Contents I INTRODUCTION TO THE PUBLIC HEALTH APPROACH Chapter 1: Crime, violence and public health - Alex Butchart and Tony Emmett Violence prevention and public health Major characteristics of the public health approach References
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Chapter 2: Violence and violence prevention in South Africa: A sociological and historical perspective - Alex Butchart, Martin Terre Blanche, Brandon Hamber and Mohamed Seedat Violence in twentieth-century South Africa: A Foucauldean perspective Basic instincts and moral orthopaedics: Violence as a psychodynamic phenomenon The new sovereignty: State violence and the armed struggle The New Discipline I: Caring for victims of violence The New Discipline II: Violence prevention Conclusion References II CASE STUDIES Chapter 3: Trauma epidemiology data: Application in the prevention of injury and crime -J. W. van der Spuy and S. Marais Summary Introduction In quest of solutions National Trauma Research Programme Discussion Recommendations 5
References Chapter 4: Soul City - Lee Rocha-Silva and Graeme Hendricks Summary Introduction Background and context Aims and underlying principles, assumptions or theory Overall strategy and specific projects
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Structures Lessons learnt Conclusions References Chapter 5: Centre for Peace Action - Mariana Steyn and Graeme Hendricks Summary Introduction Origin of the Centre for Peace Action Aims and goals Assumptions, theory or model used to construct the programme Programmes Structures Contextual and programme changes Conclusions References Chapter 6: The Parent Centre - Alex Butchart and Graeme Hendricks Summary
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Introduction Origins of the Parent Centre: Identifying missed intervention opportunities The Parent Centre's evidence for action Programmes Structures Affiliations, funding and budget Research and evaluation
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Conclusions References Chapter 7: Metrorail: Commuter Safety Project -Alex Butchart Summary Introduction Origins of the commuter safety system: from policing to public health Main features of the rail commuter safety system Evaluation Organisation, budget and legal aspects Conclusions References Chapter 8: Kwazulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence - Tony Emmett and Craig Higson-Smith Summary Background Theoretical foundations and models of intervention Schools programme Youth programme Women and children programme 7
Individual and family counselling and referral Advocacy and awareness raising Structures and funding Future prospects and vision Evaluation Lessons References
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III AN INTEGRATED APPROACH TO CRIME AND VIOLENCE PREVENTION IN SOUTH AFRICA Chapter 9: Community responses to crime -Tony Emmett, Alex Butchart, Gina Saayman and Royal Lekoba Violence prevention strategies in Slovo Park and Mandela Square informal settlements Crime and violence prevention strategies in Meyerspark Discussion Citizens and communities in crime control References Chapter 10: Developing a model for crime and injury prevention in South Africa - Tony Emmett Agent-host-environment model Haddon's phases of injury model Precede-proceed model Model for safety promotion Proposed model for safety promotion in South Africa References Chapter 11: Addressing the underlying causes of crime and violence in South Africa - Tony Emmett
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A scientific (knowledge-based) approach to crime prevention Evaluating prevention strategies A comprehensive approach to crime and violence prevention Focusing on social and institutional issues Social disintegration and crime Crime, violence and political transition Crime, development and social capital Multi-sectoral interventions
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Building social capital Getting to grips with crime and violence in South Africa: Some basic principles and guidelines References
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One Introduction to the public health approach Chapter 1 Crime, violence and public health Alex Butchart and Tony Emmett
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This book is about crime and violence in South Africa, and about how public health and the social sciences can be used to understand and help prevent these problems. At first glance, it may seem strange that a book on crime and violence deals with these challenging issues from a public health perspective. After all, crime and violence are problems for the police and the courts, while public health is something that has to do with attempts to prevent AIDS or reduce the number of cigarettes that people smoke each day. Why, then, should public health, crime and violence be brought together? What can this combination contribute that has not already been tried and found wanting in our efforts to rid society of crime and violence? In this introductory chapter we attempt to answer these questions by setting out some key definitions and describing the principles of public health as applied to violence and crime prevention. Concrete examples of the public health approach at work in the prevention of crime and violence are provided in the chapters that follow. In the concluding chapter the lessons that emerge from these examples, and from local and international research, are drawn together into a model for the prevention of crime and violence in South Africa. This book will probably disappoint anyone who expects from it a simple solution or "quick fix" for crime and violence in South Africa. The roots of crime and violence are so embedded in our everyday social relationships and in the complex patterns of inequality in our society, that quick fixes can treat only the symptoms, but not the underlying causes. Public health, with its emphasis on using scientific methods for identifying and dealing with these underlying causes, is a framework for medium to long-term prevention. Public health is therefore a resource for crime and violence prevention that operates together with, rather than against, the essential short-term measures applied by the police and the courts. In the end, successfully coming to grips with crime and violence in South Africa will include both short-term measures and long-term strategies, and will involve science working for people and society in the formulation of shared solutions to a shared set of problems.
Violence prevention and public health Until now - in South Africa and the world over - the solutions to crime and violence that have emerged in the popular mind and the actions of political leaders have been oriented almost exclusively towards the principles of retribution, deterrence and incapacitation. Yet, these criminal justice strategies have not been effective in reversing what appears to be a trend towards an increasing incidence of violence in all its forms. Both globally and locally, this failure has provoked increasing involvement on the part of the public health sector. Building on the successes it has achieved in preventing disease and reducing accidental or non-intentional injuries, public health 12
brings to the crime and violence problem two key elements that are underdeveloped in traditional responses. First, a multi disciplinary scientific approach to defining the problem of violence, analysing its causes, and designing interventions; and second, an explicit focus on prevention. Public health thus provides a preventive counterpoint to the more reactive, deterrence-oriented approach of criminal justice. Globally, the move to view violence as a public health priority is receiving strong support from major international agencies such as the World Health Organisation, and important national public health bodies such as the US Centers for Disease Control, the Brazilian Ministry of Health, and public health agencies elsewhere in Latin America, the United Kingdom and Europe. South Africa is well-positioned to learn and benefit from these initiatives, and to make its own unique contribution to the public health science of violence prevention and safety promotion.
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Public health as the science of prevention Public health operates far beyond the domain of clinics, nurses and doctors usually associated with the idea of health. It is more concerned with all aspects of the twoway exchange of matter, energy and information between people and their human, social and physical environments, for it is through such exchange that the health status of individuals and groups is determined. In managing this exchange, public health employs a range of methods aimed at altering individual behaviour and community lifestyle, reducing the social and political context of harmful beliefs and practices, and negating dangers in the physical environment. Public health is therefore a profoundly social activity with powerful implications for individuals and communities, as conveyed by Last's definition of public health as ... the combination of science, skills and beliefs that are directed to the maintenance and improvement of the health of all the people through collective or social action. The programmes, services, and institutions involved emphasise the prevention of disease and the health needs of the population as a whole. Public health activities change with changing technology and social values, but the goals remain the same: to reduce the amount of disease, premature death and disease-produced discomfort and disability in the population (Last, 1988:107). Implicit in this definition are three key elements: •
First, public health addresses health not at the level of the individual, but at the level of the entire population. Where clinical medicine treats disease within a person, public health aims to prevent problems before they occur by working at the aggregate level. It does so by working with issues such as the social norms shaping the acceptability of violence, the access of communities to adequate sanitation, and the protection of communities from such harmful by-products of economic activity as pollution, firearms and alcohol.
•
Second, public health interventions frequently target major social processes (such as poverty, violence and substance abuse) which are beyond the ability of a single community or a single discipline to alter.
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They therefore draw upon the resources of multiple disciplines (e.g. psychology, building science, policing and medicine), and many different social sectors (e.g. professionals, church groups, community residents), •
Third, in order to create the information needed to achieve its aims, public health requires methods that can document and define problems at the level of the population in ways that reveal to other disciplines where they can intervene to prevent the problem.
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Box 1.1: The public health burden of violence In 1990 violence accounted for 4,1% of the total global disease burden, and by the year 2020 it is estimated that this will increase to 7,1% (Ad Hoc Committee, 1996). In 1990 interpersonal violence, self-directed violence, and war-related injures each made about equal contributions to the global burden of violence. Projections for 2020 anticipate a: greater increase in the burden attributable to interpersonal violence and: war-related injuries than self-directed violence. In 1990, males lost around 35 million DALYs to violence as against 21 million for females. Projections for 2020 indicate that violence-related DALYs for males will increase by 80% to 64 million, and for females: by 66% to 35 million. In 1990, the burden of global disease associated with self-directed violence and war were only slightly greater for males then females, but males lost about 3.5 times as many DALYs to interpersonal violence as females (Ad Hoc Committee, 1996). There is substantial regional vacation in the global burden: of violence, and subSaharan African features prominently as the region projected to have the largest violence-related burden of disease and the steepest increases in violence-related DALYs between 1990: and 2020. In 1990 the burden of violence was relatively greater in Sub-Saharan Africa, China, Latin America/Caribbean, the Middle Eastern crescent, and countries with formerly socialist economies than in other world regions (Ad Hac Committee; 1996). The burden of interpersonal violence was elevated relative to other regions ; in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America/Caribbean, and countries: with formerly socialist economies, while the burden of self-directed: violence was relatively greater in China, countries with formerly socialist: economies,: and countries with established market economies: The burden of war was particularly high in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle Eastern Crescent, and countries with formerly socialist economies. Regional projections for 2020 are that the global burden of violence will became more concentrated in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle Eastern crescent, mainly due to increases in the burden of war-related injuries. there. The occurrence of civil and international war has been shown to be a risk factor for post-war increases.in interpersonal violence (Gartner, 1990),.and the burden of interpersonal violence is therefore expected to continue to be relatively greater in Sub-Saharan Africa. The burden of self-directed violence , is expected to increase modestly in all regions except for the former socialist economies and established market economies, where it is expected to remain constant. These projections of the global health burden of violence in 2020 assume that the ongoing secular increases in the rate of interpersonal violence will continue (Ad Hoc Committee, 1996).:These increases appear to be associated with urbanisation, rapid economic development, and overcrowding, and are enhanced by behavioural and environmental risk factors such as drug trafficking, firearm availability, and exposure to the violence of others. Increases in the burden of war-related injuries appear: to 14
be driven mainly by demographic and economic change, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa (Collier & Hoeffler, 1998; Easterly, 1999). Although it is not yet possible to estimate the, relative contribution of violence to South Africa's overall disease burden, national injury surveillance data for the first quarter of 1999 showed that homicide accounted for 47,1% and suicide for 8,0% of all injury-related deaths tracked by the system. Deaths resulting from transport accidents, by contrast, accounted for just under 25% of all deaths (Peden & Butchart, 1999:333): Emerging data for non-fatal injuries seen in state hospitals during mid1999 suggest a similar predominance of violence-related cases. Violence accounted for the largest proportion of non-fatal injuries (ranging from: 40% to nearly 70%) in all provinces except for the Northern Province, where traffic-related injuries were most prevalent (Matzopoulos, 2000;6).
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Relevance of crime and violence to public health Violence is a major contributor to premature death, disability, and injury. Interpersonal violence, suicidal behaviour, and acts of war all contribute to the global toll. The World Health Organisation's Ad Hoc Committee on health and research (1996) estimates that in 1990 one in every 12 years of healthy life lost throughout the world was attributable to violence, and that by 2020 this will rise to one in every eight years of healthy life lost. Moreover, the committee projects that the proportion of disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) lost to violence will increase from 4,1% in 1990 to 7,1% in 2020. Alongside its direct impact on health, violence has indirect effects that diminish quality of life and the ability to improve social and economic conditions. Violence impedes economic development by discouraging foreign investment, destabilising national labour and industry, discouraging tourism, and provoking the emigration of skilled citizens. Violence fragments family and community ties, and violence at home, on the street, and in schools disrupts education and the provision of basic health and social services. The public health vision suggests that in dealing with violence societies must shift from reacting to the problem after it occurs to a focus on changing the social, behavioural, and environmental factors that produce violence in the first place. Public health seeks to empower people and their communities to view and respond to violence not as inevitable, but as a problem that can be understood and changed. There are therefore a number of reasons why violence has attracted the attention and interest of public health practitioners. Firstly, epidemiologists recognised that injury (including those injuries resulting from violence) posed a major threat to health, especially in relation to potential years of life lost. The end of the 20th century has seen a remarkable rise in the burden of death and disability from injury, particularly in the developing countries. Not only have injuries begun to rival infectious diseases in the burden they inflict on developing countries, but it is predicted that by the year 2020 injuries will have equalled the impact of all communicable diseases world-wide. However, in spite of their increasing importance as a cause of mortality and morbidity, the epidemic of injuries has been described as "among the most neglect problems of the late 20th century" (Ad Hoc Committee, 1996). Social and opportunity costs associated with violence and injuries include loss of life, limb or functioning, absenteeism (lost days of work or school), costs of emergency and acute medical care, long-term care, rehabilitation, lost work and wages, disability and reduced productivity. Even without considering human suffering and 15
loss of quality-of-life, studies suggest that the economic costs of injury far outweigh the costs of most injury prevention programmes and environmental safety provisions (Max & Price, 1993; Greenwood et al., 1996).
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In the light of international and local evidence that low-income and middle-income countries and the poorest populations within these countries bear the main brunt of the injury epidemic, it is clear that injury control is not simply a health problem, but also a development problem. Moreover, given the success of public health approaches in reducing unintentional injuries such as traffic injuries and injuries in the home, it became apparent that the methods used in the prevention of unintentional injuries could be applied and adapted to dealing with intentional injuries such as violence and suicide. Secondly, epidemiologists noted that the criminal justice approach was not very effective in dealing with violence among intimates and family members, partly because such violence was often not reported to the police. In many cases it was health practitioners who came into contact with victims of domestic and intimate violence rather than the police. This situation had clear implications for the identification/monitoring of violence and for the development of appropriate responses to such violence. It was also apparent that intimate and acquaintance violence accounted for a large proportion of the total deaths and injuries resulting from violence. For example, in the United States in 1992/93, women were more likely to be victims of nonfatal violence by someone they knew (78%) than by a stranger (23%). On the other hand, male victims were about as likely to be victimised by a stranger (49%) as by someone they knew (51%) (US Department of Justice, 1998). Thirdly, public health practitioners realised that their methods and models could complement existing criminal justice approaches. By addressing the same set of problems from a different disciplinary base and orientation, the possibility of developing innovative approaches to these problems could be increased. Roth and Moore (1995:6-7) identify the following themes linking public health to problems of violence: • •
Violence is a threat to a community's health as well as to its social order. Public health and medical personnel often see violence that goes unreported to criminal justice agencies.
•
Preventing violence and reducing its damaging effects requires attention to victims and witnesses of violence, as well as perpetrators.
•
Epidemiological methods can be useful in measuring overall levels and patterns of violence and in identifying factors that correlate with the risk of violence.
•
In seeking to reduce violence and its consequences, the emphasis should be on prevention rather than amelioration.
•
Many opportunities for preventing violence do not depend upon controlling or rehabilitating perpetrators.
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It is significant that criminologists have also become interested in the approaches and methods of public health and that more recent writings on crime prevention have begun to incorporate some of the terminology, approaches and emphases developed by public health.
Major characteristics of the public health approach
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The public health approach is outlined in Figure 1.1. It consists of four steps: (1)
Problem definition, which is usually accomplished through ongoing descriptive epidemiological surveillance from health facilities, serial population-based studies using household surveys, and the use of measures to determine the economic and social costs of violence and injuries.
(2)
Risk factor identification, which involves establishing the risk and resilience factors that distinguish between high and low risk individuals and groups, using methods such as case-control studies and qualitative investigations.
(3)
Development and testing of pilot interventions, which involves the marketing of implementable risk factor research and assistance to applied violence and injury prevention workers in using such research to design testable interventions and evaluate them.
(4)
Implementation of interventions and ongoing measurement of effectiveness, which involves advocacy and lobbying for the application of interventions known to be effective. It also involves linking the target populations back to the problem definition stage and
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Figure 1.1: The public health approach to violence and injury prevention
(From: Mercy JA, Rosenberg ML, Powell KE, Broome V, Roper WL. (1993). Public health policy for preventing violence. Health Affairs, 12(4): 7-26.) monitoring their effectiveness at the aggregate level of the population, both in terms of reducing incidence levels and in respect of cost-benefit analyses. Although there are differing views on the essential features of the public health approach, the following characteristics can be highlighted: •
a multidisciplinary and intersectoral approach to problem solving
•
an emphasis on risk factors
•
a focus on agents, hosts and environments
•
evidence-led prevention design, implementation and evaluation
•
an emphasis on the involvement of civil society in identifying and solving problems
Multidisciplinary and intersectoral approach Contrary to popular belief, the criminal justice system is not the primary contact point between victims of violence and the authorities. Research on non-fatal violent injuries among Johannesburg township residents showed that for every victim of violence reporting to the police there was at least one more seen only by health care workers. For victims treated outside of formal health care systems, there were two 18
victims of violence for every one reporting to the police (Kruger, Butchart, Seedat & Gilchrist, 1999:403). Since victimisation is itself an important predisposing factor for the perpetration of violence, any attempt to deal with the problem of violence should therefore include close interdisciplinary collaboration between the health and criminal justice sectors. Added to this argument for a multidisciplinary approach is the recognition that effective prevention strategies at the level of the community require the integrated actions of numerous other disciplines with the potential to alter such predisposing factors as poverty, overcrowding, substance abuse, weapon availability, unemployment, attitudes to gender, and child-rearing practices. A multidisciplinary approach requires the redefinition of violence as a problem that is not solely the responsibility of the criminal justice system. It is also essential that the occurrence of violence within the population be described in ways that encourage the participation of different scientific disciplines and the public at large. This rationale underlies the public health definition of violence. (See Box 1.2, below.)
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Risk factors for violence and unintentional injuries Fundamental to its understanding of violence as a preventable problem is the public health focus on risk factors. Risk factors are individual tendencies and characteristics, social and ecological factors, products, and aspects of the physical environment that enhance the likelihood of a person or group engaging in violence or becoming a victim of violence. The strategy is to identify these risk factors through descriptive and analytic research, and disable them through an appropriate combination of educational, enforcement and environmental modification strategies. Among the categories of risk already identified are the following: 1
Individual characteristics
Males are far more likely to be victims and perpetrators of violence than females, and for both sexes the likelihood of violent involvement increases sharply around the age of 15 and remains high until the mid-30s. Factors such as low academic achievement, poor social and interpersonal skills, cognitive impairment, and exposure to violence and depressive illness have all been shown to contribute in varying degrees to the different types of violence. 2
Social factors
Social factors implicated in the occurrence of violence include early developmental experiences and family-functioning styles such as low emotional bonding, punitive and inconsistent styles of discipline, and the parental modelling of violence as a solution to interpersonal problems. At the community and neighbourhood level, population transience, crowding or social isolation, and a negative social identity may contribute to violence. Macro-social and cultural influences include urbanisation and the decay of traditional social structures, economic inequality, political oppression and normative standards that condone the use of physical force as a means of domination and control. 3
Physical determinants
War may be related to critical dimensions of the ecology such as climate, availability of arable land and access to water. The availability of dangerous products such as firearms, alcohol and drugs substantially increases the likelihood and severity of interpersonal and self-directed violence, Aspects of the built environment important in determining violence include the amount of defensible space, the presence or 19
absence of barriers that channel people's movement through space, and the physical appearance of a neighbourhood or community. Flowing from its analysis of risk factors is the public health recognition that many risk factors for violence are shared by non-intentional injury categories. For example, alcohol misuse is a major risk for transport-related injuries; individual characteristics have been implicated in a variety of occupational injuries; and injuries occurring in the home are substantially higher in economically deprived and overcrowded communities. However, while it is in many cases possible to distinguish between intentional and unintentional injuries, intentionality cannot always be established, a problem that is especially acute in respect of injuries to children and women. For these reasons and because intentional and unintentional injuries share a common surveillance system, public health views violence and unintentional injuries as one set of problems that should be responded to from within an integrated prevention framework.
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Box 1.2: The public health definition of violence The notion of violence subsumes different kinds of harmful behaviour, and is a highly subjective and emotive term. What is normal, non-violent behaviour for one individual or group may be considered outright violence by another. Especially where violence is considered in relation to gender-entrenched power imbalances or to interethnic struggles, these multiple perspectives have the potential to themselves become sources of violent disagreement, and to divide different sectors, scientific disciplines, and communities along the lines of their perceptions. Science-based preventive efforts should therefore anchor themselves in a terminology of violence that minimises these emotive connotations; as provided by the following definition of violence. Developed by the WHO Task Force on Violence and Health (WHO,1996), this definition facilitates scientific measurement of the problem and -encompasses the different common understandings of the meaning of violence: Violence is the intentional, threatened, or actual use of physical force or power against oneself, another person, or against a group: or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation: The definition includes a broad range of behaviours and social actions. In addition to defining violence, it is necessary to classify specific forms of violence, since each type has a distinct pattern of risk and consequences with important implications for prevention. While at present there is no broadly accepted typology of violence, the WHO Task Force's (WHO, 1996) classification provides a useful reference point. (1)
Interpersonal violence. Interpersonal violence encompasses violent: behaviours that occur between individuals, but are not planned by any social or political groups in which they participate. It occurs in many forms, and can be grouped into three categories according to the victim-perpetrator relationship: family and intimate violence (e.g. child abuse), violence among acquaintances (e.g. in a social setting between "friends"), and stranger violence (e.g. homicide by a perpetrator unknown to the victim).
(2)
Self-directed violence. Self-directed violence involves intentional and harmful behaviours directed at oneself. Suicide represents the most severe type of selfinflicted violence. Other types of self-inflicted violence include suicide attempts, 20
and behaviours where the intent is self-destructive, but not lethal (e.g: selfmutilation).
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(3)
Organised violence. Organised violence is violent behaviour planned to achieve the specific objectives of a social or political group. It includes political violence involving carefully executed efforts to violently intimidate an opposing political. faction. Genital mutilation of women and men in the name of religious and cultural rites of passage might also be considered a form of organised violence: As a last example, war is the most highly organised form of violence as it is often waged in a strictly regimented manner by military organisations specifically trained in undertaking violence.
It is of major interest that a very similar emphasis on crime prevention is becoming evident in more conventional approaches to criminology. In what is arguably the most comprehensive and wide-ranging review of crime prevention yet attempted, Sherman,1997c:24) stress the importance of "comprehensive risk factor strategies". This is not only because "the scientific evidence supports this approach", but also because it helps to focus attention "on the specific neighbourhoods in which serious crime is most heavily concentrated-not just on the cities in which those neighbourhoods are located": The connection of policing to risk factors is the most powerful conclusion reached from three decades of research. ... Community policing without a clear focus on crime risk factors generally shows no effect on crime. But directed patrols, proactive arrests and problem solving at high-crime "hot spots" have shown substantial evidence of crime prevention. Police can prevent robbery, disorder, gun violence, drunk driving and domestic violence, but only by using certain methods under certain conditions (Sherman, 1996d:1).
Victims, perpetrators and contexts What is commonly overlooked is that within the public health approach, the focus on risk factors places equal emphasis on offenders and victims. Rather than placing the emphasis on perpetrators, as the criminal justice system does, the public health perspective approaches the issues of crime and injury holistically. Moreover, because the public health approach emerged from a medical background, it has a primary interest in the patient or host of the disease or injury. This emphasis on the host or victim is balanced, however, with a concern for the agent (the disease or agent that inflicts the injury and the environment or context in which the injury occurs. Risks 1
are associated with each of these three factors.
This holistic approach finds support among criminologists who emphasise the importance of focusing on the victims of crime. For example, Camerer (1996) observes that until recently little attention has been paid to victims of crime in South Africa, and argues for a shift of focus from the actions and motives of offenders to those of victims. Focusing on victims, she argues, "may yet prove to be one of the most effective ways to curb increasing crime rates in South Africa' (Camerer, 1996:20). There are a number of reasons for adopting this approach: •
It has been shown, for example, that victimisation tends to be concentrated among certain segments of the population that are repeatedly victimised. In the United Kingdom in 1992, for example, it was found that half of those victimised were repeat victims and suffered 81% of all reported crimes.
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•
Victims of crime often become perpetrators of either retributive violence or of violence displaced within the social or domestic setting.
•
A focus on victims rather than offenders is more likely to lead to a proactive approach to crime prevention rather than the reactive approach associated with the criminal justice system.
•
Because of the under-reporting of crime, victimisation surveys may provide a more accurate source of information on crime than police statistics.
•
Criminal procedures and the courts are also more geared to dealing with offenders rather than victims of crime. As Camerer (1996:24) points out, victims tend to be marginalised within the court setting, as the emphasis is on apprehending and punishing the offender rather than consoling the victim. The focus of the justice system is on deterrence rather than restitution, with the court case conducted between the state and the offender, while the victim is reduced to a witness or part of the evidence (Camerer, 1996:20-25).
However, while there is much to recommend an increased focus on victims, simply shifting the focus from offenders to victims would reproduce a variation of the current problems associated with a narrow focus on offenders. Rather the solution lies in broadening the perspective on crime and violence in order to create a more holistic approach to crime and crime prevention. The public health approach, with its emphasis on risk factors, offers this broadened perspective. Evidence-led prevention design, implementation and evaluation The public health approach starts with defining the problem and identifying risk factors, then designing and evaluating interventions, and finally transforming interventions into programmes. Programme development is thus informed by a thorough descriptive and analytic knowledge base which ensures that interventions are closely targeted to local variations (down to the level of the neighbourhood or street) in the violence and injury profile. For instance, surveillance may reveal residents of a particular hostel or apartment block to be over-represented among homicide or rape victims, enabling situational and other preventive measures to be deployed at the site. Or, risk factor research may reveal a particular set of attitudinal and perceptual factors as inhibiting the development of self protective behaviour among a high-risk sub-group, thus indicating the target and content of an educational intervention. In addition to providing information for programme design, injury surveillance and serial epidemiological studies provide a basis for monitoring the outcome of interventions, evaluating their effectiveness, and modifying their content to conform to shifts in the violence and injury profile of the target area. For the public health approach, prevention programmes must be attentive to unique community perceptions and conditions, so as to secure the participation of individuals, households, and groups from diverse cultural and sub-cultural settings; engender a sense of ownership of the violence problem, and empower them in its solution. From the public health perspective, violence is therefore a problem for many different sectors and disciplines, demanding intersectoral approaches that link the prevention contributions that the police, the health sector, education, community groups and ordinary individuals can all make. Programmes, which are now beginning to return empirical evidence of violence prevention success, fall within three broad intervention categories.
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1 Early developmental prevention Early developmental interventions target children aged three to five resident in disadvantaged urban communities at high risk of violence. They focus on the household and school, and involve a combination of enriched pre-school training, home visiting and parent effectiveness training. Farrington (1993) has identified successful examples of such interventions, and his review shows that some have achieved up to a 50% reduction in rates of violent offending and risky lifestyle patterns when intervention groups were compared to control groups at age 27. In addition, such programmes also appear to reduce the incidence of physical child abuse and non-intentional childhood injuries.
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2 Youth educational interventions These are usually schools-based, and recruit teachers as intervention agents to target youth at risk with anger management, conflict resolution and life skills training. Two successful examples are the Washington Community Violence Prevention Programme (Gainer, Webster & Champion, 1993), and the Lions-Quest International "Working Towards Peace" programme in Detroit (Laird, Syropoulos & Black,1996). In both cases, outcome among intervention students was measured against control groups, and showed significant decreases in violent behaviour, the tendency to legitimise violence, and the tendency to apply adversarial solutions to conflict situations. Both interventions also produced significant increases in pro-social attitudes and actions, as well as improved knowledge of violence risk factors. 3 Regulatory interventions Guns and other dangerous weapons do not actually cause violence, but can convert an argument with no associated injuries into one with severe injury or death. Regulatory interventions aim at enacting and ensuring the enforcement of laws that restrict the carrying of weapons in public, and at least in relation to guns have achieved considerable success. For instance, data from several US states before and after the introduction of mandatory sentencing on firearm offences "provides exceptionally strong support for the preventive effect model" with monthly reductions of up to 14% in the number of lives lost (Mcdowell, Loftin & Wiersema, 1992:386). Other interventions involving alcohol regulation, environmental modification, the provision of safe houses for child and female victims of violence, the development of alternatives to gang membership, and violence post-vention facilities have also been implemented by programmes around the world. That they have yet to yield hard evidence of outcome success may be due less to their lack of efficacy than to an evaluation failure partially grounded in the absence of adequate injury surveillance systems serving the target populations. To sum up, public health views violence and injury as a problem to be prevented through the systematic application of scientific principles to problem identification, risk factor analysis, programme design and programme evaluation. Central to this vision is its focus upon the attitudinal and behavioural tendencies of individuals and groups as an outcome of causal relationships to people (e.g. parents, peers), to products (e.g. guns, alcohol, and media violence), and to environments (both physical and socio-cultural), Through appropriate descriptive and analytical research,
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it is possible to quantify these lines of risk and - by disabling them through educational, engineering and enforcement strategies - to reduce the amount, intensity and severity of violence and violence-related trauma in the target population. Popular engagement and empowerment
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Another prominent feature of the public health approach (and in particular of that strand of public health practice known as health promotion) is its emphasis on popular participation and involvement. This emphasis can be directly related to the principles of primary health care and health promotion. In terms of the Qttawa Charter, for example, health promotion is defined as "the process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health". Popular participation is not only seen as socially "healthy", but also as a prerequisite for advances in public health. Empowering people with knowledge and methods is regarded as the main strategy for increasing people's control over their own health (Anderson & Svanström, 1998:4). Although not all public health interventions can accommodate popular participation and empowerment to the same degree, the emphasis on the engagement of civil society serves the additional purpose of encouraging responsiveness to community needs and of designing interventions that are socially and culturally appropriate to their targeted populations. For example, Andersson and Svanström (1998:5) identify the following values as a foundation for the WHO Safe Community Programmes: •
Individuals have the right to be safe, to live in the community and remain unhurt given the state of development.
•
Individuals have the right to be involved in making decisions that deal with the safety of their environment.
•
The community has the right to decide what are to be the priorities for action and what resources will be allocated to interventions.
•
Individuals have the right to know what is hazardous and what are risk factors for injury. As a corollary governments and manufacturers have the duty to inform the community of such hazards and risk factors.
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The community has the right to receive skills. The community is a worthy recipient of knowledge about injury control.
The public health emphasis on popular engagement and empowerment provides a natural link to the current debate on social capital that has focused attention on the importance of social resources for human well-being. In particular, a growing body of research has recently demonstrated a strong relationship between social capital/social cohesion and public health. For example, a seven-year epidemiological study of the population of a county in California showed that people with few social ties were two to three times more likely to die of all causes than were those with
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more extensive contacts (Kawachi et al., 1999). Among the causes of death shown to be related to social capital is violent crime. In fact, recent public health research has found a consistent relationship between social capital, income inequality and violence (Kawachi et al.,1997; Kennedy et al.,1998; Wilkinson, 1999a&b).
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Although various definitions exist, social capital has been defined as those "features of social organisation, such as trust, norms, and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating co-ordinated actions" (Putnam,1993:167). Social capital may therefore be seen as the "glue" that holds a society together, or alternatively, as a "lubricant" that facilitates or eases social interactions that people may work together towards common goals. Whichever metaphor one prefers, the central issue is that social capital is productive in that it facilitates co-operation and makes possible the attainment of goals that could not otherwise be achieved, or at least not at the same cost. For example, two farmers who exchange tools can get more done with smaller expenditures on capital equipment. Similar considerations apply to credit associations, the regulation of irrigation, the sharing of information on jobs, most business transactions, as well as the control over crime in communities. In each case, existing stocks of trust, social norms and networks help to facilitate co-operative behaviour as opposed to selfseeking and opportunistic behaviour. While Putnam and others have argued that there is a strong association between social capital and development, this does not necessarily mean that social capital will lead directly to development, just as wealth and technology do not necessarily lead to human betterment. However, as Evans (1996a:1034) puts it, "if people can't trust each other or work together, then improving the material conditions of life is an uphill battle". The role that trust plays in facilitating co-operative behaviour may be illustrated by the following example: A major obstacle faced by community-based crime prevention programmes in poor and high crime areas is the lack of trust in many such communities (Hope, 1995). In communities in which neighbours trust one another, it is possible for them to co-operate in crime prevention precisely because they trust one another. One is able to ask a neighbour to keep an eye on one's house while one is on holiday, because one trusts the neighbour not to take advantage of the knowledge of one's absence to burgle one's house. Where such trust does not exist between neighbours, it is not in one's interest to inform one's neighbours of one's movements. Social capital is therefore seen as contributing to development in a manner similar "to more orthodox assets, such as human capital (education, health, and training), physical capital (tools and technology), and financial capital (savings, credit and investment)" (Woolcock, 1999:2). Essentially, three kinds (or capital more accurately, levels) of concepts are associated with social capital: (i)
The simplest of these is associated with Putnam who saw social capital as a set of "horizontal associations" that facilitate co-ordinated and co-operative relationships between people.
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(ii)
A second, but broader, concept is associated with the work of James Coleman (1988). Coleman defines social capital as "a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of actors - whether personal or corporate actors - within the structure" (p. 598), This definition places greater emphasis on social structure and broadens the concept to include vertical as well as horizontal associations. vertical or hierarchical relationships are characterised by unequal distributions of power among interacting agents.
(iii)
The third and broadest concept of social capital includes the social and political context that enables norms to develop and shapes social structure. In addition to horizontal and hierarchical relationships, this perspective also includes formal institutional relationships and structures, such as government, the rule of law, the judicial system, and civil and political liberties (Grootaert, 1998:23). However, this conception of social capital may be so broad as to render the concept meaningless. It may therefore be more meaningful to conceive of the broad social and political environment as an enabling environment for social capital, rather than as social capital itself.
These three perspectives should not be seen as mutually exclusive alternatives, but rather as different levels of the manifestation and analysis of social capital which interact with one another. Social capital is also relevant at the macro level and in particular in relation to the state. For example, Evans (1996a&b) and others (e.g. Fox,1996a&b) have attempted to address the role of the state in development by marrying social capital theory with revisionist theories of the "East Asian Miracle" which have also assigned a key role to the state in development. Based on a range of studies from various parts of the world, Evans (1996a:1035) concludes that while it is not a "magic bullet", "statesociety synergy lies at the heart of developmental success". In exploring the potential for co-operation across the public-private divide, Evans (1996b) distinguishes between (a) synergy based on complementarity involving mutually supportive relations between government and citizens, and (b) synergy based on social ties between government and civil society (embeddedness). Social capital is of special relevance to South Africa because of the role that racial oppression and inequality have played in the disintegration of key institutions such as families and communities, and the creation of distrust between social groups. In particular, the relationship that researchers have established between social capital, inequality and violent crime has considerable relevance for South Africa. With a Gini coefficient of about 0,59, South Africa has one of the highest rates of inequality in the world. While the poorest 20% of the population accounts for less than 3% of the country's expenditure, the wealthiest 20% account for nearly 65% of expenditure (World Bank, 1999). As such, it may not be merely coincidental that we also have an extremely high crime rate. The concept ,of social capital therefore offers a potential means not only for gaining a better understanding of crime in South Africa, but also for developing more effective methods for combating crime. As with any important or new issue in the social sciences, the idea of social capital is hotly contested and has both its champions and its detractors. While there are many important scholars (including prominent members of the World Bank and the Harvard School of Public Health) that regard social capital as a major breakthrough, there are also many others who are critical of the concept on both theoretical and empirical grounds. 26
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Many of the objections and critiques of social capital revolve around what it is and how it is defined. These include whether social capital is really a form of capital. It is also argued that social capital tries to explain too much with too little; that a single term is inadequate to explain the range of empirical situations demanded of it. For example, there is some confusion about whether social capital should be regarded as the infrastructure or the content of social relations, or both. It is difficult to separate what social capital is from what it does, or to distinguish between its sources and benefits. There is also a tendency to confuse the sources of social capital with its consequences. Perhaps because of these conceptual confusions social capital has sometimes been used to justify contradictory public policy measures. Empirically a broad range of factors seem to contribute to social capital, but a compelling framework for theorising the relations between these factors may still be lacking (see, for example, Woolcock, 1997; Edwards, 1999; Adler, 1999). Others have argued that the attempt to explain political and economic performance within a single framework fails to recognise that economic development may not always be congruent with democratic politics (Putzel, 1997). It has also been argued that what is called social capital may just be a by-product of more complex social structures and interactions that are shaped by history, and that while social capital tends to suggest co-operation among equals, it does not adequately address the problematic of inequality (Edwards, 1999). While most of these issues have still to be resolved, the social capital debate has generated new perspectives on many of our oldest social problems and suggested innovative solutions in dealing with them. The problems and difficulties associated with social capital may call for caution and constraint, but the potentials and promise of this new approach suggest that it would be foolish to ignore it, or to wait too long for clearer answers to the questions it poses to emerge. 1
The three factors of host, agent and environment form the foundations of the most basic model of the public health approach and although many additional issues have been added, the three factors are still present within the more complex models that have evolved. In Chapter 10, the development of public health models is addressed in some detail, demonstrating the increasing complexity of issues that are addressed by the public health approach.
References AD HOC COMMITTEE ON HEALTH RESEARCH RELATING TO FUTURE INTERVENTION OPTIONS. 1996. Investing in Health Research and Development. World Health Organisation, Geneva (Document TDR/Gen/96.1). ADLER, P.S.1999. Social capital; the good, the bad and the ugly. Available online at: http// www.worldbank.org/poverty/scapital/library/adler.htm. ANDERSSON, R. & SVANSTRÖM, L.1998. Safety vs. health promotion: What can we learn from each other? Unpublished paper presented at the Seminar on Safety Promotion, Quebec, February. Camerer, L. 1996. A victim-centric approach to crime prevention. African Security Review, 5(4):20-27. COLEMAN, J.S.1988. Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94:S95-SI20. COLLIER, P. & Hoeffler, A.1998. On economic causes of civil war. Oxford Economic Papers, 50:563-573. 27
EASTERLY, W. 1999. Life during growth. Journal of Economic Growth, 4(3):239-275. EDWARDS, M. 1999, Enthusiasts, tacticians and sceptics: the World Bank, civil society and social capital, Available online at; http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/scapital/library/edwards.htm. EVANS, P. 1996a. Introduction: Development strategies across the public-private divide. World Development, 24(b):1033-1037. EVANS, P. 1996b. Government action, social capital and development: Reviewing the evidence on synergy. World Development, 24(6):1119-1132. FARRINGTON, D.P.1993. Success stories in the prevention of adolescent aggression and youth violence. Plenary presentation to the Second World Injury Prevention and Control Conference. Atlanta G.A.: March.
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FOX, J. 1996a. Local governance and citizen participation: Social capital formation and enabling policy environments. Paper presented at the Second International Ford Foundation Workshop on Local Governance, Manila. FOX, J.1996b. How does civil society thicken? The political construction of social capital in rural Mexico. World Development, 24(6):1089-1103. GAINER, P.S., WEBSTER, D.W. & CHAMPION, H.R., 1993. A youth violence prevention program. Arch Surgery, 128:303-308. GARTNER, R. 1990. The victims of homicide: a temporal and cross-national comparison. American Sociological Review, 55:92-106. GREENWOOD, P.W., MODEL, K.E,, RYDELL, C.P. & CHIESA, J,1996. Diverting children from a life of crime: measuring costs and benefits. Santa Monica CA: RAND. GROOTAERT, O,1998. Social capital, The missing link? SCI Working Paper, no. 3, April, Washington: World Bank. HOPE, T. 1995. Community crime prevention. In: Tonry, M. & Farrington, D.P, (eds), Building a safer society. Crime and Justice, Vol.19. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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KAWACHI, I., KENNEDY, B.P., LOCHNER, K. & PROTHROW-STITH, D. 1997. Social capital, income inequality, and mortality. American Journal of Public Health, 87:1491-1498. KAWACHI, I., KENNEDY, B.P. & LOCHNER, K.1999. Long live community: social capital as public health. World Bank Social Capital Library. Available online at: http:// wbln0018.worldbank.org/PRM/,..af80485266840000b336?OpenDocument. KENNEDY, B.P., KAWACHI, I, PROTHROW-STITH, D., LOCHNER, K. & GUPTA, V. 1998. Social capital, income inequality, and firearm violent crime. Social Science and Medicine, 47(1):7-17.
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KRUGER,J., Butchart, A., SEEDAT, M. & GILCHRIST, A. 1998. A public health approach to violence prevention in South Africa. In R. van Eeden and M. Wentzel (eds.) The dynamics of aggression and violence in South Africa, 399424. Pretoria, Human Sciences Research Council. LAIRD M., Syropoulos, M. & BLACK, S.,1996. Aggression and violence: The challenge for Detroit Schools. Lions-Quest International. LAST, J.,1988. A dictionary of epidemiology (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ATZOPOULOS, R. 2000. Rapid assessment of trauma facilities at state hospitals in South Africa. Violence and injury surveillance consortium, unpublished technical report, May. MAX, W. & PRICE, D.P. 1993. Shooting in the dark: estimating the cost of personal injuries. Health Affairs, 12(4);171-185, MCDOWELL, D., Loftin, C. & WIERSMA, B., 1992. A comparative study of the preventive effects of mandatory sentencing laws for gun crimes. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 83:378-394. NARAYAN, D. 1999. Bonds and bridges: Social capital and poverty. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. NCPS, 1996. National crime prevention strategy, May 1996. PEDEN, M. & BUTCHART, A. (1999). Trauma and injury. In: Ntuli, A. and Crisp, N. (eds.) South African Health Review, 1999:331-344. Durban: Health Systems Trust. PUTNAM, R.D. 1993. Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. PUTZEL, J.1997. Accounting for the "dark side" of social capital: reading Robert Putnam on democracy. Journal of International Development, 9(7):939-949. ROTH, J.A. & MOORS, M.H., 1995. Reducing violent crimes and intentional injuries. NIJ Research in Action. Available online at http:www.ncjrs.org.txtfiles/reducvio. SHERMAN, L.W. 1996c. Communities and crime prevention. In: SHERMAN, L.W., GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., ECK, J., REUTER, P. & BUSHWAY, S., 1996. Preventing crime: what works, what doesn't, what's promising. A report to the United States Congress, prepared for the National Institute of Justice. Also available online at http://www.ncjrs.org/works.
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SHERMAN, L.W. 1996d. Policing for crime prevention. In: SHERMAN, L.W., GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., ECK, J., REUTER, P. & BUSHWAY S. Preventing crime: what works, what doesn't, what's promising. A report to the United States Congress, prepared for the National Institute of Justice. Also available online at http://www.ncjrs.org/works. US DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. 1998. Female victims of violent crime. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Available online at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/fvvc.htm.
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WHO Task Force on Violence and Health,1996. Making violence a public health priority: A program for the World Health Organisation (WHO) (Draft - 9.18.96). Geneva: WHO. WILKINSON, R.G. 1999a. Health, hierarchy and social anxiety. In: ADLER, N.E., MARMOT, M., McEWEN, B.S. & STEWART, J. (eds.), Socioeconomic status and health in industrial nations: social psychological and biological pathways. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 896:48-63. Also available online at: http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/scapital/library/wilkinson2.htm. WILKINSON, R.G. 1999b. Income inequality, social cohesion and health: clarifying the theory. International Journal of health services, 29(3):525-543. WOOLCOCK, M. 1997. Social capital and economic development: towards a theoretical synthesis and policy framewoork. Theory and Society, 27:1151-208. WOOLCOCK, M.1999. Managing risks, shocks, and opportunities in developing economies: the role of social capital. Available online at: http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/scapital/library/woolcock.htm. WORLD BANK. 1999. Distribution of income or consumption, World Development Indicators 2000. Available online at: http://www.worldbank.org/data/wdi2000/pdfs/ tab2_8.pdf.
