Nightingale. New York: Oxford University Press. Brown, Larry K., Ralph J. DiClemente, and Nancy I. Beausoleil. 1992. “Comparison of Human Immunodeficiency Virus Related Knowledge, Attitudes, Intentions, and Behaviors among Sexually Active and Abstinent Young Adolescents.” Journal of Adolescent Health 13: 140–145. Flannery, Daniel J., David C. Rowe, and Bill L. Gulley. 1993. “Impact of Pubertal Status, Timing, and Age on Adolescent Sexual Experience and Delinquency.” Journal of Adolescent Research 8: 21–40. Ford, Kathleen, and Anne Norris. 1993. “Urban Hispanic Adolescents and Young Adults: Relationship of Acculturation to Sexual Behavior.” Journal of Sex Research 30: 316–323. Hayes, Cheryl D. 1987. Risking the Future: Adolescent Sexuality, Pregnancy, and Childbearing. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Hovell, Melbourne F., et al. 1994. “A Behavioral-Ecological Model of Adolescent Sexual Development: A Template for AIDS Prevention.” Journal of Sex Research 31: 267–281. Katchadourian, Herant. 1991. “Sexuality.” In At the Threshold: The Developing

Adolescent. Edited by Shirley S. Feldman and Glen R. Elliott. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Miller, Brent C., and Kristin A. Moore. 1990. “Adolescent Sexual Behavior, Pregnancy, and Parenting: Research through the 1980s.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 52: 1025–1044. Miller, Kim A., Rex Forehand, and Beth A. Kotchick. 1999. “Adolescent Sexual Behavior in Two Ethnic Minority Samples: The Role of Family Variables.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 61, no. 1: 85–98. Murphy, Debra A., Mary Jane RotheramBorus, and Helen M. Reid. 1998. “Adolescent Gender Differences in HIVRelated Sexual Risk Acts, SocialCognitive Factors and Behavioral Skills.” Journal of Adolescence 21, no. 2: 197–208. Paikoff, Roberta L., and Jeanne BrooksGunn. 1991. “Do Parent-Child Relationships Change during Puberty?” Psychological Bulletin 110: 47–66. Paikoff, Roberta L., Sheila H. Parfenoff, Stephanie A. Williams, and Anthony McCormick. 1997. “Parenting, ParentChild Relationships, and Sexual Possibility Situations among Urban African American Preadolescents: Preliminary Findings and Implications for HIV Prevention.” Journal of Family Psychology 11, no. 1: 11–22. Parfenoff, Sheila H., and Roberta L. Paikoff. 1997. “Developmental and Biological Perspectives on Minority Adolescent Health.” Pp. 5–27 in HealthPromoting and Health-Compromising Behaviors among Minority Adolescents. Edited by Dawn K. Wilson, James R. Rodrigue, and Wendell C. Taylor. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Romer, Daniel, Maureen Black, Izabel Ricardon, Susan Feigelman, Linda Kaljee, Jennifer Galbraith, Rodney Nesbit, Robert C. Hornik, and Bonita Stanton. 1994. “Social Influences on the Sexual Behavior of Youth at Risk for HIV Exposure.” American Journal of Public Health 84: 977–985. Udry, J. Richard. 1988. “Biological Predispositions and Social Control in Adolescent Sexual Behavior.” American Sociological Review 53: 709–722.

Sexual Behavior Problems Udry, J. Richard, Luther M. Talbert, and Naomi M. Morris. 1986. “Biosocial Foundations for Adolescent Female Sexuality.” Demography 23: 217–227.

Sexual Behavior Problems Depending on their values, people may differ on the definition of what constitutes a sexual problem. Most researchers who study adolescent sexuality would agree on at least one fact—that a greater number of adolescents have sexual intercourse before reaching adulthood now than at any previous time in this country’s history. Moreover, whatever values they may hold, most people would agree that when adolescents are forced to have sex they do not want, have unwanted pregnancies, bear children they are neither emotionally nor financially capable of supporting, or contract sexually transmitted diseases, their sexuality is associated with problems and full of risk for their future healthy development. Unfortunately, as statistics from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1996) bear out, there are numerous illustrations of the presence of such sexual problems and risks among contemporary adolescents: • Each year, 1 million adolescents become pregnant and about half have babies. Indeed, about every minute, an American adolescent has a baby. • Of adolescents who give birth, 46 percent go on welfare within four years; of unmarried adolescents who give birth, 73 percent go on welfare within four years. • By age eighteen years, 25 percent of American females have been pregnant at least once.

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• Over the last three decades the age of first intercourse has declined. Higher proportions of adolescent girls and boys reported being sexually experienced at each age between the ages of fifteen and twenty in 1988 than in the early 1970s. In 1988, 27 percent of girls and 33 percent of boys had intercourse by their fifteenth birthday. • Pregnancy rates for girls younger than fifteen years of age rose 4.1 percent between 1980 and 1988, a rate higher than for any other teenage age group. • In 1993, the proportion of all births to teenagers that were to unmarried teenagers was 71.8 percent. This rate represents an increase of 399 percent since 1963. • By the end of adolescence about 80 percent of males and about 70 percent of females have become sexually active. These rates represent significant increases across the last fifteen years. • Among sexually active female adolescents, 27 percent of fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds, and 16 percent of eighteen- to nineteen-year-olds, use no method of contraception. Among Latino, African American, and European American adolescents, the percentage of females not using contraception is 35 percent, 23 percent, and 19 percent, respectively. • Among sexually active male adolescents in 1991, 21 percent report using no contraception at their last intercourse; an additional 56 percent of males used a condom and 23 percent relied on their female partner to use contraception.

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• By age 20, 74 percent of males and 57 percent of females who became sexually active by age fourteen or younger have had six or more sexual partners. • In 1991, thirty-eight of the pregnancies among fifteen- to nineteenyear-olds ended in abortion. • By age nineteen, 15 percent of African American males have fathered a child; the corresponding rates for Latinos and European Americans is 11 percent and 7 percent, respectively. Moreover, 74 percent of European American youth, 76 percent of Latino youth, and 95 percent of African American youth are unmarried at the birth of their first child. In addition, teenage fathers are often absentee fathers. Among fourteento twenty-one-year-old fathers, about 40 percent were absentees. • However, 39 percent of the fathers of children born to fifteen-year-old females, and 47 percent of the fathers of children born to sixteenyear-old females, are older than twenty years of age. Between 30 percent and 40 percent of adolescent mothers have been impregnated by males who have not yet reached their twentieth birthday. • Women who become mothers as teenagers are more likely to find themselves living in poverty later in their lives than women who delay childbearing. Although 28 percent of women who gave birth as teenagers were poor in their twenties and thirties, only 7 percent of women who gave birth after adolescence were living in poverty in their twenties and thirties.

• About $25 billion in federal money is spent annually to provide social, health, and welfare services to families begun by teenagers. • In 1992, the federal government spent nearly $34 billion on Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Medicaid, and food stamps for families begun by adolescents. The breadth and variation of these problems pertinent to contemporary adolescent sexual behavior are staggering. The magnitude and diversity of the manifestation of these problems is challenging the educational, healthcare, and social service systems of America. Richard M. Lerner See also Rape; Sexual Abuse; Sexual Behavior; Sexually Transmitted Diseases References and further reading Carnegie Corporation of New York. 1995. Great Transitions: Preparing Adolescents for a New Century. New York: Carnegie Corporation of New York. Lerner, Richard M. 1995. America’s Youth in Crisis: Challenges and Options for Programs and Policies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. ———. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 1996. Trends in the Well Being of America’s Children and Youth; 1996. Washington DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of Healthy sexuality requires awareness about sexuality in many ways, to include accurate knowledge, recognition of one’s own and others’ feelings and intentions,

Sexuality, Emotional Aspects of personal decision making, and common sense about behaviors that are appropriate for the individual adolescent. Some of these themes have been addressed elsewhere in these volumes. Tied to all of them is the importance of dealing with what is considered by many to be a taboo topic in relation to sexuality—emotions. “Sexuality itself and sexual feelings and desire are veiled in silence,” said Leena Ruusuvaara (1997, p. 411). Sex education classes, parents, books, public policymakers, even peers, show little concern about promoting the idea of good communications, pleasure, and egalitarian sexual relations among teenagers. The focus from adults is on abstinence in the hope that adolescents will not engage in risky sexual behaviors; one careless, unthinking act can result in a lifethreatening disease. Therefore, the primary foci of discussions regarding sex include abstinence because premarital sex is “bad,” contraception use if one does have sexual intercourse, and the use of condoms for safer sex, given the potential for various sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), and especially to protect against AIDS. Indeed, there is some reluctance to discuss even these topics, for fear that it will encourage adolescents to engage in sexual behavior. Research supports the opposite. The more knowledgeable one is, the less likely one is to engage in sexual behavior until an appropriate age, meaning when one makes decisions responsibly, with safety, respect for self and others, and care. The same should apply to understanding the emotional implications of engaging in sexual behaviors. Technical information is essential but not sufficient. Many adolescents choose to be sexually active, even if that only means kissing or having oral sex. Healthy sexuality requires a focus on positive and

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negative emotional aspects of sexuality, such as the qualities of respect and responsibility in relationships with a potential partner. One of the primary problems for adolescents is the continued use of double standards that deny both genders the right to enjoy their sexuality. This must be understood and challenged. The double standard refers to the social assumption that a male “should” demand sex (oral, anal, or vaginal) and a female “should” expect this demand and then “should” place limits on his advances. This places emotional pressures on both genders to engage in a sexual dance. If the adolescent male doesn’t try, there is something wrong with his manliness and her attractiveness. Males need to develop the personal strength to recognize and disregard these social pressures as well as to honor female adolescents as whole individuals, not as sex objects to be used to prove one’s manhood and to provide self-pleasure. Female adolescents need to understand that they have the right to determine their own expressions of sexuality. They need to place less value on male sexual advances as standards for their self-worth. Many females who choose to be sexual with a partner do so with the understanding that there is affection, love, perhaps commitment, implied in this behavior. But most adolescent relationships are very short. While some males, too, engage in sex only when they feel affection for their partner, many more males than females do so for the sexual experience per se. This can result in devastating negative emotions. As described by Thomas Lickona (1994), discovering that one has been “used” can result in the loss of selfrespect and self-esteem. It can shake one’s sense of trust in self and others. It can trigger rage over betrayal by a partner

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who may have used the popular phrase, “If you love me, you’ll . . .” and then broke off the relationship within days or weeks. With intercourse may come fear about pregnancy or AIDS or guilt that one has dishonored family and/or violated one’s religious values. Shattered trust may make it very difficult to establish later commitments to what could be genuine quality relationships. In some instances, it can trigger depression and thoughts of suicide. Male adolescents may feel guilt for their manipulativeness and the destruction they may cause to young women. Sexual pleasure can be experienced through touching, kissing, and petting, negotiated jointly with respect for both partners. Focusing on oral, anal, or vaginal sex as “sex” is very limiting and stifles the emergence of a healthy interest in sexuality. With a more encompassing view of one’s sexuality, sexual pleasure could be acknowledged more easily as healthy, natural, and appropriate as a topic for discussion within the family, with peers, and in the classroom. The emotions associated with sexuality thus are many—some positive, some negative. In order to address these emotions in a healthy way it is important to do several things. One is to accept one’s individual self as a sexual being. Adolescents are not encouraged to think this way. However, all humans are sexual, and we are so from the very beginning of our development. We may express it in different ways throughout our lives, but it is an integral part of who we are. Some people are very passionate, and others feel little interest in their own sexuality. For example, while many individuals may thoroughly enjoy masturbating frequently, others do so with embarrassment and guilt, and still others may feel

no interest in engaging in this behavior. At some times in our lives and with certain people we may feel more sexual than at other times or with other people. For example, while the sight of one person may trigger strong feelings of lust, another person may be perceived as a great friend with whom one has a comfortable, platonic relationship. A very wide range of possibilities is normal. When one accepts one’s self as a sexual being, one can more comfortably develop one’s own perspective on how one feels at any given time. That openness to sexual self-awareness allows one a greater opportunity to think about choices. It contributes to feeling comfortable about one’s sexuality and can increase one’s sense of confidence in making personal decisions about what behaviors feel good and right and what behaviors feel wrong for the individual adolescent. Another thing that is important is to become comfortable with one’s changing body, and for adolescents this is particularly the case regarding pubertal development. Subsequent to puberty, one needs to accept one’s body image as well. The mainstream culture of the United States has made it very clear that being thin and beautiful is a necessity for female popularity and acceptance by one’s peers. And the need for a male to be macho, a muscle man, captain of some sports team parallels these expectations. It is essential for all adolescents to cut through this nonsense. These stereotypes leave the vast majority of adolescents feeling low self-esteem with body shame, because 95 percent or more of adolescents cannot fit these images. If one cannot feel comfortable with one’s own body, it is extremely hard to enjoy sharing any aspect of it with another person. The media, such as television and magazines, should not be

Sexually Transmitted Diseases convincing people that the appearance of less than 5 percent of the population should dictate what is to be valued and desired by all. Adolescents need to feel proud of their own bodies, enjoy them, and keep them healthy. This self-comfort would allow both males and females greater pleasure in discovering each other’s sexual being at an appropriate time. Yet another helpful factor is development of self-efficacy, including personal power to exercise control over sexual situations. One needs to be able to anticipate how it would feel to engage in particular sexual behaviors in the future. Then one should assess the extent to which one has the capability to affect what will or will not be done. Adolescents, in particular, must include in this formula how to handle peer pressure, and the potential for lack of acceptance, or even rejection. They must ask themselves whether they will be able to mobilize their energy and persevere even in the face of all the pressures that may be placed on them by those dictating social norms for their age group. If they anticipate feeling regret or guilt or anger, then they may choose to avoid the behaviors. Emotionally, this can provide a positive sense of self-worth. It may afford them the confidence to communicate with a potential sexual partner and negotiate cooperation about how far to go or it may make it possible for a couple to practice safer sex because they have planned for it together. Accepting one’s nature as a sexual being, being comfortable with one’s own body and its sexual pleasures, and developing a sense of self-efficacy regarding sexual choices all are major contributors to enjoying healthy sexuality. This understanding of one’s own sexual self

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and respect for others and their right to make their own choices should enhance the chances of being able to discuss sexual feelings and behaviors with others without embarrassment or fear of offending the other. It should increase as well the likelihood that young people will prepare for those risky behaviors if they choose to proceed to oral, anal, or vaginal sex together. Sally Archer See also Dating; Dating Infidelity; Love; Sexual Behavior References and further reading Bakker, A. B., B. P. Buunk, and A. S. R. Manstead. 1997. “The Moderating Role of Self-Efficacy Beliefs in the Relationship between Anticipated Feelings of Regret and Condom Use.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 17, no. 2: 2001–2014. Bandura, A. 1986. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall. Coleman, J., and D. Roker, eds. 1998. Teenage Sexuality: Health, Risk and Education. Canada: Harwood Academic Publishers. Lickona, Thomas 1994. “The Neglected Heart.” American Educator (Summer): 34–39. Ruusuvaara, Leena. 1997. “Adolescent Sexuality: An Educational and Counseling Challenge.” Pp. 411–413 in Adolescent Gynecology and Endocrinology: Basic and Clinical Aspects. Edited by G. Creatsas, G. Mastorakos, and G. Chrousos. New York: Annals of the New York Academy of Science, Vol. 816.

Sexually Transmitted Diseases Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are a group of infections that are spread by intimate sexual contact; teenagers are much more likely than adults to get STDs, and the consequences of STDs are more serious in teens than in older

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adults. Nearly thirty different types of infections can be spread through sexual contact. An estimated 15.3 million STD incidences occurred in 1996 in the United States. A majority of people with STDs do not feel sick and are not aware of their own infections. Whether there are symptoms or not, STDs can lead to serious health consequences and are infectious. Many STDs, such as chlamydia, gonorrhea, and trichomoniasis, can be cured, if treated appropriately. Viral STDs, such as genital herpes, genital warts, and HIV infections, are among the STDs that cannot be cured, although treatment is available and some form of treatment is necessary. A person infected by one type of STD is more likely to catch another type of STD. Some prefer the term STI (infection) to STD (disease), for the reason that most sexually transmitted infections often do not have the kind of symptoms associated with disease. Again, sexually transmitted diseases are very serious, whether accompanied by any symptoms or not. A “silent” STD can become symptomatic at any time and is as contagious as a symptomatic STD. In addition, a silent STD in a mother can be transmitted to her baby during pregnancy or delivery. Thus, the term STD is commonly used for all types of sexually transmitted infections, regardless of whether there are any symptoms. Most infectious agents that cause STDs are spread by body fluid exchange, such as semen, blood, vaginal or penile discharge, drainage or blood from blisters, sores, or cuts on mucosal membranes or skin. Some STDs can be transmitted from a mother to her baby, during pregnancy, in the birth canal, or by breast milk. Blood transfusion or sharing needles with an infected person can be a

source of STD transmission. Those activities that can cause the spread of STDs are called STD risk factors, and those who engage in activities that are associated with STD risk factors are said to be at risk for STDs. STDs are a group of infections; not all STDs are transmitted exactly the same way. Many teens do not know that STD screening is often not part of annual checkups or sports physical examinations. The fact that a person cannot tell whether his or her partner is infected by the way that he or she looks puts many teens at risk for STDs. It is important to make sure both partners are STD free before initiating sexual intercourse. The most important fact to remember about STD symptoms is, as emphasized before, that a great majority of STDs are asymptomatic until a complication sets in. Another important fact is that many teens with STD symptoms end up ignoring the symptoms because they tend to believe, “It cannot happen to me.” Also, STD symptoms are often missed or misinterpreted by the person who has the infection because the symptoms are mild, nonspecific, or transient (in that they may disappear spontaneously, without treatment). Even a physician may not recognize STD symptoms, if the patient does not reveal his or her STD risk. Another complicating factor is that, as with all types of infections (including the common cold, chicken pox, and the like), STDs have an incubation period, a time between exposure to the infection and the appearance of a symptom or a positive test result. Many STDs have a long incubation period (weeks to months). Thus, a symptom of an STD may appear long after the exposure, and after the incident (or incidents) that caused it has been forgotten.

Sexually Transmitted Diseases A list of STDs that are common in adolescents, along with typical symptoms, appears below. Some STDs (e.g., syphilis, HIV/AIDS, herpes) can affect other organs of the body, as well as sexual/genital organs. The same syndrome (group of symptoms) or medical condition may stem from different types of STDs, and one STD can cause more than one syndrome or medical condition. Common syndromes and medical conditions that may originate from STDs are urethritis syndrome, cervicitis, cystitis (bladder infection–like symptoms), PID (pelvic inflammatory disease), TOA (tubo-ovarian abscess), ectopic pregnancy, infertility, epididymitis, Reiter’s syndrome, DGI (disseminated gonococcal infection), GUD (genital ulcer diseases), chronic pelvic pains, cervical dysplasia (ASCUS), and AIDS. Cancers associated with STDs include hepatoma (cancer of the liver), cervical cancer in women, penile cancer in men, and Kaposi’s sarcoma. This list is not comprehensive. (For detailed descriptions and more information, please see the works listed at the end of this entry.) A doctor can diagnose certain types of STDs by taking a history and making a simple physical examination. For most STDs, however, specimen collection for a special test is necessary. For some infections, a swab specimen is necessary, which involves a pelvic examination and/or a specimen collection with a thin swab. For others, a blood specimen is needed for the diagnostic test. Some, including chlamydia and gonorrhea, can be tested now by use of a urine specimen and new DNA amplification, such as ligase chain reaction (LCR) or polymerase chain reaction (PCR). This is convenient for the patient and the doctors, but availability of these new tests is limited at the time of this writing. A doctor will order a

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special test for each type of STD suspected or will carry out a set of screening tests for certain types of STDs that are common in the region. A correct diagnosis must be made before treatment can begin. Some types of treatments are available for all STDs, but as mentioned before, not all STDs can be cured. A special medication taken by mouth only once will cure some STDs such as chlamydia, gonorrhea, and trichomoniasis. If the treatment is longer, it is important to take all of the medication as instructed by the doctor. Sex partners must be treated, whether they have symptoms or not. Although there is no cure for viral STDs, treatments are available to reduce the severity of the symptoms, prevent symptoms and later complications from showing up, or reduce the risk of spreading the infection. Management of a person with an STD is not complete until all her sexual partners are appropriately assessed and treated. The only sure way not to get STDs is to abstain from any sexual exposures or limit sexual exposure to an infection-free partner. Both partners should be tested for STDs, including HIV, before initiating sexual intercourse. Female condoms or male condoms used correctly and with spermicidal gels or foam are effective in preventing STD transmission, but abstinence is the only 100 percent effective prevention measure. At the time of this writing, FDA-approved vaccines are available for hepatitis B and hepatitis A. New vaccines are being tested for a number of STDs and may be approved for use in the near future. Hepatitis B vaccine is recommended to all teenagers who have not been vaccinated previously, before they initiate sexual intercourse. Hepatitis A vaccine is recommended to individuals with special risk factors.

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Nearly thirty different types of infections can be transmitted by intimate sexual contact. Following is a selective overview of some of these infections; please see consult works listed at the end of the entry for comprehensive information. Chlamydia or chlamydial infection, caused by Chlamydia trachomatis, is the most common curable STD in teenagers and young adults in the United States. A variety of serious health problems result from untreated chlamydial infection, including PID (pelvic inflammatory disease). Chlamydial infection is the most common cause of preventable infertility in the United States. In males, chlamydia can cause epididymitis, a painful swelling of the scrotal sac. Although frequently asymptomatic in women and men, chlamydial infection can cause urethritis, cervicitis, or cystitis-like symptoms. Chlamydia is the most common cause of burning on urination among sexually active teenagers, a condition often misdiagnosed as a urinary tract infection (UTI), if a history of sexual intercourse is not revealed. The patient often misses vaginal or penile discharge associated with chlamydial infections. Diagnosis of chlamydia infection is made with a tissue culture or a variety of DNA tests of a swab specimen, or by a urine DNA amplification test. Uncomplicated chlamydial infection of the lower genital tract can be treated with a single dose of medication taken by mouth, or a sevenday treatment with an oral medication may be necessary. Gonorrhea or gonococcal infection (“drips,” “clap”), caused by Neisseria gonorrhoeae, is the second most common bacterial infection among teenagers. Gonorrhea is the most common cause of purulent (puslike) discharge from the

genitals. Within a few days of exposure to an infected person, a thick yellow or greenish discharge appears. The discharge may disappear in a few days without any treatment. Complications of untreated gonococcal infections include PID, epididymitis, arthritis, and disseminated gonococcal infections (DGI or blood poisoning). A laboratory test for gonorrhea can be done with a swab specimen or by a urine test. DGI is diagnosed with a blood culture or a microscopic examination of the fluid from the associated skin rashes. Uncomplicated gonococcal infection can be treated by a single dose of medication given by injection or taken by mouth. Trichomoniasis or trichomonas vaginitis, caused by a parasite called Trichomonas vaginalis, is one of the most common causes of vaginitis in women of all ages. Trichomoniasis can cause vaginal discharge and itching, and is often confused with vaginal yeast infections. A microscopic examination of a vaginal swab specimen can confirm the diagnosis. A culture is also available. In males, diagnosis of trichomoniasis is often difficult. This infection is curable with special antibiotics taken by mouth. Genital herpes, caused by herpes simplex virus (HSV, type II mostly), is by far the most common incurable STD in the United States and the most common cause of genital ulcer disease. It starts with a painful blister, often spreading to many blisters and painful ulcers in the genital area and accompanied by painful swelling in groins. One of the unique features of this infection is the unpredictable recurrence of the blisters and ulcers. Each blister is full of virus particles that are highly contagious. Breakage of the mucosal surface due to genital herpes can become an entry point of other

Sexually Transmitted Diseases types of germs, increasing risk of contracting other STDs and HIV. HSV can cause serious problems, including the death of a newborn exposed to the infection during birth. A culture of fluids from a blister or ulcer or a blood test will provide the diagnosis. Although HSV cannot be completely cured, treatment with antiviral agents helps heal the ulcers, and used appropriately may control the recurrence of genital ulcers. Genital warts, or condyloma accuminata, caused by human papillomavirus (HPV), are common in adolescents and young adults, and the most common cause of abnormal Pap smears in adolescent girls. Certain types of HPV have been linked to cancer of the uterine cervix, anus, and penis. However, most HPV infections are asymptomatic or unrecognized. Warts in external genitals are recognized by typical bumps of various sizes and colors in the vagina, vulva, penis, perineal area (the area between the anus and genitals), and anus. An HPV infection of the uterine cervix is often identified by an abnormal Pap test (dysplasia). Type-specific viral DNA tests are available but are not widely used at this time. Symptoms are managed with topical application of medications, biopsy, or surgical removal of precancerous lesions. Once a person has been infected, the HPV cannot be eradicated. The HPV particles can be swallowed by a newborn during delivery, causing warts in the throat of the baby, called pharyngeal papilloma. Pharyngeal papilloma may be life threatening, and treatment of pharyngeal papilloma is very difficult. Pubic lice, or “crabs,” are often transmitted by intimate genital contact and cause itching in the pubic area. Diagnosis is made by presence of the lice or their eggs attached to public hair. Application

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of a specific shampoo or lotion will eradicate pubic lice. All bedding materials and underwear must be washed in hot water at the same time. Hepatitis B is caused by Hepatitis B virus (HBV). Sexual transmission accounts for 30 to 60 percent of all HBV infections occurring annually in the United States. Hepatitis is an infection of the liver. The symptoms of hepatitis B vary from no symptoms to flulike symptoms to jaundice. HBV is a cause of chronic hepatitis and may lead to cancer of the liver and death. Diagnosis of HBV infection is made by a blood test. There are at least five different types of viral hepatitis (A to E). Accurate type-specific diagnosis is important for the management of sexual contacts and prevention of further spread. No specific treatment is available at this time. Hepatitis B is a vaccine-preventable STD. If they have not been vaccinated as infants, teenagers are recommended to receive HBV vaccination before exposure occurs. Passive immunization with hepatitis B immune globulin (HBIG) within fourteen days of exposure can prevent infection in the majority of exposed persons. Thus, it is very important to consult a physician as soon as possible if exposed to an infected person. Syphilis is an ancient STD, caused by a bacteria called T. pallidum. A painless ulcer in the genital area associated with swollen lymph nodes in the groin area is typical for this disease. The ulcers may not appear at all or may disappear without any treatment while the bacteria are being spread to other organs, resulting in a flulike disease. Other symptoms of syphilis include rashes on palms, soles, and other parts of the body. If not treated, syphilis can progress through different phases and result in damage to the heart and brain. Syphilis is diagnosed with

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examination of swabs from the genital ulcer or a blood test. If it is diagnosed early, treatment is very effective. More information on STDs is readily available. A good place to start on the Internet is http://www.ASHASTD.org. There are also two hot lines, the National STD Hotline, 1-800-227-8922, and, specifically for HPV, the HPV Hotline, 1877-HPV-5868, Monday to Friday 2–7 P.M., EST. Other resources, aside from those listed below, are local STD clinics, the public health department, and private doctors. M. Kim Oh Jeanne S. Merchant

See also Abstinence; Contraception; Gonorrhea; High School Equivalency Degree; HIV/AIDS; Sex Education; Sexual Behavior References and further reading American Social Health Association and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention hot line information Web site: http://www.ashastd.org Cates, Willard, Jr. 1999. “Estimates of the Incidence and Prevalence of Sexually Transmitted Diseases in the United States.” American Social Health Association Panel: Sexually Transmitted Disease (Suppl.): S2–S7. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2000. Sexually Transmitted Disease Surveillance, 1999. Atlanta, GA: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. CDC’s Web site for this report and other information, including diagnostic slides in color, is at http://www.cdc.gov/nchstp/dstd/ dstdp.html Eng, T. R., and W. T. Butler, eds. 1997. The Hidden Epidemic: Confronting Sexually Transmitted Diseases. Washington, DC: National Academy Press, Institute of Medicine. Holmes, K. K., et al. 1999. Sexually Transmitted Diseases, 3rd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.

“1998 Guidelines for Treatment of Sexually Transmitted Diseases.” 1998. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 47, no. RR-1: 1–116.

Shyness Generally speaking, shyness may be defined as the experience of discomfort or inhibited behavior in social situations. The tendency to be very self-conscious is particularly characteristic of the shy person. However, shyness is a highly complex phenomenon that varies widely in its intensity and effects. Shyness may include physiological symptoms (e.g., pounding heart), cognitive symptoms (e.g., self-consciousness), and behavioral symptoms (e.g., awkward body language). Both genetic and environmental factors contribute to shyness. Adapting to all the changes of adolescence (e.g., adjusting to a changing body, beginning to date) can trigger the development of shyness or increase shyness in the already shy teen. Many adolescents experience a period of shyness when they develop what is called the imaginary audience—the belief of adolescents that other people are watching them and focusing on their appearance and behavior. Although being shy may present challenges (e.g., greater risk for loneliness), it is important that those who have contact with shy adolescents be aware that shyness also has positive consequences, such as greater empathy. Paradoxically, helping young people accept as well as understand their own shyness can also help them to deal with its challenges. In considering the causes of lasting shyness, researchers have found strong evidence that genetic inheritance contributes to shyness. Shy children often have at least one shy parent, or they may have other shy family members. Shyness

Shyness is considered to be the personality trait with the strongest genetic component. Biological factors, which are influenced by genetic predispositions, contribute to shyness. During infancy, physiological differences are evident between shy and sociable babies. A subset of infants show extreme nervous system reactivity to common stimuli such as moving mobiles. These infants are described as highly reactive, and physiological studies indicate that they have an easily excitable sympathetic nervous system. Infants and older children who show this high reactivity display a pattern of inhibited behavior when they encounter unfamiliar people, objects, or situations. Interestingly, highly reactive infants show higher-thanaverage heart rates, and their higher heart rates are evident even before birth. A number of other interesting biological factors are linked to shyness, including blue eye color, blond hair, pale skin, and allergies (especially hay fever). Women who are exposed to short day length during pregnancy (especially during the midpoint of pregnancy) are more likely to have shy children. These biological links are likely the result of complex physiological processes. For example, the hormone melatonin is thought to be responsible for the link between shyness and day length during pregnancy. It is suggested that during the winter months when there are fewer hours of daylight, the body produces higher levels of melatonin. This melatonin passes through the placenta to the developing fetal brain, where it may act to create the more highly reactive temperament characteristic of the shy. Not all shyness is evident during infancy, and so it is important to make the distinction between what is referred to as early- and later-developing shyness.

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Many adolescents experience a period of shyness when they develop what is called the imaginary audience, the belief of adolescents that other people are watching them and focusing on their appearance and behavior. (Skjold Photographs)

The early-emerging shyness, which typically appears during the first year of life, is referred to as fearful shyness. Wariness and emotionality, temperamental characteristics that both show a strong genetic component, influence the development of this fearful shyness. In contrast, a later-developing, self-conscious type of shyness first appears around age four or five, and coincides with the child’s development of a cognitive sense of self. This self-conscious shyness increases in intensity around age eight as children engage in more social comparison, and it reaches a peak between the ages of fourteen and

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seventeen, as adolescents deal with the imaginary audience and identity issues. For some, early-developing shyness may continue into a lifelong pattern of shyness. However, others appear to grow out of their shyness. Similarly, whereas selfconscious shyness typically decreases over time, for some, this later-emerging shyness continues through their adult years. Social factors such as poor relationships with parents have been linked to the development of shyness. Relationships with parents may also influence the course and intensity of shyness. Whereas many shy individuals report that they had poor relationships with peers but positive relationships with parents during childhood, men who exhibit social phobia are more likely to report that they had negative childhood relationships with both peers and parents, especially with their mothers. Conversely, parenting that is sensitive to the child’s temperamental characteristics and social needs may lessen the impact of shyness. Other negative experiences outside of the family, such as feelings of incompetence in comparison to peers or experiences of peer rejection during childhood and adolescence, may play key roles in the development of shyness. Interestingly, it is suggested that the expansion of technology in our society may both help and hurt shyness. Whereas the Internet and e-mail may provide a comfortable mode of communication for some shy individuals, a competing concern is that as people need to engage in fewer face-to-face interactions due to technological advances, the development of social skills may be impaired. Poor social skills may result in more shyness. Cultural factors influence both the prevalence of shyness and attitudes about

shyness. For example, the extent to which individual boldness and independence are valued and encouraged varies by culture. Within the United States, shyness is typically highest among Asian Americans and lowest among Jewish Americans. Similarly, in studies that have looked at shyness cross-culturally, lower reports of shyness are reported in Israel, whereas higher levels of shyness are found in Taiwan and Japan. Shyness is generally viewed as an undesirable personality characteristic in the United States, especially for males. Because of their likelihood of higher reactivity, shy children may find themselves to be the targets of teasing and bullying. Shy individuals also are more vulnerable to experiencing loneliness. Lack of a social support network may contribute to greater health problems for shy individuals in adulthood. Family and work roles also may be affected by shyness. For example, some research has found that shy men marry and have children later, whereas shy women have been found to be less likely to work outside of the home. It also is important to recognize the positive characteristics that may be found among shy individuals. Shy individuals have been described as more sensitive and empathic, and as good listeners. Modesty also may be viewed as a positive characteristic of the shy individual. Shy people are usually not perceived as negatively by others as they think they are. Furthermore, not all shy individuals view their shyness negatively. Many well-known and accomplished individuals in all fields of endeavor consider themselves to be shy, and many do not view their shyness as a weakness. We all have a unique constellation of temperamental characteristics that make us who we are. The diversity of personality

Sibling Conflict styles—shy, bold, or in between—adds to the richness of our world. There is help and hope for shy individuals who feel that their shyness is negatively impacting their lives. Recognizing which social environments are a good fit for a person’s temperament can help. For some people, the thought of trying to meet other people at a noisy party is unpleasant. Recognition by these individuals that they may feel more comfortable gradually getting to know people through a common activity (e.g., a club) is an important aspect of self-knowledge. Some strategies that may be helpful to teenagers who want to overcome their shyness include identifying situations most likely to provoke shyness, building self-esteem through recognizing and developing areas of interest and talent, and practicing social skills (e.g., making eye contact, asking for others’ opinions, and practicing starting conversations). Pamela A. Sarigiani

See also Anxiety; Loneliness; Personality; Self-Consciousness; Social Development; Temperament References and further reading Carducci, Bernado, and Philip Zimbardo. 1995. “Are You Shy?” Psychology Today 28: 34–40. Gortmaker, Steven L., Jerome Kagan, Avshalom Caspi, and Phil A. Silva. 1997. “Daylength during Pregnancy and Shyness in Children: Results from Northern and Southern Hemispheres.” Developmental Psychobiology 31: 107–114. Henderson, Lynne, and Philip Zimbardo. 1998. “Shyness.” Pp. 497–509 in Encyclopedia of Mental Health, Vol. 3. Edited by Howard S. Friedman. San Diego: Academic Press. Schmidt, Louis A., and Jay Schulkin, eds. 1999. Extreme Fear, Shyness, and Social Phobia: Origins, Biological Mechanisms, and Clinical Outcomes. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Simon, Gary. 1999. How I Overcame Shyness: 100 Celebrities Share Their Secrets. New York: Simon and Schuster. Zimbardo, Philip, and Shirley Radl. 1981/1999. The Shy Child: A Parent’s Guide to Preventing and Overcoming Shyness from Infancy to Adulthood, 2nd ed. Cambridge, MA: Malor Books.

Sibling Conflict Disagreements are an inevitable part of daily interaction in family relationships. Thus, it comes as no surprise that conflict constitutes a normal part of the sibling experience, even as children enter adolescence. Nevertheless, parents are often concerned by conflict between their adolescent siblings. What Is Conflict? Social conflict is the discord that transpires when two or more people disagree with one another. Conflicts between siblings may be marked by oppositional behaviors such as disagreeing, arguing, objecting, and may at times include physical aggression. Not all conflict, however, includes aggressive behavior, and many researchers recognize that conflict and aggression are not interchangeable terms. Whereas conflict involves mutual opposition and disagreement, aggression is behavior intended to cause harm to another individual. Research shows that there are two distinct forms of sibling conflict. Destructive conflict is characterized by strong negative feelings and coercion. This form of conflict may include physical aggression and typically leads to unsatisfactory resolutions. Constructive conflict, in contrast, is less emotionally intense and more likely to be resolved by means of negotiation and compromise, which facilitates resolutions that are mutually acceptable.

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Sibling conflicts, although stressful, can enhance problem-solving skills among youths. (Shirley Zeiberg)

What Constitutes Average Sibling Conflict? Although conflict can be a defining feature of siblinghood early in life, some research indicates that sibling relationships actually become less emotionally intense as children move into adolescence. There is a slight decrease in warmth, disclosure, and even conflict between siblings. The lessening of tensions may be related to decreased sibling contact, as adolescents begin to spend more time outside the family. Nevertheless, siblings, especially those who continue to spend a great deal of time together, may still engage in frequent

conflict. This is especially true for siblings who have a particular history of conflict. Contrary to popular belief, opposite-sex siblings engage in more conflict than same-sex pairs. Similarly, siblings who are closer in age engage in more conflict than sibling pairs with wider age gaps. In addition, the presence of several personality characteristics are important predictors of sibling conflict. For example, adolescents who have more traditional sex role attitudes, who are highly active, less conscientious, and less agreeable, generally engage in more frequent conflict. In addition, siblings’ personality characteristics

Sibling Conflict may either mesh or clash. That is, not only the children’s own personality traits per se influence conflict, but also their characteristics relative to one another. Other family relationships can also influence sibling conflict. Children whose parents frequently quarrel with each other are more likely to engage in frequent sibling conflict. Likewise, children whose parents use more punitive or inconsistent discipline strategies, or favor one sibling over another, are more likely to engage in sibling conflict. What Do Siblings Fight About? Although it is often difficult for siblings themselves to know what their conflicts are actually about, it appears that conflict between siblings reflects the strains of group living. Thus, the most common themes of sibling conflict are personal property disputes, typically resulting from one sibling’s unauthorized use of the other’s belongings or space. Birth order differences do exist, in that older siblings are more likely to refer to privacy issues and the younger siblings’ immature behavior as reasons for sibling conflict. Quarrels over duties, chores, and privileges or rivalry regarding special treatment by parents are less frequent themes. Interestingly, fighting or competing for parental love or attention is one of the least commonly reported themes of sibling conflict. Who Starts Sibling Conflicts and How Do They End? When asked who starts sibling conflict, adolescents, as opposed to younger children, are likely to assign equal responsibility to both participants. Adolescents tend to resolve sibling conflicts by using passive techniques such as withdrawal or ignoring their siblings, rather than using

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more active or constructive techniques such as negotiation or compromise. Another frequently used conflict resolution tactic is parental intervention, which includes parents voluntarily stepping in to end the conflict as well as children seeking the help of a parent. Is Physical Aggression a Problem? Destructive conflict among adolescent siblings may involve physical aggression such as kicking, biting, hitting, and slapping. In fact, this form of conflict between siblings is the most frequent source of physical harm for youngsters and the most common type of family violence, excluding homicide. Interestingly, girls are as likely as boys to report physical aggression as part of their sibling conflict. There is a growing concern among researchers that aggression between siblings as a means of settling conflict may generalize to situations outside the family. In cases where sibling conflict does become intensely physically violent, families may want to seek counseling or other types of professional intervention. Can Sibling Conflict Be Beneficial? Constructive sibling conflict can actually serve a number of important functions. First, siblings’ ability to disagree openly may create a context where adolescents can assert themselves. Differences are articulated, and individual boundaries and family rules about sharing space are often clarified as part of sibling conflict. Thus, sibling conflict may provide a vehicle for improving relations by highlighting and resolving differences. Second, conflict may reflect age-appropriate issues of selfdefinition and foster a sense of uniqueness, ultimately helping adolescents develop an identity, one of the main tasks of adolescence. In addition, constructive

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sibling conflicts are believed to enhance problem-solving skills that may be generalized outside the family to other relationships and contexts. Can Siblings Who Frequently Fight Still Love Each Other? Although conflict may be seen as negative by parents, not all conflict is necessarily detrimental to the sibling relationship. In fact, adolescents report that the majority of sibling conflicts are neither positive nor negative, nor do they have negative long-term effects on the relationship. In addition, conflict is unrelated to emotional closeness, ratings of the siblings’ importance, or relationship satisfaction. That is, siblings can experience intense bonds of warmth and affection as well as equally strong displays of conflict in the same sibling relationship. In the face of adversity, siblings who frequently fight may grow closer—adolescents rely on their siblings for advice about life plans and personal problems and turn to their siblings for support when experiencing problems with other children at school, during family illness, or after serious accidents. Furthermore, having a close sibling relationship can act as a protective factor for children who are experiencing the stress of parental disharmony and conflict. Beth Manke Deborah Corbitt-Shindler See also Bullying; Conflict and Stress; Conflict Resolution; Family Relations; Sibling Differences; Sibling Relationships; Storm and Stress; Teasing References and further reading Brody, Gene H., and Zolinda Stoneman. 1996. “Sibling Relationships.” Pp. 189–212 in Sibling Relationships: Their Causes and Consequences. Edited by

Gene H. Brody. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing. McGuire, Shirley, Beth Manke, Afsoon Eftekhari, and Judy Dunn. 2000. “Children’s Perceptions of Sibling Conflict during Middle Childhood: Issues and Sibling (Dis)similarity.” Social Development 9: 173–190. Prochaska, Janice M., and James O. Prochaska. 1985. “Children’s Views of the Causes and ‘Cures’ of Sibling Rivalry.” Child Welfare 114: 427–433. Raffaelli, Marcela. 1992. “Sibling Conflict in Early Adolescence.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 54: 652–663. ———. 1997. “Young Adolescent’s Conflicts with Siblings and Friends.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 26: 539–557. Reid, William J., and Timothy Donovan. 1990. “Treating Sibling Violence.” Family Therapy 152: 49–59. Vandell, Deborah L., and Mark D. Bailey. 1992. “Conflicts between Siblings.” Pp. 242–269 in Conflict in Child and Adolescent Development (Cambridge Studies in Social and Emotional Development). Edited by Carolyn U. Shantz and William H. Hartup. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Sibling Differences Most research that includes information about more than one child within a family tells the same story: Siblings differ markedly from one another. That is, sibling differences greatly exceed similarities for most characteristics. What little resemblance there is among siblings is due to hereditary similarity, not to the experience of growing up in the same family. Sibling differences, on the other hand, emerge for reasons of nurture (environment) as well as nature (genetics). Adolescent Siblings Are More Different than Similar The most common method for indexing sibling resemblance is to calculate the

Sibling Differences correlation between sibling pairs for various traits and behaviors. The extent to which the sibling correlation is less than 1.0 denotes sibling differences. Collectively, previous research suggests that siblings growing up in the same family are not very similar. For example, sibling correlations for height and weight rarely exceed .50, meaning that when we combine all of the genetic and environmental influences, siblings are only about 50 percent similar. The average sibling correlation for IQ is similar to that for height and weight, whereas siblings resemble each other even less for personality (.20), psychopathology (.20), and common diseases (.10) (Dunn and Plomin, 1990, p. 42). In short, we can see that sibling differences are as great, if not greater, than their similarities. One exception to this pattern of overwhelming sibling differences pertains to delinquency. Sibling correlations for delinquency are often as high as .70, suggesting siblings are very similar in their delinquent and antisocial behavior, perhaps because siblings are often “partners in crime.” Why are adolescent siblings so different from each other for most traits and behaviors, despite the fact that most siblings grow up in the same home and are raised by the same parents? At the heart of this question is the debate over the origins of individual differences—over the relative influence of nature and nurture. Genetic Influences—Nature Biological siblings (those who share the same mother and father) are first-degree relatives and thus share half (50 percent) of their genes. Thus, if genetic factors (heredity) account for all of the variance of a trait, and thus are entirely responsible for sibling differences, we would expect

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the correlation for first-degree relatives to be .50. For no behavior, however, does heredity account for all of the variance— its influence is generally more limited, whereas environmental factors are key. Looking across all traits and behaviors, it appears that genetic differences account for 30 to 50 percent of the differences between siblings. Genetic differences account for a greater proportion of sibling differences in height and weight (80 percent), as the heritability of these traits is greater (Dunn and Plomin, 1990, p. 65). Environmental Influences—Nurture If heredity is responsible for 30 to 50 percent of sibling differences, what accounts for the remaining 50 to 70 percent of sibling differences? A simple answer is the environment. Environmental influences responsible for sibling differences are commonly referred to as nonshared environmental factors, as they are not shared by siblings and thus work to make siblings different, not similar. Much of the current research designed to pinpoint specific nonshared environmental factors responsible for sibling differences has focused on parental differential treatment, or the ways in which parents treat two children in the same family differently. At any one point in time, parents usually behave very differently to two children in the same family. This is not surprising, given that siblings (except for twins) are different ages and thus are often at different developmental stages. Interestingly, witnessing differential behavior to other children in the family may be more important for well-being than any similar experiences of direct interaction with parents. That is, children who are treated less warmly and/or more harshly than their siblings (or at least

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believe they are) experience more depression, lower self-esteem, lower academic achievement, and have more difficulties in their interactions with siblings and friends. Although less studied, other salient sources of nonshared environmental influence might include adolescents’ interactions with peers, romantic partners, and teachers. For example, having different experiences (e.g., more conflict, less disclosure, and the like) with one’s friends, as compared to a sibling, may be particularly important for sibling differences in adolescent well-being. These extrafamilial sources of nonshared environment might become especially important as adolescents begin to spend more time outside of the family, unsupervised by parents. Another source of nonshared environmental influence might include siblings’ intentional efforts to differentiate themselves from each other. Not only is family discourse commonly replete with comparisons and evaluative judgments about the different family members, but children themselves begin to compare themselves to other siblings in the family at an early age. This process of social comparison may lead some adolescents to choose different activities, clothing, and behavior in an attempt to develop a unique identity, separate from that of their siblings. Finally, we should consider less systematic sources of nonshared environmental influence, such as chance or uncontrollable life events. It may be that the source of sibling differences lies to some degree in different experiences of accidents, chance meetings, and natural disasters. Beth Manke Deborah Corbitt-Shindler

See also Family Relations; Gender Differences; Sibling Relationships; Temperament References and further reading Dunn, Judy, and Robert Plomin. 1990. Separate Lives: Why Siblings Are So Different. New York: Basic Books. Hetherington, Mavis, David Reiss, and Robert Plomin. 1994. Separate Social Worlds of Siblings: The Impact of Nonshared Environment on Development. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Sibling Relationships Siblings are defined as people who share at least one parent. Siblings are either biologically related or legally related. The sibling relationship is usually an individual’s longest relationship, typically lasting from birth or childhood to late adulthood or death. Sibling relationships can range from very close and intimate to distant and hostile. The sibling relationship is influenced not only by each sibling but also by outside forces such as parents and friends. Overall, the sibling relationship is a very important relationship throughout a person’s life. There are several different types of siblings. In fact, twenty-six different types of siblings have been counted. The most common types of siblings are full siblings, half siblings, stepsiblings, and adopted siblings. Full siblings are siblings who share the same two biological parents. Half siblings share only one biological parent. For example, half siblings may have the same biological mother, but have different biological fathers. Stepsiblings have different biological parents. However, they are related through the marriage of one of their biological parents. For example, a child’s mother may marry a man who has children of his own. The woman’s children and the

Siblings are defined as people who share at least one parent and are either biologically or legally related. (Kevin Fleming/Corbis)

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man’s children are not biologically related, but they are related through their parents’ marriage. Lastly, there are adoptive siblings. Adoptive siblings are not related by shared biological parents but because a parent has adopted the child or children into his or her family. That is, the parent has legally made the child a part of the family. Often, adoptive siblings do not have any biological connections to other family members. Recently, between 14 percent and 20 percent of American families included half siblings or stepsiblings. The number of half siblings and stepsiblings has grown in recent years due to the rising number of divorces and remarriages. Historically, there have of course always been siblings. However, over the last hundred years changes in the family have occurred. At the turn of the century, families were larger, and the ranges between children’s ages were greater than they are today. Currently, it is much more common for couples to plan for children, to space their children, and to have fewer children than in past years. Sibling relationships are unique. One unique feature of the sibling relationship is that it is not voluntary. That is, individuals do not choose who they want for a sibling as they can with friends. Moreover, the status of the relationship never changes. That is, brothers are always brothers and sisters are always sisters. Siblings cannot be disowned or separated from as can friends or spouses. The permanent status of siblings allows for a continued bond throughout life. Sibling relationships are also important because it is one of the longest relationships people will have. Sibling relationships often begin in infancy or early childhood and last until late adulthood or death. The sibling relationship often lasts

longer than relationships with parents, spouses, offspring, relatives, and friends. The long period of time that the sibling relationship exists can be an important aspect of the relationship. That is, siblings typically grow up in the same household, neighborhood, and community, and they typically share relatives and kin. Siblings often maintain contact as adults and into old age. As already mentioned, full sibling and some half sibling and adoptive sibling relationships start when the second child is born, or when the parent begins to talk about the unborn child to the soon-to-beolder sibling. In fact, it appears that parents who prepare their children about the expected child are helping the older sibling adjust to the new child. In turn, older siblings are more accepting and helpful when they are prepared for a new sibling. All sibling relationships, though, may begin at any time in life. Because sibling relationships last throughout different stages of life, there are some changes in the way siblings relate. For many siblings, the first few years of the sibling relationship often begin with the older sibling helping take care of the younger sibling and the younger sibling imitating the older sibling. However, as the younger child begins to develop language and thinking skills, the sibling relationship is viewed by both siblings as more equal. That is, by middle childhood most siblings equally share the power in the relationship; one sibling does not dominate the relationship. Although there are differences between siblings, such as intelligence, power, status, age, and achievements, feelings of being equal appear to last throughout life. Sibling relationships are also typically characterized by helping behaviors. In

Sibling Relationships early childhood, older siblings often help parents with caring for younger ones. Although the extent of help varies, many children help their parents with tasks related to a younger brother or sister. As the siblings grow older, siblings are more likely to help each other in other ways, such as in chores, sharing possessions, homework, dating, and family problems. Most siblings continue to help and support each other throughout their lifetimes. Siblings also appear to influence one another’s behaviors and attitudes. Children as young as six months old may imitate their siblings’ behaviors. This kind of imitation actually helps younger children learn about the world and their role in it. During adolescence, older siblings seem to influence their younger siblings’ sexual and problem behavior. For example, one sibling’s aggressive behavior may influence the other sibling to be aggressive as well. Siblings also impact each other’s positive behaviors, such as helping behaviors and doing well in school. Sibling relationships are far from being all alike. Some siblings are close and affectionate, whereas others are distant and aggressive. One reason that siblings may be close or not so close is their personality characteristics. That is, if siblings have similar personalities, they are likely to share a close relationship. On the other hand, siblings who have very different personalities are less likely to share a close relationship. For example, if one sibling is outgoing and the other sibling is shy, the siblings are less likely to be close. This is not always the case, though. In some cases, siblings who have different personalities complement each other, such that an outgoing sibling helps a shy brother or sister to be more sociable. The sibling relationship also appears to be influenced by siblings’ ages and posi-

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tions within the family. Same-sex siblings are more likely to be close than are brother-sister relationships. Moreover, sisters are more likely to confide in each other than are brothers. In addition, siblings who are close in age (less than three years apart in age) are more likely to experience conflict than siblings who are far apart in age (four or more years age difference). Very widely spaced siblings (six or more years age difference) typically get along together very well. Sibling relationships also vary by the age of the siblings. For example, during adolescence siblings are less likely to be involved with each other, and the intensity of the relationship lessens. The sibling relationship changes during adolescence partly because teenagers are spending more time with friends, and friends are considered more important than are siblings. Moreover, conflict and negative feelings between siblings increase during early adolescence (ages eleven to thirteen) but lessen as siblings reach the end of adolescence (ages seventeen to nineteen). Although there are changes in the sibling relationship during adolescence, many teenagers continue to feel that a sibling is an important person in their lives. Even if there has been a cooling off, by adulthood the intimacy between siblings is once again established, though on adult terms. The sibling relationship is not only influenced by each sibling but also by the family. For example, sometimes the sibling relationship is influenced by the amount of stress the mother experiences. When mothers deal with a lot of stress throughout the day, siblings are more likely to describe their relationship as less close and less intimate. Moreover, how each sibling relates to the parent influences how the siblings relate to each

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other. That is, if siblings have a warm relationship with a parent, then they are likely to also have a warm relationship with their sibling. In addition, the closeness of the siblings’ family impacts the closeness of the sibling bond. Lastly, how the siblings’ parents relate to each other is often reflected in how siblings relate to each other. That is, the characteristics of the mother-father relationship are often similar to the characteristics of the sibling relationship. Another influence on sibling relationships is whether the parent treats each child the same or favors a particular child. If parents treat their children differently, then siblings are more likely to be jealous or envious of each other. In addition, even if the parent treats each child the same, but one sibling thinks the parent treats the other sibling better than the parent treats him, then the sibling relationship will more likely be characterized by jealousy and conflict. Overall, the sibling relationship is important throughout development, including in adolescence. Leanne J. Jacobson Patricia L. East

See also Family Composition: Realities and Myths; Family Relations; Mental Retardation, Siblings with; Sibling Conflict; Sibling Differences; Twins References and further reading Brody, Gene H., ed. 1996. Sibling Relationships: Their Causes and Consequences. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing. Cicirelli, Victor G. 1995. Sibling Relationships across the Lifespan. New York: Plenum Press. Dunn, Judy, and Shirley McGuire. 1992. “Sibling and Peer Relationships in Childhood.” Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 33, no. 1: 67–105.

Single Parenthood and Low Achievement Family structure has for a long time been considered a predictor of school performance among children and adolescents. In particular, children and adolescents raised in single-parent households consistently score lower on measures of educational achievement. And as single-parent families continue to represent a growing percentage of households, whether due to higher rates of divorce or children being raised by parents who choose not to marry, policymakers are increasingly interested in outcome measures that demonstrate what, if any, consequence results from this demographic shift. Historically, deviations from the typical two-parent family structure have been viewed as impediments to children’s and adolescents’ academic achievement, the result of presumed added stress and less social and/or financial support characteristic of this type of family composition. Against this backdrop, it is unsurprising that those reared without resident biological fathers are seven times more likely to be school dropouts, runaway teens, pregnant as teenagers, welfare recipients, delinquent adolescents, and, subsequently, criminals (Lykken, 1997). Thus, the lower achievement test scores of those raised by single parents are often ascribed to some inherent pathology within the one-parent household structure. Recent analyses of achievement test scores, however, contradict this supposition and suggest that these differences are not necessarily due to any intrinsic negative attribute associated with the single-parent household structure, per se. Below we explain the reasoning for this new insight. Charlotte Paterson and her colleagues looked at income level and household composition, among other variables, as

Single Parenthood and Low Achievement predictors of elementary school-aged children’s school performance. Results showed that although the variables measured accounted for 25 percent of the variance in academic achievement, coming from a singe-parent household was the least significant predictor of scores. In his study of the effect of single parenthood on school readiness in six- and seven-year-olds, Henry Ricciuti showed that school readiness and achievement for this age group were unrelated to, and therefore unhindered by, single parenthood, which was associated with lower income and lower maternal educational attainment. Findings from a number of other studies report the same outcome for adolescents. For example, Elizabeth Peters and Natalie Mullis showed that performance of fifteen- to sixteen-yearolds on the Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT) was not affected by growing up in a female-headed household; and controlling income eliminated any negative effects on years of schooling completed by age twenty-four to twenty-five (Ricciuti, 1999). In their study of one-year prospective effects of family, peer, and neighborhood influence on academic achievement among African American adolescents, Nancy Gonzales and her colleagues reported that family status variables, which included income, parent education level, and the number of parental figures present in the home, did not significantly predict school performance. In fact, they pointed out that this finding “contributes to the growing list of studies that refute the ‘father absence’ explanation of underachievement that once prevailed in the field” (p. 380). More noteworthy are their findings that neighborhood risk interacted with maternal restrictive control and moderated a positive effect of peer support to significantly

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affect school performance—highlighting the need for more ecological models when examining this issue. This trend of commensurate academic performance among adolescents of oneand two-parent households, when other background variables are controlled, is actually not new. Data from the 1988 National Education Longitudinal Study, conducted by the National Center for Educational Statistics of the U.S. Department of Education, showed that early adolescents from two-parent households scored higher on standardized achievement tests compared with those from nontraditional family types, including mother-only and father-only compositions. Although these data seem to favor the two-parent household, when the effects of background variables were adjusted, the differences in scores of adolescents being raised in mother-only and mother-father family structures were reduced to one-tenth of a standard deviation (Zill, 1996). Similarly, in two large-scale metaanalyses of the literature on educational achievement and single-parent family structure, Mavis Hetherington and her colleagues and S. A. Salzman looked at a wide range of outcome measures: IQ scores, aptitude tests, overall achievement scores, quantitative-verbal IQ differences, and school grades. Although the majority of studies reviewed in both analyses favored two-parent households, differences in overall general achievement were small, and in the case of IQ scores, differences were not considered meaningful (Milne, 1996). Thus, the evidence reviewed supports the idea that rather than being caused by some inherent pathological problem associated with the single-parent household, differences in school achievement

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may be attributable to the circumstances associated with the deficient economic and educational resources available to this group. Furthermore, there is a clear indication that we must look beyond family structure and include external, community-related variables as factors in models that attempt to predict school performance in adolescents. The National Assessment of Educational Progress has reported on the average differences in American students’ verbal and math test scores since the late 1960s. Recent analyses of differences in achievement as a function of such factors as race, family structure, parental educational attainment, and family income level have documented the illusory role of family structure (e.g., Bronfenbrenner et al., 1996). These findings indicate that although children and adolescents of single-parent households score 16.67 percent lower on verbal test scores (with similar differences found on tests of mathematical reasoning), such deficits were not the result of family structure, per se. In fact, these differences are almost entirely due to variations in income and parental education that happens to be collinear with single parenthood. Thus, when parental educational attainment and income are controlled for, the deficit in scores of adolescents being raised by single mothers is completely eliminated on tests of verbal and mathematical ability. Taken together, these new findings refute previous notions about the pathological role of single parenthood in children’s and adolescents’ school performance. Instead, they are congruent with observations over the past twenty years that the largest gains in test scores have been made by the most disadvantaged

groups, the consequence of increases in educational spending that have been disproportionately targeted to programs serving disadvantaged families, such as Title 1 and Head Start (Bronfenbrenner et al., 1996). In sum, recent research on family structure demonstrates that controlling for differences in economic and other situational factors (particularly maternal educational attainment) reduces the gap in test scores associated with single parenthood. In those situations where single-parent families possess equivalent incomes to those of two-parent families, the children’s and adolescents’ test scores are very similar. In light of this evidence it seems that rather than focusing on family composition, future policy should instead concentrate on assisting singleparent households in the procurement of fiscal support, which may serve to alleviate the intergenerational cycle of disproportionate resources leading to poor achievement. Paul B. Papierno Stephen J. Ceci See also Academic Achievement; High School Equivalency Degree; Pregnancy, Interventions to Prevent; Programs for Adolescents; School Engagement; Sex Education; Teenage Parenting: Consequences; Welfare References and further reading Bronfenbrenner, Urie, Peter McClelland, Elaine Wethington, Phyllis Moen, and Stephen J. Ceci. 1996. State of Americans. New York: Free Press. Coleman, J., and T. Hoffer. 1987. Public and Private High Schools: The Impact of Communities. New York: Wiley. Gonzalez, Nancy A., Ana Mari Cauce, Ruth J. Friedman, and Craig A. Mason. 1996. “Family, Peer, and Neighborhood Influences on Academic Achievement among African-American Adolescents:

Social Development One Year Prospective Effect.” American Journal of Community Psychology 24, no. 3: 365–387. Hetherington, E. Mavis, David L. Featherman, and Karen A. Camara. 1981. Intellectual Functioning and Achievement of Children in One-Parent Households. Washington DC: National Institute of Education. Lykken, David T. 1997. “Factory of Crime.” Psychological Inquiry 8: 261–270. Milne, Ann M. 1996. Family Structure and the Achievement of Children.” Pp. 32–65 in Education and the American Family: A Research Synthesis. Edited by W. J. Weston. New York: New York University Press. Paterson, Charlotte J., Janis B. Kupersmidt, and Nancy A. Vaden. 1990. “Income Level, Gender, Ethnicity, and Household Composition as Predictors of Children’s School-Based Competence.” Child Development 61: 485–494. Peters, Elizabeth H., and Natalie C. Mullis. 1997. “The Role of Family Income and Sources of Income in Adolescent Achievement.” Pp. 340–381 in Consequences of Growing Up Poor. Edited by Greg J. Duncan and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn. New York: Sage. Ricciuti, Henry R. 1999. “Single Parenthood and School Readiness in White, Black, and Hispanic 6- and 7Year-Olds.” Journal of Family Psychology 13: 450–465. Salzman, S. A. 1987. “Meta-Analysis of Studies Investigating the Effects of Father Absence on Children’s Cognitive Performance.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Washington, DC (April). Steinberg, Laurence. 1989. “Communities of Families and Education.” In Education and the American Family: A Research Synthesis. Edited by W. J. Weston. New York: New York University Press. Zill, Norman. 1996. “Family Change and Student Achievement: What We Have Learned, What It Means for Schools.” Pp. 139–174 in Family-School Links: How Do They Affect Educational Outcomes? Edited by Alan Booth and Judith F. Dunn. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

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Social Development Social development refers to the changes in both social interactions and expectations that one experiences across the life span. Understanding the processes involved in social development will aid adolescents in successfully negotiating their social world. Social and cultural forces as well as specific life experiences affect our relationships with others and how we think of ourselves. In each stage of development, we must uphold certain social roles and values. Some of these roles are possessed since birth (e.g., being a son), while others are taken on as one ages (e.g., being a teenager). Many roles are thrust upon us by circumstance or societal expectations (e.g., being a woman), while others are chosen by the individual (e.g., being a lawyer). Thus, roles may change throughout the life span as we progress through infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Humans are social creatures, and we are interested in understanding how other people interact with and achieve success in the environment. Throughout life those around us serve as models for our own behavior as we observe and learn from their actions. Those individuals who tend to be most influential as models are those who are effective in their environment, those who have nurtured or protected us, and those individuals we perceive as similar to ourselves. We attempt to mimic behavior that we believe will help us reach the goals that are important to us and “people like us.” Through observation, modeling, and even direct instruction we are socialized to conform to the standards of our communities, but our social environment is complex and changes constantly. When describing how we develop socially, we must account for

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Social development, often involving peers, is a significant feature of adolescence. (Laura Dwight)

the contribution of differences in culture, historical period, gender, group membership, and status to social development. Social pressures interact with personal traits, including physical health, selfesteem, perceived attractiveness, and intelligence, to affect our development. For example, a person considered attractive in his cultural context will have a different set of life experiences than one not considered attractive. In this way judgments about ourselves and others both shape and are shaped by our social activities and interactions. As we are socialized into the world, we develop a self-concept, which will impact our future social interaction and development. This notion of self-identity involves knowledge of both our social

roles and our personal values and morality. Throughout life self-concept is a powerful contributor to social and personal development. Our views of ourselves affect the impressions that other people will come to have of us as well as our success in both our professional and personal lives. For example, even in young children school achievement has been shown to rely on both academic ability and individual inferences about learning ability. Those children who believe certain tasks are beyond their ability often find that to be true, simply because their own self-doubts prevent success. Aspects of our self-concepts are carried with us throughout development, although the self-concept may change somewhat over time.

Social Development Although there are many socializing forces in the environment, it is important to recognize that we play an active role in our interactions with the environment to guide and direct social development. Decisions we make and the attitude and approaches we take when interacting with others will alter the course of our own socialization, as well as influencing the social development of others in the community. During childhood, social development begins with the family. Children must rely on adults not only to provide food and shelter, but also to provide social and emotional support. Bonds with parents or other caretakers form the first meaningful relationships an individual will have. Parents interpret society and culture for their children, and begin to convey their values and attitudes to their children from the day that they are born. Newborns do not have some of the skills we tend to associate with adult social interaction, such as language, but they are still active participants in the social world. Children tend to be naturally social, showing almost immediate interest in faces and amazing sensitivity to emotions. Newborns are likely to look at faces for longer amounts of time than other objects of equal complexity, and may even be observed to mimic the facial expressions they see. Infants can soon distinguish people based on age, gender, and familiarity, and they are sensitive to the moods of their mothers. As early as two months of age, children even coordinate their attention and actions with those of others in their social world. By eighteen months they exhibit a trait known as social referencing: They base decisions about their behavior on the facial expressions and conveyed attitudes of the adults around them. For example,

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children of this age will show interest in a new toy if their mothers smile and encourage them. However, they will avoid the same item if their mothers appear afraid of it. Through observation and modeling, children learn to interpret motives, emotions, and actions and become familiar with norms, roles, and relationships in society. In this way children learn to do the social problemsolving tasks they will encounter every day for the rest of their lives. They learn how to participate in and respond to social situations, and ultimately they learn about the expectations they must meet as members of society. It has been said that one cannot know herself without first having a sense of the other people in the world. Through experience with the world, infants develop an awareness of themselves as separate from the environment and learn that they can control their own behavior as well as certain aspects of the external world. This realization leads young children to compare themselves to others and to begin to assign labels to members of their social world. Young children tend to describe and categorize others in terms of their external characteristics such as gender, age, appearance, or observable behavior. As children grow, they begin to recognize internal traits such as personality and attitude as stable aspects of individuals. One of the earliest categories that children use for classification is gender. This trend is not surprising, given that even before children are themselves able to distinguish reliably between the genders, parents and other adults treat them differently based on gender, beginning the process of sex role socialization. Female infants are referred to as “pretty,” “good,” and “sweet,” while terms such as “handsome,” “tough,” and “active” are applied

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to males. These differences have even been seen in research settings where the same baby posed as both a male and a female. In fact, most differences in temperament and achievement between the genders are actually very small. Although there may be a small difference in the average performance between the genders on some measures, the variation within either gender is almost always far greater than the variability between the genders, leading to much overlap in ability. For example, males may be able to lift heavier objects on average than females, but the strongest female is much stronger than the weakest male, even within the same age and health range. However that may be, children internalize the gender-related behaviors and concepts that are modeled for them both directly and indirectly, and they become part of their self-concepts. Thus, by about age five most children display some gender role stereotypes and by age six or seven they have come to think of gender roles as permanent. Although gender-role identity is a fundamental aspect of self-concept, it is not necessarily a rigid personality trait. Many individuals reevaluate at least some aspect of their gender roles and gender concepts at some point in their lives. Parenting styles and individual temperament interact to shape early social development. Parenting styles have tended to be defined in terms of both how demanding the parents are and how responsive they are to their children’s needs and desires. Parents may show appropriate levels of both (characterized as (“authoritative”), may be demanding without being responsive (“authoritarian”), may be responsive but not demanding (“indulgent”), or may be neither (“neglecting”). Variability in parenting

styles across individuals and cultures tends to reflect the socialization goals of the family, and there is not a direct correspondence between parenting styles and future social development. Children in authoritarian households can attain the same levels and kinds of social success as those in indulgent households, depending on the cultural context and individual attitudes. Studies do show that with humans and other primates inadequate or inappropriate early social contact can often have lifelong effects on physical and mental health as well as the ability to form later relationships. Orphans raised in institutions may show abnormal levels of emotional and physical disorders and high death rates, even when adequate food and medical care are provided. Similar outcomes may result from hostile family environments, but individuals may also show resilience and thrive even in the face of a negative environment. These resilient children tend to share certain traits, which are believed to insulate them from many of the harmful effects of improper social contact. These traits include social competence (feeling effective and successful in their social world), self-confidence, independence, and a drive to achieve. In addition, most of these individuals have at least a few positive social relationships that provide a sense of security and create a social support system. Peer relationships in early childhood tend to be based on physical proximity. Our first friends are those people available to play with, and friendships can be made or broken very rapidly, while the family tends to provide the main source of social support. In adolescence, peers begin to compete with the family as a major socializing influence. Friendships become more long-lasting, and are marked

Social Development by loyalty and intimacy as friends “stick together” and “can tell each other anything.” This kind of friendship takes a long time to form, and such friends are difficult to replace. During adolescence an individual begins to form an adult identity and to push for independence from his or her parents. This move toward independence can strain family relationships, but there is much variability in the actions and reactions of individuals and their parents. While individuals separate from their parents, relationships with their peers tend to intensify, moving toward greater mutual dependence. In this way adolescents come to rely on their friends for advice and social support. Gender roles also begin to be more clearly differentiated during this time, and romantic relationships may be initiated. While their relationships change, adolescents also begin to address future personal and career goals in anticipation of the transition to adulthood. At this point, people may begin to recognize the active role they play in shaping their own social world. Decisions can be made about school, career, family, and friends that will have lasting consequences, and society comes to expect the individual to take responsibility for his actions at this stage as well. As cognitive abilities expand, adolescents begin to think more explicitly about their social roles and values. They may come to realize there may be discrepancies between the idealized view of themselves and reality, coming to terms with their own inconsistencies. During this period, individuals show marked concern about how others regard them, but they also show a tendency to filter out cultural and social information that is inconsistent with their self-image. Moral views become particularly important

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parts of the self-concept, as the individual begins to consider the ramifications of her actions and to make decisions about the kind of person she would like to be. The transition from childhood to adulthood is marked by rites of passage in some cultures, and is often believed to be associated with a time of emotional upheaval. The conception of adolescence as a time of mood swings and unpredictable behavior is not necessarily accurate, however. Many non-Western cultures do not hold this preconception and do not see such patterns of behavior. Even in the United States antisocial behavior during adolescence is the exception and not the norm. Adolescence is also typically associated with the onset of puberty, but this conception of development is too simplistic. Puberty refers to the physical changes that occur as one enters reproductive adulthood, but adolescence is a social construct, describing the transition to social adulthood. In most cases both adolescence and puberty begin in the preteen or early teen years. However, adolescence may be observed to begin earlier or later than puberty and often has a different overall time course. Typically, adolescence begins later for boys than for girls, as females tend to mature both physically and socially earlier than males. In the United States adolescence has no clearly defined beginning or end. Children who are given increased independence at an early age may share characteristics of adolescents before puberty, while others may remain “children” beyond the onset of puberty. In recent years, some have suggested that the duration of adolescence may be lengthening as individuals delay the “adult” roles associated with marriage and family in order to further their educational and professional goals. In some

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cases, however, individuals may pass almost directly from childhood to adulthood due to the demands of the situation. These factors can vary culturally, but in any context, situations such as loss of a parent or teen pregnancy can significantly alter the duration of this phase. In adulthood social relationships and personal accomplishments are both emphasized. Commitments move beyond oneself and one’s partner to include the family, work, society, and the future. Throughout adulthood, social intimacy is a key factor of psychological well-being: Those people with strong personal relationships tend to be happier. As with the earlier stages, adulthood is marked by transitional periods that are associated with major life reorganizations. Early and middle adulthood may be characterized by a focus on family, as marital relationships and having children take center stage. Career satisfaction and achievement may also contribute significantly to both social roles and self-concept at this time. Throughout adulthood, goals for career and family are set and periodically reevaluated. In general, women seem much more conflicted between expectations for career and family than men. This trend may be due to relatively recent social changes to women’s roles, as having a career has become socially acceptable and even expected for many women. For adults, gender role behavior varies with the situation, but it appears that gender roles may tend to become more traditional as individuals encounter major life stages. Thus, a couple who are dating may have more balanced or untraditional gender roles, while married couples tend to display a shift toward more traditional gender roles, with the male serving as the breadwinner and the female oversee-

ing the home. This shift becomes even more apparent with the birth of children. However, as with all aspects of social development, there is wide individual variation. Late in adulthood, social interactions shift somewhat to friends again, as children gain independence and individuals retire from their jobs. With growing life expectancies, the postretirement years mark the beginning of new roles and social obligations to friends, family, and the community at large, rather than an end to one’s “usefulness.” However, older adults are often faced with negative stereotypes of declines in intellectual and physical ability. These declines are not necessary (or normal) aspects of the aging process, but at each stage negative stereotypes can lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, as individuals tend to live up (or down) to expectations held by society and by themselves. Individuals tend to have internal social clocks by which they judge the ageappropriateness of different activities. There are expectations about the roles that must be fulfilled at various stages of life, and events that are not in accord with these clocks tend to be more stressful for the individual than those that occur on schedule. Although societal pressures do still dictate when certain events appear to be appropriate, age clocks may be less rigid now than they were in the past, as people are more apt to postpone having children until later in life, go back to school after already establishing a career, and marry, divorce, and remarry throughout the life span. Our social environment is complex and affects development throughout life. Societal expectations and self-concept both change as one matures. Adolescence often marks a time when social factors

Spina Bifida first consciously enter into decision processes about how to act within situations, and most adolescents are strongly influenced by social pressures introduced by their families, their peers, and the greater community. Having a realistic understanding of the factors involved in social development will help adolescents to negotiate their environments confidently and to understand how their actions affect the social world experienced by themselves and others around them. Maya Misra See also Cliques; Conformity; Dating; Peer Groups; Peer Victimization in School; Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes; Youth Culture References and further reading Anthony, E. James, and Bertram J. Cohler, eds. 1987. The Invulnerable Child. New York: Guilford Press. Baltes, Paul B., and Orville G. Brim Jr., eds. 1979. Life-Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press. Baumrind, Diana. 1975. Early Socialization and the Discipline Controversy. Morristown, NJ: General Learning Press. Cichetti, Dante, and Marjorie Beeghly, eds. 1990. The Self in Transition: Infancy to Adulthood. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Damon, William. 1983. Social and Personality Development: From Infancy through Adolescence. New York: Norton. Damon, William, and Daniel Hart. 1988. Self-Understanding in Childhood and Adolescence. New York: Cambridge University Press. Elder, Glen H., Jr., John Modell, and Ross D. Parke, eds. 1993. Children in Time and Place: Developmental and Historical Insights. New York: Cambridge University Press. Erikson, Erik H. 1963. Childhood and Society, 2nd ed. New York: Norton. Hetherington, E. Mavis, Richard M. Lerner, and Marion Perlmutter, eds.

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1988. Child Development in Life-Span Perspective. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Levinson, Daniel J. 1978. The Seasons of a Man’s Life. New York: Knopf. ———. 1996. The Seasons of a Woman’s Life. New York: Random House.

Spina Bifida Adolescents born with spina bifida, a serious and widespread congenital birth defect, face challenges their able-bodied peers do not. They are likely to experience pubertal development before their peers, have difficulty walking, and may find social interactions difficult. They also are more likely than able-bodied peers to remain dependent on their families and must be encouraged to accept increasing responsibility in an age-appropriate and ability-appropriate manner. Although most adolescents with spina bifida are within the normal range of intellectual functioning, their unique learning difficulties are often inadequately addressed and may result in discrimination in the workplace as adults. Given these challenges, it is not surprising that these adolescents are at increased risk for attentional problems, anxiety, withdrawal, and depression. A healthy parent-child relationship and opportunities for meaningful and rewarding social interactions, however, can improve the self-image and self-confidence of adolescents with spina bifida and protect them from many of these emotional and behavioral problems. Major medical advances have greatly increased the survival and functioning of those born with spina bifida, but much work remains to fully understand their development over the life span. As children with spina bifida become adolescents, it becomes increasingly important to focus not only on medical needs but

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also on psychosocial factors that can improve their quality of life through childhood, adolescence, and into adulthood. Developing with Spina Bifida Spina bifida is the second most common congenital birth defect in the world. It occurs during the first twenty-eight days of a pregnancy when the bones of the spinal column that surround the developing spinal cord do not close completely. The degree of impairment in spina bifida depends on the location and extent of the spinal lesion, shunt status (i.e., how effectively the shunt that removes excess fluid from the brain is working), and the severity of orthopedic deformities in the legs, feet, and spinal column. Most children require some mechanical aids (e.g., wheelchairs, crutches, or braces) to move around, and the majority incur bladder and bowel control difficulties. Prior to the early 1950s, babies born with spina bifida rarely survived. Major advances in neurosurgery and urology, however, have increased the chances of survival, and today the majority of infants born with this birth defect will live into adulthood. As the life span of children born with spina bifida has increased, more attention has been given to the developing adolescent and the transition into adulthood. Children with spina bifida tend to begin puberty earlier than their able-bodied peers, often starting as early as seven years of age. This precocious puberty results in fewer available years for bone growth and thus shorter and heavier stature overall. In addition, it may result in earlier breast development and menarche for girls. Even though they mature early, adolescents with spina bifida perceive themselves to be uninformed about the sexual implications of spina bifida. The effect of spina

bifida on sexual function depends on the lesion level and the degree of completeness of the lesion. In males with spina bifida, erection, intercourse, ejaculation, fertility, and sensation of orgasm can all be affected to varying degrees. In females, fertility, menstruation, and intercourse are rarely affected, but sensation of orgasm may be affected by the disability. Parental Relationships Adolescents with spina bifida often remain psychologically dependent on their parents much longer than their nondisabled peers do. As a result, a major goal for the family during this period is to help the adolescent function more independently. The process of transferring responsibility from the parent to the child should take place in a progressive manner with age-appropriate and abilityappropriate jobs. Parents who treat their children in an age-appropriate manner, do not inhibit their activities, and encourage achievement have a positive influence on their adolescents’ selfimage, as well as future employment, community mobility, and social activity. Dependency on the family is evident in the passive approach many adolescents with spina bifida take toward healthcare. Most adolescents with spina bifida are aware of the functional implications of their disability (e.g., symptoms associated with shunt malfunction, the name and purpose of medications, and programs necessary in managing their disability) but are unaware of diagnostic information (e.g., lesion level, hydrocephalus, diagnosis). To become more active in healthcare and make informed decisions, adolescents with spina bifida must be educated about their disability, the associated health risks, and implications for functioning. Earlier exposure to

Spina Bifida terminology related to diagnosis and neurological status, as well as more direct decision making by the adolescent about treatment, where appropriate, might improve knowledge and encourage more responsibility. Current research suggests that adolescents with spina bifida may be at increased risk for emotional and behavioral adjustment problems, particularly attentional problems and internalizing symptoms such as anxiety, withdrawal, and depression. The normal challenges of identity formation are complicated for the adolescent with spina bifida because they must integrate the permanence of the disability into the developing selfconcept. Adolescents with spina bifida often feel less competent than do ablebodied peers in academic, athletic, and social interactions. On the positive side, they feel equally supported by friends and parents and more supported by teachers. The key is for parents to provide support and at the same time encourage their adolescent’s physical and emotional independence. Given the protective effect of having a healthy parent-child relationship, a physical disability does not necessarily result in psychosocial problems. Rather, the social expectations of significant others as well as opportunities for meaningful and rewarding social interactions are primary determinants of positive self-image. Peer Interactions Social isolation is a major problem for young adults with spina bifida. Peer relationships are generally characterized by extremely limited out-of-school contacts, minimal participation in organized social activities, and a tendency toward sedentary activities. Most adolescents with spina bifida have never dated and

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have only minimal social interactions with the opposite sex. Activities that involve age-appropriate tasks that other students will both benefit from and appreciate are most helpful in increasing self-confidence and social interaction in adolescents with spina bifida. A study by Jan Lord and colleagues suggests that mere physical proximity to able-bodied peers does not necessarily promote increased social interaction and confidence. The study found that, even though adolescents in mainstream classes had the most normal scores for academic and social skills, those whose program combined general and special education classes reported the least loneliness. Class placement, therefore, should be carefully considered on an individual basis, since it appears that for some adolescents part-time placement in special education classrooms might have social advantages that decrease loneliness. Academic and Vocational Functioning Adolescents with spina bifida, although below the population average, are within the normal range of intelligence and can usually function academically in general education classrooms. They usually perform within the normal range on verbal tasks, but have unique learning disabilities that involve visual-motor integration difficulty and fine-motor coordination problems. These problems typically result in lower arithmetic achievement relative to nondisabled adolescents, while performance in areas such as reading and spelling keeps pace with age peers. Expanded education for teachers regarding spina bifida is necessary to address these specific limitations. Adolescents with spina bifida are protected under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (PL 101-476), which

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requires that goals and objectives related to employment and postsecondary education, independent living, and community participation be included in Individual Educational Programs (IEPs) at no later than sixteen years of age. In a survey of needs by Suzanne Kennedy and colleagues, parents and young people with spina bifida felt that these needs were not being adequately addressed. They strongly suggested that vocational counselors become more understanding and realistic and that employers receive updated information regarding disabilities. To compete for employment, young people with spina bifida need to learn self-advocacy and selfmarketing skills and to be aware of their employment rights, based on the Rehabilitation Act and the Americans with Disabilities Act. Venette C. Westhoven Grayson N. Holmbeck Michelle Abdala Sandra Alcala See also Developmental Challenges; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations References and further reading Ammerman, Robert T., Vincent R. Kane, Gregory T. Slomka, Donald H. Reigel, Michael D. Franzen, and Kenneth D. Gadow. 1998. “Psychiatric Symptomatology and Family Functioning in Children and Adolescents with Spina Bifida.” Journal of Clinical Psychology in Medical Settings 5: 449–465. Appleton, P. L., P. E. Minchom, N. C. Ellis, C. E. Elliott, V. Boll, and P. Jones. 1994. “The Self-Concept of Young People with Spina Bifida: A Population-Based Study.” Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology 36: 198–215. Erickson, David. 1992. “Knowledge of Disability in Adolescents with Spina Bifida.” Canadian Journal of Rehabilitation 5: 171–175. Erickson, David, and Laurel Erickson. 1992. “Knowledge of Sexuality in

Adolescents with Spina Bifida.” Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality 14: 195–199. Kennedy, Suzanne E., Sherri D. Garcia Martin, John M. Kelley, Brian Walton, Claudia K. Vlcek, Ruth S. Hassanein, and Grace E. Holmes. 1998. “Identification of Medical and Nonmedical Needs of Adolescents and Young Adults with Spina Bifida and Their Families: A Preliminary Study.” Children’s Health Care 27: 47–61. Lord, Jan, Nicole Varzos, Bruce Behrman, John Wicks, and Dagmar Wicks. 1990. “Implications of Mainstream Classrooms for Adolescents with Spina Bifida.” Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology 32: 20–29. Wills, Karen E., Grayson N. Holmbeck, Katherine Dillon, and David G. McLone. 1990. “Intelligence and Achievement in Children with Myelomeningocele.” Journal of Pediatric Psychology 15:161–176. Wolman, Clara, and Deborah E. Basco. 1994. “Factors Influencing Self-Esteem and Self-Consciousness in Adolescents with Spina Bifida.” Society of Adolescent Medicine 15: 543–548. Completion of this article was supported in part by Social and Behavioral Sciences Research Grant No. 12FY93–0621, 12-FY 97–0270, and 12FY99–0280 from the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation.

Sports and Adolescents Adolescents and athletics are a natural mix. Although adolescents may struggle with many other aspects of their lives, sports are uniquely equipped to help the adolescent adapt to the physical, psychological, and social changes they are experiencing. In light of this, athletics becomes a valuable setting in which to understand adolescents. While much of the world (the family and school, for example) is struggling to adapt to the changes of adolescence, athletics by its very nature embraces those changes and the different ways in which they evolve. There are ath-

Sports and Adolescents letic opportunities for early-, on-time, and late-maturing adolescents, for adolescents who are tall or not as tall, thin but fast or heavy but strong, and interested in team sports or interested in individual sports. The power of sports to provide a meaningful and positive environment for adolescents cannot be overstated. However, there is also the potential for sports to create negative experiences for young people. Coaches are expected to instill a range of important values and skills in the young participants, but agreement on what those values and skills are is up for debate. We want our young athletes to be team oriented and loyal, but not if it involves cheating or poor sportsmanship. We want them to be competitive but fair, to be satisfied with putting forth their best efforts but also to win. Because of the complicated nature of these values, coaches must be prepared to help young athletes come to an understanding of what it means to be a good athlete. Thus, the purpose of the present essay is threefold. First, it examines the relationship between athletics and the fundamental changes of adolescence. Second, it identifies how young people can benefit or suffer from sport experiences. Finally, it provides parents and coaches with some ideas about how to help young people deal with the challenges of being an athlete. Biological Change and Athletic Participation In sports, the biological changes of adolescence, specifically puberty, need to be appreciated in two distinct ways. First, it is important to explore how an adolescent’s pubertal changes affect her athletic experiences. In turn, it is also important to attempt to understand how athletics affect puberty.

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When adolescents are good at an activity that is important to them, such as sports, they are likely to develop positive feelings about themselves. (Skjold Photographs)

Effects of Puberty on Athletic Experiences Although it is true that nearly all adolescents go through puberty, how they go through it varies considerably. Specifically, variations arise in terms of the tempo—how rapidly an individual completes puberty—and the timing—at what age an individual begins puberty compared to his peers. Pubertal tempo and timing may affect the type of sport an adolescent chooses to participate in, her level of success in that sport, and/or her willingness to participate at all. We know that boys and girls who mature early may fare differently from those who mature

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later. Boys who mature early are likely to be successful in a variety of team sports, such as football, baseball, swimming, track and field, and cycling. In turn, those boys who mature later are found to be more successful in such sports as hockey, distance running, and gymnastics. For girls, the picture becomes more complicated. We know most about girls who participate in individual sports such as figure skating and gymnastics. In these sports, later maturation is more likely to lead to success. For female swimmers, success does not appear to be a function of maturational timing. However, while boys are likely to participate in athletics regardless of their pubertal experiences, early maturation in girls appears to have an inhibitory effect on their sport participation. This may result from their general lack of comfort with the physical changes associated with puberty, for which neither they nor those around them may be prepared. In fact, for girls, athletic contexts may demand a certain level of comfort with one’s physical self in order to be able to participate.

or the timing of the growth spurt. It does affect weight in both boys and girls, as would be expected, by increasing the level of lean mass (muscle) and decreasing the level of adipose tissue (fat).

Effects of Physical Activity and Athletics on Puberty The effect of physical activity on puberty is more difficult to understand. There is some evidence to suggest that girls who train intensely in sports are likely to experience delayed menarche (first menstrual period). But it is not clear whether physical activity is the cause of this delayed menarche or whether girls who participate in sports are simply predisposed to a later age of menarche anyway. In addition, we know very little about the impact of intense training on boys’ development. It can be said that intense athletic activity appears to have no effect on growth in height, skeletal maturation,

Types of Motivation: Intrinsic and Extrinsic What is motivation? For the purposes of this discussion, there are two types of motivational style. Extrinsic motivation involves relying on some type of tangible reward. Thus, a child who is extrinsically motivated would seek to be involved in sport in the hopes of winning trophies, money, ribbons, or some other form of reward. In addition, an individual who participates in sports to avoid feeling guilty for not having participated would be extrinsically motivated. In contrast, intrinsic motivation is generated internally by the individual, meaning they participate “for the fun of it,” or because they

Psychological Changes and Athletic Participation In addition to the fundamental biological changes associated with adolescence, critical changes are occurring psychologically as well. Of particular importance in athletics are changes in the thought processes of young people. In the realm of sports, motivation becomes a key issue to understand, since it affects both an adolescent’s willingness to get involved and stay involved in a sport as well as the success he experiences in that sport. Two approaches to understanding motivation are worth noting. Joan Duda has focused extensively on the idea of achievement motivation and the importance of being task oriented, while Maureen Weiss has focused on issues of competence motivation and the importance of gaining mastery.

Sports and Adolescents like how they feel about themselves when they take part in sports. Thus, intrinsically motivated children, although they may be excited about winning a trophy or ribbon, are not driven solely by the need to be rewarded by such objects. Achievement Motivation and Sports The study of sport-related achievement motivation focuses on attributions and goal orientations. Specifically, it asks to what children and adolescents attribute their successes and failures, and whether they are oriented toward mastering tasks (in other words, task oriented) or toward surpassing others (in other words, ego oriented). At the same time, the relationship between how children think about their successes and failures (attributional style) and how task oriented they are is impacted by changes in the thought patterns that occur during childhood and adolescence. Thus, a discussion of these factors is merited in order to appreciate the complexity of how motivation develops as well as what is required of adults in their attempts to enhance rather than impede the development of motivation. Ability, Effort, and Task Difficulty. Is success a matter of luck while failure is a matter of personal ability? Is failure based on a lack of effort or lack of ability? Are sporting experiences something over which the child feels he or she has some control with respect to the outcome? As children grow up, they come to understand that their ability, their effort, and the difficulty of a task are independent factors affecting athletic performance. They also learn to more accurately evaluate their own performance and ability in comparison to that of their peers. Thus, young children tend to believe that if they can just try hard enough, they can

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be best at a sport. However, adolescents are more sophisticated thinkers and can realize that “ability is capacity,” meaning there are some tasks that are simply too difficult for them regardless of how much effort they put forth. They may never be as good as some of their more athletically competent peers. Attributions. So if adolescents can tell they may always be mediocre, why do those adolescents stay involved in sports? The answer is attributional style. It is generally understood that young people try to find ways to be successful and show high ability. How positively young people perceive their competence is affected by how much success they experience athletically, but that is not the only factor. A young person who thinks his success results from personal qualities like ability and effort is more likely to feel competent, particularly if he or she believes the causes of the success are personal and consistent (like ability). In contrast, a young person who believes her success is the result of situational factors (such as luck or ease of task) is less likely to develop positive feelings of competence. Positive feelings can also result from failure experiences. A child who believes he failed due to lack of effort is more likely to think the outcome could be different the next time “if I just try harder.” Thus, it is possible for both success and failure to have either a positive or a negative effect on a child’s feelings of athletic competence and therefore on her motivation to achieve. It simply depends on how the child interprets each event. Task Orientation versus Ego Orientation. However, the picture is more complicated if one is interested in understanding why adolescents not only get into sports but

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stay involved. The issue of personal competence (task mastery) becomes important at this point. Adolescents who concentrate on mastering a task are likely to put forth more effort, have more accurate and positive perceptions of their ability, and set more appropriate goals for achievement. In contrast, adolescents who compare themselves to others may exhibit one of two distinct patterns: If they also believe they have high ability, they are more likely to engage in behaviors that are both challenging and calculated to strengthen their sense of competence; if they believe they have low ability, they are more likely to choose activities that are too easy or too difficult for their ability level and so have no effect on their sense of competence. Practically speaking, a teenager whose main focus is on self-improvement is more likely to continue participating in sports throughout adolescence. On the other hand, a teenager who is primarily concerned with outdoing his peers may not experience problems initially, but it is almost inevitable that an unsurpassable opponent will be encountered at some point. By age twelve or thirteen, young adolescents understand that there is an upper limit to their ability regardless of the amount of effort they put forth, a limit that makes some opponents unbeatable. Under such circumstances, additional effort is useful only when an individual seeks to achieve a skill level that reflects her greatest potential, irrespective of others’ performances. Thus, teenagers who are most interested in doing their best are less bothered when they realize they are not as skilled as others and will maintain participation in sports, whereas those most interested in beating others are more likely, given the right circumstances, to drop out of sports.

Competence Motivation and Sports While understanding achievement motivation provides those in the field with insights into why young people may choose to stay in or to drop out of sports, competence motivation becomes valuable for those interested in understanding how sports contributes to the self-esteem of young athletes. In general, the basic premise of this approach is that how a child judges his level of competence affects how well the child performs athletically, which affects the child’s selfesteem. There are many factors that contribute to the process of developing and building competence and self-esteem. Multiple Domains of Competence. First, there are several performance areas or domains in which adolescents can show competence. One important domain is physical competence, which includes athletic skill. When athletic competence is combined with the adolescent’s personal interest in sport, we gain insight into how self-esteem begins to develop. For example, a child may view sports as important and want to perform well athletically. However, if the child is unable to perform as well as desired, this will affect both the way the child evaluates her competence as well as her continuing interest in sports. Generally then, this means that when children are good at something that is also important to them like sports, they are likely to develop positive feelings about themselves. In contrast, a lack of success is likely to lead to anxiety and negative feelings. Optimal Challenges. For those adults interested in helping young people improve athletically, it is important to present them with the optimal challenge. An optimal challenge is one that is

Sports and Adolescents neither too difficult nor too easy for them to master: one that is tailored to their individual ability. Most often the optimal challenge requires the young person to work hard and may or may not result in a successful outcome. It is an optimal challenge if the young person is able to realize that with effort, he will eventually be able to achieve success. A simple task will not help him feel more competent, and a difficult one will often result in frustration; neither will positively impact self-esteem. An optimal challenge then, maximizes the potential for young people to perceive themselves in a positive way. Significant Others. Competence and self-esteem develop over the course of many experiences and much time. Each is affected by several forces, one of the most important being significant others, or individuals important to the youth. Significant others can be parents, coaches, teachers, relatives, and even peers. The positive role significant others can play centers around showing approval for an adolescent’s attempts to get good at something, a kind of approval that makes it more likely that he or she will keep trying even when struggling. By giving such approval, adults show young people that the process of developing better skills is more important than winning. In addition, adults are promoting the adolescent’s sense of competence and control. Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation. Adults are also pivotal in determining whether children learn to simply like to play sports or whether they need to be rewarded for playing. This is important because children in each of these categories tend to think about their successes and failures differently from one another.

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Here is how the process works. When adults give praise to a child’s effort and persistence at a task (i.e., the process), the child is more likely to simply enjoy the sport, to play “for the fun of it.” On the other hand, when adults only praise children when they are successful (i.e., the product), children are more likely to play in order to get a reward. Thus, it becomes critical to reward children not only for their successes but also for their genuine attempts to be successful even when they are not. This approach to understanding children and adolescents in sports is useful for at least two reasons. First, the concept of optimal challenges requires adults to think about young people as individuals; the typical “one-size-fits-all” approaches to coaching and teaching are not generally recommended, nor are they particularly successful. In addition, it requires those who work with young people to appreciate their normal growth and development and to realize that our strategies for helping them improve must become more sophisticated over time. Second, the concept of significant others encourages us to recognize that, although adults, in particular, parents, are of great importance to young athletes, peers take on great importance during adolescence. Thus, adolescents begin to look to agemates for information regarding performance standards, for standards for evaluating their personal achievements, and for feedback regarding their competence. Ultimately, regardless of which approach one uses, the key point is to facilitate in children and adolescents a degree of personal interest in sports, so that they will want to do well for their own satisfaction, not for outside rewards. These young people are more likely to initiate sport participation and maintain

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their participation into adulthood. In addition, they are more likely to feel good about themselves and to have a greater sense of control over their lives. Finally, they are more likely to see value in achieving their own greatest potential irrespective of their performance levels relative to others.

important for young athletes’ getting involved in sports initially as well as in staying involved. In addition, support appears to be related to greater enjoyment of sports, higher self-esteem, more positive evaluations of performance outcomes, and the amount of importance the adolescent attributes to the sport.

Social Changes and Athletic Experiences Parents are keenly aware of the social changes that emerge during adolescence. Peers take on greater importance at this time; indeed, some feel that peers take on even greater importance than do parents. However, the adolescent social experience can be quite different for boys compared to girls. Thus, this section will explore the different experiences of boys and girls athletically and the extent to which parents and peers are influential in those experiences.

Differences between Mothers and Fathers. These issues cannot be examined without considering differences between mothers and fathers in the way they affect young people’s performances. In general, mothers’ and fathers’ involvement tends to take on different forms and have different impacts on young athletes. Mothers tend to be less invested in their child’s performance per se, focusing more on the child’s enjoyment, thereby adjusting their level of support and expectations to match the child’s enjoyment of the sport. Fathers, in contrast, tend to be more interested in their child’s ability and effort, increasing their involvement when they believe their child’s effort or ability is low. This is an important issue. If fathers (or parents generally) become overinvolved in their child’s performance, the child may begin to enjoy the sport less as she perceives greater parental pressure to perform. This, then, may lead to less effort on the part of the child, setting up a destructive cycle of self-defeating behaviors. Note that this is not a criticism of fathers, since society has generally placed athletics in men’s domain, and therefore they are more likely to feel pressure from society for their children to perform well athletically. There may also be parenting issues that arise differently based on the sex of child. Some have suggested that when children are first getting involved in sport, the influence of the same-sex par-

Relationship between Parental Involvement and Sport Participation. Parents can be influential with their young athletes in several ways. Parenting style—be it more democratic or more authoritarian—is the primary means by which this influence occurs. Specifically, parental pressure and parental support are important factors in how young people come to perceive their sport experiences. In terms of parental pressure, we know that in general young people tend to enjoy sports more if they perceive less pressure to perform from their parents. We also know that parental pressure is often associated with more negative self-worth, greater fears of failure, more physical complaints of illness or injury, feelings of inadequacy, guilt and anxiety, and unhappiness with sport involvement and participation. In contrast, parental support seems to be

Sports and Adolescents ent is most important. However, others suggest that fathers are most influential in the introduction to and the continued sports participation of both boys and girls. In addition, athletic girls tend to get encouragement from both parents, whereas boys tend to get more encouragement from fathers. Thus, for girls to be athletic may require both parents’ interest and encouragement, which may be the result of sports often being considered a male domain. How to show support and encouragement will be discussed in the last section of this entry. Relationship between Peer Influence and Sports Participation. Consistently, adolescents identify sports participation as an important factor determining the popularity of their peers. However, this appears to be true for boys and girls in different ways. Specifically, boys can gain popularity simply by becoming involved in sports. Girls, on the other hand, may have to overcome a variety of obstacles in order for sports to have a positive effect on their peer popularity. It’s useful to spell out these differences experienced by adolescent male and female athletes. Sports Participation and Gender Roles of Adolescents. First, it is useful to recognize that sports are an integral part of the socialization experiences of boys throughout childhood and especially adolescence. It is during adolescence that boys become highly interested in demonstrating their masculinity to others, as is the case for girls and femininity. For boys, sports participation is not only encouraged, it is often expected. While girls’ involvement generally requires support from mothers, fathers, and peers, boys’ involvement in sport may simply be the result of a father’s influence and

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encouragement. For girls, sports participation may be viewed as contrary to what society expects from them. Adolescent girls may feel the need to either choose a more “feminine” sport, such as gymnastics or figure skating, or not participate at all. Gender-Related Differences in Sport Experiences. Differences between boys and girls are also evident in the ways in which each experiences and values sport involvement. Boys’ popularity has been consistently linked to their sports participation. They are also more likely to spend their free time playing sports. Girls’ experiences tend to be more restricted. Girls are expected to play “feminine” sports by their peers. They are often more reluctant to play sports, believing they will not perform well. In fact, girls who are most likely to play sports are those who perceive themselves to be competent in all aspects of their lives—at school, with their peers, and in sports. Boys, on the other hand, play sports regardless of their level of competence in other aspects of their lives. Boys tend to focus on winning and like to keep score. Girls, in contrast, like to play cooperative games and to not keep score. Finally, boys value winning in sport, and, in fact, their continued interest and enjoyment in sports is likely to be contingent on winning, while girls focus on personal goals rather than the overall outcome of their participation. Effects of Sports Participation on Adolescent Development It can be seen that for adults working with young athletes, understanding how development affects and is affected by sports participation is valuable. It is also useful to recognize the variety of ways in

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which sports participation can both benefit adolescents as they develop and hinder their development. Benefits of Participation. Sports participation in any form (i.e., formal or informal, team or individual, aerobic or anaerobic exercise) can have a variety of positive impacts on the adolescent’s overall sense of self. Maintaining an Active Self. Involvement in sport provides adolescents with a way to assess their physical capacities. It allows them to establish behavioral patterns and values that make physical activity a priority in their daily lives. It may also allow the adolescent to develop physical skills that he can use not only during adolescence but throughout life to promote health and well-being. Exploring One’s Identity. A key component of adolescence is developing a sense of identity; sport participation can be instrumental in this process. Young athletes can hone their decision-making and problem-solving skills. This is important, since many of the situations in which adolescents have to make decisions are too simple, as they are in school, where problems and answers are often controlled and evaluated by adults, or too complicated, as they are in friendships, where adolescents are often confronted with difficult choices and life-altering or even life-threatening options (e.g., sex, alcohol, drugs). Sports, in contrast, provide a setting where neither the questions nor the answers are too complex or too simple, and the outcomes can be unpredictable. Finally, sports participation teaches adolescents to use feedback and criticism to improve themselves, without taking the criticisms personally.