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Chapter 2 Violence and violence prevention in South Africa: A sociological and historical perspective*
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Alex Butchart, Martin Terre Blanche, Brandon Humber and Mohamed Seedat Violence, like any other threat to individual integrity and social order, is an emotive phenomenon easily pulled into the service of ideological and political interests. Individual instances of violence occurring for the most part beyond the public eye, it is difficult to accurately "see" the problem, and the epidemiological vacuum of violence in South Africa is filled with social fantasies that serve as surrogate realities to which the public, the police and politicians alike respond. This can be illustrated in the first instance by the middle-class callers to a May 1998 talk radio programme who seriously debated expert evidence that there was more crime and violence in impoverished "township" settings than in moneyed suburbia. Second, although violence is pre-eminently a masculine phenomenon involving male perpetrators and male victims, it is violence against women that takes centre stage and receives the greatest public and political coverage. Third, and although there is little evidence for their preventive value, "victim empowerment" programmes targeted at the psychosocial counselling of individuals after they have been hijacked, raped or assaulted are seen as the royal road to prevention and prioritised over interventions aimed at stopping attacks from happening at all. Fourth, is the belief, repeatedly challenged by the local and international evidence led in this report, that violence is a purely criminal problem most effectively understood through the lens of police statistics and most effectively controlled through criminal justice measures aimed at deterrence, incapacitation and revenge. Together, these and other myths about crime and violence in South Africa sustain a growing security industry in which the concept of prevention is reduced to the idea of protection (higher walls, increased firepower, escalating insurance and security fees). Instead of socio-environmental interventions to reduce the number of violent attacks, fortunes are built around a vicious circle where target hardening stimulates an escalation in the intensity of violence, which necessitates further target hardening and, most importantly, further increases the gulf between the rich and the poor. Already, the late twentieth-century version of the medieval walled city is a reality of our urban landscape, Household insurance coverage is made conditional on properties being subject to 24-hour "armed response" monitoring, and "arming-up" in respect of private weapons bought from shady township and inner-city dealers in the name of personal protection outstrips calls to make the country gun free. Against the high visibility accorded middle-class victims and potential victims of violence, impoverished populations manifesting the highest incidence of assault, homicide and sexual violence are almost invisible, their lives relegated to the growing low-income and informal townships that surround all our major cities. This socially implosive state of affairs is in part sustained by the sociologically uninformed assumptions that fuel the violence control industry, and which it is the aim of this chapter critically to reflect upon. First, the social role of violence and analyses of violence will be explicated in terms of Michel Foucault's (1977) wellknown distinction between sovereign and disciplinary power. Second, these concepts will be applied to a historical review of violence and violence prevention in twentiethcentury South Africa. Third, the findings of this socio-historical review will be used to argue that, unless South Africa is to revert to a situation of militarised governance 31
based on violently enforced social partitioning, the public health approach to violence prevention is the only one consistent with social democracy and a power system that fosters positive social control in the individual, the family, and the community.
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Violence in twentieth-century South Africa: A Foucauldean perspective According to Foucault, a productive relationship exists between power and knowledge at any particular time, with the result that an apparently objective phenomenon such as violence is in fact fabricated in historically contingent ways as an outcome of this relationship. In Discipline and Punish Foucault (I977) explicitly examined the role of violence in relation to power. He argued that over the past 300 years a shift has occurred in the power-knowledge relationship in the West from sovereign power, where social control emanates from a central nexus of authority, to disciplinary power, whereby social control is dispersed throughout society and down to the finest grain of individual and sub-individual determinants of behaviour. Under sovereign power, knowledge of the state and respect for its might are inculcated through highly visible displays of the state's capacity to command obedience, the most prominent of these being actual and symbolic shows of force and the capacity to inflict violence on the citizenry (e.g. public executions, military parades, chain gangs, news footage of police or army action). Disciplinary power, by contrast, works by directing attention onto the individual subjects of the state, and through such individualising and subjectifying technologies as the survey, clinical medicine, the psychological interview, the public opinion poll, and training in the ways of physical and mental health, operates to recruit them into becoming their own overseers, exercising power over, and against themselves. Sovereignty produces both the "memorable man" as the custodian of power and the oppressed masses who sporadically try to wrest it from him; discipline produces the "calculable man”, this being the modern individual who believes in individual autonomy and who directs his or her agency to caring for and enhancing that agency in ways that conform to the greater good of society. Although sovereign power in all but its symbolic form has disappeared from most Western countries, the dynamics of South African society and politics in the twentieth century can be interpreted in terms of both sovereign and disciplinary power, local policies and practices in relation to violence having been conditioned by both these modalities of power. Violence first became a target for socio-medical investigation in the late 1890s, and from then until around 1960 was understood in predominantly psycho-dynamic and ethno-psychiatric terms. In South Africa (Butchart, 1998), as elsewhere in Africa (McCulloch, 1995; Vaughan, 1991), the "African mind" was thus envisaged as a calculable object of intervention, the government at once pathologising violence and sustaining attempts to prevent it through the manipulation of traditional tribal structures and values. In the 196Os, this ethnopsychiatric vision of violence began to fade within a new era of sovereign power where violence (both as symbol and act) was wielded as a legitimate tactic of political struggle by the apartheid state and its opponents. From being a sign of psychopathology, violence became a signal of political might, the "moral orthopaedic" practices of socio-medical analysis and intervention being overshadowed by the sciences of war and revolution to install a reign of terror. A third important shift in how violence was understood and responded to commenced in the late 1980s. With the collapse of apartheid and moves towards democracy, the use of violence for sovereign ends was deligitimised. Now the concern was not the spectacle of violence as a means to political power, but rather the consequences of violence - for the individual, the family, the community and society. Propelled to a heightened visibility by the vigilant attention of the socio-medical sciences and the guardians of human rights, the victim of violence now became the dominant focus 32
within a new disciplinary regime preoccupied with documenting and healing the physical, psychological and social wounds inflicted by the political violence of the past. While in 1996 the response to violence continued to be mainly reactive and dominated by the cult of the victim, it has been possible over the last five years to discern the beginnings of a new and distinct disciplinary recognition of violence. This is the public health approach informing this report, which, as repeatedly stressed, is fundamentally concerned with prevention rather than protection, control or punishment. Accordingly, it constructs violence as the product of a complex of socioecological relationships and risk factors that impinge upon people to increase or decrease their proclivity for violence, and which, following adequate identification by way of epidemiological and social research, can be manipulated to prevent the problem.
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Basic instincts and moral orthopaedics: Violence as a psychodynamic phenomenon The late nineteenth-century rise of industrialisation in South Africa brought together large numbers of Africans and Europeans in the confined urban spaces of the mine, the factory, the shop and the home, and it was in response to these problems of proximity that the problem of violence first became an object of concern for the human sciences in South Africa. From the 1600s violence, had, of course, been systematically applied both as a tactic of colonial expansion and as a weapon of African resistance, as exemplified in accounts of life on "the frontier", that boundary zone between European "civilisation" and African "barbarism" in which battles were fought and the spectacle of the gallows played out (see De Kock, 1950; MacCrone, 1957). By the 1890s, however, the new social configuration imposed by industrialisation demanded a radical transformation in the discourse of violence. For the old ways in which it had been used as a weapon of sovereign command through terror were no longer practicable, their efficiency undermined by a great swelling in the size and density of the population living in towns and cities. This transformation required a more efficient method of controlling people, in the form of a power that worked less upon the body, than into and through it by analysing the body's inner dynamics and transforming its previously irrelevant urges and desires into malleable objects of a management strategy directed toward the manufacture of "docile" bodies. In broad terms, this marked the dawn of modernity and a shift in South Africa to what Foucault termed "disciplinary power”. Now, violence for the first time entered the domain of the human sciences, this point of transition from the memorable man to the calculable man somewhat dramatically marked by a new fear in the hearts of Europeans as to the dangerous "instincts" and "passions" that lurked in the dark of the newly invented African mind. In 1893 a Johannesburg morning newspaper could thus carry the following somewhat dire warning to its readers: “Beware of your houseboy, for under the innocent front may be lurking and lying latent the passions of a panther, or worse!" (cited in Van Onselen, 1982:49). This response to the attempted rape by a black male servant of his white "madam" catalysed the first of a series of "black peril" scares that traversed the Witwatersrand between then and 1912, and in the shape of the "swart gevaar" and the "rooi gevaar" would resurface at times of tension well into the 1980s. As Van Onselen (1982:50-53) has shown, the majority of actual incidents of violence around which the 1893 episode crystallised had clustered among economically less stable working and middle-class households, suggesting that as a collective phenomenon the "curse of the black peril" was driven by "periods of stress and acute tension within the political economy ... as a whole" (p. 51).
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With the Lunacy Amendment Act of 1908, the "basic instincts" underlying the curse of the black peril found their first formal inscription in a policy document that distinguished between "Governor’s pleasure", "criminal" and "ordinary lunatics" (Transvaal Archives Depot (TAD), CS 863/14966), to delineate all those who fell into the intersection between madness and badness as "dangerous individuals", a category of deviance that in this colonial context was to express itself with particular clarity in relation to violence and the African. Thus, by 1910 the impulsive African as a dangerous individual found further formalisation in the Secretary for Native Affairs' suggestion that asylum superintendents endorse the passes of all native lunatics as to the fact of and duration of their detention in the asylum, and ensure that they were repatriated to their own kraals, not only to purify the white community of their threat, but also "so that the patients may have a complete rest ... to strengthen their recovery" (TAD, 202/10 LD 1786). Two years later, this rapidly consolidating psycho-dynamic discourse on violence found further confirmation in a 1912 editorial in the South African Medical Record which called for `"the curse of the black peril" to be dealt with through "a scientific treatment of this social evil on exactly the same lines as if it were a human disease" (Editorial, South Africa Medical Record). Locating the cause of "the black peril" to the removal of Africans from their tribal environment, it observed how: We have taken enormous hordes of young adult savages or semi-savages, eminently virile in more senses than one, from their own environment, and have placed them in an environment absolutely teeming with every possible stimulus to the sexual impulse at the same time that they are, necessarily, kept celibates ... We have not even tried to put them m the social mosquito-proof house of a reproduction of a native community, but, on the contrary, have freely exposed them to all the stings of a class of human mosquitoes whose interest is to inoculate them with every kind of human vice, and, as regards some forty thousand of them at least, have permitted their employment in duties of all other most calculated to raise the sexual impulse (Editorial, South African Medical Record). Consolidated in the 1920s by the burgeoning of academic disciplines (e.g. anthropology, ethnology, psychology, sociology) concerned with human and in particular African thought and behaviour (see Dubow,1987; Foster, 1991), and by the infamous analyses of the Carnegie Commission into the poor white problem (see Albertyn, 1932), the discourse of violence as a psycho-dynamic problem had by the 1930s embraced the African in a web of infra-policies aimed at preventing violence both among Africans and by Africans towards Europeans. Confirming that violence was somehow related to madness, and madness in turn to urbanisation, Sachs' Black Hamlet (1937) and Laubscher's Sex, Custom and Psychopathology (1937) demonstrated the problem of violence to be especially prevalent in the towns and cities. Hence a system of moral orthopaedics focused on remedying the urban African's lack of super-ego control by recreating carefully selected aspects of tribal culture in the urban native location. As Laubscher noted "the commission of sadistic sexual acts on European women by detribalised natives living in towns led me to enquire into the frequency of the occurrences of sexual offences in the native territories" (Laubscher, 1937:257). Finding such offences rare among rural Africans, Laubscher concluded that their prevention in urban settings could be achieved through manipulation of the tribal rites relating to African masculinity. Thus, because neglect of the circumcision rite created "a marked instability ... in behaviour and attitude to practical things", Laubscher felt that it should not only be permitted but actively encouraged among urban Africans (p. 134). In contrast to this stabilising and therefore desirable rite was 34
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the "racial characteristic of sharing and mutual assistance" (Laubscher, 1937:135), In the rural areas this was an admirable attribute. In the towns, however, it "facilitates his comprehension of communistic ideals ... and makes the native prone to the influence of agitators" (pp.196-197). Such altruism was therefore to be met with the antidote of education, carefully calculated to engender a desire for private property within the framework of those racial and tribal traditions consistent with "capitalistic administration" (Laubscher, 1937:197). Elaboration of this psycho-dynamic approach to violence would continue well into the 1970s when, building on the psychometric tradition of moral and personality surveillance established by Biesheuvel (1953;1955;1957), Sherwood (1957) and De Ridder (1961), the last psychometric device explicitly designed to monitor the individual's tendencies to violence was published by the Human Sciences Research Council as the "Zulu TAT" (Erasmus, 1975). However, the disciplinary thrust to monitor violence through such psychological surveillance and the screening out of dangerous individuals (Editorial, South African Medical Journal) was by the 1960s subordinate to a new sovereignty in which the use of violence by the state and by its opponents eclipsed the contribution of the psychological sciences to its control, all but obliterating the visibility of ordinary individuals as victims and perpetrators of violence.
The new sovereignty: State violence and the armed struggle Foucault's famous description of the 1757 execution of Damiens the regicide (1977:3) was a reminder that the mark of a society in the grip of sovereign power is the strategic deployment - both by the state and by its opponents - of violence as a mechanism by which the formal centres of control and resistance display themselves to the public eye, asserting and confirming their might through their capacity to create spectacles of death and destruction. The first great rupture in twentiethcentury South Africa's discourse on violence occurred in 1960. For it was then that intensification of the armed struggle as a strategy of African resistance against the oppressive policies of apartheid called forth an escalation in the state's use of visible violence, to set in place a new regime of sovereign power that would last out the next 30 years. Within the previous regime, violence had extended the eye of disciplinary surveillance into the depths of the mind and pervaded the spaces between bodies to mark out the interstices of tribe, culture, tradition, and interracial contact, which were then targeted by "native policy". Now, the new sovereignty meant that violence operated to curtail this individuating and illuminating tendency, installing in its place a great binary division between "the blacks" and "the whites". As a 1961 Pan Africanist Congress pamphlet put it: "We are starting again Africans ... we die once. Africa will be free on 1 January. The white people shall suffer, the black people will rule. Freedom comes after bloodshed. Poqo has started. (cited in Reader's Digest, 1988:411) This, then, marked the beginning of a time of bombs, guns, bulldozers and brutal tortures, a time when violence was only nominally a crime in violation of the law. Any criminal justice pretensions to the contrary were constantly contradicted by daily displays of state violence beating down on African bodies, while those very bodies fought back with the self-same weapons of sovereign power (see Karis & Carter, 1977, for an historical analysis of this swing to violence). The apartheid state thus operated in the first instance through overt political violence - conventional and counter-insurgency warfare, forced removals, assassinations, "disappearances",
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detention and torture - as well as through myriad forms of "structural" violence. In response, the "armed struggle" began around the same time as the 1960 massacres at Sharpeville and Langa, and throughout the next two decades acts of violence increased exponentially, culminating in the dark years of the 1980s.
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Under the weight of this oppression, the gaze of psychosocial surveillance that previously had pathologised the African mind as an object of white consciousness was reversed. In the 1970s, and as the single most prominent disiplinary counterpoint to the destructive power of sovereign violence, Biko's Fanon-inspired Black Consciousness (BC) emerged to invent an African personality that was a mirror image of that produced by ethno-psychiatry. Essentially an inward-looking process, the effect of BC was to expand the meaning of. violence to include sociological and ideological factors, which it identified as destroying the authenticity of black people and undermining the African's pride and dignity. Hence the appeal of BC for the black man (sic) to ... come to himself; to pump back life into his empty shell; to infuse him with pride and dignity; to remind him of his complicity in the crime of allowing himself to be misused and therefore letting evil reign supreme in the country of his birth. (Biko, 1988/1970:43) While acknowledging that not all oppressed persons were equally subject to the alienating effects of apartheid, the BC focus on how it insinuated itself into subjectivity meant that black persons themselves constituted the pathology, and therefore that their cure demanded rehabilitation of the entire individual and social body. This was emphasised by Manganyi's characterisation of the ordinary African as a "psychological paraplegic": ... in the African experience there was over time developed a sociological schema of the black body prescribed by white standards. The prescribed attributes of this sociological schema have, as we should know by now, been entirely negative. It should be considered natural under these circumstances for an individual black person to conceive of his body image as something entirely undesirable, something which paradoxically must be kept at a distance outside of one's self so to speak. (Manganyi, 1973:51) By problematising the sociological and ideological conduits through which apartheid oppression internalised itself in the minds and bodies of the oppressed, the effect of BC was to expand the variety of sites that were regarded as valid targets for violent resistance, resulting in the spread of violence beyond military installations and personnel to civilians and other non-military groups as the actual and perceived representatives of the apartheid state. Prominent among these non-military targets was the state system of "Bantu education". A pamphlet circulated to Soweto parents during the June 1976 protests against Afrikaans as a medium of education stated: "... you should rejoice for having given birth to this type of child ... a child who prefers to die from a bullet rather than swallow a poisonous education which relegates him and his parents to a position of perpetual insubordination (cited in Reader's Digest, 1988:444). In 1977, a year after the Soweto protests, Steven Biko, the driving force of Black Consciousness, was himself murdered in an instance of political brutality that sensationally focused world attention upon the political use of violence by the South African state. The frequency of politically motivated attacks against the apartheid state and those seen as its members continued to increase after 1977, and these attacks were mostly regarded as legitimate by the majority of South Africans who saw no alternative, Posel writing that "from the early 1980s, mass resistance against apartheid erupted 36
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with unprecedented tenacity and ferocity" (1990:154). By the mid-1980s it was as if the long-established pattern of violence and counter-violence was spiralling out of control. Guerrilla attacks increased by 304 percent between 1984 and 1985 (Weekly Mail,17-24 January 1986 cited in Vogelman,1995), and in 1986 and 1987 there were 230 and 240 guerrilla attacks respectively (Weekly Mail, 8-14 July 1988 cited in Vogelman, 1995). As these attacks grew in frequency and state repression increased, so the idea of the armed struggle was increasingly popularised. The social acceptability of violence as a form of resistance was further boosted by the African National Congress' (ANC) call to make townships ungovernable through any means possible (Vogelman, 1995) and by the declaration of 1986 as the year of the "people's army" (South African Institute of Race Relations, 1986). Similarly, and as it had for many years, the state continued to claim a legitimate right to use violent repression. Television viewers, for instance, were repeatedly told in 1986 that "we have a total revolutionary onslaught against us ... we experience it every day" (cited in Posel, 1990:167). Such depictions of the state's integrity under siege were a way of legitimating its use of violence, for they allowed academics such as Van der Merwe (cited in Hoffman & McKendrick, 1990:17) to argue that all nations validate and enforce violence in "the pursuit or protection of national interests", and National Party politicians to pontificate about the "total onslaught" and the threat of communism. These political and ideological positions found their tactical expression in the establishment of a "National Security Management System", which from the State Security Council downwards gave the military direct influence, through some 500 secret committees, over decision making down to the level of local government (Cock, 1989; 1994). This systematic "security" approach and the "low-intensity conflict" or counter-insurgency operations of the state exerted their pressure over the entire society, including the media and educational institutions, and soon polarised all into pro- and anti-apartheid camps. By 1990, however, it was evident that the apartheid regime was collapsing under the combined force of internal destabilisation and external pressure (e.g. trade embargoes and other socio-economic sanctions). As democratic reform appeared imminent, attempts to delegitimate the use of violence for political ends escalated. Thus, and amidst ongoing township violence at the inter-community level, the ANC denounced the armed struggle, while the state (despite continuing to sponsor numerous "third force" actions) started moving towards the negotiated settlement that culminated in the historic April 1994 elections when sovereign power was formally passed from white to black hands. In post-apartheid South Africa the "legitimate" aspect of violence lingers in the form of sporadic flare-ups between ANC and Inkatha Freedom Party supporters in KwaZulu-Natal, which have resulted in 9 300 deaths and 61 reported massacres between 1990 and 1993 (Bronkhorst, 1995).
The New Discipline I: Caring for victims of violence The re-emergence of sovereign power in South Africa during the apartheid years (as evidenced in spectacular displays of direct force by both oppressor and oppressed) constituted a hiatus in the extension of the more "synaptic" forms of disciplinary power characteristic of the modern industrial nation. It was thus not only statesanctioned racial discrimination, but also the crude methods of its enforcement that constituted a scandal to more progressive political sensibilities locally and internationally, and rather than respond solely with direct counter-force, many attempted to draw South African political practices back into a modernist, disciplinary configuration. Among such groups were the socio-medical sciences, which owe their very existence to the modernist power regime that has as its object and effect the individual. Consequently, mental health professionals attempted to counter the state’s preoccupation with strategies of sovereign domination, and replace these with 37
a progressive-humanist alternative that emphasised the individual, liberation, and empowerment, thrusting to prominence not the sources of violence but rather its victims. Conditioned by this new regime of disciplinary power, the individual as the victim of violence emerged in two distinct but related forms. On the one hand, as a victim of ideological and structural violence who, viewed through the application by local scholars of Bulhan's (1985) interpretation of Fanon (1967), recalled the African personality that had been fabricated by BC nearly 20 years earlier. For instance, in attempting to explain the highly elevated rates of homicide and assault observed among blacks in comparison to whites, Nell and Brown wrote:
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Apartheid is a successor to colonialism, preserving the colonial structures of power and privilege. If Bulhan's hypothesis that "vertical" institutional violence in colonial and neo-colonial societies spreads horizontally among the victims of oppression is correct, it offers an explanation for the high homicide and assault rates among Africans (Nell & Brown, 1991, p. 295). In comparison, the victim of violence as harmed by a traumatic event was by far the more prominent object of concern within this regime and the outcome of a somewhat different set of practices. These practices constituted the work done by (mainly white) psychiatrists, psychologists and medical practitioners, who in treating the victims of torture, detention and injury resulting from police action (see Perkel, 1990; Rayner, 1990; Solomons, 1988; Spitz, Eastwood & Verryn,1990), risked decontextualising the origins and outcomes of violence by reducing it to a discrete event with discrete consequences for the individual. Accordingly, this form of victimology was characterised by its own, self-reflexive critique, which tried to show that violence was an ongoing phenomenon (Straker, 1987); that detention "does not only produce negative psychological effects but is also a site and a source ... of active human transformation towards a more just social order" (Foster & Skinner,1990:229), and that the uncritical definition of persons as victims could be counter-productive (Swartz & Levett, 1989; Levett, 1989). While certainly having somewhat different emphases, both these strands within the new discipline of the victim aimed to simultaneously illuminate the excesses and intensity of state violence, and to repair the damage this caused. Despite the extent of these confessional activities from the 1980s onwards, it was only in the mid 1990s - when the wider political arena started to shift back towards a disciplinary configuration -that their import began to filter upwards from the infra-policy level and into formal policy documents. Early indications that this victim-oriented discourse was becoming formalised appeared in several draft documents produced by national and regional ANC health forums in the early 1990s. Within these documents mental health was continually tied to the socio-political context and violence began to be outlined as a mental health problem, requiring that those affected by it be treated through systematic intervention programmes. However, these of forts to redraw violence as a disciplinary problem for the health and social sciences met with little immediate success. The initial ANC Policy Guidelines (1992) for health omitted any mention of violence as a mental health concern. By 1994, however, violence was articulated as a key issue requiring urgent mental health attention. This was clearly documented in the ANC Health Plan (1994), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994), and subsequent policy documents including the Mental Health and Substance Abuse Committee Report (1995), and the Strategic Management Team Task Group Gauteng Report on Mental Health (Zwi, Radebe, Ratemane, Freeman & Harris,1995). Now, violence was constructed as a destructive heritage of past policies and practices that continued to exert a deleterious influence on communities and individuals. These 38
documents also began to present a more fine-grained taxonomy of violence, discerning such acts as child abuse, women abuse, assault and other forms of criminal violence as discrete subcategories. Their conclusion was that violence posed a major threat to the social and economic development of the country (Zwi et al., 1995), and it was argued that reconstruction and development were contingent on a safe society that assured physical and mental health.
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Where previously the curative goal had been to return victims of violence to their activist positions on the front line of the anti-apartheid struggle, the focus now was on restoring to victims of violence their capacity to serve as productive citizens. Accordingly, the documents prioritised "victims of violence" for mental health interventions. These victims were portrayed as psychologically wounded individuals in need of adequate care through the establishment and support of crisis centres and counselling services (ANC Health Plan, 1994; Zwi et al, 1995). Elsewhere, in a section that discussed policy frameworks for health care, the Reconstruction and Development Programme stated: "The RDP must aim to promote mental health and increase the quality, quantity and accessibility of mental health support and counselling services, particularly for those affected by domestic or other violence" (Reconstruction and Development Programme, 1994:2.12.7.3). Repeated mention was made of the need for specialised programmes for victims of violence, including victims of child abuse, women abuse and people at risk for violence owing to substance abuse. Complementing this curative approach within the mental health sphere was an equally reactive stance on the part of the criminal justice and policing sectors, which in emphasising a need for improved detection and punishment of violent perpetrators reinforced the post event focus of mental health, and with it the idea that violence and its consequences could not be prevented, but only controlled.
The New Discipline II: Violence prevention The burgeoning of victim-oriented practices in respect of violence marked the beginning of its translation from a mechanism of sovereign power into a conduit for the productive power of discipline. By the mid-1990s, this was being complemented by an increasing recognition that a curative approach was insufficient, and with it a realisation of the preventive possibilities of epidemiological and risk-factor research into the causes of violence. Thus, while such research had already commenced in the late 1980s (see Nell & Butchart,1989; Knottenbelt,1989; Van der Spuy,1989), it was only four to five years later that it began to attract the attention of the criminal justice, policing and health sectors as a key component in what had become a drive to make violence the object of a preventive regime that aimed to draw everyone into its web of surveillance. This epidemiological renaissance extended the statistical surveillance of violence from the police perspective into the health sector, and from the victim of violence as purely in need of care, to the victim of violence as being at the same time a resource for information relevant to prevention. As this occurred, so hospital casualty wards, clinics and mortuaries began to serve as observatories for monitoring the demographic, personal and situational determinants of violence, alongside the earlier established human rights monitoring groups, police stations and state statistical services. This expansion in the sites from which violence could be scrutinised was to have a number of implications for formal policy. First, in extending the eye of epidemiology through the hospitals, it raised to visibility all those victims of violence who previously had not existed for a regime concerned only with high-profile cases of political violence, revealing (at least for Cape Town and Johannesburg) that of every 10 victims of violence treated in hospital emergency rooms, only one was injured in 39
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explicitly political conflict (Butchart et al, 1991b; Van der Spuy, 1993). Second, it problematised the perception that because violence was according to the law a criminal act, the best point from which to view it was through the police and court statistics of the criminal justice system. Now, it could be recognised that not all incidents of violence were processed through the criminal justice system, and that for many victims of violence (in South Africa as elsewhere), the health sector was the first and only point of contact, treating at least six times the number of victims who entered the criminal justice system (Butchart, Seedat & Nell, in press; National Committee for Injury Prevention and Control, 1989; Shepherd, Shopland, Pearce & Scully, 1990). Although these recognitions coincided with the emergence of a number of non governmental organisations that applied epidemiological insights in community based approaches to violence prevention (for a review, see Butchart, I996), they did not find rapid translation into formal policy. While the 1994 ANC Health Plan noted that only 15% of violence was political, it failed to elaborate on where the causes of the remaining 85% might lie, or to develop the concept of violence prevention beyond noting the need for preventive programmes. Similarly, the Gauteng Strategic Management Team Report (Zwi et al., 1995) highlighted violence as an important health care problem, but discussed it under secondary and tertiary modalities of care only, underlining the need for more staff to cope with the mental health problems associated with violence and the development of mobile trauma counsellors, but failing to mention violence at the primary health care level. All the policy documents studied failed to develop a comprehensive violence prevention programme that offered a broad analysis of violence incorporating domestic, criminal and community development issues. Despite these failings, the documents did convey an implicit sense of violence as a preventable problem. By continually linking the state of health care to the social context, improvements in all aspects of social life (e.g, housing, employment and social development) were presented as prerequisites for the prevention of violence and promotion of a mentally healthy society. There was an emphasis on restructuring various institutions (e.g. security forces, correctional services) that in the past were instrumental in the creation and maintenance of systematic violence, and through this to cultivate the growth of a human rights culture that would discourage violence (see Mental Health and Substance Abuse Committee, 1995; RDP, 1994, Zwi et al, 1995). Cognitively, at least, violence had by 1995 been radically transformed from a political and criminal issue into a sociological and public health problem, a collective pathology that originated not merely from the formal centres of political power and resistance, but which was caused by the very fabric of society of which it could now be seen as an integral component - the violence in and of everyday life. As a result, the new discourse defined violence as an intersectoral problem, a challenge not for the police, criminal justice, educational or health sectors acting independently, but one that could only be solved through their joint efforts, and, most importantly, through recruitment of the very individuals and communities most affected by it to undertake the task of prevention and control. The 1994 ANC health guidelines advocated a single mental health dispensation. Founded on a primary health care approach, these guidelines emphasised collaboration, community participation, community orientation of services, empowerment of individuals and cost effectiveness. Preventive, promotive, curative and rehabilitative forms of service were to be provided alongside each other on a rational and cost-effectiveness basis (ANC, 1994; RDP, 1994; Mental Health and Substance Abuse Committee, 1995; Zwi et al., 1995), and violence was isolated as one of the most pressing problems requiring the involvement of more than one ministry (see Mental Health and Substance Abuse Committee, 1995; RDP, 1994, Zwi et al., 1995). intersectoral 40
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planning committees were envisaged as being made up of government departments, non-governmental organisations, consumers, and other mental health care role players, the chief responsibility of these bodies being to enable co-operation and ensure that fragmentation and duplication of services were minimised (Zwi et al., 1995). In May 1996, this vision found further elaboration in the National Crime Prevention Strategy document (National Crime Prevention Strategy Team, 1996), which identified violence as among the top priorities for crime prevention, attributed its occurrence to a broad range of political, social, economic and environmental causes, and stated that the fundamental challenge was to establish a multi-agency preventive task force. The relationship between crime, violence and development necessitates the engagement of the Reconstruction and Development Programme and of developmental agencies. The imperative of delivering comprehensive victim empowerment strategies and services implies the involvement of the Social Welfare and Health departments. The impact of economic deregulation and the need for some forms of regulation to control criminal markets appears to require the participation of the Department of Trade and Industry in any crime prevention strategies. The problems of regional security and illegal immigration necessitate the focused attention of the SANDF, SASS and the Department of Home Affairs respectively (National Crime Prevention Strategy Team, 1996:44). This rhetorical commitment to intersectoriality is only now, as of mid-1998, beginning to be matched by any equivalent shift in practice, with significant portions of the 1997 DACST-funded science council projects focusing on public health interventions in respect of developing information systems for violence and injury surveillance, examining risk factors for violence towards women and children, implementing and evaluating community based demonstration programmes, and preparing the current report on the best local and international practices in respect of violence prevention. However, the approximately five million rand apportioned to these projects pales against the lion’s share of research and development movies that continues to be pumped into the criminal justice system and into "hi-tech" detection and investigation systems, such as those being developed by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research. Thus, although it certainly does appear that South Africa has started to make the transition from a purely criminal justice orientation to a more broad-based public health approach to violence prevention, there remains much to be done in consolidating this shift.
Conclusion Because it is only ever equivalent to what our methods of recording and analysis make it to be, the problem of violence is always a fragile and volatile one, which in the absence of sustained epidemiological surveillance and risk factor analysis will revert to an unanalysed and therefore unmanageable mass that cannot be prevented, only controlled. Contemporary public health technologies, with their emphasis on evidence-led interventions aimed at altering the relationships between people, products and environments that produce violence, provide the quintessential framework in which a scientifically validated set of social realities can serve to fuel a drive toward prevention that is consistent with the conditions of social democracy. For, while historical examples of how public health was exploited in the service of colonial oppression warn us that its power can be abused, they also enable us to learn from the past and so avoid repeating similar errors in the present. In the final analysis, the question must be: If not public health and the preventive sciences of Social medicine, then what? The alternative is already with us in rapidly crystallising form: Society split and fracturing along lines of class and social competence, where the only interests counted are those of the rich, while the poor sink further below the 41
line of visibility to become once again the anonymous crowd of a new sovereignty symbolised by high-rise apartments, cluster housing estates, armed neighbourhood patrols and streets that are empty of all but the poor and the police.
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This chapter is adapted from an earlier version of this paper that appeared as Butchart, A., Hamber, B., Terre Blanche, M. & Seedat, M. Violence power and mental health in twentiethcentury South Africa. In: D. Foster, M. Freeman & Y. Pillay (eds.) Mental Health Police Issues for South Africa.
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Chapter 4 Soul City 1
Lee Rocha-Silva and Graeme Hendricks
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Summary The Soul City programme was initiated in the early 1990s as part of the activities of the Institute of Urban Primary Health Care (IUPHC) at the Alexandra Health Centre in Alexandra, a residential area to the north-east of Johannesburg in Gauteng. In fact, the programme was conceptualised at a time when violence-related injuries were fairly common in Alexandra, inter alia because of various political factors. Since its inception in 1992, the programme has been consistently funded by national and international donors in both the private and public sector (e.g. the South African National Department of Health, a petroleum company (BP), the United Nations International Children's and Educational Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organisation (WHO). Soul City does not only operate nationally, but makes a special effort to extend its work to other African countries and, indeed, to countries outside Africa. The programme collaborates with other organisations in the public and private sector, specifically in order to build "critical mass", access additional expertise when needed and, indeed, facilitate comprehensive and integrated programme development. The emphasis is on facilitating the prevention of crime- or violence-related injury through the mass media and within the context of health and development promotion. The programme is undergirded by the basic assumptions of public health, as articulated by the World Health Organisation. Crime- or violence-related injury is, thus, assumed to be an outflow of, inter alia, an agent (e.g. weapons), a host (e.g, the perpetrator or victim of violence or injury and, thus, inter alia injury-inflicting or violent behaviours) and the environment (the context) in which the agent and host operate. Concern is, consequently, with not only behaviour but also with attitudinal matters (e.g. reasons for inflicting injury or behaving violently) and the context within which the relevant behaviour takes place (e.g. time and place of occurrence, the nature and extent of the "company" within which the behaviour takes place). Although the importance of going beyond the individual and addressing environmental issues is explicitly acknowledged, the difficulty of devising and implementing programmes that address these issues in detail is recognised. Projects are designed and adapted on the basis of in-depth quantitative and qualitative needs assessments, specifically to ensure culturally sensitive and appropriate content and "style". The value of the Soul City projects has been nationally and internationally recognised. In short, the programme is directly and indirectly premised on the assumption that crime-related injury prevention in South Africa needs to be approached in a comprehensive and integrative manner. Indeed, it is assumed that contributors to crime-related injury are multifaceted, dynamic and a combination of complexly interrelated local, regional and international factors. 75
Introduction This case study was conducted during January/February 1998. It is based on indepth discussions with the management of the Soul City programme, annual reports as well as various other documents. Indeed, extracts from these sources are periodically quoted in order to substantiate conclusions. The decision to do a case study on the Soul City programme is due mainly to the fact that Soul City is nationally as well as internationally recognised for its concrete contributions to health promotion generally and crime/violence-related injury in particular. indeed, since its inception in 1992, the programme has been consistently funded by national and international donors in both the private and national sector, (for example the South African National Department of Health, a petroleum company (BP), the United Nations International Children's and Educational Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organisation (WHO).
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Background and context The Soul City programme was initiated in the early 1990s as part of the activities of the Institute of Urban Primary Health Care (IUPHC) at the Alexandra Health Centre in Alexandra, a residential area to the north-east of Johannesburg in Gauteng. It was founded in 1992 by Garth Japhet and Shereen Usdin, who operated from one of the offices at the Alexandra Health Centre. In fact, the programme was conceptualised at a time when violence-related injuries were fairly common in Alexandra, inter alia because of various political factors. Hall et al. (1993:113), for example, noted that in 1991 and 1992 political violence disrupted Alexandra township, resulting in a considerable increase in fatal and nonfatal injuries (e.g. the Alexandra primary health clinic attended to about 600 victims during a two-month period in early 1991, over 10% of which were fatal). However, crime, violence and related injury are issues that the community of Alexandra have been living with for a number of decades (Hall et al. 1993), and can be expected to continue living with for some time, unless the general socio-economic conditions in the area improve. In fact, Hall et al. (1993:113-114) predict a continuation of the high rate of crime/violence-related injuries in Alexandra, specifically because of (a) the debilitating socio-economic conditions prevailing in the area, and (b) the fact that such conditions are generally positively associated with crime and violence. For example, a 1993 in-depth situation analysis of Alexandra pointed to severe overcrowding (in 1991 estimated at 200 000 persons per five square kilometres), substantial informal settlement and an age structure, especially within informal structures, that parallels that frequently found in developing countries, i.e. a broad base, narrow apex and bulge in the 20-29 years category (Hall et al. 1993:66-67, 113-119). The point was also made that access to basic resources such as health care, education, fuel, water, sanitation and transport was constrained in the area. Attention was drawn to the large proportion of migrant labourers and the general weakening/disintegration of family life in the community. Physical and sexual abuse as well as neglect of children were fairly common. For example, physical abuse predominated among children between six and eight years old, and included injuries caused by beatings (fist or open hand), whipping (by sjambok or electric flex), kicks, cigarette burns and throttling.
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It is also important to note that the initiation of the Soul City programme as part of the IUPHC's activities evolved against the background of (a) the University of the Witwatersrand clinic's long-standing involvement in the everyday activities of the Alexandra Health Centre, and (b) a 1990 decision of the Board of Management of the Health Centre and the University clinic to form the IUPHC in order to "provide a definite structure within which practical education, training and research could be further promoted and brought to bear on the actual provision of Primary Health Care" (IUPHC 1997), not only to the Alexandra community but also to historically disadvantaged communities generally. Although the IUPHC became an independent trust in 1997 it continued to collaborate closely with the Alexandra Health Centre and the University of the Witwatersrand's Alexandra clinic.
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Aims and underlying principles, assumptions or theory Soul City is premised on the IUPHC's general aim to "carry out training, health promotion and research activities that include, but also go beyond, the needs of the immediate area (i.e. Alexandra Health Centre and the Alexandra residential area) and a single service provider". Special emphasis is placed on communities that have been historically disadvantaged or marginalised (IUPHC 1996). The mission statement of the IUPHC reads: "To undertake practical education, training and research in the field of primary health care" (IUPHC 1996). Concern is with (a) researching the feasibility of proposed health-related programmes/reforms/policies and monitoring their implementation, as well as (b) exploring the health-related realities with which historically disadvantaged communities grapple (IUPHC 1996). Soul City in particular is directed at health and development promotion (and, thus, the prevention of, inter alia, crime- or violence-related injury) through the mass media. Special emphasis is placed on "popularised" education or, for that matter, edutainment. In fact, the programme aims to inform and promote "health-seeking" behaviour. The 1996 annual report of the IUPHC, for example, elaborated as follows: Soul City as an organisation believes that health promotion is a critical aspect of health care provision. We have thus participated in a number of initiatives to develop health promotion in South Africa. In South Africa we have helped develop and co-ordinate a one-week course through the Transvaal School of Public Health. We teach various constituencies ranging from lay health workers to medical students about media and messages in health, as well as health promotion in general. We organised a workshop together with other African countries and UNICEF to look at the "edutainment" concept and how best to develop it in those countries ... We are now on the steering committee to set up national and regional health promotion forums. In the light of the programme's objectives and activities, it is clear that it is basically driven by a multifaceted conception of health that Frenk (1992:68) described as follows: Health is a crossroads: It is where biological and social factors, the individual and the community, and social and economic policy all meet. In addition to having its own intrinsic value, health is a means towards personal and collective realisation; it is therefore also an index of the success achieved by a society and its government institutions in the search for well-being, which, after all, is the ultimate goal of development. 77
The available information on Soul City suggests that the programme is generally undergirded by the basic assumptions of public health, as articulated by the World Health Organisation (WHO 1980). (The public health model is well known for being multi-facetted. It takes cognisance of the agent (e.g. weapons), the host (e.g. the perpetrator or victim of violence or injury and, thus, inter alia injury-inflicting or violent behaviours) and the environment (the context) in which the agent and host operate. In fact, the emphasis is not only on behaviour but also on attitudinal matters (e.g. reasons for inflicting injury or behaving violently) and the context within which the relevant behaviour takes place (e.g. time and place of occurrence, the nature and extent of the "company" within which the behaviour takes place)
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More specifically, Soul City is based on the assumption that health-compromising or risk behaviour, although manifesting in various forms, tends to have a common etiological base and, thus needs to be addressed holistically. For example, in the course of discussions between the researchers and the management of the programme, the following was pointed out: We ... look at risk behaviour as a syndrome ... and believe [for example] that the kind of factors underlying child smoking, having unsafe sex and misusing alcohol are all very similar ... lack of skills to resist such behaviour. Concern seems to be with individuals' health-related "lifestyles" and, specifically, behaviour patterns and attitudes. Although the importance of going beyond the individual and addressing environmental issues is explicitly acknowledged, the difficulty of devising and implementing programmes that address these issues in detail is emphasised. For example, during in-depth interviews with Soul City management the point was made that: We try very hard not to get into victim blaming ... we try to point out that people live in a particular environmental context and, in fact, that there are things that are more important than individuals’ actions. So one of the tobacco messages was that it is against the law to sell tobacco to people under 16 and what transpired in the story was that the mothers protested that this guy was selling cigarettes to kids under 16 and eventually he stopped. So you try and draw attention to the environment but it is not always easy ... There are certain things or topics that need to be addressed but it is difficult to do so. An example is water and sanitation. We believe that water and sanitation issues are infrastructural issues that need to be attended to. If people have enough water and a facility they tend to be OK and you do not have to teach them about hygiene. Nutrition is another topic which needs to be looked at but tends to be a boring subject, not emotive enough for mass media dissemination. One of the most difficult things is to reduce stigma surrounding some or other area, such as acknowledging HIV positiveness. In line with the above point writers such as Baum and Sanders (1995:156) argued that the complexity and, thus, difficulty of managing broad debilitating conditions such as population growth, urbanisation, poverty, global warming and pollution, have contributed to the tendency among health promotion agents throughout the world to neglect deliberate and detailed attention to such issues. In fact, notwithstanding an explicit acknowledgement of the importance of addressing both individual and environmental issues when trying to facilitate, for example, the prevention of crime/violence-related injury, the Soul City programme prioritises individuals. Emphasis is placed on information dissemination, attitudinal influence and the development of behaviour skills, specifically in the hope of 78
changing individuals' behaviour, as pointed out by Soul City management in the course of discussions with the researchers:
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We believe that what is necessary is to give people background information, encourage them to reflect on their attitudes and perceptions and start questioning what is going on around them and start debates. Self-awareness and consciousness need to be raised together with knowledge levels. These are the first steps towards changing a lot of things, but at the same time a simple "yes" that all these efforts have caused changed behaviours is a bit ambitious ... Although we use a knowledge-attitudes-practices model of health promotion, we are keen to look at other models... We realise that mass media do not directly change behaviour and that there are many things impacting on behaviour. I suppose what we hope is to provide some background knowledge. Cognisance is taken of the possibility that the meaning/definition of "health" and "healthy" behaviour/choices may vary over time, place and the persons and cultures concerned, i.e. the possibility, as described by Graham (1984:188), that individual behaviour/choice "occurs within and is contoured by the routines of everyday life" or, for that matter, by the cultural practices and beliefs of the persons concerned. Indeed, the programme assumes that individual behaviour/choice may be constrained by various 'environmental" (e.g. cultural factors. For example, a representative of the programme pointed out: It is not always clear what the positive behaviours are that need to be recommended. I think one has to accept that unforeseen behaviours are going to come out which would probably be better than the ones we recommend. It's something that you have to have confidence in, namely that people are innovative and creative and want the best ... [However,] there is sometimes a conflict between what people call cultural practices and what our consultants would call acceptable behaviour ... We believe the best approach is to reinforce positive cultural practices and try not to slate culture in any way ... Occasionally we challenge beliefs and practices, especially if truly harmful. Otherwise we allow people to keep to their beliefs and practices and make suggestions that do not directly confront/challenge existing culture. A lot of our consultants are frequently steeped within the same cultural beliefs and practices as the target audience and would thus not go along with suggestions directly in contrast with the relevant culture. Indeed, when developing particular initiatives programme managers make a special attempt to investigate (a) what are the issues that "lay/indigenous" and "professional" agents identify as priorities as well as (b) "lay/indigenous" and "professional" understandings of and responses to the identified issues. A Soul City interviewee, for example, remarked: We have a set process to help us decide which topics to deal with ... We identify as many key role players in the field as possible and interview them to find out what are the major issues. We also try and do a literature review on the identified issues and have in-depth discussions with people in rural and urban areas. After that we have a message design workshop with key experts, e.g. people from UNISA's violence project, the Wits violence project, representatives of the departments of Health and Welfare, etc, unravelling the accumulated information, messages and priorities. We also have consultants scrutinising the products as they are developed to make sure that there is nothing inaccurate and that there is a good fit with what is happening on the ground ... We try to work as closely as 79
possible with organisations and people on the ground. We believe they know best what preventive policies and actions are the most effective. Also, through our press releases we try to advocate for these policies and actions. For example, when people were promoting the use of safety caps for paraffin bottles we tried to do that also at every opportunity. We would do the same if warning labels on alcohol were propagated ... We [also] try to encourage people towards creativeness and building confidence in their own efforts.