Developing Prosocial Skills. Sports can promote many positive social skills that will prove useful in adolescent as well as later in adult contexts. The value of teamwork is undisputed. Recognizing the need for and learning to work with others in order to accomplish a common goal will prove to be invaluable to the adolescent. Working hard not just for one’s own benefit but for others is an important part of teamwork as well. In addition, learning to value others because of their assets and in spite of their deficits—that is, sportsmanship—can be a useful skill developed in sport contexts. Finally, understanding and appreciating loyalty to one’s teammates, to a coach, or to a team can be a useful skill as well. Positive Interpersonal Experiences. Sports participation can provide adolescents with a variety of opportunities to develop positive relationships with other adolescents and with adults. Team membership gives young people opportunities to establish a healthy peer network with others who share their goals and ideals about sports and life. In addition, it limits both the amount of time and the number of opportunities they have to get involved in antisocial activities. Sports participation also provides the potential for positive interactions with parents, with opportunities to connect over a common interest. Finally, young athletes have an additional caring adult in their lives—the coach—who can serve as a role model, give guidance and insights about life obstacles, and broaden the number of adults who are connected to the child in a caring manner. Potential for Negative Effects of Sports Participation. Clearly, sports can have many positive effects on young partici-

Sports and Adolescents pants; however, the potential for negative experiences cannot be overlooked. Negative influences can be exerted in a variety of forms, most often by those who have good intentions but who lack insight into key aspects of child development. Some of the ways in which adults can create negative effects for young athletes include the following: • Adults may promote winning as the most important or the only goal • Adults may define success in terms of winning • Adults may fail to recognize individual best performances regardless of wins and losses • Adults may allow teammates to berate one another, believing that peer pressure is an effective motivator (e.g., they may allow namecalling, yelling at, or blaming a team member for a bad play or a loss) • Adults may berate young athletes, believing that is an effective motivator • Adults may focus so strongly on winning that only certain members of a team get playing time • Adults may require sports to take on a higher priority than other activities, like school • Adults may allow adolescents to use sport to act out aggressive or violent tendencies • Adults may not appreciate developmental and individual differences in athletic ability The next, and last, section is designed to help parents and other adults advocate for their young athletes in order to minimize such negative influences and maxi-

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mize the positive experiences they are likely to come across in sports. Advocating for the Young Athlete The interested parent needs to juggle several concerns. On the one hand, parents do not want their children to experience undue or unnecessary hardship physically or emotionally. On the other hand, parents need to allow their children to learn how to negotiate difficult situations where they may feel that the children are being unfairly treated. Parents must work hard to determine the best way to promote their children’s development without being too involved or too protective, which limits their learning opportunities. The following is a brief list of how parents can help children gain positive experiences from sport involvement. Stay Involved with Your Child’s Activities. The best way for parents to help their children in sports is to talk to them about their experiences. Parents need to be proactive when it comes to communicating with their children. It is not a good strategy to assume your child will come to you if she is having a problem. Children may perceive that their parents want them to perform well athletically and may not want to talk about problems they are having. Parents need to ask their children about their sport experiences, to ask them whether they are having fun and whether they feel good about themselves in terms of sports, about their successes and their failures (or perceived failures), and to talk to them about their goals. Monitor Practices and Competitions. Parents also need to get involved in both practices and competitions. Parents need to observe practices to see how the coach

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works with the athletes. Is the coach supportive? Does the coach favor some players over others? Does the coach model athletic skills to enhance learning? Does the coach help all the team members to set personal goals for success? How do team members interact, and to what extent does the coach promote positive interactions among teammates? If answers to these questions are consistently negative, parents may need to talk to the coach or perhaps seek a new team for their child. If, however, the picture is less clear, parents may decide that regular discussions with the child will be enough to counteract the negative messages from the coach, team members, or even other parents. Help Child Maintain Proper Perspective on Self and Sports Generally. Parents need to emphasize to their children that sports are one of many aspects of life, not the only thing in life. Young people need to know that their athletic ability is not a measure of their worth, particularly in the eyes of their parents. They need to know that how they perform in sports is less important than their willingness to try, to set realistic goals and work toward them, and to work hard no matter what. Finally, children need to know that being a good athlete is valuable, but not at the expense of other life domains such as academics. Set High Standards for Achievement not Based on Winning. When adults set high performance standards, young people are likely to believe they can achieve such standards and work to do so. If parents focus narrowly on winning, adolescents may easily become discouraged, since winning is only partially related to how hard one tries. A child who believes that

winning is everything is more likely to quit if he perceives that winning is impossible. Use Athletics to Accent Life, Not Dominate It. For a variety of reasons, parents may find themselves and their children dominated by their children’s involvement in sport. Running children to practices; driving long distances to games, meets, or matches; selling candy; buying tickets and uniforms and equipment— these are only a few of the multitude of ways in which families become enmeshed in their children’s athletic experiences. It is important to set limits to involvement in a sport. Sports should be a way for children to expand their lives in a fun and meaningful way, not limit their opportunities. Sport should be an activity that helps bond a child to school, or that fills some (but not all) of a child’s idle time, not time already committed to other activities. Conclusion The power of sports to affect our young people in many positive and meaningful ways is clear. That power must be accompanied by a sense of responsibility on the part of the adults involved— responsibility to nurture not only athletic prowess but psychological and emotional stability as well as respect and appreciation for others. Adults are pivotal in promoting the “right stuff” to young athletes, to help them set priorities in life and in sports, to establish goals and work to meet them, to seek to reach their own greatest potential and help others do the same. We must recognize that adolescent athletes are young people first, who are trying to navigate the complex experience of growing up. Involvement in sports should augment

Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control the process of growing up; build on adolescents’ emerging physical, cognitive, and emotional capabilities; recognize their limitations; and allow them to learn about the sport, the coach, and the other young athletes. Lauren P. Jacobson See also Body Build; Female Athlete Triad; Nutrition; Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control; Steroids References and further reading Sanders, Christopher, Tiffany Field, Miguel Diego, and Michele Kaplan. 2000. “Moderate Involvement in Sports Is Related to Lower Depression Levels among Adolescents.” Adolescence 35: 793–797. Viira, Roomet, and Lennert Raudsepp. 2000. “Achievement Goal Orientation, Beliefs about Sports Success and Sport Emotions as Related to Moderate and Vigorous Physical Activity of Adolescents.” Psychology and Health 15: 625–633.

Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control Exercise, sports, and weight control are essential components of normal growth and maturation, both physically and mentally. Health is an all-encompassing concept that not only includes physical and mental well-being but also has an impact upon social interaction and spirituality. Health further involves the enhanced ability to engage in life, to successfully navigate challenges that inevitably arise in the course of living, and to deal with stress. Two of the most effective ways to achieve health are through exercise and sport and through nutrition. Exercise involves many physical activities, including sports, that improve both motor skills and general cardiovascular and respiratory endurance.

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Exercise prevents future negative health outcomes such as cardiovascular disease and hypertension. Good nutrition, in combination with exercise, prevents similar negative outcomes. Moreover, shortterm benefits of both healthy eating and exercise behavior include high energy levels, which allow one to actively engage in life, weight control, improved mood, improved ability to cope with stress, and enhanced happiness with one’s physical appearance and identity. Physical activity falls along a continuum of intensity and duration, and its relationship to fitness depends on the appropriate level of intensity and duration. Sports are a subset of physical activity. They involve more structured and competitive physical activities that focus on fine-tuning skill to succeed. Therefore, physical activity can have two broad outcomes: skill enhancement and health improvement. Skill enhancement encompasses hand-eye coordination, agility, and so forth. The health outcomes of physical activity refer to biological changes. These are longer-term effects such as improved cardiovascular functioning, increased muscle endurance, and changes in fat distribution. Both components allow the individual to function better in everyday activities. Of more long-term importance is the goal of improving long-term physical health, which may not be of immediate concern to the teenager but should be a familial goal. The aforementioned benefits of physical activity are more or less universally accepted and serve as the foundation of the goals of many school-based physical fitness curricula. In sum, physical activity improves motor skill and endurance, builds strength, and improves health. Furthermore, sport as a social activity promotes the societal values of fairness,

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Given the health benefits of physical exercise, it is important for teenagers to be active. (Skjold Photographs)

being a good sport, and honest winning and gracious losing. Physical activity and sport also teach values that can be generalized to everyday life goals. Sport and exercise teach perseverance, determination, and tenacity, which spill over into all facets of the individual’s life. Of particular importance, especially for teenagers, is that the aforementioned benefits of physical activity and exercise also serve to enhance self-esteem and selfconfidence. By improving strength, or skill, by persevering to achieve a personal goal, one feels more confident and better about one’s self. Finally, making activity a lifestyle from youth means that physical activity will be valued as an adult. Given these undeniable benefits of physical activity, the only question that

remains is why young people are entirely too inactive. A study conducted in 1990 of children aged eleven to sixteen showed that in a three-day period almost 90 percent of the girls did not raise their heart rate above 139 beats per minute for a continuous twenty-minute interval. Boys were more active, yet 75 percent of them did not raise their heart rate above 139 beats per minute in the specified period. These data indicate that youth in general are very sedentary and and that girls tend to be even less active than boys (Biddle and Mutrie, 1991, p. 22). So, why are teens vying for the position of the most inactive population next to those who are disabled? Many issues are involved in inactivity, but some research provides insight into why teens engage in

Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control physical activity. Knowing the factors that promote an active lifestyle may illuminate the factors that may contribute to inertia. The Canada Fitness Survey indicates that teenagers are active for the following reasons: fun, to feel better, weight control, flexibility, challenge, and companionship (Biddle and Mutrie, 1991, p. 251). Documentation also shows that young people prefer activities that establish and enhance their sense of self. Activities that serve this function are challenging but within the participant’s skill level. Csikszentmihalyi theorizes, based on his research, that for an optimal experience the individual must have the skill to meet the challenge. If the individual does not have the appropriate skill to adequately meet the challenge, then her anxiety will be high and the experience will be evaluated negatively. As an individual’s skill improves, the individual needs to be faced with more advanced challenges, otherwise she will become bored. Finally, the activity must be intrinsically rewarding. This means that the individual engages in an activity because she wants to, and not for rewards or recognition from other people. Simply engaging in the activity and being able to meet the challenges is rewarding in and of itself. These conclusions about the psychology of optimal experience are directly related to the reasons young people give when they explain why they participate in sports and other physical activities. The overarching conclusions derived from interviews with youth is that they engage in activities that are fun, that enhance their skills, and that are optimally challenging, in that they can be mastered, which gives them a feeling of personal accomplishment. Additionally, youth engage in activities that are chosen

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autonomously, which means that no one forces the youth to participate; rather, he decides on his own. Furthermore, these activities have valued outcomes, produce a good mood and a good feeling about oneself, and are supported without qualification by family and friends (Whitehead and Corbin, 1997, p. 186). Obviously, for anyone who is trying to find an activity or sport that she will not quit, or for any family member trying to promote physical activity to a young person, these are important components to take into consideration. The aforementioned characteristics of physical activities define the psychological components and benefits of sport and exercise. What are the physiological aspects of sport and exercise? There are two main classes of physical activity: aerobic and anaerobic. Aerobic activities require an increase in heart rate for a sustained period of time; twenty minutes or more is recommended for health benefits. Aerobic activity improves the health of your heart and enhances respiratory endurance and muscular stamina. In contrast, anaerobic activity involves a short, explosive burst of energy followed by rest. Anaerobic activity increases muscle strength and power. The difference between the two activities can be illustrated by comparing someone who runs long distances with a sprinter who runs only 100 meters at 100 percent speed or lifts weights. Aerobic activity increases metabolism; it burns fat in order to fuel the body during the sustained activity. Though anaerobic activity does not burn fat, it does increase muscle mass. The more muscle the body has compared to fat, the higher the metabolism and the more calories it burns when at rest. Given the health benefits of physical activity, it is important for teenagers to

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be active so that they can be healthy both now and in the future. For the teen who is active, as well as for the sedentary individual, nutrition and weight control are important aspects of health. Nutrition concerns for teenagers tend to center around the transition to college, incorporating healthy eating into a busy schedule, and body image and physical performance. Often, teenagers do not seek dietary advice, which makes them highly susceptible to dietary fads. Teens who engage in fad diets restrict necessary nutrients for proper growth and maturation, such as iron and calcium. The School Service Research Review (see at www.ificinfo. health.org/insight/teentrnd.htm) published results indicating that teens do not eat enough fruit and vegetables. Furthermore, most teens’ diets are deficient in iron, calcium, vitamin A, and betacarotene (International Food Information Council [IFIC]). Teenagers who adopt vegetarian diets should seek professional advice to ensure that their diet consists of all of the necessary nutrients. The proper diet, in conjunction with exercise, helps maintain a proper weight. Overweight in the teenage years is associated with negative health outcomes in late adulthood regardless of overweight in adulthood. The New England Journal of Medicine published results from the Harvard Growth Study that implicated adolescent obesity in a myriad of deleterious health outcomes. The study found that overweight teenage boys were two times more likely to die by seventy years of age and five times more likely to be diagnosed with colon cancer. Overweight teenage girls were 60 percent more likely to develop arthritis and two times more likely to develop heart disease by seventy years of age (IFIC).

A healthy nutritious diet is essential for proper growth and development. Moreover, it is particularly important for families to be aware of the diet and exercise behaviors of the teenagers in their households, because too much or too little can both have deleterious immediate and future outcomes. There has been a dramatic increase in overweight adolescents since 1963, and this increase is associated with a prevalence of inactivity. From 1963 to 1980, the prevalence of overweight increased 6 percent in twelveyear-old boys and increased 5 percent in girls of the same age. An interesting gender relationship emerged in which the prevalence of obesity decreased with age in boys, whereas it continued to increase up to 20 percent in girls aged fourteen to sixteen (Page and Fox, 1997, p. 230). In part, the growing incidence of obesity is due to the popularity of sedentary pastimes such as video games, computer activities, and television. A study found that in a group of twelve- to seventeenyear-olds the occurrence of obesity rose by 2 percent for each additional hour of television viewed daily (Page and Fox, 1997, p. 231). Therefore, initiatives to promote exercise and healthy eating are critical. Simultaneously, there is an opposing stream of influence that promotes attainment of the unrealistic emaciated body type, and exercise and dietary restraint are the most common means used to pursue that unattainable image. Given these influences, it is essential to get across the message that healthy exercise and eating habits, as opposed to exercise fads and extreme diets, are the key to attaining a healthy body, and that a healthy body is the only realistic goal. Adolescence is a developmental period when teenagers both acquire and integrate attitudes and habits that will pre-

Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control vail throughout their lifetime. Therefore, the eating and exercise habits that the teenager forms are likely to last into adulthood. This means that it is important to adopt healthy behaviors at an early stage in life. Presently, teenagers engage in sedentary leisure-time activities and their diets are high in fat and simple carbohydrates (e.g., sugar). Food is essential to living and living well. Food affects mental functioning, emotions, energy levels, and strength, as well as general health; without question, food is a critical issue, not just for teenagers, but for everyone. The nature of our society requires that we all have to eat on the run, and this typically means fast food and/or eating out of the home. Prepared foods are typically high in fat, sodium, and cholesterol, as are the foods that you receive in any restaurant. Furthermore, American society values large portions, which means that people are consuming more calories than they are expending in activity. For those who are in the habit of consuming large portions of high-fat foods, it is important to exercise some restraint. A healthy diet consists of fruits, vegetables, and lean meats, and it means avoiding the fried foods, rich creamy dressings, and high-fat sweets. Ultimately, both eating healthily and eating junk food are a matter of habit. One learns to prefer one type of food through experience, which means that with time one will no longer crave the McDonald’s diet plan. A healthy diet is critical, but self-denial is not part of a healthy diet. Food is enjoyable and is central to social occasions, so food should not be a source of anxiety or frustration. When one denies oneself indulgences, food comes to have a power over one; one should not be afraid of eating fat or overwhelmed with concern

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about calories. Indulgences are okay. The problem arises if one indulges every day, three meals a day. The focus should not be on dieting. Dieting connotes restraint, eating less, and eliminating certain categories of food from your diet. Rather, the focus should be on eating healthily by eating a variety of foods and exercising. This combination results in a stable body weight and increases the metabolism. When one eats fewer calories than the body needs to function, the metabolism slows down to conserve energy, because the body thinks it is starving. The consequence is that one does not lose weight. The message is eat, but eat well and exercise. Furthermore, food restriction and elimination of any food group ultimately results in nutrient deficiency. Your body needs a certain amount of unsaturated fats, carbohydrates, and proteins to function normally. Therefore, it is not healthy to adopt a fad diet that eliminates or dramatically restricts consumption of any food group. For the growing teenager it is particularly important to eat diverse types of foods and healthy quantities in order to promote normal growth and development. Ultimately, by adopting a well-rounded, healthy diet and exercising one can maintain a stable weight. Of course it is easy to preach the benefits of adopting a healthy diet and regular exercise regime, but a number of factors play a role in the decision to make behavior changes in accordance with a healthy lifestyle and the desire to control one’s weight. There are four critical questions that one must explore before the decision to make a behavior change can be put into practice: “Who am I?,” “Who do I think I am? / Who do I want to be?,” “How much do I care?,” and “What do I intend to do?” (Page and Fox, 1997, p.

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235). The first question, “Who am I?,” relates to the physical attributes and health status of the individual. The answer is grounded in biological and physiological factors, such as sex, developmental stage, weight, body size, and so forth. The evaluation of these factors determines what type of behaviors will be adopted, if any. For example, different exercises, such as weight training, are preferable at different developmental stages. Also, sex influences diet and exercise; premenopausal women need to maintain a constant source of iron due to iron lost each month during the menstrual cycle. The second question, “Who do I think I am? / Who do I want to be?,” deals with the psychological components of self-esteem, body image, and self-perceptions. Decisions to make behavior changes revolve around the disparity between how one perceives himself now and how he ideally wants to be. This is often termed the disparity between the real and ideal self. If the individual perceives a discrepancy between where he is now and where he would ideally like to be, then he will make behavior changes to attain the ideal self. The third question, “How much do I care?,” refers to the importance of weight control to the individual. Resolution of this question takes into account degree of self-acceptance, preoccupation with weight, and self-satisfaction. An individual who is dissatisfied with her weight and is preoccupied with weight loss will adopt new and enduring behaviors. The final question, “What do I intend to do?,” involves behavioral strategies to control weight (Page and Fox, 1997, p. 235). Teenagers who manage their weight do so for a variety of reasons based upon their answers to these questions. Not all weight management efforts are healthy,

and weight control efforts should be evaluated according to the following criteria: The weight control efforts should be warranted, the methods should be healthy, not maladaptive, and the efforts should be effective, not futile. Individuals who are trying to lose weight even though they are at a normal weight, who use laxatives, purging, and so forth, and who are trying to reach a weight that cannot be maintained exhibit maladaptive weight control efforts. There is a prevalence of maladaptive dietary restraint and excessive exercise in our society due to societal and peer pressures to attain an idealized body image. The teenage population is particularly vulnerable to these pressures, because during adolescence self-concept becomes increasingly based on interpersonal interaction. Evaluations of the self, selfesteem, and personal satisfaction with physical attractiveness are based upon the perceptions and affirmation of others. Adolescence, in consequence, is marked by an increase in self-consciousness and self-image instability, coupled with a decline in self-esteem. In the female population, in particular, this is expressed in body dissatisfaction and a negative body image. Society portrays the people who embody the ideal physique as successful, healthy, and affluent. Consequently, people are compelled to achieve a similar appearance in order to attain a similar level of regard and esteem. Susceptible individuals, and that includes approximately 90 percent of the entire female population of North America, are dissatisfied with their bodies, and consequently they are susceptible to the desire to change their bodies to conform to unattainable images presented by the media (Davies and Furham, 1986, p. 143).

Standardized Tests What females and males are learning is that the body is “infinitely malleable” and that great rewards await them when they attain the desired shape (Brownell, 1991, p. 3). The lesson being taught is a spurious one, but ardently embraced nonetheless. The consequence is a misperception that normality means being underweight, which has tragically produced a plethora of young ladies and men working with frustrating and futile diligence toward this elusive “norm.” Advertising exacerbates the futile effort with assertions that claim if one finds the optimal combination of diet, exercise, and pills one can achieve the perfect body; it is simply a matter of finding what works for you. When you discover the magical combination and your actual body metamorphs into the perfect frame, you will be rewarded with success, health, and so forth. The idea that one can mold one’s body into any image is ludicrous, and young people need to be made aware of this reality. Body size and shape are not determined solely by environmental factors. So, instead of trying to achieve a body one is not biologically destined to attain, one should focus on exercise for strength, health, and effective living rather than as a way to lose weight; the goal of losing weight breeds increasing frustration and anxiety if the individual is unable to bridge the gap between actuality and ideality. Ultimately, body image and body dissatisfaction are intertwined with normative misperceptions, low self-esteem, and negative self-concept. Accordingly, healthy exercise and eating behaviors combat, if not prevent, disordered behaviors. When youth engage in physical activities that make them feel better about themselves, it gives them a sense of mastery and self-efficacy. Therefore, exercise, sport, and good nutrition

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are strong foundations that are resistant to social pressures. Sara Johnston See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Body Build; Body Fat, Changes in; Body Image; Eating Problems; High School Equivalency Degree; Nutrition; Sports and Adolescents; Steroids References and further reading Biddle, Stuart, and Nanette Mutrie. 1991. Psychology of Physical Activity and Exercise. London: Springer-Verlag. Brownell, R. D. 1991. “Dieting and the Search for the Perfect Body: Where Physiology and Culture Collide.” Behavioral Therapy 22: 1–12. Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly. 1975. Beyond Boredom and Anxiety. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ———. 1997. Finding Flow: The Psychology of Engagement with Everyday Life. New York: Basic Books. Davies, E., and A. Furham. 1986. “Body Satisfaction in Adolescent Girls.” British Journal of Medical Psychology 59: 279–287. Fox, Kenneth R., ed. 1997. The Physical Self: From Motivation to Well-Being. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. International Food Information Council Foundation (IFIC) http://ificinfo.health. org/insight/teentrnd.htm The Nemours Foundation. Kids Health www.kidshealth.org/teen/index.html Page, Angela, and Kenneth R. Fox. 1997. “Adolescent Weight Management and the Physical Self.” Pp. 229–256 in The Physical Self: From Motivation to WellBeing. Edited by Kenneth R. Fox. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Whitehead, James R., and Charles B. Corbin. 1997. “Self-Esteem in Children and Youth: The Role of Sport and Physical Education.” Pp. 175–203 in The Physical Self: From Motivation to Well-Being. Edited by Kenneth R. Fox. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Standardized Tests A standardized test is a task or set of tasks, given under uniform conditions

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and scored according to uniform criteria, used to compare the performance of an individual to that of a larger group. Standardized tests are one set of tools used by schools to learn about students. More than 1 million standardized tests per school day are used in American schools alone. Adolescents are likely to encounter various types of standardized tests during their middle and high school years. Standardized tests differ from typical classroom tests in that they are designed to provide a common measure of the performance of many students. To obtain this common measure, or standard, the test is first administered to a very large sample of students across the country. The average scores of this large sample then become the norm, or standard, upon which other students will be measured. When students take a standardized test their scores reflect their relative standing compared with the norming sample. There are many different ways of reporting this relative standing. One common method used is the percentile rank. A percentile rank of 80, for example, means that a student’s score is equal to or higher than the scores of 80 percent of the students in the norming sample. Standardized tests are designed to assess some aspect of a person’s knowledge, skill, or personality. Standardized tests can differ from one another in a variety of ways, including the method of administration (e.g., individual versus group) and the response format (e.g., multiple choice, true-false, essay). Some common uses of standardized tests are to evaluate school programs, to report on students’ progress, to diagnose strengths and weaknesses, to select students for special programs and groups, and to certify student achievement.

Standardized tests are often grouped into two categories, based on what they are attempting to measure. Standardized achievement tests measure knowledge about subjects such as reading, spelling, or mathematics. These tests are heavily dependent on formal learning acquired in school or at home and are often used to evaluate an individual’s progress in the specified area. The emphasis of achievement tests is on what the individual can do at that particular time. Examples of achievement tests that may be administered to adolescents include the Iowa Test of Basic Skills (ITBS), the Metropolitan Achievement Tests (MAT), and the California Achievement Test (CAT). In many states, a passing score on an achievement test has become a requirement for promotion to the next grade or for graduation from high school. Standardized aptitude tests attempt to measure students’ abilities to learn in school or how well they are likely to do in future schoolwork. Unlike achievement tests, which measure knowledge of subjects taught in school, aptitude tests measure a broad range of abilities or skills that are considered important for success in school. The types of skills measured by aptitude tests include verbal ability and abstract reasoning. High school students who are thinking about going on to college may take both aptitude and achievement tests as they begin the application process. The Preliminary Scholastic Assessment Test/ National Merit Scholarship Qualifying Test (PSAT/NMSQT) is often a student’s first step in this process. This aptitude test is often taken in the junior year, although it may be taken earlier. It measures critical reading, verbal reasoning, math problem solving, and writing skills. The PSAT/NMSQT is given for a number

Standardized Tests of reasons, some of which include providing practice for the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) and identifying students who may be eligible for scholarships. The SAT I Reasoning Test is an example of an aptitude test that is used to predict how well a student is likely to do in college. The SAT I is a three-hour test that is often taken during the senior year of high school. The SAT I measures verbal and mathematical reasoning abilities, which have been developing throughout students’ lives. The SAT II (Subject Tests) and Advanced Placement (AP) exams are examples of achievement tests that may be used by colleges for admission, course placement, and advising students about course selection. There are many factors that may impact students’ scores on standardized tests. One important factor to consider is the type of preparation different students bring to the test situation. Although one cannot study for standardized tests by memorizing specific facts, it is possible to feel more comfortable with tests like the PSAT and SAT I, and to develop testtaking strategies. For example, there are long-term strategies that are helpful, such as taking solid academic courses, reading widely, and writing frequently. There are also more specific strategies: Students can learn the format and timing of the tests, become familiar with the kinds of questions asked, know the directions for each question type, and take complete practice tests. Information about these and other helpful short-term test-taking strategies is available in writing or on the Internet by contacting the College Board. Other factors, in addition to the amount of preparation, may impact a student’s performance on a standardized test. Nervousness, hunger, and fatigue

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are examples of internal conditions that may affect test results. Research on the relationship between test anxiety and test performance suggests that a slight amount of anxiety may be beneficial, whereas a large amount may be detrimental. External factors such as a noisy, poorly lit, or uncomfortable testing environment can also influence test scores. Although it is not always possible to control all of these factors, there are some simple steps that can be taken in order to minimize the influence of such variables. For instance, being well rested and eating a healthy breakfast are useful prior to taking any kind of test. Standardized college admissions tests, like the SAT, provide an efficient means of comparing a diverse group of students. Issues related to fairness and cultural bias make such comparisons and predictions extremely difficult and important to examine. Test score differences between various groups that have been reported in the literature are difficult to interpret. Many more studies are required before we understand all the factors that contribute to these differences. Because of both the importance of standardized tests and the potential for bias, a code of conduct, which states the obligations of professionals who develop or use educational tests, provides guidelines that aim to advance the quality of testing practices. The Code of Fair Testing Practices in Education presents standards for developing and selecting tests, interpreting scores, striving for fairness, and informing test takers. Ethnic and cultural diversity must be considered at each step in the testing process. It is important to remember that when students apply to schools, standardized test results are just one source of information that colleges use. No single test

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can account for the entire spectrum of abilities related to intellectual behavior. In determining who will succeed in college, additional factors such as high school grades, letters of recommendation, and participation in extracurricular activities provide valuable information. Even the best standardized tests are unable to measure a student’s creativity, motivation, and special talents. A standardized test is only capable of sampling the individual’s repertoire of skills at that particular time. Test scores can vary from day to day, depending on such things as whether students guess, receive clear directions, follow the directions carefully, take the test seriously, and are comfortable taking the test. Within the context of their recognized limitations, standardized tests remain useful tools for learning about students. Alyssa Goldberg O’Rourke See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cheating, Academic; Cognitive Development; College; Higher Education; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations References and further reading Anastasi, Anne. 1988. Psychological Testing, 6th ed. New York: Macmillan. College Board Online. 2000. www.collegeboard.com Joint Committee on Testing Practices. 1988. Code of Fair Testing Practices in Education. Washington, DC: Joint Committee on Testing Practices. Kaufman, Alan S. 1990. Assessing Adolescent and Adult Intelligence. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Lyman, Howard B. 1986. Test Scores and What They Mean, 4th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Miller-Jones, D. 1989. “Culture and Testing.” American Psychologist 44, no. 2: 360–366. Neisser, U., et al. 1996. “Intelligence: Knowns and Unknowns.” American Psychologist 51, no. 2: 77–101.

Sattler, Jerome M. 1992. Assessment of Children, 3rd ed. San Diego: Jerome M. Sattler.

Steroids Those who work with adolescents will think first of those steroids used to enhance appearance or athletic performance; given the side effects these produce, their use is a serious problem, but for these steroids as well as the rest, there are also legitimate medical uses. The term steroid refers to a group of hormones that are produced by the adrenal glands or the gonads (testes or ovaries). The adrenals are located at the top part of the kidneys, which are near the small of the back. They produce three classes of steroids: 1. Glucocorticoids such as hydrocortisone, which helps our body deal with stress 2. Mineralocorticoids, which help our body regulate salt and water balance 3. Sex steroids, which promote sexual development and the maintenance of our reproductive system The amount of any steroid the body makes by itself is called the physiological or natural amount. Sometimes it is necessary to give steroids as treatment for a medical problem. The amount of steroid that is needed to treat a disease is called a pharmacological or extra amount. When most people think about someone taking steroids they usually think about athletes or bodybuilders who are taking one of the sex steroids (testosterone or a steroid like testosterone) to bulk themselves up, that is, to increase their muscle mass or strength. The use of so-called anabolic

Steroids steroids for those purposes is banned by all official sports organizations. However, some teenage boys do take anabolic steroids in order to improve their physical appearance. The doses used for these purposes are many times higher than the natural amount produced by the body. Therefore, those who use them may be at high risk for some of the side effects of anabolic steroid use. These side effects include severe liver damage, which may be permanent and could result in premature death or in the development of liver cancer. They also include the so-called roid rage, in which people become violent and aggressive and may injure or kill someone or be injured or killed themselves, as well as significant increase in acne, high blood pressure, mood swings, and stoppage of growth earlier than normal, resulting in short stature. Other effects in teenage boys include shrinkage and decreased function of the testes and breast growth. Teenage girls taking anabolic steroids may experience excessive hair growth on the face, arms, legs, and chest, enlargement of the clitoris, and deepening of the voice, all of which would be permanent. Breasts may shrink and periods may become irregular or stop altogether. There is substantial controversy about whether anabolic steroids actually accomplish what the user wants them to do. There is no question that when anabolic steroids are used in higher than natural amounts and are combined with an exercise program, they can significantly increase muscle mass. The increase in strength may, however, be due to the increased exercise program alone. In any case, the risks of the side effects are significant, and anabolic steroids should not be used to enhance appearance or performance.

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There are other medical indications for the use of all three classes of steroids. Glucocorticoids are used to treat many diseases because they act to reduce harmful processes that sometimes occur in a teen’s body. There are certain diseases in which the immune system does not work properly, even perceiving a part of the body as foreign. It will then begin to try to protect the rest of the body by ridding the body of that part. An example of this kind of malfunction of the immune system is a disease called lupus. Giving pharmacological doses of glucocorticoids can turn off the immune system and stop the disease from progressing. Glucocorticoids are also used to help organ transplants survive; the recipient’s body usually reacts to other people’s organs as foreign, and glucocorticoids help prevent that. They are also used in treating other diseases, such as severe asthma, bad allergic reactions, and some severe skin diseases. Glucocorticoids in high doses also may have significant side effects, such as rapid weight gain, edema (swelling of hands and feet), development of diabetes, and problems in salt retention. Nevertheless, they can be very helpful and even lifesaving in treating some diseases. They are also used in natural amounts for people whose adrenal glands no longer work. Mineralocorticoids help maintain the correct amount of water and salt in our body. They are mainly used in natural amounts for people whose adrenal glands no longer work. Both the adrenal glands and gonads produce sex steroids. As described above, they should never be used in pharmacological amounts to enhance appearance or performance. In legitimate medicine, they are used for the most part in natural amounts for people whose gonads do not

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work. They are also used as the main ingredients in birth control pills or in older women who have experienced menopause (are no longer menstruating). Jordan W. Finkelstein See also Body Build; Body Image; Sports and Adolescents; Sports, Exercise, and Weight Control; Substance Use and Abuse References and further reading Berkow, Robert B., ed. 1997. The Merck Manual of Medical Information: Home Edition. Whitehouse Station, NJ: Merck Research Laboratories. Clayman, Charles C., ed. 1994. The American Medical Association Family Medical Guide, 3rd ed. New York: Random House.

Storm and Stress The term storm and stress is used to describe a set of beliefs based on the notion that adolescence is an extremely difficult developmental time period for children, perhaps more difficult than other developmental periods. Those who endorse such a perspective believe that increases in the following are markers of adolescent storm and stress: a child’s desire for independence and autonomy, mood disruptions, risk-taking behavior, and conflict with parents. Other factors such as school difficulties and dependence on peer relationships are also believed to increase during adolescence. From this perspective, adolescents are believed to exhibit rebellious behavior and resistance to adult authority. These behaviors are thought to lead to increased parent-child conflict, accompanied by extreme mood swings. Advocates of this position posit that rapid physical and psychological growth during this stage of life could be responsible. The degree to

which adolescence is a stormy and stressful developmental period is still debated in the research literature. This overview of storm and stress beliefs is divided into several sections. First, early perspectives of adolescent development will be reviewed. Second, current perspectives of adolescence will be discussed. Third, it is suggested that overdiagnosis and underdiagnosis of adolescents’ problems are a possible outcome of storm and stress beliefs. Finally, the common behavioral components of storm and stress will be discussed. The following sections provide insight into the common storm and stress notions and their effect on both parenting and on the diagnosis of adolescent problems. Early Perspectives on Storm and Stress G. Stanley Hall, in 1904, was one of the first scholars to discuss storm and stress issues in relation to adolescent development. His theories followed Lamarck’s evolutionary ideas, which stressed that evolution occurs as a result of accumulated life experiences. Based on this notion, Hall believed that adolescent development is indicative of “some ancient period of storm and stress” (Hall, 1904, p. 13), and that there may have been a period in human evolution that was extremely difficult, so much so that the memory of that period has shaped later generations. This memory is therefore experienced in the development of each individual as storm and stress during adolescence. According to the theory, the storm and stress memory is especially apparent in the adolescent’s inclination toward risk-taking behavior, conflict with parents and authority figures, and erratic mood swings. Hall believed that storm and stress is a biologically based tendency, but that environment

Storm and Stress and culture shape the experience and expression of it for individual adolescents. The clash between the more technologically advanced and complacent life offered by urbanization and the adolescent’s desire for exploration and adventure, as well as difficulties at school and in the family, can exacerbate storm and stress in adolescence. Psychoanalytic theorists have also played a role in perpetuating storm and stress beliefs. Anna Freud and Peter Blos believed that the storm and stress of adolescence is a recapitulation of earlier childhood experiences, especially oedipal conflicts. According to this perspective, such conflicts lead to emotional instability when the adolescent ego tries to suppress depressed moods as the adolescent renders the oedipal parent impotent. Emerging id drives may be acted out in delinquent, antisocial behavior. Freud went further than Blos, claiming that the adolescent experience of storm and stress is universal and a part of each child’s development into adulthood. From this perspective, lacking this experience is a possible indication of psychopathology. Current Perspectives on Storm and Stress Contemporary studies support the continued existence of storm and stress beliefs in the general population. For example, in one study, college students and parents of young adolescents perceived adolescence as a more difficult period than the elementary school period. Problems experienced by adolescents (symptoms of internalizing disorders, parent-child conflict, identity crises, and risk-taking behavior) are believed to be less likely in early childhood. Despite these beliefs, adolescence does not appear to be a difficult stage for all

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“Storm and stress” refers to the belief that adolescence is an extremely difficult period for youth. (Skjold Photographs)

teenagers. People usually hold storm and stress beliefs for adolescents as a group (a kind of belief referred to as category based) but not for each individual child (a kind of belief referred to as target based). Category-based beliefs reflect societal stereotypes, whereas target-based beliefs are held for the individual adolescent regardless of other adolescents’ actions and behavior. Although people appear to be susceptible to storm and stress beliefs, they may still view particular adolescents whom they know and are close to very differently from the way they view adolescents as a group or subculture.

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The media may be partially responsible for the storm and stress view of adolescence. Category-based beliefs could be influenced by stereotypes that television and newspapers perpetuate. Rarely is a story of an upstanding, well-adjusted teenager depicted in the news. The media typically present negative images of adolescents. The view that adolescents are less social, more unfriendly, more moody, and more disobedient than younger children could lead some to perceive all difficulties experienced by adolescents as acts of rebellion. Parents, in particular, may fear the potential onset of such rebellion and, as a result, clamp down on their own children as they make the transition into adolescence. By constraining the development of autonomy, some parents may hope to avoid future conflicts with their adolescents. However, young adolescents may resent such controlling parental authority and act out to assert independence. Storm and stress beliefs may create a self-fulfilling prophecy; adolescents may rebel when parents increase restrictions to prevent anticipated rebellion.

cents have stormy and stressful relations with their parents and that detachment from parents is the norm. On the other hand, research has not supported this notion—it appears that only a minority of adolescents have such relationships with their parents. It is interesting to speculate about the clinical implications of such erroneous storm and stress beliefs. Some have warned that adolescents who are experiencing severe identity crises or extreme levels of conflict with their parents are not experiencing normal adolescent growing pains. A clinician who overlooks this possibility will underdiagnose the psychopathology owing to storm and stress beliefs.

Diagnosing the Difficult Adolescent Knowledge of developmental norms, not stereotypes, serves as a basis for making sound diagnostic judgments, assessing the need for treatment, and selecting the appropriate treatment. In terms of diagnosis, both overdiagnosis and underdiagnosis can result from lack of knowledge of developmental norms. A clinician who lacks knowledge that a behavior or attitude is typical of the adolescent age period (e.g., interest in sexuality) is much more likely to overdiagnose and to inappropriately refer such an adolescent for treatment. With regard to underdiagnosis, it is a common belief that adoles-

Parent-Adolescent Conflict. Conflict with parents has been shown to increase as a child enters early adolescence. Accordingly, the time that parents and children spend together decreases. Adolescent children tend to desire more independence from their parents, while some parents may be reluctant to grant independence to their children. This tug-ofwar over decision making and autonomy could lead to increases in conflict between parent and child. Though increases in conflict do appear common, many parents and children report that they share core values and have a mutual attachment to each other. Typically con-

Common Components of Storm and Stress The following sections highlight three components that are most often discussed in research on storm and stress: parent-adolescent conflict, mood disturbance, and risk-taking behavior. A review of such research will aid in evaluating the myth versus reality of storm and stress beliefs.

Storm and Stress flict does not dissolve the parent-child relationship; it transforms it. Conflict is usually over daily decision-making issues such as dating and curfew rather than over major moral issues. On the other hand, adolescents may see these arguments over mundane issues as representative of a global parental restriction of freedom and independence. Mood Disruptions. Adolescents appear to experience mood swings more often than younger childhood or adults. Adolescents may feel lonely, ignored, depressed, anxious, or awkward on a more regular basis than do children. Some researchers have found that this increase in negative affect is due primarily to cognitive and environmental factors rather than biological factors resulting from puberty. Adolescents’ negative perceptions of arguments with their parents may be one source of mood disruptions. Teenagers who interpret stressful events as threats to their well-being may feel tense and unsatisfied with their daily life. The more negative life events adolescents experience, the more likely they are to experience mood disruptions. Thus, this evidence provides partial support for the storm and stress notion that adolescents show a greater tendency to exhibit emotional disruption and mood swings. Risk-Taking Behavior. Risk-taking behavior (i.e., behavior that carries the potential for harm to oneself or harm to others) peaks during late adolescence (at eighteen to twenty years old), rather than early or middle adolescence. Though increases in risk behavior are evident in adolescence, not all adolescents engage in risk-taking behavior. However, rates of substance abuse, sexual activity, and

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automobile accidents tend to be much higher for late adolescents than adults. Crime rates rise among teenagers until the age of eighteen. After that, the rates drop steeply. Substance abuse rates peak around age twenty. Automobile accidents and fatalities occur most frequently in late adolescence. Young adults under the age of twenty-five contract the majority of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Adolescents typically view risk-taking behavior as exciting and pleasurable, yet the consequences can be quite devastating. From one perspective, such findings provide some support for a storm and stress viewpoint. On the other hand, the fact that not all children engage in these behaviors, and that those who do are more apt to do so in late adolescence, suggests that storm and stress theory is not generally applicable to all adolescents. Christine M. Wienke Grayson N. Holmbeck

See also Aggression; Anxiety; Conflict and Stress; Conflict Resolution; Rebellion; Violence References and further reading Arnett, Jeffrey J. 1999. “Adolescent Storm and Stress, Reconsidered.” American Psychologist 54: 317–326. Blos, Peter. 1904. The Adolescent Passage. New York: International Universities Press. Buchanan, Christy M., and Grayson N. Holmbeck. 1998. “Measuring Beliefs about Adolescence Personality and Behavior.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 27: 607–627. Freud, Anna. 1958. “Adolescence.” Psychoanalytical Studies of Children 13: 231–258. Hall, G. Stanley. 1904. Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Holmbeck, Grayson N. 1994. “Adolescence.” Pp. 17–28 in

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Encyclopedia of Human Behavior, Vol. 1. Edited by V. S. Ramachandran. San Diego: Academic Press. Holmbeck, Grayson N., and John P. Hill. 1988. “Storm and Stress Beliefs about Adolescence: Prevalence, Self-Reported Antecedents, and Effects of an Undergraduate Course.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 17: 285–305. Larson, Reed, and Maryse H. Richards. 1994. Divergent Realities: The Emotional Lives of Mothers, Fathers, and Adolescents. New York: Basic Books.

Substance Use and Abuse Drug abuse is recognized as a pattern of drug use that interferes with normal social and emotional functioning as thoughts and behaviors revolve around obtaining and using drugs. Most adolescents in today’s world are faced with complicated personal and social environments. As if life weren’t complicated enough, the drugs that are available to adolescents typically serve only to interfere with the very independence and maturity that adolescents cherish. When drug use interferes with normal social and emotional functioning, a serious problem of abuse may be developing. Drug abuse–related behaviors can take over a person’s life, as thoughts and actions increasingly revolve around obtaining and using drugs. For instance, although an adolescent’s substance abuse may be interfering with responsibilities at school, work, or within the family, drug use continues along with the problematic behaviors that are related to it. Drugs can be powerful distorters of an adolescent’s decision making abilities, thus playing into the cycle of abuse. The problem of drug use and abuse has clearly been on America’s social conscience the last few decades, and yet the

challenges of adolescent drug use persist. The 1999 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (NHSDA) found that even though underage alcohol use is illegal, 10.4 million youths aged twelve to twenty were consuming alcohol in 1999. The majority (6.8 million) of these underage drinkers were engaging in dangerous binge drinking, and an alarmingly large group (2.1 million) of youths could be classified as heavy drinkers. In spite of the pronounced dangers of smoking tobacco, 16 out of every 100 adolescents still smoke cigarettes. These youths were found to be seven times more likely to use illegal drugs than those who didn’t smoke. According to the NHSDA (2000), more than 10 out of every 100 adolescents between the ages of twelve and seventeen were using illegal drugs in 1999. The future will likely be difficult for those adolescents who are presently using drugs, since adults who began using drugs at a young age were found to be more likely to be dependent on drugs than adults who didn’t start using drugs until later in life. It is obvious to most that it is not a big step from casual drug use to dangerous abuse, and yet drug abuse remains a major pitfall for adolescents. In this discussion of drug abuse, the term drug may be applied to any substance that has a physical or psychological effect on an individual. Whether in the form of beer, a marijuana joint, a syringe of heroine, or a tobacco cigarette, any drug can be dangerous and destructive to someone who uses it inappropriately. Inappropriate drug use does not just occur among under-age adolescents using illegal drugs. Mature adults, over the age of twenty-one, suffer and die throughout the United States as a result of the abuse of legal drugs like nicotine (in tobacco products) and alcohol.

Substance Use and Abuse Drug abuse, legal or illegal, is a serious problem for people of any age. Thousands of Americans are killed each year as a result of drug abuse. Billions of dollars are spent each year in dealing with the health-, law-, and work-related problems that drug abuse causes. Families are weakened and communities burdened by the prevalence of drug abuse and the pain and destruction that can result. Ironically, while overall drug use in America has been decreasing, adolescent drug use has continued to exist at high levels in spite of extensive nationwide efforts to curtail it. Parents, educators, community workers, and state and federal programs have all labored to help America’s youths understand the real dangers that the abuse of drugs can create. Although increased prevention and treatment efforts have made a difference, adolescent drug use continues to present a major challenge to keeping young people safe and healthy. How do we determine where to draw the line between drug use, abuse, and dependency? The use of drugs is simply a matter of gaining access to a drug and trying it at least once. Some adolescents mistakenly perceive a drug as a tool for dealing with themselves or the outside world and begin to rely on it while ignoring its dangers. They may use drugs to make themselves feel happier or more confident about themselves. Drug use may serve as a pleasant or numbing distracter from stress that can accompany personal and social situations. Some adolescents who feel socially isolated or rejected may turn to drugs as a way to deal with their pain or depression. Others may feel pressured to use drugs because they want to be a part of a group or activity. Drug use may serve to break the boredom adolescents who have little

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involvement in engaging activities might feel or may appeal to those who want to feel more mature. Adolescents who are struggling with emotional difficulties such as depression, low self-esteem, or anxiety are especially likely to turn to drugs as a means of dealing with their problems. Ironically, inappropriate use of drugs simply acts as a temporary shield and ultimately exposes adolescents to an even greater level of emotional hardship and vulnerability. Abuse and Dependency Although drug dependency is traditionally thought of as a more serious condition than substance abuse, the primary difference is actually a matter of episodic versus chronic use. Substance abuse is episodic; only certain aspects of an individual’s life are involved or affected by the use of drugs, leaving other aspects of life seemingly untouched. For instance, an adolescent may consume excessive alcohol at weekend parties but not during the school week. Drug dependency is a chronic condition, as drug use is involved in and persistently interferes with many more aspects of an individual’s life. It is not uncommon for drug abusers to become dependent on drugs as their episodic behaviors escalate toward more pervasive and chronic ones. Reinforcement The escalation from experimentation and social use to abuse and dependency is usually driven by a powerful force involved with the use and effects of drugs: reinforcement. Reinforcement can be defined as any condition that promotes or decreases the occurrence of a particular behavior. There are two primary forms of reinforcement, positive and negative. Positive reinforcement

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occurs when the pleasant effects of a drug influence the individual to continue using the drug in order to reexperience the positive condition of feeling good. For instance, the condition of euphoria associated with the use of a particular drug may reinforce the continued use of that drug by the user. Negative reinforcement involves the increase or decrease of a behavior due to the removal or avoidance of an unpleasant stimulus. If an individual is experiencing stress or anxiety (unpleasant stimuli), a drug may serve to numb that person, thus temporarily removing the unpleasant feeling. Tolerance and Withdrawal Adding to the psychological and physical challenges that drug abuse can present the individual is the development of tolerance to a drug. Tolerance is the body’s tendency to become less sensitive to a drug as it is administered over time. This change occurs as a result of the body’s physiological responses, which are designed to counteract the effects of a drug. In order to maintain an optimal internal balance, the body releases chemicals that have the opposite effect of the administered drug. Over the course of continued drug use, the body’s counteracting response becomes more powerful, thus elevating the amount of drug required to create an effect. This condition forces the drug user to administer larger and larger doses of a drug in order to achieve the desired level of effectiveness. As a drug user’s body progressively builds a tolerance to a drug over time, unpleasant withdrawal effects can be experienced if drug use is stopped. Withdrawal involves the occurrence of effects that are usually the opposite of those produced by the use of a particular drug. For instance, alcohol use produces euphoric,

calming effects, and yet the withdrawal effects of alcohol use include nervousness and agitation. When drug use is discontinued, the body’s compensation response is left unmatched by the effects of the drug. The unpleasant effects of this withdrawal condition often compel a drug user to resume drug use in order to avoid these withdrawal effects. There are four types of drugs that are commonly abused, including narcotics, depressants, stimulants, and psychedelics. Narcotics Narcotics include drugs such as opium, morphine, codeine, and heroin. Narcotic drugs are derived from the opium poppy plant or are synthetically manufactured to produce physiological effects similar to those produced by the opium poppy in its natural form. Generally, narcotic drugs produce the effects of analgesia (relief of pain), euphoria (strong feelings of wellbeing), and drowsiness. When used inappropriately, narcotics are very dangerous. Tolerance to narcotic drugs develops very quickly, requiring the consumption of greater quantities in order to achieve a satisfying level of potency. An individual abusing narcotics is usually compelled to continue consuming the drug in order to avoid severely unpleasant withdrawal symptoms such as tremors, sweating, nausea, cramping, and diarrhea. In effect, a narcotic abuser can rapidly become a slave to the drug, constantly chasing the pleasurable effects and avoiding the negative withdrawal symptoms. Depressants Depressants drugs act to depress (slow) physical and psychological functioning. They can reduce anxiety or tension at low doses, while higher doses can induce drowsiness or sleep. The two major types

Substance Use and Abuse of depressants include alcohol and sedative-hypnotics. Sedative-hypnotic drugs are sometimes used as sedatives or anesthetics; they include several varieties such as barbiturates, sedatives, and tranquilizers. Although some specific effects on the body and mind differ, depressant drugs all serve to calm physical and mental processes. Certain types of inhalants used by adolescents to achieve effects similar to the depressant drugs include model glue, paint thinner, and gasoline. The use of inhalants is particularly risky because neurological damage and asphyxiation (suffocation) are potential outcomes of abuse. Alcohol (ethyl alcohol) is one of the most commonly used drugs in America and can be found within beer, wine, and distilled spirits. Since it is relatively easy to obtain it is the most widely abused drug among adolescents. When taken in low doses, alcohol produces a mild form of euphoria and tends to reduce anxiety. Thinking, perception, language, and coordination are all impaired to varying degrees depending on dosage level. Alcohol use dulls inhibitions, allowing individuals to behave in ways that they may not otherwise feel comfortable with. At higher doses, alcohol acts to sedate the user, and with increased dosage can induce drowsiness and sleep. Alcohol also depresses respiration (breathing) and at high doses can lead to death, as respiration becomes too shallow to sustain life. With continued use, alcohol produces both tolerance and the development of physical dependence. Since alcohol produces both positive and negative reinforcement, its influence over the individual can be powerful. Unlike the withdrawal effects of narcotic use, the effects of alcohol withdrawal are potentially life threatening. Full-blown alcohol withdrawal (among

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those dependent on alcohol) can last a week and will move through a series of stages that become progressively more unpleasant, culminating in delirium tremors, which can be lethal. Stimulants Stimulants are drugs that produce increased activity or alertness within the brain and nervous system. There are four main types of stimulants that are commonly abused: amphetamine, caffeine, cocaine, and nicotine. Amphetamine is a single name used to describe three similar drugs: amphetamine, dextroamphetamine, and methamphetamine. Methamphetamine, more commonly referred to as “speed,” is the most abused of the three amphetamine drugs. Amphetamine drugs are typically taken as sleep and appetite suppressants and have the overall effect of physically and emotionally energizing the user. Cocaine is a drug derived from the coca plant. It produces similar effects to amphetamine drugs such as alertness and the production of a euphoric emotional state. At moderate doses, cocaine can cause negative experiences such as nervousness, paranoia, and anxiety. However, at high doses, the drug can cause sleeplessness, nausea, tremors, and psychotic mental states. Continued high levels of the drug can cause seizures, stroke, respiratory arrest, and death. Although tolerance develops to some of the drug’s effects such as emotional euphoria, continued use can actually sensitize an individual to the convulsive effects of the drug. Cocaine withdrawal is relatively mild, and so negative reinforcement (by the discomforts of withdrawal) does not play a large role in dependence. However, the psychological dependence on cocaine, driven by positive reinforcement, is extremely powerful. Cocaine

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abusers can spend a great deal of money, time, and effort in obtaining the drug to the detriment of other aspects of their lives. The recent popularity of “crack” cocaine (a nugget form of the drug) is driven by its very low cost; it can sometimes be obtained for as little as a few dollars. Caffeine and nicotine are legal stimulant drugs that are widely used in many different forms. Caffeine is a colorless, bitter chemical derived from various types of plants and is an ingredient within soft drinks and coffee. Caffeine can also be found in pill form, usually as nonprescription diet pills. Nicotine is derived from the leaves of the tobacco plant and is found within cigarettes, cigars, chewing tobacco, and nicotine gum or patches. The effects of caffeine and nicotine are milder but similar to those of amphetamine and cocaine. Although both caffeine and nicotine are relatively mild drugs in their legal forms, abuse and dependency are not uncommon when the drugs are used excessively. The easy availability of nicotine products and social attraction to their use, contribute to widespread dependency across all age groups. Although the withdrawal effects of nicotine are unpleasant, smoking or chewing tobacco in order to experience the effects of nicotine have been shown to increase the risks of developing various types of cancer (lung, mouth, throat) and chronic emphysema. All four types of stimulants involve a rapid development of tolerance and so compel users to increase dosages in order to achieve desired levels of effect. Abuse of the stimulant drugs cocaine and amphetamine can give rise to serious paranoia, delusions, and hallucinations. These powerful and irrational side effects

can lead to violent behaviors. The withdrawal effects of stimulants include sluggishness, sleepiness, and depression. Although these are rarely lethal, they do tend to compel people to continue using the stimulant drug in order to avoid them. In some cases, the depression that severe stimulant withdrawal involves can increase the risk of suicide. Psychedelics Psychedelic drugs (also called hallucinogens) cause serious alterations in the ways people perceive and process sensory experience. The drug-induced changes caused by psychedelics can create exaggerated emotional reactions and irrational interpretations of the surrounding environment. Just as each individual is unique, each individual’s experience while taking a psychedelic drug will be different. This adds to the unpredictability and potential for panic or distress that can accompany a psychedelic drug experience. Some psychedelic drugs are found within certain plants, while others are synthetically manufactured. Mescaline is a psychedelic chemical compound drawn from the peyote cactus. Its effects are very powerful, sometimes lasting as long as five to ten hours. Marijuana (and its derivative, hashish) is another natural psychedelic derived from the marijuana or hemp plant. The active psychedelic ingredient in marijuana is called delta–9tetrahydrocannabinol or THC. When marijuana is taken at low doses it acts as a mild sedative, while at higher doses the drug can produce psychedelic effects. LSD (“acid”) and PCP (“angle dust”) are both synthetic psychedelic drugs produced within a laboratory. As with other drugs, people who consistently use marijuana develop tolerance to it in addition to withdrawal symptoms such as rest-

Substance Use and Abuse lessness, irritability, and nausea. Tolerance also develops with the use of other psychedelics, but there may be no withdrawal symptoms. A particular danger involved with the long-term use of PCP is the potential for neurological deficits in language, memory, and vision. Anabolic Steroid Steroids are included in this discussion of substance abuse as they can have powerful effects on the individual and can be dangerous when they are abused. Anabolic steroids are a synthetic form of the male hormone testosterone, which plays a role in muscle growth and development. When used inappropriately by adolescents, steroids can cause problems with the cardiovascular and reproductive systems of males and females, while also increasing the risk of certain cancers. In spite of these dangers, adolescents are sometimes so driven to improve themselves physically and athletically that they put themselves at great risk. Certain features of the adolescent’s emotional and physical development may play into the attraction to steroid use. Moving through a period of awkward or underdeveloped body structure is a normal part of adolescent development. Yet the sensitivity of adolescents to the expectations and perceptions of others can create feelings of dissatisfaction with themselves physically. In addition, adolescents can be susceptible to pressure from peers and authority figures who may be pushing for greater athletic performance. These factors, combined with an adolescent’s typically lower self-esteem, can create a strong motivation to improve themselves physically by inappropriate means such as steroids. Adolescents can actually become psychologically dependent on steroids as they become invested in look-

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ing more muscular or performing at higher levels athletically. To the detriment of their internal emotional development, adolescents who use steroids come to focus much of their self-worth on external appearance and performance. Prevention No single strategy for preventing adolescent drug abuse has been shown to be effective on its own. Effective prevention must involve several strategies combined and applied consistently over time. The most important aspect of this overall strategy is to provide children and adolescents with a supportive and nurturing environment from which they may develop a strong sense of belonging and identity. Positive social and emotional development requires investment from others so that adolescents can begin to invest in themselves. A second aspect to drug abuse prevention involves educating children and adolescents about the realities of drugs along with teaching them realistic strategies for dealing with the feelings and situations that can lead to drug use. The third important aspect involves providing adolescents with opportunities to get involved in a variety of scholastic and extracurricular activities. Adolescents who have alternatives available to them usually choose positive pathways in life, provided they have mentors to assist them. For more information about drug abuse and prevention, the National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information can be reached at 1-800-729-6686 for assistance in English or Spanish, or at TDD 1-800-487-4889 for hearing-impaired callers. PREVLine, an electronic communication system, is accessible through the Internet at www.health.org, and provides online forums and direct

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access to educational materials. “Preventing Drug Use among Children and Adolescents” provides 14 prevention principles based on 20 years of research to help schools and community groups develop more effective drug prevention programs. Call for a free copy at 1-800-729-6686. Treatment There are many types of drug treatment available to adolescents and their families. The first step in seeking out treatment should always involve seeking out local school or community support services. Support groups for adolescents with alcohol or drug troubles exist throughout the United States such as Alanon or Alateen (1-800-356-9996). Other regional and national support groups exist to provide information and referral should they be needed. For information about drug abuse treatment and referral call the National Drug Information and Treatment Referral Hotline, 1-800-662-HELP. This hot line provides drug-related information to people seeking a local treatment program, and directs those affected by the substance abuse of a friend or family member to support groups or services. Valuable resources can also be found on the Internet including, the National Institute on Drug Abuse (www.nida.nih.gov) and the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (www.niaaa.nih.gov). Adolescent drug abuse is a serious matter and requires the involvement of experienced support persons or professionals in order to properly address the problem. Do not hesitate to seek out help. George T. Ladd See also Alcohol Use, Risk Factors in; Alcohol Use, Trends in; Children of Alcoholics; Cigarette Smoking; Drug Abuse Prevention; Inhalants; Interven-

tion Programs for Adolescents; Peer Pressure; Risk Behaviors; Steroids References and further reading American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th ed. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association. Cadogan, Donald A. 1999. “Drug Use Harm.” American Psychologist 54: 841–842. Carlson, Neil R. 1998. Physiology of Behavior. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. 2000. 1999 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse. Rockville, MD. DHHS. MacCoun, R. 1998. “Toward a Psychology of Harm Reduction.” American Psychologist 53: 1199–1208. Winger, G., F. G. Hofmann, and J. F. Woods. 1992. A Handbook on Drug and Alcohol Abuse: The Biomedical Aspects. New York: Oxford University Press.