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Overall strategy and specific projects The Soul City programme comprises a five-pronged mass media strategy that makes use of multiple types of mass media vehicles and attempts to reach historically disadvantaged groupings in the lower income and education categories. First, television drama series are run on different channels, and radio programmes on national and community radio stations. Various commercials are also presented on television throughout the African continent. Second, booklets are serialised in ten different newspapers throughout South Africa. Third, novellas, based on Soul City characters, are produced by local publishers. The fourth component of the media strategy is an advertising, advocacy and public relations campaign. The campaign entails, inter alia, regular press releases, specifically directed at facilitating wide and early access of targeted audiences to Soul City's media series. As noted by a Soul City representative, a special effort is also made to "advocate certain perspectives", e.g. the idea that "communities can change things, especially if they work together". The public relations leg of the relevant campaign includes, inter alia, a healthworker-of-the-year competition, specifically directed at strengthening the primary health care premise of broadening the health-worker sector or, for that matter, encouraging people to see health workers as not only including doctors and nurses but lots of other people as well. For the same reason, the Soul Citizen project specifically tries to encourage youth's participation in health promotion. A Soul City representative, for example, noted: "Through the concept of 'soul Citizens' we try to affirm youth as health workers in their community". The fifth component of the multimedia strategy is the development of educational packages, generic as well as topic specific, that are explicitly directed at supplementing and strengthening the other legs of the media strategy. An interviewee, for example, pointed out: We try and use the mass media to its full benefit by taking the stories used on, for example, TV and radio and converting them into packages. We have adult education and life skills packages. We have decided to make the life skills package as generic as possible so that it does not deal with any specific topic but with generic skills and targets people at about an educational level of about Standards 5 or 6. The books that we produce are mostly free and distributed through, for example, newspapers. They are self-explanatory. The education and life skills packages have facilitators' manuals and we generally train teachers. It is important to stress that although issues such as crime, violence, injury and accident prevention are explicitly attended to in the Soul City programme, they are addressed within the broad-brush framework of primary health care and within the context of specific communities (e.g. Alexandra) as well as historically disadvantaged communities in South Africa generally. In fact, a Soul City representative noted: Our mass media series [inter alia] deals with crime and especially injury prevention ... The first series dealt with child abuse and specifically sexual abuse as well as with accidents in the home and more specifically paraffin poisoning and burns ... In the third series we tried to look at violence altogether ... the three 80
goals of our messages were (i) to encourage the prevention of violence, (ii) awareness about the extent of violence in our society, and (iii) recognition among people that they can do something on both the individual and community level ... In the fourth series we shall focus on violence against women and particularly domestic violence ... the messages are about (i) contributing to a social climate in which domestic violence is unacceptable, and (ii) encouraging individuals and communities to recognise domestic violence as everyone's problem rather than a private affair and thus to take action ... In the first series one of the booklets had a few pages on violence and accidents in the home, the second series had a booklet on violence and the third series a booklet on violence against women as a practical guide about what one can do, what resources are available, etc. Furthermore, in line with the mentioned recognition of the impact of the environment on health, the mass media series addresses topics such as land, housing, household energy and personal finance.
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Structures Staffing, organisation, linkages to other programmes and scope Soul City operates as part of the Institute for Urban Primary Health Care, an independent trust that collaborates closely with Alexandra Health Centre, the University of the Witwatersrand's Alexandra health clinic and the Centre for Health Policy at the University of the Witwatersrand. It has its own management committee that is accountable to the IUPHC management board. Although Soul City started with two small staff members it had 15 full-time staff members at the time of the research. Consultants are recruited periodically according to need. Apart from the development, overseeing and co-ordination of the various projects in the respective programme portfolios (e.g. research-cum-development, media series and life skills), provision is made for administration, marketing and public relations, and general maintenance. Concerning staff policy, special attention is given to staff training/development, often making use of relevant university courses. Because of careful recruitment, staff turnover is very low. An interviewee, for example, remarked: People are chosen very carefully for a very specific job so that they know exactly what is expected of them. It is a very good working environment. It's small, quite close knit ... people work together quite well and we're relatively well paid for an NGO, so I think people are generally happy in their job and it's quite exciting work; the contact with mass media makes it interesting most of the time. We also change topics every now and again, which makes the work stimulating. Both Soul City and its umbrella organisation try to forge formal and informal ties with other organisations in the public and private sector, specifically in order to build "critical mass", access additional expertise when needed and, indeed, facilitate comprehensive and integrated programme development. A Soul City interviewee explained this point as follows: We work together with other organisations to strengthen their and our goals, e.g. when advocating for a particular policy or action. For example, in the development of our fourth series we are looking at working together with the National Network of Violence Against Women so that it is not only Soul City that is saying this but a national network.
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It is also important to note that Soul City does not only operate nationally, but makes a special effort to extend its work to other African countries and, indeed, to countries outside Africa. For this reason special attention is given to building close relationships with other countries on the African continent and abroad, and assisting counterparts in other countries where needed. An example of collaboration with health promotion agencies in other countries is the workshop that Soul City organised together with various other African countries and UNICEF, specifically in order to explore ways in which the "edutainment" concept could best be developed in the relevant countries. At the time of the research Soul City was also represented on a multi-sectoral steering committee, tasked to facilitate the setting up of national and regional health promotion forums in Africa.
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Budget, funding, financial outlook, sustainability, change According to the 1997 annual report of the IUPHC the Soul City programme's income over the period April-September 1997 approximated ten million rand. Funding is obtained from various local as well as overseas donors, both in the public and private sector, specifically to facilitate sustainability. An interviewee elaborated in this respect as follows: Funding we have from different sources. What we try and do is we try and get one-third government, one-third donor and one-third commission funding. It does not always work that way but we have funding from the Department of Health, the European Union (EU), UNICEF, Kagiso Trust, commercial donors such as the petroleum firm, BP, as well as Nestle and Old Mutual. We try to get as much of a mix of money because it is very expensive to produce television series. The point was also made that although the Soul City programme has attracted considerable funds in the past, the funding cycles of major donors are drawing to a close. General economic constraints, locally and internationally, further complicate the current procurement of funding. For this reason a special attempt is made "to boost long-term sustainability through reduced dependence on donor funding and greater cost-recovery" (IUPHC 1997). To this end, products (e.g. the media series) and services (e.g. consultancies and training modules) are sold. A representative of Soul City emphasised, however, that the broader environment and especially funding sources complicate efforts at predicting whether the programme will eventually become self-sustaining. Various factors contribute to the sustainability of Soul City. These include the special attention that is given to accountability, to working in collaboration with other organisations, nationally as well as internationally, not being dependent on a single funding source, trying to increase funding from the private sector, and making a special effort to become increasingly financially self-sustaining. The manager of the research and development portfolio, for example, noted: Various mechanisms to facilitate sustainability are implemented. For example, emphasis is placed on network and with other organisations, getting a mix of fenders, ensuring careful accounting of work (e.g. through evaluation) ... Our commercial fenders are very happy as they get a lot of exposure and definitely get their money's worth. The programme management is also exploring ways of developing a management board separate from that of their umbrella agency, the IUPHC. The assumptions on which the Soul City programme is built ensure continual scrutiny of the programme for relevance, focus and change.
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Regarding the future, the manager of research and development at Soul City foresaw a horizontal and vertical extension of the existing programme, more specifically noting: I think ... in the next couple of years ... we shall be concentrating on the education packages, training people to use the packages, making sure that the material is widely distributed and accessible to those in need, We shall also try and concentrate on pre-adolescents (8-12 year olds) and bring the educational life skills packages into schools. We hope that our television and radio series will continue. We are hoping that our series will continue on a long-term basis, as did a British radio drama that started off as a programme directed at teaching people agriculture.
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Evaluation Because Soul City's management insists on accountability and, indeed, cost effective prevention of, for example, crime and related injury, the impact of projects is evaluated and projects are designed on the basis of in-depth quantitative and qualitative needs assessments, specifically to ensure culturally sensitive and appropriate content and "style". In fact, the impact of television and radio programmes and booklet distributions is measured through monitoring (a) the popularity of programmes, (b) the number of booklets distributed, (c) the number of requests for the booklets and programmes, as well as (d) the nature and extent of news coverage on the products and services (e.g. media series, booklets and articles) (IUPHC report 1996). This monitoring is supplemented by in-depth evaluation of the impact of programmes on the knowledge and/or attitudes and/or behaviour of target groups, using quantitative (e.g. surveys) and qualitative (e.g, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews) data-gathering procedures, cross-sectionally and/or longitudinally administered (e.g. preintervention and post-intervention surveys, formative evaluation designs). For example, the following description in the IUPHC 1996 annual report illustrates the multifaceted evaluation through which the impact or outcome of Soul City's projects is assessed; The aims [of Soul City 1] were: To establish the overall penetration of the vehicle [e.g. television, radio and newspaper series], to establish credibility and popularity, to determine the impact of the vehicle in terms of: message retention, whether it was new or reinforced knowledge, self-reported attitude and behaviour change, ability of the material to catalyse interpersonal communication, and to inform the production of the new series ... [The methodology followed entailed the following:] Soul City commissioned an independent research agency, the Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE), to conduct the research. The study design was cross-sectional. The evaluation used both qualitative [in-depth interviews with selected respondents] and quantitative [survey] methodologies. Budgetary constraints confined the survey to black adults over the age of 15 ... [The results were as follows:] Soul City reached approximately 8,1 million people 46,8% of black South Africans over the age of 15. Audience ratings indicate a significant youth audience (aged 15 and below), so total figures are considerably higher. In addition, the evaluation occurred a month after distribution of the handbook, so readership had not peaked ... The evaluation showed that people exposed to the Soul City media showed greater knowledge levels on the health care issues it covered than those not exposed to the project. Moreover, many people who were reached said that the knowledge was new to them. The evaluation took place one month after Soul City 1. At that time, over a million black South Africans reported having had occasion to change their behaviour as a 83
result of their exposure to Soul City. This figure was certain to increase with time, given that 87% of respondents exposed to the material claimed they would use the information when the need arose.
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The manner in which the life skills packages are developed and tested provides another example of the formative evaluative approach of the Soul City management. For example, selected pilot groups monitor the impact of a life skills package throughout the development process. These groups facilitate a feedback mechanism throughout project development, ensuring timeous and appropriate refocusing and/or changes. The groups include, for example, a peer educators' youth club (East Rand), a young women’s organisation (Alexandra), an all-male youth club (Soweto), a periurban school (Lanseria) and a shelter for "street children" (Johannesburg). Selected facilitators pilot the material that is being developed with the same group of learners over a number of one-hour sessions, documenting the information gathered during the sessions according to pre-structured schedules. The value of, for example, developing programmes/projects formatively has been demonstrated by, inter alia, the fact that two of the Soul City television series won various awards in 1997, namely the Avanti award from the television industry and an award from the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) as the most popular and financially rewarding programme.
Lessons learnt According to Soul City management the following lessons have been learnt since the initiation of the programme: •
Multi-sectoral and mutually beneficial partnerships have to be forged and maintained with stakeholders such as media owners, media producers, nongovernment organisations, government agencies, schools and local community agents.
•
A holistic or broad-brush preventive approach is essential when addressing any particular topic such as crime/violence-related injury.
•
Evaluation generally, and formative research in particular, need to be an in-built component of programme development. A Soul City representative, for example, noted: The extended process which we go through is necessary each time, and one has to recognise that no matter how au fait you are with a subject you still need to go back to the target audience and check ... [Furthermore,] evaluation is very important for two reasons. Firstly it feeds into the formative research for the next series and allows us to use the information in order to improve constantly the series. Secondly, it assists in accessing further funding.
•
A comprehensive and integrated approach to programme development is essential. Indeed, "Soul City has learnt that the more types of media one uses, the greater the branding and publicity, the better the messages that are received and the greater the audiences reached."
•
Mass media programmes need to be supported by advertising, marketing and advocacy campaigns.
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•
A programme needs to be sustained on a long-term basis. In fact, the ongoing nature of Soul City promotes a "credibility of characters and ensures an audience from the beginning of the series. This allows the messages to have an impact during the first few episodes."
•
Programme development needs to be sensitive to new demands and changes. Indeed, "Soul City has learnt that in order to succeed in a changing environment, it has to be open to change and innovation."
Conclusions
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In brief, available information on the Soul City programme points to an explicit recognition of basic premises of the Health For All 2000 document of the World Health Organisation and the Alma Ata Declaration in 1978 (World Health Organisation 1978) regarding the prevention of ill health or, for that matter, injury prevention. In fact, the programme is directly and indirectly premised on the assumption that crime-related injury prevention in South Africa needs to be •
approached in a comprehensive and integrative manner, bearing in mind that contributors to crime-related injury are multifaceted,
•
dynamic and a combination of complexly interrelated local, regional and international factors;
•
culturally framed and managed;
•
viewed as intertwined with, inter alia, socio-economic development and specifically the eradication or, at least, reduction of poverty, which frequently intertwines with various other "environmental obstacles" to injury prevention in communities, e.g. crime and inadequate access to basic necessities such as fuel, transport, water and sanitation (Hancock 1986);
•
concerned with "individual behaviour risk" as well as "environmental risk" elimination/reduction and, thus, with facilitating the changing of lifestyles, the building of individual skills to resist behaviour risk as well as environmental engineering (e.g. measures that explicitly [attempt to] redress national, regional and local socio-economic inequalities);
•
supported by government policies that give balanced attention to economic growth and "nation" or "social fabric" building (Pusey 1991).
Finally, although Soul City has demonstrated strength with regard to, inter alia, crime/violence-related injury prevention in South Africa, its concentration on individual-oriented programmes hampers effectiveness. The programme needs to be further strengthened on the level of environmental engineering through, for example, following Baum and Sander's (1995:157) advice: Given the far reaching nature of the environmental problem, it must be time for health promoters to throw their customary caution to the wind, think of the big picture and advocate for the radical changes to our economic life that may increase global equity and contribute to saving the planet.
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Indeed, the explicit recognition of the importance of (a) supplementing individualoriented programmes with environmental engineering, (b) preventive agents working in partnership, and (c) injury prevention programmes crossing local, regional and national boundaries (Baum and Sanders 1995:158) will pave the way for developing a comprehensive and integrated crime/violence-related injury prevention strategy in South Africa.
References BAUM, F. & SANDERS, D.1995. Can health promotion and primary health care achieve Health for All without a return to their more radical agenda? Health Promotion International, 10(2):149-160.
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FRENK, J. 1992. The new public health. In: Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), The crisis of public health: Reflections for the debate, 68-84. Washington D.C.: World Health Organization. GRAHAM, H. 1984. Women, health and the family. Sussex: Wheatsheaf Falmer. HALL, P., SAAYMAN, G., MOLATEDI, D. & KOK, P.1993. A profile of poverty in the PWV. Report prepared for the project for statistics on living standards and development of the Southern Africa Labour and Development Unit. Pretoria: HSRC. HANCOCK, T. 1986 Lalonde and beyond: Looking back at new perspectives on the health of Canadians. Health Promotion, 1:93-100. INSTITUTE OF URBAN PRIMARY HEALTH CARE 1996. Annual report. Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. INSTITUTE OF URBAN PRIMARY HEALTH CARE 1997. Annual report. Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. PUSEY, M. 1991. Economic rationalism in Canberra. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. SOUL CITY 1995. Let the sky be the limit. Soul City evaluation report. Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. SOUL CITY 1997. Youth life skills package of Soul City. An evaluation report of the pilot phase, December 1996. Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. SOUL CITY, Violence. How can we stop it? Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. SOUL CITY, The mother and child care handbook Wynberg: Institute of Urban Primary Health Care. WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 1978. Primary health care. Report of the International Conference on Primary Health Care. Alma Ata, USSR, 6-12 September 1978. "Health for All" series, no.1. Geneva: World Health Organization.
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WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION 1980. Problems related to alcohol consumption. Geneva: World Health Organization. Footnote The assistance of Dr Sue Goldstein of Soul City in compiling this report is gratefully acknowledged.
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Chapter 5 Centre for Peace Action Mariana Steyn and Graeme Hendricks
Summary
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The Centre for Peace Action (CPA) is the major project of the Health Psychology Unit (HPU) of the University of South Africa. The main offices of the CPA are situated in Lenasia at the South West Metropolitan Council Complex and in Eldorado Park. There is also a branch in the Western Cape. The CPA's primary goal is to become, through community development, a model injury and violence prevention initiative, which could be replicated elsewhere. Central to the CPA's current vision and approach is the Public Health Model (PHM), which is augmented by the integration of multiple perspectives such as community psychology, the principles of safe communities and participatory methodology. The CPA has implemented a number of programmes (with sub-programmes) which are primarily service driven and person centred: Youth and Schools Based Services, Small Business Safety and Profitability, Family and Adult Services, Women's Counselling and Leadership Development, and Community Safety and Policing. Two further programmes are mainly based on epidemiological baseline data and are mainly community centred: the Three Neighbourhoods Safety Promotion Programme and the Rusthof and Nomzano Safety Promotion Programme. Except for the latter programme that was implemented in the Western Cape, all the programmes were implemented in Eldorado Park and its environs. Programme design and adaptation are based on qualitative and quantitative needs assessments as well as on feedback received during delivery. Process evaluation provides mainly demographic data and data on service users' exposure to violence and injury, Outcome research has gained momentum recently but establishing whether desired end points have been achieved has not yet been tackled in an organised way. The two epidemiological programmes were implemented in an attempt to address outcome research in a more scientific way. Although the overall impact of this initiative has not been established there are qualitative and quantitative indications of successes, for example large numbers of people have undergone training in the various programmes. Three of. the approximately 30 personnel are researchers and employed by UNISA. Because funding for service delivery is obtained from sponsors the approximately 27 service providers and administrative staff cannot be permanently employed, which threatens continuity of the various programmes and sustainability. The contract staffing arrangements are further threatened by the prescriptions of the new Labour Relations Act.
Introduction This case study was conducted in Gauteng and the Western Cape during the period December 1997 to March 1998. It involved interviews with key professional staff of the Centre for Peace Action CPA), a representative of the Greater Johannesburg 88
Southern Metropolitan Substructure and community members such as teachers and pupils, as well as a review of documentation provided by the CPA. The CPA is the major project of the Health Psychology Unit (HPU) of the University of South Africa (UNISA). The CPA and the HPU work in partnership but the CPA emphasises service delivery and the HPU focuses on research. The main offices of the CPA are situated in Eldorado Park and Lenasia and serve the residents of Eldorado Park, Lenasia and Ennerdale, and Chiawalo in Soweto. Another office is situated in the Western Cape.
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Origin of the Centre for Peace Action The Health Psychology Unit (HPU) of UNISA was established in 1989. It had its origin in studies, initiated by Victor Nell in 1986, into the epidemiology of brain injury in Johannesburg. These studies led to the MRC-funded survey of all injuries at hospitals in the Johannesburg magisterial district in 1989-1990. A total of almost 3 500 injury events were examined to identify risk patterns for injuries due to violence, traffic accidents, falls and home accidents. Demographic, geographic and causal patterns were identified. According to the findings, coloured residents of Eldorado Park manifested the highest injury incidence of all groups; males between the ages of 14 and 34 were found to be the most vulnerable to violence. Rather than tackle the problem in a number of identified epicentres of injury it was decided in 1989 to start an intervention project in Eldorado Park (which was later expanded to the abovementioned areas). The intervention was informed by international and local literature. In 1990 the Eldorado Park Violence Prevention Programme was launched. In order to create a more positive image than that reflected by the term "violence prevention", the centre that would run the programme was named the Centre for Peace Action (CPA) in 1993. The CPA has since moved into injury prevention and safety promotion because at the time, only a small percentage of the country's violence was related to political violence; the rest was interpersonal, especially domestic, violence with which the police could not deal effectively. The CPA started to plan limited prevention strategies and discussed these with the community and other agencies. A qualitative needs assessment revealed that gangsterism was one problem. Partially due to staff members' particular interest in domestic violence, a needs assessment was also done on domestic violence. This resulted in the setting up of a counselling unit, The counselling revealed a high level of domestic-related violence, mostly affecting females, especially married women with children. The presenting problems were, inter alia, disharmonious relationships and interpersonal violence. The counselling came to focus on the specified problems. During 1989-1990, information on CPA activities and insights was disseminated through meetings with community groups, local government and health sector agencies, the corporate sector and international donor agencies. The aim with the meetings was to secure mufti-sectoral support and funding to launch a programme directed at violence prevention through community development. With multi sectoral support and funding secured the CPA commenced its first full year of operation in 1990 with a staff composed of professionals and non-professional community members.
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Aims and goals Although initiated by social scientists in the HPU, the CPA programme was designed as a community-based endeavour for the prevention of injury through community development and public health principles. The CPA would operate through a partnership between professionals and community members. Some community members have been recruited into the CPA staff while others are serving on the Board of Trustees.
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The mission of the HPU/CPA is to attain permanent status as a widely known servicebased research institute in the Southern African region to •
provide training for psychologists and public health professionals
•
design and implement research relating to service provision and health policy formulation
•
be a resource centre accessible to a broad spectrum of groups interested in the primary prevention of distress through community development, with particular emphasis on the prevention of injury and violence
Implicit in the mission are the CPA's two main goals: •
to become a model injury and violence prevention initiative
•
to make the replication of the programme possible, in South Africa and in Southern Africa
Although not explicitly stated in every instance, some of the CPA aims correlate largely with the safe communities criteria set by the World Health Organisation. These aims include; •
to create a cross-sectoral group responsible for injury prevention
•
to involve all levels of the community (e.g. friendship groups, organisations (including health care providers), civic associations and schools) in injury prevention and safety promotion
•
to create an injury and injury risk database that reflects the extent of the injury problem among all age groups, and in all environments and situations in order to expand CPA activities to cover all ages, environments and situations
•
to work with high-risk groups and sub-groups in an effort to enhance safety related equity and justice
•
to develop capacity through the recruitment of local residents as field interviewers and data capturers
•
to be an ongoing programme
•
to ensure adequate formative, process and outcome evaluation
•
to disseminate programme experiences both locally and nationally 90
Assumptions, theory or model used to construct the programme
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The theory on which the intervention is based has evolved eclectically. The initial studies were based on epidemiological principles. As more researchers became involved, multiple perspectives were integrated, especially those of community psychology, social constructionism, the public health model, the safe communities theory and participatory methodology. The public health model, which currently appears to be the central model, is a scientific approach to prevention which entails the following steps; problem identification and description; risk factor analysis; experimental intervention and evaluation; and implementation and evaluation. However, the model needs to be strengthened by the perspectives on culture, religiosity, history, empowerment, etc, brought from other disciplines and theories. This CPA's public health approach centres on the recognition of injuries due to intentional and non-intentional actions that cause premature death, disability and psychosocial morbidity, and thus contribute to the local and global burden of disease. Central to this vision is a shift from a reactive response (cure and deterrence after the event) to a response aimed at changing social, behavioural and environmental causative factors. The focus is on the behavioural tendencies of individuals and groups as an outcome of relationships between people, products and environments. The risk factors can be identified through research and then manipulated to prevent the problem. The CPA operates at three levels: public health policy, technological intervention and education/awareness raising. Attempts to improve public health policy on violence prevention are an ongoing activity. Recently, the HPU (it contributes to policy formation by making use of experiences gained by the CPA) made significant gains in this area that have resulted in it becoming a regular consultative source to various organisations. These include the Health Information and Mental Health and Substance Abuse directorates of the South African Department of Health, as well as to the Gauteng Ministry of Safety and Security. The HPU/CPA has also been regularly involved in planning meetings around the Health Promotion Directorate's campaign for the prevention of violence and disabilities. Recognition of the HPU/CPA as a policy formulation resource by state and local government has been reinforced by its being invited to serve (since 1996) as a consultant to the nation-wide multimedia health promotion programme Soul City, an initiative of the non-governmental Institute for Urban Primary Health Care. At local level the CPA co-operates with local government on legislation policy on, for example, the availability of alcohol. The CPA approaches local government, businesses etc., when technological interventions seem desirable and feasible. For example, specific companies are requested to design safer products such as safer fencing mesh and safer paraffin bottle tops. The community is consulted about solutions for identified problems, for example where bridges should be built over the main road. In its Three Neighbourhoods Programme the CPA also set in motion environmental and enforcement interventions by submitting an integrated report on the injury profile of six areas to the Greater Johannesburg Southern Metropolitan Substructure in July 1997. The report makes safety recommendations based on its findings on injury patterns and on residents' views on high-risk areas and solutions. The CPA is 91
working together with the Metropolitan Council, the Department of Traffic Safety and the SAPS in an effort to put in place some of the environmental and enforcement interventions which cannot be achieved by residents acting on their own. The safety recommendations address issues related to traffic injuries (e.g. environmental modification of high-risk roads; provision of safe crossing points); fall injuries (e.g. safety audits of apartment blocks and public spaces); burn injuries (e.g. the design and promotion of inexpensive alternatives to fossil fuel cooking, heating and lighting devices); and violent injuries (e.g. installation of street lighting and visible policing).
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Although the efficacy of educational/awareness campaigns in the prevention of public health problems is generally considered to be lower than that of passive environmental interventions, the CPA goes out from the viewpoint that the end product of the programmes should be attitudinal and behavioural change, i.e, dialogue must be promoted and hurtful practices must be discontinued. Awareness is thus not enough, although it is viewed as a strong component of further action. In an effort to develop and market change in the community, dialogue on hurtful practices must be continued. Hence the CPA worker must be in the community every day. Efforts are made to take all factors into consideration for individual intervention. For example, although it would be ideal to prevent school dropout, it is a reality that needs to be dealt with proactively. It may therefore be better to redirect premature school leavers, with the teachers' assistance, into small business development courses. Efforts are thus focused on reinforcing resilience in youth who are coping well, but also on encouraging resilience in youth at risk of school drop-out, and who are victims/perpetrators of injury and violence.
Programmes The CPA provides a number of services, which are not exclusive, as they allow for mutual referral. Most of the CPA's activities are linked to medium- or long-term research projects. Objectives for each project are set annually and report-back is done at the end of the year to provide input to planning for the next year. All the projects except the Rusthof and Nomzamo Safety Promotion Programme, which was implemented in the Western Cape, are located in and around Eldorado Park. The CPA's services can be categorised as follows: •
Youth and school-based services
Because youth are most at risk of injury and violence there are a number of services that address resilience in youth: ―
Creative Youth Leadership Development Programme
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SRC capacity-building workshop
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Classroom discipline and teachers' support group
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Big Buddy Project
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Teenage mothers' support group
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After-school supervision group
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― • •
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•
Peace education/awareness training and the annual Youth Day
Small business, safety and profitability Family and adult services Women's counselling and leadership development ―
The shelter (safe home)
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Women’s leadership programme
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Public awareness and capacity-building campaigns
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People's history project
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Community safety and policing
Youth and school-based services Because youth are most at risk of injury and violence the CPA's preventive actions are aimed at developing youth leadership, interpersonal skills, and non-violent recreational, Social and behavioural skills to build resilience. Creative Youth Leadership Development Programme The general objective is to reduce the risk of exposure to injury and violence among the participating youth through imparting leadership skills and promoting community service. Workshops are designed to develop the participants' ability to function effectively as part of their community and to increase their capacity (and in turn that of their community to sustain development. Modules address, inter alia, selfawareness, value clarification, leadership qualities, communication skills, assertiveness and problem solving. SRC capacity-building workshop The South African Schools Act requires of all public schools to establish democratically elected governing bodies and student representative councils (SRCs) at high schools. The Act motivated the CPA to develop SRC capacity-building workshops during 1997. This project was adapted from the Creative Youth Leadership Development Programme. The aim of the workshops was to equip learners to be partners in building a culture of teaming, and in securing school safety, discipline and management. Specific aims were to help SRCs to uplift the image of the schools, to gain self-confidence and knowledge to protect the rights of teachers and learners, and to motivate SRCs to work as teams. The workshops were attended by 251 SRC representatives from five senior schools. The workshops were qualitatively evaluated and students also identified problem areas to be addressed in future workshops and in preventive strategies. SRC representatives, interviewed by the HSRC research team, attended a three-day course. Topics included leadership, assertiveness, positive attitudes, communication, SRC solidarity, meeting procedures and planning for the future. On the whole, participants were very satisfied with what they had learnt and with the positive effect it had on their lives, both as SRC members and as family and community members. 93
Certain aspects of the course were criticised, such as the compactness of the course, the rigid schedule, the length of the course, the many lectures, the few practical, interactive activities and, most importantly, no follow-up discussions. For behaviour change to take place a process of feedback, reinforcement, evaluation and support is required.
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Classroom discipline and teachers' support group In 1997 a teachers' classroom discipline workshop was held as part of youth services and school-based projects. The workshop took place over two weeks: six ninetyminute sessions. Sixty primary and secondary school teachers attended. The participation was motivated by the need to address the changes in prescribed disciplinary procedures, especially the abolition of corporal punishment by the new Schools Act. Topics addressed were disciplinary problems as a mirror of wider societal problems, becoming aware of school and classroom culture and cultivating a positive atmosphere for learning, analysing and understanding unwanted behaviour, expressing authority, dealing with unwanted behaviour, and building self-esteem. Qualitative evaluation also brought to light a perceived need for parents to receive training in applying discipline and the need for pupils to be involved in future workshops in order for them to understand the difficulties experienced by teachers. Teachers interviewed by the HSRC team at one school said that the workshop started out too rigid and too theoretical - it should be tailored for a particular community, taking into account the characteristics of the community. However, the workshop was modified according to expressed needs. The workshop has reportedly changed the teachers' handling of disciplinary problems to a significant extent. A sub-committee to deal with disciplinary matters was subsequently established at this school. The teachers who participated in the course also support each other in creating an understanding of, and in dealing with, disciplinary problems. In terms of the transtheoretical model, this kind of support is an important determinant of sustained behaviour. Big Buddy project The primary objective is to promote positive role modelling and parenting skills among the participating youth. Suitable "big buddies" from secondary schools are identified and trained in basic life skills to enable them to be positive role models for little buddies from primary schools who have been identified to be risk-prone to violence. Interaction comprises the sharing, once a week, of recreational and educational activities and several field trips under close supervision of psychology students. The Big Buddy project was initiated by the CPA and local teachers and was then taken over by the Department of Psychology of the University of the Witwatersrand. Teenage mothers' support group The rationale for this project is that teenagers are often not prepared for the responsibilities of parenthood and are thus at risk of stress. Ineffective parenting skills may lead to a predisposition to injury and violence in the children. Teenage parents are also at high risk of becoming abusers because of stress and lack of skills. The aim is to provide support and capacity-building training to teenage mothers. For
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example, during 1996, 10-12 teenage mothers who required psychosocial support attended weekly support sessions and received training in first aid, small business management, day care centre management and child care. Two of the teenage mothers have opened a creche in Eldorado Park and actively involve the others. After-school supervision group Academic and psychosocial support is provided to high school students with academic and interpersonal problems at school. At one high school in Eldorado Park a group of 14-18-year olds (70% of whom had been victims or perpetrators of violence) were recruited. The group meets twice a week for focus group discussions (on non-violent communication and positive alternatives to violent conflict resolution) and structured homework supervision. Regular attendees have reportedly improved their examination results and increased their overall school attendance. Project staff work closely with the school and have access to school records for monitoring purposes.
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Peace education/awareness training and the annual Youth Day Three schools have been engaged in awareness campaigns around issues of nonviolence and safety during 1996, "Talk shows" dealing with issues of violence, highrisk behaviour and gender and racial stereotypes promote positive behaviours as part of a wider programme of prevention. On completion of the pilot testing of the programme the majority of the remaining schools in the catchment area will be targeted. Four schools participated in the Youth Day events in 1996. The local SAPS, the local Community Police Forum, the Johannesburg Association for the Aged, Johannesburg Child and Family Welfare and other community-based agencies also participated. Small business, safety and profitability The general objective of this programme is to train high-risk sub-groups (e.g. abused women, the unemployed and out-of-school youth) in the management of small business enterprises to assist them in establishing sustainable income-generating activities. A comprehensive training manual was developed and over the past five years about 1 200 people were trained. Participants were recruited through contacts and advertising, and through collaboration with the Union Buildings Trades Programme of South Africa. The recruits were trained in welding, plumbing, bricklaying, construction, etc. Currently there is a greater emphasis on safety and the programme draws on data collected in a study on small business safety conducted by the University of the Witwatersrand to address safety issues, for instance, occupational hazards encountered in small businesses. Graduates of this course were provided with extensive support and advice. Those who were not employed in the formal business sector were referred to agencies. Some graduates were given extensive mentoring, including assistance in the formulation of a business plan and financial proposal. Every graduate of the small business course was encouraged to maintain contact with the programme by means of individual mentorship offered to all graduates who start up a business after training. This ongoing mentoring addresses issues such as how to source a business and where to buy goods.
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A total of 324 people were trained between February and November 1997. It is envisaged that the follow-up of all the people trained so far will commence during 1998. The follow-up is an effort to evaluate the effects of the training. The project’s biggest frustration is apparently that most financial institutions are reluctant to grant loans to clients without assets. Family and adult services
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The activities of this project include counselling (i.e. the provision of psychological and support counselling to individuals and families who are victims of violence), a programme to sensitise nurses to diagnostic criteria for specific mental health issues to facilitate the management and referral of patients, and a communication workshop to facilitate life skills acquisition and awareness around effective communication processes with the aim to prevent participants from resorting to violence in settling disputes. The family and adult services have two primary focal points, namely curative reaction to psychological trauma suffered by victims of violence (including crisis intervention), and a preventive support programme for victims and perpetrators of violence. Individual and family counselling for victims and their families is deemed to be essential to prevent long-term psychological scarring from incidents of violence, which can lead to difficulties such as prolonged post-traumatic stress and depression. Such difficulties contribute to a cycle of violence that can be transferred to future generations within a family. Crisis counselling often diffuses an explosive situation and violence in a very direct way. Support counselling helps to strengthen coping mechanisms for those who find it difficult to deal with issues that are directly related to their life, such as financial stress, depression, grief and relationship difficulties. During 1997 a total of 1 152 individual, group and family sessions were conducted by the counsellors. The following categories of presenting problems were addressed: violence-related problems, family stress, intimate problems, financial problems, substance abuse, intra-psychic problems, bereavement, psychosomatic stress, neurological vulnerability, childhood problems. Although a large number of clients underscore the need for community psychological care, the CPA views the one-on-one counselling as too limited to address community needs. Hence the CPA is investigating more efficient ways of providing such care. Women's counselling and leadership development The shelter (safe home) The aim is to provide short-term accommodation (1-4 weeks for 60 women) and long-term accommodation (4-12 weeks for 10 women) for survivors of spousal abuse and their children. Since the shelter opened, about 100 women have been accommodated, of whom about 90% returned to their spouses. Thus the CPA views it as important to involve the women's spouses in the counselling to try to keep the family together and to create a healthier environment. Each woman completes a form recording information on the nature of the abusive incident and on short- and long-term prospects for the recurrence of violence. 96
Support services include pre-intake counselling and counselling while in the shelter, counselling of family members (e.g. abusers and children), counselling of couples, and a support group. After-care services entail home visits and telephonic follow-up by a social worker to provide counselling and support to women who have left the shelter, to monitor their progress and to establish whether the abuse has decreased. It was mentioned that the women's shelter is not being utilised to the extent envisaged. In 1997 (January to .October), only 21 women and 24 children made use of it. In view of the under-utilisation it is questionable whether the service complies with the needs of the community.
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Women's leadership programme The objective is to promote leadership skills among women by means of conventional skills training workshops. General objectives include assistance to participants to recognise their own potential as leaders, to develop individual leadership styles and to enable them to take leadership roles within their communities. The training aims to encourage women to take an interest in the social, economic and political aspects of their own lives and families as well as those of the community. They are also encouraged to become active in networking and advocacy in terms of community needs, gender roles and violence prevention, and thus be able ultimately to contribute to policy matters. In 1997 the first training took place when 25 two-day workshops catered for 402 participants of whom 10% were men. Public awareness and capacity-building campaigns The aim is to highlight issues around violence in general and specific forms of violence against women (e.g. rape and spousal abuse). Objectives include conducting training together with the police to prevent re-victimisation of survivors who report to the police, and increasing the effectiveness of the police. People's history project This project aims at strengthening community identity and reinforcing a community support network by revealing how the common history of residents is pivotal to preventing violence. Cultural, historical and sociological information on the CPA's catchment area is collected and disseminated, using the participating communities as the primary information source. The project's quarterly newsletter, Bekgeskiedenis, is used, inter alia, to provide the CPA's catchment area with information on projects. Debate is encouraged about issues such as gangsterism and the impact of the American culture on youth attitudes to sexuality, gang membership, substance use and violence. Audio-visual material collected from the community is displayed at the CPA's open days, at other events in the community and at schools. The collected material is collated into an archive that can serve as a resource for the community and CPA staff. It is envisaged that a book based on the archival material will ultimately be published.
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Community safety and policing The aim of the CPA's Community Policing Training Programme is to facilitate the transformation of the police service into an agency that is part of an interdisciplinary effort to prevent injury and violence. More specifically, the programme aims to reduce the appeal of violence and is therefore an essential component of prevention. In 1996, 225 managers of police stations (from all seven regions of Gauteng) were trained. The training modules covered management, community policing and safety issues that police personnel often face. The training workshops targeted station managers as opposed to uniformed personnel because the transformation of the SAPS management structure was a prerequisite for the transformation of the whole service.
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During 1997 a total of 242 Eldorado Park community police forum (CPF) members (152 full-time SAPS members and 90 community members) were trained in the KOBAN Community Policing Charter Programme at seven police stations. The CPA feels that this development module has to be incorporated with the organisational development of participating institutions. The CPA has approached the SAPS Department of National Training to discuss future training needs and establish who is responsible for capacity building in CPFs. The development of relations between various SAPS levels and the NGO and private sectors was also identified as a need. Three Neighbourhoods Safety Promotion Programme The CPA indicated that, despite its perceived successes as a service delivery organisation, a major limitation has been its inability to evaluate the effectiveness of the CPA's interventions in the Eldorado Park community as a whole. Funding for a baseline study on the effectiveness of interventions in Eldorado Park had already been obtained from the Medical Research Council in 1995. The study was conducted during 1996 in three neighbourhoods (each consisting of two areas). The aim of the Three Neighbourhoods Safety Promotion Programme is to generate epidemiological information via household surveys for neighbourhoods that are representative of the three main housing types in Eldorado Park (informal housing, rented apartments and rented four-room houses). This information is applied in the design and implementation of interventions that address injury-producing settings and particular problems. This intervention programme targets two of these neighbourhoods as high-intensity intervention areas, while the third serves as a control area. The programme commenced with the development of contacts in the catchment areas. Because the co-ordinator knew the people and the appointed leaders in the informal settlements it was easier to gain access there than in formal areas where there were many gatekeepers who complained that the CPA worked in their area without their consent. These problems were ironed out after the CPA committed itself to keeping the community informed of outcomes. The CPA works with many partners, including the Department of Education, local government, churches and youth clubs. In 1997 the first intervention phase commenced. Feedback on the findings (which will culminate in "injury fact books") was given at well-attended meetings in the two 98
informal settlements. Injury information specific to each area was graphically displayed and residents were given the opportunity to discuss it with the personnel. The second phase involved connecting residents with agencies that can provide them with skills relevant to injury prevention, other than those currently provided by the CPA. The evidence-based implementation of environmental changes aimed at improving safety remains the primary goal of the Three Neighbourhoods Programme. Because the environmental changes require no new action on the part of residents, they are deemed the most likely to bring about sustained prevention. Because of their cost, communities cannot afford them themselves; they can only be implemented by local government. The programme is thus constrained to work at the pace of the local government. The implementation focus for 1998 is close cooperation with local government to sustain their commitment to environmental interventions.
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Rusthof and Nomzamo Safety Promotion Programme (Western Cape) Two low-income settlements located between the Strand and Somerset West were chosen arbitrarily for epidemiologically-based intervention. The aim is to empower people and their communities to build a safe community. The programme commenced in the middle of 1996 and has a one-member staff (a master's graduate in public health). By December 1997 entrance into the community had been negotiated, a resource directory of service providers in these communities had been compiled, a number of workshops (e.g. safety in education [crèches] and environment [home], leadership, development and advocacy, first aid, prevention of child neglect and abuse) had been conducted in collaboration with other NGOs in order to gain acceptance and credibility, The workshop on the prevention of child neglect and abuse led to the community setting up a safe house for abused and neglected children. Data collection will take place in 1998 by means of household questionnaires. Input in questionnaire design came from both the community and academics. Apart from identifying risk factors for violence and injury, an effort will be made to identify resilience in communities in terms of coping with injury and violence. This approach will emphasise community strengths and address community weaknesses. In order to avoid dependency on the agency the plan is to train capable community members in both theory and practice (e.g. a diploma course in child development) and to enable them to train others in turn, thus engendering ownership in the community and ultimately ensuring sustainability. On the basis of the results of this study an intervention programme will be designed in collaboration with the community. Other participants in this programme are the MRC and the Child Accident Prevention Foundation of South Africa (CAPFSA). Evaluation indicators are still to be designed but will focus on resilience and environmental changes. Outreach In order to realise the aim of disseminating information and experiences the CPA uses different strategies. •
To create awareness in the community, use is made of pamphlets such as Health Psychology Unit (background, mission, vision, long-term goals, services etc.), Youth (programmes), Small Business Development and Safety (training offers), 99
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and Women & Family Services (programmes). Informal media marketing includes the distribution of safe community bumper stickers. A need was mentioned, however, to intensify the local information development campaign. Although the CPA is well known among people who have used the service/taken part in the courses, other community members reportedly know less about it. •
The HPU of UNISA developed its portfolio of research and policy programmes around the violence and injury prevention services delivered by the CPA. This led to the formal launch of the CPA as a World Health Organisation (WHO) Collaborating Centre for Injury and Violence Prevention in April 1996, and its formal endorsement as a WHO Safe Communities Programme in 1997.
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The CPA hosted the Sixth International Conference on Safe Communities that took place in and around Eldorado Park in October 1997. The theme was "Consolidating communities against crime".
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CPA members also participated actively in a large number of talks, seminars and workshops at international conferences over the last few years. They also participated in media presentations, for example to put statistics in perspective (e.g. on violence in hijacking vs. domestic violence) and entered the arena of religious discussion about violence (a talk show on the Islamic Radio programme The Voice).
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Many university students have been trained through their participation in the CPA.
Structures Organisational management and staffing structures 1
The CPA is part of the University of South Africa's Health Psychology Unit. The CPA's activities are overseen by a board of trustees drawn from the area it serves and from external stakeholders in the project. The functions of the Board of Trustees are to •
act as an advocacy group, publicising the CPA;
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oversee financial matters;
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approve project plans.
The Board has been dormant for the last year due to other commitments of members. Full board meetings have thus become impossible. The staff is a mix of social scientists and professional and other community residents who are committed to violence prevention in the area. Initially an effort was made to minimise power dynamics and to use a collegial approach instead. However, the expansion from eight to more than 30 staff members necessitated the institution of a differential structure of managers and the appointment of co-ordinators to support the other personnel. Although there is a hierarchical structure, self-management, self-responsibility and regular report-back are central to the management system.