Suicide Definition Suicidal behavior can be defined as thoughts, verbalizations, or actions that have the intention of causing one’s own death. Suicidal behavior is generally considered as extending along a continuum from ideation to actual completion. Suicidal ideation is characterized by thoughts or verbalizations about causing one’s own death. A suicidal threat is the verbalization of an imminent suicidal action. A suicide attempt is a self-destructive action that realistically could lead to death (e.g., ingestion of a potentially fatal dose of drugs). A suicide completion is an action that ultimately leads to death. Other behaviors, such as risk taking, recklessness, or self-destructive actions without suicidal intent, although potentially life threatening (e.g., driving fast, abusing drugs, engaging in unsafe sex), are generally not considered suicidal by tradi-

Suicide tional definitions. Actions that are selfinflicted and result in injury without the intention of causing death (e.g., superficial wrist cutting, burning) have been termed self-injury, self-mutilation, or parasuicide, and are discussed in another entry in this volume. Many teens at some point have thought about or contemplated suicide, but most teens decide that life is worth living. Other teens who are in crisis, however, view their problems and pain as inescapable. Teenagers who attempt and complete suicide often have intense and overwhelming feelings of despair, hopelessness, and helplessness. Other feelings include feeling unable to stop the pain or sadness, not being able to see a way out of the crisis, and worthlessness. Often, these youth become socially isolated and withdraw from their family and friends, have difficulty with sleeping and eating, have sudden changes in their personality, lose interest in activities they once found pleasurable, begin or increase their use of drugs or alcohol, have physical complaints, have difficulty concentrating, and have problems with their schoolwork. Many of these signs are quite similar to the symptoms of depression. Other warning signs include evidence of preparing for death, such as making out a will and final arrangements, giving away treasured or prized possessions, or having a preoccupation with death. Teens who are planning to commit suicide will often make direct or indirect statements about their suicidal intentions (e.g., “I won’t be a problem for you any longer”). Prevalence Among teenagers in the United States, suicide is the third leading cause of death, following unintentional injuries

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Suicide is the third leading cause of death among youth ages 15 to 24. (Philip James Corwin/Corbis)

and homicide. Since the middle of the last century, the rates of completed suicide have increased among youth between the ages of ten and nineteen, but the rates have declined since 1994. Although suicide attempts and completions are uncommon before puberty, the rates increase dramatically through middle adolescence. The Centers for Disease Control reported that, in 1997, 303 youth between the ages of ten and fourteen committed suicide in the United States. Of youth ages fifteen to nineteen, 1,802 committed suicide. The incidence of suicide attempts by teenagers is more difficult to determine

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because of the number of attempts that go unreported and the number of attempts that may have been classified as accidental. According to a study by Lewinsohn and colleagues (1996), 2 percent of adolescents in a community sample had attempted suicide during the past year. However, 7 percent of the adolescents had attempted suicide in their lifetime. About one-half of all youth who attempt suicide will eventually make further attempts, and it has been estimated that approximately one-quarter to one-third of adolescent suicide victims have made at least one previous suicide attempt. Furthermore, occasional suicidal ideation is surprisingly common in the general adolescent population. These rates, however, become significantly lower for moderate to extreme suicidal intent. Differences between adolescent boys and girls have been documented for the rates of suicide completions, attempts, and ideation. In general, boys are about four times more likely to commit suicide than girls. Suicide rates have increased among fifteen- to nineteen-year-old males since the 1960s, but have remained relatively stable for females in that age group and for the ten- to fourteen-yearold-age group. Teenage girls, however, are much more likely to report suicidal ideation and attempt suicide than teenage boys. Furthermore, rates of suicidal ideation, attempts, and completions vary across ethnic groups in the United States. The risk of suicide among young people is greatest for young white males. The rates of completed suicide are generally higher in Native American youth and lower in African American youth. However, the rates of suicide have increased dramati-

cally for African American males in the past two decades. The rates of suicide have also increased for Hispanic youth in recent years. Moreover, much discussion and debate has arisen regarding the relation between sexual orientation and suicide. Although it has been suggested that gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth are at greater risk than heterosexual youth for completed suicide, research has not been conclusive. Because of a lack of societal acceptance of homosexuality, struggling with issues of sexuality may place youth at a greater risk for depression and other psychological problems, including suicidal behavior. The most common method of completed youth suicide is by use of a firearm. Other common means of completed suicide are suffocation (e.g., hanging) and poisoning (e.g., intentional overdose). The most common methods for those adolescents who attempt suicide are intentional overdose and wrist cutting. Gender differences have also been found in the methods used for suicide, with girls primarily using ingestion and cutting, while boys primarily using guns and hanging. Suicide attempts made by older adolescents and males tend to have more serious intent and lethality. The vast majority of suicide attempts are deliberate and planned. A high proportion of youth report suicidal ideation prior to attempting suicide. Youth who attempt suicide without previous apparent suicidal ideation usually commit the act impulsively, and are more likely to be under the influence of drugs or alcohol. The majority of depressed youth report suicidal ideation at some point, but not all youth who express suicidal ideation actually attempt it. The suicide attempts

Suicide of youth with depression almost never occur when they are symptom free. Risk Factors Suicidal behavior in adolescents is a complex phenomenon. Although there is no typical suicidal adolescent, a number of variables have been identified by researchers as potential risk factors. Some of these factors include reduced family influence, economic stress, peer pressure, alcohol and substance use and abuse, sexual pressure, fear of AIDS, media, and gang influences. Although suicide has many causes, there is no particular formula to determine who will commit suicide. However, many factors have been documented in current research and have been crucial in identifying teenagers who may be at risk. One of the strongest known risk factors for suicide attempts and completions is a past history of suicide attempt. In addition, suicide attempts almost always occur in the context of significant psychopathology or a psychiatric disorder (e.g., major depression, alcohol and drug abuse/dependence, disruptive behavior disorders, and, to a lesser extent, anxiety disorders). The majority of adolescents who commit suicide have a psychological disorder. Youth who have more than one psychiatric disorder have an increased risk of attempting suicide. However, having a psychiatric disorder does not mean that an adolescent will attempt suicide. It is important to note that most youth with a psychiatric disorder do not attempt suicide. Major depression, with feelings of low self-esteem, helplessness, hopelessness, loneliness, and a sense of guilt, is the most common psychiatric disorder of those youth who attempt or complete suicide. Although suicide with-

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out depression is rare, it is not necessary to be depressed to commit suicide. Other psychiatric disorders that are associated with suicidal behavior are related to poor impulse control and low self-esteem. For example, disruptive behavior disorders (e.g., conduct disorder), and associated chronic difficulty with authority, is another common disorder that is associated with suicide. The risk for suicide is even greater if the young person is using drugs or alcohol. Drugs and alcohol cause disinhibition and can impair judgment and impulse control. Similar to differences in rates and methods of completion, differences between adolescent boys and girls also exist in regard to the risk factors for suicide. Among girls, the most significant risk factor for completed suicide is the presence of major depression. Another major risk factor for girls is a previous suicide attempt. For boys, a previous suicide attempt is the most important predictor, followed by depression, disruptive behavior disorders, and substance abuse. A number of factors in a teenager’s social environment have been linked to completed suicides, including stressful life events and interpersonal difficulties. Suicide in youth often occurs after the teenager has experienced some sort of recent disappointment, loss, or rejection. For example, interpersonal losses and disciplinary problems increase suicide risk. The following stressful life events may be predictive of future adolescent suicide attempts: many arguments or fights, the attempt of a relative or friend to commit suicide, problems of a relative or friend with alcohol or drugs, a disruption in the adolescent’s living situation, the death of a relative or friend, an arrest or legal trouble, and a breakup of an intimate rela-

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tionship. Interpersonal loss has been found to increase the risk of suicide, especially for boys. Since the reasons for completing suicide are complex and multidetermined, these stressful life events are rarely a sufficient cause for suicide. These events can, however, be precipitating factors for teens. Other risk factors for suicidal behavior include a family history of depression or substance abuse, ineffective coping skills, functional impairment due to an illness or injury, or having been born to a teenage mother. The presence or the availability of the means to kill oneself has been associated with increased suicide risk. For example, having a firearm in the home has been found to greatly increase the risk of youth suicide. In addition, suicide completers have been found to have experienced more physical abuse, more exposure to family violence, residential instability, and parental unemployment, and more parent-child conflict. The occurrence of these stressful life events and circumstances should serve as warning signs for clinicians or parents of suicidal adolescents. It is important to note, however, that these events most often occur without suicide as a consequence. Treatment and Interventions Depression and suicidal feelings are treatable mental disorders. Unfortunately, very few youth who have committed suicide have been in treatment at the time of their death. Adolescents who express that they want to kill themselves should always be taken seriously, and they should seek an evaluation from a mental health professional. Although people often feel uncomfortable talking about death and suicidal feelings, addressing the depression and suicidal thoughts can be helpful and provide

some relief. Asking questions regarding suicidal thoughts does not prompt suicidal behavior; rather, it can provide reassurance that someone cares, offers support, and is listening. Often, inpatient hospitalization is the necessary form of intervention if the adolescent is in imminent danger of selfharm. The most important aspect of treatment for the youth in crisis is to provide a safe environment. If someone is in imminent danger of harming herself, do not leave her alone. When someone is actively suicidal, it is also important to limit her access to dangerous weapons, such as firearms, lethal doses of medications, or knives. Emergency steps may need to be taken, such as calling 911 or taking the person to a crisis center or emergency room. Other resources to contact in an emergency include community mental health agencies, a private therapist or counselor, school counselor, psychologist, or family doctor. Laura A. Gallagher See also Coping; Counseling; Depression; Intervention Programs for Adolescents; Psychotherapy; Self-Injury; Substance Use and Abuse; Youth Outlook References and further reading Berman, Alan L., and D. A. Jobes. 1991. Adolescent Suicide: Assessment and Intervention. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 1998. “Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 1997.” CDC Surveillance Summaries, August, 14, 1998. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 4, no. SS-3. ———. 1999. Suicide Deaths and Rates Per 100,000. Available at: http:// www.cdc.gov/ncipc/data/us9794/ suic.htm Gould, Madelyn S., et al. 1998. “Psychopathology Associated with Suicidal Ideation and Attempts among Children and Adolescents.” Journal of

Suicide the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 37: 915–923. Gould, Madelyn S., Prudence Fisher, Michael Parides, Michael Flory, and David Shaffer. 1996. “Psychosocial Risk Factors of Child and Adolescent Completed Suicide.” Archives of General Psychiatry 53: 1155–1162. Hoyert, Donna L., Kenneth D. Kochanek, and Sherry L. Murphy. 1999. “Deaths: Final Data for 1997.” National Vital Statistics Reports 47, no 19. Hyattsville,

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MD: National Center for Health Statistics. Lewinsohn, Peter M., Paul Rohde, and John R. Seeley. 1996. “Adolescent Suicidal Ideation and Attempts: Prevalence, Risk Factors, and Clinical Implications.” Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice 3: 25–46. Shaffer, David, and Leslie Craft. 1999. “Methods of Adolescent Suicide Prevention.” Journal of Clinical Psychiatry 60: 70–74.

T Teachers

of goals and values of caregivers. With respect to schooling, this explanation translates into the notion that students will be motivated to engage in classroom activities if they believe that teachers care about them. Middle school students characterize caring and supportive teachers as those who demonstrate democratic and egalitarian communication styles designed to elicit student participation and input, who develop expectations for student behavior and performance in light of individual differences and abilities, who model a caring attitude and interest in their instruction and interpersonal dealings with students, and who provide constructive rather than harsh and critical feedback. Students’ perceptions that teachers are indeed supportive and caring predict positive motivational orientations toward school over the course of the middle school years. Specific qualities of middle school teachers, which include communicating high expectations, clear and consistent rule setting, positive and constructive feedback, fairness, and modeling of interest in learning on the part of teachers, relate positively to students’ pursuit of socially valued goals, interest in schoolwork, and positive beliefs about personal control. Negative feedback from teachers appears to be a powerful and consistent predictor of students’ social behavior and academic performance: Students

Teachers are rarely mentioned by adolescents as having a significant or important influence in their lives. Adolescents often describe teachers as providing aid and advice, but only as secondary sources relative to parents and peers. Moreover, studies of teacher characteristics and teacherstudent relationships have not often been done with adolescents in middle and high school. However, teachers can have a profound effect on the academic and social lives of students. Recent studies have linked specific characteristics of teachers to adolescents’ educational aspirations, values, and self-concept. In middle school, students’ perceptions that teachers care about them have been related to positive aspects of student motivation such as pursuit of social and academic goals, mastery orientations toward learning, and academic interest. When perceived support from parents, peers, and teachers is considered together, perceived support from teachers has the most direct link to how much students like school and to how well they perform academically. The most widely documented influence of teachers on school adjustment concerns the degree to which adolescents perceive teachers as being supportive and caring. Several authors have suggested that feelings of belongingness and of being cared for can foster the adoption and internalization

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Teachers can have a profound effect on the academic and social lives of students. (Skjold Photographs)

Teachers who perceive teachers as being harsh and critical display antisocial and uncooperative classroom behavior and earn low grades relative to their peers. These findings underscore the potentially pervasive influence of teachers’ negative and highly critical feedback on adolescents’ overall adjustment and success at school. Young adolescents’ relationships with and perceptions of teachers appear to change dramatically with the transition from elementary to middle school. During this time, students often report heightened levels of mistrust of teachers, perceptions that teachers no longer care about them, and a decrease in opportunities to establish meaningful relationships with teachers. These reported declines in the nurturant qualities of teacher-student relationships after the transition to middle school also correspond to declines in academic motivation and achievement. As students proceed through middle school, they also report that teachers become more focused on students earning high grades, on competition between students, and on maintaining adult control, with a decrease in personal interest in students. Students who report these changes also tend to report less intrinsic motivation to achieve than students who do not. When asked about their own perceptions of their teaching, however, teachers do not perceive their practice in the same way as students. Teachers report that they do not emphasize competition and grading as much as do students, nor do they think they convey a lack of caring to their students. As adolescents change in their perceptions of their teachers as they progress through middle school, they also change in the degree to which they think teachers have authority over their decisions and behavior. In general, almost all ado-

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lescents believe that teachers have authority over issues such as stealing and fighting; somewhat less authority over issues such as misbehaving in class, breaking school rules, and smoking or substance abuse; and least authority over issues involving peer interactions, friendships, and personal appearance. Interestingly, when beliefs about teachers are compared to beliefs about the authority of their parents and friends to dictate their school behavior, adolescents believe that teachers have more authority with respect to moral issues such as stealing and fighting and conventional rules involving school and classroom conduct. They also believe that teachers have as much authority as parents with respect to smoking or substance abuse. Peers are seen as having legitimate authority only in personal matters such as friendships or personal appearance. These beliefs, however, tend to change as children get older, with younger adolescents in middle school believing teachers have legitimate authority in all areas of school conduct and older adolescents in high school believing that teachers have little authority over most aspects of their lives at school. Little is known about teachers’ opinions and beliefs about their adolescent students. In a recent interview study, however, middle school teachers spoke of a variety of important things that they did in the classroom, ranging from instruction to promoting students’ social and emotional development (Wentzel, 2000). For instance, 47 percent of the teachers mentioned promoting socialemotional development as an important part of their job, 40 percent mentioned instruction and establishing positive teacher-student relationships, and 33 percent mentioned classroom management

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and the teaching of learning skills. In addition, a good day for teachers was typically described as one in which students are motivated and on task, whereas bad days were most often described as those in which classroom management issues and problems with instruction were prevalent. Most teachers also had images of ideal and nightmare students, with ideal students being described most often as motivated and self-regulated, and nightmare students as having motivational and behavioral problems. Finally, most teachers attributed their students’ success to home and instructional factors. These findings document the complex nature of the day-to-day lives of middle school teachers, as well as their recognition that their students need support and guidance in areas that reflect social as well as academic concerns. It is likely that teachers might be more crucial to some adolescents’ adjustment to school than to others. Some students who are at risk for academic problems due to unstable or problematic home life attribute their success to teachers who have served as mentors and often surrogate parents in their lives. Teachers also might be able to offset the negative impact of low levels of acceptance and rejection from peers. For instance, research shows that some middle school students who are rejected by their peers but liked by teachers tend to do well academically over time. However, teachers can also exacerbate the negative impact of peer rejection on students, in that young adolescents who are disliked by their teachers as well as by their peers are at higher risk for academic failure and other school-related problems than their peers who have more positive relations with their teachers and peers.

What do we know about teachers’ instructional practices and adolescents’ adjustment to school? The most common finding is that teachers tend to have different expectations for and interactions with students depending on curricular tracks. For instance, some researchers have documented that teachers of students who are not in college-bound programs tend to establish classrooms with more structure and present subject matter in less interesting ways than teachers of college-bound students. Students in college tracks also tend to receive more praise and recognition and less criticism than other students. The long-term implications of these differential practices seem to be twofold. Regardless of the quality of instruction, students who perceive that their teachers are interested in the subject matter and are trying to make it interesting for them are themselves more interested in the subject matter, do better academically, and are more motivated to behave in socially appropriate ways than students who believe their teachers are not interested in what they do. Therefore, collegebound students are likely to benefit from their classes more than other students, in part simply because teachers make them more interesting and motivating. In addition, less structured classrooms tend to promote more friendly and open interactions among students, and so collegetrack students may well benefit from more frequent opportunities to make new friends with a wider and more diverse set of peers than their noncollegebound classmates. Kathryn R. Wentzel See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Apprenticeships;

Teasing Homework; Mentoring and Youth Development; School, Functions of References and further reading Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly, and Reed Larson. 1984. Being Adolescent. New York: Basic Books. Eccles, Jacqueline, Carol Midgley, and Terry Adler. 1984. “Grade-Related Changes in the School Environment.” Pp. 283–331 in Advances in Motivation and Achievement. Edited by M. L. Maehr. Greenwich, CT: JAI. Epstein, Joyce, and Nancy Karweit. 1983. Friends in School. New York: Academic Press. Harter, Susan. 1996. “Teacher and Classmate Influences on Scholastic Motivation, Self-Esteem, and Level of Voice in Adolescents.” Pp. 11–42 in Social Motivation: Understanding Children’s School Adjustment. Edited by Jaana Juvonen and Kathryn Wentzel. New York: Cambridge University Press. Juvonen, Jaana. 1996. “Self-Presentation Tactics Promoting Teacher and Peer Approval: The Function of Excuses and Other Clever Explanations.” Pp. 43–65 in Social Motivation: Understanding Children’s School Adjustment. Edited by Jaana Juvonen and Kathryn Wentzel. New York: Cambridge University Press. Smetana, Judith, and Bruce Bitz. 1996. “Adolescents’ Conceptions of Teachers’ Authority and Their Relations to Rule Violations in School.” Child Development 67: 1153–1172. Wentzel, Kathryn R. 1997. “Student Motivation in Middle School: The Role of Perceived Pedagogical Caring.” Journal of Educational Psychology 89: 411–419. ———. 1998. “Social Support and Adjustment in Middle School: The Role of Parents, Teachers, and Peers.” Journal of Educational Psychology 90: 202–209. ———. 1999. “Social-Motivational Processes and Interpersonal Relationships: Implications for Understanding Students’ Academic Success.” Journal of Educational Psychology 91: 76–97. ———. 2000. Middle School Teachers’ Educational Goals and Perceptions of Their Students. Unpublished manuscript, University of Maryland, College Park.

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Teasing Teasing involves making fun of another person. Teasing may involve poking fun at someone with whom one is friendly, but it can also be much more like bullying and may be a form of harassment. Teenagers who engage in teasing may feel that they are “only fooling” and thus may not understand that the behavior is hurtful. Teens may not recognize that the person being teased views the situation much differently. An adolescent who is being teased may also be reluctant to admit that the behavior is bothersome for fear that this admission will simply escalate the teasing or bring about other forms of ridicule from peers. Although there may be many instances of good-natured fun when friends exchange harmless jokes about one another, this type of playful verbal exchange is qualitatively different from one-sided teasing, directed at an individual, that is hurtful in nature. A common adolescent situation is teasing that involves comments or consequences that are not harmless. Despite the old adage that we are taught when we are young, “Sticks and stones may break my bones but names will never hurt me,” we actually know that words can be at least as hurtful as physical aggression. This is especially true when the harmful words, or teasing, are ongoing. Often, teasing involves a power inequity. Power inequities occur in any life situation in which some people have more of something desirable. For example, there is often a power inequity that results from a difference in wealth. People with financial resources often have more power to influence others than do poor people. If you apply this model to adolescent social situations, there are

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Teasing can take many forms and often focuses on issues of difference. (Shirley Zeiberg)

individuals with more social power. Social power may mean having more friends or at least having the attention of others. Someone with more social power may feel at liberty to pick on someone with less social power. In addition, someone with more social power may be able to influence others to pick on someone with less social power. In this way, groups of adolescents who are considered “in” or “cool” determine how others will be treated. Sometimes teens tease others with the hope of gaining social power. For example, teens who want to feel accepted by others may join in teasing (or initiate the teasing of) someone less popular. However, it is important to note

that not all popular teens engage in teasing others. In fact, many popular teens are friendly and kind. Thus, popularity should not be an excuse for the mistreatment of others. Teasing can take many forms and often focuses on issues of difference. Teasing may involve comments or jokes about a person’s physical appearance. Young people who are overweight are at particularly high risk for teasing by peers. Sadly, this form of discrimination is also prevalent in adult society. Family situation or structure, as well as ethnic or racial background, may also be a source of teasing. Since teens spend the majority of their waking hours in school settings, school

Teasing achievement can be another focus of teasing. At times, less competent students may be teased. However, this is highly dependent on the school culture and whether or not academic achievement is valued. In some settings, it is the more competent, higher-achieving students who may become the subject of ridicule by their less academically oriented peers. In many high schools, athletes are held in the highest regard, and so physical/athletic ability can be an additional source of teasing. Teens (especially males) who are not athletically oriented may find that they are teased by peers. Conversely, teenage girls who are athletic but may not be interested in stereotypically female activities may be subject to teasing by peers. One of the most common forms of adolescent teasing involves issues of sexual orientation. When young people want to insult one another they often use slurs that are related to being gay. Since adolescence is a time during which there is often much confusion and self-consciousness about sexual identity, this type of teasing can be particularly hurtful. Some statistics suggest that gay teens are at even higher risk for suicide than straight teens and often feel that they have no one to turn to for help. Therefore, teasing about sexual orientation may have deadly consequences. Though teenagers have the intellectual ability to understand that their behavior could have an impact on someone else, their emotional development during this period may limit their understanding. From a social/emotional standpoint adolescents are often thought to be experiencing a period of egocentrism, which means that they see situations only from their own point of view and may not spontaneously take the perspective of

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another when looking at a situation. As a result, a teen who make a comment that she thinks is funny and actually gets a laugh from others may not give one moment’s thought to the impact that the comment has on the person being teased. Even when the behavior is pointed out, the most common teenage response is, “I was only fooling around.” This answer focuses only on the intention, thoughts, and actions of the teaser and completely ignores the feelings of the teen being teased. Teasing is sometimes related to bullying. Bullying is defined as physical or verbal aggression against another person. Bullying is a means of exercising power and domination. A bully may be an individual who has difficulty making friends in more socially acceptable ways and resorts instead to trying to control others through aggression and intimidation. Intimidation can be very powerful, in that victims are made to feel fearful as a result of implicit or explicit threats. Adolescents who already feel self-conscious may be reluctant to report incidents of bullying. Teasing and bullying can make teenagers feel miserable. Unfortunately, adults often underestimate the impact of such behavior. Teenagers who feel teased or bullied should find an adult in whom they can confide. If teens do not feel able to confide in any adult whom they already know, they can seek professional help from a counselor or therapist trained to help teens. Adults often suggest that teens suffering from teasing or bullying need to express their displeasure to the aggressor. However, it is crucial for adults to understand that expressing displeasure may not make the behavior stop, especially if it is intentional on the part of the teaser. In fact, knowing that

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they have evoked a response may provide just the reinforcement needed to encourage a continuation of the behavior. Similarly, adults often suggest that teens ignore inappropriate comments made by others. Although this may work at times, this, too, can produce the opposite result, in that the teaser may simply escalate the attack in order to provoke the victim. Since most teasing involves a focus on those who are somehow deemed to be different, educating young children, teens, and adults about the importance of mutual respect and acceptance of differences is an important step toward curbing teasing behavior. Deborah N. Margolis See also Bullying; Conduct Problems; Conflict Resolution; Peer Pressure; Peer Victimization in School; SelfConsciousness; Self-Esteem; Sibling Conflict References and further reading Marano, Hara Estroff. 1998. Why Doesn’t Anybody Like Me? New York: William Morrow. Stein, Nan. 1996. Bullyproof. Wellesley, MA: Wellesley Center for Research on Women.

Teenage Parenting: Childbearing Becoming sexually active is a normal part of human development for adolescents making the transition into adulthood. In earlier historical periods, adolescents expected to marry and begin childbearing at a relatively early age. In contemporary American society, however, adolescents typically do not expect to marry at an early age, and many adult women delay childbearing until near the end of their reproductive years. Our society offers adolescents no clear norms for

the acceptable age and acceptable relationship for initiation of sexual activity. In this context of uncertainty, many adolescents initiate sexual activity. Some become pregnant and bear children. Declines in Adolescent Pregnancy and Birthrates The birthrate for adolescents has declined in the United States. The 1998 adolescent birthrate was 51 per 1,000 adolescent females (fifteen to nineteen years of age). Declines have occurred for all ethnic groups, although ethnic differences remain. Hispanic adolescents have the highest birthrate; African Americans and American Indians are higher than Caucasians and Asian Americans. Similarly, disparities remain in adolescent birthrates in the geographic regions of the United States, but declines have occurred in all geographic areas. Mississippi has the highest rate of births to adolescents, and Vermont, the lowest. Ethnic differences must be interpreted cautiously, however, because ethnicity is confounded with socioeconomic status in major studies. Socioeconomic status may contribute to ethnic differences in adolescent pregnancy and birthrates. Pregnancy and birthrates differ by age within the adolescent years. Older adolescents have higher pregnancy and birthrates than younger adolescents. The birthrate for fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds is 34 per 1,000 for the United States. In contrast, the birthrate for eighteen- to nineteen-year-olds is 86 per 1,000. Young adolescents who become pregnant have different developmental needs from older pregnant adolescents who are making the transition into adulthood. Young pregnant adolescents also are more likely than older adolescents to have medical complications.

Teenage Parenting: Childbearing The abortion ratio, the ratio of abortions to pregnancies, is relatively low in the United States compared to other developed countries. In most developed countries, the abortion ratio is very high— more than 50 percent for fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds. The majority of younger pregnant adolescents in developed countries choose abortion, and they are more likely than older adolescents (eighteen- to nineteen-year-olds) to have abortions. The abortion ratio in the United States, in contrast, is 36 percent for fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds and 34 percent for eighteento nineteen-year-olds. Adolescent childbearing occurs at a higher rate in the United States than in other developed countries. Even with the exclusion of ethnic groups with higher adolescent birthrates within the United States, the U.S. rate for Caucasian adolescents remains higher than that in other industrialized nations. The pregnancy rate, calculated by combining birthrates and abortion rates, is also higher in the United States than in most developed countries. Recent statistics show that the United States is one of five countries (including Belarus, Bulgaria, Romania, and the Russian Federation) with pregnancy rates of 70 or more per 1,000 adolescent females per year. There has been a general decline in adolescent pregnancy rates and birthrates over the past twenty-five years in industrialized countries, although great disparities in adolescent pregnancy and birthrates exist currently among these countries. Among developed countries, adolescent pregnancy rates range from a low of 12 per 1,000 in the Netherlands to a high of 100 per 1,000 in the Russian Federation. Japan and most Western European nations have adolescent pregnancy rates lower than 40 per 1,000.

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Developmental Tasks of Adolescence Despite these declines in adolescent birthrates in the United States and in other developed countries, adolescent childbearing still presents a substantial problem when it occurs. In the current social context, adolescent childbearing can interfere with the successful completion of the normal developmental tasks of adolescence, such as education, movement toward economic self-sufficiency, and the renegotiation of family relations and establishment of new social relations. Education. The completion of formal schooling and successful entry into the job market may be compromised by early pregnancies, childbearing, and child rearing. The overall declines in early childbearing may be linked to the increased importance of education and the desire of young people to attain higher levels of education. For many young women, education is a more central and more immediate goal than motherhood. Adolescents need to be motivated to prevent pregnancy. In addition to information about contraception and access to contraceptives, they need strong reasons to delay childbearing. As the Children’s Defense Fund puts it, the “best contraceptive is a real future.” Without other competing life goals, such as education, adolescents may see childbearing and motherhood as their major goals. Educational attainment has increased for adolescents who have children as it has for adolescents in general. Adolescent child bearers today have higher educational attainment than adolescent child bearers in the past. Adolescent mothers who have the worst educational outcomes are those who drop out of school before their first birth. Another critical factor related to lower educational

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attainment for adolescent mothers is having a second birth. Economic Self-Sufficiency. The increase in the years of formal schooling means an extended period of economic and social dependency for adolescents in general. A complex question is whether adolescent childbearing causes economic disadvantage and dependency, at a time in the life span when individuals should be moving toward economic self-sufficiency. An alternative possibility is that poverty leads to adolescent childbearing. For low-income women, early childbearing may present no more adverse consequences than those associated with poverty. Studies show that outcomes are negative for low-income young women, even when they delay childbearing. For example, a comparison of adolescent mothers with their sisters who delayed childbearing until twenty years of age or later revealed few differences in educational attainment and in later economic outcomes. Thus, with socioeconomic status held constant, differences between adolescent child bearers and those who delay childbearing are greatly diminished or nonexistent. Reducing adolescent childbearing will not eliminate the effects of poverty. Preventing early childbearing may widen the pathways out of poverty, however, or at least not exacerbate the effects of poverty. Social/Family Relationships. The formation of satisfying, mature close personal relationships may be jeopardized by early births and the demands of child rearing. Although not all outcomes are negative, adolescent childbearing changes the entire family system, creating new roles, such as grandparent, and new social and economic demands for all family mem-

bers. In addition to renegotiating existing family and social relationships, adolescent child bearers also must master the parenting role with their own children. Adolescent child bearers in contemporary society are unlikely to be married, in contrast to the 1950s, when the relatively high rate of births to adolescents was masked by the correspondingly high rate of early, stable marriages and relative economic prosperity. Despite the high value generally placed on marriage as the context for childbearing and child rearing, negative effects of marriage, such as interference with continued education, increased likelihood of subsequent pregnancies, inadequate economic resources of young husbands, divorce, and instability for the adolescent mother and child, may occur. A study of birth records for a midwestern state indicated that few African American adolescent mothers were married. Hispanic adolescent mothers were more likely to be married, and, for those who were married, educational attainment was lower than for their counterparts who were not married. Another study found that African American adolescent mothers were more likely to live with their parents, to stay in school, and to remain unmarried than were Caucasian and Hispanic adolescent mothers, who tended to leave the family of origin, drop out of school, and marry if they could. Adolescent childbearing occurs in a social context in which adult women increasingly have babies out of wedlock. Adolescents account for a small percentage of unwed births in the United States. The decline in marriage rates and increase in out-of-wedlock births are not uniquely adolescent problems. Marriage may be a more appropriate choice for older than for younger adolescents. Only

Teenage Parenting: Childbearing a small percentage of adolescents become pregnant or bear children at ages earlier than fifteen years. It should be noted, however, that there has been a decline in the age at which it is possible for a young adolescent to begin having children. The average age at which girls reach menarche is twelve and a half years. The changing biological timetable for sexual maturation has moved in the opposite direction from the preferred social timetable for childbearing and child rearing. Childbearing and child rearing now occur toward the end of the reproductive years, especially for affluent women. An enormous investment of societal resources has made it possible for older women to bear children safely. These medical resources are available to affluent women but not to women generally. The social norm that has evolved favors a late beginning for childbearing, carefully controlled childbearing, and few children. The majority of adolescent child bearers report that they did not want to or plan to become pregnant. Adolescents need help making the decision to avoid pregnancy and taking active steps to prevent pregnancy. Parents, however, may be uncomfortable discussing sexuality and contraception with their children. Parents may be ambivalent about encouraging their adolescents to use contraceptives, thinking they might hasten the adolescents’ sexual initiation. Because of adults’ discomfort and uncertainty, adolescents may not have sufficient adult guidance and may turn to peers for information and advice. Adolescents may get less attention and guidance from adults at one of the times they need it most. Coercion or unwanted sexual behavior may occur in adolescents’ relationships. Childhood sexual abuse, however, is not associated with increased likelihood of adolescent preg-

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nancy, when other variables such as age at first intercourse and contraceptive use at first intercourse are considered. In addition, concern about HIV and AIDS may affect contraceptive use. Romantic relationships surrounding adolescent childbearing may be shortlived. Some perspectives on adolescent child bearers’ relationships, especially ethnographic work, incorporate a negative picture of the relationships that lead to adolescent childbearing. In this view of adolescent childbearing, young men father children to prove their virility and adolescent females want to get pregnant. This line of research provides examples of adolescent mothers’ participation in a “baby club,” in which they compete to have the most attractive, best-dressed children. According to this perspective, the adolescent mothers’ interest is not sustained as the children become older and are no longer “cute.” When their interest wanes, some researchers assert, adolescent mothers relinquish care of their children to their grandparents. Becoming a grandmother can be especially difficult for a relatively young grandmother. Grandmothers may not always be able to provide the emotional and financial support adolescent mothers need. High levels of support may be needed and readily accepted by younger adolescents. The same high levels of support may not be needed by older adolescents and may be perceived as inappropriate interference or control. Most fathers of children born to adolescent mothers are not themselves adolescents but are young adult males. Power differentials may exist in the relationships between adolescent females and young adult males. For adolescent males who become fathers, studies find few differences in cognitive functioning,

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socioemotional characteristics, or sexual knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors, in comparisons with adolescent males who are not fathers. Further, adolescent fathers typically do not live with the mother and baby and may have difficulty maintaining meaningful involvement in the rearing of the child. The involvement of fathers may not always be welcome by the adolescent mother and her family or by programs set up to assist adolescent mothers. Continued involvement of the father, however, is related to the adolescent mother’s psychological and economic well-being. The majority of adolescent mothers keep their babies rather than release them for adoption. There is great concern for the educational and developmental outcomes for the children of adolescent mothers. Adolescent childbearing often occurs in a social milieu of poverty and low educational attainment. Thus, the children of adolescent mothers may have a less than optimal rearing environment. These children, however, do not fare worse than other children reared in poverty. In addition, despite the stereotype of a repeated cycle of adolescent child bearers, generation after generation, the majority of daughters of adolescent mothers do not themselves become adolescent child bearers. Diverse Outcomes for Adolescent Parents Longitudinal research shows substantial variability in outcomes for adolescent mothers and their children. Although some adolescent mothers and their children fare relatively well, the prevention of early pregnancy remains an important goal. Because the United States has higher adolescent birthrates than other developed nations, it is instructive to

examine policies and practices in those countries. Other developed countries that have lower rates of adolescent childbearing than the United States have more generous health and welfare benefits for their citizens and more widely available sex education and contraceptive services for adolescents. Diane Scott-Jones

See also Abortion; Abstinence; ChildRearing Styles; Contraception; Decision Making; Parenting Styles; Programs for Adolescents References and further reading Anderson, E. 1999. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. New York: Norton. Bachrach, C. A., C. C. Clogg, and D. R. Entwisle, eds. 1993. Pathways to Childbearing and Childbirth Outcomes of Adolescent and Older Mothers [Special issue]. Journal of Research on Adolescence 3, no. 4. Caldwell, C. H., and T. C. Antonucci. 1997. “Childbearing during Adolescence: Mental Health Risks and Opportunities.” Pp. 220–245 in Health Risks and Developmental Transitions during Adolescence. Edited by J. Schulenberg, J. L. Maggs, and K. Hurrelmann. New York: Cambridge University Press. Coles, R. 1997. The Youngest Parents. New York: Norton. Furstenberg, F. F., J. Brooks-Gunn, and S. P. Morgan. 1987. Adolescent Mothers in Later Life. New York: Cambridge University Press. Rosenheim, M. K., and M. F. Testa, eds. 1992. Early Parenthood and Coming of Age in the 1990s. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Scott-Jones, D. 1993. “Adolescent Childbearing: Whose Problem? What Can We Do?” Phi Delta Kappan 75: 1–12. Singh, S., and J. E. Darroch. 2000. “Adolescent Pregnancy and Childbearing: Levels and Trends in Developed Countries.” Family Planning Perspectives 32: 14–23.

Teenage Parenting: Consequences

Teenage Parenting: Consequences Adolescent sexual behavior, pregnancy and childbearing (particularly among unmarried adolescents) have been a societal, economic, and political concern for centuries. Today, teenage pregnancy is viewed as a major problem placing burden on all involved: teenagers, their children, and taxpayers. Currently, over 1 million teenage women under the age of twenty become pregnant every year in the United States, with one female teenager becoming pregnant every thirty-one seconds. The percentage of American teenagers who are sexually active has increased in recent years, while the age of first intercourse has decreased. Currently, approximately 56 percent of females and 73 percent of males have had sexual intercourse before their eighteenth birthday, with the average age of first intercourse being seventeen years for females and sixteen years for males. The rates for unintended teenage pregnancy and nonmarital births have increased in part because of earlier puberty, later age of marriage, greater numbers of teenagers having sex, and lack of contraceptive use. Among the 1 million teenage pregnancies each year in America, just under one-half are to females aged seventeen and younger, with approximately half of the teenage pregnancies resulting in live births, 35 percent ending in induced abortion, and 14 percent resulting in a miscarriage or stillbirth. Historical Trends in the United States The birthrate among U.S. teens has fluctuated over the decades. Historically, after World War II, during the 1950s and 1960s, teen birthrates in the United States reached their highest levels. During the 1970s, a decline in birthrates occurred as a result of the legalization of abortion and the development of different contracep-

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tive methods. Birthrates among teenagers declined from 66.2 percent in 1972 to 46.7 percent in 1982, with the legalization of abortion occurring in 1973. From 1986 until 1991, overall birthrates rose steadily. Among 15–19 year old females, the birthrate rose from 50 (in 1986) to 62 (in 1991) per 1,000 females. Between 1991 and 1996, the birthrates declined 12 percent, however, the rate in 1996 (54.7 per 1,000) was still higher than in 1980. Currently, the United States has the highest rate of teenage pregnancies and births compared to other westernized countries. This has been a consistent pattern; for example, in 1988 and 1992, the United States had 53 and 61 births per 1,000 teen pregnancies (born to females ages 15 to 19 years old), as compared with Japan, which had 4 births per 1,000 teen pregnancies for both years, while in the Netherlands, there were 6 and 8 births, respectively. Consequences for Teenage Mothers A pregnant female can choose from the following options regarding her pregnancy: she can carry the child to term and choose to become a parent, have an abortion, or have the baby and give the baby up for adoption. The great majority of today’s teenagers are choosing either to raise their child or to have an abortion (see entry on abortion for further information). Teenage females who choose to give birth and raise their child face a multitude of consequences, both medically and psychologically. Medically, females who are younger than 17 years of age while pregnant have a higher incidence of medical complications than do adult women. Approximately one-third of pregnant teenagers receive inadequate prenatal care. Teenage mothers tend to have more obstetric problems (e.g., either inadequate or excessive weight gain,

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Adolescent childbearing may interfere with the successful completion of developmental tasks of adolescence. (Shirley Zeiberg)

pregnancy-induced hypertension, anemia), which arise from various interconnected factors, including poverty, lack of prenatal care, and poor nutrition. In addition to the medical complications a teen mother may face, her future educational and occupational prospects are likely to decline as well. Adolescent mothers are less likely to complete school or to do so on time, be employed, or make high wages, and are more likely to live in persistent poverty, become welfare dependent, have larger families, and become single parents. Interestingly, it should be noted that many of these consequences are not a direct result of the pregnancy, but may have been characteristics of the mother or her social environment prior to the birth. For example, a

majority of the teenagers were living in poverty at the time of birth, or they had a history of poor academic performance prior to birth and had either already dropped out or were at high risk of dropping out of high school. However, recent research findings suggest that with age, many women who were teenage mothers fare better than previously hoped. In long-term follow-up studies of teenage mothers, most had completed high school (approximately 70 percent by the time the mothers are 35 to 39 years old), moved off public assistance, and many had secure and stable employment. Consequences for Teenage Fathers Although most of the research on consequences of teenage pregnancy and child-

Teenage Parenting: Consequences bearing has focused on the teenage mother, virtually little research has been conducted on the teenage fathers. Research has found that many fathers of children born to teenage women tend to be two to three years older than the women, with many being older than twenty years of age. It is hard to get an accurate estimate of the number of teenage fathers as well as the consequences they may experience for a number of reasons. Teenage fathers tend not to live with their children, and may not know or deny that they are fathers, leading to an underreporting of teenage fatherhood. Consequences for Children of Teenage Mothers Children born to adolescent mothers run the risk of many health and psychological problems. Infants of teen mothers (particularly mothers under sixteen years of age) are more likely to be born prematurely and with a low birth weight (two times the rate of infants born to adults), which is a big contributor to infant mortality, morbidity, and future health problems. Within the first twenty-eight days of life, infants of teen mothers are three times more likely to die than infants born to older mothers. These threats to the infants’ health typically are not the result of the mother’s actual age, but are results of factors associated with the mother being young, such as inadequate prenatal care, poor nutrition, or substance use. Future consequences of teenage pregnancy on the children include an increased risk for future developmental delays, academic difficulties (e.g., school failure or withdrawal), behavior problems, substance use, and unplanned pregnancy as a teenager. Many of the same factors associated with teenage preg-

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nancy and childbirth also influence the children, often supporting intergenerational transmission of risk factors for teenage pregnancy such as poverty or low academic attainment. Consequences for Taxpayers Teen pregnancy has huge economic and social costs as well. Young unmarried women seventeen years or younger are more likely to go on public assistance and to spend more years on welfare once enrolled. It is estimated that taxpayers pay nearly $7 billion per year for the costs of births to adolescents, which includes Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Medicaid, and food stamps. These costs do not include additional support to families and children provided by social services, protective services, and education for the young mother. What Can Be Done? There have been many prevention and intervention programs developed to address the issue of teenage pregnancy in the United States, most programs focusing on the adolescent female. These programs primarily fall into five categories, those which: (1) teach about sex and/or HIV, (2) improve access to contraception, (3) are sexual education programs focusing on parent-child communication, (4) involve multiple components, and (5) focus on youth development. Everyone, from parents and adolescents to government and social agencies, must be involved in these prevention programs in order to make them a success, with the ultimate goal of curbing teenage pregnancy and helping America’s teens remain healthy and successful. Christine M. Lee Jennifer L. Maggs

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See also Abortion; Abstinence; Decision Making; High School Equivalency Degree; School Dropouts; Single Parenthood and Low Achievement; Welfare References and further reading Alan Guttmacher Institute. 1994. Sex and America’s Teenagers. New York: Alan Guttmacher Institute. American Academy of Pediatrics. 1999. “Adolescent Pregnancy—Current Trends and Issues: 1998.” Pediatrics 103, no. 2: 516–520. Centers for Disease Control. 1997. “StateSpecific Pregnancy Rates among Adolescents—United States, 1990–1996.” MMWR 46: 837–842. Emilio, J. D., and E. B. Freedman. 1997. Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kirby, D. 1997. No Easy Answers: Research Findings on Programs to Reduce Teen Pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy. Moore, K. A., and N. Snyder. 1994. Facts at a Glance. Annual newsletter on teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: Child Trends. Moore, K. A., B. W. Sugland, C. Blumenthal, D. Glei, and N. Snyder. 1995. Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention Programs: Interventions and Evaluations. Washington, DC: Child Trends. Stevens-Simons, C., and E. R. McAnarney. 1996. “Adolescent Pregnancy.” In Handbook of Adolescent Health Risk Behavior. Edited by R. J. DiClimente, W. B. Hansen, and L. E. Ponton. New York: Plenum Press. Stevens-Simons, C., and M. White. 1991. “Adolescent Pregnancy.” Pediatric Annals 20: 322–331.

Television With the exception of the Internet, television is the newest medium of all of our media. Newspapers, magazines, and radios were all vehicles for transporting information that existed before the television was invented. Its introduction into mainstream society forever revolution-

ized the way people could see the world and the events occurring around them. There is not one person in particular who is credited with inventing television. Rather, there were many discoveries from many people in many places all over the world that led to the creation of television as we know it today. Similarly, it is somewhat unclear when the first display of television occurred. Many individuals and many companies made the claim that they were the first to produce a successful demonstration of television. For example, the New York Times reported on April 7, 1927, that American Telephone and Telegraph (AT&T) had successfully transmitted a speech by the secretary of commerce, Herbert Hoover, from Washington, D.C., to the Bell Laboratories in New York. Apparently, the newspaper had ignored the accomplishments of a scientist in England named John Logie Baird, who had given some successful demonstrations of his own some time before the AT&T demonstration. However, the New York Times cannot be blamed for poor reporting. It was fairly common practice at that time for each company in each country to boldly proclaim that they had given the first successful demonstration of television in history. Television did not reach the American public until 1939. At that time, however, very few Americans actually owned a television set. Because of the fact that television broadcasting had not been perfected, and also because of the high prices of television sets at the time, the American public was not very interested in television. In an attempt to combat these problems, the government allowed for commercial television programming to begin in July 1941. However, with the onset of World War II, television for commercial purposes took a backseat to television for

Television

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High levels of media use are associated with some problems in adolescent behavior and development, but for the vast majority of youth the media has no long-term detrimental effects. (Michael Pole/Corbis)

military purposes. Many laboratories were working on ways to use television to guide missiles and spy on distant locations. After the war, television sales were still unimpressive at best. In 1947, there were only 60,000 television sets in the country (Boddy in Smith, 1998).

By the 1950s, America was ready for television. Sales skyrocketed, with more than 3 million television sets sold in the first six months of 1950 alone (Boddy in Smith, 1998)! By the end of the decade, nine out of ten homes had a television set (Baughman, 1997). The reason for this

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astronomical boost in sales can be attributed to both the good state of the economy as well as a decrease in the cost of television sets. However, perhaps even a more significant reason for the increase in television sales was the migration of much of the population away from the cities and into the suburbs. Television now provided people in the suburbs with entertainment in the comfort of their own homes. This was a mixed blessing of sorts for the television industry. On one hand, television sales were booming. Advertisers were eager to sponsor programs and the networks were eager to sell them airtime. On the other hand, television stations had to be very careful in determining what shows were appropriate for a family-based audience. This is, of course, a problem that still exists with television today. Determining what was acceptable material for television programs was just one of the many problems that arose as television gained popularity. Many critics felt that the time that people would spend watching television would take away from time that could be spent doing more productive or educational things. Similarly, many people in radio and the movies feared that the time that people had spent listening to the radio or going to the movies would now be spent watching television. Unfortunately for them, this was exactly the case. The older media had to adapt to find new, receptive audiences. As a result, radio stations played more music in an attempt to attract the teenage audience. In addition, radios were installed in cars. Moviemakers had the even greater dilemma of convincing people who were now residing in suburbs to leave the comfort of their homes and travel to the cities to watch movies. In order to do so,

moviemakers produced films with spectacular scenes, such as Moses parting the Red Sea in the film The Ten Commandments. In addition, drive-in theaters began to pop up throughout the suburbs. If people were not going to go to the movies, the moviemakers were going to try to bring the movies to them. As television grew increasingly more popular, researchers began to wonder what kind of effects television was having on society. In many cases the results are quite shocking. One famous study examined how the murder rate changed over the first ten years of television in three different countries: the United States, Canada, and South Africa. The results of the study showed that murder rates increased in all three countries after the first decade of television’s inception in that country. It should be noted that these results do not mean that television was a direct cause in any given murder. There are other factors that could have influenced the results of the study as well. For example, it is possible that gun sales increased as well. However, one can state that the introduction of television was correlated with an increase in murder rates in the three countries. Researchers also became interested in how violence on television effected children viewers. A revealing study not only demonstrated that the amount of violence children saw on television was highly correlated with how aggressive they were in adolescence, but that the reverse was also true (i.e., one could assess how much television violence these adolescents had seen by assessing how aggressive the adolescents were). As was previously mentioned, many researchers were curious as to how time spent watching television replaced time that people used to spend doing other

Television things. One study in Canada examined children from three communities that differed in how many television stations they received. The first community, which the researchers called Notel, had no television reception; the second community, Unitel, received one television station; the third community, Multitel, received several television stations. A particularly important finding from this study is that second- and third-grade children from Notel scored better on reading tests than children in Unitel, who in turn scored better on the tests than children in Multitel. In addition, once television did arrive in Notel, the children of that community no longer scored higher on the reading tests. These findings suggest that television viewing can have a negative effect on reading skills (though they do not suggest exactly how). Many studies have specifically targeted how television effects the adolescent audience. Researchers find this age group to be particularly important to study because adolescents go through the process of discovering who they are as an individual. Given that television is a highly accessible and influential medium, it follows that adolescents could incorporate messages suggested in television into their personal identity. This is the very goal of many advertisers. If an advertiser can make a television viewer identify with the actors in an ad, then they hope that the viewer will use the same detergent as the actor or wear the same pants. While these are two harmless examples of how television might influence a viewer, consider the following studies. The first examined the effects of alcohol use in television shows and in ads on adolescents. Although the amount of alcohol consumption on TV has decreased since the 1980s, a large percentage of the public

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believes that alcohol advertising is a major contributor to underage drinking. The study confirmed the public’s concern by finding that many adolescents believe that people of influence and status, like those depicted in television shows and ads, drink alcohol and that drinking is a symbol of adulthood. It should be noted, however, that other studies have found such factors as parents’ and peers’ attitudes toward drinking to be more important predictors of future drinking than exposure to alcohol advertising. A second study examined the role of television in adolescent women’s dissatisfaction with their bodies and their drive for thinness. The study found that the amount of television watched did not effect body dissatisfaction, but watching certain programs did. Soap operas and movies, specifically, predicted body dissatisfaction, and women who watched music videos had a higher drive for thinness than those who did not. Although these studies warn us of the negative effects of television, there is no doubt that television has had a positive impact on society, too. Television allows us all to see places we might never visit, to keep up with events all over the nation and the world, and even gives us glimpses into the depths of space. Its images are often so powerful that people remember them forever. Neil Armstrong’s walk on the moon, the explosion of the Challenger, the tearing down of the Berlin Wall; these are all events that captured the attention of a nation and the world. There have been attempts to make television more educational as well. Thus far, much of the effort to make television more educational has come in children’s television. While the Notel study mentioned previously showed that television can have a negative impact on reading

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skills, television programs implemented for educational purposes can benefit children. Sesame Street, Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood, and Blue’s Clues are all among the more popular educational programs. These three programs are a reflection of how much progress has been made in trying to get more educational television programming on the air. Sesame Street has now been on the air for over thirty years, and continues to be popular. Along with Sesame Street, Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood appears on public broadcasting. Appearing on public broadcasting allows for the programs to receive federal funding as well as contributions from grants and individual donors. Because public broadcasting receives this financial support, shows like Sesame Street can be presented without the influence of any commercial agencies. This is an important point to realize because one of the many dilemmas that has emerged in the past few decades is how commercial-based networks can be regulated to provide more educational programming to their audience. Success in this task had been minimal until recently. However, things have changed. Nickelodeon, which is not federally funded, has taken it upon itself to provide more educational programming. The network has implemented many previously unimaginable techniques for improving the quality of its educational programming. For example, Blue’s Clues repeats the same exact episode for one entire week. While many networks would consider this lack of variety to be the kiss of death for any show, Nickelodeon has stood behind its show, claiming that research shows that children need repetition, practice, and reinforcement to best absorb the material they are learning on television. The success of Blue’s Clues and Nickelodeon’s efforts could inspire other networks to consider

taking more chances with educational programming. Another promising educational direction that television can now take is through its inevitable convergence with the Internet. With the technological advances that have been made in recent years, it is anticipated that people will soon be able to watch television and surf the Web on the same screen. It would seem that this convergence would allow for the development of some innovative new programming that can combine the resources of the Internet with those of television. Exactly how this will be done and the precise effects it will have on society remain to be seen. Jason Sidman See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Media; Television, Effects of; Violence; Youth Culture References and further reading Baughman, James L. 1997. The Republic of Mass Culture: Journalism, Filmmaking, and Broadcasting. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Centerwall, Brandon S. 1989. “Exposure to Television as a Risk Factor for Violence.” American Journal of Epidemiology 129, no. 4: 643–652. Fisher, David E. 1996. Tube: The Invention of Television. Washington, DC: Counterpoint. Smith, Anthony, ed. 1998. Television: An International History. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

Television, Effects of Although the influence of media on youth behavior and development continues to be a topic attracting social and political debate, the data indicate that most forms of media have no major, enduring effects on the vast majority of youth. Put another way, current research indicates that only some youth, under

Television, Effects of specific circumstances, are influenced by exposure to the media. A more specific finding is that levels of television viewing have only a small influence on adolescents’ leisure reading, completion of homework assignments, school achievement, and physical and social activities. However, high levels of viewing can have some dramatic effects on these activities. For example, extensive television viewing is associated with lowered school achievement, obesity, and decreased involvement in academic and extracurricular activities. First, although results from about two dozen studies of the association between television watching and school achievement indicate that there is virtually no overall relation between these two domains of youth behavior, A. C. Huston and J. C. Wright (1998) have found that lowered achievement does occur when adolescents spend thirty or more hours a week watching television—that is, when their amount of television viewing approaches the time devoted to many full-time jobs! Second, a longitudinal study of youth by W. H. Dietz and S. L. Gortmaker (1985) has found that early-life television viewing is linked to obesity in adolescence. And, third, M. Myrtek and colleagues (1996) have found that between sixth and eighth grades, high levels of television viewing are related to lower participation in organized school and community groups, decreased reading, diminished activities outside the home, completion of less homework, and reduced interest in hobbies. High levels of TV viewing are associated with other problematic behaviors as well. For instance, researchers have found that adolescents’ engagement in passive leisure activities such as televi-

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sion viewing is greater than their participation in active leisure activities such as playing a sport. The boredom generated by television viewing is associated with drug use and delinquency. Watching rock music videos is related to permissive sexual attitudes and behaviors, especially among girls with problematic family relationships. And television viewing in general is associated with socially and politically authoritarian attitudes, especially among youth from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. In sum, media are a major part of the life of most youth. Although high levels of media use are associated with problems in adolescent behavior and development, for the vast majority of youth the media have no pervasive or long-term detrimental effects. It will be important, however, to revisit this conclusion as more research is conducted about the possible influences of new and emerging media (e.g., interactive television) on youth development. Richard M. Lerner See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; Attractiveness, Physical; Body Image; Computers; Television; Violence References and further reading Dietz, W. H., and S. L. Gortmaker. 1985. “Do We Fatten Our Children at the Television Set? Obesity and Television Viewing in Children and Adolescents.” Pediatrics 75: 807–812. Huston, A. C., and J. C. Wright. 1998. “Mass Media and Child Development.” In Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 3, Child Psychology in Practice. Edited by I. E. Sigel and K. Renninger. New York: Wiley. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Myrtek, M., C. Scharff, G. Brugner, and W. Muller. 1996. “Physiological, Behavioral and Psychological Effects Associated

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Temperament with Television Viewing in Schoolboys: An Exploratory Study.” Journal of Early Adolescence 16, no. 3: 301–323.

Temperament Temperament serves as a source of individuality in children, and continues to play a role in adolescence. The characteristic ways that children approach and engage their world are often referred to as temperament. By understanding how temperaments, or predispositional qualities, function, we may know more about how adolescents will react to emotional events, handle stressors, or adapt to a new situation. Adolescence is characterized by rapid socioemotional growth in many areas, including cognitive development, physical maturation, expansion of interpersonal relationships, and emotional growth. Within developmental psychology, the role of temperament as a main contributor to social and emotional development has advanced our understanding of adolescence. Temperament reflects differences in an individual’s behavioral style or tendencies. Although there is no single definition of temperament, there is general agreement on a number of central criteria that define it. Temperament qualities emerge early in life, are relatively stable across time, vary among individuals, and have a hereditary basis. One perspective considers temperament as relatively stable, primarily biologically based, individual differences in reactivity and regulation. Reactivity refers to physiological arousal (e.g., increased heart rate) and displays of emotionality. Levels of reactivity correspond to responses of the autonomic and central nervous systems and responses of the endocrine system. Reactivity is typically measured with respect to

the intensity of a reaction and/or the time to recover from a challenging or stressful event. Self-regulation refers to internal processes that work to inhibit or promote physiological reactivity. Self-regulatory processes may include attention, selfsoothing behaviors, and approach or avoidance behaviors. Temperament is reflected in the ways children experience, react, and cope with issues of adolescence. For example, due to the underlying temperamental characteristics associated with a highly reactive temperament, anxious adolescents may be predisposed to experience extreme feelings of fear or anxiety, together with the accompanying bodily responses of increases in heart rate or blood pressure, in response to a stressful event. A stressful event may be defined as having to speak in front of a class or trying to approach an unfamiliar group of peers to make friends. However, there is not always a perfect relationship between psychological experiences (how tense an adolescent may feel or how fearful he perceives a situation to be) and physiological reactivity (increases in heart rate or blood pressure) for all adolescents, as differences exist among individuals, even within a group of anxious adolescents. Temperament is often described in terms of types or profiles, with respect to different constellations of behaviors. The behavioral qualities that are often mapped onto temperament are emotion, attention, and activity. One major distinction between types contrasts easy and difficult temperaments. The former refers to such behaviors as ease of adaptability and positive approach, whereas the latter refers to such characteristics as negative emotionality and being socially demanding. For adolescents these broad categories may be expressed with a range

Temperament of behaviors. For example, positive moods and ease in approaching and meeting new people may characterize an easy temperament, whereas a difficult temperament may be expressed as rigidity in adapting to the demands of a situation, or negative moods. It should be recognized that some researchers have criticized the construct of difficult temperament. Although the term may classify a certain profile of behaviors and adjustment style, it may neglect the parent’s own point of view of his or her child, namely that a parent may not experience the child as “difficult.” Furthermore, the construct has not always accounted for the fact that the behaviors may be more appropriate in a certain context (e.g., interacting with a stranger). The term goodness of fit reflects the idea that development occurs in part as a result of interactions between an individual and her social environment. Thus, optimal development occurs when there is an appropriate fit between an adolescent’s characteristics (e.g., temperamental predisposition) and her environment and its demands (e.g., caretaking style). For adolescents, their behavior is often an expression of their underlying temperament. Thus, when others respond positively to this behavior and provide appropriate feedback, they may promote positive interactions and thus healthy development and adaptation. In contrast, if these behavioral expressions do not match well with the environment, or they do not meet behavioral expectations, the resulting interaction may be negative and developmentally maladaptive. As an illustration, adolescents who are extremely inhibited may have difficulty asserting themselves appropriately in intense social situations. They may develop peer relationship problems due

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Temperament refers to a person’s behavioral style, and is reflected in how young people approach their world, their intensity of reactions, and their mood. (Skjold Photographs)

to difficulties interacting in social situations, or they may develop academic difficulties if they are too inhibited to seek necessary assistance in a busy classroom. Furthermore, an adolescent with an active, social, and excitable temperament may fit better and have less conflict with a social and highly charged family, rather than with a less demonstrative family. That varying temperament types thrive differently, depending upon the environment, demands, or expectations with which they are matched, may even be seen within a single family. Due to the individual differences in temperamental

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dispositions, two siblings raised in the same household, by the same parents, may have very different reactions to the same parenting style. Therefore, caregivers (e.g., parents, teachers) need to be sensitive and appropriately responsive to children’s temperament, as their reactions serve to shape children’s subsequent development. Furthermore, evidence for the importance of this fit between temperament and environment begins at an early age. For example, excessive input from the family environment was associated with lower cognitive development for difficult infants. In contrast, for easy infants more social input was associated with higher cognitive development. In addition, high active toddlers had better outcomes when their families were lower in stimulation intensity, whereas that was opposite the case for low active toddlers. Finally, although temperament is often thought to be a precursor to personality, and as adolescents develop there is often more reference to their personality than to their temperament, they remain distinct concepts. Temperament should be understood to be qualitatively different from personality, as temperament emphasizes the dynamics and energy of responsiveness. Temperament encompasses constitutionally based individual differences in reactions and behavior, and functions at both the biological and behavioral level. Personality, on the other hand, refers to the relatively permanent traits, dispositions, or characteristics within an individual, and the concept implies a relative degree of consistency in how an individual deals with these traits and social experiences. The more that is known about possible outcomes associated with the interaction of temperamental traits and environment, the better the

understanding of adjustment problems for adolescents. Christine M. Low See also Anxiety; Coping; Developmental Assets; Identity; Personality; Self; Shyness References and further reading Buss, Arnold H., and Robert Plomin. 1975. A Temperament Theory of Personality Development. New York: Wiley. Derryberry, Douglas, and Mary K. Rothbart. 1985. “Emotion, Attention, and Temperament.” Pp. 132–166 in Emotion, Cognition, and Behavior. Edited by Carroll E. Izard, Jerome Kagan, and Robert Zajonc. New York: Cambridge University Press. Goldsmith, H. Hill, Arnold Buss, Robert Plomin, Mary Rothbart, Alexander Thomas, Stella Chess, Robert Hind, and Robert McCall. 1987. “Roundtable: What Is Temperament? Four Approaches.” Child Development 58: 505–529. Kohnstamm, Gedolph A., John E. Bates, and Mary K. Rothbart, eds. 1995. Temperament in Childhood. UK: Wiley. Thomas, Alexander, and Stella Chess. 1977. Temperament and Development. New York: Brunner/Mazel.

Thinking Adolescence is a transition period between childhood and adulthood in a number of different ways. One very important way has to do with thinking. Thinking comes to play a more significant role in the lives of most teens than it did when these teens were children. Teens are capable of more complex kinds of thinking than are children. For example, they can readily engage in what is called counterfactual thinking, or imagining a course of events counter to reality, such as, “If I hadn’t gone along with the other kids, this wouldn’t have happened.” Teens are also likely to spend more of their free time engaged in thinking than

Thinking do children. Some of this may be the brooding that comes with the task of constructing a personal identity: “Why did she look at me like that?” “How should I act with that group?” But much of this thinking serves a critical purpose, since teens differ from children in another way: They have more freedom to make decisions than do children. Some of these decisions, such as choice of clothing or music, may not be consequential in the long run, but many decisions that teens are faced with—decisions about the choice of friends, about alcohol, drugs, or sex—could have life-or-death consequences, for others as well as themselves. Teens not only have greater freedom than do children in deciding what they will do. They also have greater opportunity to decide what they will believe. This new potential raises some basic questions: How do such decisions get made, and what kinds of thinking underlie them? Does more thinking, or certain kinds of thinking, lead to better decisions? Is thinking worth the effort it entails, or do the choices people make and the beliefs they hold turn out to be just as good without it? Is it important to know why one holds beliefs, to be able to support those beliefs with good, thoughtful arguments? Or is it enough just to be clear about what one believes? To put it a different way, are unexamined beliefs worth having? It turns out that adult society holds conflicting views about teens’ ability to think for themselves. Developmental psychologist David Moshman describes two U.S. Supreme Court decisions made about the same time. One sided with high school students who had been denied permission by their school to form a Bible study group, ruling that a school allowing extracurricular groups to meet

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on its premises must extend this privilege to any such group. In another ruling, however, the Court upheld a high school principal’s right to censor articles written by students for the school newspaper if the principal regards the article as “unsuitable for immature audiences.” A similar ambivalence regarding the thinking of adolescents appears with respect to other important issues, such as whether teens who commit serious crimes should be tried as adults. Do teenagers have the privileges and responsibilities that follow from the ability to think as well as adults in deciding what to do or believe? Or do teens need special protection because of their “immature” thinking skills? The research evidence on this issue shows no striking differences between the thinking abilities of older adolescents and those of adults. It is important to keep in mind, however, that we can interpret this finding as a cup half full or half empty. Are teens as accomplished thinkers as adults, or do adults think as poorly as teens? It is not only adults who show varied understandings of the thinking that teens may engage in. Teens themselves show this variation. Researchers who have studied the understandings that children, teens, and adults have about their own and others’ thinking and knowing have found that these understandings change in predictable ways. At an early age, children hold the view that thoughts and assertions mirror an external reality. “It is impossible that I could hold a view that is incorrect.” With time, children connect thoughts and assertions to the human minds that generate them, enabling them to comprehend the idea of a false belief. But knowing, at this point, remains a simple black-and-white affair: “If you and I disagree about something, it must be the case that one of us is right

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and one is wrong, and it is simply a matter of finding out which is which.” Next, and often during the adolescent years, comes the most striking and dramatic change in beliefs about knowing and thinking. In a word, now everyone is right. Knowledge becomes simply opinions, freely chosen by their holders, like pieces of clothing. As a result, they are not open to challenge. And from this belief comes the most treacherous step down a slippery slope: Because all have a right to their opinion, all opinions must be equally right. Tolerance for others’ opinions, in other words, is confused with the inability to discriminate among them. Only at the next, and most advanced, level of understanding do we see a coordination of the objective and subjective components of knowing. At this level, a person is able to acknowledge that knowing is necessarily uncertain, without abandoning the idea that knowledge claims can be evaluated with regard to their worthiness. Two people can both have legitimate positions on an issue— can both “be right”—but one can be more right than the other, to the extent that his position is better supported by argument and evidence. Although many teens have achieved this understanding, others will go through their entire adult lives as absolutists, who believe that all questions have simple right-or-wrong answers, or as multiplists, who believe that “anything goes.” These different ways of thinking about thinking have important consequences, for example, in the way teens approach their schoolwork. In the words of David Olson and Janet Astington, who have studied how teens understand texts, “The author must come to be seen (or imagined) as holding those beliefs for some reasons.” Assertions in textbooks need to

be understood as reasoned expressions of someone’s beliefs, rather than as disembodied facts. One study (Paxton, 1997) showed that simply inserting expressions that make an author visible in the text (e.g., “I think” or “from my perspective”) enhances high school students’ evaluations of their textbooks. Different ways of thinking about thinking also play an important role in teens’ thinking outside of school. These implications have to do with their intellectual values, with whether they believe that thinking is worthwhile, that it will have productive consequences. Beliefs about an activity shape one’s valuing of that activity, which in turn shapes one’s disposition to engage in that activity (and hence likelihood of doing so). Someone may value drinking alcohol because she believes it enhances one’s image among peers. This belief/value constellation greatly increases the likelihood that one will engage in the behavior. The same is true in the case of intellectual behavior, or thinking. If facts can be ascertained with certainty and are readily available to anyone who seeks them, as the absolutist understands, or if any claim is as valid as any other, as the multiplist understands, there is no point in expending the mental effort that the evaluation of claims entails. It is only at the evaluativist level of understanding, then, that thinking and reason are recognized to be an essential support for beliefs and action choices. Thinking is the only effective route that allows us to make choices between conflicting claims. Understanding this leads one to value thinking and to be willing to expend the effort that it entails. Although valuing thinking is thus critical, it is not the whole story. Believing thinking is worthwhile does not by itself tell us how to do it well. Thinking devel-

Thinking ops into good thinking, and good thinking into better thinking, when it is exercised, frequently and vigorously. The analogy of developing an athletic skill is a useful one. It is also important, research has shown, that thinking be exercised in social contexts, that it be shared among peers. This has a number of benefits. One important benefit is simply making ideas explicit and clear, because of the need to communicate them to others. Another benefit of thinking as a social activity is the opportunity it affords to be exposed to other points of view. It is crucial to become aware that there are other reasonable views than one’s own, as well as to learn what these view are. Examining and comparing alternative views on an issue, and the arguments that support each, offers valuable experience in the skills of coordinating theories and evidence. The same kinds of experience are relevant when the alternatives are action choices rather than assertions. Good personal decision making requires a thoughtful identification of all the choice options and the positive and negative consequences associated with each. Many times, the same action choice can have different reasons supporting it. Two teenagers may decide to abstain from sexual activity for entirely different reasons. The implication is that one cannot assume to know the thinking that underlies an action based simply on the action itself. But this does not make thinking any less important to good decision making. Rather, it means that we must focus on the thinking that underlies a belief or action, rather than the belief or action itself. Educational programs designed to teach decision-making skills to adolescents report some success. Still, it is not easy to become a careful, thoughtful decision

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maker. A recent newspaper story (New York Times Science Times section, March 7, 2000), for example, reports about a study of the “Baby Think It Over” doll, designed to help young teens understand what parenting an infant is really like. The seven-pound doll bursts out in loud cries at intervals ranging from fifteen minutes to four hours, twenty-four hours a day. Three days of experience with the doll, the researchers found, did not alter the decisions that sixth- to eighth-grade girls from a neighborhood with a high teen pregnancy rate had made to become mothers by the age of twenty. In fact, the maternal intentions of 3 of the 109 girls became stronger as a result of the experience. And even those who found taking care of the surrogate baby harder than they expected expressed an unrealistic belief: Each of them believed her own child would be less trouble to care for. These girls appeared ready to take an action that would irrevocably change their lives in major ways, with little indication that careful, informed, and realistic thinking supported this decision. Beliefs may be more reversible than actions, but it is not easy to change beliefs, even when much evidence exists to show that these beliefs are wrong. A good deal of psychological research shows that people cling to their beliefs in the face of disconfirming evidence. These findings point to the importance of helping teenagers to become as thoughtful about their own thinking as they can be. They need to know why they believe what they do, which they only do if they have examined the arguments and evidence supporting each of the positions on an issue and weighed them against each other. And they need to be ready to revise their thinking—and, as a result, their beliefs and actions—but only when the

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evidence warrants it. To change one’s mind too readily, as a result of each new piece of input that comes along, is as detrimental as being too resistant to changing one’s views. In the end, the most important goal is to be in control of one’s thinking. Adolescents want and need to feel that they are in control of themselves and their lives. Being watchful over and in control of one’s thinking may be the most important component of the self-management that teens aspire to. Deanna Kuhn Wadiya Udell

See also Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; Coping; Ethnocentrism; Gender Differences and Intellectual and Moral Development; Intelligence; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Memory; Self References and further reading Baron, Jonathan, and Rex V. Brown, eds. 1991. Teaching Decision Making to Adolescents. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Kuhn, Deanna, and Michael Weinstock. In press. “What Is Epistemological Thinking and Why Does It Matter?” In Epistemology: The Psychology of Beliefs about Knowledge and Knowing. Edited by Barbara Hofer and Paul Pintrich. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Kuhn, Deanna, Victoria Shaw, and Mark Felton. 1997. “Effects of Dyadic Interaction on Argumentive Reasoning.” Cognition and Instruction 15: 287–315. Moshman, David. 1993. “Adolescent Reasoning and Adolescent Rights.” Human Development 36: 27–40. Olson, David, and Janet Astington. 1993. “Thinking about Thinking: Learning How to Take Statements and Hold Beliefs.” Educational Psychologist 28: 7–23. Paxton, Robert. 1997. “‘Someone with Like a Life Wrote It’: The Effects of a Visible Author on High School History Students.” Journal of Educational Psychology 89: 235–250.

Tracking in American High Schools Tracking is a form of ability grouping that is found in most American public high schools. Ability grouping starts in elementary schools, often in the form of withinclass grouping (e.g., high and low groups in reading or math within a single class). Tracking in high school is somewhat more structured, taking the form of betweenclass groupings that refer to the nature of the courses (e.g., honors, advanced, regular, remedial, or vocational). The importance of high school tracking is that the sequences of courses determine not only the content and quality of the learning experience but also the eligibility of the student for enrollment in four-year colleges and universities, with consequent implications for later career paths. The current tracking systems in high schools clearly do much to injure the life chances of those in the lower-track courses. The meaning of high school enrollment has changed dramatically during the twentieth century. In the early years of that century, about 15 percent of the relevant age group attended high school, whereas at the end of the century over 80 percent graduated from high school (computed using U.S. Bureau of the Census data). Whereas enrollment in high schools was earlier limited primarily to middleand upper-class students, today members of all social groups assume that secondary school enrollment should be required and available. The power of this movement toward mass education is best exemplified by the extent to which dropping out of high school is now viewed as a major national problem, at a time when dropping out is increasingly rare. The United States was a world leader in the development of mass public secondary education, expressing a meritocratic ideology that equality in educa-

Tracking in American High Schools tional opportunities for different groups would lead to similar educational outcomes for those groups. The remaining individual differences in academic achievement would therefore reflect differences in merit. Differential rewards for differences in education would thus be appropriate and nondiscriminatory. Sadly, the contemporary high schools of the United States provide little comfort for those who see the public school system as providing equality of educational opportunity. Racial, ethnic, and class differences in academic achievement are viewed by most observers as a major problem, and differences in the level of individual educational performance are often explained as a product of educational inequality of opportunity. The failure of tracking in American high schools is often described in terms of the perpetuation of inequality. The educational system is linked to the system of social stratification in all modern societies. In earlier agricultural societies, parents passed on their wealth to their offspring through the inheritance of land and livestock. Today, the primary way in which most parents aid their children economically is by investing in their education. Thus, education is in part a mechanism for inheritance. Although schooling is not the only factor leading to occupational attainment, it is the most important factor that parents feel they can directly influence on behalf of their children. This parental concern for education is not limited to the higher social classes. Lower-status parents’ concern about education is typically equal to or greater than the concern of higherstatus parents. On the other hand, education is also viewed as crucial for social mobility. Access to education is viewed as provid-

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ing an opportunity for those from less affluent backgrounds to improve their status, primarily because education is used as a rational means of selecting people to occupy higher occupational positions. Education serves, therefore, as a mechanism for both inheritance and mobility. Indeed, credentialism in deciding who will enter higher positions in the occupational structure has dramatically increased the educational requirements for the better jobs in contemporary society. In personnel selection, having the appropriate level of education is often more important than having the appropriate level of skills. Since the payoff for higher education has markedly increased when compared with the payoff for graduation from high school, the distinction between curricula that are college preparatory and those that do not prepare for higher education has become even more important. The nature of tracking in American high schools changed from 1965 to 1975. Prior to that period, students were assigned to a curricular grouping that determined most of the courses they would take during their high school years (e.g., college preparatory, general, vocational). After that period, students could enroll in courses that were discrepant from each other in the level of ability associated with each class. Theoretically, a student might enroll in the highest level of math class, by taking a calculus course, for example, while simultaneously taking a low-level English course. Most high schools now state that they do not track their students, since each student does not have an overall assignment to a particular level of courses. But the reality, despite numerous discrepancies, is that de facto tracking persists today in American high schools, and that many of the results of such tracking are similar to

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those found in the earlier period of overall curricular tracks. The persistence of tracking is a reflection of an American stress on individual differences in ability. There are important national differences in the emphasis on ability or on effort. Asian schools, believing that almost all students can perform at a high level, emphasize student effort more than individual differences in ability. Teachers in Asian schools report that clarity of presentation is the primary characteristic of a good teacher. In the United States, the relative emphasis on ability is much greater than in Asian countries. American teachers report that the essence of good teaching is understanding the individual differences among students. In the United States, variability in student performance is viewed as an obvious product of differences in ability. Not surprisingly, students in Asian schools not only average better math performance than do American students, but Asian students also exhibit less variability in their math scores. Grading in the two countries is also influenced by the ideological emphasis on ability or effort. American teachers emphasize ability in their grading, sometimes awarding separate grades for effort. In Japan, teachers grade more often on improvements in demonstrated ability that indicate an increase in effort. Almost all American public high schools track. Whether schools assign students into overall tracks or into ability levels on a course-by-course basis, what is taught and learned differs dramatically by track. Teachers take into account the ability levels of the students in each class, and the content of instruction varies accordingly. Not only do higher-level courses cover more material

than do lower-level courses, but the qualifications of teachers also vary. The best and most experienced teachers tend to be assigned to the higher-level courses and to be given greater resources, whereas beginning teachers are typically given lower-level courses to teach. In addition, teachers of lower-track courses set lower academic standards for their students compared with teachers of higher-track courses. Well-intentioned teachers often feel they cannot expect much from students of low ability and, in a form of “racism without racists,” demand and expect little from their students. The higher the track, the more learning occurs. Higher-track students gain at the expense of lower-track students. When teachers teach both lowertrack and higher-track courses, they put more attention, concern, and effort into their teaching of college-track students. So those most in need of exceptional teaching are least likely to get it. Educators generally assume that teaching classes that are relatively homogeneous in terms of ability will enable students to progress at a rate commensurate with their capacities. Prior school achievement is the strongest determinant of track placement. But critics of the tracking system argue that it serves as a mechanism for perpetuating ethnic and class divisions. Schools typically overestimate their ability to assess ability. Particularly among those in the middle level of ability, misassignment to a lower track is common. Not only is the possibility of improvement in performance reduced, but there are negative long-term consequences of such misassignment. Even among students who expect to graduate from a four-year college and whose math skills are above the national average, many are assigned to lower-

Tracking in American High Schools track math and science courses that make it almost impossible to enter a four-year college. Such misassignment is more likely when the student is from a disadvantaged minority or from a family with lower parental education. From this perspective, students are, in part, selected in terms of their social origins. In general, the noncollege tracks are predominantly filled with low-socioeconomic-status and disadvantaged minority students. An interesting exception to these tendencies is that assignment practices favor black students over nonblack students who are equal in school performance. A possible explanation is that most black students performed poorly in elementary school, largely as a result of poverty, segregation, and discrimination. The relatively few blacks who performed very well may be favored in order to redress the imbalance in assignments. There is considerable overlap between measures of social origin, measures of ability, and track assignment. Students from advantaged families are more likely to have the cultural and social capital that leads to better school performance. Among those advantaged students whose performance is only average, parents are likely to engage in active management to make sure that their children are placed in a higher track. Parents are well advised in urging placement in the highest track that is potentially feasible for their child. There are also curricular differences at the level of entire schools. At the school level, when the school population is mainly composed of minority or low-status students, the proportion of lowertrack courses is usually larger and the higher-track courses are less rigorous. Some have reported that minority students in Roman Catholic schools perform better academically than minority stu-

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dents in public schools. One partial reason for this difference may be the structure of tracking within Catholic schools. Controlling for background characteristics, more students are in the collegepreparatory track in Catholic schools than in the public schools, and more rigorous academic course work is required of students who are in the noncollege track in Catholic schools. Paradoxically, this improved result may be a function of the lack of financial resources in the Catholic schools. They are too poor to create a variegated curriculum that, for example, includes vocational courses, so they help their students by emphasizing the main college-prep curriculum. Although there is considerable movement across track lines as students move through their high school years, the barrier between taking college-prep courses and other courses tends to be relatively less permeable. About 80 percent of all students end their high school years in the same general grouping, college-prep or noncollege-prep, as when they began their first year in high school (Dornbusch, Glasgow, and Lin, 1996). Being in the college-prep track leads to better academic achievements and greater occupational opportunities, even after controlling for prior school achievement and background characteristics. For aboveaverage students (in the fiftieth to eightieth percentile on earlier standardized math scores), misassignment to lowertrack math and science courses leads to a permanent loss of academic potential. Despite their high ability, they work less hard and learn less; seldom are they reassigned to the college-prep track. It is clear that it is the lower-track students who pay the price for the current tracking system. Under that system, they learn less, develop attitudes that are less

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proschool, associate with more students who are antischool, and have lower educational expectations. Those students who are in the higher track either perform slightly better academically or, at least, do not suffer from being tracked. Since those in the higher track are typically of middle- or upper-class origin, powerful forces are at work to support the current system. Attempts at de-tracking schools have sometimes been successful, but, more typically, higher-status parents successfully support the status quo. Their children are perceived as advantaged by the current system, and they usually have much more political clout than do the parents of lower-track students. Since the immediate overthrow of the tracking system is not a likely alternative in most high schools, some argue that the best feasible reform is to stress short-term remediation of specific deficiencies in skills. The advantage of such an approach is that each student can return to the mainstream class as quickly as possible, thus avoiding the disadvantages of longterm assignment to a lower track. Indeed, short-term remediation is likely to be more effective if instituted in the early grades, so that work habits and expectations are not diminished. Certainly, the persistence of the current tracking system, which leads to the loss of so much talent, is the source of a national tragedy. Sanford M. Dornbusch See also Academic Achievement; Academic Self-Evaluation; Cognitive Development; College; Intelligence; Intelligence Tests; Learning Disabilities; Learning Styles and Accommodations; Standardized Tests References and further reading Dornbusch, Sanford M., Kristan L. Glasgow, and I-Chun Lin. 1996. “The

Social Structure of Schooling.” Pp. 401–429 in Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 47. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews. Lucas, Samuel R. 1999. Tracking Inequality: Stratification and Mobility in American High Schools. New York: Teachers College Press. Oakes, Jeannie. 1985. Keeping Track: How Schools Structure Inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Transition to Young Adulthood As the end of the adolescent period draws near, a new stage of development—young adulthood—presents its own challenges. The challenges for the person involve making choices about aspirations, careers, and relationships that serve both the needs of the individual and the needs of society. We must also keep in mind that the cultural setting of the adolescent influences these choices. The transition from late adolescence to young adulthood may be especially problematic for contemporary young people. That is, the challenges of the young adult transition may be especially acute because, in modern society, there is an increasing delay between the attainment of physical maturity and the assumption of adult responsibilities. This gap creates a change in the period of dependency of youth on adults. Moreover, modern society is marked by a diversity of developmental paths (e.g., involving different career possibilities, some of which—such as software designer, e-commerce specialist, or manufacturer of digital television equipment—did not exist in earlier historical periods), and this diversity makes the achievement of adult independence more complicated. Different adult responsibilities (completion of career training, establishing an intimate

Transition to Young Adulthood adult relationship, establishing one’s own home, paying off one’s educational loans) are increasingly segmented and separated across chronological periods. Complicating this transition still further is a relative lack of funding, public support, or public policies and programs facilitating the transition to adulthood for the half of the adolescent population that moves directly from secondary school to full-time work, that is, the half that does not go on to college from high school. College gives youth a slower transition to adulthood; it provides a “safe haven to experiment with a variety of adult behaviors, values, and life styles; the developmental opportunities provided by this privilege are not well explored, but that half of the population not attending college may be missing more than continued academic achievement” (Sherrod, Haggerty, and Featherman, 1993, p. 219). The presence of a safe haven may be quite useful for adolescents making the transition to young adulthood. If there were problems of personal adjustment and/or of social relationships in high school, the transition to adulthood might provide an opportunity to get back on track. For example, in a study of students randomly selected from three public schools in the Boston, Massachusetts, area, Susan Gore and colleagues found that relations with parents improved across the transition to adulthood, and these enhanced relations were associated with lower depressed mood and less delinquency among the youth. In addition, and also suggestive of using the transition to adulthood to get back on a healthy developmental track, among high school graduates prior mental health and behavior

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problems were not substantially related to posttransition mental and behavioral functioning, suggesting that graduation from high school may have given youth the chance to break away from the troubles of their past. However, not all explorations of possible life tracks during the transition to young adulthood might be beneficial to youth. One problematic path is having babies out of wedlock. Not only are poor women more likely to have such births but also out-of-wedlock childbearing during late adolescence is associated with poverty after the transition to parenthood. On the other hand, the presence of developmental problems, even chronic ones, need not preclude the achievement of a successful transition to young adulthood. A large national study by Steven Gortmaker and colleagues provides a dramatic illustration of this point. Of the youth who participated in the study, 1.9 percent were identified as having a chronic physical health condition between the ages of fourteen and twentyone years. These conditions involved such disorders as asthma, anomalies of the spine, diabetes mellitus, rheumatoid arthritis, epilepsy, cerebral palsy, scoliosis, congenital heart anomalies, eye, lower limb, or foot anomalies, muscular dystrophy, and sickle-cell anemia. Although youth who had very severe chronic health conditions had substantial limitations in their transitions to adulthood, such severely debilitating conditions were rare. The great majority of chronically physically challenged youth made successful transitions to adulthood. Getting back on track during the transition to young adulthood may be influenced by events in earlier developmental periods, that is, by the antecedents of the

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transition. In turn, the degree to which the person functions well during the transition to young adulthood has consequences for behavior and development in later life. In regard to the antecedents of behavior during the transition to young adulthood, in a twenty-year follow-up of the children of African American teenage mothers, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and colleagues studied the factors related to success in completing high school and in pursuing education beyond high school. Among the participants in the study, 37 percent had dropped out of high school, 46 percent had completed high school, and 17 percent had gone on to postsecondary education. Completion of high school was associated with the number of years the father was present in the life of the girl, high maternal educational aspirations in the child’s first year of life, being prepared for school, and not repeating a grade in elementary school. In turn, continuing education beyond high school was related to few years on welfare, high cognitive ability in preschool, attending a preschool, and no grade failures in elementary school. Research has found that failure to complete high school is associated with psychological dysfunction in young adulthood. In addition, unemployment during the transition to adulthood is related to a greater tendency to pursue gender-typical adult roles. For instance, young women who are unemployed during the transition have a higher probability than do other women of staying at home with children. In addition to behaviors associated with high school completion and employment during the transition, behaviors associated with interpersonal relationships during this period can have later-life influences. For example, Allan Horowitz and Helen White found that cohabitation dur-

ing the transition to young adulthood may be linked to some later-life problems. In their longitudinal study of unmarried young adults who were assessed when they were eighteen, twenty-one, or twenty-four years of age and then retested seven years later, when they were twenty-five, twenty-eight, or thirty-one years old, respectively, cohabitation during the first assessment period was not related to depression at the time of the second assessment. However, men who had cohabited during the first assessment reported more alcohol problems than did men who were single or married at the time; similarly, women who had cohabited reported more alcohol problems than did women who were married during the first assessment. On a more positive note, having children or being married during the transition to adulthood is associated with having family-related goals. The presence of these goals is related to both additional transitions in the family (e.g., having additional children) and feelings of well-being. As is true for other aspects of youth development, the family appears to have a major influence on the nature of the transition to young adulthood and, as well, on behavior later in adult life. For example, a more prestigious vocational background of grandparents is related to higher educational levels among parents, which, in turn, is associated with both greater high school academic success and the attainment of gender-atypical careers. Educational attainment and healthy ego development in young adulthood are related to mothers and fathers behaving in ways that both promote autonomy in their adolescents and maintain their relatedness to the family. Youth who come from relatively small, intact, mid-

Transition to Young Adulthood dle-class families, where parents maintain the expectation for success of their children, attain more education and higher prestige jobs in young adulthood than do peers from other types of families. In addition, parents who encourage their children to pursue education beyond high school, and who encourage both the autonomy of their young adult children and their continuing relationship with them, are more likely to have youth who complete high school and who have better educational attainment and higher occupational prestige in young adulthood. Researchers have also found that individuals who, as adolescents, had parents who granted autonomy to them are more psychologically healthy as young adults, for example, in regard to feelings of control and adjustment. Moreover, in such families, relationships between young adults and their parents tend to become more positive over time. Indeed, as young adults makes transitions to marriage, to full-time employment, and even to cohabitation (but not to parenthood), relationships with parents become closer, more supportive, and less conflicted. On the other hand, family conflict or poor parenting practices during the late adolescent period are often related to both problematic parent-child relations and to negative behavioral or emotional outcomes in young adulthood. Feelings of well-being among young adults are lower in families that are characterized by marital conflict. Young adults do not generally receive help from parents involved in low-quality marriages; in addition, divorce lowers help between fathers and young adults, although not between mothers and young adults. Similarly, low maternal communication and problem-solving

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ability and high maternal depression in adolescence are linked to delinquency during the transition to young adulthood. High levels of maternal problem-solving skills and the absence of maternal depression are linked to lower rates of delinquency during this transition. Clearly, the transition to young adulthood is not easy. This transition challenges the young person to keep the course of his development on a healthy path, or, if it is off course, the period represents an opportunity to find a healthy path. The person leaving the period of adolescence and entering young adulthood must find a way to exit the world of adolescence—a world defined in large measure by the culture of high school— and enter the realm of adults—a context defined in the main by commitment to work and career. Richard M. Lerner Jacqueline V. Lerner

See also Autonomy; Career Development; College; Decision Making; Ethnocentrism; Mentoring and Youth Development; Rites of Passage; Vocational Development References and further reading Aquilino, William S. 1997. “From Adolescence to Young Adult: A Prospective Study of Parent-Child Relations during the Transition to Adulthood.” Journal of Marriage and Family 59: 670–686. Best, Karin M., Stuart T. Hauser, and Joseph P. Allen. 1997. “Predicting Young Adult Competencies: Adolescent Parent and Individual Influences.” Journal of Adolescent Research 12, no. 1: 90–112. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Guang Guo, and Francis F. Furstenberg. 1993. “Who Drops Out of and Continues beyond High School? A 20-Year Follow-Up of Black Urban Youth.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 3, no. 3: 271–294.

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Gore, Susan, Robert H. Aseltine, and Mary Ellen Colten. 1993. “Gender, SocialRelational Involvement, and Depression.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 3, no. 2: 101–125. Gortmaker, Steven L., Charles A. Salter, D. K. Walker, and William R. Dietz. 1990. “The Impact of Television Viewing on Mental Aptitude and Achievement: A Longitudinal Study.” Public Opinion Quarterly 54: 594–604. Hammer, Torild. 1996. “Consequences of Unemployment in the Transition from Youth to Adulthood in Life Course Perspective.” Youth & Society 27, no. 4: 450–468. Horowitz, Allan V., and Helen R. White. 1998. “The Relationship of Cohabitation and Mental Health: A Study of Young Adult Cohort.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 60: 505–514. Klein, Karla, Rex Forehand, Lisa Armistead, and Patricia Long. 1997. “Delinquency during the Transition to Early Adulthood: Family and Parenting Predictors from Early Adolescence.” Adolescence 32: 203–219. Lerner, Richard M. In press. Adolescence: Development, Diversity, Context, and Application. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Nummenmaa, Anna R., and Tapio Nummenmaa. 1997. “Intergenerational Roots of Finnish Women’s Sex-Atypical Careers.” International Journal of Behavioral Development 21, no. 1: 1–14. Sherrod, Lonnie R., Robert J. Haggerty, and David L. Featherman. 1993. “Late Adolescence and the Transition to Adulthood.” Journal of Research on Adolescence 3: 217–226. Sullivan, Mercer L. 1993. “Culture and Class as Determinants of Out-ofWedlock Childbearing and Poverty during Late Adolescence. Journal of Research on Adolescence 3, no. 3: 295–316.

Transitions of Adolescence Often, a transition refers to movement from one stage or state to another and

where movement also involves change or growth. Adolescents experience transitions in a number of areas: physically/biologically, cognitively, socially, and emotionally. Although changes in all of these areas are normative, or are expected to occur around particular ages, it is also true that not everyone changes in exactly the same way or at the same rate. The beginning of adolescence is marked by puberty, the biological changes that lead to physical growth and sexual maturation. On the average, girls tend to reach puberty about two years earlier than boys. Physical growth includes overall increase in height and weight; however, different parts of the body grow at different rates. For example, hands, feet, and legs usually show sooner and faster growth (also known as “growth spurts”), followed by growth of the torso. Physical growth is triggered by a growth hormone released by the pituitary gland, located at the base of the brain. Sexual maturation is controlled by sex hormones; although estrogen is usually thought of as a female hormone and androgens as male hormones, everyone possesses both, but in different amounts. In females, the ovaries produce estrogen, which triggers menarche (the first menstrual period); growth of pubic and underarm hair; development of breasts; and the maturation of female reproductive organs. In males, the testes release testosterone, which triggers spermarche (the first production of sperm); growth of pubic, body, and facial hair; muscle growth; and maturation of male reproductive organs. For both males and females these changes carry, as well, an increase in sex drive. Not everyone physically matures at the same rate. When adolescents mature much earlier or much later than their

Transitions of Adolescence peers it can cause some distress or selfconsciousness. Some studies have shown that the effects of early and late maturation can differ for males and for females. For example, early-maturing girls are often found to have less positive body images and feel more self-consciousness than later-maturing girls. On the other hand, it is late-maturing boys who experience less positive body images and increased self-consciousness. Adolescents also experience cognitive transitions. Cognitive processes have to do with how we come to know and think about things. For example, adolescents begin to think more in terms of possibilities. This can include all the possible ways of solving a problem in the present or all the possible avenues one can pursue in terms of college and/or career in the future. In general, adolescents become more capable of logical and abstract thinking; can formulate and test hypotheses or ideas mentally; use more effective strategies for studying and remembering class material; and can plan, monitor, and evaluate the steps they take in solving a problem. Adolescents become more capable of questioning and evaluating the nature and quality of relationships, political and social issues, religious beliefs, cultural values, and so on. So not only do adolescents begin to think about different things, they also begin to think about things differently. In school this may become evident as adolescents begin to show increased capability for grasping more complex mathematical and scientific concepts, understanding the underlying meaning of a poem or short story, thinking more critically about what they read and hear, and engaging in intellectual discussions. At home, cognitive growth may be evident

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in the questioning of parental rules and practices or in the experience of “argument for argument’s sake.” The adolescent’s need to question and discuss, in combination with the increased need for freedom and independence, can lead to parent-adolescent conflict and tension, but can also lead to increased mutual awareness and understanding—parents can come to appreciate their son or daughter’s increasing maturity and independence, and adolescents can come to appreciate their parents’ values and reasons for certain practices. Typical parentadolescent discussions about rules and independence often center on such issues as curfew, attendance at particular social events, whom one can date, and the like. Although mutual understanding does not necessarily lead to agreement, in the best of moments it can lead to healthy compromise and mutual acceptance. Cognitive transitions not only include how adolescents think about and approach the world around them but also how they think about themselves. Adolescents grow in their capacity for introspection. That is, they can think about their own thoughts and feelings in ways they could not do as children. The ability to reflect on one’s own thoughts and feelings, in combination with the physical and biological changes described above, can lead adolescents to see themselves as the focus of other people’s attention and interest. Psychologists refer to this tendency as imaginary audience, when the adolescent feels that everyone is looking at him or her. This, in turn, can lead adolescents to become quite self-conscious, making them more sensitive to critical remarks from teachers and parents, especially when criticism occurs in front of others. Even remarks intended as helpful

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recommendations on the part of adults can be interpreted by adolescents as negative criticism. The idea that others are focused on them can also lead many adolescents to develop an opinion of themselves as so special and unique that others could never understand what they are thinking, feeling, and going through. Psychologists refer to this belief as the personal fable. The personal fable also includes the feeling that one is invincible, or that certain things “will never happen to me,” which can lead to increased risk taking. This belief is reflected, for example, in such behavior as unprotected sex or reckless driving. There are several aspects of social and emotional transitions as well that become important for adolescents. The amount of time and attention directed toward family decreases, while the amount of time and attention directed toward peers increases. Peers include one’s immediate circle of close friends, the larger group of agemates, and relationships with members of the opposite sex. Regardless of type, peer relations can affect, to varying degrees, one’s self-esteem and one’s sense of belonging. During adolescence, friendships begin to deepen and take on a quality of intimacy. When people enjoy psychological intimacy they are able to share their innermost thoughts, feelings, and dreams with each another. For the adolescent this intimacy can include feeling comfortable just being oneself without worrying too much about what the other person will think; working out problems regarding teachers, parents, or other peers; and dealing with stressful events or circumstances. By their very nature, relationships possessing an intimate quality tend to be far fewer in number

than the relationships one has with the wider peer group. The larger peer group consists of those whom one encounters at school or in social gatherings. Although the larger peer group may include intimate friendships, it is neither likely nor possible that all members of the peer group are intimate friends. The peer group, however, does take on increased importance for adolescents, such that it matters what others think and say about them. The experiences of peer pressure and conformity are largely tied to this sensitivity to peer perception and evaluation. This does not mean that parents or significant adults have no influence on an adolescent’s thinking or decisions. Rather, adults and peers influence different aspects of life. For example, parents and adults tend to impact basic values, educational plans, and career goals, whereas peers tend to have a greater impact on short-term choices such as dress, music, and friends. The persistent concern, among adults, centers around short-term choice that can lead to long-term consequences (e.g., drinking and driving, unprotected sex that results in pregnancy or sexually transmitted disease, arrest for possession of drugs). Regarding relationships with the opposite sex, sexual interest is largely initiated by hormonal changes, but the actual beginning of dating is regulated by the social and cultural expectations and norms of both one’s peer group and one’s family background. When dating first begins it can have more to do with social strategizing (e.g., whom to date, who will know or see them together, how to handle the good-night kiss) than with romance or companionship. As adolescents become more experienced in dating, their social skills

Transitions of Adolescence improve, and they become increasingly more comfortable with themselves and the date situation. As they become more mature, adolescents begin to date people they want to be with more than people they want to be seen with; however, different people date for different reasons, including fun, status, companionship, sexual experimentation, and intimacy. Experiences of disappointment or hurt often stem from two people dating for different reasons: for example, one person may date in the hope of achieving intimacy and the other for the purpose of sexual experimentation. Along with the social and emotional transitions described so far, the adolescent begins to ponder such questions as, “Who am I?” and “Who do I want to be?” These are quite significant questions regarding one’s identity. Identity does not simply consist of the adjectives one might use in describing oneself. Rather, there are several aspects of identity that an adolescent may need to explore and integrate—academic, social, sexual, political, religious. Exploration and integration take place over time and result in the young person’s increasing ability to make commitments to ideologies (or the values and beliefs that guide one’s actions), occupation, and relationships. Regarding this process there are a few important points to bear in mind: (1) Choices and commitments should be self-chosen. For example, one should go to medical school because one wants to help people get well and not simply because one’s mother is a doctor. (2) What one aspires to in the future should have some basis in a current reality. For example, if one is five feet tall a future in professional basketball is not a likely possibility, and one may need to be satisfied with recreational basketball and pur-

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suing a career in some other area of interest. (3) Adolescence marks neither the beginning nor the end of the identity development process. Rather, we bring with us the lessons, values, and experiences gained during childhood and continue to adjust our desires and expectations well into adulthood. (4) Identity requires a balance between being connected with others and being one’s own person. For example, one may weigh the advice of parents and friends, yet ultimately make a decision on the basis of one’s own reflection and judgment. For some adolescents the period of exploration can be cut short when adult roles and responsibilities are taken on before the end of adolescence, for example, by starting a family or entering the full-time workforce before or immediately following graduation from high school. The college experience often opens a new world of possibilities, thus leading a person to rethink choices made only a semester or a year earlier. In the United States adolescents are confronted with several points at which they are granted partial adult status by society. For example, at thirteen an adolescent may be responsible for the care and well-being of younger siblings; at sixteen he begins to drive and may get a job after school; at around eighteen he/she graduates from high school and can vote and enlist in military service; at twentyone he/she reaches legal drinking age in most states and may marry or be tried as an adult for a crime at any point during the adolescent years, depending upon the state in which he/she resides. In the United States social transitions are marked at various points during adolescence; however, there is no formal way in which U.S. society recognizes the adolescent’s growing maturity, compe-

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tence, and autonomy across the several areas of transition. Adolescents move from one situation and set of expectations to another much more often than do either children or adults. The many transitions of adolescence can be facilitated and/or complicated by such factors as the degree to which various settings confer similar levels of privileges and responsibilities upon the adolescent; an adolescent’s temperament (e.g., introverted versus extroverted); level of parental support and expectation; the degree to which school offers a sufficiently challenging academic program and opportunities for exploration of interests; the extent to which the values of family and peers resemble one another; and the presence or absence of intimate friendships. Imma De Stefanis See also Autonomy; Dating; Menstruation; Middle Schools; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes; Rites of Passage; School Transitions References and further reading Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne. 1988. “Antecedents and Consequences of Variations in Girls’ Maturational Timing.” Journal of Adolescent Health Care 9: 365–373. Elkind, David. 1985. “Egocentrism Redux.” Developmental Review 5: 218–226. Elkind, David, and Robert Bowen. 1979. “Imaginary Audience Behavior in Children and Adolescents.” Developmental Review 15: 33–44. Lerner, Richard M. 1985. “Adolescent Maturational Changes and Psychosocial Development: A Dynamic Interactional Perspective.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 14: 355–372. Petersen, Anne. 1985. “Pubertal Development as a Cause of Disturbance: Myths, Realities, and Unanswered Questions.” Genetic,

Social, and General Psychology Monographs 111: 205–232. Sebald, Hans. 1985. “Adolescents’ Shifting Orientation toward Parents and Peers: A Curvilinear Trend over Recent Decades.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 48: 5–13.