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The approximately 30 staff members include three permanent researchers (head, deputy head, research director); the other staff members have fixed-term appointments (administrative, community policing officer, counsellor, community intervention co-ordinator, women s shelter co-ordinator etc.). There are official programmes and policies in place for staff development. Each staff member is reportedly expected to complete at least one course on personal development every year, for which time study leave and subsidy are made available. Studying through UNISA is heavily discounted. Studying through other universities is subsidised. In-service training also takes place, for example staff are trained in basic research methodology.
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There is a strong organisational consultancy component. Priorities are debated and decided upon. Suggestions for interventions are based on information on the community gained in the community (e.g. the history project led to the identification of the need for a programme on cultural development). Decisions on such suggestions are made on the basis of resources, the budget, etc. Budget and funding The budget for 1996 showed an income of R939 989 and an expenditure of R459 043. The CPA is funded by UNISA, the HSRC and the MRC, Alexander Forbes, Anglo De Beers, the Flemish Government, First National Bank, Fonds, the Greater Johannesburg Transitional Metropolitan Council, the Kellogg Foundation, Norwegian People's Aid, OXFAM, the Standard Bank Foundation, the Commonwealth Foundation, Sacna, and the Women's Labour Party. It appears that funders are generally positively inclined towards the funding of services while funding for research is more difficult to obtain. Annual reports describe, inter alia, the objectives and activities of the various programmes and contain audited financial statements. Report-back to funders occurs more than once a year if required. Some funders visit the CPA to monitor progress. Funders are informed when there is a change in programme direction. Local government supports the CPA in kind by, for example, making two offices available at a nominal annual fee. Funding is sometimes obtained from local businesses for specific projects or events, for example the Aluminium Cans Recyclers Association (ACRA) funded deposit containers for the recycling project. Income is also generated internally, for example the recycling of paper and aluminium cans contributed by the community generates income for the CPA Youth Centre, and the garden project generates income for the CPA Women’s Shelter. Recently the CPA also started charging for courses. Fees differ, for example the fee for the small business course was R25 per person while the fee for the SRC course was R15. Although people were initially reluctant to pay, this is no longer an issue. The UNISA linkage and certificates of course attendance have played an important role in the credibility of the courses. Financial management The business plan and budget are presented to the Board of Trustees annually for approval. The bulk of financial matters are managed by UNISA. The finance department of UNISA administers all donor funds. The salary department of UNISA pays personnel. For expenditure by the CPA, proper requisition procedures are 101
followed. The CPA has a separate bank account. Cheques are signed by one of the directors or, in his absence, by one of the two other designated signatories, and cosigned by the chairman of the Board. The management committee, on which all project leaders serve, guides financial policy and decisions such as those on attendance of international conferences. In-house day-to-day book-keeping is done according to set rules. UNISA receives a small percentage of the interest of the donor funds that it manages. Because of the problems of reconstituting the Board of Trustees the Financial Department of UNISA will issue all cheques for an experimental period. An annual internal audit is carried out by UNISA. Due to the changes in financial management there will in future also be an external audit.
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Linkages to other programmes and organisations Major international activities in the last two years include HPU/CPA participation in two international injury prevention conferences in Australia, HPU/CPA participation in the WHO network of collaborating centres for the prevention of injuries, violence and neuro-trauma. The links forged through the two international conferences supported the involvement in another major international endeavour, the Global Violence Initiative (GVI). A multi-city descriptive and analytic study of the determinants of violence and cross-cultural generalisability of intervention strategies, the GVI represents the technical component of the WHO’s more general injury prevention and safety promotion programme. At national level the CPA was invited by a neighbourhood watch in Pietermaritzburg to talk about itself. As a result a violence prevention initiative run by 30 organisations was set up to streamline injury and violence prevention methods in Pietermaritzburg. This formal partnership allows the CPA to develop capacity and exchange information and resources. Besides collaborating with various government departments the CPA in Eldorado Park works in collaboration with a number of larger agencies, such as Women Against Women Abuse (WAWA), Johannesburg Association for the Aged, Witwatersrand Mental Health Society, Disaster Management Services, Community Policing Forum. It also works with a number of small agencies, sometimes with a one-member staff. The CPA helps with capacity building within the agencies but some of the collaboration also takes place on an ad hoc basis for specific activities and events. In the Western Cape, CPA networks with many major organisations such as CAPSA, the MRC and the Resource Centre of UWC to link the organisations to the community. Some are research partners while others provide services such as workshops to the community. Community/civil society involvement in the CPA programme The community is involved in the CPA programme to various degrees. Some of the staff members are local residents. Local people are also elected onto the board. At times, community members with specific skills or who are trained by the CPA for a specific task help with training others for the projects and are paid for their services.
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Community members are involved at all levels of discussion, for example the CPA workshopped its extensive submission on the domestic violence bill with a range of women's groups. Discussions are held with gatekeepers within the community about programme development. Staff members discuss strategies to deal with gatekeepers' concerns, which sometimes serve as a basis for a new project or direction. Sustained volunteer participation has not yet materialised as some volunteers lose interest while others use their newfound skills to start their own initiatives. Although this situation has a negative effect on the CPA the community benefits anyway, albeit in another context.
Contextual and programme changes
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Adaptation of strategies and programmes The intervention strategy of the CPA is dynamic. Change is continuously brought about as new staff members join the CPA, new perspectives are integrated and excellence is pursued. For example, in recent years specific thrusts were addressed: the improvement of documentation and evaluation, prompted by the need to use reliable scientific information for project planning (1996); emphasising policy and practice as an important staff function (1997); and currently capacity building. Over the last three years there has also been a move towards creating pockets of safety, (the school system, the police station) instead of trying to reach the whole community. This direction has been chosen because of limited human and financial resources and the need to measure impact more effectively. Changes in programmes are brought about by new insights gained during implementation. For example, programmes that involved only the specific target group (e.g. youth at school) were adapted to include important gatekeepers (e.g. teachers) when the negative effects of their non-participation became apparent. At times activities within a programme are discontinued when the money spent (e,g. on Youth Awareness Day) is deemed disproportionate to the number of participants and the effect on behaviour change. One reason for programme adaptation is staff turnover. For instance, a programme becomes dormant when the responsible person leaves, or a programme changes perspective and direction when a new member comes in with new ideas. Obstacles/constraints/challenges •
Community challenges
Some organisations, often due to turf issues, oppose collaboration with the CPA. This is seen as a challenge to be overcome by open discussion, CPA offers to help build capacity in the relevant NGO and the formation of some kind of partnership. Gangsterism involving small groups of people (economically based units of wealthy people with different levels of status, not big syndicates) is also viewed as a constraint. Rather than focusing on the attitude of these people, an earlier level of intervention is preferred: building youth resilience, changing the next generations thinking and creating an awareness of other choices. 103
The youth's attraction to wealthy young gangsters as role models is a difficult problem for which the CPA has to supply alternative role models. The CPA tries to address this problem through the Youth Leadership Project, However, this project is aimed at school-going youth. The challenge is to reach those youths who are not at school and who may already be involved in illegal activities. •
Media
The mainstream media are viewed as not being supportive enough. For example, there is a perception that inadequate coverage was given of a major international conference an injury and violence prevention during 1997. The media is also perceived to misrepresent the situation around violence by giving more coverage to sensational events such as political and taxi violence than to interpersonal violence that accounts for the bulk of violence in the country.
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The tension between service delivery and research
Service delivery is one of the three pillars of the UNISA mission, the others being tuition and research. Although the UNISA management is reportedly sympathetic towards service delivery the emphasis is on tuition and research and thus publication. There is an imbalance between the number of expert researchers (the three permanent staff members) and service providers, which hampers research. Furthermore, funding for the CPA is mainly provided for service delivery. The necessity for outcome evaluation is not always realised by funders, as they often emphasise numbers of people reached instead of how they are affected. Service deliverers sometimes focus on needs identified on the basis of their interests, perceptions and skills rather than on research. Intervention should be research-based and the service deliverers should provide for identified needs, using external skills if necessary. There is also some imbalance between service and research perspectives in the CPA. The primary service focus is at the individual/group level and mainly based on social psychology whereas the primary research focus is at the aggregate community level and primarily based on the PHM. •
Personnel issues
The CPA is entirely dependent on donor funding for the salaries of service providers. This militates against the permanent appointment of service providers, leading to a high staff turnover as people trained in the CPA leave for more stable employment. This situation causes disruption in programme activities. The service provider component is also viewed as being too small as limited funds often necessitate that one person co-ordinates too many programmes. A continuing challenge for CPA personnel is to become more focused. The newly constituted body of which the CPA forms a part, maintains three separate offices. There is a need to integrate them and their personnel. Ideally the integrated office should preferably be where most of the actions, training, etc. take place, that
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is at Eldorado Park. This is contrary to UNISA's view that the Pretoria premises should be the administrative centre. The integration has implications for staff members and needs careful consideration. The current labour laws have implications for the employment of temporary staff. The complicated administrative procedures around temporary employment render this option almost impossible. •
Programmes
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Two distinct approaches are followed in CPA programmes. One approach is epidemiological and community oriented (the Three Neighbourhoods Programme) while the other is service driven and person centred (the empowerment programmes). There appears to be little correlation and synergy between the two approaches, and the programme activities themselves are not focused enough. Both these problems call for attention. The selection criteria for participants in specific programmes are not clear enough. Selection is often on the basis of acquaintance with specific people and lacks focus. For example, schools are not always selected objectively for participation in youth leadership courses. There is a need for systematic organisation and a better balance between the scientific approach (e.g. random selection) and the realities of community dynamics. On the whole it would appear that the CPA has too many programmes. To strengthen the initiative, more integration is necessary. This would require a study of all the programmes in order to establish (with the aid of community members) which programmes are essential to the success of the initiative and which should be adapted or scaled down. The availability of human resources within the CPA should be taken into account when this matter is addressed. The extent of integration of the different programmes needs to be considered. For example, it should be established whether the interventions concerning the children. in the shelter should mainly be dealt with in terms of welfare or whether this intervention should, for instance, include "resilience training". Because. gender issues are basic to domestic violence it could be addressed in all programmes. For example, young men/boys (prospective fathers), and not only teenage mothers, should be taught parenting skills. •
Institution of environmental/technological change recommendations
Because institutions such as the CPA cannot bring about environmental changes such as traffic calming, they are dependent on local government to institute the recommendations. Recommendations on environmental changes based on the Three Neighbourhoods Programme have been accepted and approved by the Greater Johannesburg Metropolitan Substructure. However, this does not mean that the financial and human resources will be available to bring about such changes. There is much competition for the limited funds. For example, different ward councillors motivate for different community needs such as libraries and clinics. Thus the outcome is dependent on a process of prioritisation where, for instance, high visibility and the cost of a new initiative play a role. A challenge for the metropolitan substructure would be to find alternative funding and human resources as well as motivating the community to participate (e.g. in making school play areas safe),
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•
Funding
Ensuring continuous and maintained funding is one of the biggest challenges. Sustainability and replicability Sustainability of the CPA is threatened by a dependence on funders, each with their own criteria and rules that render proposal writing a complex and mammoth task. Collaboration with the WHO and networking with world leaders in safe community initiatives, thus keeping up with world trends, enhance the credibility of the CPA, which in turn could facilitate the acquisition of funding.
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It was originally envisaged that after four years the community could take over the CPA initiative, but it was soon realised that this was not possible due, inter alia, to insufficient community participation. After nine years it appears that the community is still not able to sustain the project without input from the HPU. At programme level, detailed reports are written on specific projects (e.g. the 1997 Youth Services report) in order to ensure continuity given the fast turnover of staff. The CPA is to be evaluated after ten years to decide which programmes should continue. The overall goal of the CPA is community development. The CPA endeavours to empower individuals/groups with the aid of external (e.g. UNISA) experts. A few community members sometimes help with training. There do not seem to be mechanisms in place to provide on-going training. Thus opportunities are being missed to train trainers. For example, SRC members trained in one year are not equipped to train SRC members in the following years. Similarly, teachers are not trained to train other teachers in disciplinary procedures. The institution of mentorship programmes should be considered. Indeed, mentorship programmes would increase the potential reach of the original programmes. The CPA has been unable to recruit and sustain a stable and skilled complement of volunteers to assist with projects. The idea of voluntarism and volunteers needs to be revisited. Recruiting people who attended courses provides an opportunity to find volunteers interested in a specific field (e.g. SRCs/leadership). This will prevent the appointment of volunteers who are neither interested nor qualified for particular tasks. It will also improve the utilisation of specific skills. In addition, because volunteers who share the experiences of a target group identify better with the group, credibility will be enhanced. A redefinition of the CPA staff's identity and roles should also be considered. The CPA seems to be entering an integrative phase during which community skills become more important. Staff members should therefore withdraw from some processes and simultaneously redefine their roles. For example, service deliverers should take on mentorship roles (training people to train others); tasks should be shared; guidance should be provided in both service delivery and research; and research must become an integral part of service delivery. The basic vision of the CPA as a "safe community" is replicable, but the shape any replication will take depends on the particular place and people involved.
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Evaluation Formative evaluation Intervention strategies are planned, inter alia taking into account information on injury and injury risk gleaned from a variety of organisations, groups and individuals by means of both quantitative and qualitative needs assessments. On the basis of this information target groups are defined, and specific interventions to fit both the target group and the issue to be addressed are developed. Adaptation of the interventions is informed by feedback from participants - this happens in the course or before subsequent courses. Process evaluation
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During the first few years the focus was on process evaluation in an effort to answer many, mainly philosophical questions (e.g. on the nature of community partnership and programme design). Currently, process evaluation includes the development of service profiles for the various programmes. For example, in the case of the Small Business Development and Safety Programme, questionnaires were used to collect data from all participants on, inter alia, demographic issues, exposure to violence, and the nature, distribution, geography and incidence of intentional and non-intentional injuries in the informal and small business sectors. Records are kept of the numbers of people involved in the various programmes over time. Outcome research Outcome research has gained momentum recently, but establishing whether the desired end results have been achieved has not yet been tackled in an organised way. There is a tension between the measurement of behavioural effects and the measurement of environmental effects. Behavioural interventions may in the long term be more beneficial (such as those aimed at the realisation of non-dependency), but are more difficult to measure. Currently (1997) behavioural outcome/impact of person-centred interventions is evaluated in an informal manner, for example through personal feedback from teachers on youth who have been counselled for smoking marijuana. Opportunities to investigate the psychosocial effects of interventions and behavioural determinants (e.g. interaction with peers and others, cultural or religious factors are frequently missed. There is as yet no follow-up to establish whether a sustained change in lifestyle and coping mechanisms has been brought about in the lives of people who attended workshops, courses, counselling, etc. For example, in the case of the business consultancy offered to participants in the Small Business Development Programme it is not known how many of the participants have set up successful businesses and what the determinants of success are. It is envisaged that the CPA will formalise the follow-up of participants in the various programmes. In service planning, more attention could be paid to setting objectives, designing indicators and measuring change. Indeed there is a movement towards this approach. Over the past three years service personnel have received training in the development of evaluation indicators in an attempt to facilitate outcome research, It is envisaged that, in terms of the thrust towards pockets of safety, outcome research will also improve. For example, in participating schools, safety audits are envisaged 107
where students will interpret the data and help to formulate recommendations for intervention. Further audits will be conducted after the intervention to measure outcome in terms of, inter alia, resilience, violence risk and injuries. An effort will be made to ensure the continuity of interventions and measurements. The measurement of the environmental effects of passive intervention is a primary aim of the community-centred Three Neighbourhoods Study. The study will use repeated epidemiological surveys, and although self reported violence, resilience and other psychosocial variables will be studied the emphasis will be on more concrete indicators such as environmental changes (bridges over dangerous roads, traffic calming devices, etc.).
Conclusions
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The shift in the CPA's approach from violence prevention to safety promotion and prevention of injury, both intentional and non-intentional, has brought about a more comprehensive approach to individual and community health and wellbeing. The CPA's programmes are to a large extent based on the perspectives of the Public Health Model (augmented by community psychology, the principles of safe communities and participatory methodology). The approach is one of multidisciplinary and mufti-sectoral co-operation towards prevention. The CPA works in co-operation with government departments, local government, other NGOs and community groups. Interventions, which are proactive rather than reactive, are knowledge-based. They are planned, inter alia taking into account information on injury and injury risk gleaned from a variety of organisations, groups and individuals by means of both quantitative and qualitative needs assessments. Networking takes place at international level inter alia via participation in conferences, while the CPA networks at national level with other programmes (e.g. an initiative started in Pietermaritzburg) and at local level with a number of governmental and non-governmental agencies. Evaluation is viewed as an important part of the activities. Formative and process evaluations are conducted in all programmes and changes are brought about according to the findings. Outcome research has not been developed to its full potential. There is, for example, a tension between the measurement of behavioural effects and the measurement of environmental effects. The behavioural outcome/impact of person-centred interventions is evaluated in an informal manner. Thus opportunities to investigate the psychosocial effects of interventions and behavioural determinants are frequently missed. For example, there is no follow-up to establish whether a sustained change in lifestyle and coping mechanisms has been brought about in the lives of participants of workshops, courses, counselling, etc. It is, however, envisaged that the CPA will formalise the follow-up of participants in the various programmes. The Three Neighbourhoods study, in which repeated epidemiological surveys are used, is an attempt to improve outcome research. Although self-reported violence, resilience and other psychosocial variables will be studied, the emphasis will be on more concrete indicators such as environmental changes (bridges over dangerous roads, traffic calming devices, etc.). The CPA's research-driven approach affects to some degree the style and focus of the various programmes. Initiatives are flexible and are sometimes affected by new staff, with new perspectives or interests. Although the activities in the Three 108
Neighbourhood studies are broad- (community-) based, there are a number of small projects with sub-projects aimed at different high-risk groups and sub-groups (e.g. youth, women) of the community. This situation has certain disadvantages, for example activities are not focused enough, and one person has to co-ordinate too many programmes. The CPA is to some extent subject to opposing interests. For example • At UNISA (where the researchers are employed) the bias is towards research and tuition rather than service delivery.
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• There is an imbalance between the number of expert researchers (the three permanent staff members) and service providers, which hampers research. •
Funding for the CPA is mainly provided for service delivery and not for research.
•
Service deliverers sometimes focus on needs identified on the basis of their interests, perceptions and skills rather than on the basis of research.
In its developmental approach the CPA operates on the levels of technological intervention and education/awareness raising. The CPA focuses on aspects where change can be brought about most effectively, for example creating pockets of safety rather than attempting to deal with the whole geographical area at the same time. It also contributes to government policies, inter alia by working in close co-operation with government agencies and acting as consultants for directorates in the South African Department of Health, as well as to the Gauteng Ministry of Safety and Security. The CPA is to a large extent dependent on obtaining funding from sponsors. This situation inter alia hampers the appointment of permanent staff, which has implications for sustainability. It was originally envisaged that after four years the community would be able to take over the CPA initiative. Due, inter alia, to insufficient community participation after nine years it appears that the community is not yet able to sustain the project on its own. The CPA endeavours to empower individuals/groups with the aid of external experts but has not been able to do so to the extent that these individuals could train others. For example, SRC members trained in one year are not equipped to train SRC members in the following years. The CPA has also been unable to recruit and sustain a stable and skilled complement of volunteers to assist with projects. As the basic vision of the CPA in creating a "safe community" is replicable, other initiatives aimed at violence and injury prevention could greatly benefit from adopting the inclusive CPA approach. However, the shape any replication will take will depend on the particular place and people involved.
References BUTCHART, A.,1996. Violence prevention in Gauteng: The public health approach. Acta Criminologica, 9(2). BUTCHART, A., KRUGER J. & NELL, V., 1997. Neighbourhood Safety: A Township Violence and Injury Profile. Crime Conflict, 9:11-15. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT,1996. Centre for Peace Action. Activities Report, January - December.
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UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT, 1997. Centre for Peace Action. Annual report 1997. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT, 1997. Centre for Peace Action. Application to become a Member of the Safe Community Network, 6 October. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT, 1997. Centre for Peace Action. Injury and Violence in Eldorado Park: A Neighbourhood Epidemiological Profile and recommendations for Safety Promotion, 31 July. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT. Centre for Peace Action. Reclaim our Community-Build for Peace. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT. Centre for Peace Action. Small Business Development and Safety. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT. Centre for Peace Action. Women & Family Services.
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UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT. Centre for Peace Action. Youth. UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT,1996. Eldo's Bekgeskiedenis, 2(1). UNISA HEALTH PSYCHOLOGY UNIT. Progress (July 1, 1996/June 30, 1997) and Planning (July 1, 1997/June 30, 1998) Report. WYNGAARD, G. & BODE, B. Youth Services 1997 Report. Footnote 1
Currently both the HPU and the CPA are incorporated into a new body (as yet unnamed), which includes the Institute for Behavioral Science of UNISA.
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Chapter 6 The Parent Centre Alex Butchart and Graeme Hendricks
Summary
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The Cape Town-based Parent Centre applies the insights of developmental psychology and social work in its attempts to stop the intergenerational transmission of violence. It does this by teaching the parents of infants and very young children how to build their children's self-esteem and life skills through positive parenting and non-violent modes of home discipline. Unique in South Africa, the Centre's vision and approach is grounded in well-defined theoretical insights and operates along the lines of similar programmes elsewhere in the world. Through careful scientific study in other countries it has been shown that programmes of this kind have significantly reduced the prevalence of child abuse and the likelihood of later involvement in violence. The Centre operates as a branch of Child Welfare, and receives approximately one third of its annual funding in the form of a government subsidy. Close collaboration with local and international research agencies ensures that its service delivery is complemented by a rigorous attempt to evaluate the effectiveness of its interventions. In line with epidemiological evidence demonstrating increased incidence rates of family disruption, child abuse and violence in deprived communities, the main focus of its interventions are in Khayelitsha, Hanover Park and Athlone - all low-income areas of the Cape Metropole. Careful attempts to maintain records of who receives which of its specific services and what they think of them permits adequate monitoring of how its resources are deployed and received, and the Centre has shown success in modifying its services on the basis of this feedback. The more difficult task of outcome evaluation is restricted to a home-visiting programme involving 150 intervention families and 150 non-intervention controls - a major intervention research project that is being designed and implemented in co-operation with local and international researchers. The organisational and staffing structure of the Centre aims at maximising the effectiveness of professionals (Social workers and psychologists) by using them to train and supervise trainers and session workers drawn from communities and sectors targeted for intervention. In January 1998 the Centre employed nine full- and part-time professionals and 43 trained professional and non-professionals in sessional and temporary appointments. In 1997-1998 it operated on a budget of just under R600 000. Definitive scientific evidence for the efficacy of the Centre's work in preventing violence has yet to emerge. Yet qualitative impressions and unanimously positive reports on the impact of its services from a variety of user groups suggest that the Centre has served and continues to serve as an effective violence prevention instrument. That the Centre has continued its clearly focused operations for 15 years since its inception as Family Focus in 1983, points to the organisation's ability to renew itself, and therefore to the sustainability of such an operation.
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Introduction "But does it involve the kids" This short question captures the essence of the Cape Town-based Parent Centre's long involvement in violence prevention through working with the parents of very young children, as identified in the first four of its objectives: • To enhance the confidence and effectiveness of parents and other caregivers in interacting with children in ways which will build their self-esteem and ensure that their potential is reached by providing support and information on children’s needs, child development and parenting skills
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• To help reduce violence in human relationships by teaching life skills and offering support to families in conflict • To address the disruption and fragmentation of families which has resulted from a breakdown of family relationships as a result of apartheid and other factors (e.g. divorce, community violence) • To prevent child abuse by operating programmes aimed at providing support and information to new mothers during the first three years. (Parent Centre, undated a) Early developmental interventions are labour intensive and a single agency can deliver services only to a fraction of the potential client group. To overcome this limitation, the Parent Centre complements direct service delivery with the training of community residents and professionals, its objectives being •
to disseminate child management skills to professionals and others (teachers, social workers, nurses, educare and child care workers) who work with parents and children;
•
to empower communities through the training of trainers in parent education and support;
• •
to facilitate and encourage the co-ordination of parent education support services; to assist in the training of students in the fields of Social Work, Education, Psychology and Health (Parent Centre, undated a).
In partnership with Reading University social scientists, the Winnicott Institute and the University of Cape Town's Child Guidance Clinic and Department of Psychiatry, the Centre maintains an ongoing programme of research, as reflected in its final objective: "to conduct research in order to enhance services". This case study was conducted in Cape Town from 20-23 January 1998. As well as reviewing a large amount of documentation provided by the Centre, it involved interviews with all professional Parent Centre staff, many of their family support and sessional workers, and a variety of different user groups, including community residents and professionals such as teachers and medical social workers.
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Origins of the Parent Centre: Identifying missed intervention opportunities The Parent Centre grew out of a programme called Family Focus, which commenced in May 1983. Between 1978 and 1982, Helen Starcke, then director of Child Welfare, systematically began to investigate case files documenting the life history of families that presented to Child Welfare. Common to most of the cases was that the families had at some point prior to the escalation of violence engaged with the helping professions, and therefore had things been done differently - by the parents and by the professionals - the family violence could have been prevented. As noted in a Family Focus document from around 1985:
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Many of these families could have been supported, counselled and educated for parenthood long before family inadequacies had caused severe family problems and the children had suffered abuse and neglect (Family Focus, undated). While this clearly suggested where and how preventive interventions could be implemented, analysis of the case files could not indicate if the families and individuals at risk would themselves be receptive to such interventions. A needs assessment among families presenting to Child Welfare and among the residents of high-risk communities and professionals (including teachers and social workers) was therefore conducted, and showed that they too perceived a need for information and support that would help them to be better parents. Delivery of parent support services commenced in 1983. Working from a Mowbray office, the first users of Family Focus were mainly white middle-and upper class parents from the southern suburbs. In addition to working with clients at the Centre, Family Focus had by 1985 initiated a series of lectures and workshops to mothers attending antenatal clinics at local maternity hospitals, to relevant professionals, to school parent-teacher associations, and to other interested groups. In 1987 the permanent staff of the Parent Centre expanded to four with the employment of the current manager, Fozia Ryklief. Her task was to expand the Parent Centre's coverage to include low-income communities beyond the southern suburbs. Beginning in Athlone with talks on parenting at maternal child health clinics, the success of this geographical expansion was cemented with the 1992 opening of a Parent Centre office in Athlone, and in 1993 by the initiation of similar outreach programmes in Khayelitsha and Macassar. Building upon these developments and a decade after its beginnings, the Parent Centre in 1993 added a home-visiting component to its interventions. Hilary Rosenthal, then manager and a founder member of the Centre, learned about Healthy Families America at the 1992 International Conference on Child Abuse and Neglect. This programme undertook home visits to parents in families at risk of violence. Believing that such a system could be adapted for effective interventions in South Africa, permission was obtained to use the Healthy Families America materials, and Mireille Landman (a clinical psychologist) commenced an African equivalent, Healthy Families Africa. This ongoing initiative is located in Hanover Park, Cape Town, and involved the identification of five women whom foster parenting services had identified as exceptional parents. These five women were trained, and then employed to do home visits to 25 female parents at risk, to start what by 1998 has become the Centre's main intervention and research endeavour. In 1995 the Parent Centre opened its Khayelitsha offices, and up to 1998 has continued to consolidate and refine its interventions, with a major focus on development and evaluation of the home-visiting programme to mothers in Khayelitsha.
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The Parent Centre's evidence for action Every human organ system can be affected by the symptoms of child abuse, and both the physical and the psychological implications for child and adult development appear to be grave .„ Prevention appears to hold promise for reducing the prevalence and impact of child abuse, and the principal preventive initiatives can be derived from specific theories of causality (Newberger, 1991:51).
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Olds and colleagues ... randomly allocated 400 mothers to receive home visits from nurses during pregnancy, to receive visits both during pregnancy and during the first two years of life or to a control group who received no visits ... This experiment showed that ... the postnatal home visits caused a decrease in retarded child physical abuse and neglect during the first 2 years of Life, especially by poor unmarried teenage mothers; 4% of visited (as opposed to 19% of non-visited) mothers of this type were guilty of child abuse or neglect, This last result is important because of the common observation that being physically abused or neglected as a child predicts later violent offending (Farrington, 1994:213). In targeting its interventions at the parents of very young children, the work of the Parent Centre is informed by the theoretical and empirical evidence described in its funding proposals and more thoroughly explored in its research proposals and reports (see Barker, Chalmers & Anderson, 1992; Daro,1988). Theoretically, the Centre's vision and practice suggest that it views the origins of child abuse and interpersonal violence in later life through a mufti-theoretical perspective. This is captured in the following problem statement which appears in the Parent Centre report titled: "A reputable home visiting programme for new mothers and infants in Hanover Park, aimed at preventing child abuse" (Parent Centre, undated b). Poor parenting in the early years of a child’s life is directly linked to child abuse, poor health, developmental delays, alienation and the development of violent behaviour patterns. It is essential that new mothers be given appropriate support and information to enable them to parent adequately. This is especially important in deprived areas where the stresses are greatest. Implicit in this statement are the following three theoretical perspectives, suggesting that the Parent Centre has successfully transcended the often limiting preoccupation with a unitary theoretical stance. Social learning theory is implied by the statement that poor parenting in the early years of a child's life causes violent behaviour patterns. This theory suggests that child abuse is learned behaviour and therefore that individuals who have experienced violent and abusive childhoods are more likely to grow up to become child and spouse abusers than individuals who experienced little or no violence in their childhood years. This implies that the transmission of violence is an intergenerational phenomenon, violence in one’s family of origin being seen as predictive of violence in one's family of procreation. Cognitive developmental theory is implied by the strong emphasis on giving new mothers appropriate support and information. This theory proposes that the occurrence of child abuse and the development of tendencies to violence are an outcome of an immature or otherwise inadequate understanding of the child and of the parental role. Highlighting this theoretical aspect, Mereille Landman, the Parent Centre's consultant psychologist to the home-visiting programme, described how the intervention aims to show parents that babies are constantly communicating something, and at teaching the parents how to "read" these communications. In turn, mothers are better able to respond in appropriate and positive ways to their 114
infants. In effect, the interventions redefine the infant as an object of parental attention, from perhaps being a docile and passive "thing" to becoming an active, growing and communicative partner, worthy of the loving, respectful and cooperative care needed to achieve sound physical and psychosocial development.
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Environmental stress theory posits that child abuse and proneness to violence result from social and environmental stress, and is clearly implied in the Parent Centre's observation that interventions are especially important "in deprived areas where the stresses are greatest". Stressful life conditions and events, including poverty, unemployment, social isolation, inadequate housing, and a violent social milieu are prominent factors considered in this theoretical orientation. This perspective suggests that factors in the context of family which are experienced as overwhelmingly stressful facilitate the expression of violence and interfere with a parent's ability to cope with his or her children. ,Although some Parent Centre documents claim that "we do not see it as our role to change parents' beliefs and values' (Parent Centre, undated), it is evident that all interventions derive from and reproduce a universalist and therefore normative model of ideal parenting. Consequently, issues such as the "cultural" acceptability of physical punishment, and the culture-determined roles of men and women are challenges to be overcome in the creation of new parenting styles in communities where traditional values are deeply entrenched. The status of children the world over is one of inferiority, which often translates into the belief that children must be seen and not heard. This is not peculiar to any culture but is generic and thus universalistic. The adoption of the dictum that children's rights are human rights, with the concomitant right to dignity and respect, means that the feelings of children have to be considered. Parents also have a right to a peaceful existence and therefore if traditional methods of child rearing are not working, then alternatives have to be sought. This is what Parent Centre offers. Through its research partnerships with local and international universities, the Parent Centre remains closely informed of contemporary theoretical developments and new findings in respect of outcome research. Accordingly, just as its internal evaluation procedures (see below) permit the ongoing monitoring and modification of its services, so the Centre as a whole is able through its external links to position itself continuously in relation to best practices internationally and elsewhere in South Africa.
Programmes As of January 1998, the Parent Centre operated eight interlinked programmes. These were conducted from five Parent Centre offices: (1) Its head office in Eden Road, Claremont; (2) its Athlone office in the AK Building on the corner of Klipfontein and Mavis Road, Gatesville; (3) its Khayelitsha office in the Catholic Welfare Development Centre, Scott Street, Khayelitsha; (4) the Research Unit of the Thula Sara, Mother and Infant Project in Town 2, Khayelitsha; (5) the Parent Empowerment Project, St Gabriel’s Centre, Guguletu. While these five areas are the main focus of Parent Centre programmes, a large number of activities take place at "other" venues,
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Programme I - Parenting programmes and support groups
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Programme 1 consists of a series of nine parenting programmes and support groups, and is run at the Claremont, Athlone and Khayelitsha offices and in community venues. The target groups are defined by the age of the child and the status of the mother. The programmes cover the following: 1
Mothers and babies
2
Mothers and toddlers
3
Single parents
4
Post-natal depression support
5
Effective discipline for toddlers
6
Parenting of children under five years
7
Parenting of children under twelve years
8
Parenting of teenagers
9
Special workshops (e.g, effects of divorce)
Table 6.1 shows the distribution of programmes by venue, number of sessions, and number of participants for the year 1997, and indicates that a total of 91 sessions spread between five venues reached 362 parents in that year. Almost twice as many sessions were conducted in low-income areas (e.g. Khayelitsha and Athlone) as in middle-income Claremont. Table 6.1: Count of parenting programmes and support groups by venue, number of sessions and number of participants 1997 Venue
Number of participants
Number of sessions
130
37
Meadowridge
67
12
Athlone
97
26
Khayelitsha
68
16
362
91
Claremont
TOTAL
The parenting programme consists of a number of sessions which include the following; Learning to understand the children's behaviour, listening to children's feelings, building children's self-esteem, expressing your own needs and feelings, discipline, problem solving and assertiveness, values and family meetings, and how to implement all the above. Programme 2 - Individual counselling for parents and caregivers The counselling service is provided for parents and caregivers where a problem has already developed. Clients are self-referred, and will be seen by the counsellors only 116
if the problem involves the welfare of the child. Table 6.2 shows the distribution of counselling encounters by venue and number of sessions for the year 1997. Notable is the fact that most clients are seen only once (in the first session), a fact that has important implications for the training of counsellors in being able to deliver effective single-session interventions. Table 6.2: Distribution of counselling sessions by venue and number of sessions, 1997 Venue
First sessions
Subsequent sessions
447
64
Athlone
91
-
Khayelitsha
53
16
591
80
Claremont
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TOTAL
Programme 3 - Information and support to new parents to prevent child abuse Programme 3 consists of two sub-programmes. First, a home-visiting project that operates in the low-income areas of Khayelitsha and Hanover Park. Second, a series of talks to parents at Maternal and Child Health Centres in Athlone and Khayelitsha.
Home-visiting programme The home-visiting programme entered its fifth successive year of implementation in 1998. Since 1994 the programme has operated in Hanover Park, and in January 1998 was preparing to begin in Khayelitsha. Box 6.1:
The "Outside violence is being born by domestic violence": The impact of Parent Centre workshops on two Khayelitsha residents
The Parent Centre's Khayelitsha office is in the Catholic Welfare Development Centre in the centrally located Village 1 area. The complex was sponsored by a Dutch welfare group, and the Parent Centre shares a wing of the facility with Life Line, Rape Crisis and the Family and Marriage Society of South Africa (FAMSA). Although each agency has only one representative in the building, together they constitute a wellrounded team. This team is able to respond to the crisis of family violence, rape and suicide, as well as prevent these at the family level by drawing Khayelitsha parents into a new way of seeing and interacting with their children. It was at these offices that the Parent Centre arranged for two of their Khayelitsha trainees to describe how they experienced the impact of the Parent Centre's interventions. In 1995 Nomfundo, a woman attached to the Child Welfare Society, began working in a child abuse prevention programme called "eye on the children" that aimed at helping parents to cope better with their children. Frustrated by her perception that most of the people in the community lacked the skills to look offer their children properly and did not know how to improve the situation, Nomfundo said, "It's motivating to stand up and do something: Even if my work is just a drop in the ocean it's a beginning": Her 1996 encounter with the Parent Centre thus confirmed something that Nomfundo already believed in, and helped her to get a firmer grip on 117
the problem of violence. As she put it, the Parent Centre "helped me to see that the outside violence is being born by the domestic violence", the confusion of discipline with punishment creating a vicious circle where in the name of control parents teach violence to their children. For Nomfundo, the readiness of parents to use violence reflects ... lack of knowledge and unevenness in power between men and women - girls get soft toys and boys get hard toys, and this fosters boy to girl aggression and sexual violence. Also, mothers contribute by saying that the father must hit the child when he is naughty, and they (fathers) obey because perhaps they believe they will be thought of as weak.
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After her first Parent Centre workshop, Nomfundo went on to be trained as a trainer and hopes to be one of the family support workers employed by the Centre when it begins its Khayelitsha home-visiting programme. Julia is a single mother of two children aged 15 and eight. Also involved in the "eye on the children" campaign, her special interest in parenting and the Parent Centre was in no small way shaped by the fact that her eldest daughter was raped by a relative when she was 13. "My motive (for getting involved) was to know that my child was being abused by my cousin. I tried to get the police to help but it was no use." Describing how when she was cross with another adult she would "take it out on the kids", Julia believes that the Parent Centre training "gave me a more effective way of handling kids. My eldest daughter sees the change in me, and she'll even try to provoke me to be angry, because she says 'I miss your hard voice"', While no one knows its true extent, Nomfundo and Julia believe that family violence in Khayelitsha is a major problem, and that if something is not done soon it will be too late to prevent a new generation of baby beaters growing up from the beaten babies of today. The Hanover Park work is co-ordinated by a social worker and conducted by a team of six family support workers recruited from the local community, trained and paid by the Parent Centre, and supported by means of weekly two-hour supervision sessions and ongoing education. Each individual support worker can sustain a caseload of up to ten families. Families visited are identified as being "at risk" for child abuse by staff at midwife and obstetrical units, clinics, and other services where expectant and new mothers interact with the care-giving system. Markers used to identify them as high risk include one or more of the following: 1 Both parents unemployed 2 Substance abuse 3 Depression 4 Mother's own history of abuse 5 Overcrowding in home 6 Parent involvement in gangsterism 7 Unwanted pregnancy
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The home-visiting programme works with high-risk mothers who are identified in the prenatal phase so as to encourage their adoption of healthy habits and prepare them emotionally and interpersonally for child birth and the early care-giving phase when the risk of developing an inadequate and harmful parent-child relationship is greatest. The period of greatest risk for the onset of child abuse seems to be from the moment of birth until about two or three years old - hence the focus on home visiting before and during this period. The frequency of home visits is keyed to the developmental stage of the parent-child relationship (see Table 6.3). Each case receives an average of 17 visits, which terminate six months after delivery in households where the visitors are satisfied with the quality of the parenting.
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Table 6.3: Home-visiting frequency by developmental stage Developmental period
Month 6 of pregnancy to delivery
Birth to 2 months
3 to 4 months
5 to 6 months
Visiting frequency
1 per month
4 per month
2 per month
1 per month
Cases where further support is required will be seen for longer periods, and in all instances where major problems are identified in the course of visiting (e.g. depression, family violence, substance abuse) the case is referred to an appropriate agency. The family support worker continues in her role of providing assistance and advice on how to become a good parent. From 1 April to 30 September 1997, the programme made 322 visits to 36 parents involving 58 children. Since January 1998, the Khayelitsha home-visiting programme has been recruiting and training home visitors to work in the area. Experience from the Hanover Park programme clearly indicated the importance of having home visitors drawn from the same community as the families to be visited. One of the Hanover Park support workers commented as follows: "It's really important that people realise we're from the same place as them, that we aren’t strangers and that we can understand one another properly:' While the Hanover Park programme is ongoing and limited to the number of cases the support workers can carry, the Khayelitsha programme is designed as part of a major scientific evaluation project (see below), and is therefore restricted to 150 new mothers.
Awareness-raising talks This programme of talks is delivered in maternal and child health centres, shelters for abused women, and schools serving high-risk communities. The aim is to reach pregnant women soon enough to draw them into the Parent Centre's loop of awareness raising and education about the importance of parenting. Talks presented at maternal and child health clinics are delivered jointly with nursing staff who provide gynaecological and medical input to the women who participate. Talks in other settings are less medically focused, and address issues such as anger management, how to discipline children, quality time, and interpersonal problemsolving skills. Table 6.4 shows the number of talks by venue and number of participants. Table 6.4: Number of awareness-raising talks by venue and number of 119
participants,1997 Venue
Number of talks
Number of participants
-
-
Athlone
34
1 144
Khayelitsha
11
358
Other
22
1 552
TOTAL
67
3 024
Claremont
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Box 6.2: The impact of Parent Centre training: A professional user's perspective Sue Beddlington is principal of the Lady Buxton Day Care Centre, an: educate facility far 30 children aged three months to four years, which is situated adjacent to the Parent Centre in Claremont. Early in 1997, Sue and her staff requested the Parent Centre to develop a series of workshops to "update their knowledge and awareness of child care and parenting and what it means to be an educate worker'. The Parent Centre’s work is about "making children feel good about themselves", observed Sue, and has absolutely everything to do with preventing violence: Violent people come from violent homes - it comes back to self-esteem. The Parent Centre's way of working with kids and their parents can break the chain of abuse (like neglect, sexual abuse, deprivation and so on), and in that way help to prevent violence: In Sue's opinion, the workshops had a major impact on how: she and her staff go about their work, in that it helped them to learn how to relate to children . as people, and showed the importance of thinking about how families, friends and schools shape a child's self-esteem and so can have huge consequences for the rest of its life. "The Parent Centre is about helping ; teachers and parents to create a whole child", said: Sue, comparing the approach to the earlier way in which they had compartmentalised their young clients, dividing their lives between home and school, classroom and play. Especially important in the context of the Lady Buxton Day Care Centre was the utility of the Parent Centre training in giving staff a clear and effective set of non-violent tools for the discipline of children. These tools help staff to maintain control, and are at the same time premised on treating children with respect. Last but not least, Sue reflected upon how the Parent Centre's approach to training her staff began "where they :were", and in a non-judgemental way allowed staff to recognise their own strengths and move in the direction of their own potential. The course "helped to improve the child-care workers' sense of self-worth and the fact that they could do something - I think because for once they heard this from the outside". Programme 4 - Training of professionals and para-professionals in child management Recognising that the parents of young children and the children themselves interact with a wide range of professionals (e.g. doctors, nurses, teachers, social workers, and para-professionals (e.g. child care workers), the Parent Centre runs a 120
programme to train professionals and para-professionals in healthy and non-violent child management strategies. The content of a training course is determined by the needs and structure of the organisation requesting the training, and the duration of these tailor-made courses varies. Groups that received training during 1997 included psychiatric social workers at Tygerberg Hospital and staff of the Lady Buxton Day Care Centre, which provides educare for children from three months to four years of age.
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Programme 5 - Training of trainers Central to sustainability and to increasing the Centre’s reach into the population, the training of trainers involves "training indigenous community members to run Parent Education and support programmes in the Community. In this way more communities are reached and empowered". Owing to the sensitive nature of their work, the selection of trainers for training involves careful screening of prospective candidates. Accordingly, these programmes focus on ensuring intensive contact between trainers and trainees, and thus involve substantially fewer individuals than many of the other Parent Centre services. Table 6.5 shows the count of "training of trainer" sessions by venue for 1 April to 30 September 1997. Table 6.5: Count of "training of trainer" sessions by venue and number of trainees, 1 April to 30 September 1997 Venue
No. of sessions
No. of trainees
Claremont
4
9
Athlone
-
56
Khayelitsha
4
5
Other
16
44
TOTAL
24
114
Trainee trainers can be ordinary individuals from the community who come to the attention of the Parent Centre as prospective family support workers, or professionals working in a relevant child-oriented sector who approach the Centre with a request for training. Accordingly, in addition to the training of 14 prospective family support workers from Khayelitsha and other low-income suburbs, trainees in 1997 included teachers from Ocean View, women welfare workers from People Against Gangsterism and Drugs (PAGAD), and psychologists and social workers at Mitchell's Plain school clinic. Box 6.3: Teaching teachers about parenting and discipline Among the trainers trained by the Parent Centre in 1997, a group of teachers from Ocean View (near Kommetjie in the Cape) offer a good example of how the training of trainers has a rapid multiplier effect on the number of people reached by the Parent Centre. Ocean View is a product of forced removals during grand apartheid, and this lowincome, almost exclusively coloured community exists in social and geographical isolation from the largely middle-income white housing estates and smallholdings that surround it. According to the teachers interviewed, this has resulted in the community developing "its own types of violence and learning problems". Chief among these they saw as the gap between parents and children in respect of 121
education and the development of life skills for the world of today. Because the parents of current primary and secondary school pupils themselves received only very limited (e.g. up to Standard Five) formal education, they are unable to motivate their children and support their children's school activities. This results in unmotivated pupils, and a downward spiral in the self-esteem of parents, who feel grossly inadequate to the needs of their children and the challenges of: contemporary life: The outcome of this vicious circle is increased substance abuse by parents and children, dropout from schools, and violence - largely of an interpersonal: nature, but also including some related to gangsterism and crime.
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While recognising a need to deal with this problem, Ocean View teachers were uncertain how to go about doing so, and after hearing about the Parent Centre approached them with a request to be trained as trainers in order to begin their own parent support and development centre. The initiative involved three Ocean View primary schools, and we talked to three teachers from one of them, Kleinberg Primary School. After completing the Parent Centre's four-week training course; ten facilitators from the three schools convened a parent meeting at which they addressed the issue of how to empower parents in helping their children to succeed in school and at home. The training course (consisting of four three-hour sessions), included the following components: problem identification, leadership and personal growth, understanding behaviour, stages of child development, listening, building self-esteem, expressing needs and feelings, values and discipline, problem solving, working with parents, counselling and group leadership, designing a workshop and evaluation. The meeting attracted 300 people, from whom some 20 parents per school elected to participate in a ten-week parent enrichment programme to be presented by the teachers who had received training. Box 6.4: Counsellors' training and leadership training Counsellors' training sessions included: the Parent Centre approach to (a) parents and (b) parenting; the nature of counselling; personal growth; transference; counter transference and objectivity; counsellor's own feelings; "security blankets"; problemsolving model and exercises; practical exercises, and resources. These programmes were delivered in two-hour sessions once a week after hours, and focused an developing parental self-esteem, listening skills, communication, conflict resolution, and how to create a supportive environment for a child's scholastic activities (e.g. homework). Motives for parent participation varied from negative reasons such as being a single parent, having a major problem (e.g. depression, alcoholism) or "having given up", to positive reasons such as wishing to realise a vision and a goal for their children. During these programmes, the teachers described how parents first began to open up and talk about their sense of insufficiency, and then soon started to work out concrete and practical ways of supporting their children even through they themselves could not, for example, do the arithmetic or language work. One female participant described how the sessions helped her to "stop hitting her child". Although she started to beat her child again after the sessions had ended, a chance meeting with one of the facilitators reminded her of what she had learned and she tried once again to apply a positive mode of discipline. Commenting that having to deliver the programme after hours on weekday nights made it very demanding, the Kleinberg teachers were dubious about being able to repeat the exercise, although they :were convinced about its usefulness, They were therefore considering how to start a "mini- Parent Centre" that would operate from 122
the school during school hours, and to which parents could come and discuss their problems and develop solution strategies on an individual basis. Programme 6 - Community education
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Less intensive than the information, support and training programmes offered to parents, professionals and other child care workers, the Parent Centre's community education programme aims at reaching public and professional audiences. It does so through talks at community centres, participation in radio and television programmes, the preparation of newspaper and magazine articles, and involvement in community events such as International Childrens Day. In addition to these activities, community education is achieved through the dissemination of pamphlets and leaflets to a wide range of agencies that come into contact with parents. The breakdown of community education methods by target areas for the year 1997 is shown in Table 6.6. Table 6.6: Community education by venue, type and frequency of activity (reach of talk within brackets), 1997 Venue Claremont Athlone Khayelitsha Other TOTAL
Public talks 9 (457) 11 (358)
Radio sessions
TV episodes
Events
6
4
-
11
-
2
8
-
-
22 (1532)
10
2 347
34
3 4
5
Programme 7 - Co-operation with government and other organisations The Parent Centre networks with other bodies involved in providing services to children, and contributes to developing services that are replicable and cost-effective. It is represented in structures involved in the transformation of services to families and children in the new South Africa. The Parent Centre took part in the National Committee on the Rights of Children (NCRC) summit, which informed the Charter of Children's Rights that in turn informed the constitution of children's rights. In 1995 corporal punishment was outlawed at schools: the Parent Centre together with the Centre for Conflict Resolution, RAPCAN, Chalkline and a number of teachers' unions put forward suggestions and guidelines for alternative disciplinary measures. The Parent Centre thus has direct links with the provincial government and national planning for children services via the NCRC. Programme 8 - Student training and supervision Undergraduate students in social work are placed in the Parent Centre for their practical training. Fourth-year social work students are placed but one of the criteria for placement is that they must be parents. Since 1991 the Centre has trained five such students: 87 other students and 476 nursing students have undergone training;120 student teachers have been given child management skills training, focusing on the relationship between them and children - this occurred throughout
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the academic year. Other colleges opted for a one-off talk on child management, for example the Mowbray Teachers Training College (110 students attended the talk). Since 1991, 58 clinical psychology Master’s students have received training in child management skills. Sixteen masters-level students in community medicine at the Red Cross Children’s Hospital have also undergone training.
Structures In line with its philosophy that violence prevention through better parenting can be achieved only if intervention can pervade the myriad "at risk" communities in South Africa, the Centre consists of a small staff of full-time professionals and a large group of community-based sessional and family support workers.
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Final authority on policy decisions, major financial expenditure and other farreaching decisions rests with the Management Board, which includes social workers, doctors, educationists, psychologists, community members and individuals from Child Welfare and other related organisations. Board members are not remunerated for their services, and the board usually meets once a month. Directorship of the Parent Centre is a full-time professional position, currently occupied by Fozia Ryklief. The director co-ordinates the entire Centre's activities, and is assisted by four subcommittees (funding and marketing, staffing matters, ethics and programmes/projects) made up of the director and selected board members. One level down from the director are four full-time staff members, and in the fourth level of the organisation two full-time staff members. The Parent Centre thus employs a total of seven full-time staff members, who are assisted by four part-time workers (a psychologist, two social workers, and a social work auxiliary). Complementing these full- and part-time staff members are 15 family support workers, all of whom are recruited from the communities targeted for Parent Centre interventions and paid by the Parent Centre. A group of 31 sessional workers who take part in the delivery of talks, workshops and educational activities are drawn from an expanding pool of such workers and are paid honoraria for their services. The aim of this organisational structure is to minimise the dependency of services on highly qualified professional staff. This is because the skills of professionals can be better deployed when transferred to other individuals in positions better able to interact an a frequent and ongoing basis with the target population, such as the family support workers who carry out the Centre’s home-visiting programmes. The professional staff serve mainly in a planning, supervisory and training capacity, but are on hand to provide therapeutic interventions where less qualified workers encounter major problems (e.g. clinical depression).
Affiliations, funding and budget Originally a project of the Child Welfare Society, the Parent Centre remained so until April 1997, and was funded from its own budget. In situations where the Centre was unable to manage, financial help was provided by the Society. All major expenditure had to be ratified by Child Welfare. In 1996, as a result of a financial crisis in the Child Welfare Society, the board of the Society in Cape Town requested that the Parent Centre assume branch status. This meant that the Society would no longer support the Parent Centre financially. The costing presented in Table 6.7 shows the income and expenditure for May 1997 to May 1998.
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Family support workers are paid R12 an hour and two hours are allowed for every home visit. A talk costs R150 if the organisation can afford it, otherwise it is done free of charge. Counselling sessions cost on average R29-R34 an hour, two hours being allocated per session (including travelling and consultation). Table 6.7: Synopsis of Parent Centre income and expenditure, May 1997-May 1998 INCOME Donations
52 230,00
Salaries & wages
Fundraising
23 932,00
Transport & office
52 760,00
Fees
77 481,00
Land & buildings
10 334,00
Government subsidy Other Child Welfare
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EXPENDITURE
UCT Total income
190 054,00 4 635,00 150 000,00
Domestic expenses Professional services Sundries
489 949,00
5 647,00 12 804,00 6 705,00
30 513,00
Community Chest
45 000,00
573 845,00
Total expenditure
78 199,00
In terms of financial sustainability, the Parent Centre's subsidy from government does not seem under threat since what the Centre does is in line with the government's plan of action for children as described in the Childrens Charter and the constitution. Children are also a government priority. A professional fundraiser will be employed to boost the Centre's finances. Sustainability at a programme level is assured by training trainers.
Research and evaluation Writing in the 1995-1996 annual report, the manager of the programme concluded with a comment on the positive effect of including evaluation research in the Parent Centre's counselling programmes: A highlight of the year has been a thesis on the effectiveness of our counselling by a UCT Masters student [see Faull,1996]. The results were amazingly positive with 78% of adults reporting that they had benefited from counselling and were able to address the difficulties they were experiencing. A further 92% of respondents said they would return to the Parent Centre if the need arose. It was particularly heartening that our counselling was experienced to be as useful in the very lowincome groups as in others. This information has strengthened our determination to continue to do preventive work with families where it is most needed and to break the cycle of child abuse and violence. (Parent Centre, 1995/96) Properly planned and carefully integrated into a prevention programme's activities, research and evaluation should never constitute a threat to an organisation, but rather be viewed as a resource that, by providing constant feedback on the adequacy or otherwise of its services, helps to improve those services. All three of the commonly identified levels of evaluation are represented in the programmes offered by the Parent Centre. Formative evaluation, which is the gathering of evidence from different sources (e.g. epidemiology, focus group discussions, needs assessments) for the purpose of targeting and designing the content of interventions is undertaken at the start of any new project. Process evaluation looks at the nature of the services being delivered (e.g. how many talks 125
about what topics), who they reach, and how the target group perceives the services, and is a component of almost all Parent Centre interventions. Outcome evaluation attempts to measure the effectiveness of an intervention in achieving its ultimate objective, and is an important component of the Hanover Park and Khayelitsha home-visiting programmes. Formative evaluation
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Epitomised by the information concerning missed opportunities for prevention that created the initial impetus for the formation of the Parent Centre, formative evaluation is fundamental to the targeting and implementation of effective prevention programmes. The input for formative evaluation is ideally a combination of local and international evidence that includes published scientific research and evidence from local sources, including the target communities and other stakeholders. Preparation for the Khayelitsha home-visiting programme provides a good example of formative evaluation. First, published research findings and the lessons learned from the Hanover Park programme were combined with local and international expert consultations with the University of Cape Town's Department of Psychiatry and Child Guidance Clinic, the University of Reading, and the Winnicott Institute in Cambridge, UK, were used to develop a conceptual proposal. Second, the plans were anchored to community perceptions through interviews and the extended observations of 60 randomly selected Khayelitsha mothers. The aim was to understand what mothers were doing with their new infants, and to gauge their needs for support and likely receptiveness to the planned programme. Requests from many mothers that the observers return to their homes indicated a strong receptiveness to the intervention. Coupled with this focus on the target group were consultations with local community organisations and services, such as maternity obstetric units in Site B Khayelitsha, Michael Mapongwana Zibonele Community Health Project in Khayelitsha, and street committees in these areas. Formative evaluation in respect of the Parent Centre's more routine interventions such as talks and workshops is less intense. Essentially it consists of the collation of materials from previous workshops, the development of new materials through interaction with service users and exposure to new research and new requests, and where relevant the adaptation of training manuals from other countries and other settings. Process evaluation Process evaluation attempts to identify whether what is aimed at being delivered is in fact what is received. Accordingly, it involves a combination of methods such as counting the number of workshops or talks presented, monitoring the number and background of the participants, and asking participants to say what they think a particular intervention may have been about and how useful it was to them. All Parent Centre programmes maintain quantitative records, thus permitting assessment of how many individuals received particular interventions at particular places - a simple though important measure of the extent to which the desired target groups are being reached. Such data are not, however, designed to indicate anything about the quality of the interventions, and should therefore always be complemented by qualitative evaluation methods. For the home-visiting programmes, this qualitative component is captured in the observations made at each visit and in
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plotting changes between visits in how well the mother and child appear, how they interact, the general "climate" in the home, and other markers. As a family support worker in the Hanover Park programme said: The results [of the home visiting] show themselves. You can see changes in behaviour, like how the tone of voice has changed, and also get reports from neighbours. Also, you can see it's working if they do new things when they get hassled, like sending the child to the neighbours [instead of verbally or physically abusing the child]. Qualitative process evaluation of the talks and workshops is done through the completion by participants of a written Parent Centre Evaluation Form. Restricted to those able to read and write, the one-page form requests comments on four simple though powerful indices, although, as shown by the following example, the questions are not always accurately understood.
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1
Things I enjoyed Mostly everything. Especially the idea of working with a partner. Writing down what we feel and later pinning it on the board and reading it out loud. This I found effective.
2
Things I found most useful/interesting. The communication skills, I can honestly say my relationship with my son and husband ”as well!!".
3
Things about the workshop that could be changed. Has changed for the best. My husband has after 30 years started listening and talking,
4
General comments about the facilitators. I found Rosemary to be an excellent facilitator, I have learned so much.
Although it can readily be collected, process evaluation information such as contained in this form is meaningless unless analysed and acted upon. At the Parent Centre each group facilitator attaches the evaluations by participants to the forms that are filled in by the facilitator. These are brought to the director of the Centre and scrutinised, after which they are taken to the quarterly group supervision meeting. All the facilitators are present and discussions are held on the evaluations. Any changes suggested to the programmes are considered. Issues raised are dealt with and changes in content are brought about if necessary. Attendance at these sessions is compulsory, with dates for the meetings given at the beginning of each year. Outcome evaluation Aimed at identifying whether interventions achieve their ultimate goals (e.g. reduction in child abuse, the task of outcome evaluation is twofold. First, to demonstrate what changes have taken place in the time period before and after an intervention commences. Second, to show that these changes are a result of the intervention itself, rather than other factors.
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Because it is a complex scientific process, outcome evaluation is typically conducted by an agency that is external to the prevention organisation. In the Parent Centre's case, social scientists at the Universities of Cape Town, Redding and Cambridge serve this function, and outcome evaluation research is limited to its home-visiting programmes in Khayalitsha.
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In 1993 the Parent Centre decided to initiate a pilot home visiting programme for new mothers because of the high rate of child abuse and violence in South Africa, and to measure its effectiveness ... Fifty mothers were identified ... as being "at risk" of abusing their babies and were included in the project; 25 were allotted to the intervention group for home visiting and testing and 25 allotted to the control group for testing at 1 and 2 years. (Parent Centre, undated a) Presented in highly simplified form, this case-control methodology is almost identical to that currently employed in the Khayelitsha programme. There, because the entire community is considered to be "at risk", there has been no attempt to select a subgroup of mothers, and instead of 25 per case and control group, the Khayelitsha study involves 150 mothers per group, for a total of 300. In addition to an array of anthropometric, interactional and interpersonal tests, the pre-post intervention evaluations will explore the incidence of child abuse in the two samples. While such outcome evaluation research is designed only to evaluate the short-term impact of home visiting on the well being and development of young children, it is a good example of what can and should be done by prevention programmes if we are to learn what works, where and how. Far more than of value only to the organisation delivering the service, such research allows others to correct their own service delivery modalities, and to ensure that funds are not wasted on interventions that have never been shown to have any effect on resolving the target problem.
Conclusions 1
The Parent Centre typifies a proactive prevention approach, dealing with specific risk factors (early developmental exposure to destructive parenting styles) in high-risk populations to reduce the likelihood that targeted individuals will develop into victims or perpetrators of violence and crime. In terms of the public health model, the interventions target the pre-event social environment of the child by enhancing the capacity of the parenting/care-giving system to provide a positive developmental context.
2
Networking at the micro-level of the neighbourhoods where interventions are implemented is fundamental to rooting the home-visiting intervention and gaining the trust of the target groups, as well as to recruiting appropriate home-visiting staff. Links at the more macro-level with statutory bodies (Child Welfare) and universities are central to maintenance of the Parent Centre's research and evaluation activities, to the ongoing development of its programme content, and to its sustainability, particularly in respect of funding.
3
Outcome evaluation is regarded as extremely important by the professional staff of the Parent Centre, but less so by the non-professional staff who do the home visiting and parent training. For the latter, the positive value of the interventions was so self-evident that they felt there was no need for more rigorous questioning as to whether the approach worked. Process evaluation is ongoing and has been effective in steering the focus of the Centre toward
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increasingly high-risk groups. One attempted outcome evaluation produced inconclusive results, but has served to inform the current efforts to perform a scientifically rigorous evaluation in co-operation with local and international researchers. 4
The reasonably simple organisational structure of the Parent Centre and of its interventions meant that programmes could be readily replicated. However, it is highly dependent on two or three extremely dedicated professional staff, without whom the organisation could well lose momentum and direction. It is uncertain how many more such professionals are being produced by South African universities. The Centre's increasing dependence on donor agencies is also a threat to its continued existence.
5
The Parent Centre has explicitly and effectively tailored a US intervention model to local conditions. The approach is culturally sensitive without being culture bound, and where cultural norms support negative child-rearing and socialisation practices, it works to challenge, undo and replace these with more universally acceptable ones.
6
The main focus is upon the pre-event social and physical environment.
7
It is unclear if there are conflicts in the organisation:
8
While the intervention focus is narrow and circumscribed by the parent-child subsystem in the early developmental phase, the potential effects are broad in so far as outcome studies from elsewhere have shown such interventions to reduce pathologies. Pathologies addressed ranged from child abuse through school bullying to violent and non-violent crime in young and middle adulthood. Because it allows for accurate process and outcome evaluation the narrowness is advantageous. Organisationally, it could be at risk in that should funding for this narrow band of interventions be withdrawn, there would be no alternatives to continue with.
9
The Centre appears to be little known beyond Cape Town and the user and referral groups with which it interacts. It should have a much greater impact on health policy nationally.
10
The Centre's programmes are replicable because they operate according to a very simple and well-documented set of principles that can readily be transferred. The Parent Centre's "train the trainer" approach attempts to expand coverage beyond the very limited community base that, within its budgetary limits, it can directly access.
11
The Centre's programmes make sound epidemiological sense. Because the development of violent and criminal behavioural tendencies are fixed by early adolescence, interventions that target youth after the age of 13 or 14 years are unlikely to have any marked prevention gains. By contrast, interventions that commence even before birth can address risk factors such as parental alcohol abuse and maternal undernutrition, and by continuing through into the first year can intervene at the foundations of personal and interpersonal development. This is supported by international research findings that show that similar programmes in a variety of other settings have consistently returned empirical evidence for medium- to long-term outcome effectiveness in preventing crime and violence. 129
12
The Parent Centre does not suggest itself as a model for any other kind of setting because its key intervention unit is the family/primary caregiving group. However, some of its principles and much of its experience could be used to inform and enrich plans for early developmental and child intervention programmes in schools, hospitals, reformatories, orphanages and other institutional settings.
References BARKER, W., CHALMERS, C. & ANDERSON, R. 1992. Birth and early childhood. In: Trafford: Epidemiological and early programme findings. Early Health and Development Monitor, Evaluation Document No. 13. Bristol: Early Childhood Development Unit.
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DARO, D.1988. Intervening with new parents: An effective way to prevent child abuse. National Committee for the Prevention of Child Abuse, Working Paper No. 839. Washington: National Committee for the Prevention of Child Abuse. FAMILY FOCUS. Undated. Family Focus; a parent education and counselling service. Unpublished mimeograph). FARRINGTON, D.P. 1994. Early developmental prevention of juvenile delinquency. Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health, 4: 209-227. FAULL, C. 1996. An evaluation of the counselling service of the Parent Centre. Unpublished Master of Social Science dissertation. Cape Town: University of Cape Town. NEWBERGER, E.H.1991. Child abuse. In: M.L. ROSENBERG AND M.A. FENLEY (eds.) Violence in America; A public health approach, 51-78. New York: Oxford University Press. PARENT CENTRE. Undated a. The Parent Centre: Objectives. Unpublished mimeograph). PARENT CENTRE. Undated b. A replicable home visiting programme for new mothers and infants in Hanover Park, aimed at preventing child abuse. Unpublished mimeograph). PARENT CENTRE. 1996, Parent Centre 1995/96 annual report. Cape Town: The Parent Centre.
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Chapter 7 Metrorail: Commuter safety project Alex Butchart
Summary
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The Metrorail commuter safety system is an evidence-led, problem-focused approach to the prevention of injuries and violence. Because reliable injury event information is available only for the stations and commuter areas directly controlled by Metrorail, the system is spatially limited to the 465 stations around South Africa and to the trains themselves. The core of the system comprises injury and risk profiles detailing the hourly, daily, weekly, monthly and annual injury and risk profiles for each of the 465 stations in the system. These data are obtained on an ongoing basis and disseminated through monthly incident reports and station risk profiles. Through close analysis of the data, the unique risk profile of each injury setting is defined, and environmental, engineering and enforcement interventions keyed to these characteristics are applied. The data for 1996-1997 provide a baseline against which a prevention target of a 25% reduction across the system and in relation to all injury categories has been set. Complementing these objective injury data, the system draws on information provided by quarterly consumer surveys that examine the knowledge, attitudes, perceptions and concerns of Metrorail users. These data are used to design safety delivery systems in keeping with client expectations, and to reveal inconsistencies between perceived and actual risks. In combination with objective injury information, the consumer survey data feed into a "commuter-oriented total visual awareness programme'. Based on multilingual posters, signs and other visual devices, the programme educates users about dangers and safety behaviours. Evaluation of the programme is ongoing and involves process and outcome measurement. Process measurement is done through safety audits against standards set out in the Occupational Health and Safety Act, and through benchmarking against local and international best practice examples. Outcome measurement is performed against the baseline data and by monitoring changes in the disabling injury frequency rate. Achievement of the 25% reduction target is linked to Metrorail employee benefits, to the extent that failure to achieve the goal will result in a reduction in benefits proportional to the underachievement. This is balanced by a positive approach to involving staff through ongoing workshops, talk shops and educational input aimed at creating a culture of safety and safety promotion among Metrorail employees.
Introduction Since South Africa's 1994 general elections, the mass train violence that preceded the transition to democracy has shown a radical decline. However, and as in many other settings, the drama of politically motivated massacres has been replaced by less visible but equally destructive forms of interpersonal violence among railway commuters, and between rail security personnel and commuters (e.g. the Tembisa disaster). Coupled with the challenge of preventing unintentional injuries due to 131
incidents such as falls from trains and the crossing of railway lines, this violence has played no small part in stimulating the development and implementation of the Metrorail Commuter Safety System. This case study was conducted at the Metrorail head offices in Johannesburg on 14 January and 2 March 1998. Most of the information was obtained verbally from Mr Francois Van Eeden (Metrorail Executive Manager, Risk Management), and additional information was given by Dr Rose Phillips and Mr Richard Matzopolous of the Medical Research Council (MRC).
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Origins of the commuter safety system: From policing to public health In October 1986, the South African Railways Police were disbanded and amalgamated into the South African Police. Overlapping with the high levels of political violence then prevalent, this move coincided with a rapid escalation in violence and crime-related incidents such as theft, vandalism, intimidation, robbery and attacks on rail commuters, and unsafe conditions on trains and stations in general. At around the same time, a restructuring of the South African Rail Services made Metrorail independent of Spoornet, which until then had been responsible for the maintenance and safety of stations as well as rolling stock. Because of internal changes Metrorail thus inherited a bankrupt safety system that lacked even the most basic protective infrastructure (e.g. turnstiles, barriers), at a time when external forces were acting to increase violence and injury levels to an unprecedented high. Train Accord (1992-1993) While the dramatic massacres in trains and around stations captured public attention in the late 1980s and early 1990s, these occurred against a broader backdrop of injuries due to many different factors that blurred the distinction between "accidents", violence, political violence, criminal violence, and so on. This served further to inhibit the development of effective safety measures. Between 1991 and 1993 the perceived extent of the problem resulted in rail commuter safety becoming a major focus for political activity, culminating in the 1993 Train Accord. Around 1991 the South African Rail Commuters' Corporation (SARCC, a statutory body within the Department of Transport, founded in 1990) experienced increasing pressure by unions and political parties to release funding for the upgrading of commuter safety. In 1993 this came to a head with a sit-in by COSATU, the SACP and the ANC at the Paul Kruger Building in Pretoria. The aim of the sit-in was to fast track the development of railway safety, and its major outcome was the Train Accord. The Accord bound SAPS, Spoornet, the SARCC and the tri-partite alliance (SACP, ANC, and COSATU) into a commitment by suppliers and consumers of railway transport to the enhancement of safety through the development and implementation of the present system. Building rail commuter safety (1992 - ongoing) Phase 1: Hardening the target Immediately following the Train Accord, and to satisfy the demand for rapid and visible action, the Metrorail response was initially limited to target hardening. This
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involved such interventions as increasing the numbers of police present at stations and applying more barbed wire and other physical barriers to control access and channel crowd movements. As these rudimentary measures were being implemented, the Goldstone Commission of Inquiry into Public Violence was also examining rail commuter safety and in so doing laying the foundations for a more sophisticated and fundamental set of interventions. Among its major recommendations, the Goldstone report advocated that a new "Rail Guard" be formed to replace the old railways police and ensure a more effective policing of railway areas, and that there be a total assessment of the existing system's physical "hardware" characteristics. External consultants Raath and Van Zyl were contracted to do this work, and their report (Raath & Van Zyl, 1992) was appended to that of the Goldstone Commission.
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Using these reports and recommendations, the SARCC approached the Ministry of Transport with a request for funding, and some R200 million were in 1992 awarded for the upgrading of Metrorail stations throughout South Africa. Phase 2: Towards an ecological approach In 1993 the framework for the current integrated and "ecological" approach to safety was set in place following a Department of Transport - sponsored study (conducted by the CSIR) "Personnel Security in Public Transport" (CSIR, 1993). For the first time, this study explored the connection between violence within the Metrorail system and the social and political context of commuters and of the transport system more generally. In so doing, human and social variables such as individual attitudes and community perceptions were made visible as important conduits of risk and potential points for the promotion of safety. In 1995, Cape Metrorail began its collaboration with the Medical Research Council, which initiated a pilot study of railrelated injuries to introduce an epidemiological and public health understanding of their causes and prevention: The risk factors are diverse, and include the exposure of people to unprotected railway lines and unsupervised stations, risk taking, inadequate communication channels and warning systems, some old and unsafe carriages and criminal activity. The causes of injury can often not be addressed directly as they are brought about by more deep-rooted social issues such as poverty, alcoholism and violence and infrastructural decay owing to unsupervised urbanisation and overcrowding prevalent in the metropoles (Van Eeden and Lerer, 1996). In March 1998, Metrorail applied the public health approach in combination with its own organisational safety processes and procedures.
Main features of the rail commuter safety system Geographical scope The Metrorail safety programme covers the 456 stations throughout South Africa that make up the commuter rail network, and all the trains that carry commuters on the system. The system is divided into six geographically defined regions: (1) The Cape, (2) East London, (3) Port Elizabeth, (4) Witwatersrand, (5) Pretoria, (6) Durban. In turn, these regions are broken down into smaller subsystems (e.g. the Soweto rail commuter system) that constitute the functional units in respect of daily management and operations. The Metrorail commuter safety system is therefore a "closed" system in the sense that its boundaries are very clearly demarcated, 133
although this "closedness" can never be total as external influences constantly impact on its internal workings via the influence of commuters, criminals, political and other interest groups, and other factors. Box 7.1: 1995 Metrorail analysis of general developments in respect of risk Illustrating the openness of the system to external factors is an analysis of general developments seen as crucial to risk patterns in Metrorail's national: system. Prepared in April 1995, the analysis focused on criminal and political violence, and identified the following seven key areas; Stockpiling weapons Dissatisfied groups
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Smuggle networks Continued paramilitary training and risk of political intolerance No-go zones in KwaZulu-Natal and East Rand Fighting between hostels Increase in crime - rural areas Extremist groupings Unresolved constitutional matters Participation in elections Border disputes Position of Zulu monarchy Powers of provinces Organised crime (drugs/arms) Criminal violence - 31 gangs in Durban Protection rackets Evidence-led interventions The engine of the Metrorail commuter safety system is a robust incident database that provides regularly updated uniform data on all crime and injury incidents that occur within the system. Whenever an incident is observed, it is manually logged in an occurrence book at the control office for the area in which it occurred. For instance, should a driver observe a human body lying next to the track, this constitutes an incident, and a description of it, together with information about the time and place, is noted by the driver and relayed to the area registration point. There, it is entered into Lotus Approach as a one or two-line narrative account. From there it is sent to a regional centre where it 134
is coded (each single incident receives only one incident code), and then collated with data from other area reports to produce two main reports: (1) Monthly reports on crime and safety-related incidents, (2) Station risk profiles.
Monthly reports on crime and safety-related incidents The most detailed level of reporting is in the monthly reports on crime and safetyrelated incidents. These reports show the raw data as entered into the system in narrative form, and as a series of graphs for each class of incident (e.g. rape, shooting, robbery) where there is a frequency of more than one a month. There is one graph for each class of monitored incident, and these graphs plot the actual number of incidents by month and region to enable an immediate overview of occurrence trends over time and their comparison between the different regions.
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Station risk profiles Where the monthly reports compare regions over time, the station risk profiles provide a more fine-grained level of information. These profiles graph the type of incident by hour of day and day of week for each station separately, to reveal any differences between stations and are then used to guide station-specific interventions. Box 7.2:
Into the future: The Computer-Assisted Risk Management System
Set to replace the current manual and spreadsheet system towards the end of 1998 is the Computer-Assisted Risk Management System (CARMS). Information input will be directly into the computer system, using a screen that prompts the data capturer for crucial information. Once an incident has been properly logged, CARMS will then initiate a Systematic Causational Analysis SCAT) routine. In turn, this will suggest a number of possible interventions based on the incident type and the database of effective interventions previously: applied in response to similar incidents. Lastly, CARMS will outline the follow-up procedures required, and even insert reminders of when they should be applied in the electronic diaries of the staff responsible. The inter-station information gap The safety promotion capacity of the Metrorail system is restricted by the absence of information on railway-related injuries that occur outside carriages in areas between stations. Because the inter-station zone does not belong to Metrorail, incidents occurring in this zone cannot be routinely monitored by their staff and only on uncertain proportion come to the company's attention. In many instances, commuter rail routes pass through densely populated low-income settlements, where there is a high risk of injury to persons crossing the lines. However, because there is not a constant injury surveillance system to register these incidents, they tend to slip through the safety net. Since February 1998, this inter-station information gap has been partially filled only in Cape Town, where incident data for all rail-related deaths in the Cape Metropolitan area are relayed from the Medical Research Council's (MRC) non-natural mortality study group to Metrorail management, who use it to design inter-station
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interventions. If safety among those who reside in close proximity to the railway lines is to be enhanced in other regions, then a clear priority is to develop fatal and nonfatal injury surveillance systems that can provide groups such as Metrorail with the information they require to reduce the problem. Box 7.3:
Cape Metrorail- Medical Research Council collaboration
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Cape Metrorail and the MRC have been involved in the ongoing surveillance: of rail commuter injuries on the Cape Town metropolitan commuter railway network since 1995. The collection of earlier injury data from April 1992 means that a database of over five-and-a-half years is available. The Metrorail data have been matched where possible with deaths recorded in the death registers of the Salt River and Tygerberg Police mortuaries, and, where necessary, with forensic records from he Departments of Forensic Medicine at the Universities of Cape Town and. Stellenbosch. Since 1997, efforts have been concentrated on improving the reporting procedure. Data capture forms have been altered to include extra variables, namely the number of the train involved and the name of the train driver, and in the case of incidents between stations, the location of the incident (identified by mass-pole number and kilometre point). This method of data collection will allow for eventual incorporation into a Metrorail geographic information system (GIS). Another success has been the improvement in the reporting of incidents. For the first time in the history of the project, the underreporting of fatalities (including deaths due to violence and natural causes occurring on Metrorail property) is less than 10%. A corresponding figure for non-fatal injuries cannot be given without undertaking an independent study of trauma facilities in Cape Town, but it is likely that the reporting of non-fatal injuries has improved along with the reporting of fatal injuries. The improvements in reporting enable an assessment of the success of injury interventions for the first time since the start of the project. A negative factor has been the difficulty in obtaining timely data from the mortuaries, which has hampered the provision of regular reports and data to Metrorail management: Metrorail and the MRC will probably have to develop a strategy for the collection of mortality data. State forensic departments will need to be included in the process, as synergies exist for all parties. Metrorail will benefit: from improvements in their injury surveillance and intervention. systems; data quality at mortuaries will be improved, and the MRC will benefit, in so far as good-quality data are conducive to more accurate and applicable research. Multi-modal interventions Flowing from the combination of incident and event documentation, commuter attitude surveys and contextual information, interventions in the Metrorail commuter safety system involve all the main public health elements: environmental modifications, engineering of new technologies, education and enforcement. While the majority of interventions are aimed at primary prevention, the system incorporates provision of emergency services for post-event intervention.
Environmental modification The main focus of environmental intervention is on the redesign and upgrading of stations. Trans-regional intervention has been informed by international innovation visits (e.g. to the UK and Brazil), through which benchmarks have been established 136
against which to measure local achievements. A set of design reports (e.g. Propenta, 1996) for every station in the Metrorail commuter system is being prepared, and upgrading represents one of Metrorail’s major capital investment programmes.
Engineering modifications Engineering interventions aimed at devising new products and technologies that will eliminate risks are a prominent component of Metrorail interventions, and are being developed in relation to ticketing, crowd control, in-train safety and non-lethal deterrent weapons for security guards. Box 7:4:
The challange of in-train safety
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Violence and injuries in moving trains constitute a particularly stern prevention challenge, since for the duration of the journey victims are effectively the prisoners of any perpetrators among the passengers. Attempted technology-oriented solutions to such violence included the installation of closed-circuit television cameras to monitor the interior of passenger coaches. Using two trains to pilot-test the system, the cameras fed the images to a central monitoring coach and staff, including security personnel for immediate on-site response to any incident, observed. Following pilot testing the system was discontinued owing to a number of negative factors: (1) The configuration of the train would always: have to be the same - should an electric locomotive have to be replaced by a steam engine, the system would be non-operative. (2) The cameras themselves were rendered ineffective by people spraying. them with paint, and by the simple tactic of perpetrators wearing balaclavas to hide their faces; (3) The system was expensive to run, in terms of capital outlay as well as personnel costs, and given its limited effectiveness could not be justified. A further in-train safety challenge was the prevention of injuries consequent on people being thrown, pushed or falling from coaches. The space between coaches is a particularly high-risk place for the occurrence of these incidents, the risk at this point being exacerbated by the theft of inter-coach gates for their copper. An early solution was to seal the end doors of each coach permanently so that commuters could not access the inter-coach area. However, this created more opportunities for than impediments to criminals, requiring the prohibitively expensive costs of ;a guard per coach, and also preventing victims from escaping should they be attacked. From these failed solutions emerged the current and successful intervention of installing rubber "gummies" that totally seal the inter-coach area while at the same time allowing movement between coaches. Although implemented only offer the peak of politically motivated train violence, it appears that.this intervention has affected a significant reduction in injuries associated with the inter-coach risk area.
Educational interventions Informed by regular commuter attitude surveys, educational interventions are focused on future generations of rail users and, by reaching new and potential commuters in primary and early secondary school, aim at cultivating a new safety culture in this population.
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Box 7.5:
The "Back to Basics" campaign
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A key phase in the evolution of Metrorail's educational interventions was the 1995 induction of its marketing division into the safety campaign. Among the first steps taken by the marketing division was the commissioning of a video showing interviews with commuters: in which they, talked about their complaints, needs and suggestions. for improving the Metrorail commuter system. Many responses indicated dissatisfaction with things such as dirty stations and trains, inadequate toilet facilities and other fundamental environmental factors. From this flowed the idea of the "Back to Basics" campaign. The "Back to Basics" campaign has four elements - cleanliness, security, safety and punctuality - and aims at constantly educating commuters about what the company is doing to improve its services with regard to each of these areas. Educational campaigns are built around a cartoon safety character; and by using billboards, posters and popular publications the "Back to Basics" campaign intends transforming every commuter into an active relay in its safety net by teaching them how to act safely in their own interests. Region-specific educational campaigns complement mass education interventions that crosscut all regions. For instance, the Durban region in October 1997 implemented a schools-based commuter safety drive. Reaching 25 schools, the campaign involved a day-long workshop per school, at which scholars participated in talks about how to commute safely, were shown "horror" movies about the negative consequences (e.g. death, disability) of unsafe travel practices, and given T-shirts and posters conveying safety hints and messages. In addition to mass education campaigns, regular meetings are held with commuter liaison forums representing a cross-section of the commuting population.
Enforcement While the ideal is to "build out" all crime, violence and injury through environmental and technical interventions, enforcement remains an important component of the safety system. Enforcement is applied by contract security staff and by members of the South African Police Services. Problems in respect of contract security personnel include firearm-related incidents, such as accidental and intentional shootings. Special attention is therefore paid to the selection and training of such staff.
Emergency medicine and disaster management Complementing the preventive focus of the Metrorail safety system is its linkage to emergency medical care and disaster management services. In Durban, Metrorail is a key partner in the local 107 Emergency Centre where the inclusion of Metrorail personnel in its team helps to ensure that the company can directly influence the management of cases arising from any accidental or intentional violence within the rail system. Following on the success of the Durban model, Metrorail plans to secure similar involvement in all other regions and major cities. Performance-based assessment With a view to entrenching safety promotion in the organisational culture, the safety of commuters and staff is one of five key performance areas linked to employees' salaries and bonuses. From the chief executive officer to the most junior 138
maintenance staff, success or failure in achieving predefined safety targets will positively or negatively influence remuneration. Targets are set using the disabling injury frequency rate, National Occupational Safety Association standards, and benchmarks defined through exposure to international and local best practice examples.
Evaluation On the day-to-day operational level, evaluation is built into the Metrorail system in the form of information feedback loops, which through the monthly reports (and eventually through the CARMS system) provide a constant link between intervention and impact information. There are also three additional evaluation mechanisms.
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Commuter surveys With a special focus on the visibility, efficiency and friendliness of security personnel, quarterly surveys of commuter attitudes are used to evaluate enforcement interventions involving the deployment of guards, station security and other such personnel.
Formal pilot studies Designed to provide a detailed analysis of how well the system as developed to date is functioning, two pilot studies involving external evaluation were being conducted as of March 1998. Pilot study 1 is being run at ten Cape Town stations by a US-based disaster management group, and will yield a report covering 17 months of operation. Pilot study 2 is being conducted at ten stations in the Witwatersrand region, and is focused on measuring the effectiveness of procedures to reduce operating risks in relation to ticketing and fare evasion.
Environmental safety audit Environmental safety standards in the Metrorail system are governed by the Occupational Health and Safety Act (Act 85). This act provides detailed specifications on all environmental features and is used as the standard against which all stations are subjected to regular safety audits, and against which all new safety innovations are assessed.
Organisation, budget and legal aspects Organisation The Metrorail commuter safety system is located in the company's operations division, and is the responsibility of the Executive Manager: Risk Management. Each region has its own risk manager, who oversees the execution of specialist functions. Legal considerations Legally, Metrorail and all rail commuters are subject to the provisions laid down in Act 9 of 1957, which sets out a number of laws with direct implications for safety. For instance, the Act prohibits the crossing of railway tracks unless at specified crossing points, the selling of alcohol on trains, and the abstraction of railway station emergency exits. However, many of these laws are difficult to enforce, and at times 139
bring the requirements for safety into direct conflict with the interests of other bodies, such as the Hawkers' Association, which recently objected to Metrorail efforts to remove hawkers blocking station emergency exits. To improve these laws and to create a more robust legal foundation for its safety system, Metrorail is involved in ongoing legal advocacy and serves on a Committee currently developing a new land transport bill.
Conclusions
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The Metrorail commuter safety system has developed in a uniquely challenging Context of political, criminal and structural violence that continues to shape the injury risks within it. From its initial preoccupation with policing, the system has moved to a safety promoting ecological approach. This transformation is analogous to changes in the broader approach to crime and violence prevention, and the Metrorail experience represents an important source of safety-promotion knowledge for workers in similar contexts where the organisation has clear boundaries but is only relatively closed to the broader environment. 1
The Metrorail Commuter safety system epitomises the public health model in that it is evidence-led and contains all the main intervention elements engineering, education, environmental modification and enforcement associated with the model. While certainly striving to reach the population through other sectors or institutions (e.g. schools, popular media), the programme remains somewhat unisectoral, a limitation that is most problematic in respect of obtaining information and intervening to prevent incidents of violence and injury that occur between Metrorail properties.
2
Networking is fundamental to the effective operation of the Metrorail safety system, as it is only through the interfaces with external agencies that there can be any possibility of dealing with safety issues that arise where open society interacts with the closed rail commuter system. For instance, the Soweto Rail Commuter System is structurally linked to at least six non-Metro agencies, such as the South African Rail Commuters Corporation, industry, municipalities, emergency services, the South African Police Services, and the Witwatersrand Regional Services Council.
3
The Metrorail system is explicitly designed to be self-evaluating by way of information feedback loops that constantly monitor injury trends. The importance to management of evaluation is underscored by their linking of safety target achievements with staff performance bonuses. However, the newness of the system means that empirical data are not yet available. it is also unclear whether evaluation data will be scientifically acceptable in the absence of a case-control design, which could be established by staggering the implementation of safety procedures across different regions.
4
The programme's sustainability is directly linked to the profitability of Metrorail commuter services. Greater safety may mean greater usage with more profits and more to invest in safety; increased risk may mean declining usage, less profits to invest in safety promotion and even less usage. The main sustainability strategy appears to be including safety targets in the performance-based indicators for Metrorail staff at all levels. Other sustainability strategies include attempts to promote community interest through intensive consultation and education with commuter groups of all ages.
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5
Although having evolved in direct response to local realities, the Metrorail commuter safety programme is modelled along generic, universal lines. However, careful attention to countries with similar rail-commuter interface patterns as South Africa has made the programme more responsive to our developing country scenario.
6
While the primary focus of the programme is intended to be the pre-event environment (machine, social and structural), and although there is a secondary focus on pre-event, victim characteristics (e.g. education in safe commuter practices), the programme is struggling to move beyond its historical bias to post-event deterrence.
7
Conflicts within the safety system revolve around the company's profit motive and commuter impoverishment, symptoms of which are the risks associated with the theft of cables that feed switching and signal systems and conflicts over fee paying and crowd control (e.g. the Tembisa incident). Other conflicts are between the rapid expansion of informal urban settlements and the need to protect railway lines from human encroachment.
8
The Metrorail commuter safety programme has a circumscribed focus, being limited to the physical boundaries of the Metrorail system. This is advantageous in enabling close monitoring and potentially rigorous evaluation, but problematic in that it limits the extent of attention paid to the commuter population.
9
Metrorail's commuter safety division has made substantive inputs to state polices, plans and legislation in respect of land transportation and safety.
10
While similar programmes have been effective in reducing rail commuter injuries in developed countries, the extent of success in developing countries similar to South Africa is not known.
11
The programme could serve as a model for any closed system where system elements are centrally co-ordinated and can thus be regimented in their incident surveillance and safety implementation procedures.
References COUNCIL FOR SCIENTIFIC AND INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH (CSIR). 1993, Personal security in public transport. Unpublished Technical Report. CSIR Division of Raad and Transport Technology, 31 March. PROPENTA. 1996. Summarised descriptive report: Bossman Station. Unpublished Technical Report. RAATH & VAN ZYL. 1992. Engineering consultants' report: Soweto rail security system development specifications. Unpublished Technical Report. VAN EEDEN, F. & LERER, L.1996. Risk management in practice: A public health approach to rail related injury control. Paper presented at the International Risk Conference. No place given.