Twins Twins are two individuals born at the same time from the same mother. Twins can be either identical (monozygotic) or fraternal (dizygotic). Identical twins result when a zygote (fertilized egg) splits in two within days after conception. These twins are genetically identical. That is, they share 100 percent of their genes. Fraternal twins result when the mother releases two ova (eggs) that are fertilized by two separate sperm. These twins are about 50 percent genetically similar. Genetically, fraternal twins are the equivalent of brothers and sisters; they just happen to be born at the same time. Therefore, although identical twins are always the same sex and appear to be physically identical, fraternal twins may or may not be the same sex, and they typically do not resemble each other more than do any other sibling pair. Fraternal twins are more common than identical twins. The frequency of fraternal twin births ranges from 4 to 16 per 1,000 births, depending upon a variety of factors. One such factor is ethnicity. For example, fraternal twins are much more prevalent among African Americans (16 per 1,000 births) than among Caucasians (8 per 1,000 births) (Berk, 1997). Fraternal twins are also more likely to be born to older mothers, mothers who have taken fertility drugs, and mothers who themselves are fraternal twins (since this type of twinning runs in families). Because there has

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Twins are two individuals born at the same time from the same mother and can be either identical or fraternal. (Shirley Zeiberg)

been an increase in the number of women using fertility drugs and the number of women who are postponing childbearing until they are older, the prevalence of fraternal twinning is on the rise. In contrast, the prevalence of identical twinning across time and ethnicity has been relatively stable. The prevalence rate of identical twins is about 4 per 1,000 births. Factors such as ethnicity and age do not appear to influence this type of twinning. Moreover, identical twins do not run in families; identical twins appear to occur randomly. However, research using animals suggests that factors such as late fertilization of the ovum and temperature changes may increase the probability of animals having identical twins. It is unclear whether these factors similarly affect humans.

Research Using Twins A great deal of research has been conducted using twins to determine whether traits and behaviors are influenced by genes or the environment. Researchers compare characteristics of identical twins and fraternal twins. Although both types of twins are believed to share similar environments, identical twins share more of their genes (100 percent) than do fraternal twins (50 percent). Therefore, if the concordance rate (similarity) for a trait is higher for identical twins than for fraternal twins, that trait is believed to be genetically influenced. For example, identical twins have been shown to be much more similar to one another in personality traits such as shyness, extraversion, and activity level than fraternal twins are. There-

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fore, researchers believe that these traits are influenced at least partially by heredity. Twin studies also have shown that other personality characteristics such as optimism (how positively a person views the world), drinking behaviors and alcoholism, psychopathology (e.g., schizophrenia, manic-depression), and IQ are all influenced partially by genes. It is important to realize that these traits are also influenced by the environment. On average, genetic influences explain about 50 percent of the variation of these traits (Santrock, 1992). Environmental factors such as socioeconomic status, family relationships, and peer relations may also play an important role in the manifestation of these traits. Developmental Issues of Twins during Adolescence Adolescents are faced with many important developmental tasks. One such task is to develop a stable sense of identity. Not surprisingly, identity formation may be much more difficult for twins, especially identical twins. Some twins may fail to develop a separate sense of identity (leading to adult twins who dress alike, live together, do not marry, and so on). In contrast, other twins may desperately struggle with the issue of identity and attempt to be as different from one another as possible. Another important developmental task during adolescence is the development of autonomy or independence. This task can be thought of as emotionally pulling away from parents and becoming an independent person. Most adolescents achieve a sense of autonomy during adolescence and begin to function more independently. However, this task may be more difficult for

twins, mainly because in order to function as independent people, they not only need to achieve autonomy from their parents, but they also need to become autonomous from each other. During adolescence, individuals begin to spend less time with their families and more time with their peers. Peer relationships become more important as adolescents learn to interact with larger groups of friends and the opposite sex. Some twins may opt to forego the experience of becoming involved with a large peer network simply because they are likely to receive a great deal of emotional and psychological support from their “lifelong best friend,” their twin. It also may be difficult for identical twins to feel as though they are a unique and significant part of a peer group if their peers cannot tell them apart. Therefore, as with the struggle with identity formation, some twins may consciously seek out different peer groups, and others may not seek out peer groups at all. Another developmental task that occurs during late adolescence and early adulthood is the development of intimacy or the ability to form close, intimate relationships with others. Unlike the difficulties that may be associated with the other primary developmental tasks of adolescence for twins, this task may be relatively easy for twins, since they have experienced the most intimate relationship with another from birth. In short, the achievement of developmental tasks during adolescence may be more or less difficult for twins, depending on the nature of the task as well as on the nature of the individual twin. Christine McCauley Ohannessian

Twins See also Family Relations; Sibling Conflict; Sibling Differences; Sibling Relationships References and further reading Berk, Laura E. 1997. Child Development, 4th ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Clegg, Averil, and Anne Woollett. 1983. Twins: From Conception to Five Years. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

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Freiberg, K. L. 1998. Annual Editions: Human Development. Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill. Juel-Nielsen, Niels. 1980. Individual and Environment: Monozygotic Twins Reared Apart. New York: International Universities Press. Santrock, John W. 1992. Life-Span Development, 4th ed. Dubuque, IA: W. C. Brown Publishers.

V Violence and Aggression

permissiveness toward aggression, and lack of clear behavior limits are likely to set the stage for the development of aggressive behavior in adolescence. Negativism, overly controlling parenting methods, lack of warmth, and harsh, physical punishment contribute to patterns of aggressive and violent behavior and can lead to long-term aggressive behavior. Research on aggression indicates that boys exhibit higher levels of aggression than girls. One possible explanation for these gender differences is that aggressive acts are aimed at damaging the goals that are valued by each gender group. Boys tend to exhibit overt forms of aggression such as hitting, pushing, or threatening to fight. These behaviors match goals that are important to boys within the peer group, such as power and control. Girls, however, are more likely to focus on relationship issues among their peers. Aggressive behavior in girls is evident in behaviors such as excluding a peer from a group, withdrawal of friendship, or spreading rumors. Both forms of aggression are predictors of long-term social problems. Additionally, aggressive children know fewer solutions to social problems. Research on bullying indicates that children characterized as bullies have an aggressive pattern of behavior based on a need for power and dominance over others. A poor self-concept is evident in bullies,

Violence and aggression among adolescents is not a new phenomenon in the United States. The quantity and severity of aggressive behavior in adolescence, however, has undergone change within the past ten to fifteen years. In 1991, a report released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation confirmed statistically that violent crimes by youth ages ten to seventeen had ballooned during the 1980s and is still surging upward in the 1990s (Curcio and First, 1993, p. 242). To understand fully the impact of violence on the lives of adolescents, it is essential to understand the many interrelated factors that contribute to violent behavior. The American Psychological Association cites three main aspects of adolescent lives that contribute to violent behavior: (1) developmental factors, (2) social factors, and (3) individual factors. Developmental Factors From a developmental perspective, factors contributing to violent behavior include inherited and biological factors and learned patterns of behavior. These factors can contribute to a pattern of aggressive responses, conflict, and difficult interpersonal relationships. One developmental influence on adolescent violence is child-rearing practices in early childhood. Parental indifference,

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Adolescents engage in violence for reasons relating to their personality, family, peer group, and community. (Skjold Photographs)

who tend to have feelings of being unloved, unimportant, and inferior. The best way to deal with these feelings is by placing them onto others and gaining power and control over them. Social Factors Social influences on violent behavior are defined by the attitudes that currently exist in the larger society. Complex events or combinations of events in the environment (in conjunction with individual variables) set the stage for displays of aggression. On a larger scale, poverty and socioeconomic inequality contribute to aggres-

sive behavior. Poverty and its life circumstances deeply affect the way in which people live. In fact, although levels of violence are high in each of the ethnic minority groups, it is clear that one’s socioeconomic status is a greater predictor of violence than racial or ethnic status. Also, rates of unemployment are higher among ethnic minority groups, resulting in greater levels of poverty. These factors can damage one’s selfesteem and lead to family disruptions. Additionally, limited income prohibits access to some basic life necessities, adding to the stress. For these reasons, residence in urban areas is also a contributing factor to violence. If the area is characterized by low socioeconomic status, discrimination, poor housing, high population density, and high unemployment, the feelings that accompany these conditions (e.g., hopelessness, anger) increase the risk of exposure to violence. Another sociocultural influence on violence is cultural differences. Cultural membership is not a cause of violence, but rather increasingly diverse cultures come together in social, economic, and cultural contexts that afford easier access and privilege to some, while excluding others. An adolescent’s violent and aggressive behavior should be viewed in the context of the interaction between the parents’ culture and the community and of the adolescent’s assimilation into mainstream American society. This view offers the realization that for some adolescents and their families, access to society’s benefits is not a reality. Further, because families in the United States today are more culturally and structurally diverse than families of previous generations, an understanding of aggression and violence also requires an understanding of the diverse nature of Ameri-

Vocational Development can society as a system of advantage based on race and ethnicity. Individual Factors The influence of individual experiences on aggression and violence are also significant. One example of an individual experience is relatively easy access to firearms and other weapons that are more likely to be owned by deviant youth. The use and abuse of alcohol and other drugs also plays a major role in interpersonal violence. Involvement in antisocial groups such as gangs increases the likelihood that a teen will be involved in conflict and violence. Gangs meet some important developmental needs for adolescents (needs for connection, belonging, selfdefinition), but increase the risk of involvement in violent behavior. The strongest predictor of a child’s involvement in violence is a history of previous violence. To make a reasonable transition to adulthood, adolescents need to feel a sense of safety and security, as well as a sense of hope about their futures. For these reasons, adolescents who are victims of violence and conflict or who live with the chronic pressure of violence require interventions to decrease their risk of future victimization and of future involvement in violence. Judith E. Robinson

See also Aggression; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Emotional Abuse; Juvenile Crime; Juvenile Justice System; Physical Abuse; Risk Behaviors; Sexual Abuse; Youth Gangs References and further reading American Psychological Association Commission on Violence and Youth. 1993. Violence and Youth: Psychology’s Response. Washington, DC: Public Interest Directorate.

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Arllen, Nancy L., Robert A. Gable, and Jo M. Hendrickson. 1994. “Toward an Understanding of the Origins of Aggression.” Preventing School Failure 38, no. 3: 18–23. Centers for Disease Control. 1991. “Homicide among Young Black Males: United States, 1978–1987.” Journal of the American Medical Association 265: 183–184. Crick, Nicki R. 1996. “The Role of Overt Aggression, Relational Aggression, and Prosocial Behavior in the Prediction of Children’s Future Social Adjustment.” Child Development 67: 2317–2327. Crick, Nicki R., and Jennifer K. Grotpeter. 1995. “Relational Aggression, Gender, and Social-Psychological Adjustment.” Child Development 66: 710–722. Curcio, Joan L., and Patricia F. First. 1993. Violence in the Schools: How to Proactively Prevent and Defuse It. Newbury Park, CA: Corwin Press. Gable, Robert A., Lyndal M. Bullock, and Dana L. Harader. 1995. “Schools in Transition: The Challenge of Students with Aggressive and Violent Behavior.” Preventing School Failure 39: 29–34. Olweus, Dan. 1993. Bullying at School: What We Know and What We Can Do. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Slee, Phillip T. 1993. “Bullying: A Preliminary Investigation of Its Nature and the Effects of Social Cognition.” Early Child Development and Care 87: 47–57. Soriano, Marcel, Fernando L. Soriano, and Evelia Jimenez. 1994. “School Violence among Culturally Diverse Populations: Sociocultural and Institutional Considerations.” School Psychology Review 2: 216–235. Spivek, Howard, Alice J. Hausman, and Deborah Prothrow-Stith. 1989. “Practitioners’ Forum: Public Health and the Primary Prevention of Adolescent Violence: The Violence Prevention Project.” Violence and Victims 4: 203–212.

Vocational Development One of the main tasks that teenagers face is to prepare themselves for the world of work. This preparation includes learning

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about themselves and about occupations. Researchers and educators refer to these tasks as vocational development. Vocational development during childhood and adolescence has far-reaching implications for an individual’s future income, socioeconomic status, social relationships, and prestige in the community. Moreover, there is considerable evidence to suggest that, to a large extent, individuals define themselves through their occupation. This process of self-definition is often described as vocational identity development. Not every adolescent experiences vocational development in the same way or at the same time. Variations are the result of gender and individual differences in interests, values, abilities, and opportunities. Looking at sex differences, it is readily apparent that the job aspirations of boys and girls are often quite different. This can be traced to the sex role stereotyping of occupations, which is a process whereby society determines which occupations are appropriate for males and females. This process has profound effects on the distribution of males and females within occupational groupings. For example, in the United States females dominate in nursing, while males dominate in auto mechanics. Sex role stereotyping of occupations may reduce the occupational options available to males and females, in spite of significant efforts that have been made in the media and in schools to reduce its detrimental impact. Although efforts to reduce sex role stereotyping have been directed mainly toward encouraging girls and young women to explore and enter male-dominated occupations, efforts have also been made to get boys to enter female-dominated fields.

As children and adolescents observe the world around them they learn about various features of different occupations. As a consequence of this and other forms of learning, which occur both within and outside of the family, they develop vocational interests. At first these may be fairly undifferentiated, with boys often choosing either stereotypic male occupations or the occupations of their fathers, and girls choosing stereotypic female occupations or the occupations of their mothers. With increasing maturity and more extensive exposure to the world of occupations, interests become more differentiated and are thought to reflect the individual’s personality. The most prominent instrument to assess vocational interests is Holland’s Self-Directed Search (SDS). It provides a means for individuals to explore their interests and their competencies and to match them against occupations that are known to favor individuals with similar characteristics. The SDS partitions the world of work and the individual’s personality into six dimensions: realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising, and conventional. Upon completing the SDS, an individual can identify where she best fits within the world of work. Examples of realistic occupations include auto mechanic and farmer; investigative occupations include biologist and physicist; artistic occupations include musician and journalist; social occupations include clinical psychologist and high school teacher; enterprising occupations include salesperson and small business owner; and conventional occupations include bank teller and accounting clerk. Occupational choices are also dependent on the values that individuals hold. For example, having a great deal of

Vocational Development money is most important for some people, while others place priority on helping others. Moreover, as adolescents progress through their education and as they acquire firsthand experience in the world of work through part-time jobs, they realize that they are able to excel in some areas but not in others. Thus, individuals who do well in mathematics are more likely to choose engineering as their occupation than those who do not, and those who like socializing choose occupations that enable them to have more interactions with people. Our discussion thus far has emphasized that vocational development involves multiple processes that ultimately lead to an occupational career. The formal beginning of such a career is an initial occupational choice. The majority of young adults, a generation ago, would have viewed such an initial occupational choice as a long-term commitment. In today’s fast-paced occupational world that is shaped by rapid technological advances, however, initial occupational choices are often temporary and superseded by other choices down the road. It is thus increasingly important for teenagers to understand and appreciate the complex processes of vocational development and to master the skills involved in making good occupational choices. In an ideal world, adolescents can choose the occupation that best reflects their abilities, interests, and values. Unfortunately, however, the opportunities for making such a choice are unevenly distributed in the United States and even more so in the rest of the world. Therefore, as adolescents begin to develop occupational preferences, it is important that they become aware of the opportunities as

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well as the limitations created by their own behavior, by their family and their community, and, more generally, by society. They often face the challenge of trying to realize their occupational preferences in a context that may not be supportive of their intentions. Therefore, in predicting a particular adolescent’s vocational path, one must consider the complex interactions between the developing person and the contexts within which he is attempting to build an occupational future. Vocational development represents both peril and opportunity. Teenagers who invest time and effort in exploring the world of occupations and work, on the one hand, and their own competencies, interests, and values, on the other, are most likely to end up choosing a career path that allows them to prosper both psychologically and materially. Teenagers who do not attend to these important issues tend to flounder in school and to experience uncertainty and confusion regarding their vocational identity. Vocational identity, in turn, plays a central role in teenagers’ developing sense of identity in many other life domains, including relationships with others, religion, and politics. Because work is such a central part of the human experience, it is important that parents, educators, and other professionals facilitate adolescents’ transition from adolescence to adulthood and from school to work by serving as positive role models and as facilitators of adolescents’ vocational development. Fred W. Vondracek Erik J. Porfeli See also Apprenticeships; Career Development; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Mentoring and

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References and further reading Holland, John L. 1994. Self-Directed Search: Assessment Booklet. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. ———. 1997. Making Vocational Choices: A Theory of Vocational Personalities and Work Environments, 3rd ed. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. Sharf, Richard S. 1997. Applying Career Development Theory to Counseling, 2nd ed. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Vondracek, Fred W., Richard M. Lerner, and John E. Schulenberg. 1986. Career Development: A Life-Span Developmental Approach. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Volunteerism Throughout the world Americans are known for being generous with both their time and resources. The generosity of Americans is not limited to adults; young people each year give of their time and resources. Like the adolescents of our earlier agrarian society who worked for the benefit of the family, youth today who are involved in service activities are assuming meaningful roles and responding to real needs of society, as well as to their own need to be needed. Service and volunteering provide opportunities for adolescents to contribute to society in meaningful and valued ways. Engaging in community service empowers teens to become contributors, problem solvers, and partners with adults in improving their communities and the larger society. The last fifteen years have seen an explosion of volunteering or community service among youth both individually or in groups as a part of school or outside of school. Approximately 13.3 million teenagers ages twelve to seventeen are

involved in some form of volunteerism (Independent Sector, 1996). The importance of volunteerism as a value of American culture is demonstrated in the fact that many high schools across the country are requiring a certain number of hours devoted to community service as a part of their curriculum and even as a requirement for graduation. Scholars have affirmed the benefits of volunteerism or community service, but only recently has research been conducted to provide strong evidence for those benefits. A few of the rationales for youth’s engagement in community service include the meaningful role it provides for adolescents, the civic leadership and responsibility it instills, and the opportunity for age desegregation through partnerships between adults and young people. Volunteerism, Community Service, and Service Learning Volunteerism can be defined as people performing some service or good work of their own free will and without pay (with, for example, charitable institutions or community agencies). For example, many individuals have volunteered while growing up through 4-H, scouting, church youth groups, or other organizations. Community service is a specific type of volunteering done in the community without any formal attachment to any specific outcomes of learning. Learning may take place within the individual while participating in community service, but the focus of community service programs is on the task and not the learning. In addition, community service has been used as a punishment technique for delinquent behavior of youth and adults, but that is not what community service means in this entry. In fact,

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Approximately 13.3 million teenagers ages twelve to seventeen are involved in some form of volunteerism and many high schools are requiring it for graduation. (Shirley Zeiberg)

throughout this entry the words volunteerism and community service are used interchangeably. Community service and service learning are often confused and the lines separating the two blurred. Service learning is developed as part of an educational learning experience that is predominantly school based. The service is integrated into the students’ academic curriculum, with structured time provided for students to think, talk, or write about what they did and saw during the actual service activity. Thus, their learning is extended beyond the classroom and into the community. The focus of service learning programs is on learning within the individual. The focus of this entry is

on youth volunteering in the community outside of the parameters of school, thus on community service and not on traditional service learning opportunities. Youth Volunteering America’s youth continue the long-held tradition of being generous with their time and talents. In fact, more than half of America’s teenagers report volunteering in 1995 (Independent Sector, 1996). Fifty-nine percent of teenagers ages twelve to seventeen donated an estimated 3.5 hours per week and 2.4 billion hours per year in total (Independent Sector, 1996). Most youth report engaging in their community service through religious institutions, informal contacts and

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efforts, youth development agencies, or educational organizations like schools. Youth volunteering represents a large dollar value, when one considers that their volunteer time is worth approximately $7 billion. Youth volunteers are more likely to participate when directly asked to be involved. For example, when asked to volunteer, 93 percent of teens participated, whereas only 24 percent of the teens volunteered without being asked (Independent Sector, 1996). Additionally, youth who had volunteer experiences as children, usually through faith organizations, were more likely to be engaged in community service. Community Service Community service provides youth with a vehicle that facilitates their ability to be contributing members of a community; volunteering and community service have been found to have other positive influences on youth as well. Social scientists have found that community service has a positive impact on the psychological, social, and intellectual development of teenagers who participate in service. Community service has been linked with enhancement of self-esteem, growth in moral and ego development, increased use of critical thinking skills, and a greater mastery of skills and content directly related to the experiences of participants. Indeed, community service enables young people to gain a heightened sense of personal and social responsibility, more positive attitudes toward adults and others, and more active exploration of potential careers. Moreover, teens gain a sense of empowerment in community service when they have the power to define the problem they wish to

solve and decide on a plan of action. As noted by Peter Scales and Nancy Leffert in their comprehensive review of research, community service and volunteering has been associated either directly or indirectly with all of the following benefits: • Decreased school failure, suspension, and dropout; increased reading grades; increased performance; increased grades; increased school attendance; increased commitment to class work; increased effort for good grades • Decreased behavior problems at school • Reduced teenage pregnancy • High levels of parents talking with young adolescents about school • Increased self-concept, self-efficacy, and competency; decreased alienation • Reduced violent delinquency • Less depression • Increased moral reasoning • More positive attitudes toward adults; better development of mature relationships; increased social competence outside school; increased empathy • Increased problem-solving skills • Increased community involvement as an adult; increased political participation and interest; increased positive attitudes toward community involvement; positive civic attitudes; belief that one can make a difference in community; leadership positions in community organizations • Increased personal and social responsibility; increased perceived duty to help others; increased effi-

Volunteerism cacy in helping others; increased altruism; increased concern for others’ welfare; increased awareness of social problems These research findings speak volumes with regard to the power of volunteering to positively impact youth’s lives. However, a word of caution is necessary: Volunteering may bring negative consequences unless it is carefully monitored. For example, community service may be an intrusion in the life of the receiver of services, it may be more of a relief for the teenage helper than for the helped, or it may convince the person who is receiving help of the inadequacy of their coping abilities and foster their tendency to depend on others. Thus, care must be taken when engaging in community service to be sensitive to the real needs of those being assisted. Civic Responsibility and Age Segregation Social changes that have occurred over the past century have led to a movement toward an age-segregated society, in which young and old have become disconnected and feel isolated from each other. When young people have little more than themselves to believe in—and therefore no hope or optimism—community cohesion is greatly weakened. Engagement in community service empowers teens to achieve a civic ethic, to realize that when they contribute to the community both they and the community benefit. Service draws teens out of themselves and provides them hope and optimism because it allows them to believe in something greater than themselves. By participating in service, young people shoulder some responsibility for

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others and for their communities. Therefore, participating in service in a community, whether that community is a classroom or a youth group (such as 4-H, Boy Scouts, or Girl Scouts), provides not only young people but people of all ages a chance to be productive citizens. The movement to an age-segregated society means too many children raising each other with little stabilizing input from adults. Communities can or should offer intergenerational opportunities to learn from and share with each other through community service, opportunities that are important to the creation of nonmarket values. Furthermore, community service allows individuals to carve out a niche in life where the common, nonmarket values such as fellowship, solidarity, and social equality can flourish. Service within a supportive community allows young people to experience belonging, rather than being lost in a bureaucracy. Community service bridges the gap between generations. It is a gateway for mutually beneficial and satisfying intergenerational interactions that tear down cross-generational alienation. When teens are involved in service, the community’s perception of them changes from seeing them as the cause of problems to seeing them as a source of solutions. In addition, service gives young people the chance to be around the stabilizing influence of adults outside of home and school. As America enters the twenty-first century, our role as parents and adults is to develop an ethic of service and lifelong learning within our youth so that they will be positive contributing members of society. This statement is reinforced by Urie Bronfenbrenner: “No society can long sustain itself unless its members

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have learned the sensitivities, motivations, and skills involved in assisting and caring for other human beings” (53). Daniel F. Perkins Lynne M. Borden See also Moral Development; Social Development; Youth Outlook References and further reading Bass, Mary. 1997 Citizenship and Young People’s Role in Public Life. Washington, DC: National Civic League. Benard, Bonnie. 1991. Fostering Resiliency in Kids: Protective Factors in the Family, School, and Community. Portland, OR: Western Regional Center for Drug-Free Schools and Communities Far West Laboratory. Benson, Peter L. 1997. All Kids Are Our Kids. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. 1979. The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments by Nature and Design. New York: Cambridge University Press. Conrad, Diane, and Dan Hedin. 1989. High School Community Service: A Review of Research and Programs. Washington, DC: National Center on Effective Secondary Schools. ———. 1991. “School-Based Community Service: What We Know from Research and Theory.” Phi Delta Kappan 72: 743–749. Eckersley, Robert. 1993. “The West’s Deepening Cultural Crisis.” The Futurist 27, no. 6: 8–12.

Howe, Howard. 1986. “Can Schools Teach Values?” Remarks at Lehigh University Commencement. Bethelehem, PA (May). Independent Sector. 1996. Volunteering and Giving among American Teenagers 12 to 17 Years of Age. Washington, DC: Independent Sector. Johnson, Lloyd, Jerald Bachman, and Patrick Omalley. 1996. Monitoring the Future: Questionnaire Responses from the Nation’s High School Seniors. Ann Arbor: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan. Lerner, Richard M. 1995. America’s Youth in Crisis: Challenges and Options for Programs and Policies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Perkins, Daniel F., and Joyce Miller. 1994. “Why Volunteerism and ServiceLearning? Providing Rationale and Research.” Democracy & Education 9: 11–16. Scales, Peter, and Nancy Leffert. 1999. Developmental Assets: A Synthesis of Scientific Research on Adolescent Development. Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute. Schine, Joan. 1989. Young Adolescents and Community Service. Working Paper for the Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development. Washington, DC. Sundeen, Richard, and Sally Raskoff. 1995. “Teenage Volunteers and Their Values.” Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 240: 337–357. Toole, James, and Pamela Toole. 1992. Key Definitions: Commonly Used Terms in the Youth Service Field. Minneapolis, MN: National Youth Leadership Council.

W Welfare

In 1935, as part of the Social Security Act, Mothers’ Pensions were replaced with a new federal-level program called Aid to Dependent Children (ADC). This program was a government response to socialist, labor, feminist, and social work movements of the time. Benefits still went to families where the father had died, but were expanded to include families where the father had deserted the family or was incapacitated and unable to work. The majority of the welfare recipients in the 1930s were Caucasian, but the 1940s and 1950s witnessed an increase in minority welfare recipients as more African American families began to reside in northern states (which were more likely to extend benefits to them). During the 1960s, there was a brief period in which welfare rights activism helped many more families to access benefits, and ADC was changed to Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). Efforts were made to enroll more families, increase benefit amounts, and destigmatize welfare. Several Supreme Court decisions during this time period affirmed welfare benefits as an entitlement. From the late 1960s to the present, however, people opposed to more welfare expenditures succeeded in reducing welfare grants, increasing work requirements, and emphasizing marriage as a

Welfare is a term typically used to refer to monthly income, and other support services given to families with children. Most welfare recipients are female-headed families with an average of two children. Families on welfare receive a monthly cash allotment, as well as certain services, which may include food stamps, Medicaid (government-funded health insurance), child care, clothing allotments, and housing services. Cash benefit levels and additional services vary state by state. Some of these services are funded with welfare money, and some are paid for through other funds. History of Welfare Early welfare programs in the United States came out of the Progressive Reform Movement, and were called “Mothers’ Pensions” or “Widows Pensions.” These “pensions” were funded and run at the state level, and were meant to provide a survival-level income to widows and their children. The goal of these programs was to enable women to stay at home to raise their children. In practice, this assistance was generally available only to Caucasian women. In addition, unmarried women and women who had divorced or had been deserted by their husbands did not qualify for these benefits.

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preferred alternative to public benefits. In the 1990s, with the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), the number of families receiving benefits has decreased dramatically. Welfare Reform: The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act Welfare in the United States has a long history, but the system that is currently in place was passed by Congress in 1996. In August of that year, President Bill Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. This welfare reform bill ended the federal entitlement of individuals to cash assistance under Aid to Families with Dependent Children, giving states complete flexibility to determine eligibility for and level of benefits. The assistance given to families is now called Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) and is intended to provide time-limited cash aid to needy families with or expecting children, and to provide parents with job preparation and support services. PRWORA requires work in exchange for public assistance. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services identifies the following four goals for TANF: (1) Aid needy families so that children may be cared for in their homes or those of relatives; (2) end dependence of needy parents upon government benefits by promoting job preparation, work, and marriage; (3) prevent and reduce out-of-wedlock pregnancies and establish goals for preventing and reducing their incidence; and (4) encourage formation and maintenance of twoparent families.

As the stated goals demonstrate, PRWORA contains statements reflecting strong moral values about family structure and reproduction. In particular, it implies that only married (presumably heterosexual) couples should bear children, that children should be raised in two-parent, mother-father homes, and that abortion rates should be reduced. PRWORA also stems from a belief that government welfare programs have contributed to an increase in poor, femaleheaded families, and that this phenomenon is the cause of many social problems. The federal government hopes that PRWORA will achieve the goals listed above, but it is uncertain whether it will be successful. In many ways this is a very new type of welfare policy with which the government is experimenting. AFDC was set up to provide services for everyone who qualified, and PRWORA replaced AFDC and other public assistance programs with a single block grant program, which allots states a capped sum of money to use for welfare. States now have more control over the provision of welfare to their residents, provided that they adhere to several new federal requirements. First of all, TANF benefits are only intended for families who are expecting children, or have children under the age of 18, and individuals may receive TANF for no more than five years in total. There are also strict work requirements that must be met by families on TANF. Single parents with children who are over the age of five must participate in work activities for at least 30 hours per week. Single parents with children who are five years old and under must participate in work activities for at least 20 hours per week. (The federal law permits states, if they choose, to exempt single-parent fam-

Welfare ilies from these work requirements if they have a child under the age of one.) Twoparent families must participate in work activities for a total of at least 35 hours per week. If the two-parent family is receiving federally funded childcare, and neither adult is disabled in any way, the shared work requirement is 55 hours per week. The new welfare laws prohibit a number of people from receiving TANF benefits. First, TANF benefits are not provided for illegal immigrant families. For legal immigrant families, TANF benefits are withheld for the first five years of their residency in the United States. After that, it is at the state’s discretion whether or not to provide public assistance. Second, TANF benefits are not provided for anyone convicted of a drug-related felony after August 1996. Third, TANF benefits are not provided for any person who fails to comply with state child support requirements. Finally, TANF benefits may be reduced or denied to any mother who fails to provide the state with information about the father of her child. If she does not cooperate in establishing paternity, she will lose at least 25 percent of her benefits. For teenage parents under the age of 18 to receive TANF benefits, they must live with their parents, or in another adultsupervised living arrangement. Adolescents without a high school diploma or equivalent must also attend school. Welfare provision varies widely from state to state. Some states have welfare rules that are stricter than the federal requirements listed above, and some states have received permission to be more lenient about some of the rules. Welfare and Teenagers Although teenagers constitute a small percentage of the total women receiving

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benefits, adult women who began childbearing as teenagers comprise almost half of the welfare caseload. Decision makers with strong moral preferences for two-parent families interpreted these numbers as a call for federal efforts to reduce out-of-wedlock pregnancies, especially for teenagers. Consequently, teenagers, specifically unwed teenagers, have a special role in the new welfare law. PRWORA includes some strict requirements for teenage mothers who are receiving assistance. In order to receive TANF benefits, unwed teenage mothers under the age of 18 must live with their parents, or another adult relative, or in an adultsupervised living arrangement. Unwed teenage mothers under the age of 18 who have not attained a high school diploma or equivalent must attend school in order to receive assistance. In most states, the school rules simply require teenagers to attend school. However, some states have more specific rules about teenagers and school attendance. In some states, teenagers must maintain a minimum grade-point average (GPA); in some states, education and training other than GED programs can be counted; and a very small number of states provide monetary bonuses for teens who complete a grade of school, have good attendance, graduate from high school, receive a GED, or maintain a high GPA. In most states, there are no formal criteria for permitting alternative education. Despite the special challenges that face a poor teenager balancing child rearing, work, and school, they receive very little support under the new welfare laws. In most cases, teens do not receive any special priority for childcare, transportation,

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specialized case management, or other services. In over half the states, no additional state funds have been provided to assist teens in meeting the school/training requirements. PRWORA also has numerous provisions aimed specifically at reducing teenage fertility. States have the flexibility to design any kind of adolescent pregnancy prevention program they want using TANF funds. However, the majority of federal funds targeting teenage fertility tend to emphasize abstinence rather than family planning programs that educate teenagers about and/or distribute birth control. The federal program has developed some cash incentives to encourage states to reduce their out-of-wedlock births. These incentive programs are based on improvements that states show in reducing teenage pregnancy. However, many states are not collecting the data they may need to evaluate the success of their programs for teenage parents. For example, many states are not collecting data on numbers of teenagers living in each type of housing arrangement (with parents, guardians, adult relatives, other supervised settings, independently) or the numbers of teens who are noncompliant with this supervised living rule and are therefore being refused benefits. Jessica Goldberg Jennifer Douglas Shireen Boulos See also Poverty; Teenage Parenting: Childbearing; Teenage Parenting: Consequences; Work in Adolescence References and further reading Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives. 1998. 1998 Green Book. Washington DC: U.S. House of Representatives.

Levin-Epstein, J. 1996. Teen Parent Provisions in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. Washington, DC: Center for Law and Social Policy. Nathan, R. P., P. Gentry, and C. Lawrence. 1999. “Is There a Link between Welfare Reform and Teen Pregnancy?” Rockefeller Reports. Albany, NY: Nelson A. Rockefeller Institute of Government. Wood, R. G., and J. Burghardt. 1997. Implementing Welfare Requirements for Teenage Parents: Lessons from Experience in Four States. Washington DC: Mathematica Policy Research, for the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

White and American: A Matter of Privilege? “White privilege”—trendy catchphrase or accurate depiction of modern-day American society? In thinking about this question, consider the following scenarios. • Michelle, age eighteen, goes shopping at Wal-Mart—does she wonder if the security will keep a close eye on her as she walks around? • Todd, age twenty, feels like taking his parents’ new Jeep Cherokee for a drive—does he worry that the police will pull him over, whether or not they have good reason? These scenarios have something to do with how people perceive each other. And one of the first things people often perceive is skin color. But if a person is white, issues of skin color may not be particularly salient, if thought about at all. Which means if a person hasn’t considered what it would be like to be perceived by others based on this very visi-

White and American: A Matter of Privilege? ble human trait, perhaps the person simply never had to do so. Being white and living in the United States translates into automatic membership in the racial majority. Not only does that make it much easier for a white person to blend into society as a whole, it also translates into tremendous power. Consider the following: Who is in the White House? Who controls most big businesses? Which Hollywood stars make the most money? In this country, on multiple levels, white people are firmly in charge. The notion of white privilege helps further explain this reality. Simply put, being white in the United States affords certain advantages other racial groups may not have—like the freedom to walk into a store without being instantly scrutinized by security guards. But perhaps the biggest privilege is that in this country, white people, no matter how young or old, don’t necessarily have to think about being white—a privilege that may be taken for granted, even when it comes at others’ expense. The more disheartening sides of white privilege are evidenced in many ways. For instance, African American adolescents (and males in particular) may be less confident than white students in their academic abilities and potential for school success, especially if African American students perceive that their own culture isn’t being given the same focused attention as white students’ cultural issues. Conversely, the more positive teacher and parent support African American students feel they are receiving, the more likely they may be to consider broader academic possibilities for themselves. In direct contrast to these examples of the flip side of white privilege, consider

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the twenty-nine-year-old white physician who experienced all the benefits of being white right from the start. This person came from a wealthy family, was constantly praised by teachers throughout high school, and was never harassed by the police for his occasional rowdy behavior. Does he ever think about how being white influenced his relatively trouble-free existence thus far? Not really, he says—he merely assumed life would come easy, and it has. Sometimes white privilege is this glaringly obvious, while at other times, its effects are subtler and less pronounced. But where does this sense of privilege come from? Historically speaking, white people have been in control from the moment they set foot on American soil. Early white settlers, often escaping from their own forms of persecution, perhaps believed they deserved to be here, regardless of who they may have displaced in the process. Sadly, with that sentiment comes the fact that white people haven’t always considered the well-being of their nonwhite neighbors over time (slavery and the treatment of Native Americans being two of the more blatant examples). And while U.S. society has certainly become more multicultural in recent years, the fact that white people’s traditional power base may be in danger of slipping is a source of discomfort to some people. As proof, consider the growing number of “white power” hate groups and their increasing influence among various demographic groups, particularly adolescents and young adults whose value systems are still developing and changing. Yet even those white people who have no use for such extremism may, if they’re truly honest with themselves, feel less than enthusiastic about this country’s increasingly multicultural

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flavor. After all, when one’s own privileges get called into question, one may start to feel uneasy, no matter how openminded one purports to be. Social psychology literature refers to this phenomenon in terms of identification with one’s own in-group in contrast to an undesirable out-group—in other words, an “us” versus “them” mentality. At present, the issue of white privilege is even more important because by the middle of the year 2000, whites will no longer be in the racial majority—meaning the privileges they have always taken for granted may become less secure. So how can whites better prepare for this future reality—particularly concerning their relationships with nonwhites? First comes awareness—realizing that if one is white and American, one has at least some degree of power and privilege due to skin color alone. And by being white, one automatically shares in the societal benefits of all white people historically—again, simply by virtue of racial group membership. Along with awareness comes acknowledgement that in a country claiming to support equal opportunity for all, no citizen should have an advantage just because of skin color. Next comes action—the willingness to branch out beyond the safety of one’s white contexts to connect with other cultures. The means by which people make this happen are certainly many and varied, but on a basic level could include attending a nonwhite cultural festival, interviewing a nonwhite teacher or professor, or talking to someone about what it’s like to be nonwhite in the United States. Such approaches are especially suitable for adolescents in terms of giving them meaningful, concrete exposure to nonwhite cultural backgrounds. Indeed,

numerous studies over time have proven that meaningful interracial contact makes a significant difference in the attitudes one has toward people from other races—so the more positive experiences with nonwhite racial groups one seeks out, the better. Of course, such a complex issue defies simplistic solutions. Understanding white privilege and working to diminish its downside is no easy task, considering that white privilege has been entrenched in American society for hundreds of years. But only through conscious awareness that such privilege does exist—and a determined effort not to let this awareness bypass one’s ability (or willingness) to act—will the situation finally start to shift. Perhaps then people may begin appreciating skin color for the diversity it truly represents. Jill C. Stoltzfus See also Ethnic Identity; Racial Discrimination References and further reading Allen, Theodore. 1994. The Invention of the White Race, Volume One: Racial Oppression and Social Control. London: Verso. Allport, Gordon W. 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Addison-Wesley. Blanchard, F. A., C. S. Crandall, J. C. Brigham, and L. Vaughn. 1994. “Condemning and Condoning Racism: A Social Context Approach to Interracial Settings.” Journal of Applied Psychology 79: 993–997. Delgado, Richard, and Jean Stefancic, eds. 1996. Critical White Studies: Looking behind the Mirror. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Devine, Patricia G., and Andrew J. Elliot. 1995. “Are Racial Stereotypes Really Fading? The Princeton Trilogy Revisited.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 21: 1139–1150. Devine, Patricia G., and Kristen A. Vasquez. 1998. “The Rocky Road to Positive Intergroup Relations.” Pp.

Why Is There an Adolescence? 234–262 in Confronting Racism: The Problem and the Responses. Edited by Jennifer L. Eberhardt and Susan T. Fiske. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Eberhardt, Jennifer L., and Susan T. Fiske, eds. 1998. Confronting Racism: The Problem and the Responses. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Feagin, Joe R., and Hernan Vera. 1995. White Racism. New York: Routledge. Kaplan, Elaine B. 1999. “‘It’s Going Good: Inner-City Black and Latino Adolescents’ Perceptions about Achieving an Education.” Urban Education 34: 181–213. Sanders, Mavis G. 1998. “The Effects of School, Family and Community Support on the Academic Achievement of African American Adolescents.” Urban Education 33: 385–409.

Why Is There an Adolescence? Adolescence as we know and experience it did not always exist. While the biological changes of the growth spurt years have always occurred and signaled the onset of the transition into adulthood, the nature and length of the transition has been undergoing continual change. Three broad social forces—the change from a rural/agricultural to urban/industrial society, mandatory schooling, and child labor laws—all acted to segregate children and adolescents from adults and helped shape the nature of adolescence. Similar social forces, such as the increase in the number of two-working-parent and single-parent families, the extension of schooling into and beyond the high school years, and the increasing delay in entering the workforce, have acted to lengthen the adolescent years. Improvements in nutrition and healthcare have resulted in the growth spurt occurring earlier, thereby extending the onset of adolescence to earlier ages. As a result of these changes we have lengthened the

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adolescent years by extending them upward in the age range and by their beginning sooner. When we were largely an agricultural nation children were expected to contribute to the family’s welfare by working on the farm. The home was the workplace; children, adolescents, and adults all worked together. With the spread of the industrial revolution and the attendant urbanization of the nation, home no longer was the workplace for increasing numbers of families. Large numbers of children “left” the workforce as their families moved to cities. Mandatory education plunged most youth into schools. This established a formal separation of youth from adults and helped to formalize the role of youth as one distinct from that of adulthood. It also acted to increase contact with agemates and reduce contact with adults. As age grading increased, this segregation became more refined, and younger, middle-aged, and older children were segregated from each other. Today, the school is the setting for the adolescent “society.” Child labor laws were instituted in part to keep children out of sweatshops, mines, and factories to improve their health and well-being. It also further segregated adolescents from adults and emphasized the idea that childhood and adolescence were uniquely different from adulthood. The formalized separation of childhood from adulthood continues today. The percentage of adolescents living in two-working-parent and single-workingparent families has increased dramatically over the past twenty-five years. Children in these families have reduced contact with adults after school and during vacation times. Similarly, the number of adolescents seeking postsecondary

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training has been increasing. For these late adolescents the entrance into the full-time workforce also is delayed. Each society creates its own version of adolescence. Adolescence in the United States reflects the desire and need for a well-educated citizenry as well as other social factors that act to create it. As our society continues to change so will the nature of adolescence and the adolescent experience. Jerome B. Dusek See also Identity; Puberty: Hormone Changes; Puberty: Physical Changes; Puberty: Psychological and Social Changes; Rites of Passage; Transition to Young Adulthood; Transitions of Adolescence References and further reading Bornstein, Marcus H., and Michael E. Lamb. 1999. Developmental Psychology: An Advanced Textbook. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Crockett, Lisa J., and Rainer K. Silbereisen. 2000. Negotiating Adolescence in Times of Social Change. New York: Cambridge University Press. Dusek, Jerome B. 1996. Adolescent Development and Behavior. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Work in Adolescence Working is an integral part of American teenagers’ lives. Many people think of adolescence as a time to have fun and enjoy a moratorium from adult responsibilities. It is also a time to prepare for future employment by doing well in school. However, most teenagers’ daily schedules involve the simultaneous pursuit of both school and work. Eighty percent or more of contemporary adolescents are employed at least some time during their high school years. By the twelfth grade, close to three-quarters are employed during the school year. More

than half of employed young people (fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds) work in the retail sector (in restaurants, fast-food outlets, grocery stores, department stores, gas stations, and the like); more than a fourth are in the service sector (entertainment and recreation, in private households, health, education, and so on) (Committee on the Health and Safety Implications of Child Labor, 1998). In addition to paid employment, today’s youth are involved in other kinds of work. Most teenagers help their families by doing chores in their homes; many do volunteer or community service work. The widespread combination of schooling and working in adolescents’ lives has spurred a lively controversy, as well as a growing body of systematic research about the developmental impacts of working, with both research and controversy especially focused on paid work activity. It is widely believed that employment is good for youth, contributing to character development and positive work values. In fact, a series of highly prominent reports and commissions have proclaimed the benefits of youth employment and recommended that there be closer connections between schools and workplaces. More recently, many communities have developed “School-toWork” initiatives, facilitated by the School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994. American parents generally approve of their teenage children’s employment, as they believe that working fosters responsibility, independence, good work habits, and time management skills. In fact, when they look back on the jobs that they themselves held as adolescents, parents are nearly unanimous in their opinion that employment was a beneficial experience in their own lives.