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Chapter 8 KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence Tony Emmett and Craig Higson-Smith
Summary
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The KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence was established in 1991 in order to develop rehabilitative mental health services for victims of political violence in the strife-torn province, and has developed innovative programmes that have considerable relevance for crime prevention in South Africa. Research conducted by the Programme in the early 1990s showed that existing methods of treating survivors of violence in Africa were based on research and clinical experience from North America and Europe, and were clearly inappropriate to conditions in South Africa. For example, these methods focused on single events in otherwise safe and supportive environments, were dependent upon large numbers of highly skilled mental health workers, and assumed that traumatised individuals could return to a safe environment. As none of these conditions existed in KwaZulu-Natal in the early 1990s, a new approach had to be developed. In order to meet the specific conditions in KwaZulu-Natal, a systematic approach was developed which: (i)
addresses the problem of violence at four levels, namely in terms of individuals, small groups, communities and society in general;
(ii)
sees violence as disempowering and fragmenting, and therefore aims to empower and reintegrate individuals and social structures; and
(iii)
locates mental health issues within the broad political economy and breaches the gap between personal psychological problems and development and economic issues.
The Programme offers a wide range of services, including training, work groups, joint meetings, networking, resource finding, identification of traumatised persons, psychological counselling, and violence prevention. These are organised into a number of programmes focusing on the youth, schools, and women and young children. In addition to these programmes, the organisation is involved in individual and group counselling, general training, and advocacy and awareness raising. Considerable emphasis is placed on networking and on working together with agencies that can cater for the development needs of communities. Through its emphasis on an integrated approach to problems of violence, on working in partnerships with communities, its knowledge-based approach, and its flexibility and responsiveness to community needs, the Programme provides an excellent illustration of how the public health model can be applied. A number of lessons can be derived from this case study, the most important being that:
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• violence and other social problems have consequences at various levels of the society, including the individual, small groups, communities and society in general, and need to be addressed at all these levels. • Because of the fragmenting effects of violence on both individuals and social structures, it is necessary to address the issue of social reintegration. This not only has implications for undoing the damage created by violence, but also for development and crime in general.
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Background The KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence was established in 1991 at the height of the political violence in KwaZulu-Natal by a small group of mental health workers and social activists. The Programme had its roots in the mass democratic movement (MDM) and detainees' committees of the late 1980s. As political violence began escalating in KwaZulu-Natal from the early 1980s and taking on the appearance of civil war by the turn of the decade, activists became increasingly concerned about the devastating effects of violence in the province. The decision was also taken to address the issue of violence from a scientific rather than political perspective against the background of the dismantling of apartheid and the momentous political changes of the early 1990s. As its name suggests, the central mission of the Programme was to develop rehabilitative mental health services for victims of violence. In pursuit of this goal, the Programme has offered a wide range of services over the years, including training, work groups, joint meetings, networking, resource finding, identification of traumatised persons, psychological counselling, etc. In spite of its initial emphasis on victims of violence and rehabilitation, the prevention of violence has also been a major concern of the Programme, so that it has become difficult to distinguish the rehabilitative features of the Programme from its preventive features. A unique aspect of the Programme (which may in part be traced to its activist roots) is its holistic approach to the issue of violence and its consequences. This approach locates mental health and social welfare issues within the broad political economy and, more specifically, within the context of socio-economic development. The Programme has therefore attempted to breach the gap between personal psychological problems and development and economic issues. Although it has not become directly involved in development work, the Programme actively strives to put development issues on the agenda, and has linked up with development and training NGOs, such as the Khuphuka Programme and School Leavers Opportunity Training (SLOT), to address development issues. The Programme's development role is therefore seen as a facilitative rather than a main function. In line with its holistic approach, the Programme targets the whole community rather than individuals, although special attention is devoted to high-risk and vulnerable groups such as the youth. The emphasis on development may also be related to the political and social changes that have been taking place in KwaZulu-Natal since the beginning of the decade. Since the launching of the Programme in 1991, violence has been decreasing, creating a new context and posing new challenges. Over the years there has been a clear lessening in tension and fear in the province. As a result people are becoming more focused upon the future and issues of poverty relief, personal development,
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employment and community development. This is in sharp contrast to the conditions that existed when the Programme was initiated, and when people's primary concern was survival. The Programme management does not see the Programme so much as a service provider, but as an organisation propagating models, strategies and ideas. Advocacy therefore forms an important part of the Programme. Furthermore, although the Programme arose from the need to care for or heal survivors of violence, it has also become more directly involved in violence prevention. A substantial part of the Programme was therefore devoted to addressing conflict and conflict resolution.
Theoretical foundations and models of intervention
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When the Programme was launched in 1991, the founders formulated the following preliminary aims: • To gather information about the extent and nature of the distress resulting from political violence in the province •
To gather information about appropriate and effective intervention methods
•
To organise resources with which to start an intervention programme
•
To establish a strong structure (including the financial and legal aspects) through which the work could be accomplished.
The formal aims of the Programme that developed from these preliminary investigations are presented in Box 8.1, below. Essentially, the Programme aimed to provide rehabilitative mental health services and preventive strategies. This was to be accomplished through an integrated, multi-disciplinary and holistic approach in partnership with the affected communities. Box 8.1:
Aims and principles of the Survivors Programme
The following aims and principles have guided the activities and development of the Programme: •
To offer rehabilitative mental health services to persons who have been traumatised by detention, imprisonment, torture, exile, civil unrest, or other forms of violence
•
To approach the provision of mental health services on an. integrated multidisciplinary and holistic basis that encompasses counselling, training, educational programmes, prevention programmes, medical advice, and other forms of social assistance as may be required
•
To increase the capacity of individuals, families, and communities to cope with the effects of violence and trauma using their own skills and to equip them with a referral network for more specialised health care
•
To develop appropriate models for the delivery of such mental health services
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•
To provide training courses, workshops, or seminars for mental health care professional and non. professionals alike, especially for teachers, community workers, our own staff and membership, as well as the beneficiary community
•
To foster preventive health care strategies around issues of political violence and trauma by developing educational resources for public consumption, by conducting research, and by engaging in public advocacy
•
To support the broad values and principles of appropriate affirmative action, and the adoption of a non-sexist, non-racist, non-sectarian, and non-party-political principle
•
To establish working partnerships with members of affected communities and to co-operate with organisations in the promotion of a principle of self-sufficiency and empowerment
•
To undertake annual evaluations in order to review the delivery of services and to assess overall effectiveness for the benefit of our clients, the communities we serve, our staff :and membership, and our donors
When the Programme was launched in the early 1990s, very little information existed on survivors of violence in Africa, and the field was dominated by research from North America and Europe. It was also apparent that the accepted body of theory relating to the psychological effects of war and violence was the post-traumatic stress (PTS) model. Research conducted under the auspices of the Programme showed that the PTS model did not adequately describe the psychological position of the organisation's target population. Nor was it helpful in the development of appropriate and effective services. In this respect, the following shortcomings of the PTS model and related approaches were identified in relation to conditions in KwaZulu-Natal: • Theories of traumatic stress had been developed within particular historical, social, political and cultural contexts and very little had been done to determine the applicability of findings to other contexts. • The definition of traumatic events was too narrow, and focused on single events in an otherwise safe and supportive environment, In contrast, most of the Programme's clients had experienced several related traumatic incidents against a background of long-term threat and isolation. • The assessment criteria were too narrow to reflect the varied psychological position of many survivors of violence in KwaZulu-Natal. • The accepted models of treatment assumed high numbers of highly skilled mental health workers, who could offer individual debriefing and counselling to trauma victims. • Too little attention was paid to the clients' social context, which was not appropriate for interventions in African communities, where inter-relatedness is of major importance.
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• Models of treatment typically assumed a safe environment to which traumatised individuals could return.
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Research conducted by the Programme in collaboration with other organisations showed that conditions in KwaZulu-Natal were very different from those assumed by conventional approaches to traumatic stress. In Imbali township near Pietermaritzburg, for example, it was found that of 300 school children sampled, three-quarters had had direct exposure to violence, while 95% reported indirect exposure. The data also revealed high levels of emotional distress. Similarly, a survey of 218 households in Richmond showed that about 70% of households had lost all their property including their houses. More than 60% had lost members of their immediate family, close to 20% had witnessed the murder of a family member, and 96% were suffering symptoms associated with traumatic stress, such as uncontrollable crying, nightmares and intrusive thoughts. Research had also shown that violence had impacted upon virtually all aspects of community life. For example, health facilities and emergency services had closed due to the threat of violence, education was disrupted, families were fragmented and there were increases in crime and substance abuse. It is estimated that between 500 000 and a million people fled their homes during the violence in KwaZulu-Natal, and that 85% of these were women and children. These displaced persons were often forced to leave behind all their possessions and face major physical and social difficulties in order to survive. In order to meet the specific conditions in KwaZulu-Natal, the Programme team adopted a systematic approach to dealing with low-intensity civil conflict. This approach involved addressing the problem of violence at four interrelated levels, namely in terms of individuals (that is psychologically), the small group (including the family, the political party, the paramilitary unit, etc.), the community (defined geographically) and society in general: ...we ought not to conceptualise the effects of violence (or our interventions) in terms of individuals (that is, psychologically) or in terms of families (that is, in terms of social welfare) or at any other level only. Rather it is important to understand that society and communities are comprised of individuals in a wide range of different structural relationships. These relationships are a crucial part of human experience and life, and offer important possibilities for intervention (Higson-Smith, 1997:7). Events at each level impact upon all other levels in the social system, even if the consequences are often indirect. Based on their understanding of the various levels that are affected by violence, the Programme team developed a model of civil violence in terms of two broad categories, namely disempowerment and fragmentation. These two categories not only allowed for a broad understanding of the impacts of violence on the different social levels, but also provided a framework for designing interventions to address the problems of violence and to repair the damage caused by civil violence. In other words, it was argued that if violence fragments and disempowers then the most effective approaches to "undoing" the effects of violence should be through linking and empowerment strategies. The model is presented in the form of a matrix in Table 8.1, below. The model evolved out of Programme staff's experiences of communities and their attempts to make sense of what they were doing to assist these communities. It is currently considered as a working model and has not been scientifically tested. The concept of fragmentation has its origins in psychological theory and represents a way 146
of thinking about the impact of traumatic events on the psyche. Empowerment is derived from empowerment theory, as well as being the dominant ideology of the communities with which the Programme is involved. In the sections that follow the major programmes and activities of the Survivors' Programme will be examined in some detail, before we return to the question of the relevance of the fragmentation-disempowerment model.
Schools programme
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The original aim of the Survivors' Programme was to involve the schools in caring for child survivors of political violence. However, upon launching the Schools Programme the team came up against several difficulties, including the following: • Children and youth who were attending school were not the population most in need of assistance, because youth who participated in civil violence usually left school to do so, and most had not resumed their education. In addition, children who had fled their communities due to civil violence were seldom able to attend school where they settled. • Many teachers had themselves experienced violence and were therefore not in a position to provide emotional support to children in their care. • Furthermore, teachers felt that parents should share in the task of providing emotional support to their children. They often felt under pressure because of the restructuring of the school system, and many were studying in order to maintain their positions in the new system.
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Table 8.1: Theoretical model of the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence EFFECTS OF VIOLENCE Fragmentation
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Individual
Disempowerment
GOALS OF INTERVENTION Linking
Empowering
- Loss of memory of traumatic events
- Loss of control of life
Individual and group trauma counselling aimed at:
Individual and group counselling aimed at
- Efforts to avoid stimuli (including thoughts) associated with traumatic events
-Inability to fulfil social roles (parent, teacher, priest, breadwinner, child)
(a) processing traumatic events
(a) understanding individual’s personal narratives
- Dissociation of affect
- Loss of education, training, personal development opportunities
(b) learning adaptive coping techniques
(b) developing decision-making skills
- Inability to contain feelings of hopelessness, frustration and anger
- High stress, inability to concentrate, sleep disturbances, poor eating habits, substance abuse that impairs ability to function
(c) learning to contain and express emotion in controlled and adaptive manner
(c) planning for the future
- Loss of interest in significant activities
(d) relearning of social skills necessary to continue life in a peaceful society
- Sense of foreshortened future resulting in no longterm planning or vision
(e) fostering personal development
(f) encouraging the development of selfesteem Small group
- Generalised distrust and suspicion of others
- Small groups unable to fulfil their role in community (prayer grous, youths clube, etc.)
- Group work aimed at building relationships by:
- Lack of intimacy and emotional support
- Loss of meaningful supportive, healing and development resources within community (sports and recreation facilities, skills training opportunities, etc.)
(a) recognising and naming “distrust”
Group work aimed at:
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Communi ty
- Reduced caring behaviour (parents and older siblings of small children, teachers of pupils etc.)
(b) exploring barriers to trust
- Envy of friends and family
(c) learning how to negotiate trusting relationships
- Undermining of family and friends’ attempts to heal
(d) creating opportunities to develop intimacy and social support
- Breakdown in community communication structures leading to individual isolation (people no longer meet at church, etc.)
(e) developing caring behaviour
- Rebuilding small groups and assisting them in carrying out their original purpose (facilitating prayer groups, youth clubs, etc.)
(f) exploring barriers to caring (g) learning caring behaviour (h) Rebuilding fragmented social structures (churches, schools etc.) - Destruction of valuable and scarce infrastructure and resources
- Division within community prevents resource from being optimised
- Local structures lose their ability to represent and govern (teachers cannot enforce discipline in schools, break-away political structures form, conflict between civic and political structures emerge)
- Rebuild infrastructure and other resources
- Build the capacity of local leaders and service providers to provide and effective and accountable service to the community
- Peacemaking and negotiation to ensure that resources are available to entire community
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Society
Generalised distrust of “outsiders” which results in inability to access resources outside the community or repair/replace damaged infrastructure
- Facilitate links with resources outside communities; empower community structures to work responsibly with outside agencies
- Non-functional community structures prevent community being represented in local government structures (breakdown in democracy) which results in frustration and anger and further conflict
- Facilitate the development of proper democratic local government and other community structures
- Isolation of communities hinders peacemaking and facilitates conflict
-Intolerable strain on virtually all services resulting in inability to function (policing, emergency services, health services, welfare services, etc.)
- Foster links between communities, and between different levels of government
- Support the functioning of different social services (extra training and resource for police and other services)
- Increase in number of weapons in society
- Development programmes constantly undermined leading to general disillusionment with process of social change
- Active lobbying against proliferation of weapons
- Support broader development and public works programmes that offer economic relief to survivors of violence
- Proliferation of paramilitary training
- Active lobbying against paramilitary training
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For these and other reasons, direct intervention through the schools was given a lower priority to working with children and adolescents who were not in school. Schools were regarded as one sector among many which should be mobilised in order to have a significant impact on the lives of children in KwaZulu-Natal. However, the Programme recognised the importance of schools in the creation of more caring environments for children. The Schools Programme was therefore relaunched in 1996 with the aim of addressing the following needs:
(i) The psychological position of teachers
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Every teacher in the Schools Programme had been directly or indirectly exposed to numerous traumatic events, and had been negatively affected by traumatic stress, or secondary traumatic stress. To complicate matters these traumatic events had often been associated with their roles as teachers, as the schools had played a central role in many of the conflicts. Teachers were therefore often in a weak position psychologically to provide help for their pupils. Since caring for survivors of violence involves being open to the traumatic experiences of others, many teachers were not in an emotional position to play this role for children in their charge. Very often teachers were severely disempowered in fulfilling their role as educators and role models to children. Thus, before teachers could begin to serve as caregivers for children, they required assistance in coming to terms with their own experiences. The Schools Programme therefore provided opportunities for teachers to reassess their own emotional responses to teaching and attending to the needs of their pupils. It also gave them a chance to work through their own experiences in a more secure and supportive environment.
(ii) The social position of teachers The Programme staff also identified several difficulties revolving around the roles and social positions of teachers. Far from being respected members of the community (as in the past), many teachers were viewed as outsiders who were not to be trusted. As a result they received very little support from parents and other community structures. Within the context of civil conflict, teachers also found it extremely difficult to maintain control and exert authority within the school. In many cases discipline had been taken over by student representative councils, and in some cases, even by the political leadership. Often punishment administered by these structures would be far heavier than anything ordinarily occurring within schools would. In this situation teachers were unable to fulfil their roles as either authority figures or protectors of children. The lack of respect from parents or pupils made it very difficult for teachers to offer any kind of emotional support within the schools. It was therefore important for teachers to be empowered to forge useful links with parents and to recapture the respect of their pupils. The Programme leaders argued that this could only be achieved through a range of simultaneous processes: • Facilitating communication and co-operation between teachers, parents and local educational structures • Assisting teachers to explore affective ways of maintaining discipline and gaining respect in the classroom
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• Working with headmasters and the broad educational system to support and assist teachers in these matters
(iii) The work environment of teachers A further problem encountered by the Programme was the lack of support for teachers by the KwaZulu-Natal school system and the Department of Education and Culture (DEC). In spite of continuous verbal support for the Programme's work in schools and numerous meetings with education authorities, the DEC was not able to grant the Programme time to assist teachers within school hours. Only teachers who were prepared to put in extra time during weekends or in the evenings were therefore able to participate in the Programme.
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The Programme has therefore identified continued lobbying of the DEC as an important component of its work. The aim of this lobbying is to have mental health issues recognised as an important and integral component of every teacher’s training.
(iv) The role of parents The lack of respect that many parents have for teachers constituted another problem area. Many of the teachers felt that they could not achieve anything with the children in their classes unless parents were prepared to commit themselves to the task of addressing their children's problems. The Programme has therefore developed a parallel process of intervention with parents through the establishment of parents' groups around each school. These groups meet on a weekly basis for several hours during which parents are given the opportunity to process their own traumatic experiences and to use those experiences in order to improve their capacity to assist traumatised children: The training process is a slow and experiential one whereby parents are encouraged to bring issues and problems that concern them for debate within the group and share their collective insight and experience of these difficulties (Higson-Smith, 1997). The Programme works in parallel with teachers and parents within a particular community and comprises the following three phases: • Awareness raising in schools and with parents about what violence is, what its effects are, and what can be done about it • Developing the skills of teachers and parents to assist children by learning from personal experiences of trauma, identifying traumatised children, providing assistance to traumatised children, and referral procedures •
Application of learned skills under supervision in group and individual meetings
Youth programme Since 1991, the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence has focused largely on adolescents and young adults who are considered to be most urgently in need of assistance. These are the people who have lived in displaced communities, and have been most directly exposed to civil violence (as both perpetrators and victims) through their involvement in political and community structures. Many of 152
these young people were encouraged by their communities to develop the skills and behaviour of soldiers. With the end of the armed struggle and the decrease in political violence, their roles as soldiers were removed, but little was done to redress the loss of education and employment they had experienced. Without employment, status or prospects, these young people are at high risk of being recruited into criminal gangs preying on the communities they once protected. This has further alienated the youth from their communities and helped to perpetuate the cycle of isolation and violence.
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The Programme has focused on the communities that have experienced the earliest and worst of the conflict in the province, such as Richmond, Greytown, KwaMashu, Ntuzuma, Lindelani and Bambayi. The youth who have been involved in violence face an array of problems and are often in need of intensive and ongoing assistance. Very often the community perceives the youth as either gangsters or "good-for-nothings" at large, which is a reversal of their former hero status as fighter. However, motivating adults within communities to support the youth is difficult. Adults and community structures that might support youth programmes to "keep the youth busy" are usually not prepared to offer real emotional and material support to the youth. In many cases the problems faced by the youth could only have been resolved through structural change to the society. As this was clearly beyond the capacity of the Programme, it was forced to assist the youth to make the most of what they had in order to improve their life circumstances. The threat or reality of ongoing community violence, as well as the political manoeuvring of local community leadership often disrupted youth programmes, making it dangerous or difficult to assemble the youth on a regular basis. In some cases local political leaderships have seen the youth and even the Programme as a threat, because the Programme has encouraged the youth to question the choices they have made and their activities within the community. As a result some of the youth have been intimidated and youth work has been disrupted. These difficulties, it is argued, require a serious commitment of resources and time. Short leadership programmes, such as business skills workshops, have very little impact on their own. An intensive programme was therefore developed involving mental health work, life skills training, discussion groups, community projects, technical skills training and leadership training. The youth were also assisted to attend combined projects that allowed for contact and shared experiences between young people of different backgrounds and histories. Leadership training provided by the Programme is also aimed at developing the youth movement in KwaZulu-Natal so that ongoing youth structures become feasible and effective. The Youth Programme was implemented through weekly meetings of three hours each over a period of between six and twelve months (depending upon the group's progress). Opportunities were provided for the following activities: • Expression of anger, pain, ear and frustration experienced as a result of civil conflict, poverty and unemployment, family problems, difficult relationships and other troubling aspects of their lives.
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• Participation in facilitated, structured discussions on issues of importance with sympathetic adults, as well as with peers. Important issues which emerged from such discussions included the position of the youth in the community, defining a role for the youth in the future, dealing with unemployment, relationships with parents, relationships with peers of both sexes, changing gender roles, changing social values, racism and sexism, political tolerance, political violence, criminal violence, rape, domestic violence, child abuse, substance abuse, alcoholism, teenage pregnancy, and AIDS.
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• Participation in life skills training in the following areas: understanding and moderating personal stress responses, including the containment and appropriate expression of anger, depression and frustration, developing effective and adaptive coping mechanisms, developing supportive relationships, conflict management and resolution skills, communication skills, decision-making and planning skills.
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• Participation in community projects that allow for learning a broad range of skills such as building organisations, working in groups, planning and evaluating programmes, fund-raising, and financial management. The aim of such projects was to help the youth publicly re-establish their identity as a productive sector of the community, allow for experiences of mastery that build self-esteem, and provide opportunities where the youth could be praised for their efforts by adults in the community. • Interaction with youth from other communities to allow people from different political parties and localities to discuss issues of mutual concern and thereby develop a broader understanding of youth interests, as well as local political and social issues. • Accessing a range of resources outside of their immediate community such as leadership development programmes, employment skills training programmes, employment opportunities and so on. In addition to these activities, a Youth Leadership Programme was also launched. This programme made provision for the elected leaders of groups to be sent on a seven-day course to develop skills in leadership and project planning, implementation and evaluation. However, because of the high costs of the original programme, the course is now run over weekends on a monthly basis.
Women and children programme The Women and Children Programme is a relatively recent addition to the work of the Survivors of Violence Programme. It was essentially developed to address conflict resolution and child-rearing practices, and to provide supplementary income or food to communities. The Programme includes a broad range of activities such as workshops on parenting skills, stress and trauma, and child sexual abuse, the development of community gardens, sewing projects, children's play groups, and joint events which bring together people from opposing political communities. Women's groups The Siyathuthuka ("We are making progress") Women’s Group in Bhambayi initially started with 22 mothers but grew to a membership of 40. All members were from the ANC side of the community, but were highly motivated and placed high value on joint projects with women from the IFP section of the community. Meetings were used to give the women space to talk about their concerns in detail and to express their feelings to Programme staff and to one another. Several series of structured workshops relating to specific issues were also held. These included a number of workshops on parenting skills. These workshops were welcomed by mothers who felt that it was very important to learn about parenting
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from before birth to adulthood. In order to provide more experienced input, facilitators of the Family and Marriage Society of South Africa (FAMSA) were recruited to participate in the workshops.
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A series of stress and trauma workshops were also arranged to assist women in coping with their traumatic experiences. These workshops arose from the parenting skills workshops where it became clear that several mothers in the community were severely depressed and lacked the energy and motivation to care for their children. By making other members of the community aware of the range of effects of stress and trauma, Programme staff hoped to reach out to these women and provide encouragement for them to join the process. As child sexual abuse was a source of great concern to the people of Bhambayi, a workshop was arranged on this topic. This workshop was run in collaboration with Childline and aimed at raising awareness of the problem of child abuse, dispelling myths about child abuse, and providing information about ways of preventing and managing child abuse cases. The workshop resulted in the following actions being taken by the Siyathuthuka Women’s Group; •
A meeting was arranged with the local South African Police Services station commander to express concern about the incidence of child abuse in Bhambayi and to explore the mechanisms whereby cases are brought to the attention of the authorities.
•
A local referral network was set up to refer children and families for individual or family counselling.
•
An awareness campaign was organised by the Siyathuthuka Women’s Group with the assistance of Programme staff. The campaign took the form of a rally and was well attended by the police, community leaders, political leaders, NGOs and government welfare agencies.
In addition to these activities, the Siyathuthuka Women's Group had also started a number of economic projects to improve their families' circumstances. These include a sewing project in which women made clothing for themselves, their children and for sale, and a gardening project in which vegetables and traditional herbs were grown for consumption and sale. The women also helped to run a soup kitchen for a nearby church. Children's groups Besides the women's groups, the Programme also caters for a number of children's groups. For example, the Zamani Children’s Group is made up of between 2O and 30 children aged two to ten years old. The children in this group are asked what games they would like to play and then these games are facilitated in a way that enhances their therapeutic value, as well as their developmental potential. Activities include story-telling, drawing and colouring, izingendo (a Zulu version of jacks), category games, izithelo and umgusha (Zulu games similar to skipping and hopscotch), as well as singing and dancing. Parents are encouraged to attend the children's group in order to develop their understanding of the value of play.
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Joint events A number of joint events have also been organised for the Women and Children Programme. The aim of these events is to further the Programme's goals of linking and empowering within the community, and also to provide interaction between ANC and IFP members. These joint events are based on the belief that the more relationships and common ground that are established between people, the less chance there is that violence will take place in the community in future. An example of a joint event was the children's sports day held in Bhambayi. This event was attended by approximately 25 parents (including some fathers) and about 80 children. ANC and IFP parents took equal responsibility for this all-day event. Problems and issues
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In spite of its short duration, the Women and Children Programme has revealed a number of interesting issues and problems: (1)
An early problem encountered in Bhambayi was that when it was announced that the Programme was to address childcare needs, it was immediately assumed that a crèche would be established. As a Programme community worker commented: Many mothers consider the best solution to their child rearing needs to be someone else looking after their children for at least part of the day. Since this does allow mothers to work or to seek employment during the day there are clear economic reasons. However, there exists a sizeable group who are not working nor seeking employment but who would still prefer that others care for their children during the day.
(2)
A related point was that many of the women experienced their relationships with children as being extremely stressful. This was at least in part due to the fact that many of these mothers were expected to take sole responsibility for their children, while caring for their husbands or boyfriends as well.
(3)
It was also found that relationships between mothers in the groups were often very strained and that a great deal of tension existed between older and younger women. This tension appeared to be related to sexual relationships between the husbands of older women and younger women, some of which had resulted in children born out of wedlock. This situation appeared to have important implications for child rearing in the communities since many of the younger mothers were still in adolescence and not altogether ready to take on the responsibilities of parenthood. In other situations young women would be assisted in caring for children by their mothers, aunts and grandmothers. The tension between older and younger women, however, meant that young mothers were often forced to fend for themselves.
Individual and family counselling and referral In 1997 the Programme for the first time obtained the necessary funding to employ a full-time trauma counsellor. This has allowed individuals and families referred from the Programme and other agencies to receive intensive and personal care. Because many of the Programme's clients have coped under adverse circumstances 157
for several years, the primary goals of counselling do not so much focus on ventilation of emotions and "working through" traumatic experiences. Rather it tries to understand with each client what it was that had enabled them to cope and often to thrive under extreme stress. Where appropriate, clients are assisted to build on and reinforce these coping patterns and to form stronger links with their social support networks. More recently, the Programme has begun to provide counselling to clients who have been victims of violent crimes (rather than political violence) and in these cases more traditional debriefing models of counselling are being used.
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In addition to the training discussed above, the Programme has from time to time provided a number of general training courses for a variety of institutions that are involved with violence and trauma. For example, the Programme has provided training for nurses involved with trauma cases, for the South Africa Police Services victim support units, and for counsellors of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
Advocacy and awareness raising Because of the Programme's emphasis on propagating new models and approaches to the issue of violence, advocacy and awareness raising represent important aspects of the work of the Programme. Considerable emphasis is therefore placed on the dissemination of ideas through a number of channels: •
Academic writing and conference papers aimed at the academic community, funders, etc.
•
Providing practical internships for students in a variety of fields and disciplines, including psychology, social work, politics and public administration
•
Policy submissions and contributions to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Department of Health, the Welfare White Paper, juvenile justice, etc.
•
Use of the mass media for reaching the public, for example radio slots
•
Provision of training for professionals such as nurses, police and prison staff
Among the issues that have regularly been emphasised by the Programme is the need for special services for victims of violence and the responsibility of the government to provide such services free of charge. Also of importance are the special needs of KwaZulu-Natal with regard to victim support services and the need for intensive community-based interventions rather than short-term, "quick-fix" solutions.
Structures and funding The KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence is a Section 21 company with a constitution in which the aims of the organisation (See Box 8.1, above) are enshrined, and which makes provision for the administration and control of the Programme's activities, funds, assets and personnel. During the first few years of its existence, the Programme was run by a small group of volunteers. In 1994, with the registration of the Programme as a Section 21 company, funds were acquired for two full-time co-ordinators and offices were 158
established in Pietermaritzburg and Durban. At the time of the research the Programme had 16 full time personnel, two volunteers who worked for the Programme once or twice a week, and a number of interns. The Programme staff works in teams. For example, community workers and youth workers work jointly on the youth projects. A full-time director and a support staff of two people deal with administrative functions.
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The director is accountable to a management committee that is responsible for all the activities and decisions of the organisation. According to the constitution of the Programme, the management committee consists of at least five people elected by the membership of the organisation at the annual general meeting. At the time of the research, the management committee consisted of two academic psychologists, two representatives of women's groups, four representatives of youth groups, a person from the Diakonia Council of Churches, two persons who are involved in communitybased social welfare programmes, and a policeman. Members of the management committee do not represent the organisations or programmes to which they belong, but are selected for their background and experience. In 1997/98 the Programme was running on a budget of about R70 000 a month. With the exception of a small income generated by training and the sale of books, the organisation is wholly dependent upon donations. Initial funding of the Youth Programme was obtained from the Royal Danish Embassy (1994-1996), and later from the Joseph Rowtree Charitable Trust (1997) and Operation Day's Work (1997). In 1997 support was also obtained from OXFAM in the United Kingdom. This allowed the organisation to extend its youth work to a further community that was in great need of intervention. The Schools Programme was revived in 1996 with funding obtained from the Stichting Kinderpostzegels in the Netherlands. Funding has also been obtained from the Transitional National Development Trust, Bernard Van Leer Foundation, Basel Development Committee, Terre des Hommes Schweiz, Sir Halley Stewart Trust, and INTERFUND. The Programme places a strong emphasis on networking and has established linkages with a broad range of other programmes and organisations including NGOs, local and provincial governments, and the central government. Among the organisations with which the Programme has actively co-operated are NICRO, FAMSA, Lifeline, Childline, ATTIC, Rape Crisis, the Mental Health Association, Hospice Association, Children's Rights Committee, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, KwaZulu-Natal Sports Development Trust, Child Welfare, Lawyers for Human Rights, and Outward Bound. Skills training and the facilitation of socio-economic development were brought about through close relationships established with organisations such as Khupuka, SLOT, and Black Like Me. The Programme has also worked closely with the police, including the victim support units and community policing forums. Strong linkages are also maintained with health services, in particular with the trauma centres at hospitals in areas in which the Programme operates.
Future prospects and vision The KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence came into existence in a time of extreme violence and profound social and political change, and has had constantly to adapt itself to the changing environment. Although the communities in which the Programme has operated are still suffering the impact of past political violence, they have begun to stabilise and turn their attention to other issues such as employment, education, health and security from crime. These changes are reflected in the evolving strategies and interventions of the Programme, in the emphasis an 159
socio-economic development in addition to addressing psychological trauma, in the gradual shift of focus from political to criminal violence, and in the increasing emphasis on prevention of violence. These changes have posed an important dilemma for the Programme. While its focus has always been on political violence, public concern has begun to shift from victims of political violence to victims of criminal violence. Although victims of political and criminal violence have some common needs, they differ from one another in terms of the kinds of psychological and social interventions required: • While victims of violent crime generally return to relatively safe and supportive environments, this is seldom true for victims of political violence.
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• People who report violent crimes usually seek assistance directly after the traumatic incident, while victims of political violence are usually not in a position to do so. • Crime does not destroy the social fabric of communities to the same extent as political violence. The Programme has also had to contend with other changes resulting from social and political transformation. New government structures have not always welcomed the contributions of NGOs like the Survivors' Programme. NGOs have sometimes been seen as undermining the services provided by the government, and in some cases prominent government figures have even publicly encouraged their constituencies not to co-operate with NGOs. The restructuring of government departments has also placed obstacles in the way of effective partnerships with NGOs, and new jobs have opened up in government, attracting skilled persons away from the NGO sector. Perhaps the most serious challenge to NGOs, however, is in relation to their funding. NGOs have seen a reduction in their funding from foreign donors who are increasingly making donations to the new government rather than to the NGO sector. The NGOs feel that the government should make up for this shortfall, and many are disturbed by recent shifts in government policy, in particular the move from the Reconstruction and Development Plan (RDP) to the Growth, Employment and 1
Redistribution Strategy (GEAR).
The change in government has, however, also provided new opportunities and challenges for NGOs, particularly progressive NGOs that see themselves as more ideologically aligned with the new government. For example, the government's commitment to networking and consultation, redressing inequalities and disadvantages of the past, and primary health care are seen as opening up new possibilities for collaboration between NGOs and government departments. At the time of the research, a proposal that the Survivors' Programme be replicated in other parts of KwaZulu-Natal was accepted by the provincial Department of Health and was being sent out to international donors under the name of the minister. Because the Department lacked the skills and resources to provide assistance to communities that had been subjected to violence, it was prepared to allow an NGO to head (at least provisionally) the provision of this service to the province. Implementation of the proposal would require certain changes to the Programme, including representation of the Department of Health on the Programme's management committee.
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Plans were also being formulated for contracting out Programme services, for example to large firms requiring trauma management training and debriefing of their personnel. This was being planned on a national basis in conjunction with a network of service providers. These services would be provided for a retainer that could then be used to cross-subsidise other work. In addition, as the Programme was becoming increasingly involved in crime work, it was charging more clients for these services.
Evaluation So far only formative evaluation, reflecting on how the Programme has developed and what direction it should take in the future, has been undertaken. No impact or outcome evaluations have as yet been conducted. This could be considered as a major oversight in a programme that has emphasised its scientific base and aims to propagate models, strategies and ideas in the field of violence prevention.
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Although impact evaluation has been performed, there are a number of indirect indicators that the Programme has achieved success: • The acceptance of the proposal for replication of the Programme in other parts of KwaZulu-Natal by the provincial Department of Health is an acknowledgement that the Survivors' Programme is the lead agency in its field in the province, and that their approach is considered to be an effective and appropriate one. • The Programme's work has been well received at various local and international conferences. • The Survivors' Programme has also conducted some process evaluations. For example, short interviews are conducted with individuals and groups both prior to and after interventions. Self-evaluations of more limited interventions such as the youth leadership training camps are also undertaken. This information, which is constantly monitored, provides a rough assessment of how successful the interventions are. •
The Programme also monitors the number of people who find employment after participating in its groups, and has shown a clear progression of people working their way into mainstream job markets during the course of and after the interventions.
•
Finally, the Programme also monitors the stress of its own staff. This is performed every three months, and is considered important because community workers are not able to perform effectively if they are themselves suffering from stress.
Lessons The KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence provides an excellent illustration of how the public health model can be applied to the problem of violence in South Africa and elsewhere. In particular, the Programme's emphasis on an integrated approach to addressing the problems of violence, on working in partnerships with communities, its knowledge-based approach, and its flexibility and responsiveness to needs, serve to illustrate major principles of the public health approach.
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It is significant, for example, that the Programme was based on extensive research and consultation and the development of new methods of addressing specific KwaZulu-Natal and (by extension) South African conditions. In particular, the Programme took into consideration the specific characteristics of political violence and its socially disruptive effects, the poor infrastructure and services of impoverished communities, the inter-relatedness of African communities, and the general need for socio-economic development of historically disadvantaged societies in South Africa. This responsive approach to local conditions led to the development of a model of intervention from which various lessons can be derived. The first of these is that violence (and by implication, other social problems) has consequences at various levels of the society, including the individual, small groups, communities and society in general. This approach has manifested itself in the Programme's multilevel approach to dealing with violence and its consequences, as well as in its emphasis on networking with a broad range of organisations involved in different sectors. This emphasis on addressing problems at different social levels and across several sectors is one of the hallmarks of the public health approach. Various alternative models have been developed to accommodate the different levels of social structures. For example, McLeroy et al. (1988) developed an "ecological" perspective for health promotion programmes that makes provision for the following levels of analysis and intervention: intro-personal factors, interpersonal processes and primary groups, institutional and organisational factors, community factors, and public policy. Approaching social problems at different social levels is not only a conceptual or theoretical problem, but has also had major practical implications for uni-sectoral service deliverers and development agencies operating within poor communities in South Africa. Time and again development and service delivery agencies with sectorally specific services have encountered difficulties and even resistance from communities that have other priorities and that require (and sometimes demand) more integrated services and approaches to problems. Community development agents in other parts of the world have experienced similar difficulties. For example, in their work with poor and socially devastated urban communities in the United States, Kretzmann & McKnight (1993) argue that: Viewing a community as a nearly endless list of problems and needs leads directly to the much lamented fragmentation of effort to provide solutions. It also denies the basic community wisdom which regards problems as tightly intertwined, as symptoms in fact of the breakdown of a community's own problem-solving capacities. Another feature of the Programme's model that provides fruitful ground for exploration is its emphasis on the disempowering and fragmenting effects of violence at the different levels of the social formation. This has led to the development of intervention strategies with the aims of empowerment and social "linking". While the idea of empowerment has received considerable attention both in the literature and by practitioners of development, the concept of "linking", as the converse of fragmentation, is less familiar. In terms of the model developed by the Programme, intervention should not only aim at restoring the psychological and emotional integrity of individual victims of violence, but should also address problems of social fragmentation at other levels of the social structure. In relation to small groups (such as the family, friendship circles and voluntary associations), for example, intervention should include building relationships and trust, the provision of opportunities to develop intimacy and social support, developing caring behaviour, and rebuilding fragmented social structures. At the community level,"linking" 162
involves rebuilding infrastructure and other resources, peacemaking and negotiation, facilitating links with resources outside the communities, and facilitating the development of democratic local government and other community structures. Examples of "linking" at the societal level include fostering links between communities, and between different levels of government, and active lobbying against, for example, the proliferation of weapons or paramilitary training.
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This list of "linking" interventions is reminiscent of the body of theory that has become known as social capital, and is associated with the work of Robert Putnam of Harvard, among others. In a 20-year study on civil society and democracy in contemporary Italy, Putnam demonstrated that strong civic community (social capital), represented by the preponderance of voluntary horizontal associations (as opposed to hierarchical vertical associations), was not only a key to good governance, but also to sustained socio-economic development (Serageldin & Steer, 1994:31). Putnam (1995:67) defines social capital as the "features of social life networks, norms, and trust - that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives". As Michael Cernea (1994:8) of the World Bank has also argued, sustainable development requires the organisation of atomistic sets of individuals into "interactive, institutionalised, and culturally cohesive groups to acquire the ability to manage, trigger action, and enforce adequate rules, rights and obligations". Evidence of the salience of social cohesion for development is provided by a study of the sustainability of 25 World Bank projects in Africa, Asia and Latin America. The study showed that over half of these projects had left "no lasting development impact 6 to 10 years after completion”: Among the basic causes of non-sustainability were the neglect of sociological factors in project design and the lack of supportive institutions and grassroots participation. In sum, the "social scaffolding" of sustainability was missing. (Cernea, 1994:8) These arguments suggest that the reintegration of primary groups, communities and societies is not only basic to undoing the damage created by violence, but that it also provides a basis for addressing other problems such as development and possibly even crime in general. The model developed by the Survivors' Programme provides some support for this. In terms of this model, it is very difficult to disentangle causes from effects, because the model suggests that social fragmentation is not only a major effect of protracted violence, but that it also becomes a cause of mistrust, conflict and therefore further violence. Another aspect of the Survivors' Programme that can be related to the concept of social capital is the incorporation of the concept of "good authority" into the conceptual framework and interventions of the Programme (McKay, 1997). Implementation of the Programme has demonstrated that the breakdown of "good authority", for example that of parents, the government, legal systems, and teachers, is linked to the involvement of the youth in crime and violence. Poverty, violence and apartheid policies have had devastating effects on authority, resulting in major problems of discipline among the youth. In fact, the director of the Programme argues that the concept of authority within communities in KwaZulu-Natal has become twisted and reduced, and has severely undermined trust within and between communities. It also suggests that containing crime and violence is at least partially dependent upon the re-establishment of good authority in communities. This was illustrated, for example, by the IFP section of the Bambayi community in Inanda. This small community was established when IFP supporters fled the violence in Bambayi 163
in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and established their own informal settlement under strong IFP authority on the outskirts of the original community. Residents of this new community were adamant that, while crime was a problem in most other parts of Inanda, it was no longer a problem in their community. They ascribed this to the strong authority and social linkages existing in their community and efforts to control the movement of outsiders into the community. The irony of this example is that the response to the earlier IFP-ANC violence in Inanda appears to have resulted in the curbing of crime within the IFP community.
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Among the other lessons and insights emerging from the development and implementation of the Survivors' Programme are the following: •
There are no "quick fixes". Short-term interventions do not work, particularly in South Africa. A minimum of a year is required, but preferably four to five years. This is because of the long-term effects of apartheid, oppressive government and violence on individuals and communities. Besides the enormous burdens of poverty, poor infrastructure and the dense rural populations of KwaZulu-Natal, the social fabric of communities has been severely disrupted. Families have been disrupted and, traditional structures have disintegrated. Social and economic burdens of stress fall on certain individuals. Trust has been destroyed.
•
A related issue is that it is difficult to work in communities without "getting one's hands dirty", in other words, moving beyond the limitations of professional neutrality. As the Programme's director put it: I think it is often assumed that one can offer a valuable service without becoming entangled in the ethically messy and complicated world of local politics. We have learned that this is not possible. Of course we stick to the core issues of treating all parties with respect and supporting both equally. However, if one is really to support people and bring communities towards peace, there must be time to have separate groups for conflicted parties and in those groups it is necessary to be personally involved in the local issues and concerns. Perhaps this is one of the care differences between "community development" and" mental health services".
•
As mental health personnel tend to enter an intervention situation with their own assumptions, interests, approaches and agendas, it is necessary to ensure that community needs are given adequate recognition, and that the ideas and agendas of professionals are effectively linked with those of the community. Interventions therefore need to be negotiated with the community. Mental health workers sometimes also need assistance in understanding and coming to terms with their own needs.
• Flexibility is of major importance in working with communities. organisations that become involved in community work therefore have to be able to adapt to the demands of the situation. • NGOs involved in crime and injury prevention should not invest all their time and energy into service delivery, but also need to invest in networking, sharing ideas, and learning from one another.
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• NGOs should not focus all of their attention on external needs, but should also cater for the needs of the organisation and its personnel. Time therefore has to be devoted to internal capacity building and self-care. Not just crisis care, but all community work imposes stresses on community workers. Such workers are unable to provide effective help if they are suffering from high levels of stress.