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The majority of contemporary adolescents are employed at least some time during their high school years. (Shirley Zeiberg)

The expectation that paid work will be beneficial for adolescents is reasonable, given that most young people, as they look forward to adulthood, anticipate that they will be employed and that working will be a significant part of their lives. Teenage boys and girls are now very similar in this regard. Paid work is the vehicle through which the “markers” of adulthood are acquired—residential and financial independence from the family of origin, the ability to nurture and support one’s own children, and the capacity to acquire all the accoutrements of the desired “adult” lifestyle. Since

employment is an integral feature of the future adult “possible self,” successfully holding a paid job would likely signify to the adolescent, as well as to parents and others whose opinions matter, progress in moving toward an independent and highly valued adult status. Aside from such symbolic significance, paid employment also conveys quite tangible benefits that are likely to foster subsequent success in the labor market, despite the relatively low levels of skill that most jobs for young people entail. For example, by performing part-time work in adolescence, the youth learns

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about how to acquire a job and how to behave at an interview. The young worker learns about the daily routines and how to comport oneself in the workplace, learning, for example, the importance of coming to work on time; the nature of appropriate clothing and demeanor; and how to relate to supervisors, coworkers, and clients. All of this will contribute to what is sometimes called “work readiness,” the capacity to obtain, and to maintain, paid work. The young person may also learn specific skills that transfer to other jobs—for example, how to operate a cash register or a computer keyboard—and have opportunities to apply knowledge that is learned in school. In addition to such elements of human capital, the employed youth also has the potential to gain social capital. Supervisors in early jobs can provide advice and act as references for future employers. Furthermore, since knowledge of job availability often occurs through informal networks, the youth may learn of better employment opportunities through coworkers or former coworkers. Indeed, building a network of occupational associates may be of great benefit in future job searches. In view of the salient symbolic meanings and practical consequences of work, it is no wonder that most adolescents in America want to work. Given this motivation and the continuing availability of suitable part-time jobs, employment among teenagers while school is in session, for at least some time during the high school career, has become almost universal. There is, in fact, substantial evidence that employment in adolescence contributes to early adult occupational and income attainments. That is, youth who work during high school more easily

acquire jobs after high school; they have less unemployment and higher income. Such gains have been found to persist nearly a dozen years after high school. If all of these benefits accrue from paid work in adolescence, one might wonder what the controversy about teenage employment is all about. There is, however, reason to be cautious about adolescent work. In 1986, the publication of Ellen Greenberger and Laurence Steinberg’s book, When Teenagers Work, alerted the scientific community, as well as the public at large, to the potential dangers of working in adolescence. In fact, their study of students in four California high schools showed that those who worked more hours had lower grades, were more likely to use alcohol and drugs, and were more likely to get in trouble at school. These findings generated considerable skepticism in the educational community about the benefits of working. Instead of viewing work as enabling youth to implement positive “possible selves” as they move toward adulthood, Greenberger and Steinberg raised the specter of precocious development, echoing what has become an enduring concern among psychologists since the turn of the century. That is, the independence conferred by a job may encourage a premature adultlike identity and claim to adult status. Employed youths may begin to think of themselves as adults, coming to resent childlike roles that involve subordination to adult authorities such as teachers and school administrators. As their jobs make them less available to spend time with their families, the quality of the relationships teenagers have with their parents could deteriorate. Parents, seeing their children take on adultlike employment, may be less motivated

Work in Adolescence (and less able) to closely monitor the behaviors of their employed teenagers. Consequently, according to this argument, adolescents become prone to problem behavior in school and increasingly take on adultlike leisure-time activities, such as smoking, alcohol use, and other recreational drugs. Instead of investing their time and energy in school, building their human capital through educational achievement, employed youth could have less time to do their homework and become less interested and engaged in the educational enterprise more generally. There is concern that youth will prematurely withdraw from educational endeavors in favor of full-time work, early marriage, and parenthood. This “dark side” of adolescent employment has been confirmed, at least in part, by several surveys that address youth activities and lifestyles. In fact, the more frequent alcohol use among teenagers who work longer hours is one of the most robust findings in this area of research. Hours of work have also been empirically linked to teenage smoking, the use of illegal drugs, minor delinquency, and other behavioral problems. The assertion that investment in paid work will detract from students’ grades, however, receives less consistent support, with some studies reporting that long work hours are associated with lower student grades, while others indicate no significant relationships between hours of work and grade-point average. Similarly, it has not been demonstrated that work hours decrease the amount of time spent doing homework. However, a large investment in work during high school predicts fewer years of postsecondary attainment. Still, there is evidence that teenagers who learn to balance school and working during high

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school, by working almost continuously but limiting their hours of work to twenty or fewer hours per week, achieve more postsecondary schooling during the following years then their peers. Finally, there is no solid evidence that employed youth have poorer quality relationships with their parents than their nonworking counterparts. In summary, both the “work is good” and the “work is bad” schools of thought receive some empirical support. Following employment during high school, youth move more easily into the adult workforce, achieving more stable employment, higher earnings, and other positive vocational outcomes. On the other hand, those teenagers who work more hours exhibit more frequent problem behaviors. But in some arenas, researchers report null findings—unable to demonstrate that hours worked either promotes or detracts from school performance or family relationships. How can these diverse and seemingly contradictory findings be reconciled? In some ways, the advocates of both perspectives may be correct. That is, work experience does confer benefits with respect to the accumulation of human (and social) capital, which pay off in the early work career. As parents note, teenagers who work may actually become more responsible, more independent, and better time managers. But as they learn the ways of the workplace, take on adultlike responsibilities, and often work alongside older youth and adults, many employed youth do prematurely assume what most would consider undesirable components of adult lifestyle. Some chafe at adult authority and may act out in school. Thus, as youth take on a role that so clearly signifies adult status, they assume adultlike behaviors and capacities, some of which are

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highly approved and others frowned upon, at least when engaged in by minors. The context in which youth are employed must be taken into account, however, in assessing the developmental consequences of work. That is, working in adolescence has different meanings and outcomes, depending on features of the broader social environment in which it occurs. For example, Shanahan et al. (1996) have shown that in rural and urban communities, teenagers’ earnings are used in different ways, and have divergent implications for parent-child relationships. Comparing youth in St. Paul, Minnesota, with their counterparts in rural Iowa counties, they find that rural youth are more apt to use their earnings in ways that contribute to their families—by giving money to their parents or by spending their earnings on items, such as school expenses, that would otherwise be purchased by their parents. The urban youth were more apt to use earnings for entertainment and other more individualistic pursuits, enhancing their leisure time. Not surprisingly, as earnings increased, relationships between rural parents and their teenage children became more positive; earnings had no consequences for the quality of parent-child relations in the urban setting. Likewise, employment during high school must be considered in the context of the other activities adolescents are engaged in. Shanahan and Flaherty’s analysis of adolescent time use (in press) shows that most employed youth are involved in a wide variety of pursuits, including extracurricular activities in school, time with peers, and chores at home. The majority of youth who work at paid jobs spend about as much time at these activities, doing homework, and

engaging in volunteer work as their nonemployed counterparts. In fact, in their analysis the two most prevalent time use clusters among students in the eleventh grade had only one distinguishing characteristic: In the first, the youth were employed about seventeen hours per week; in the other, the teenagers were not employed. How can youth who work so many hours be so similar to their nonworking counterparts with respect to their investment in extracurricular life at school, homework, chores, and activities with their friends? The answer to this question is that employment, and any other single pursuit, is not a zero-sum game. There are many ways that young people can spend their time, and highly discretionary, less valuable activities may be the ones that are sacrificed when time becomes scarce. Schoenhals et al. (1998) report evidence that when youth work more hours, they spend less time watching television. Though most discussion in the scientific and policy arenas has focused on adolescent hours of work (an element of youth employment readily alterable via parental restriction or even by child labor law), it should be recognized that youth who work perform different kinds of jobs and have varying work conditions. That is, young people may be employed in schools, hospitals, department stores, and landscaping businesses, as well as in restaurants and a host of other places. In each locale, there will be different job tasks, interactions with different kinds of people, and the use of varying tools and instruments. Some will have supervisors who take a strong interest in their work; others will work without supervision. What may be most important from the perspective of the developing teen is

Work in Adolescence whether the work environment provides experiences that help them to develop capacities that enhance their movement into adulthood. For example, having advancement opportunities and feeling that one is being paid well, and thus is valuable to the employer, builds a sense of efficacy in the workplace. Having a job that allows the acquisition of useful skills promotes positive occupational values. Alternatively, job pressures resulting from too much work, or other noxious work conditions, will generate feelings of distress and heighten depressive moods. Thus, to understand the impact of youth employment, it is important to consider the quality of the work experience as well as the time investment in working. What can parents do to help to assure that working will be a beneficial experience for their teenagers? First, it is important for parents to monitor their teenagers’ work so as to be sure that employment is not squeezing out other desirable activities or leading to excessive fatigue. As noted earlier, Shanahan and Flaherty’s analysis showed that most adolescents are able to combine work with other pursuits. Working excessive hours, however, could jeopardize other developmentally beneficial activities. Furthermore, parents should recognize the opportunities that employment presents for “teachable moments”—encouraging youth to attend to the prospect of future adult work, to consider the kinds of experiences in the workplace that they like (or dislike), to think about what tasks they are good at. Talking with young people about their work could help them become aware of the credentials needed to obtain the kind of adult work they are hoping to acquire. Contemporary American adolescents tend to give relatively little thought to such matters, in compari-

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son to their counterparts in previous historical eras or in other Western societies. With stronger engagement in vocational issues, teenagers may become able to make better choices about what courses to take, in high school as well as subsequently, about what college or other postsecondary institution to attend, and about the kinds of experiences they should acquire (including work, internships, and other activities) that would facilitate more effective vocational exploration or enable them to realize their goals. Jeylan T. Mortimer

See also Apprenticeships; Asian American Adolescents: Issues Influencing Identity; Employment: Positive and Negative Consequences; Mentoring and Youth Development; Vocational Development References and further reading Aronson, Pamela J., Jeylan T. Mortimer, Carol Zierman, and Michael Hacker. 1996. “Generational Differences in Early Work Experiences and Evaluations.” Pp. 25–62 in Adolescents, Work and Family: An Intergenerational Developmental Analysis. Edited by Jeylan T. Mortimer and Michael D. Finch. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Bachman, Jerald G., and John Shulenberg. 1993. “How Part-Time Work Intensity Relates to Drug Use, Problem Behavior, Time Use, and Satisfaction among High School Seniors: Are These Consequences or Merely Correlates?” Developmental Psychology 29: 220–235. Carr, Rhoda V., James D. Wright, and Charles J. Brody. 1996. “Effects of High School Work Experience a Decade Later: Evidence from the National Longitudinal Survey.” Sociology of Education 69: 66–81. Committee on the Health and Safety Implications of Child Labor. 1998. Protecting Youth at Work: Health, Safety and Development of Working Children and Adolescents in the United States. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

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Greenberger, Ellen, and Laurence D. Steinberg. 1986. When Teenagers Work: The Psychological and Social Costs of Adolescent Employment. New York: Basic Books. Mortimer, Jeylan T., and Monica Kirkpatrick Johnson. 1998. “New Perspectives on Adolescent Work and the Transition to Adulthood.” Pp. 425–496 in New Perspectives on Adolescent Risk Behavior. Edited by Richard Jessor. New York: Cambridge University Press. Mortimer, Jeylan T., and Helga Kruger. 2000. “Transition from School to Work in the United States and Germany: Formal Pathways Matter.” In Handbook of the Sociology of Education. Edited by Maureen Hallinan. New York: Plenum Press. Mortimer, Jeylan T., Michael D. Finch, Seongryeol Ryu, and Michael J. Shanahan. 1996. “The Effects of Work Intensity on Adolescent Mental Health, Achievement, and Behavioral Adjustment: New Evidence from a Prospective Study.” Child Development 67: 1243–1261. Mortimer, Jeylan T., Ellen Efron Pimentel, Seongryeol Ryu, Katherine Nash, and Chaimun Lee. 1996. “Part-Time Work and Occupational Value Formation in

Adolescence.” Social Forces 74 (June): 1405–1418. Schneider, Barbara, and David Stevenson. 1998. The Ambitious Generation: America’s Teenagers, Motivated but Directionless. New Haven: Yale University Press. Schoenhals, Mark, Marta Tienda, and Barbara Schneider. 1998. “The Educational and Personal Consequences of Adolescent Employment.” Social Forces 77 (December): 723–762. Shanahan, Michael J., and Brian Flaherty. In press. “Dynamic Patterns of Time Use Strategies in Adolescence.” Child Development. Shanahan, Michael J., Glen H. Elder Jr., Margaret Burchinal, and Rand D. Conger. 1996. “Adolescent Earnings and Relationships with Parents: The WorkFamily Nexus in Urban and Rural Ecologies.” Pp. 97–128 in Adolescents, Work and Family: An Intergenerational Developmental Analysis. Edited by Jeylan T. Mortimer and Michael D. Finch. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Steinberg, Laurence D., and Elizabeth Cauffman. 1995. “The Impact of Employment on Adolescent Development.” Annals of Child Development 11: 131–166.

Y Youth Culture

tising permeates their lives, and magazines are as important as television and radio; estimates from the Labor Department are that teens spent about $141 billion in 1998 on CDs, sneakers, clothes, and other products advertised to them. Estimates are that this figure rose to $160 billion in 1999 (Brown and Witherspoon, 2000). They also influence a sizable portion of the purchases made within the family, from computers to fruit snacks (Terry, 1998). Thus, teens are a big market for business. A large part of teen culture includes top hits in TV, music, and movies. Paul Willis refers to the “common youth culture” of images, styles, and ideas that teens attend to in the media (1990). As C. Terry puts it, “Being cool is both a unifying factor and an unending quest” for teens aged twelve to eighteen years (1998). Media products become a core component of teen culture and hence a critical ingredient of peer conversations and social interactions. They constitute “cultural capital.” Adolescent researchers have described a pyramid of teen media use—the media diet of today’s teen. At the broad base of the pyramid are those choices based wholly on the teen culture (including hit television shows and top ten songs and music videos). As one progresses toward the point, individual choices based on

Youth distinguish themselves in many ways: dress, hairstyle, makeup, and jewelry; music and use of other media such as film and the Internet; language, recreation, even food and beverage choices. These distinguishing characteristics of youth qualify as culture according to the definitions offered by anthropology and cultural psychology. Culture has been defined as the symbolic and behavioral inheritance received from the past that provides a community framework for what is valued. Whether symbolic and behavioral culture should be distinguished is controversial (Shweder et al., 1998). Culture is learned, socially shared, affects all aspects of the individual’s life, and allows for individual variation (Roberts, 1993). The view that culture is learned and is all-encompassing has a long history in the field dating back to Margaret Mead and her teacher Franz Boas (Boas, 1911; Mead, 1961). Establishing effective communication with youth requires understanding the cultural context of their lives (Harper and Harper, 1999). Contemporary teens grow up in a world saturated with mass media, advertising, and communications technologies. Teens watch television more than twenty hours per week and listen to music a similar amount of time. Adver-

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Establishing effective communication with youth requires understanding their culture, which are the things in their world that are meaningful to them. (Shirley Zeiberg)

taste, age, personality, and demographics become important (Brown and Witherspoon, 2000; Brown, 1999). Teen work is another aspect of culture. Teens work at a number of jobs, including fast-food restaurants, music shops, and other organizations connected to their culture. There is a sizable amount of research on teen work (Stern and Nakata, 1989), but little of it has explored its interaction with culture. Hip-hop is one particularly prevalent form of current youth culture. The origins of hip-hop lie in the black and Hispanic communities of the inner city in

the 1970s; there are those that argue that its true source lies in ancient African traditions (Harper and Harper, 1999). Four traditions can be noted: break dancing, rap music, graffiti, and fashion. Break dancing, a form of movement that is characterized as full of verve, originated as a competitive endeavor. It is highly athletic and acrobatic. Rap music involves deejaying in which the person playing the music exercises his or her selection and sometimes comments on the music. The selection and order thus become critical aspects of the presentation. Scratching involves scratch-

Youth Culture ing the record to make a particular noise that becomes integral to the music. Hence, these two devices lead to a reformulation that enhances the rhythmic pattern of the music. Graffiti art predated hip-hop in New York City. Graffiti art is, of course, art— designs or pictures, names, and other symbols drawn on subway cars, billboards, sides of buildings, and so forth, frequently with spray paint. The now deceased artist Keith Haring raised this art to the level at which it became appreciated by the art world. Hip-hop fashion involves baggy or loose clothing, sportswear, hooded sweatshirts, skull and baseball caps, and faded denim. Today, major designers such as Tommy Hilfiger have entered the arena. Hip-hop is big business today and permeates youth culture, particularly among minority youth, the fastest growing segment of the youth population (Harper and Harper, 1999). Nonetheless, teens’ interaction with hip-hop is poorly understood by academic researchers. What is its appeal? What is its impact on values and behaviors as youth make the transition to adulthood? Sean “Puff Daddy” Combs is an influential mainstream trendsetter in today’s youth culture. He has dominated the rap music industry and influenced the interests of youth worldwide. Puff Daddy thus becomes an important role model, particularly for minority youth. What message does he send through his lyrics and music videos? Sports are another purveyor of youth culture. Youth participate in sports and more importantly are spectators of professional sports, wear sports clothes and logos, read sports magazines, and idolize sports figures. They are responsible for inventions such as “extreme sports” that have spread to

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other segments of the population. USA Today has launched a focus on high school sports to attract teen readers. Perhaps one reason that figures like Puff Daddy and arenas like sports are so important to youth is that entertainment and sports represent two avenues for success for poor, minority youth. Again, research is needed. Youth culture has not received much in the way of serious consideration by academic scholars of youth development. Social cognitive learning theory (Bandura, 1996) is one proposed mechanism by which culture operates through the media to impact youth. Youth attend to models such as Puff Daddy or Michael Jordan and emulate their behaviors, particularly in their choice of advertised products such as sneakers and beverages. Certainly marketers recognize that a model such as Michael Jordan is important to the marketing of their product. The business world has, in fact, appreciated the size and power of the youth market, and has shaped its marketing to youth on a solid basis of research, but that research is typically not available to the public. It is, in fact, proprietary, although it can be available for a price. There are a number of interesting empirical questions needing research. For example, to what extent does the market create culture, to what extent does it mimic it? There are numerous examples of advertising that intentionally pit the youth market against adults regarding interests and preferences; products range from clothes to chewing gum and cereal. Do these ads mimic youth culture or create it through their product development, based on what they know from market research to be youth interests? A second example is the diffusion of youth culture to the wider society.

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How does an innovation such as the style of baggy male pants hanging off the hips become so widely dispersed? This is a style that originated in inner-city poor neighborhoods because prisoners are not allowed to have belts and hence frequently find their pants in this position. Yet almost all teen boys now adopt this style, including white, middle-class suburban boys who are academically oriented. Methods such as ethnography may be particularly helpful in research in these areas, and in fact the private sector has relied on ethnography, focus groups, and other such methods. Culture is a prevalent and powerful presence in the lives of youth. We cannot understand today’s teenagers without attending to, studying, and understanding their culture. Academic research has much to learn from the business world about directing research effort at youth culture. Strategies need to be explored for increasing the interaction between the two communities. Lonnie R. Sherrod

Y. R. Kamalipour. Boulder, CO: Rowman and Littlefield. Harper, P. T., and B. M. Harper. 1999. HipHop’s Influence within Youth Popular Culture. Silver Springs, MD: McFarland. Mead, M. 1961. Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization. US: William Morrow. Roberts, D. 1993. “Adolescents and the Mass Media.” Pp. 171–186 in Adolescence in the 1990’s. Edited by R. Takanishi. New York: Teachers College Press. Shweder, R., J. Goodnow, G. Hatano, R. LeVine, H. Markus, and P. Miller. 1998. “The Cultural Psychology of Development: One Mind, Many Mentalities.” Pp. 865–938 in Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 1, Theoretical Models of Human Development. Edited by W. Damon and R. Lerner. New York: Wiley. Stern, D., and Y. Nakata. 1989. “Characteristics of High School Students’ Paid Jobs, and Employment Experience after Graduation.” In Adolescence and Work: Influences of Social Structure, Labor Markets, and Culture. Edited by D. Stern and D. Eichorn. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Terry, C. 1998. “Today’s Target, Tomorrow’s Readers.” Newspaper Youth Readership, September. Willis, P. 1990. Common Culture. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

See also Appearance, Cultural Factors in; College; Computers; Dating; Ethnocentrism; Freedom; Media; Peer Groups; Rebellion; Sports and Adolescents; Television; Television, Effects of; Youth Outlook

Youth Gangs

References and Further Reading Bandura, A. 1996. Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. NJ: Prentice-Hall. Boas, Franz. 1911. The Mind of Primitive Man. New York: Free Press. Brown, J. D. 1999. “Adolescents and the Media.” Newsletter of the Society for Research on Adolescence. Spring 1999, 1–2, 10. Brown, J. D., and E. M. Witherspoon. 2000 (In press). “The Mass Media and Adolescents’ Health in the United States.” In Media, Sex, Violence, and Drugs in the Global Village. Edited by

Introduction Youth gangs have been a part of American culture since the Bowery Boys began hanging out on street corners after the American Revolution. Since that time, a consensus on the definition of a gang has not been reached. Although many gangs today are populated by young people from neighborhoods that are characterized by high unemployment rates and high educational dropout levels, as well as a general feeling of hopelessness, not

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Present-day gangs are more diverse and complex than gangs of earlier times. In general, gang members behave in ways that set them apart from mainstream culture. (Daniel Laine/Corbis)

all gangs share an impoverished background. Today, youth gangs are springing up in affluent suburbs and in rural areas. Early definitions of the term gang did not focus on criminal activity, but rather on delinquent behavior. Today, since no consensus on the definition has been reached, consequently every organization that comes in contact with youth gangs has created an operational definition that suits its own needs. Understandably, law enforcement’s definition focuses on activities that are breaking the laws, yet not all jurisdictions use the same definition. The only consensus reached is that gangs vary by activity and membership. Research in the last decade has provided varying definitions and characteristics of gangs and their members. Accord-

ing to Carl Taylor’s research on Detroit, Michigan, gangs, it is possible to classify gangs into three categories: scavenger, territorial, and corporate. Scavenger gangs lack a purpose other than their impulsive behavior and need to belong. They are loose knit and have no particular goals, no purpose, and no substantial camaraderie. For the most part they are immoral but not criminal. When scavenger gangs become serious about organizing and set goals, they move into the territorial stage. A territorial gang claims territory as being the gang’s, and their objective is to protect their turf from outsiders. The final category is the well-organized corporate gang, whose focus is on material gain and whose gang activities revolve around illegal means of making money.

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The diversity of gangs is also growing with the rise of rural and affluent suburban gangs. Although gangs may vary in demographics (i.e., race, ethnicity, income, sex, age, and so on), some researchers have concluded that their similarities include lack of positive role models, low selfesteem, fear for physical safety, peer influence, and lack of family stability. Historical Perspective The earliest record of gangs in the United States may have been as early as the eighteenth century, at the end of the American Revolution, 1783. Some of these gangs were known as the Bowery Boys, the Smith Vly Gang, the Broadway Boys, and the Long Bridge Boys. These were noncriminal gangs who spent their time hanging out on street corners and having fistfights with rival gangs. During the early years after the Civil War ended, immigration increased for industrial centers like New York, Chicago, and Detroit. The Irish, Polish, Jewish, and Italian immigrants who came were impoverished, and they formed gangs based on ethnicity. Due to the increase in population of the urban areas and depression in the economy, the gap between the rich and poor grew wider. According to Frederick Thrasher, there were 1,313 gangs in Chicago in the 1920s. Many, but not all, of these gangs were ethnic gangs. The increase of immigrants to urban areas continued throughout this century. In particular, in the early 1940s, large numbers of Puerto Ricans entered New York City. This fact, along with a growing African American population from the South, contributed to the large minority populations in northern cities. While the Eastern European ethnic groups were establishing their communi-

ties, Puerto Ricans and African Americans became a strong presence. Racial conflict at this time was clear in the big northern cities such as Detroit, where one of the worst race riots in American history took place in 1943. Groups of white youth gang members roamed the city attacking black citizens. Around the same time in Los Angeles, the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943 were under way. In these riots, white residents and visiting soldiers harassed and beat up young Chicano men who dressed in the popular zoot suit style of clothing. The Watts riots of 1965 had the same results for African American youths as the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943 had for Mexican American youth. The outcome was that due to the media’s negative portrayal of them, these youths began to see themselves differently. They chose to see themselves as defiant rather than defeated and to redefine exclusion as exclusivity. The media began their exaggerated view of a gangster from this era and can be blamed for the present-day stereotype. This stereotype includes the belief that a gang member is a Latino or African American illiterate youth who comes from a female-headed household in an impoverished urban area. At the same time suburban gangsters are not seen as a threat because they have been portrayed as literate, misunderstood youth who come from intact families in affluent communities. Historically and currently, gangs in fact span the spectrum from whites to blacks, from rich to poor, from literate to illiterate, from nonviolent to violent, from noncriminal to criminal, from rural to urban, from tight-knit organizations to loosely knit groups. Whether or not a consensus is ever found on a definition, a realistic portrayal of the youth gang

Youth Gangs member is impossible without a respect for all people. Influence of Media The debate about what constitutes a gang has been underscored by the portrayal of gangs and gangsters in the media. Entertainment has become a big business as an industry that promotes and sells gangsters, action heroes, and violence. The media have been developing a bio-sketch of a gang member since the Zoot Suit Riots of 1943 and using it to keep fear of diversity in the minds of all who are willing to be taken in. For the past five decades the entertainment industry has had ever-increasing interaction with our youth. The practice of society during this time has been to blame the popular culture (i.e., music, style of dress, media, cinema, and so on) for all the ills it encounters. In the 1950s, popular music was blamed for lowering the morals of our children. In the 1960s, communism was said to be idealized by popular music, and in the 1970s the drug use of young people was also blamed on popular culture. In the 1980s, this same culture was blamed for causing teen suicide and encouraging gang violence. The 1990s blamed popular culture for all the school violence. Whether or not we can put the blame on popular culture isn’t fully known; what is suggested is that pop culture has had a hand in desensitizing our youth toward violence and delinquency. The American cinema has had a long history of gangster movies. From West Side Story to the more hard-core portrayal of criminal street gangsters today, the cinema has literally been a training ground for gang wanna-bes. Classic movies such as The Godfather give an excellent example of Frederick Thrasher’s evolution of

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street gangs rising from neighborhood play groups and evolving into successful criminal street gangs. From the portrayal of rebelling youth (Rebel without a Cause, Blackboard Jungle, Wild Ones), to the portrayal of star-crossed love (West Side Story), to the portrayal of the hardcore reality of street gangsters (Menace II Society, 187, Heat, Boys in the Hood), the youth of America did not have to look far for gangster role models. Society, especially the media, have been ready to assign responsibility for brutal acts exclusively to so-called vicious gangs. But the reality is that gang members are of all kinds, with only about 10 percent of gangs being composed of hard-core, violent constituents. Researchers have found that most gang members are peripherally involved in violence, with only a small percentage of gang members actually being responsible for the violence. Gang Myths In order to properly gauge the gang influence in a community, one must first address and dispell popular myths about gangs. Although there are many myths in existence today, the following are a select few that tend to come up often. Myth 1: All street gangs are turf oriented. Reality: There are gangs that claim ownership to a particular territory, but this is not the exclusive type of gang. Others include scavenger and corporate gangs. Myth 2: Females are not allowed to join gangs. Reality: Females are joining gangs in record numbers. One study of female gangs showed females in

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Youth Gangs autonomous gangs involved in organized criminal activities.

Myth 3: There are no gangs in my neighborhood. Reality: Today, no neighborhood, regardless of economic status, is immune to gang membership. Gangs can be found in rural areas and suburban areas, as well as urban areas. Myth 4: Gang members wear baggy clothes and athletic team baseball caps. Reality: Baggy clothing has become the “cool” style of dress and not a uniform that only gang members wear. Myth 5: All gangs have a single leader and a tight structure. Reality: Some gangs are loosely knit organizations, virtually having no leadership. Myth 6: Gangs are a law enforcement problem. Reality: Gangs are a problem for every member of society, including parents, teachers, and clergy, as well as police. Myth 7: I know a gang member when I see one. Reality: This statement opens the door to racism. Using traditional ideas of gang membership would mean that only Latino and African American youths would be targeted. It is important to remember that youth gang members are diverse in color, style of dress, activities they engage in, and economic backgrounds.

Conclusion Historically, youth gangs began as a group of young people hanging out on street corners. The majority of these early gang members were bonded by their ethnicity. Ethnicity is the common denominator the media and society focus on when discussing gangs. Our nation’s gang problem continues to grow, emphasizing the need to stop the cycle of new members. In order to better address the needs of youth today, we need to be aware of the fact that gangs are no longer an urban issue. Currently we are seeing a rapid growth of suburban and rural gangs. The majority of these are not ethnic gangs. Society needs to change the way it uses the term gang, taking into account the fact that gangs are diverse and range from noncriminal to criminal and from loosely knit to highly structured; members come from diverse ethnic backgrounds; they experience different reasons for joining; and they pursue different activities. Youth gangs should be defined by the behavior that is associated with gangs and not by ethnic makeup. Carl S. Taylor Wilma Novalés Wibert

See also Aggression; Delinquency, Mental Health, and Substance Abuse Problems; Ethnic Identity; Identity; Juvenile Crime; Juvenile Justice System; Peer Groups; Peer Pressure; Peer Status; Rites of Passage; Violence References and further reading Cromwell, Paul, D. Taylor, and W. Palacios. 1992. “Youth Gangs: A 1990’s Perspective.” Juvenile & Family Court Journal 43, no. 3: 25–31. Curry, G. David, and Irving A. Spergel. 1992. “Gang Involvement and Delinquency among Hispanic and African-American Adolescent Males.” Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 29: 273–291.

Youth Outlook Evans, William P., Carla Fitzgerald, Daniel Weigel, and Sara Chvilicek. 1999. “Are Rural Gang Members Similar to Their Urban Peers? Implications for Rural Communities.” Youth & Society 30, no. 3: 267–282. Fagan, Jeffre E. 1989. “The Social Organization of Drug Use and Drug Dealing among Urban Gangs.” Criminology 27: 633–669. Goldstein, Arnold P., and Ronald Huff. 1993. The Gang Intervention Handbook. Champaign, IL: Research Press. Goldstein, Arnold P., and Fernand I. Soriano. 1994. “Juvenile Gangs.” In Reason to Hope: A Psychosocial Perspective on Violence and Youth. Edited by Leonard D. Eron, Jacqueline H. Gentry, and P. Schlegel. Washington DC: American Psychological Association. Huff, C. Ronald. 1990. Gangs in America. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Monti, D. J. 1993. “Origins and Problems of Gang Research in the United States.” In Gangs. Edited by S. Cummings and D. J. Monti. Albany: State University of New York Press. Moore, J. W. 1978. Homeboys: Gangs, Drugs and Prison in the Barrios of Los Angeles. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Osman, Karen. 1992. Gangs. San Diego: Lucent Books. Sante, Luc. 1991. Low Life: Lures and Snares of Old New York. New York: Vintage Books. Shaw, C. R., and H. D. McKay. 1942. Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Shelden, Randell G., Sharon K. Tracy, and William B. Brown. 1997. Youth Gangs in American Society. Wadsworth Publishing. Spergel, Irving A., and David G. Curry. 1993. “The National Youth Gang Survey: A Research and Development Process.” In The Gang Intervention Handbook. Edited by Arnold P. Goldstein and C. Ronald Huff. Champaign, IL: Research Press. Taylor, Carl S. 1990. Dangerous Society. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. ———. 1993. Girls, Gangs, Women and Drugs. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. Thrasher, Frederick M. 1927. The Gang. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Youth Outlook Americans have become increasingly concerned about what they perceive as the degenerating moral values and behavior of young people. Supported by a nostalgia for the past and a litany of statistics on youth violence and teenage suicide, this view shapes the way Americans understand adolescence. Their willingness to believe in the moral degeneration of youth was shown last year when police arrested two boys under ten years old in Chicago for the murder of an eleven-year-old girl. Americans were initially shocked, but quickly adjusted to the idea. Even after the children were exonerated, the media focused on the complicity of the police, not our eagerness to believe that two young boys might commit such a crime. Their willingness to believe may stem from a trend in the way that adolescents are thought about and portrayed in the media. Writers, journalists, and many researchers focus on the cynicism, despair, and demoralization of contemporary youth, characterizing them as hopeless, aimless, materialistic, hedonistic, even nihilistic. National attention is paid to adolescents who indeed may be some or all of these things. But is this true of most adolescents? Looking for an answer to this question, we went into the heartland of America to find out what adolescents, ones whose voices are not typically heard in the media, had to say about themselves and the world they live in. Our study describes what these adolescents say when they reach for their deepest insights into the laws that govern their lives. We studied essays written by teenagers for the Templeton Foundation’s Laws of Life Essay Contest. Sir John Templeton began the Laws of Life Essay Contest to encourage young people to reflect on and articulate the moral principles and ideals

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Youth Outlook essays, the study also reveals what adolescents may need to learn in order to cope with the challenges of modern living and citizenship.

Many youth maintain a positive outlook on themselves and their world. (Wartenberg/Picture Press/Corbis)

that govern their lives. The contest provides students with the opportunity to forge or clarify their personal moral understandings. It asks teens to reflect on their intuitions about the way the world works and encourages them to do their best, to test the limits of their wisdom, and to critically reflect on and support their positions. The essays suggest trends in the content of adolescents’ moral understandings, provide a picture of the spiritual, emotional, and intellectual assets they draw upon when faced with complex personal dilemmas, and suggest some age and gender differences on these issues. From what students omit in their

A General Description of the Adolescents Who Participated We examined 476 essays from five schools. The schools were located in two areas of the country. The majority of the essays (259) came from two public middle schools located in a rural section of the Bible Belt. Most of the students from these schools come from families of middle and lower socioeconomic status. Fifty-two essays were written by students from a private Catholic K–8 school located in an urban area. This school serves an “at-risk” population of primarily African Americans. Of the total essays, 311 came from these three middle schools. The two high schools in the sample were both private religious schools. One was a long established parochial school in an urban area, from which 136 essays came. The school is located in a distressed neighborhood and draws from a diverse population. Another high school in the sample provided 29 essays from eleventh and twelfth graders. Located in an upper-middle-class suburb, this school has a reputation for providing a Christcentered education. Females wrote 262 of the essays; 214 were from males. The authors of the essays were all between the ages of twelve and seventeen. TABLE 1 Type Schools Rural/ 1 & 2 Public School 3 Urban/ Relig School 4 Urban/ Relig School 5 Suburban/ Relig

Ages

Males

Females Totals

12, 13, 14

111

148

259

12, 13 14, 15, 16, 17

26

26

52

62

74

136

16, 17

15

14

29

Youth Outlook What the Essays Revealed Six basic themes emerged from the essays: Responsibility to Self, Responsibility to Others, Positive Emotional Orientations to Life and Other People, Spirituality/Religion, Skepticism, and Outliers. Outliers are essays that lay outside the first five themes. (Note that many essays express more than one theme or law of life.) Responsibility to Self. First, 42 percent of the students expressed the wisdom of feeling or showing deferential regard for one’s self. The theme of Responsibility to Self included a range of student concerns. The majority of the essays discussed the need to persevere and work hard. One student wrote: “Hard work in my dictionary is the force put into something to make one’s life better. That is what my dad has raised me up by, and that is what I’m going to do” (twelveyear-old male). Many essays reflected the importance of being self-confident, of exercising good judgment, of using selfcontrol for one’s own good, and of accepting suffering. The theme also included the idea that, as a general rule, one ought to strive to improve one’s self. An offshoot of this line of thought was the mention of the wisdom of establishing goals and pursuing education. One young woman wrote, “I felt like I was going around in circles and was never moving on. Right then and there I realized that I had no goals. . . . In order for me to go to law school, I had to finish high school, and in order for me to get into high school, I had to take the test. . . . As Georgia Douglas Johnson would say, “Your world is as big as you make it” (thirteen-year-old female). A group of essays within this theme articulated the importance of retaining one’s integrity and individuality, even

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treating it as an obligation: “People tell me every day that I’m weird. If they want to think that, it is fine with me. . . . Like I said earlier, it doesn’t bother me” (twelveyear-old female). The theme also included concerns with honesty, patience, and humility. The contents of one essay was the following moral story: There once was a little boy who wanted a new bike for his birthday. Unfortunately, his mother and father didn’t have the money to get him a new bike. Every day while coming home from school he stopped by the bikeshop. He looked and looked for hours until he couldn’t take it any more. So he decided to steal it from a young man with wealthy parents. He thought to himself “they won’t mind.” One day before his birthday his father received a promotion that he hadn’t expected. So he decided to surprise him with the new bike he wanted. They [sic] next morning when the boy was up, he came downstairs to see the brand new bike. All of a sudden he did not feel too good. He started to wish he had the patience to wait. (Thirteen-year-old male) Responsibility to Others. The second significant theme students articulated was the importance of feeling or showing deferential regard to others. Thirty-two percent of the teenagers discussed this. The significant difference between Responsibility to Others and Responsibility to Self is that actions taken under the rubric of the former are intended to benefit others, not self. For example, concern for honesty in this theme aims at creating civil harmony and interpersonal trust, not personal gain:

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Honor is a part of honesty but honesty is more than that. It is partially trust. If somebody lies to you, it breaks that trust. Honesty is a strange thing sometimes. A little kid could have more honesty than a politician. Honesty, like honor, is needed in order to have a happy and good civilization. (Thirteen-year-old male) Realizing why one has a responsibility to others is the fundamental element in one’s development of a responsibility toward others. Although I do not claim to have fully attained a complete grasp of integrity, I have attempted to practice maintaining it. It is, in a certain perspective, a definition of who we are, and what we give to others. (Fourteen-year-old male) Responsibility to Others was also dominated by concern for respect: I feel respect is a crucial value that my children must have to be virtuous individuals. With this virtue they will treat others fairly. They will also consider their feelings. If they are respectful they will listen to and adhere to my advice and be obedient. My children also won’t prejudge people. They will treat everyone equally and hold everyone in their same regard until they get to know them and their personality. (Fourteen-year-old male) Respect is a quality which I feel is needed in a special sort of dual relationship. This type of relationship consists of having the respect of others, and at the same time giving them the respect which they are due. . . . [I]f a person gains the respect of another, then they will most likely also gain

their trust and open-mindedness. . . . [I]f a person always respects others, then they will learn to look at the good inside of others and they will gain that person’s respect in return. (Fifteen-year-old male) Responsibility to others also included paying attention to the Golden Rule, keeping an open mind, and maintaining harmony by exercising self-control. Concern with loyalty and trustworthiness were also included. Positive Emotional Orientations to Life and Other People. The most popular theme, by far, was Positive Emotional Outlook to Life and Other People; 67 percent of the essays articulated laws related to this theme. This theme was quite broad and differs from the previous in that it focuses on the emotional connection between the essay writers and others in the world. By far, the law of love was the most popular: Love, an essence at the core of all humans, can be the only true happiness. (Sixteen-year-old male) Love is the key to living. . . . When I think of love, I think of God, Jesus, family and friends. I believe that there would be a lot less violence if everyone had love in his or her heart. . . . I say that love is the greatest law of life. (Thirteen-year-old female) Calls to live life fully and enjoyably, to be grateful for what you have, and to be particularly grateful for your family and friends were also present: I learned a very important lesson from Christina’s death. . . . I learned that

Youth Outlook you have to cherish each moment for what it is and enjoy life while you have the chance to live it. (Seventeenyear-old female) Please remember to respect your brother or sister no matter what the age. Be thankful that you were blessed with them. I SURE AM! (Thirteenyear-old female) Gratefulness teaches a person to be thankful for everything, and to be more particular about what you need and don’t need in your life. Most importantly, gratefulness of your own possessions, and capabilities helps create a more giving heart that desires to reach out to others that are truly in need. (Sixteen-year-old female) The importance of forgiveness, generosity, trust, kindness, compassion, and the general attitude of hopefulness also indicated the positive emotional orientation of the students. Spirituality/Religion. Eighteen percent of the students expressed secure belief in the truth and value of God. Many of the essays discussed the importance of loving God and expressed strong faith and a hopeful optimistic relationship with God: Then, one day, he came over on his week leave, and told us that he was going to war in thirty days. He didn’t seem nervous or scared of it. He was very brave. . . . It is a very tragic thing for us and his family, but mostly for him. . . . I know in my heart that if me and Donny are brave, always pray, and trust in God, everything will eventually turn out okay. Even if Donny gets hurt or killed, God will deliver us, tell us what to do, and give

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us the strength to do it. (Twelve-yearold female) Our God, who knows and sees all, certainly does not miss those who choose enduring faithfulness. . . . At Christ’s judgment, God promises to reward those who have been faithful to his calling. (Seventeen-year-old female) Others spoke of the importance of fearing God: I picked [Jesus] to be my savior because I do not want to go to the lake of fire when I die. I also love him. (Thirteen-year-old male) Skepticism. A remarkably small number of students (.02 percent) articulated skeptical laws of life. Out of 476 essays, only 11 were skeptical, and 7 of these came from a single senior class. They focused on such issues as the unfairness of life: For some reason it finally sunk in. Life can deal a good hand or it can deal a bad hand. My mother was dealt a bad hand and she lost the game. [She was diagnosed with a chronic disease.] (Seventeen-year-old male) Not everyone gets a fair chance to accomplish his or her goals no matter how hard he or she tries at it. (Seventeen-year-old male) These essays also articulated the necessity of depending only upon yourself in the world: Throughout my life I have learned many lessons, but there is one that I will never forget. The lesson is that people sometimes take advantage of

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others’ good nature. People do this because their needs come first, no matter what the circumstances. . . . People are for themselves in this world. All you have is yourself. Everyone will look to get over on you to meet their needs no matter how it effects another. To this day, I am still angry about what happened. (Seventeen-year-old male) Although many of the essays were purely skeptical, a postive note can be heard in some. Dad was right, life wasn’t fair. He thought about all the unfair things that had happened to him, and all the unfair things that had happened to others. Joey knew he had a bad day, but he also realized that while it could have been a lot better, it also could have been a lot worse. (Sixteenyear-old male)

Outliers. The final theme consisted of oddball and street-smart laws of life. Only .05 percent of the essays were outliers. They included the following: Wear a seatbelt. Don’t drink and drive. Keep Humor in Your Life. Exercise Freedom of Speech. Reality is Mysterious. Play sports. Learn sign language. Own a dog. Have a hero in the Worldwide Wrestling Federation. The distribution of theme by frequency and gender is shown in Figure 1. Clearly, teenagers most frequently

revealed the importance of a Positive Emotional Outlook on Life and Others. This was followed by Respect for Self and then Respect for Others. Spirituality and Religion also was important to many adolescents. Suprisingly, there were very few Skeptical and Outlying essays. As shown in Figure 1, some of these themes were distributed differently across gender. On the whole, females were more positive than males; nearly twice as many females (201) expressed Positive Emotional laws of life as did males (119). It is also worth noting that all eleven Skeptical essays were written by males. Again, seven of them were from a single high school class. Eighty percent of the Outliers were also written by males. The essays were also analyzed by age. The trends worth noting in the analysis by age and gender include the relative stability of Positive Emotional Orientations to Life over time (see Figure 2). Interestingly, as a sense of Responsibility to Self increases from ages twelve to seventeen, a sense of Responsibility to Others declines (see Figure 3). What the Essays Say about Youth Outlook On the whole, the essays coalesce into an unusual portrait of adolescent thinking on moral laws of life. Instead of painting a cynical, materialistic, and demoralized picture of youth, the essays reflect persons with strong and positive veins of moral wisdom from which to draw. What the media and many researchers find most compelling about adolescents may be what is most unusual: adolescents who are “at risk” or already involved in the penal system, or who exemplify the traits of what has come to be known as Generation X. Indeed, the essays suggest

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that skepticism is low to the point of being negligible among males and nonexistent among females. Positivity dramatically outweighs negativity in the essays we examined. In addition to the absence of the expected cynicism and demoralization, the essays demonstrated a lack of materialism as well. Students spoke eloquently of being grateful, but not for their material possessions. The following clearly represents the sentiments of the group in general: So often I see myself buying something new, going out to eat, or even watching my favorite TV show without realizing how fortunate I am to be able to do these things. Many of us take for granted the things we have

and can do in our daily lives . . . the school we go to, the sports we play or the abilities we possess. . . . It is unbelievable how much we have yet we don’t think twice about it. (Sixteenyear-old female) The teens expressed thanks for personal health and the health of their family and friends. They also spoke of how fortunate they felt to have friends and to be receiving an education. As a whole, the sample was not from highly privileged families. Some subportions were privileged economically, but most of the writers came from either moderate or disadvantaged families. The positivity expressed in the essays did not come from the fulfillment of material desires but out of a sense of appreciation of what they had.

Youth Outlook Most of the laws of life came out of teenagers’ personal experience and from moral exemplars. Many laws of life were articulated as responses to things that had happened to students, what we commonly think of as unfortunate or traumatic life events. Students were assimilating deaths, disappointments, and conflicts, and coping with dilemmas of trust and integrity. The positive spin they placed on these experiences is notable in that it is usually considered a special sign of wisdom. The essay writers seemed to find joy in unexpected places and inspiration in small moments. One young woman found unexpected happiness in taking care of her disabled sister. Another young man rediscovered his faith in God in a small moment with his girlfriend. It also seems that students were highly attuned to the behavior of moral exemplars. One young woman tells us about her cousin who died: “The laws of my life, which are to live to the fullest, to appreciate your family, and to accept the hardships in your life, were modeled through my cousin Chris. Live” (fifteen-year-old female). Not surprisingly, the essays reflected an increasing sense of Responsibility to Self for adolescents over time. Adolescence is commonly understood as a time of identity formation and focus. However, it is surprising, even alarming, that at the same time Responsibility to Self increases, Responsibility to Others diminishes (see Figure 3). This second point highlights a major difference from what both Jean Piaget and Eric Erickson found in their studies on developing adolescents conducted earlier this century. A hallmark of adolescence for Piaget and Erickson was that along with an increasing cognitive ability to generalize arose a growing concern with and sense of responsibility

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to society at large. This hallmark was clearly lacking in this study. It may also be cause for concern that the thinking in the essays on moral issues was, on the whole, consistently confined to small and local communities. In general, students’ circle of concern extended to self, family, friends, and congregation. Only a few essays expressed concern about or exhibited positive connections to worlds outside their own small circle. The shape of adolescents’ sense of positivity toward life becomes apparent in conjunction with students’ general lack of concern for communities outside their own, their focus on their own experience, and their diminishing sense of responsibility toward others. Given the fact of cultural pluralism in the United States and increasing trends of globalization, these conditions have the potential to become problematic. It may be cause for concern that students’ positive moral attitude extends only toward a narrow segment of the population and does not include a sense of responsibility even toward members of that group. The trends in the essays, however, may have been influenced by the nature of the sample and the study; the data were constrained by both. First, essays were drawn from only two locales; thus, the sample cannot be considered representative of adolescents across the nation. Nor was the sample random; all the schools chose to be involved in the contest. Although the majority of the essays came from public middle schools, it is important to note that three out of the five schools were religious. All of the data from fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds came from students enrolled in Christian or Catholic high schools. Due to a misunderstanding, one

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of the high schools sent only the top twenty-nine finalists from the contest. In addition to the post hoc analysis, no predetermined scale was used to assess or evaluate the essays. The sample was not random, and so analysis across socioeconomic status could not be done. Nor could an analysis of the difference between urban and rural students be done. Even the analysis of age was confounded by the fact that the data from all fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds came from students in religious schools. And, although the Templeton Foundation provided teachers with a contest guidebook, there was no controlling for the instructions teachers provided their students. The instructions allow teachers and schools tremendous latitude in framing the purposes and requirements of participation in the contest. For example, some of the essays were geared to fulfill a particular assignment for a class. One teacher used the contest as a vehicle to teach her students how to write a fiveparagraph essay. Another teacher required students to write about their biblical laws of life. The fact that the essays were written for a competitive event may also have influenced the young people’s thinking on what they presented as their laws of life. Some of the essays were graded by teachers as well as adjudicated and rewarded through the contest. The fact that the essays were part of a contest and may have been graded by a teacher both helps and hinders us as researchers. Although this may have biased the students’ responses in that they might, on some level, have written to please the judges and teacher, it may also have been the catalyst for deep critical thinking. The competition and critique may have provided incentive to go beyond what

they might otherwise have written. It is clear in any case that the contest invites young people to dig deeper into their moral and social philosophies. In some schools, this seemed to have happened; batches of essays were deeply thoughtful and provocative, even profound. In others, depth of reflection was not present, particularly when the essays were used as a vehicle toward some other curricular end, like the learning of the five-paragraph essay. It seems less likely that these students were clarifying or forging their moral positions than fulfilling an assignment. The question of whether the essays are a clear reflection of students’ moral laws of life remains. Final Implications The student essays that we examined revealed a number of noteworthy characteristics. Most importantly, the vast majority of students expressed a more positive view of life than is commonly recognized in popular or media portrayals of today’s teens. Moreover, most of the essays showed a great deal of compassion, spirituality, and personal and social responsibility. All of these characteristics suggest a cohort of youngsters that has a strong moral sense. But it is a moral sense that seems to be confined to the boundaries of students’ immediate interpersonal relationships— their friends and family in particular. The contents of the essays reflected little concern about the larger society beyond home, school, or neighborhood. Concepts such as civic duty and patriotism were all but absent. Nor was there much mention of social causes, political leaders, or news events. If the essays we examined are representative of contemporary society’s adolescent population, this is a dramatic and

Youth Outlook unsettling change from prior cohorts. All of the classic developmental theories— Piaget, Erikson, Sullivan, Hall—mark adolescence as an age when young people work out their larger societal beliefs and concerns, a process that includes intense reflection about ideological belief systems. This process is a necessary precursor to citizenship. If it is not taking place today, one wonders how the institutions of a free and democratic society will be maintained in the future. Of course, it

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could be that the process is simply delayed in today’s world. But it may also be that the cynicism associated with public life has caused teenagers to turn inward, at the expense of their civic growth. Susan Verducci William Damon See also Ethnocentrism; Identity; Moral Development; Peer Groups; Political Development; Social Development; Youth Culture

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Index

Note: Page numbers in boldface indicate an encyclopedia entry devoted to that topic. Abortion, 1–2 complications, 2 morning-after pill, 1 spontaneous (miscarriage), 447–449 Abortion ratio, 747 Abstinence, 526, 669, 673 Abuse. See Child maltreatment; Physical abuse Academic accommodations, 402–407 Academic achievement, 5–9 anxiety and, 50 cheating, 105–107 children of alcoholics, 113–114 chronic illness and, 699–700 community influences, 620 community-based programs and, 8–9 comprehensive educational evaluation, 400 consequences of peer victimization, 503 developmental assets, 212 divorce and, 232 educational expectations, 134–137 emancipated youth, 298 ethnic identity and, 619–620 family involvement and, 284–287, 290, 619 foster care and, 298 gender differences, 315–317, 321–322 intrinsic motivation and, 459–463 learning disabilities and, 8 learning styles and, 398–402 maternal employment and, 420–422, 458

media effects, 759 parental characteristics and, 112, 480 peer groups and, 492 pregnancy and, 747 racial/ethnic minorities and, 6–8, 66, 71, 619 school engagement and, 615–617 school structure and, 618 self-esteem and, 636 self-evaluations, 10–13 self-handicapping, 8 single parenthood and, 688–690 single-sex schools and, 628–629 social influences, 7–8 standardized tests, 315, 717–720 teacher characteristics and, 619, 739 work and, 103, 264 See also Education; Higher education; School dropouts Acceleration hypothesis, 478 Accidents and injuries, 13–17, 38–39, 725 prevention, 15–17, 205 Accommodations, 402–407 legal requirements, 405–407 Acne, 17–19 Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), 350–355, 654 ACT test, 63, 406 Active listening, 157–158 Acute lymphocytic leukemia (ALL), 97 Addiction, 727–728

903

ADHD. See Attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder Adolescence, 799–800 lore of, 410–411 transitions of, 774–778 See also Puberty Adolescent egocentrism, 505–506, 633, 634, 745 Adolescent Family Life Program, 529 Adolescent pregnancy. See Pregnancy and childbearing Adolescents’ rights, 587–590 in research, 590–594 Adoption, 686 exploration and search, 19–23 issues and concerns, 23–26 legal issues, 22–23 Adrenal hormones, 554 Adulthood, transition to. See Transition to adulthood Advertising, 717, 757 cigarette, 123–124 Aerobic activities, 713 African American adolescents: academic achievement, 7, 9 AIDS cases, 352 body image, 31, 92 college enrollment, 137–138, 344 delinquency, 200–201 family support for education, 619 identity formation, 26–29, 31 intelligence tests, 372 issues for male adolescents, 32–35 juvenile justice and, 599 marriage and pregnancy, 748

904

Index

maternal employment, 419 mentors and, 441 occupational aspirations, 271 onset of sexual behavior, 664 parenting styles, 112 programs, 34 puberty timing, 565 racial discrimination, 569–571 research on, 30–32 single-parent families, 277, 278 socioeconomic status, 522 teenage pregnancy, 748, 772 tracking and, 769 After-school programs, 197–198, 535–540 Aggressive behavior, 35–38. See also Violence and aggression Agreeableness, 509 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 793–794 AIDS, 350–355 information sources, 654 Air quality, 266–267 Alcohol use, 38–40, 193, 239–240, 302, 729 accidents and injuries and, 13, 38–39, 43 associated mortality, 38–39 consequences, 43 dating and, 185 as gateway drug, 240 parental awareness of, 482 prevalence, 726 prevention, 239 risk factors, 38–40, 43 school climate and, 534 sexual behavior and, 3 stress coping and, 171 suicide and, 39 treatment, 177, 179 trends, 41–43 working teens and, 803 See also Substance use and abuse Alcoholics, children of, 112–115 Allowance, 44–46 Amenorrhea, 247, 293–295, 433, 436 Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), 120 Amphetamine, 75, 729

Anabolic steroids, 720–721, 731 Anaerobic activities, 713 Anal intercourse, 4 Androgynous people, 657, 658 Anemia, 46–48 Anorexia nervosa, 57, 228–229, 247–248, 474, 561 menstruation and, 432 oral health and, 204 treatment, 177–178, 179 See also Eating disorders Anthropology, 410–411 Antidepressants, 178 Antisocial behavior, normal, 149. See also Behavioral problems; Delinquency Anxiety, 175, 292, 550 consequences of, 50 disorders, 50, 177, 195, 231 emotional abuse and, 256 treatments, 50 Appearance, 302, 716–717 attractiveness, 76–79 body build, 85–86 body hair, 88–90 cultural factors in, 51–53, 57 developmental challenges, 217 mainstream popularization of extremes, 55–56 management, 54–57 media influences, 717 proms and, 541–542 rebellion and, 55–56 sex roles and, 53, 56 See also Body image; Eating disorders Apprenticeships, 57–60, 103 Approach-avoidance model for coping, 169–173 Aptitude tests, 718 Art therapy, 64 Arts, 60–64 careers in, 64 education, 62–63 programs, 63–64 Asbestos, 267 Asian American adolescents: academic achievement, 7, 66, 71 birthrates, 746 body image, 92 college enrollment, 344 comparisons and contrasts, 65–67 discrimination experiences, 69

familial relationships, 66–67, 70–72 issues influencing identity, 67–73 parenting styles, 112 sexual-minority youth, 310 Asian parenting styles, 66 Asian schools, 768 Asian youth, 6–7 Assimilation, 67, 128 Asthma, 266–267 Athletics. See Sports and athletic activities Attachment, 102, 282–283 Attention, 74 Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 73–76, 194–195, 227–228, 394, 397 Attractiveness, 76–79 magazines and, 427 peer relations and, 498 See also Appearance; Body image Attributional style, 703 Auditory processing accommodations, 401, 402–403 Authoritarian parenting, 66, 109, 110, 112, 224–225, 487 social development and, 694 Authoritative parenting, 66, 102, 109, 110–111, 225, 283, 480, 486–487 Autonomy and independence, 79–83, 282, 478, 559, 611, 695, 772 chronic illness and, 100, 119, 698 conformity, 159–162 dimensions of, 79 emancipated minors, 251–253, 298 freedom, 301–303 gender difference, 82 health issues, 302–303 normative conflict, 80 parent-child cultural differences, 67 parenting styles and, 110–111 peers and, 82 rebellion, 574–576 responsibility for developmental tasks, 584–585

Index Babbage, Charles, 145 Barbie, 315 Barbiturates, 729 Beauty, 76–79. See also Appearance; Attractiveness; Body image Behavior modification, 406 Behavioral autonomy, 79, 282. See also Autonomy and independence Behavioral problems, 149–151, 228 adoptees and, 22 conduct problems, 149–151, 228 continuity and stability, 150 dating and, 185 developmental challenges and, 174–175 discipline and, 225 divorce and, 232 early maturation and, 561 emotional abuse and, 256 etiology of, 150 gender differences, 150 intervention programs, 374–379 normal antisocial behavior, 149 parental monitoring and, 483 peer pressure and, 494–497 rebellion, 574–576 risk factors, 150, 595–600 treatments, 150–151 when to seek help, 176 work and, 803 See also Bullying; Crime; Delinquency; Eating disorders; Psychological or emotional problems; Sexuality and sexual behavior; Substance use and abuse; Violence and aggression Behavioral therapies, 177, 553, 646 Benedict, Ruth, 94 Benzodiazepines, 51 Benzoyl peroxide, 19 Biculturalism, 465 Big Brother/Big Sister programs, 441–442 Binge eating, 248, 249, 474 Birth control. See Contraception Blos, Peter, 80, 723

Body build, 85–86, 556, 560, 561, 652, 717 Body fat, 186, 473, 556, 611 changes in, 86–88 gender differences, 87 Body image, 86, 90–92, 611 dating stressors, 186 early maturation, 560 eating disorders and, 52, 87–88, 90, 228 gender and self-satisfaction, 86, 91, 716–717 media influences, 52, 53, 717, 757 racial/ethnic considerations, 31, 52, 91–92 See also Appearance Body mass index (BMI), 473 Body piercing, 638 Bone marrow transplant, 99 Books on tape, 402, 404 Boot camps, 647 Borderline personality disorder, 230 Boy Scouts of America, 309 Braces, 203 Brain cancers, 267 Break dancing, 808 Breast cancer, 164 Breast development, 554, 564, 774 Bulimia, 57, 204, 228–229, 248–249, 474, 561 Bullying, 93–94, 499, 501, 502, 745, 783–784 Byron, Augusta Ada (Lady Lovelace), 145 Caffeine, 730 Calcium, 335, 470 Cancers, 97–100, 267 associated STDs, 673, 675 treatment, 98–99 Canker sores, 204 Carbohydrate loading, 474 Career development, 101–104 apprenticeships, 57–60, 103 the arts, 64 chronic illnesses and, 120 educational and occupational expectations, 134–136 ethnic identity and, 271 family influences, 101–103 gender differences, 317 girls’ magazines and, 427 intrinsic motivation, 459

905

mentoring and youth development, 440–442 tracking in high school, 742, 766–770 vocational development, 785–788 vocational interest assessment, 786 volunteerism, 788–792 work experiences, 103–104 See also Higher education; Sex roles; Work Catholic schools, 769 Centers for Disease Control (CDC), 333, 350 Cervical cap, 166 Cheating, 105–107 Chemotherapy, 98 Chicana/o adolescents, 107–109, 391. See also Latina/o adolescents Child maltreatment, 600 emotional abuse, 253–257 neglect, 467–469 physical abuse, 512–516 sexual abuse, 659–662 Child Protective Services (CPS), 467, 514 Childrearing styles, 109–112. See also Parenting styles Children of adolescent mothers, 753 Children of alcoholics, 112–115 Children’s Defense Fund, 595 Children’s rights, 587–590 Chlamydia, 673, 674 Chores, 44, 115–118 Chronic illnesses, 118–121 academic and vocational functioning, 699–700 anemia, 46–48 asthma, 266–267 cancers, 97–100, 267 diabetes, 220–223, 473 Down syndrome, 235–238 independence issues, 100, 119 parental relationships, 698–699 peer interactions and, 699 sexuality and, 698 spina bifida, 697–700 transition to adulthood and, 771 See also Health; Health services; specific health problems

906

Index

Cigarette smoking, 122–125, 192, 240, 596 dental health and, 203–204 secondhand smoke, 266, 267 See also Tobacco use Cliques, 126–127, 491 Clothing. See Appearance Cocaine, 596–597, 729–730 Codeine, 728 Coercive parenting, 225. See also Authoritarian parenting; Parenting styles Cognitive autonomy, 79 Cognitive development, 127–133, 279, 368–371, 775 communication skills, 157–158 continuity versus discontinuity, 132 controversial issues, 128 critical thinking, 157 cultural influences, 454 decision making, 189–191 developmental challenges, 219 dyslexia and, 242–245 ethnic identity and, 269 formal operational thinking, 129–132 gender differences, 133, 318, 321–322 gifted and talented youth, 323–325 idealization, 131 imaginary audience, 132, 634, 676, 775 learning disabilities, 393 memory, 430–432 mental retardation and, 436–440 Piaget and, 128–129, 368, 450–451 processing, 401–403 religious development, 579 self-esteem and, 637 stage generality, 132–133 thinking, 129–132, 157, 219, 637, 762–766, 775 See also Autonomy and independence; Intelligence; Moral development; Social development Cognitive therapies, 177, 553, 646

Cognitive-behavioral therapies, 177, 646 Cohabitation, 772 Cold sores, 204 College, 134–139, 303, 343–349, 624–625. See also Higher education College admissions tests, 718–720 College preparation track. See Tracking Columbine High School, 425 Combs, Sean “Puff Daddy,” 809 Communication skills, 157–158 Community colleges, 137, 343, 624–625 Community service, 788–792 Community-based interventions, 8–9, 645–646 Computer games, 424–425 Computer hacking, 139–143 Computers, 144–149 Condoms, 4, 162, 167–168 AIDS prevention, 353 failure rate, 4 female, 166–167, 353, 673 lubricants, 168 use trends, 667 Conduct problems, 149–151, 194–195, 228. See also Behavioral problems; Violence and aggression Confidentiality rights, 593 Conflict, 151–155, 156 father-adolescent, 289–290 household work and, 118 interparental, 233 normative developmental aspects, 80 normative stressors, 152 siblings, 679–682 storm and stress, 724–725 See also Family stress; Stress Conflict resolution, 155–159 Conformity, 159–162 Conscientiousness, 509 Contraception, 162–168, 527–528 abstinence, 2–5 barrier methods, 164–168 condoms, 4 effectiveness of, 4 emergency, 164 hormonal methods, 162–164

morning-after pill, 1 natural birth control, 433 rhythm method, 2 use trends, 667 See also Abortion; Condoms; Pregnancy and childbearing; Sexuality and sexual behavior; Sexually transmitted diseases Contraceptive sponge, 166 Convention on the Rights of the Child, 587–590 Cooperative Extension System (CES), 375–376, 378–379 Coping, 169–174, 175–176, 227 African American male adolescents, 33 gender differences, 172 health and, 169 media and, 428 Corporal punishment, 512, 514. See also Physical abuse Cosby, William, 290 Counseling, 174–179, 551–553 former cult members, 181 rape survivors, 573 types of, 176–179 See also Psychotherapy Crabs, 675 Crime, 35, 381–384, 599 computer hacking, 139–143 costs of, 383 fashion and, 55–56 gender differences, 599 juvenile justice system, 384–380 juvenile victims of, 383 recidivism, 382–383 school, 383 storm and stress and, 725 trends in, 199–201 See also Delinquency Crisis intervention, 178 Critical thinking, 157 Crushes, 131, 414–415 Crying, 609 Cults, 179–181 warning signs, 180–181 Cultural relativity, 271 Culture clash, 67 Custody arrangements, 234 DARE program, 241 Darwin, Charles, 76 Dating, 183–187, 776 chronic illnesses and, 120

Index developmental effects, 185 infidelity, 187–188 normative stressors, 152 risks of, 185–186 Decision making, 82, 189–191, 765 risk perception, 600–602 Delinquency, 35, 599 computer hacking, 139–143 continuity of, 195–196 coping style and, 173 drug abuse prevention and, 241 emotional abuse and, 256 gangs, 55–56, 493, 785, 810–815 gender differences, 200, 599 interventions, 197–198 peer counseling and, 645 peer influences, 201, 494–497 protective factors, 197–198 psychiatric disorders and, 194–195 racial/ethnic correlations, 200–201 risk factors, 197–198, 201 sibling differences, 683 societal costs, 201 socioeconomic relationships, 201 substance use and, 192–197, 241, 367 television and, 759 trends in, 199–202 See also Behavioral problems; Crime; Substance use and abuse; Violence and aggression Democratic parents, 225 Dental health, 202–205, 473 Dependency, chronic illnesses and, 120 Depo provera, 164, 527 Depressants, 728–729 Depression, 175, 205–208, 229–230, 611 body image and, 90 coping style and, 172, 173 counseling, 178 delinquency and, 194–195 eating problems and, 562 emotional abuse and, 256 gender differences, 172, 207 prevalence, 207 sadness, 609–612 suicide and, 735

symptoms of, 205–206, 229–230 treatment, 230 Detachment, 80 Developmental assets, 208–217 Developmental challenges, 217–220 biology, 217–219 psychology, 219 Developmental disorder, 394 Developmental tasks, responsibility for, 584–587 Developmental toxicity, 267 Dextroamphetamine, 75 Diabetes, 220–223, 473 Diaphragms, 165–166 Dieting, 57, 250, 474, 714, 715 Differential developmental trajectories (DDT), 309–310 Disabilities: accommodations for, 402–407 legal protections, 405–406 See also Chronic illnesses; Learning disabilities Discipline, 223–226 corporal punishment, 512, 514 See also Parenting styles Dispositions, 386–387 Dissociation, 256, 639 Distancing hypothesis, 478 Diversion, 386 Divorce, 232–234, 277 Down syndrome, 235–238 Draper, John, 140 Driving, 302 motor vehicle accidents, 13–17, 39, 725 Dropouts. See School dropouts Drug abuse prevention, 238–242. See also Substance use and abuse Dyslexia, 242–245 Dysmenorrhea, 434–435 Dysthymia, 609 Eating behaviors, 471–474, 714–715. See also Eating disorders; Nutrition Eating disorders, 57, 87–88, 228–229, 247–251, 302, 474, 561–562 anemia and, 47 body image and, 52, 87–88, 90, 228

907

delayed menarche and, 432 dental health effects, 204 emotional disorders, 562 etiology, 250–251 female athlete triad, 293–296 males and, 561–562 menstrual cycle and, 247, 432 obesity and, 249 stress and, 251 treatment, 177–178, 179, 251 See also Anorexia nervosa; Nutrition Education: accommodations, 402–407 arts, 62–63 Asian versus American schools, 768 expectations, 134–137 family-school involvement, 284–287 full-service schools, 626–627 functions of school, 617–621 gifted and talented youth, 323–325 grading, 12, 334, 768 health promotion, 333–337 high school equivalency (GED), 341–343 homework, 358–360, 480 learning styles and, 398–402 maternal, 459 mutual, 287 parental involvement, 446–447 pregnancy and, 747, 752–753 private schools, 531–535 safety, 16 school climate, 533–534 single-sex schools, 627–629 tracking, 766–770 See also Academic achievement; High school; Higher education; Middle school; School; School dropouts; Sex education; Teachers Education for Handicapped Children Act, 405 Educational programming, 757–758 Ego, 631, 703–704 Egocentrism, 451, 505–506, 633, 634, 745 Emancipated minors, 251–253, 298

908

Index

Emergency contraception, 164 Emotional abuse, 253–257 Emotional autonomy, 79, 282 Emotional problems. See Psychological or emotional problems Emotions, 257–260 arts and expression of, 62 empathy, 260–262 essay contest themes, 816, 818–819 fears, 291–293 loneliness, 407–410 love, 411–415 psychosomatic disorders, 546–550 sadness, 609–612 sexuality and, 668–671 shyness, 676–679 storm and stress, 725 See also Psychological or emotional problems Empathy, 260–262 Employment. See Work Empowerment, 376 Environmental health issues, 265–268 Equivalency degree, 341–343 Essay contest, 815–823 Estrogen, 37, 162, 554 Ethical standards for research, 591 Ethnic identity, 65, 269–271, 465 academic achievement and, 619–620 ethnocentrism, 271–273 issues for Asian Americans, 67–73 Ethnic or racial minorities: academic achievement and, 6–8, 66, 71, 619 accidents and, 15 birthrates, 746 body image and, 52, 91–92 college/university enrollment and, 137–138, 344–345 delinquency trends, 200 family composition and, 277 gangs, 812 intelligence tests and, 372 juvenile justice and, 388 parenting styles and, 111–112 racial discrimination, 569–571 school climate and, 534

suicide, 734 tracking and, 769 See also African American adolescents; Asian American adolescents; Latina/o adolescents; Native American adolescents; Racial discrimination and racism Ethnocentrism, 271–273 Exercise, 336 menstruation and, 432, 433, 436, 716 nutritional issues, 474–475 sedentary lifestyles, 712–713 weight control and, 711–717 See also Sports and athletic activities Extended families, 275 Extraversion, 507 Extrinsic motivation, 580, 702, 705 Failure to thrive, 255–256 Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), 422 Family composition, 275–278 extended families, 275 large families, 275–276 “Ozzie and Harriet” families, 278 single-parent families, 276–278 See also Single-parent households Family economics, 44–46 Family planning services, 162, 527–528 Family policy, 422 Family relations, 279–284 adolescent anxiety and, 49 attachment, 282–283 family life cycle, 282 grandparents and intergenerational relationships, 327–332 peer victimization in school and, 503 sibling conflict, 679–682 sibling differences, 682–684 sibling relationships, 684–688 teenage childbearing and, 748–750 transformations in, 279–282 transition to adulthood and, 772–773

See also Autonomy and independence; Parentadolescent relations; Parenting styles; Siblings Family rituals, 114 Family stress: coping, 171 divorce, 232–234 interparental conflict, 233 normative stressors, 80, 152–153 See also Conflict; Stress Family therapy, 176, 177, 552, 608, 645 Family Unity Model, 297 Family values, and drug abuse prevention, 242 Family-care tasks, 116 Family-school involvement, 284–287, 290 Fashion statements, 55. See also Appearance Fathers and adolescents, 287–290, 479, 482–483 gender differences, 289 monitoring, 482–483 Fathers, of children of adolescent mothers, 668, 749–750, 753 Fears, 291–293 Female athlete triad, 293–296 Female condoms, 166–167, 353, 673 Femininity score, 657 Filial therapy, 257 Firearms, 15, 599, 736, 785 Fluid reasoning, 401 Follicle stimulating hormone (FSH), 554 Foster care, 296–300 4-H, 375, 378 Freud, Anna, 80, 723 Freud, Sigmund, 319 Friendships, 559, 586, 611, 694–695, 776–777 cliques, 126, 491 love, 412 See also Peer relations Full-service schools, 626–627 Gangs, 55–56, 493, 785, 810–815 Gangsta rap, 426 Gay, lesbian, bisexual and sexual-minority youth, 305–311, 611 developmental research, 308–310

Index harassment of, 745 labels, 305–308 media representations, 309 prevalence, 308 romantic attractions, 414–415 suicide risk, 734, 745 GED, 341–343 Gender differences, 311–318 abilities, 651–652 academic achievement, 315–317, 321–322 academic self-evaluation, 11 aggressive behavior, 35–37, 783 allowance, 45–46 autonomy development, 82 body satisfaction, 86, 91, 716–717 cognitive development, 133 conduct problems, 150 conformity and, 161 coping strategies, 172 crime and delinquency 191, 197–198, 383, 599 depression, 172, 207 father-adolescent relationships, 289 gender intensification hypothesis, 314 grandparent relationships, 327 identity development, 317 intellectual development, 318, 321–322 internalizing and externalizing disorders, 175 juvenile justice and, 388 loneliness, 409–410 monitoring, 478 moral development, 318–321, 454–455 parent-adolescent conflict, 479 parental involvement in sports participation, 706 parental monitoring effectiveness, 482–483 peer pressure and, 496 peer victimization and, 501 physical sex differences, 649–651 runaways, 606 single-sex schools and, 627–629 spatial abilities, 322 sport experiences, 707

stress perceptions, 153–155 substance use, 192, 193 suicide, 734 Women’s Ways of Knowing, 322 work and career choices, 313–314, 317 Gender role socialization. See Sex roles General Educational Development (GED), 341–343 Genital development, 554, 555, 556, 649–650, 774 Genital herpes, 204, 672, 674–675 Genital warts, 672, 675 German apprenticeship model, 58–69 Gifted and talented youth, 323–325 Gilligan, Carol, 82, 319–320, 322, 454–455 Glucocorticoids, 720, 721 Gonadotropins, 554 Gonorrhea, 326, 673, 674 Grading, 12, 334, 768 Graffiti, 809 Grandparents, 327–332, 749 GRE, 63 Group therapy, 177, 257, 551–552 Growth spurt, 554–555, 556, 560, 564, 650–651, 774 Gynecological examination, 162 Hacking, 139–143 Hair growth, 88–90, 554, 555–556, 564 Hair loss, chemotherapy and, 98 Hair removal, 89 Hall, G. Stanley, 410, 576, 581, 583, 722–723 Hallucinogens, 730–731 Harassment: intervention for, 504–505 peer victimization in school, 499–505 sexual, 502, 598 teasing, 743–746 See also Bullying Health: accidents and injuries, 13–17 acne, 17–19 air quality and, 266–267 coping and, 169

909

dental health, 202–205, 473 Down syndrome and, 236 early maturation and, 561 environmental health issues, 265–268 female athlete triad, 293–296 injury prevention, 15–17 psychosomatic disorders, 546–550 sedentary lifestyles, 712–713 sports, exercise, and weight control, 711–717 steroids use and, 720–722 stress and, 151, 153–154 teen autonomy and, 302–303 teen pregnancy and, 752 tobacco use and, 122–125 See also Chronic illnesses; Contraception; Menstruation; Nutrition; Pregnancy and childbearing; Sexuality and sexual behavior; Sexually transmitted diseases; Substance use and abuse Health insurance, 523–524 Health promotion, 333–337 exercise, 336 nutrition, 334–336 sleep, 336–337 stress reduction, 337 Health services, 338–341 family planning, 162 pregnancy prevention, 527–528 Hepatitis B, 673, 675 Heroin, 728 Herpes, 204, 672, 674–675 Heterocentrism, 308, 310 High school, 624 college preparation, 134–136 tracking in, 742, 766–770 High school dropouts. See School dropouts High school equivalency, 341–343 Higher education, 303, 343–349, 624–625 college, 134–139 community colleges, 137, 343, 624–625 costs of, 137 four-year college students, 137–138

910

Index

high school preparation and educational expectations, 134–137 learning disabilities and, 397 minority enrollment, 137–138, 344 standardized tests and, 718–720 tracking in high school, 742, 766–770 Hip-hop, 426, 808–809 Hirsutism, 89 Hispanics. See Latina/o adolescents HIV. See Human immunodeficiency virus Hodgkin’s lymphoma, 97 Home environment: adolescent anxiety and, 49 adolescent conduct problems and, 150 career development and, 102 children of alcoholics, 112–115 intrinsic motivation and, 462 normative stressors, 152–153 nutrition and, 472 runaways and, 606 school dropouts and, 613–614 See also Family relations Homeless youth, 355–358 Homework, 358–360, 480 Homicide, 15, 599, 757 Homophobia, 308 Homosexuality. See Gay, lesbian, bisexual, and sexual-minority youth Hormone replacement therapy, 296 Household chores, 44 Huffing, 365–367, 729 Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), 350–355, 662, 663 Human papilloma virus (HPV), 675 Human rights, 587–590 Hyperactivity, 74 Hypogonadism, 294 Identity, 101, 361–365, 629–633, 695, 777 adoption and, 19–23 African Americans and, 26–29, 31 appearance management, 54

confusion, 585–586 developmental assets, 213 developmental tasks, 219, 585–586 emotional abuse and, 255 gender differences, 317 issues for Asian Americans, 67–73 media and, 560, 757 parent and teacher influence, 365 psychosocial moratorium, 361–363 pubertal identity crisis, 558 self appraisal in, 27–28 sexual, 305, 307 sport participation and, 708 value of, 363 vocational development, 786 See also Ethnic identity Imaginary audience, 132, 634, 676, 775 Independence. See Autonomy and independence Independent Living Programs (ILP), 299 Individual Educational Plan (IEP), 298, 395, 406, 700 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), 298, 394, 405, 406, 699–700 Information Processing Model, 398 Informed consent, 591 Inhalants, 365–367, 596, 729 Inhelder, Barbel, 128–129 Injection drug use, 353 Injuries, 13–17 Inpatient treatment programs, 647 Instructional and Environmental Preferences, 398 Insurance, 523–524 Intelligence, 368–371 children from single-parent households, 689 fluid reasoning, 401 gifted and talented youth, 323–325 kinds of, 369 learning disabilities, 393 measurement of, 63 memory and, 430 sibling differences, 683 See also Cognitive development

Intelligence tests, 323, 370–371, 372–374, 401 cultural bias, 372–373 Internalizing problems, 407–409 Internet, 143, 147, 428–429 Interventions, 374–379, 640 community-based prevention, 645–646 effectiveness, 376 features of effective programs, 377–378 juvenile justice treatment, 647 multisystemic treatments, 648 for peer victimization, 504 pregnancy prevention, 525–531 program scale, 376–377 residential or inpatient treatment, 647 systems approaches, 647–648 therapeutic approaches, 646–649 See also Health promotion; Programs for adolescents; Psychotherapy Intrauterine devices (IUDs), 162 Intrinsic motivation, 459–463, 580, 702–703, 705 Invulnerability, 172, 506, 601, 635 IQ tests. See Intelligence tests Iron, 47, 335–336, 470, 716 Job Corps, 59 Jocks, 490 Joe Camel, 124 Jordan, Michael, 809 Junior colleges, 343 Junior high school. See Middle school Juvenile crime, 381–384, 599. See also Crime; Delinquency Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act, 387 Juvenile justice system, 384–380 dispositions, 386–387 diversion, 386, 647 juvenile rights, 388–389 trends, 387–388

Index Kohlberg, Lawrence, 319, 449–455 Kwan, Michelle, 69 Latina/o adolescents, 391–392 AIDS cases, 352 birthrates, 746 body image, 92 Chicanas/os, 107–109 delinquency, 201 heroes and role models, 108, 392 intelligence tests, 372 marriage and pregnancy, 748 maternal employment, 419 mentors and, 441 onset for sexual behavior, 664 school dropouts, 613 socioeconomic status, 522 suicide, 734 Laws of Life Essay Contest, 815–823 Lead, 267 Lean body mass, 87 Learning accommodations, 402–407 Learning disabilities, 227–228, 393–398 academic achievement and, 8 assessment, 395 attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder, 73–76, 194–195, 227–228, 394, 397 defined, 393 dyslexia, 242–245 famous examples, 395 higher education and, 397 prevalence, 395 special education programs, 396 Learning styles, 398–402 Leukemia, 97, 267 Life skills development, 178 Life skills training, 644–645 Listening skills, 157–158 Loneliness, 407–410 Loners, 490 Lore, 410–411 Love, 411–415 Lubricants, 168 Lunelle, 164 Lupus, 721 Luteinizing hormone, 554 Lymphomas, 97

Magazines, 423, 426–427 Marijuana, 192, 240–241, 596, 730 Masculinity score, 657 Masturbation, 660, 670 Materialism, 518 Maternal employment, 458, 520, 658 influences on adolescents, 420–422 trends, 417–419 Math and science, gender differences in academic performance, 315–316, 321 Mead, Margaret, 410 Media, 422–429, 754–759 body image and, 717, 757 cigarette advertising, 123–124 common youth culture, 807–808 culture of appearance and, 52, 53, 57 delinquency and, 759 effects of television, 758–759 gangs and, 812, 813 identity development and, 428, 560, 757 Internet, 428–429 nutrition and, 472–473 positive uses, 427–428 risk behavior prevention, 644 sex in, 425–426 sex information sources, 654 sexual-minority representations, 309 violence/aggression and, 36, 423–425, 757 See also Television Memory, 401, 430–432 accommodations, 403 Menarche, 87, 294, 432, 555, 558, 564 sports and, 702 Menopause, 295 Menstruation, 434–436, 611 anemia and, 47 cramps, 434–435 eating disorders and, 247, 432 female athlete triad, 293–296 information sources, 654 menarche, 87, 294, 432, 555, 558, 564

911

menstrual cycle, 432–433, 436, 555, 556, 558 menstrual dysfunction, 433–434, 436 nutritional needs, 336, 716 oral contraceptives and, 163 physical activity and, 702, 716 Mental health. See Behavioral problems; Depression; Psychological or emotional problems Mental health services, 174–179. See also Health services; Psychotherapy Mental retardation: assessment of, 372 Down syndrome, 235–238 siblings with, 436–440 Mentoring, 440–442, 646 apprenticeship model, 57–60 Mescaline, 730 Metallica, 147 Mexican Americans, 107–109, 391–392. See also Chicana/o adolescents Middle school, 12, 442–447, 622–624 school disengagement, 615–616 students’ perceptions of teachers, 739, 741 Midlife crisis, 282 Mifepristone (RU486), 2 Mineralocorticoids, 720, 721 Miscarriage, 447–449 Mitnick, Kevin, 141, 142 Money management, 44–46 Monitoring, 197–198, 478, 481–483, 665 gender differences, 482–483 Moral development, 449–455, 586–587, 695 cultural differences in, 453–454 gender differences in, 318–321, 454–455 Morning-after pill, 1 Morphine, 728 Mothers, adolescent. See Pregnancy and childbearing; Sexuality and sexual behavior; Single-parent households Mothers and adolescents, 455–459, 478–479 education, 458 monitoring, 482–483

912

Index

single mothers, 457–458 working mothers, 458 See also Maternal employment; Singleparent households Motivation, 459–463, 580, 702–703 self-esteem and, 636 sports and, 702–706 Motor vehicle accidents, 13–17, 39, 725 Multicultural society, 569 Multiple intelligences, 63, 369–370, 400 Multisystemic treatments, 648 Muscle mass, 560, 652 Muscle strength, 556 Music, 422, 426, 808–809 Music videos, 425, 428 Mutual education, 287 Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, 398 Napster, 147 National Mentoring Working Group, 440, 441 Native American adolescents, 465–467 academic achievement, 466 birthrates, 746 college enrollment, 344–345 school and academic achievement, 618 suicide, 734 Natural birth control, 433 Neglect, 467–469 Neglectful parenting style, 109, 111, 487 Nerds, 490 Neuroblastoma, 98 Neurological toxicity, 267 Neuroticism, 509 Nickelodeon, 758 Nicotine, 730 Nondirective parents, 225 Non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, 97 Noninsulin-dependent diabetes mellitus (NIDDM), 473 Nonoxynol-9, 165 Norms, 159 developmental assets, 209, 216 Norplant, 164 Nuremberg Code, 591 Nutrition, 470–475, 714–715 anemia and, 47 dental health and, 473 dietary supplements, 474

eating behaviors, 471–472 family environment and, 472 food choices, 469–471 health promotion, 334–336 media influences, 472–473 menstruation and, 336 obesity and, 473 physical activity and, 474–475 pubertal development and, 471 recreation and, 472–473 requirements, 470–471 resources, 475 See also Eating disorders Obesity, 87, 249, 473, 714 television and, 759 Obsessive-compulsive disorder, 231–232 One to One, 379, 440, 441 Openness, 509 Opium, 728 Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), 150, 228 Oral contraceptives, 162–164, 435, 527. See also Contraception Oral health, 202–205 Orthodontic care, 203 Osteoporosis, 293, 295–296 Panic attacks, 231 Pap smear, 162 Parent-adolescent relations, 281, 477–481, 562–563 academic achievement and, 619 academic self-evaluation and, 12–13 Asian American experiences, 66–67, 70–72 career development and, 101–103 children of alcoholics, 112–115 chronic illness and, 698–699 conduct problems and, 150 discipline, 223–226 discussing puberty issues, 560 distancing and acceleration hypotheses, 478 divorce and, 233–234 emotional abuse, 253–257 fathers and adolescents, 287–290, 458, 479

gender differences, 289 love, 411–412 mothers and adolescents, 455–459, 478–479 normative conflict, 80 peer influence versus, 493 rebellion, 722, 724 self-esteem and, 479–480 sex education, 653, 654 sport participation and, 706–707, 709–710 storm and stress, 477, 722–725 student academic intrinsic motivation and, 462 transition to adulthood and, 771–773 working teens and, 804 See also Autonomy and independence; Family relations; Family stress; Parenting styles Parent Teacher Association (PTA), 285 Parent training programs, 645 Parental alcoholism, 112–115 Parental control, adolescent self-esteem and, 479–480 Parental monitoring. See Monitoring Parental smoking, 123 Parenting styles, 109–112, 224–225, 484–489 academic achievement and, 112, 480 adolescent aggression and, 783 Asian, 66 attitudes and practices, 487–488 authoritarian, 66, 109, 110, 112, 224–225, 487 authoritative, 66, 102, 109, 110–111, 225, 283, 480, 486–487, 694 autonomy development and, 81 career development and, 102 demandingness and responsiveness, 484–486 history of, 485–486 neglectful, 109, 111, 487 peer victimization in school and, 503 racial/ethnic differences, 111–112 social development and, 694

Index Parent-school collaboration, 446–447, 619 PCP, 730, 731 Peer counseling, 241, 645 Peer groups, 489–493, 494–496 attitudes toward academic achievement and, 492 cliques, 126–127, 491 crowds, 489–491 gangs, 55–56, 493, 785, 810–815 Peer mediation, 156, 158–159, 645 Peer pressure, 270, 494–497, 611 age relationship, 496 gender differences, 496 status and, 496 tobacco use and, 123 Peer relations, 559, 694–695, 776–777 academic achievement and, 7, 619 adolescent autonomy development and, 82 African American male adolescents, 33 appearance management and, 54–56 chronic illness and, 699 conformity, 159–162 consequences of peer victimization, 503–504 coping and, 171 delinquency and, 201 developmental tasks, 586 ethnic identity and, 269–270 foster care and, 298–299 gossip, 492 interventions for peer victimization, 504–505 loneliness and, 407–409 love, 412 normative stressors, 152, 155 physical attractiveness and, 498 proms, 540–542 risk factors for victimization, 502–503 sex information sources, 653 shyness and, 678 sport participation and, 707 status, 496, 497–499 teachers and, 742 teasing, 743–746 victimization in school, 499–505

See also Dating Peer support groups, 439–440 Pemoline, 75 Periods, See Menstruation Permissive parenting, 109, 110, 225, 487 Personal fable, 132, 505–506, 633, 776 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, 794 Personality, 507–512 assessment of, 509–510 continuity and change, 510–511 environmental influences, 512–513 shyness, 678 sibling conflict and, 680–681 sibling differences, 687 temperament and, 762 Personality disorder, 230 Personality Model, 398 Peyote, 730 Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST), 26–29, 31 Phobias, 231 Physical abuse, 512–516 causes, 515 effects, 515–516 prevalence, 514–515 remediation and treatment, 516 Physical activity. See Exercise; Sports and athletic activities Physical attractiveness, 76–79. See also Appearance Piaget, Jean, 128–129, 130, 132, 368, 450–451 Piercing, 55, 638 Plagiarism, 105, 106 Planned Parenthood, 162 Play, 479 Play therapy, 50, 257 PMS, 435 Political development, 517–519 Popular culture, 807–810 cigarette smoking and, 123 gangs and, 813 See also Appearance; Media Popularity, 497, 586, 707 Populars, 490 Pornography, 654 Postsecondary education. See Higher education

913

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 195 Poverty, 520–525 adolescent childbearing and, 748 age differences, 522–523 aggressive behavior and, 784 international comparisons, 524, 595 trends, 521–522 See also Socioeconomic status Pregnancy and childbearing, 411, 662–663, 746–750, 751–753 abortion ratio, 747 children of teen mothers, 753 consequences of, 751–753 economic self-sufficiency, 748 educational and occupational prospects and, 747, 752–753 fathers and, 668, 749–750, 753 health issues, 752 married and unmarried mothers, 748 miscarriage, 447–449 outcomes for teen parents, 750 planning, 749 prevalence, 338 prevention, 747 sexual development timing and, 749 social/family relationships and, 748–750 societal costs, 753 transition to adulthood and, 771 trends, 525, 667, 668, 746–747, 751 welfare issues, 795 See also Abortion; Contraception; Sexuality and sexual behavior Pregnancy prevention, 747, 753 community-based life options programs, 528–529 contraceptive services approach, 527–528 education, 526–527 effective programs, 529–531

914

Index

government programs, 529, 796 interventions, 525–531 males and, 529, 530 reducing repeat pregnancies, 529 See also Abortion; Contraception Prejudice and racial discrimination, 569–571 Preliminary Scholastic Assessment Test/National Merit Scholarship Qualifying Test (PSAT/NMSQT), 718 Premenstrual syndrome (PMS), 435 Prevention programs, 644–646 Privacy rights, 593 Private schools, 531–535 Probation officer, 387 Problem behaviors. See Behavioral problems Problem solving, 157 Processing-speed accommodations, 403–404 Progestin, 162 Programs for adolescents, 535–540 African Americans and, 34 the arts and, 63–64 Big Brother/Big Sister programs, 441–442 effectiveness, 376 features of effective programs, 377–378 intervention, 374–379 prevention programs, 528–529, 644–646 scale and effectiveness, 376–377 See also Interventions; Services for adolescents Programs that Work (PTW), 333 Prolactin, 609 Proms, 540–542 Prostitution, 542–546, 606 Protein nutrition, 470 PSAT/NMSQT, 718 Psychedelic drugs, 730–731 Psychodynamic therapies, 177, 553 Psychological abuse, 253–257 Psychological or emotional problems, 226–232 adoptees and, 22

attention-deficit/ hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 73–76, 194–195, 227–228, 394, 397 coping styles and, 172 delinquency and, 194–196 developmental challenges and, 174–175 discipline and, 225 divorce and, 232 emotional abuse and, 256 internalizing and externalizing disorders, 175 mental retardation, 436–440 obsessive-compulsive disorder, 231–232 schizophrenia and personality disorder, 230 self-injury, 638–640 stress effects, 153 suicidal behavior and, 735 when to seek help, 176 See also Anxiety; Behavioral problems; Depression; Eating disorders; Emotions; Psychotherapy Psychosocial moratorium, 361–363 Psychosomatic disorders, 546–550 Psychotherapy, 174–179, 551–553, 646–649 abuse victims, 516 anxiety treatments, 50–51 counseling, 174–179 for emotional abuse, 256–257 former cult members, 181 life skills development, 178 outcomes, 179 types of counseling, 176–179 Psychotropic medications, 178 PTA, 285 Puberty, 471, 695, 774 body fat changes, 86–88 body hair growth, 88–90 challenges of, 217–220 hormonal changes, 554–555, 556, 609, 774 identity crisis, 558 physical changes, 555–559, 611, 650–651, 774 psychological and social changes, 558–563 responsibility for developmental tasks, 584–587

storm and stress, 477, 722–723 Puberty, timing of, 555, 556, 559–561, 563, 564–566, 774 athletic experiences and, 701–702 body build and, 85–86, 91 brain development, 565 depression and, 207 effects of unusual timing of normative stressors, 154 father absence and, 563 hair growth, 90 pregnancy issues, 749 racial differences, 565 self-esteem and, 637 sexual behavior onset and, 665 weight changes, 87 See also Sexual development Pubic hair, 554, 555–556, 564 Pubic lice, 675 Puerto Ricans, 391, 664 Puppy love, 414 Quality of life, 595 Racial discrimination and racism, 273, 569–571 Asian American experiences, 69 identity formation and, 28 issues for research on African Americans, 30, 31 social construction, 571 structural, 28, 30 tracking and, 769 white privilege, 796–798 Racial identity formation, 26–29 Racial minorities. See African American adolescents; Asian American adolescents; Chicana/o adolescents; Ethnic or racial minorities; Latina/o adolescents; Native American adolescents Rap music, 426, 808–809 Rape, 571–574 risk reduction, 572 therapy for survivors, 573 Reading problems, 242 Reagan, Nancy, 241, 494 Rebellion, 574–576, 722, 724 appearance and, 55–56

Index Recommended dietary allowances (RDAs), 470 Recording for the Blind & Dyslexic (RFB&D), 404 Rehabilitation Act of 1973, 405 Reinforcement, 727–728 Rejecting-neglectful parenting style, 487 Religion and spirituality, 576–583 apostasy, 581–582 cognitive stage theories, 579 continuity, 581 conversion, 582–583 cults, 179–181 essay contest themes, 816, 819 motivational theories, 580 resilience and coping applications, 580–581 social construction, 579–580 Research, adolescents’ rights in, 590–594 Residential treatments, 647 Resiliency: coping and, 172–173, 176 developmental assets, 208–217 protective factors, 469 Responsibility, essay contest themes, 816–818 Responsibility, for developmental tasks, 584–587 Rhythm method, 2, 4 Rights of adolescents, 587–590 in research, 590–594 Risk behaviors, 595–600, 641, 725 developmental assets and, 213 health promotion and, 333–337 prevention programs, 644–646 school dropouts and, 614 See also Behavioral problems; Sexuality and sexual behavior; Substance use and abuse Risk perception, 600–602 Ritalin, 75 Rites of passage, 578, 603–605, 695 Romantic relationships: dating, 183–187 feelings of love, 412–415

See also Gay, lesbian, and sexual-minority youth; Sexuality and sexual behavior RU486. See Mifepristone Runaways, 355–358, 606–608 prevention and intervention, 607–608 prostitution and, 542–543, 606 Sadness, 609–612 Safe sex, 2, 337. See Contraception; Pregnancy prevention; Sexuality and sexual behavior Safety: environmental health issues, 265–268 injury prevention, 15–17 mouthguards, 205 perception, as developmental asset, 209 Salt, 336 SAT. See Scholastic Aptitude Test Schizophrenia, 230 Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), 63, 406, 719 School: accommodations, 402–407 appearance management and, 54–55 arts and, 62–63 Asian versus American, 768 climate, 533–534 engagement, 615–617 family-school involvement, 284–287 full-service schools, 626–627 functions of, 617–621 gateways for services, 642 middle schools, 442–447 parent collaboration, 446–447, 619 peer victimization in, 499–505 phobia, 50 private schools, 531–535 single-sex, 627–629 transitions, 622–626 See also Academic achievement; Education; High school; Higher education; Middle school School dropouts, 598, 612–615, 620, 772

915

family characteristics and, 613–614 gender differences, 613 individual characteristics and, 614 outcomes, 614 racial differences, 613 School performance. See Academic achievement School teachers. See Teachers School-to-work model, 57–60 Secondhand smoke, 266 Sedative-hypnotic drugs, 729 Self, 629–633. See also Cognitive development; Identity; Personality; Selfesteem Self-appraisal, in identity formation, 27–28 Self-concept, 558, 692 Self-consciousness, 132, 634–635 Self-Directed Search (SDS), 786 Self-esteem, 479–480, 630–631, 635–638 achievement and, 636 emotional abuse and, 256 enhancement strategies, 637 parent-adolescent relationship and, 479–480 personal fable and, 506 youth programs and, 537 Self-injury, 638–640, 733 Self-regulation, 760 Service learning, 789 Services for adolescents, 640–648 community-based interventions, 645–646 family planning, 162 gateways, 642 needs of adolescents, 640–642 pregnancy prevention, 527–528 prevention programs, 644–646 risk factors, 642–643 therapeutic approaches, 646–649 See also Health services; Interventions; Programs for adolescents Sex differences, 649–652 ability, 651–652, 694 physical characteristics, 87–88, 649–651 See also Gender differences

916

Index

Sex education, 449, 526–527, 653–656, 753 curriculum, 655 effectiveness of, 4–5 information sources, 653–654 timing of, 655–656 Sex roles, 311–314, 656–659, 693–694 adolescent development and, 659 appearance standards and, 53, 56 chores and, 117 defining and measuring, 657 development of, 657–658 developmental tasks, 584, 586 magazines and, 426–427 maternal employment and, 421 parental employment, 313 psychological adjustment and, 658–659 single-sex schools and, 627–629 social development and, 696 sports participation, 707 transition to adulthood and, 772 vocational development issues, 786 See also Gender differences Sexual abuse, 649–662 consequences, 660–661 mitigating factors, 661–662 prevalence, 659–660 Sexual assault, 571–574 Sexual development, 554–558, 564, 611, 649–651, 664, 774. See also Puberty, timing of Sexual disorders, environmental hazards and, 267–28 Sexual harassment, 502, 598 Sexual identity, 305, 307 Sexual orientation, 305–311, 611. See also Gay, lesbian, bisexual, and sexual-minority youth Sexual well-being, 665 Sexuality and sexual behavior, 662–666, 776 abstinence, 2–5, 526, 669, 673 anal intercourse, 4 behavior problems, 667–668

chronic illness and, 100, 120, 698 double standard, 669 emotional aspects, 668–671 experimentation, 184 health promotion, 337 homeless youth, 358 media and, 425–426 normative stressors, 152 onset, 664–665 parental monitoring, 665 pregnancy prevention interventions, 525–531 prior sexual abuse and, 660 prom and, 542 prostitution, 542–546, 606 research issues, 664–665 risk behaviors, 597 sexual freedom, 302–303 social pressures, 669 substance use and, 3, 239–240 trends, 751 See also Contraception; Dating; Pregnancy and childbearing Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), 162, 597, 662, 663, 671–676, 725 anal intercourse and, 4 associated medical problems, 673, 675 diagnosis and testing, 673 gonorrhea, 326, 673, 674 herpes, 204, 672, 674–675 HIV/AIDS, 350–355 information resources, 676 oral health and, 204 prevention of, 337 prostitution and, 545 runaways and, 606 selective overview, 674–676 sources of transmission, 672 symptoms, 672 treatment, 673 Shaken baby syndrome, 514 Shyness, 676–679 Siblings, 563 adoptive, 686 conflict, 679–682 differences, 682–684 equality of parental treatment, 688 mental retardation and, 436–440 relationships, 684–688 spacing, 687 twins, 778–781

See also Family relations Sickle-cell anemia, 47 Single-parent households, 276–278, 419, 479 academic achievement and, 688–690 chores in, 118 single mothers, 457–458 Single-sex schools, 627–629 Skepticism, essay contest themes, 816, 819–820 Sleep, 336–337 Social competency, as developmental asset, 213 Social construction, 571, 579–580 Social development, 691–697, 776–777 athletic experiences and, 706 developmental challenges, 219–220 parenting style and, 694 See also Moral development; Peer relations Social Interaction Models, 398 Socioeconomic status (SES), 201, 520–525 aggressive behavior and, 784 school dropouts and, 613–614 teenage childbearing and, 746, 748 tracking and, 769 See also Poverty Soft drinks, 470 Somatization, 547 Spatial orientation, 322, 649, 652 Special education, 396 gifted and talented youth, 323–325 legal basis, 405–406 Speech pathologist, 400–401 Spencer, Herbert, 319 Spencer, Margaret B., 26–29, 31 Spermicides, 165 Spina bifida, 697–700 Spirituality and beliefs. See Religion and spirituality Spontaneous abortion, 447–449 Sports and athletic activities, 336, 560–561, 700–711 ability, effort, and task difficulty, 703 attributions, 703 benefits of, 708 biological change and, 701 delayed menarche and, 432

Index effects on adolescent development, 707–708 exercise and weight control, 711–717 female athlete triad, 293–296 gender roles, 707 identity development and, 708 injuries, 14 motivational issues, 702–706, 713 negative effects of, 708–709 nutritional issues, 474 oral safety, 205 parental involvement, 706–707, 709–710 peer influence, 707 puberty timing and, 701–702 significant others, 705 social changes and, 706 steroids use and, 720–722 task orientation versus ego orientation, 703–704 youth culture and, 809 Standardized tests, 63, 315, 717–720 Stanford-Binet, 323 STDs. See Sexually Transmitted diseases Steroids, 731 Stimulants, 729–730 Storm and stress, 477, 722–725 Street teens, 355–358 Stress, 151–155, 226–227, 410 children of alcoholics, 113 coping, 169–174, 175–176, 227 coping with fear, 293 divorce and, 233–234 early puberty and, 207 eating disorders and, 251 emotionality and, 259 father-adolescent conflict, 289 gender differences, 153–155 health effects, 151, 153–154 health promotion and, 337 normative stressors, 152 positive effects, 550 psychosomatic disorders and, 549–550 sibling conflict, 679–682 smoking and, 124 suicide and, 735–736 unusual timing of normative stressors, 154 See also Conflict

Substance use and abuse, 191–193, 238–242, 596–597, 726–732 anabolic steroids, 731 child maltreatment and, 256 children of alcoholics, 112–115 continuity, 195–196 coping with stress and, 171 delinquency and, 192–196, 241, 367, 727–728 depressants, 728–729 gateway drugs, 366 gender differences, 193 HIV transmission, 353 homeless youth, inhalants, 365–367, 596, 729 narcotics, 728 parental awareness of, 482 prevention, 238–242, 731–732 psychedelic drugs, 730–731 racial/ethnic patterns, 193 rape risk and, 572 runaways and, 606 school climate and, 534 sexual behavior and, 3 societal costs, 727 steroids, 720–722 stimulants, 729–730 tobacco use, 122–125 tolerance and withdrawal, 728 treatment, 177, 179, 732 working teens and, 803 See also Alcohol use; Tobacco use Suicide, 230–231, 609, 732–736 chronic illnesses and, 120 common methods, 734 gay teens and, 745 gender and ethnic differences, 734 prevalence, 733–734 risk factors, 735–736 self-injurious behaviors, 639–640 substance use and, 39 treatment and interventions, 736 trends, 600, 611–612 warning signs, 230–231, 733 Summer Training Education Program (STEP), 59 Supreme Court decisions, 387 Syllogistic reasoning, 129 Syphilis, 675

917

Systems-based interventions, 647–648 Tattooing, 55, 638 Tax law, 523 Teachers, 534, 618–619, 739–742 academic performance and, 739 adolescent academic selfevaluation and, 12–13 adolescent autonomy development and, 81–82 foster care issues, 298 peer relations and, 742 Team teaching, 445 Teasing, 743–746 Tech-Prep, 59 Teenage parents and parenting. See Pregnancy and childbearing Television, 422–428, 754–759 body image and, 757 delinquency and, 759 educational programs, 757–758 effects of, 758–759 identity and, 757 sex in, 425–426 violence/aggression and, 36, 423–424, 757 Temperament, 760–763 Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), 794–796 Test anxiety, 292 Testicular development, 554, 555, 556, 564 Testing, 63, 315, 717–720. See also Intelligence tests Testosterone, 36, 37, 89, 554, 720, 774 Thinking, 129–132, 157, 219, 637, 762–766, 772. See also Cognitive development Third molars, 205 Tobacco use, 122–125, 193, 240, 302, 596, 730 dental health and, 203–204 environmental hazards, 266, 267 prevalence, 726 See also Substance use and abuse Tourette’s disorder, 232 Toxic shock syndrome, 165 Toxic wastes, 267

918

Index

Tracking, 742, 766–770 Transgendered people, 307 Transition to adulthood, 303, 625, 695–696, 770–774 apprenticeships, 57–60 chronic health problems and, 771 discontinuities, 94–95 gender roles and, 772 independent living programs, 299 See also Autonomy and independence; Career development; Higher education; Work Transitions of adolescence, 774–778 changes in family relations, 279–282 rites of passage, 578, 603–605, 695 Transitions, school, 622–626. See also High school; Higher education; Middle school Trichomonas vaginitis, 674 Trisomy 21, 235–237 Twins, 113, 778–781 Two-spirit persons, 307 Unemployment, 784 Uninvolved parents, 224 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 587, 589 Urinary tract infection (UTI), 674 Vaccines, hepatitis, 673 Values, 151, 282, 519, 611 developmental assets, 212 drug abuse prevention and, 242 Laws of Life Essay Contest, 815–823

moral development, 449–455, 586–587 youth outlook, 815–823 Video games, 424–425 Violence and aggression, 35–38, 599, 611, 783–785 computer games and, 424–425 conflict resolution, 156 gangs and, 813 gender differences, 35–37, 783 hormones and, 36, 37 management of, 38 media and, 36, 423–425, 757 parenting practices and, 783 peer victimization in school, 499–505 sibling conflict and, 679, 681 social factors, 784–785 See also Behavioral problems; Bullying; Crime; Delinquency; Physical abuse Visitation arrangements, 234 Visual processing accommodations 401–402 Vocational development, 785–788 Vocational identity development, 786 Volunteerism, 788–792 Walker, Lawrence, 320 Water, 336 Wechsler scales, 372 Weight control, physical activity and, 711–717 Welfare, 524, 793–796 White privilege, 796–798 Wisdom teeth, 205 Women’s Ways of Knowing (WWK), 322

Work, 303, 625, 800–805 academic achievement and, 103, 264 advice for parents, 805 apprenticeships, 57–60 educational requirements, 767 experiences and career development, 103 gender differences, 317 gender role stereotypes, 313–314 household chores and, 117 maternal employment, 520, 658 maternal employment, influence on adolescents, 420–422, 458 maternal employment, trends, 417–419 parent-child relations and, 804 physical attractiveness and, 78 positive and negative consequences, 262–265 potential dangers, 802–803 precocious development and, 802 problem behaviors and, 803 school dropouts and, 614 use of earnings, 804 welfare programs, 794–796 youth culture and, 808 See also Career development; Work Young Warriors Program, 34 Youth culture, 807–810 Youth in Care Networks, 299 Youth Outlook, Laws of Life Essay Contest, 815–823 Youth programs, 535–540