References
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CERNEA, M.M., 1994. The sociologist's approach to sustainable development, In I. Serageldin & A. Steer, (eds.), Making development sustainable; from concepts to action, Environmentally Sustainable Development Occasional Paper Series No. 2, Washington, D.C.: World Bank. HIGSON-SMITH, C.,1997. KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence: progress and evaluation report, January 1992 - December 1996. Unpublished report of the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence, Pietermaritzburg. Modified version also available online: (http.//www.geocities.com/HotSprings/spa/3028). KRETZMANN, J.P. & McKNIGHT, J.L. 1993. Building communities from the inside out; a path towards finding and mobilizing a community's assets. Chicago: ACTA Publications. McKAY, A.1997. The survivors of apartheid and political violence in KwaZulu-Natal. In: ROCK, B. (ed.). Spirals of suffering: public violence and children. Pretoria: HSRC. McKNIGHT, J., 1995. The careless society: Community and its counterfeits, Basic Books, New York: Harper Collins. McLEROY, K.R,, BIBEAU, D., STECKLER, A. & GLANZ, K, 1988. An ecological perspective on health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly,15(4):351-377. PUTNAM, R,D,, 1995. Bowling alone: America's declining Social capital. Journal of Democracy, 6(1)65-78. SERAGELDIN I. & STEER, A.,1994, Epilogue: expanding the capital stock. In I. Serageldin & A. Steer, (eds.), Making development sustainable; from concepts to action, Environmentally Sustainable Development Occasional Paper Series No. 2, Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Footnote 1
See, for example, The development agenda and the voluntary sector, Development Update, 1(1), June 1997
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Three An integrated approach to crime and violence prevention in South Africa Chapter 9 Community responses to crime
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Tony .Emmett, Alex Butchart, Gina Saayman and Royal Lekoba Alongside the popular and political rhetoric that depicts improved policing as the solution for crime and violence in South Africa, "the community" is also frequently appealed to as a source of protection and prevention. Two assumptions underlie such appeals. Firstly, that "communities" exist in the sense of collections of people who share a common vision and commitment to their own and others' well being. Secondly, that "communities" possess the social and economic capital to make the changes that seem necessary to prevent crime and violence. To explore these assumptions, this chapter presents a comparative study of the internally and spontaneously initiated strategies for the prevention of and protection against violence and crime in two very different types of "communities": informal and historically disadvantaged settlements and historically white, middle-class suburbs. The core data are from surveys of two neighbouring informal settlements in southwest Johannesburg (Slovo Park and Mandela Square) and Meyerspark, a formal, middle-class suburb in north-east Pretoria. Supplementing these data is collateral information produced by an extensive survey of the Greater Midrand Area, which included formal and informal communities with differing levels of income and service delivery. Finally, the chapter examines some alternative, but organised attempts by community groupings to provide protection against crime and violence.
Violence prevention strategies in Slovo Park and Mandela Square informal settlements Multiple South African studies converge to show that injuries due to violence have their greatest incidence in areas of extreme poverty that lack basic amenities (e.g, electricity and sanitation) and house people with few resources, such as education and formal job training (Gentle, 1984; Butchart & Brown,1991; Nell & Brown,1991; Butchart, Kruger & Lekoba, 2000), In fact, poverty constitutes a de facto risk for violence in most societies: Although it is widely accepted today that there is no single direct relationship between poverty and violence, a close association does indeed exist between inequity and violence. It is not that poor people are intrinsically more violent than other members of society but, rather, that the inequities they suffer, combined with the disempowerment, fear, insecurity, frustration, and depression these cause, are contributing factors to violent behaviour (WHO, 1995). Slovo Park and Mandela Square informal settlements epitomise such "communities". Part of the south-west Johannesburg suburb of Eldorado Park (itself a notorious site of crime and violence), these settlements typify those that have grown out of the post-1994 urbanisation explosion. Table 9.1 presents comparative data on injury and 166
violence rates and related indicators for Slovo Park, Mandela Square and four lowincome formal residential areas of Eldorado Park. The data show that on a number of economic, demographic and social indices, these informal settlements are remarkably under-resourced in relation to the formal areas. Residents of the two informal areas were socio-economically similar, returning an average per capita monthly income of around R700. They were ethnically heterogeneous, and "tribal" differences were mentioned as underlying some of the violence in these areas. Residents of both settlements had been there for a relatively short period of time, 2,6 to 2,9 years as against an average of between 10 and 16 years at the same residence for people in the formal residential areas. Neither settlement had electricity, sanitation or running water and, in both, the overall injury incidence (about 15 000 per 100 000) and annual violent injury incidence rates (5 680 and 8 717) were nearly double those of the most high-risk formal residential area.
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There was also a higher prevalence of alcohol consumption in the morning in the two informal settlements. Table 9.1: Comparison of informal and formal residential areas on selected injury and risk factor variables in Eldorado Park,1996 Indicator
Slovo Park
Overall injury incidence
14 947
Violent injury incidence*
Houses A
Houses B
15 030
6 704
3 924
8 304
2 394
5 680
8 717
3 138
1 897
2 076
2 029
744
693
1 042
1 070
1 416
1 352
% use alcohol in morning
12,4
14,3
1,9
9,2
2,3
1,3
Length of stay (years)
2,9
2,6
16,1
12,3
14,7
10,4
Average per capita monthly income (adults)
Home fuel type
Paraffin
Mandela Square
Paraffin
Electricity
Electricity
Flats A
Electricity
Flats B
Electricity
*Per 100 000 population. From: Butchart, A., Kruger, J. & Nell, V. (1997). Neighbourhood Safety: A township violence and injury profile. Indicator South Africa Crime and Conflict, 9 (Winter), 1115. Methodology To describe the organic protection and prevention strategies manifest in Slovo Park and Mandela Square, 50 households from each area were randomly selected and the
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head of the household was interviewed. There were 40 males (19 males from Slovo Park and 21 from Mandela Square), and 60 females (31 from Slovo Park and 29 from Mandela Square). Respondents ranged from 20 to 63 years of age, averaging 32 years in Slovo Park and 36 years in Mandela Square. Interviews were conducted in the home language of the respondents, and began after the aim of the study was explained and informed consent obtained. The interview was unstructured and the first 50 respondents from Slovo Park were asked two open-ended questions: "What do you do to be safe or to protect yourself from violence and injury?" and "What do you do to prevent violence and injury from happening in the first place?" Responses were recorded in writing and later translated into English. The 50 Mandela Square respondents were asked the same questions with an additional inquiry concerning the use of traditional medicine as a form of protection against violence.
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Protection against crime and violence Because response similarities between the two areas far outweighed differences, data for Slovo Park and Mandela Square were combined. The most frequently mentioned protection strategy was "gate, fence and dog", given by 40% of the male and 30% of the female respondents. In contrast to the plethora of other physical and electronic protection devices registered in the Meyerspark households, "gate, fence and dog" were the only such exclusionary measures described. After "gate, fence and dog" the next largest protection category consisted of strategies of avoidance. First, "social isolation” was mentioned by 30% of the male and 37% of the female respondents, and this category included responses such as "we try to keep with people we know", or "it is best that on the weekends and at night we stay at home". This seemed to reflect an assumption that violence was somehow an inevitable feature of the social fabric. The second avoidance strategy included keeping away from places and events perceived to be dangerous, such as shebeens, crowds and, for some respondents, community meetings. Ironically, however, the home is the single most risky place in respect of violence (with injuries due to violence in one's own or a friend's home accounting for over 50% of non-fatal violent injuries recorded in community surveys and hospital emergency department studies). These avoidance strategies may themselves therefore increase risk of violence by increasing the enmeshment that appears to underlie intimate and acquaintance violence. While none of the respondents mentioned possession of a firearm as a means of protection, this may well have reflected less the actual absence of guns than a reluctance to acknowledge gun ownership. It also contrasts sharply with the Meyerspark findings, where 31% of the respondents admitted possessing guns. Slovo Park and Mandela Square respondents did, however, acknowledge the possession of "traditional weapons”, which were mentioned by 30% of the male respondents (but none of the females), and included items such as knobkerries, spears, sjamboks and knives. Exclusive to female respondents of the informal settlements was the category of "divine intervention", which was mentioned by a quarter of the women interviewed.
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Crime prevention strategies As in Meyerspark, although with a lower frequency, the primary prevention strategies 1
for the informal settlement respondents were "street committees" (mentioned by 46% and 26% of the males and females respectively), followed by "neighbourhood 2
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watch", mentioned by 40% of the men, but none of the women. Roughly a third of men and women mentioned "the police" as a form of protection. Once again in contrast to Meyerspark, where 61% of the respondents indicated they attempted some form of prevention, 15% and 30% of the men and women in the informal settlements said they "did nothing" to prevent violence, “because there is nothing that we can do". After the first 50 respondents had been interviewed, it became apparent that many respondents were using mutis and charms to keep themselves safe. The 50 remaining respondents were therefore explicitly asked if they resorted to such practices. Seventeen (34%) said that they did not, because they did not believe in them, while for the remaining 33 respondents, traditional herbal and spiritual devices constituted an important source of protection and prevention. Table 9.2 lists the many strategies and their functions. The data suggest that these measures are of considerable importance as a means of adapting to a high-risk environment by creating the psychological sense of being able to exercise at least some control over personal and social boundaries. Table 9.2: Herbal and spiritual protection methods used by residents of an informal settlement* Herbal and spiritual protection methods
Function and use
Ubulawu
Aids ancestor communication - makes people afraid should they try to attack a house
Vimbela
To block or plug - makes attackers burn alive
Isithunzi
Shadow against evil - given by "ntelezi" and evident in dignity
Ntelezi
Protects against misfortune - sprinkled around home and body boundaries
Iwasho
Soap - used with holy water to stay safe from evil deeds
*The ethno-botanical inputs of Dr Tony Cunningham are acknowledged. Suggestions for increasing safety in the community In comparison with the detection and deterrence-oriented protection and prevention strategies respondents actually engaged in, over half mentioned that "real" prevention would only follow if the more primary causes of violence and crime were addressed, namely poverty and alcohol abuse. Typifying the perception that increased employment and improved income levels would reduce violence were comments such as "It's a pity that we don't have money to make life better", while in relation to alcohol abuse comments such as "to stop violence from happening we must try to stop the shebeens because it is where 169
violence takes place" were common. However, these "ideal" solutions stood in stark contrast to actual responses in this direction, with attempts to increase income limited to very small informal businesses (of which taverns selling alcohol were numerous), and no observable efforts to control alcohol sales and use.
Crime and violence prevention strategies in Meyerspark
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Meyerspark is a relatively affluent, upmarket and historically white suburb located on the north-eastern edge of the city of Pretoria. Although a number of black families have moved into the suburb in recent years, Meyerspark remains a predominantly white and Afrikaans-speaking community, with a stable social base centred principally on the local Dutch Reformed Church and the primary school. The general education level of residents is high, with 64% of the sample indicating postmatriculation qualifications. Although the respondents were not specifically asked about their incomes, the standard of housing in the area and the types of security systems utilised are indicative of a relatively high-income population. Eighty-three interviews were conducted on a random sample basis with either the head of the household or the spouse, and questions focused on safeguarding the household and members of the household. Of the respondents, 43% were male and 57% female. Because the survey targeted household heads or their spouses, respondents were mostly older people, with more than half over the age of 50. Fifty percent of the questionnaires were completed by the head of the household and 50% by the spouse. Forty-five percent of the respondents indicated that they were usually away from home during working hours, while 54% of the respondents had a spouse who was usually away from home during the day. Protection against crime and violence To determine which protective strategies were commonly used in Meyerspark, respondents were asked: "What do you do to protect yourself and your family from crime and violence?" This was an open question and respondents were not limited in the number of protective strategies they could mention. A majority of the respondents (69%) indicated that they used security gates and fences, with 58% using dogs as a deterrent. Other widely used protective devices included burglar bars on windows and doors (43%), security systems, alarms, connections with security companies, police or neighbours (28%), and locked security gates at the entrance of properties (41%). Thirty-one percent of the respondents indicated the possession of firearms and the knowledge to use them. Security lights and intercom systems were also mentioned in a number of eases. A wide range of other methods and devices were identified, including spray cans, cellular phones, internal security gates, locking internal doors, not leaving the property unattended, leaving the television on while away from home, teaching children basic safety measures, and being careful when employing people to work in the home or garden. The major emphasis of responses in Meyerspark therefore fell on exclusionary measures such as gates, fences and dogs to keep strangers and potential criminals off the property, as well as a range of security systems and alarms. With the exception of electronic security systems and alarms, which were clearly beyond the reach of the impoverished and unelectrified informal settlements of Slovo Park and
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Mandela Square, these responses correspond with those in the informal settlements. There, 40% of the male and 30% of the female respondents named "gate, fence and dog" as the most important means of protecting themselves and their families. However, there were major differences in responses relating to social isolation and the avoidance of high-risk places. While 37% of the women and 30% of the men in the Slovo Park and Mandela Square samples said they resorted to social isolation as a protective strategy, no one in Meyerspark explicitly referred to social isolation. Similarly, while only one respondent in Meyerspark mentioned the avoidance of highrisk places, 30% of the males and 26% of the females in the two informal settlement mentioned that they avoided risky places. A relatively small number of Meyerspark residents did, however, indicate selective forms of isolation, such as not opening the door to strangers (7%), being on the lookout for "undesirable elements" (8%), not walking alone, and not having domestic workers sleep on the property. A further 7% of the Meyerspark residents indicated awareness of the possibility of car hijacking or attacks when embarking from motor vehicles. It should also be borne in mind that the heavy emphasis on exclusionary measures such as fences, gates, dogs and security systems could be seen as a selective form of social isolation. While 16% of the women respondents (but none of the men) in the informal settlements mentioned "divine intervention" as a means of protecting themselves, only two of the Meyerspark respondents mentioned "prayer" as a protective strategy. No mention was made of traditional medicines or herbal preparations in Meyerspark. Crime prevention strategies In addition to being asked what they did to protect themselves from crime and injury, the Meyerspark respondents were also asked what they did to prevent crime and violence in the community. Sixty-one percent of the respondents said that they had done or were doing something to prevent crime and injury in the community. Of these 76% indicated that they worked together with neighbours, by looking after their property while they were away from home, alerting one another when noticing something suspicious, keeping telephone numbers of neighbours, and responding when neighbours' burglar alarms were activated. Twenty-two percent mentioned that they belonged to some kind of neighbourhood watch, policing forum or were police reservists. Other prevention strategies included positive attitudes, respect for human rights, other people and their property, being safety conscious, not employing strangers, and not leaving property unattended when going on vacation. The results indicate that residents of Meyerspark preferred more informal interactions and arrangements with their neighbours than formal neighbourhood watches. Sixteen percent of the respondents mentioned that they had tried to establish a street patrol or neighbourhood watch, but were not able to create sufficient interest in the community. After experiencing a number of housebreaking incidents and the stealing of bicycles and cars, two members of the community, who were also members of the Silverton Community Policing Forum, decided in June 1997 to launch an informal neighbourhood watch. An area comprising about 200 houses (about a quarter of the suburb) was demarcated for the neighbourhood watch. Letters were sent to residents in the demarcated area, asking them to become more aware of what was going on in their neighbourhood, and to help take responsibility for their neighbours' properties.
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The neighbourhood watch operates on a very informal basis with members organised into cells of about six neighbours who keep an eye on one anothers' properties, It was made clear from the start that no neighbourhood patrols would be involved, The people who launched the neighbourhood watch were a group of friends who belonged to the Dutch Reformed Church in the suburb. Initially, it was members of this congregation who were organised into the neighbourhood watch, but gradually people from other denominations and groupings were drawn in. Meetings were also advertised in the weekly church newsletter. Other crime prevention initiatives in the community included the recruitment of volunteers to watch parked motor cars during church services, and the appointment of a high-school pupil to look after motor cars on Saturday afternoons at the Meyerspark Tennis and Bowling Club.
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Although it is not known how effective these initiatives have been, the police reported that the 1997 December holiday period was the "quietest" in many years. The survey results indicate a high level of interaction between Meyerspark residents. In response to a question about whether they co-operated with neighbours and other people in the area to protect themselves from crime and prevent crime, 84% of the respondents indicated that they did. The following examples of co-operation were provided: looking after the house, garden and animals of neighbours when they were away (44%), reporting the presence of strangers (16%), maintaining contact with neighbours by telephone (13%), reacting to burglar alarms (11%), having someone stay in the house while away on holiday (6%), and switching lights on and off when neighbours were away (4%). Other strategies involving co-operation with neighbours included parking cars in front of the neighbours` houses, emptying post-boxes, and not letting strangers know when neighbours were absent from home. Suggestions for increasing safety in the community When asked what they thought should be done to increase safety in the community, 90% of the respondents provided suggestions. Thirty-nine percent indicated that there should be permanent policing of the area. Respondents also indicated that people should be more involved with their community and not expect government to do everything for them (55%). Closer liaison with the police was also advocated; for example that suspicious people and actions should be reported to police and that citizens should help the police with administrative tasks so that they could concentrate on fighting crime. This coincides to some extent with the findings in the informal settlements, where a majority of the male respondents favoured street committees and neighbourhood watches for combating crime. The findings also indicate that, in contrast to residents in the two informal settlements, residents of Meyerspark tended to see the perpetrators of crime as coming from outside the community. Therefore 36% of the respondents suggested that access routes to the suburb should be limited, that loiterers should be removed, that a curfew should be imposed in the evenings, and that the presence of taxis should be restricted in residential areas. Another trend was a call for more severe penalties for crime, with 17% of the respondents asking for reinstatement of the death sentence
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Discussion
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Perhaps the most striking difference between the results obtained in Meyerspark and those of the informal settlements is the role played by social relations in crime prevention and protection. While a relatively large proportion of Slovo Park and Mandela Square residents chose social isolation and the avoidance of high-risk areas in order to protect themselves against crime, the dominant trend in Meyerspark was to liaise with neighbours and friends for safeguarding their property and lives. A possible explanation of this difference is that while the Meyerspark residents generally saw crime as originating from outside the community, residents of the two informal settlements generally regarded crime as originating from within their communities. A second, but related, explanation is that while the Meyerspark community had the social resources (or social capital) to take action against crime, residents of the two informal settlements lacked not only the material resources to protect themselves with exclusionary measures such as burglar bars and security systems, but also lacked the social resources to organise themselves against crime. As noted earlier, residents of the informal settlements had on average resided in their areas for only 2,6-2,9 years and were ethnically heterogeneous. This short average period of residence indicates a high level of physical mobility and of rapid changes in the composition of the community. Both these factors militate against establishing stable social relationships and social networks, and ultimately against the development of trust within the community. In contrast to these conditions, Meyerspark is an ethnically homogenous community, with a stable social base centred on the Dutch Reformed Church, Afrikaans-medium primary school, the tennis club, and a branch of the Women`s Agricultural Union. In the few years preceding the survey, the composition of the suburb changed marginally due to the opening of an English-medium primary school in the vicinity and movement of some German-speaking families into the area, because of its proximity to the German School in a neighbouring suburb. Although some of the respondents, who were not Afrikaans speaking, indicated that they did not have contact with their neighbours because they had been in the suburb for too short a time, the impact of these changes was very limited. The survey findings indicate relatively high levels of trust and social interaction between households in Meyerspark, although this trust does not necessarily extend to domestic servants who work or live in the area. It is also of interest that the church played a major role in the formation of the neighbourhood watch. The organisers of the watch were friends belonging to the same church, they recruited most of the watch members from the congregation, and used the church newsletter to advertise meetings. Considerable use was also made of existing informal relationships between neighbours. One should not, however, overstate the degree of social solidarity in Meyerspark at the time of the survey. Various attempts had been made in other parts of the community and at other times to establish a neighbourhood watch, but had failed owing to lack of interest. The existing neighbourhood watch included only part of the community and was limited to consolidating informal relationships that already existed between neighbours, and which were evident in other parts of the community
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not included in the watch. When they launched the neighbourhood watch, organisers had taken pains to point out that the watch would not involve neighbourhood patrols. Social conditions in Meyerspark therefore did not seem to favour more concerted mobilisation against crime. The situation in the two informal settlements, however, contrasts sharply with that in Meyerspark. The relatively heavy emphasis placed on social isolation, the avoidance of risky places, and being careful, are indicative of low levels of trust and social interaction. There was also very little mention of co-operation between neighbours in combating crime. Although street committees and neighbourhood watches were seen by many of the male respondents as a potential means of curbing crime, the existing street committees did not enjoy the confidence of the whole community. During the survey of these areas, residents were frequently disillusioned by the failure of these bodies to be effective in problem resolution and violence prevention, the general impression being that if not actively dangerous they were at best ineffective. Similar difficulties were experienced in relation to neighbourhood watch. In Slovo Park, for example, one neighbourhood watch group was disbanded following their becoming corrupt and turning to mugging, assault and robbery of the very residents they were meant to protect. A typical modus operandi of this group was to rob people of their personal possessions while ostensibly body-searching them. Reference was also made to the existence of various political parties in the area as a potential source of conflict. The emphasis placed on divine intervention and traditional medicines may also be seen as representing a sense of powerlessness and lack of faith in the community as a bulwark against crime. These findings are consistent with international research, which has consistently shown that community-based crime prevention, and in particular neighbourhood watch programmes, are least likely to succeed in poor neighbourhoods where crime and violence predominate (Sherman, 1997c:2; Hope, 1995). This is essentially because poor and crime-ridden communities usually do not have the resources, and in particular the social resources, to make a positive impact on crime. Studies of community-based programmes in poor, crime-ridden communities show that residents are "deeply suspicious of one another, report only a weak sense of community, have low levels of personal influence on neighbourhood events ... and feel that it is their neighbours whom they must watch carefully" (Skogan, 1988 cited by Hope, 1995:45). Lack of trust makes it difficult for people to work together and to exchange information about themselves. Indeed, crime may be seen as a symptom of social disorganisation and a manifestation of the inability of these communities to exercise control over crime within the community. Community-based programmes may therefore be making unrealistic demands on the already depleted resources of poor and socially disorganised communities. This issue will be taken up again in the final chapter of the book. Clearly these results cannot simply be generalised to all communities in South Africa, as the surveys were conducted in only three areas and made use of relatively small samples. However, a large survey conducted in the Greater Midrand area by the HSRC (Schurink et al 1998) produced very similar results to those obtained in the three communities of this study. The survey used a sample of 1 500 and was conducted in five distinct communities in the Greater Midrand area: Rabie Ridge, Olifantsfontein, Midrand, Winnie Mandela and Ivory Park. Ivory Park and Winnie Mandela are both informal and impoverished areas, although Ivory Park has undergone some upgrading in recent years and at the time of the survey had about 174
20% formal housing. At the other extreme, the core areas of Midrand are historically white and middle class, with upmarket formal housing. High property values have ensured that newcomers to the area are essentially affluent. Between these two extremes are Rabie Ridge and Olifantsfontein. Rabie Ridge was formerly a coloured area with formal housing, but has become a racially mixed area, with half of its residents occupying informal housing. Olifantsfontein, on the other hand, was formerly a white working class area, but has remained a formal housing area although it is now racially mixed.
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Points of agreement between the Greater Midrand survey and the surveys of this study include the following: • Although exclusionary security measures such as burglar proofing, security gates, high fences, special doors or locks and burglar alarms were favoured by the overwhelming majority of respondents, these measures were far more common in the more affluent, historically white and formal communities. For example, while 74% of the Midrand households and 55% of the Olifantsfontein households had burglar proofing, the corresponding figures for Rabie Ridge were 38%, for Ivory Park 11%, and for Winnie Mandela 7%. Similar trends applied to dogs, insurance, peepholes in front doors, outside lighting and engraved possessions. •
The results of the Midrand survey relating to neighbourhood watch and night patrols are less clear, perhaps because of the form in which the questions were asked. In this survey, the respondents were asked which of a number of security measures they had and (if they did not have these measures) whether they would like to have them. For all of the security measures mentioned, the respondents tended to say that they wanted the security measure, even when it was unaffordable or impractical. For example, 89% of the Ivory Park residents and 88% of the Winnie Mandela residents said they wanted burglar alarms, even though it was clear that very few households could afford them. Similarly, 83% and 78% of the residents in Ivory Park and Winnie Mandela wanted an entry phone. In relation to all of the 15 security measures a majority of the total sample said they already had or wanted the measures. Against this background, 31% of the total sample did not want to “join/form a neighbourhood watch/night patrol", while 36% stated that they did not want a security guard/night patrol. The only other security measures which more than 30% of the residents explicitly stated they did not want were "dog/watchdog" (31%), "a firearm" 4
(43%), and "engrave/mark valuable possessions" (41%). Although the general trend was for more people from poor communities to reject neighbourhood watches, security guards and night patrols than from the more affluent 5
communities, these differences were relatively small and may therefore not be statistically significant. However, there were clear differences between communities in relation to the percentages of residents that made use of or belonged to neighbourhood watches or security guards. For security guards/night patrols, 35% of the Midrand residents and 10% of the Olifantsfontein residents said they had access to this security measure, compared with 2% of the Ivory Park residents, 1% of the Winnie Mandela residents, and no Rabie Ridge residents. The percentages of residents that had joined or formed a neighbourhood watch or night patrol were 34% for Midrand, 15% for Olifantsfontein, 8% for Ivory Park, 4% for Winnie Mandela and 1% for Rabie Ridge. •
In addition to being asked about the 15 security measures, respondents in the Midrand survey were asked if there were any other measures that they used to 175
protect themselves. Just aver 50% of the sample stated that they used other measures, such as social isolation or changing one's lifestyle by only leaving one's home when it was absolutely necessary. The use of this strategy was more common in the poorer and informal areas than in the formal and more affluent areas. Thus 44% of the Ivory Park respondents and 43% of the Winnie Mandela respondents said they resorted to social isolation, as opposed to 12% of the Rabie Ridge residents and 30% of the Midrand residents. •
Similar trends were evident for those respondents who said that they prayed or used some form of spiritual protection. While 34% of the
Winnie Mandela respondents and 33% of the Ivory Park respondents used prayer as a means of protection, the corresponding percentages for Midrand were 7% and for Rabie Ridge 6%. However, Olifantsfontein proved to be an exception in that 32% of 6
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the respondents reported using prayer as a means of protection against crime.
• The trends for those who said they used "weapons" (as opposed to firearms, which were among the 15 security measures in the previous question) are opposite to the trends for prayer and social isolation. Thus, 65% of the Rabie Ridge respondents and 47% of Midrand respondents said they used weapons to protect themselves, as opposed to 30% for Olifantsfontein, 20% for Winnie Mandela and 15% for Ivory Park. These findings, together with the findings of the Meyerspark, Slovo Park and Mandela Square case studies, have a number of important implications for crime prevention. Taken together, the findings suggest increasing withdrawal, passivity and powerlessness in the face of crime, particularly in the poorer and more crime-ridden areas. As pointed out earlier in this chapter, this has major implications for mobilising communities against crime, as well as for any other community-based interventions. It not only suggests that poor communities have limited social capital to support community-based programmes, but also that crime is further eroding these limited stocks of social capital. The indications are that the trends of withdrawal, passivity and powerlessness under present circumstances are likely to increase rather than decrease. For example, the more law-abiding citizens withdraw into their homes or move to safer areas, the greater freedom is provided to criminal elements to take over the streets and even to take control of whole communities. Similarly, it has been argued that security measures such as burglar proofing, gates, fences and alarms tend to harden the targets of crime and may therefore elicit more forceful and violent responses from criminals. Passive and exclusionary measures are also likely to breed a siege mentality and to increase fear and a sense of powerlessness in the face of crime. As Shaw (1995a:5) has pointed out, the fear of crime has negative consequences at various levels. Not only does it lead to social isolation and fragmentation, but it also encourages emigration, which through the loss of skills and resources has a negative impact an the country's economy. For affluent and suburban whites a common response has been to "insulate themselves physically from the mainly black poor” who are seen as the main perpetrators of crime. This has the effect of entrenching social distance between racial groups and of undermining attempts to create a common South African loyalty. Shaw goes on to argue that while emigration is not a viable solution for the black majority, crime may also lead to a decline in political participation, and even pose a threat to the democratic order in South Africa:
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The perception that it is unsafe to venture out during leisure hours or an apprehension that citizens' sanest response to the threat (of crime) is to insulate themselves from society could ensure declining political participation (Shaw, 1995a:5).
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Shaw (1995:6) therefore sees crime "as a central test of the capacity of government to rule, and of the new democratic order to consolidate". Against this background, the development of crime into a major political issue in South Africa "may therefore be to increase fear of crime rather than effective measures to control it" (Shaw, 1995a;35). Crime prevention strategies must therefore be adjusted to the specific conditions in targeted communities. As these case studies have shown, very different conditions existed in Meyerspark on the one hand, and in Slovo Park and Mandela Square on the other. In particular, responses to crime differed markedly between the two types of communities, with relatively high social interaction and co-operation between Meyerspark residents and the opposite tendency towards social isolation in the two informal settlements. Results from the larger Midrand survey confirmed that similar trends existed in the Greater Midrand area. The case study findings are also supported by international research, which has shown that community-based crime prevention, and in particular neighbourhood watch programmes, is least likely to succeed in poor neighbourhoods with high crime rates and limited social resources. The findings suggest that for poor communities, and in particular those that lack social cohesion, conventional community-based approaches are not adequate, and that alternative strategies have to be found. Hope (1995), for example, has distinguished between "horizontal", internally focused interventions and "vertical" externally focused interventions. While the "horizontal" approach places the emphasis on community members solving their own problems with largely their own resources, the "vertical" approach focuses on connecting communities to sources of power and resources in the wider society. Both in South Africa and internationally, "horizontal" approaches to community-based prevention have dominated, at the expense of the development of "vertical" strategies. The findings presented here suggest that while those communities that have high levels of social trust, social interaction and networking may be amenable to horizontal community-based prevention (e.g. neighbourhood watch), areas that lack these social resources may be more amenable to vertical interventions, which bring in resources from outside the community or which address the structural forces that erode the social fabric. These issues will receive further attention in the final chapter.
Citizens and communities in crime control Besides the need to adapt strategies to conditions in communities, it is also important to consider that the kinds of strategies adopted by communities often have important consequences for society, and for crime prevention as a whole. This is illustrated by a brief examination of instances of civil society's drift away from dependence on the police towards alternative sources of protection against crime and violence. In the more affluent communities this has involved increasing numbers of people who contract private security firms, and in less advantaged communities the emergence of vigilante groups. Private security Against the background of increasing fear of crime and declining confidence in the ability of the police to provide protection, there is an increasing tendency for private 177
citizens to take responsibility for own safety. For the more affluent segments of the society, a common solution is to contract the private security sector. The enormous growth of this sector, however, is associated with a number of negative trends. As Shaw (1997:9) points out, it has led to an emphasis on the reactive side of security, and in particular to the increasing importance of "armed response". Besides "hardening the target" of criminal activity (which in some cases may lead to the use of increased force by criminals), private security may also increase the burden on the police in having to respond to "false alarms". For example, Shaw (1996) shows that between January and April 1996 KwaZulu-Natal police travelled 170 000 kms in response to electronic alarms - although in only one percent of cases were the alarms valid. This accounted for 40% of all complaints lodged with the police in the province. Private security measures also have the tendency to isolate people from one another, and therefore contribute to increasing social fragmentation in South Africa.
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Vigilantes One alternative to private security, particularly for those who do not have the financial means to afford it, is vigilante action. Like private security, vigilante action is essentially reactive, and can serve to escalate and intensify crime and violence rather than decrease them. Where communities have taken the initiative of organising themselves to fight crime, problems have often arisen. Among the many different responses to crime by civil society has been a tendency for "aggressive, confrontational actions not only against criminals, but even against the police" (Africa et al,1998:3). Such responses to crime pose a number of problems to society and the state in that that they tend to undermine citizens' faith in democracy, decrease commitment to the rule of law, and challenge the state's control over the legitimate use of force (Africa et al, 1998:3). People against Gangsterism and Drugs (Pagad) This appears to have been the case with PAGAD, for example, where the struggle between PAGAD and gangs on the Cape Flats has not only escalated violence, but has further undermined the control that communities have over their security, as well as posing a challenge to the criminal justice system: Ironically, vigilante action, which (at least in the rhetoric of its proponents) is an attempt to strengthen state institutions, often has the opposite effect: the further weakening and undermining of official criminal justice channels and the creation of alternative centres of power" (Shaw, 1997:10). On the other hand, the growth of Pagad needs to be seen within the context that 7
gave rise to it. Pagad arose within a context of increasing concern with the perceived escalation of crime and gangsterism, a profound dissatisfaction with the police and criminal justice system, and a lack of commitment to the rule of law and procedural rights for those accused of crimes (see Africa et al., 1998:5-16). Research has also shown that there was substantial support for collective action by citizens against crime, including violent and illegal forms. It has been estimated that there are between 80 000 and 100 000 gang members in the Western Cape. Gangs are intimately involved in crime and violence in the Western Cape. In six magisterial districts in the Cape Flats, for example, 253 murders occurred between October 1994 and March 1995. Half of these and nearly
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half the attempted murders recorded by the police were gang-related. In many respects, gangsterism has become a way of life in the Cape Flats, and provides an alternative to existing economic and social structures in the area (Kinnes, 1995:5). The growth of gangsterism in the Western Cape must also be seen against the historical background that gave rise to it. A vital part of this context was the relocation under the Group Areas Act of thousands of families from residential areas in Cape Town to the Cape Flats. Relocation not only had disastrous effects on family and community cohesion, but also involved the settlement of large numbers of people in areas with little infrastructure and high levels of poverty and unemployment (Kinnes, 1995:5; Haefele, 1998). Against this background, it is not surprising that many people turned to crime as a means of survival, and to the gangs as a source of identity and social inclusion. While it was first launched towards the end of 1995, Pagad came to public prominence in August 1996 with the public slaying of Hard Livings gang leader,
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Rashaad Staggie, outside his home in Salt River. The killing focused not only national, but international attention on the organisation which responded with a series of anti-crime rallies and other political actions such as public protests, marches on the homes of suspected criminals and drug dealers, and petitions and ultimatums to the government. Members of Pagad openly carried arms at their marches and rallies, leading to further incidents of violence and even violent confrontations with the police. The concerted attack on criminal elements elicited a strong response from the gangs who organised themselves into a central organisation known as the Community Outreach Forum (CORE). Violent retaliations followed on supporters or perceived supporters of Pagad, attacks on the homes of alleged gangsters, and attacks on police stations. The organisation consists of a number of different sub-structures, including social welfare, legal, security, finance, medical, education, media and a senior citizens' forum. Branches of Pagad and similar organisations were formed in many of the small towns in the Western Cape, as well as in other metropolitan areas such as Johannesburg, Durban and Pietermaritzburg, and the organisation has both national and regional co-ordinators. The existence of Pagad and the power of its influence may appear to contradict the findings that community-based organisations are not effective vehicles for controlling crime in poor communities. However, Pagad is not a community-based organisation in the usual sense of the term. Although Pagad denies that it is a Muslim organisation, it has largely mobilised support by drawing on the Islamic belief system and its social networks, identities and loyalties: Pagad's meetings clearly rely on the Islamic discourse nurtured by the anti-apartheid movement in general, and by Cassiem's version in particular. Quaranic verses appealing for unity are recited at the end of every meeting, with members holding hands over their heads, not unlike scenes in the civil rights movement. The atmosphere and motivation is certainly and unmistakably Islamic (Haefele, 1998:11). As such, Pagad has a national (and possibly even, international) focus, rather than a community or local focus. While it grew out of the communities of the Cape Flats, both its identity and its resource-base transcend these communities. While Muslims 179
make up only 2% of the South African population, they wield an influence on the socio-economic and political affairs of the country that is disproportionate to their numbers. For example, more than 10% of Parliament and the Cabinet are Muslims (Haefele,1998:8). A survey conducted by Idasa's Public Opinion Service (Christie,1997; Africa et al, 1998) confirmed the Muslim support base of Pagad. For example, 64% of Muslim respondents said they supported the organisation, compared to 18% of Christians.
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Mapogo-a-Mathamanga Just as Pagad was able to mobilise support through Muslim networks, so Mapogo-aMathamaga appears to have made use of business interests, relationships and networks to launch an extensive vigilante network in the Northern Province and Mpumalanga. Mapogo was founded in 1996 by black businessmen in Sekhukuniland, after a spate of murders and burglaries were perpetrated on local businessmen. The group initially apprehended suspects and handed them over to the police, but began attracting public attention when they meted out brutal beatings to suspects as punishment or in order to extract confessions. Press reports suggest that a number of suspects have died as a result of such beatings, and a number of Mapogo members have appeared in court on charges of kidnapping, assault and murder. The name of the group, Mapogo-a-Mathamaga, is derived from a Sotho proverb, which suggests that a leopard can change its spots when it is provoked. The group claims to have 10 000 members, including a number of large companies, and has attracted a large following among white farmers and businessmen. Mapogo shares a number of characteristics in common with Pagad, and has in fact 9
been called "the Northern Province farmers' answer to Pagad". Like Pagad it transcends the specific communities from which it arose by drawing on social networks and relationships beyond the community. While Pagad has tapped into the social and economic resources of the Muslim community, Mapogo has utilised the networks and resources of local business and farming communities. The development of secondary associations (as opposed to primary networks and relationships) has been a prominent feature of the social capital debate. Secondary associations (also called "bridging social capital" and "cross-cutting ties") are regarded as extremely important not only in helping people to transcend exclusive loyalties to primary social groups, but also in opening up new opportunities for social and economic development. The issue of cross-cutting ties and their implications for development and crime control are discussed in more detail in the final chapter of this book. Yet both Pagad and Mapogo maintain strong ties with local communities. The effectiveness of Mapogo has been attributed to the fact that its "members are from the community and have access to inside information about culprits. It is also based on the fact that, when they catch a suspect, the treatment meted out is swift, savage and inflicted in full view of the community - no one is in any doubt about the 10
message: That Mapogo is able to mobilise both intra- and extra-community resources and networks may be a key to its success as an organisation. Another characteristic shared by Mapogo and Pagad is that they have their origins within the communities they serve rather than being the products of the interventions of external agencies. As such they are ideologically closer to the communities which they serve. The fact that in poor communities crime is often perpetrated not so much by outsiders, as by residents of the communities, who are often friends and acquaintances of the victims, has profound implications for the 180
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ways in which different communities perceive crime and crime prevention. For example, Daniel Nina (1995) identifies two discourses relating to gang violence and crime in the Cape Flats. External agents such as the press and the police (and more privileged communities which perceive crime as originating outside the community) see a need for the state to address the crime wave by imposing law and order. Residents of underprivileged communities on the other hand take a different view. For them, crime "is not an alien experience but something people live with daily and are frequently victim to. Crime is committed by friends, relatives or known community members. The distinction between the criminal and the victim is complicated and often interrelated" (Nina, 1995:3). Crime is also an integral part of a configuration of problems, including poverty, unemployment, overcrowding, lack of infrastructural development, and police corruption. Rather than emphasise punishment and law and order, residents of these poor communities are more interested in the reintegration and rehabilitation of offenders. Crime is approached in a holistic manner, and the "main focus is on restoring peace and harmony, a discourse very different from that of law and order" (Nina, 1995:4). Nina (1995:4) argues that similar principles are also found in some African communities. In such communities "crime is being redefined as a 'social problem' and requires a solution quite different from the punitive law and order approach." Street committees, for example, mainly categorised murder and rape as crimes. While these crimes were left to the police and courts, other crimes were treated as social problems and were "solved" by the committees. In addressing these problems, the street committees were guided by two basic principles, namely restitution in which the victim was compensated for monetary or emotional loss or grievance, and secondly providing the opportunity for the offender to apologise and be reintegrated into the community. While street committees and people's courts have been involved in numerous abuses (see, for example, Minnaar, 1995), they appear to incorporate principles that transcend the narrow confines (and limitations) of the formal criminal justice system. In particular, they appear to address the dilemmas of the criminal justice system in rehabilitating offenders and reintegrating them into the community. The relationship between internal and external resources and perceptions in combating crime in poor communities is an issue that would appear to have considerable potential in the search for more effective crime prevention strategies. This issue will be taken up again in the final chapter.
Reference AFRICA, C., CHRISTIE, J., MATTES, R., ROEFS, M. & TAYLOR, H. 1998. Crime and community action; Pagad and the Cape Flats, 1996-1997. Idasa Public Opinion Service Report, No. 4, June. BUTCHART, A. & BROWN, D.S.O.,1991. Non-fatal injuries due to interpersonal violence in Johannesburg-Soweta: Incidence, determinants and consequences. Forensic Science International, 52:35-51. BUTCHART, A., KRUGER, J. & Lekoba, R. 2000. Perceptions of injury causes and solutions in a Johannesburg township: implications for prevention. Social Science and Medicine, 50(3):331-344. BUTCHART, A., KRUGER, J. & NELL, V., 1997. Violence and Injury in a Johannesburg Township: A Neighbourhood Profile. Crime and Conflict, 9, Winter:11-15.
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CHRISTIE, J.1997. Safety at any cost: community perceptions of Pagad. Crime and Conflict, 9, Winter:27-32. GENTLE, R., 1984. Crime and poverty. In: Second Carnegie Inquiry into poverty and development in Southern Africa. Conference paper No. 93, pp.1-12. HAEFELE, B. W. 1997. Islamic fundamentalism and Pagad: an internal security issue for South Africa? Crime and Conflict, 9, Winter:8-12. HAEFELE, B. W.1998. Gangsterism in the Western Cape: Who are the role players? Crime and Conflict, 14, Summer:19-22.
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HOPE, T., 1995. Community crime prevention. In: M. Tonry, & D.P. Farrington, (eds), Building a safer society: Strategic approaches to crime prevention. Crime and Justice, 19. Chicago: Chicago University Press. KINNES, I. 1995. Reclaiming the Cape Flats: a community challenge to crime and gangsterism. Crime and Conflict, 2, Winter, MINNAAR, A. Desperate justice. 1995. Crime and Conflict, 2, Winter. NELL, V. & BROWN, D.S.O., 1991. Epidemiology of traumatic brain injury in Johannesburg - II. Morbidity, mortality and etiology. Social Science and Medicine, 33:289-296. NINA, D.1995. Going hack to the roots: alternative views on community justice. Crime and Conflict, 2, Winter. SCHURINK, E., CHAUKE, P., MOKOKO, E., DICHABA, W. & TSHABALALA, T.,1998. Towards the development of a community-based crime prevention model. Unpublished draft report to the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology. Human Sciences Research Council. SHAW, M.1995a. Partners in crime? Crime, political transition and changing forms of policing control. Centre for Policy Studies, Johannesburg. SHAW, M. 1995b. Exploring a decade of crime. Crime and Conflict, l, Autumn. SHAW, M. 1996. Buying time? Vigilante action, crime control and state responses. Indicator SA: Crime and Conflict, 7, Spring. SHAW, M. 1997. South Africa: crime in transition. Occasional Paper No. 17, Institute for Security Studies, Halfway House. SHERMAN, L.W. 1996a. Preventing crime: an overview. In: SHERMAN, L.W., GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., ECK, J., REUTER, P. & BUSHWAY, S., 1996. Preventing crime: what works, what doesn't, what's promising. A report to the United States Congress, prepared for the National Institute of Justice. Also available online at http://www.ncjrs.org/works.
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SHERMAN, L.W. 1996b. Communities and crime prevention. In: SHERMAN, L.W., GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., ECK, J., REUTER, P, & BUSHWAY, S., 1996. Preventing crime: what works, what doesn't, what's promising. A report to the United States Congress, prepared for the National Institute of Justice. Also available online at http://www.ncjrs.org/works. WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION,1995.WHO position paper for the World Summit on Social Development, Copenhagen. Geneva: WHO.
Footnotes 1
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Street committees were elected by the residents of specific streets, and charged with resolving conflict among street residents, such as domestic arguments, fights between neighbours and any other potentially dangerous conflicts. Neighbourhood watch referred to groups of male residents who patrolled the area at night and who were usually armed with guns. These groups were selected by and accountable to community committees. Although the respondents were assured that their responses would be treated with strict confidentiality, one respondent felt so strongly about this issue that he signed a statement in which he registered his strong protest against an academic who had said that the death penalty did not serve as a deterrent. Possible explanations for unfavourable responses to these measures are that dogs need to be fed, the possession of a firearm could attract criminal elements, and poor people have few valuable possessions that could be engraved. It is of interest that in relation to both the keeping of dogs and the engraving of possessions, larger percentages of respondents in the poorer communities did not want these measures. The exception was Rabie Ridge, where 51% and 54% of respondents rejected a security guard/night patrol and neighbourhood watch/night patrol, respectively. The comparative percentages were 27% and 28% for Midrand and 36% and 30% for Ivory Park. As a relatively small number of Olifantsfontein respondents (39%) of the sample volunteered information on other security measures, as opposed to 50% or more for other areas, this may have inflated the percentage of those using prayer as a protective strategy in this area, However, it is unlikely that this could account for the whole difference between Olifantsfontein and other formal areas. The formation of Pagad, however, was not without precedent. Between 1973 and 1976 communities on the Cape Flats were united under a vigilante group called the "Peacemakers", which adopted organised and violent methods against the gangs (Kinnes, 1995:5). Pagad claims that violence broke out after the marchers were fired upon from within Staggie's house, See Pagad Web Page, http://www.Pagad.co.za/netpast.html. Sunday Time Insight, 2 August 1998. Sunday Time Insight, 2 August 1998.
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Chapter 11 Addressing the underlying causes of crime and violence in South Africa
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Tony Emmett This final chapter brings together the various insights and conclusions from the case studies and relates these to the public health model and recent research on crime prevention. In doing so the chapter makes use of both international and local research findings, with a view to identifying those strategies that have proved effective in addressing the underlying causes of crime and violence. Considerable use is made of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) report to the United States Congress on crime prevention (Sherman et al., 1996). This is probably the most comprehensive and scientifically rigorous review on crime prevention ever undertaken. Its uncompromising focus on what works and what does not work in crime prevention also makes it an ideal vehicle for integrating the findings of this study and identifying approaches to crime prevention that have the potential to be effective under South African conditions.
1
The international research findings are evaluated against, and related to, South African conditions. In particular, attention is focused on two major issues that impact on crime and violence in South Africa: social disintegration as a consequence of apartheid and racial oppression, and the political transition to a post-apartheid society. Both of these issues are in turn related to the social capital debate and the recent public health literature that links crime and violence to economic inequality and the breakdown of social cohesion. The need for comprehensive and multisectoral crime prevention programmes is also recast in the terms of social capital. Finally the chapter explores various strategies and intervention that may be used to build social capital and strengthen crime prevention in South Africa, and offers some guidelines for the development of more effective strategies for combating crime and violence.
A scientific (knowledge-based) approach to crime prevention In the first chapter we pointed out that one of the major characteristics of the public health approach is its emphasis on research findings as a basis for interventions. This approach has been clearly illustrated in the case studies, which place considerable emphasis on the importance of research, both as a basis for action and in the measurement of outcomes flowing from action. As Sherman (1996b: 3) states: "Crime prevention is defined not by intentions or methods, but by results.” Ensuring punishment of criminal activity through the criminal justice system is therefore seen as only one possible tool for achieving the prevention of crime, and "what works best is defined by the data from research findings, not from ideologically driven assumptions about human nature". This approach clearly distinguishes between crime prevention as a political issue and as a scientific issue. In South Africa crime has emerged as a major political concern with intense ideological and emotional overtones. This places various obstacles in the way of a rational and scientific approach to crime prevention. Against this
196
background, the experience of disease and injury prevention provides some valuable pointers on the path towards a more rational and knowledge-based approach to crime prevention. While health issues also have important ideological and emotional overtones, these have generally been less intense than those associated with crime, and scientific evidence has largely gained the upper hand in health debates. The public health model therefore has considerable relevance not only for creating more enlightened public attitudes to crime prevention, but also to the strategies used to prevent crime.
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Recent international research findings have challenged many of the entrenched public attitudes to crime and crime prevention: Studies demonstrate little evidence that continuing the policies of the past several decades emphasizing the increased use of incarceration will have a major impact on reducing crimes at this point in time. As incarceration rates grow there appear to be diminished returns (e.g. reduced impact on crime rates) because lower-rate offenders are being locked up. It may also be counterproductive by limiting the deterrent effect of prison because people have less fear of incarceration. The impact on minority communities has been disastrous (Sherman, 1996e:40)
2
Similar conditions apply to popular attitudes and assumptions about policing. For example, the scientific evidence does not support the common assumption that increasing the size of a police force significantly reduces crime. There is also evidence that reducing police response time does not reduce crime (Sherman,1996d:7-9). Another consistent finding of the international literature is that neighbourhood watch programmes are generally ineffective at preventing crime: The primary problem found by the evaluations is that the areas with highest crime rates are the most reluctant to organise ... Many people refuse to host or attend community meetings, in part because they distrust their neighbours. Middle-class areas, in which trust is higher, generally have little crime to begin with, making measurable effect on crime almost impossible to achieve. The program cannot even be justified on the basis of reducing middle-class fear of crime and flight from the city, since no such effects have been found. Rather, Skogan (1990) finds evidence that Neighbourhood Watch increases fear of crime (Sherman,1996d:19). Clearly these findings need to be tested under South African conditions. For example, it can be argued that crime is more mobile or less community-bound in South Africa than it is in the United States, where the major evaluations of neighbourhood watch programmes have been undertaken. The findings of the Eldorado Park and Meyerspark case studies support the international findings that people in middleclass areas are more willing to organise against crime than those in poor communities. Residents in the affluent suburb of Meyerspark perceived crime as originating from outside the community and were therefore more prepared to cooperate with their neighbours in preventing crime. Those in the informal settlements of Mandela Square and Slovo Park, however, generally perceived crime as originating from within the community and were therefore more reluctant to co-operate with neighbours. In fact, a significant number of respondents in these communities isolated themselves from the community to protect themselves from crime. Bearing in mind the exploratory nature of these case studies and therefore their limited potential for generalisation, this suggests that while our middle-class suburbs may lend themselves more easily to community-based strategies, these strategies are less likely to succeed in poor communities. 197
Another major trend emerging in contemporary crime prevention is the recognition of the complexity of crime and therefore the need for specific strategies and differentiated responses to the different forms and contexts of crime and violence. For example, research has shown that arrests of perpetrators of domestic violence prevent crime in neighbourhoods with low unemployment and high marriage rates, but increase crime in areas of high unemployment and low marriage rates (Sherman, 3.
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1996:3) Other examples of the complexity of crime prevention include findings that traffic enforcement may reduce robbery and gun crime, that the optimal deterrent effects of a police patrol can be produced by a 15-minute presence in a "hot spot", and that prevention effects generally fade over time without modification and renewal of police practices. This complexity, together with the recognition that increasing the size of the police force and reducing response time may have little effect on crime rates, has led to recommendations for more focused and differentiated strategies for the police (Sherman, 1996d: 25). As in the case of policing, research on crime prevention in the context of the criminal justice system shows that "no one strategy is appropriate for all offenders and all situations. Careful system planning is required to maximise the crime prevention potential of these different strategies" (MacKenzie, 1996:38).
Evaluating prevention strategies A major aspect of the knowledge-based approach to crime and violence prevention is the emphasis on the systematic evaluation of crime and violence prevention strategies. This is another area in which the public health approach and recent methods of crime prevention coincide. For example, the NIJ study undertaken for the United States Congress (Sherman et al, 1996) repeatedly stresses the importance of scientific evaluation, arguing that "the effectiveness of most crime prevention strategies will remain unknown until the nation invests more in evaluating them" (Sherman,1996e:1). The emphasis on scientific evaluation is based on the argument that crime prevention should be defined by its results, and not by intentions or methods. The only reliable way to determine whether programmes or policies are producing the desired results is to evaluate them scientifically. The case studies in this book show that, overall, very little outcome-evaluation research has been conducted on crime and violence prevention programmes in South Africa. While many of these programmes show signs of promise, it is not possible on the basis of existing information to provide definitive answers to whether they are producing the desired results, and whether they should therefore be continued, discontinued, extended or modified. The case studies also suggest that programmes often experience difficulties in raising funds for evaluation because fenders are less prepared to provide money for research than they are for interventions. However, it is not only funding that is required for evaluation, but also the appropriate management of such funding. Evaluation research, in particular impact or outcome evaluation, is expensive, and South Africa has relatively limited resources for research. The limited funding that is available must therefore be allocated in such a way as to produce the optimal results. Where funding for specific outcome evaluations is not available, one possible approach is to base decision making on international research findings and to use more qualitative, or rather less expensive methodologies to determine whether programmes are having similar effects to those produced elsewhere. 198
Given our scarce resources, the question of which programmes should be evaluated is crucial. Even within the context of the United States, the assumption that all programmes should be evaluated is questioned. For example, the NIJ study concludes that "the requirement that everything be evaluated has resulted in almost nothing being evaluated. ... Spending large amounts of money for strong evaluations in a few sites is far mare cost-effective than spending little amounts of money for weak evaluations in thousands of sites" (Sherman, 1996e:15). The report also argues that evaluation funds should be conserved for impact assessments, and that evaluations should be conducted using high levels of scientific method.
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While these findings cannot be uncritically applied to South African conditions, there is a clear case for devoting more resources to evaluation research, particularly in the light of the many new and innovative programmes that have been launched in recent years. Similarly, South Africa cannot afford to waste scarce funding on many weak evaluations that provide little reliable information on whether programmes work or not.
A comprehensive approach to crime and violence prevention One of the most distinctive features of the public health approach is its emphasis on comprehensiveness, and the need to approach problems of crime, violence and injury at various levels. For example, in their comprehensive review of injury prevention projects with aboriginal populations in Canada, the United States and elsewhere, Frankish et al. (1993;119) reach the following general conclusions: •
Interventions that are limited to changing individual behaviours do not have a sustained impact on preventing or decreasing the occurrence of injuries.
•
The use of individual-specific behaviour-change projects is most effective when coupled with other strategies such as surveillance, enforcement and legislative strategies.
•
The most successful attempts to decrease the occurrence of the most serious injuries have involved modifying the environment.
Taken together, these three principles point to the need for comprehensive approaches in injury prevention. The emphasis on comprehensiveness is also evident in a number of the case studies presented in this book. It is illustrated, for example, by. •
The National Trauma Research Programme's emphasis on addressing injury prevention at the primary, secondary and tertiary levels
•
The Centre for Peace Actions emphasis on combining behavioural change with environmental changes
•
The KwaZulu-Natal Survivors of Violence Programme's attempts to address problems of violence not only at the level of the individual, but also of small groups, communities and the society as a whole.
A similar preoccupation with comprehensiveness is evident in the various public health and health promotion models examined in the previous chapter. As argued in that chapter, the major purpose of these models is to remind practitioners of the 199
different variables and levels at which prevention can be addressed and of the complex interrelationships between levels and variables.
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Comprehensiveness has often been associated with multidisciplinary and intersectoral approaches, and even used interchangeably with these terms. There are key differences between intersectoral co-ordination and comprehensiveness. The involvement of many different agencies in a programme does not necessarily secure comprehensiveness. Comprehensive programmes can be implemented by a single agency. For this reason the issues of intergovernmental and intersectoral coordination are dealt with elsewhere in this chapter. The public health model's emphasis on comprehensiveness is important when we consider that the major focus in the criminal justice system is on punishing, incapacitating, deterring and rehabilitating individual perpetrators, and that it performs its functions largely within a single sector or institutional setting of the society. A further feature of the criminal justice system that distinguishes it from the public health approach, is its essentially reactive nature, that is, it responds to crimes after they occur. The major emphasis of the public health model, on the other hand, is on prevention before the event.
Focusing on social and institutional issues A comprehensive approach to prevention has also helped to shift the focus towards areas of intervention that have been neglected in the past, and in particular to the social and institutional risk factors associated with crime. As the NIJ report suggests, crime prevention is a consequence of various institutional forces, many of which are informal and natural. Families, communities, schools and labour markets all exert informal social controls, or pressures to conform to the law, which have little to do with the threat of punishment. It has been argued that all forms of crime prevention strategies may only be effective within institutional contexts that are strong enough to support them. This is because families, communities, schools, churches and work contexts discourage crime by creating commitments to conventional life patterns that would be endangered by crime. There is considerable evidence from international studies to support this argument. For example, Sherman, 1996b: 7) states that: In study after study, evidence emerges that crime prevention programs are more likely to take root, and more likely to work, in communities that need them least. Conversely, the evidence shows that communities with the greatest crime problems are also the hardest to reach through innovative program efforts. The literature shows strong agreement between both scholars and policy makers that "strong parental attachments to consistently disciplined children in watchful and supportive communities are the best vaccine against street crime and violence" (Sherman, 1996b:5). Informal social controls often involve some degree of shame or disgrace. As the sociologist Emile Durkheim pointed out more than a century ago, "it is shame which doubles most punishments, and which increases with them" (cited by Sherman,1996b;4). There are many examples in South Africa of how closely-knit communities have discouraged crime by consciously using shame and disgrace against perpetrators.
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However, the role of informal social controls becomes problematic when institutions like the family and community break down, and are no longer able to exert the 200
pressures necessary to uphold the law. Social and medical scientists have long documented the social disintegration of black communities in South Africa under the assault of colonialism, apartheid and racial oppression For example, in a prophetic article published in 1991, Ramphele (1991:15) warned: Social disintegration will not disappear with the institution of a democratically elected government, as some people would like us to believe. On the contrary, a democratically elected government will have greater difficulties dealing with lawlessness, criminality and irresponsibility, because it is likely to have a greater .5
responsiveness to populist demands and critiques
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In her article, Ramphele analyses the causes and consequences of social disintegration in black communities. Among the symptoms of disintegration, she lists the following: •
Family breakdowns, with increasing divorce rates, separation, single parenthood and teenage pregnancy
•
Breakdown of the authority of parents and teachers
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High unemployment and unemployability rates
•
High alcohol and drug abuse
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Low performance in all spheres of life, including school and skills training
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High crime rates and endemic violence at all levels of social interaction
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Despair and acceptance of the victim image
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Flight of skills and positive role models from the townships into higher-income areas.
Although black communities have suffered the greatest degree of disintegration, this social pathology is also evident in sections of the white community, and Ramphele cites family murders, and state and political violence as examples. Nor is this pathology a purely economic problem, because not all poor communities have shown the same degree of Social disintegration. The causes of social disintegration in black communities are complex, and include colonial conquest, subordination and repression, dispossession and impoverishment, rapid and massive urbanisation following the lifting of restrictions on movement, inadequate social services and infrastructure, forced removals and other disruptions of communities, the flight of potential role models from the townships, the destruction of family life by migrant labour and conditions in the hostels, the system of Bantu Education, disruption of schools, and indifferent or hostile job markets. Ramphele also points to a number of social and political developments that helped speed up the process of disintegration. These include the progressive alienation of young people from adult leaders and parents following the Sharpeville massacre, the involvement of children in the frontline of resistance, the politics of making South Africa ungovernable, school boycotts, people's courts, and the brutalisation of both victims and perpetrators by widespread violence.
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These diverse but systematically related factors have placed increasing strains on social relations, helped to entrench violence as a means of settling disputes, and have disrupted or destroyed community institutions and authority structures. In addition, some of the survival strategies adopted by black people in the face of hardship and repression have contributed to the process of disintegration. For example, Ramphele (1991:13) warns that "crime as a means of survival may become a way of life.” The development of a victim image encourages a culture of entitlement, and the use of tradition as a resource can lead to its misuse by powerful groups, or as a justification for irresponsible behaviour. The central conclusion of Ramphele's article is that social disintegration in the black community is a threat to all South Africans:
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It is a problem which requires an investment in time and resources, if we are to avoid a downward spiral. There may well be a point of no return in the escalating violence, which will engulf whole communities ... (Ramphele, 1991:16)
Social disintegration and crime While the role of poverty and unemployment in generating crime has been the subject of considerable attention and debate, the relationship of lawlessness and violence to the disintegration of the social fabric has received considerably less attention. There is also little evidence of systematic attempts to address the problems identified by Ramphele. These findings are consistent with conditions in the United States, where a failure to address problems of social integration has also been identified. For example, the NIJ study found that there was a substantial disconnection between what is known about community causes of serious violence and what this nation is doing about those causes. The scientific evidence that communities matter is strong. The evidence that serious crime is concentrated in a very small number of communities is even stronger. But the link between those facts and the design of prevention programs is very thin indeed (Sherman, 1996e: 23). The primary conclusion of this massive study is that the effectiveness of crime prevention in the United States will depend heavily on directing efforts at urban neighbourhoods where youth violence is highly concentrated. Substantial reductions in national rates of serious crime can only be achieved by prevention in areas of concentrated poverty, where the majority of all homicides in the nation occur, and where homicide rates are 20 times the national average (Sherman, 1996a:1). The report also argues that effective crime prevention in high-violence communities may require simultaneous interventions at several institutional levels, including communities, families, schools, labour markets, places (e.g, high-risk areas or "hot spots") and the police and criminal justice systems. There are several reasons why communities are regarded as central to crime prevention. Firstly, they provide the context in which all other institutions, such as families, schools, commercial enterprises, police and the criminal justice system, must operate. The success or failure of these institutions is therefore intimately linked with the community contexts in which they operate (Sherman, 1996c:1). Secondly, as crime originates from communities, the effectiveness of the criminal justice system often depends upon the community, family, and labour market contexts into which the offender returns home. "In a very important sense 202
correctional programs compete with the same home conditions that led the offender into correctional hands in the first place. Making corrections work, at least for the offenders it treats, may require the same changes of institutional context needed to make programmes and practices in other settings more effective" (Sherman, 1996b:11).
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This problem is clearly illustrated by our case study of the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence. In attempting to meet the psychological needs of individual victims of violence, programme staff were confronted by the reality that these individuals had to return to communities that were themselves traumatised and disrupted by violence. The problems of individual victims of violence could therefore not be addressed without also addressing the problems of the communities. Similar conditions apply to families and schools. For example, the American evidence shows that crime prevention programmes work best for families in the strongest communities, and that criminal justice programmes are least effective in communities where family violence is most prevalent. Similarly, it was found that schools situated in crime-ridden, disorganised communities were more likely to fail because they lacked the infrastructure necessary to support prevention programmes. Again, the case study of the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence shows that similar trends may exist in South Africa or at least in KwaZulu-Natal. This programme experienced major difficulties in implementing interventions in schools because of the weak position of teachers, their lack of support and trust from parents and educational authorities, and the involvement of many schools in violence in the past. This inter-linking of problems in impoverished and violence-ridden communities of course places major obstacles in the way of developing effective interventions for such communities. The sheer magnitude of the problems in such communities is a major discouragement to agencies charged with bringing about change, Yet, there are also indications that the strategies utilised to address problems in poor communities have not always been adequate. For example, the NIJ report argues that while the causes or risk factors of serious crime are basic and interconnected, community programmes that have tried to address crime are generally superficial and piecemeal. Furthermore, the ideology of empowerment and community-driven development has often resulted in programmes and interventions that make unrealistic demands on the already depleted resources of poor communities: Ironically, a central tenet of community prevention programs has been the empowerment of local community leaders to design and implement their own crime prevention strategies. This philosophy may amount to throwing people overboard and then letting them design their own life preserver. The scientific literature shows that the policies and market forces causing criminogenic community structures and cultures are beyond the control of neighbourhood residents, and that "empowerment" does not include the power to change those policies (Sherman, 1996c:2). As pointed out earlier, there is consistent evidence that neighbourhood watch programmes, for example, are least likely to succeed in poor neighbourhoods where crime is most rampant and where risk factors for crime and violence proliferate. The findings of the community studies in Meyerspark, Slovo Park, Mandela Square and Midrand suggest that similar conditions apply in at least some South African communities.
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In general the evidence from America and other parts of the world indicates that community-based crime prevention strategies have not succeeded in reducing crime. In particular, the evidence shows that community mobilisation alone "is ineffective against serious crime in low-income communities" (Sherman, 1996c: 25). Hope (1995) distinguishes between "vertical" and "horizontal" strategies of crime prevention. In the latter, crime prevention is focused on community members solving their own problems, while "vertical" solutions focus on the linkages between community life and decisions made at higher levels of power outside the community. Examples of such "vertical" strategies include street closing, improving street lighting, greater police attention to crime "hot spots", and possibly community policing forums. The NIJ report reaches the following conclusion: It may be that mobilisation alone cannot bear down directly on crime, and that the "horizontal" theory of community crime prevention is not likely to succeed. Further experimentation with different "vertical" tactics may be needed to find out if community mobilisation or other methods to affect decisions external to the local community can change such decisions in ways that cause local crime prevention (Sherman, 1996c:8). Before extending the argument that effective crime prevention in South Africa requires comprehensive and innovative interventions in our poorest communities, it is useful to consider some of the recent international findings relating to crime prevention in other institutional settings, particularly in families and schools. (a)
Family-based crime prevention
As the NIJ report on crime prevention in America points out, "perhaps the mast basic structural feature of any community is the condition of its families. Basic family practices in child-rearing, marriage, and parental employment appear to matter enormously in the criminality of both children and fathers" (Sherman, 1996b:8). This conclusion is partly based on hard data which show that while serious crime in the United States is ' geographically concentrated in a small number of high-crime communities, it is individually concentrated in families with anti-social parents, rejecting parents, parents in conflict, parents imposing inconsistent punishment, and parents who supervise their children loosely. Several analysts conclude that these risk factors are cumulative, and that the more of them a prevention program can address the better” (Sherman,1996f;2). The accumulated evidence also shows that the earlier family risk factors are addressed, the better, and that programmes for infants and young children may be most cost-effective in the long run, even if they are expensive in the short term. Family problems are more difficult to address later in life, especially family violence by adults. The need for early intervention is also supported by South African data, as the case study of the Medical Research Council`s National Trauma Research Programme has shown. It is also consistent with the interventions and (unfortunately limited) evaluation research undertaken by the Parent Centre in Cape Town (see case studies). While conclusive research findings on the effectiveness of early family interventions are not available in South Africa, there is considerable consensus among international scientists on what does work in family-based crime prevention. "Most of these conclusions have been reached independently by diverse scholars from diverse disciplines. ... Given the normal disagreements among social scientists, the level of
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consensus about these conclusions is striking" (Sherman,1996f:1). In particular, consensus is strong on the effectiveness of home visitation programmes similar to the programme of the Parent Centre case study: Perhaps the most promising results in all areas of crime prevention are found in the evaluations of home visitation programs. While these programs are often combined with other institutional elements, such as pre-school, there is a large and almost uniformly positive body of findings on this practice (Sherman,1996f:2.)
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Much of what is known about family-based crime prevention comes from evaluations established for other purposes, especially for human development programmes. "As programmes intended to improve parents' child-rearing skills, children's academic skills, or children's mental health, they have often resulted - almost coincidentally in reduced crime" (Sherman, 1996f:2). Another major issue relating to family-based crime prevention is domestic violence. Because domestic violence tends to be localised within specific families, it poses less of a threat to the public in general, and therefore has attracted less public concern than other, more random forms of violence. However, public complacency about domestic violence is misplaced, in that scientific evidence shows that domestic violence can breed violence that focuses on the community. "Being abused or neglected as a child increases a person’s risk for arrest as a juvenile by 53 percent, as an adult by 38 percent, and for violent crime by 38 percent. In addition abuse at an early age increases the risk of revictimisation” (Widom, cited by Witwer & Crawford, 1995:6). (b)
School based crime prevention
Schools are the most direct link between families and communities, and have great potential for crime prevention. Schools provide the most regular access to children 6
and the youth throughout their developmental years The schooling system also exists to help the youth develop as healthy and productive citizens, with teachers being paid to perform this task. Communities and parents usually also support schools in socialising the young. Furthermore, by teaching children to read, write and compute, schools may be performing the most important crime prevention practice, in that this provides the means for integration in the workplace and community (Gottfredson, 1996:I). However, as the NIJ report points out, in the United States "too many schools are overwhelmed by a criminogenic community context, crippled by the lack of parental support for learning and the breakdown of order in the classrooms" (Sherman, 1996b:8). It is precisely those schools whose populations are most in need of prevention and intervention services that are least able to provide those services. Although schools cannot be expected to reverse their communities' problems, they can influence their own rates of disorder (Gottfredson, 1996:1). Recent developments in South African educational policy, in particular Education Minister Kader Asmal’s recent "Call to action” strategy and Nine Priorities for Education and Training, lay a basis for strengthening the linkages between schools and communities and making schools the centres of community life: The school will truly become a centre of community and cultural life if its facilities are being put to use for youth and adult learning, community meetings, music and 205
drama, sports and recreation. ... There is a role in a community school for religious bodies, businesses, cultural groups, sports clubs and civic associations, both to serve their own requirements and to contribute to the school's learning programme both in and out of school hours." (Asmal, 1999:9) The Minister's vision includes not only the integration of school and community, but also the location of the school within a safe, stable and peaceful environment, and the regeneration of norms and values that would be supportive of learning and selfdiscipline. In order to address the problems of crime, vandalism, drug dealing, rape and sexual abuse, schools need to forge links with other community organisations and institutions, including the policing forums.
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Crime, violence and political transition With the exception of the discussion of social disintegration in South Africa, this chapter has so far focused on international findings on crime and crime prevention. It is necessary to ask ourselves therefore whether there are not unique features to the growth of crime and violence in South Africa and to what extent this might influence the relevance of international findings for our country. In particular, there is a need to locate the growth of crime in South Africa within its historical context. Shaw (1995a; 1995b; 1997) has argued that there is a clear link between South Africa's transition to democracy and the growth in crime. Increases in crime marked the political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as in Namibia just before and after independence. Shaw concedes, however, that it would be "dangerously simplistic" to see the growth in crime as purely a consequence of this transition. Although increases in crime in South Africa from 1990 may be seen as similar to the experiences of other countries in the process of transition, crime statistics show that levels of crime have always been high and that serious crime began increasing from the mid-1980s. Rather, as Shaw (1997:I) himself states, there is strong evidence to suggest that the roots of crime "lie in the apartheid system". Indeed crime statistics suggest that there was continuity in the causes of crime and that social processes that began in the apartheid era were accelerated by the transition. The evidence suggests that crime rates were high in the black townships before the political transition, but that whites were largely insulated from their effects by racial segregation. With the weakening and final collapse of apartheid, crime was allowed to move out of the townships and into the affluent white suburbs. The breakdown of formal, and especially informal, social control was evident before the transition, but was given added impetus by the restructuring of the state. "The bonds holding the society together are loosened in periods of instability, making crime more likely" (Shaw, 1995:20), Shaw's account is therefore not inconsistent with Ramphele's analysis of causes of social disintegration in South Africa. While Shaw’s interpretation is consistent with trends on both the national and international level, it leaves a number of questions unanswered. Firstly, it does not provide a full explanation for why crime rates were high before the transition. While he does link the high pre-transition crime rates to the system of apartheid, the dynamics of this relationship are not clear from his account. The closest Shaw (1995a:22) gets to explaining the dynamics of this relationship is his reference to "tentative theories" which "suggest that crime rates may be related to the effect on
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black family structure of apartheid laws and conditions they argue that influx control and other pressures which fragment black family life weakened parental control over children, prompting criminal behaviour. These theories are untested but if they contain some truth, the effects are unlikely to be reversed quickly." Given the high crime rates before the transition, questions arise as to whether there was any continuity in the conditions that fostered crime in the transitional period and those conditions that existed prior to the transition. In particular, the increase in serious crime from the mid-1980s is suggestive of continuity with crime trends in the 1990s. The dramatic decline in certain crimes such as robbery, housebreaking and assault during the mid- to late 1980s also raises questions to which Shaw has attempted to provide answers. For example, he (Shaw, 1995b) suggests that during momentous social and political events such as wars, political struggles and elections, criminals might be otherwise occupied, or the police may be less efficient in recording crimes. However, if the police were less efficient in recording crimes during such events, one would also expect them to be less efficient at preventing crime. Indeed Shaw (1995b & 1997) has also argued that during periods of instability, crime might increase because policing activities are diverted to controlling political violence and unrest. More convincing is his argument that heightened national awareness, greater concentration of political struggle and tighter community structures may prevent people from committing crimes. It has often been observed that greater social solidarity is encouraged during periods of war or external threat (Pease,1983, cited by Shaw,1995a), and politicians have often been adept at using the threat of war or foreign military adventures to galvanise national unity and support. For example, crime was shown to decrease in Britain during the Falklands War, as it has during important sporting events. Similarly, it has been shown that in spite of, or maybe because of, intense political conflict in Northern Ireland, the Northern Irish are less likely to be victims of crime than Americans or West Europeans. These trends are perhaps mirrored by crime statistics in South Africa. During the late 1980s, when the political struggle in South Africa intensified, there appeared to be a decrease in some crimes. Crime also dropped dramatically during the 1994 elections in South Africa. Shaw (1995a:20-22) offers two related hypotheses for the changes in crime brought about by the transition. The first of these "suggests that community bonds forged in response to state aggression held crime in check. More specifically, local resistance groups often launched anti-crime campaigns in the townships as their influence grew. The post-1990 negotiation period broke these linkages: not only did state repression weaken, but transition brought infra-community conflict." Political violence also left a legacy in that it weakened social control, "producing marginalised groups reliant on the conflict for a livelihood. The result has been to increase levels of crime as disaffected individuals (primarily township youth) become engaged in it. Secondly, Shaw suggests that South Africa’s reintegration into the world economy at a time of political transition may have created greater opportunities for the growth of organised crime and in particular drug trafficking, "as loopholes open and legal systems of regulation adapt to changing circumstances". For example, "political instability, lawlessness, unemployment, insufficient border control ... render [the African continent] an attractive manufacturing base and transit route for drug traffickers (CAICI, 1995 cited by Shaw, 1995a; 21). In particular, the availability of sophisticated firearms following colonial and post-colonial wars and conflicts in southern Africa has probably played an important role in the escalation of violent crimes. 207
Crime, development and social capital
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It is becoming increasingly common to see a strong relationship between crime and development. For example, the UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice (1995) stated that "freedom from crime, safety from violence at home and on the street, public safety and the means to make cities safer are essential ingredients of sustainable development" (Millner,1997:4). Although crime is increasing in almost all countries of the world, the cost of crime is disproportionately high for developing countries. The Nedcor Project on Crime, Violence and Investment, for example, estimated that crime cost South Africa R31 billion or 18% of the national budget for 1996/97 (Millner, 1997:3). A wide range of costs can be associated with crime. Besides the drain on financial resources caused by fighting crime, crime also disrupts economic activities, impacting, for example, on tourism, commuters and isolated farmers. It undermines investor confidence, discourages investment and aid, and is a major factor in the emigration of skilled and highly educated members of the work force. Development programmes themselves have been held up by crime. There is also a range of political costs, such as the creation of fear and insecurity, loss of confidence in governing structures (e.g. the police), vigilantism, strains on the criminal justice system, and violations of human rights. In addition, crime imposes private security costs on individuals and firms. However, crime is not only a cost and hindrance to development, but development has also been seen as a necessary precondition for addressing the problems of crime. For example, the 1993 Report of the Goldstone Commission concludes that "development has to be delivered to eliminate the socio-economic triggers of violence; but that delivery itself often triggers more violence". While there would appear to be some kind of relationship between crime and development, it is not altogether clear how this relationship functions, or what aspects of poverty may be related to crime. It is commonly suggested that high crime rates in South Africa are related to poverty and unemployment. Yet there are many countries that are poor in which rates of crime and interpersonal violence are relatively low. Research findings also do not support the belief that the unemployed are more likely to commit crime. As Shaw (1995:35) points out, the findings are contradictory. Some studies show an association between crime and unemployment, while others do not. Even if it was possible to show that crime rises during periods of high unemployment, this does not necessarily mean that the unemployed are responsible for the increased crime rate. This chapter has consistently highlighted the linkages between crime and development, although the emphasis has been more on the social than the economic aspects of development. It has argued that the risk factors of crime are tightly intertwined with the disintegration of the social fabric in poor communities, with family breakdowns and the erosion of communities, informal social controls and authority. Social disintegration and social capital The relationship between crime, development and social disintegration can perhaps best be understood in relation to the concept of social capital. In the first chapter social capital was defined as those "features of social life - networks, norms, and trust - that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared 208
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objectives" (Putnam,1995:664-665) . In other words, like physical capital, social capital represents resources that people can draw upon to solve common problems. Social capital also enhances the benefits of physical, financial and human capital. Poor and crime-ridden communities are usually not only poor in economic resources, but lack the social resources or social capital to address their problems. The process of Social disintegration identified by Ramphele can therefore be seen as the erosion of social capital. While Ramphele does not explicitly refer to social capital, the notion is implicit in a great deal of what she says. For example, in discussing the negative impact of some survival strategies utilised by black communities, she argues that "like all capital, the failure to service the resource base provided by survival strategies, has white-anted the very fabric of most black communities" (Ramphele, 1991:14). The concept of social capital also allows for a more systematic understanding of the processes and dynamics described by Ramphele. For example, a major implication of forced removals is that they destroyed social capital (i.e. social networks, norms and trash that had built up over many years. The following description by Don Pinnock (cited by Ramphele, 1991:10) of the consequences of the District Six removals, vividly illustrates this point: .., like a man with a stick breaking spider webs in a forest. The spider may survive the fall, but he can't survive without his web. When he comes to build it again he finds the anchors gone, the people are all over, and the fabric of generations lost. Similarly, the breakdown of families by the migrant labour system, the flight of positive role models from the townships, and the erosion of the authority of parents and teachers, all represent significant losses of social capital. With their depleted stocks of social capital communities and families are no longer able to exercise informal social controls over community members and children, to reinforce and give substance to the formal sanctions of the criminal justice system. In this social vacuum, criminal and youth gangs, vigilantes, comrades and warlords are free to build up private stocks of social capital and impose their own controls, norms and 8
interests on communities,
Inequality, social cohesion and violence As Wilkinson (1999a:1) points out in a recent article, there is now "substantial evidence" showing that when income differences are greater, people are less likely to trust one another, and rates of violence are likely to be higher. Not only has it been shown that inequality and social cohesion are related to violent crime, but also that inequality and low stocks of social capital have a major impact on the health of the population as a whole (KAWACHI et al.1999; Wilkinson,1999a & b). The accumulating evidence suggests that as inequalities increase, the quality of social relations deteriorates, violence increases and the population's health suffers. A study by Kennedy et al, (1998), for example, provides powerful evidence of the relationship between social capital and violent crime in the United States, In their national study the Harvard research team found high correlations between violent crime on the one hand and Social capital and income inequality on the other. The relationships between these variables held even after controlling for poverty and a measure for access to firearms. Their results suggest that it is not so much poverty (as absolute deprivation) that accounts for crime, but rather income inequality as a
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measure of relative deprivation. Income inequality is strongly associated with a decline in social trust, social disorganisation and low social cohesion. This suggests that "income inequality is powerfully related to the incidence of homicide and violent crimes via the depletion of social capital" (Kennedy et al,, 1998:15).
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Although it is as yet unclear exactly why social capital should play such an important role in determining levels of violence and health in society, a number of explanations have been offered, Kennedy et al, (1998:8), for example, hypothesise that communities which lack social capital are less effective in exerting informal social control over their members "through establishing and maintaining norms to reduce violence". Wilkinson (1999a & b), on the other hand, argues that the beneficial effects of social cohesion "may be less of a reflection of its direct effects, than of its role as a marker for the underlying psychological pain of low status". Emile Durkheim investigated the relationship between social disintegration and social well being in his study of suicide more than a hundred years ago. Durkheim was interested in suicide because he saw it as falling in the same category as economic conflict, crime and divorce, and was indicative of the "pathological state" of European society of the time (Nisbet, 1965:45). In his classic study, Durkheim declares that suicide "varies inversely with the degree of integration of the social group of which the individual forms a part" (Nisbet, 1965:46). When society is strongly integrated, individuals are restrained from taking their lives. Conversely, when Social ties are weakened, suicide increases, particularly among those groups that are marginalised. It is also of interest that Durkheim saw poverty as a restraint on suicide rather than a cause. Social capital is not only relevant to crime and health, but provides a necessary basis for development. Various studies have demonstrated that strong civic community (social capital), represented by strong and effective social relationships and networks, is not only a key to good governance, but also to sustained socio-economic development. As one of the foremost proponents of social capital, Robert Putnam (1993) argues that social capital is a vital ingredient in economic development. It operates through various means, including the creation of norms of reciprocity and trust, which allow for more efficient social interaction. It facilitates co-operation, coordination and communication to attain collective goals, and reduces incentives for opportunism and malfeasance. Furthermore, as James Coleman (1988) has demonstrated, it plays a vital role in creating human capital. If these arguments are accepted, and there appear to be relatively strong grounds for doing so, then it should be a major and urgent priority to address the issue of social capital in South Africa, especially in our poor communities. As we have tried to show, not only is social capital a vital factor in our high crime rates, but it is also a prerequisite for successful and sustainable development. Bonds and bridges Although there has been a tendency, particularly in the early literature, to assume that all social capital is good for development and, by implication, good for the poor, social capital can also have a negative side (Woolcock, 1997; Portes & Landolt, 1997; Narayan, 1999;). While social capital can foster greater cohesion in society, it can also lead to power differentials and exclusion. As Narayan (1999:5) puts it, "the same ties that bind also exclude. The non-overlapping nature of social networks of different social groups results in unequal opportunity to participate. Hence those who belong to social networks which already have access to the resource allocation 210
decisions of the state or the private sector (jobs, location of industry) are much more likely to continue to be included in societal processes than those who do not have 9
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such access,” While horizontal ties may be useful in providing communities with a sense of identity and common purpose, they can become a basis for the pursuit of narrow interests. This can have the effect of isolating poor and socially marginalised communities from access to information and material resources which would otherwise be of great assistance to them (e.g. tips about job vacancies, access to credit, etc,). Recognition of the downside of social capital has been useful in helping to generate distinctions between different types of social capital and the potential impacts that each might have on the public good. Woolcock (1997), for example, has advanced the debate by distinguishing between infra-community networks and extracommunity networks, and their implications for development. Narayan (1999:12) has developed this further by arguing that "for societal well-being or the collective good, a transition has to occur from exclusive loyalty to primary social groups to networks of secondary associations whose most important characteristic is that they bring together people who in some ways are different from the self." He therefore places considerable emphasis on cross-cuffing ties (or bridging social capital) between different social groups which "open up economic opportunities to those belonging to less powerful or excluded groups" (Narayan, 1999:1-2). The importance of crosscutting ties is that they "lead to the collective good of citizens, whereas networks and associations consisting of primary social groups without cross-cutting ties lead to the betterment of only those groups” (Narayan, 1999:13). Cross-cutting ties are particularly important to economic opportunity and social cohesion when power between groups is asymmetrically distributed, as in South Africa: While primary groups and networks undoubtedly provide opportunities to those who belong, they also reinforce pre-existing social stratification, prevent mobility of excluded groups, minorities or poor people, and become the bases of corruption and co-option of power by dominant groups (Narayan, 1999:13). Narayan's distinction between primary social ties and cross-cutting ties bears much in common with Putnam's distinction between "bonding capital" and "bridging capital", and with Granovetter's notion of "the strength of weak ties". As part of his study of labour markets, Granovetter (1973) found that job seekers were most likely to have first heard of jobs they eventually secured through contacts or people they 10
did not know well (i.e. weak ties ). Such observations led him to conclude that "whatever is being diffused can reach a larger number of people and transverse greater social distance when passed through weak ties rather than strong [ties] ... weak ties are [therefore] an important resource in making possible mobility opportunity" (Granovetter,1973:1366 & 1373). Although primary ties may reinforce inequalities under certain circumstances, this does not mean that "strong ties" should be rejected in favour of "weak ties". As Edwards (1999:7-8) has argued: Throughout history, strong primary associations have been essential to social progress - think of the civil rights movement or the value of strong women's groups in the fight against discrimination. Notions of the "common interest" seem somewhat fanciful in deeply-divided societies ... Clearly, at some stage of their struggle, people do need to make political alliances with other groups who can push change through; just as primary ties must extend into networks that can mediate the increasing range of social contacts people need 211
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to be successful, outside the clan tribe or village. As economies evolve, the demands of economic exchange grow more complex, and traditional social networks find it increasingly difficult to cope. ... However, the goal is not to dissolve traditional bonds completely, but to find a better way of balancing the advantages they bring with the benefits of bridging for both markets as for civic groups and networks. In Chapter 9 the discussion of Pagad and Mapogo-a-Mathamanga focused on the ways in which both of these organisations were able to transcend the limitations of the specific communities from which they arose by drawing on social networks and relationships beyond the community. On the other hand, both organisations maintained "strong ties" with the communities in addition to accessing resources from extra-community sources. While Pagad mobilised residents of the Cape Flats communities for its marches and protests against gangs and drug dealers, it also mobilised support by drawing on Muslim networks, identities and loyalties that transcended the Cape Flats communities. Although little is known about the precise mechanisms used by Pagad to access the considerable political and economic resources of the Muslim community in South Africa, this could provide the basis for a fascinating study. Similarly, Mapogo has made use of business interests, relationships and networks to create a vigilante network in the Northern Province and Mpumalanga. However, the organisation retained strong ties with the communities, which allowed it to access "inside" information on criminal activities originating from these communities, as well as allowing it to impress on communities the consequences of involvement in criminal activities. While there are strong grounds for rejecting both the methods and goals of Pagad and Mapogo, the fact remains that these two organisations have demonstrated considerable effectiveness in mobilising communities and external support, particularly when compared to conventional community-based organisations. At least in part, this effectiveness may be attributed to the use of both intro- and extra-community networks and resources. Even if we reject the goals and methods of vigilante organisations, we might still be able to learn from their organisational principles. A further dimension of the two organisations, but particularly of Mapogo, is that they appear to be more successful than either the criminal justice system or more conventional community-based organisations in incorporating community discourses on crime into their activities. Because crime is often an integral part of poor communities and victims and perpetrators often known to one another, residents of poor communities often have alternative views of crime and crime prevention. For example, they are less likely to place emphasis on punishment and law and order than on issues such as restitution and the rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders into the community. Because vigilante organisations such as Mapogo and Pagad have developed organically out of the communities they serve (rather than being introduced by external agencies), they are probably better placed to develop programmes of action that take community discourses into account. The strategy of combining intro- and extra-community resources bears some resemblence to the "vertical" approach to community-based development advocated by Hope (1995) and to certain strands of the social capital debate that have explored the relationship between community structures and the state. While the conventional ("horizontal") approach to community-based development places the emphasis on community members solving their own problems with largely their own resources, the "vertical" approach focuses on connecting communities to sources of power and resources in the wider society, Similarly, development theorists are increasingly 212
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turning their attention to the potential synergies in relationships between state and civil society. For example, in a review of a series of articles on social capital and government action, Evans (1996:1130) concludes that "creative action by government organisations can foster social capital", as well as enhancing the efficacy of government. Among the strategies reviewed by Evans is "scaling up" of existing social capital to create organisations that are sufficiently encompassing to pursue development goals effectively. Evans is also not daunted by the lack of social capital in developing communities: "Pre-existing endowments of social capital are valuable resources in the construction of synergistic relations, but they do not appear to be the decisive scarcity." The concept of social capital can be applied not only to communities but also to law enforcement agencies. Internationally there is a growing body of research suggesting that the style adopted by police in their relations with communities can prevent or encourage crime. Scientific evidence shows that the "police can themselves create a risk factor for crime simply by using bad manners"; that the less respectful police are towards suspects and citizens generally, the less people will comply with the law. For example, it was found that repeat domestic violence was lowest among arrestees who thought that the police had treated them respectfully. Similarly, a powerful effect on recidivism was associated with police taking the time to listen to the offender's side of the stony (Sherman, 1997d:1 & 22). In the terminology of social capital, the police can be seen as building up social capital with the community by being respectful, and of eroding their social capital when they use bad manners. The relevance of these findings is obvious for South Africa where the legitimacy of the police has been severely eroded by their identification with the enforcement of apartheid polices and their use of brutal and unlawful methods.
Multisectoral intervention An issue that is related to building social capital between communities and external agencies such as the state, concerns the relationships that exist between external agencies involved in crime prevention. In order to ensure the effectiveness of crime prevention, external agencies have to co-operate with one another and co-ordinate their activities. In this they face similar difficulties to those of communities whose members need to co-operate with one another, just as external agencies such as the state need to ensure the co-operation of communities and civil society. The public health model places considerable emphasis on mufti-sectoral collaboration in combating crime, violence and injury. The need for comprehensive and multisectoral interventions also received attention in the case studies. As stated in the first chapter of this book, the NCPS also emphasised intersectoral collaboration. Six departments - Police, Justice, Correctional Services, Welfare, National Intelligence Services and the Defence Force - were represented by their respective ministers and directors-general on the main NCPS committee. In addition, a number of other departments such as Transport, Home Affairs, Finance and the South African Revenue Services were also involved, although to a lesser degree than the six core departments. An incentive system to encourage intersectoral collaboration had also been established under the auspices of the RDP and Vice-President's Office by providing funding for intersectoral projects. As Steven Friedman (1998), director of the Centre for Policy Studies, pointed out in a recent policy brief, co-ordination between government departments "is not natural, they have their own programmes and budgetary interests, and will not easily 213
abandon them in the interests of a common goal." He also argues that co-ordination is unlikely to be achieved simply by demanding it or setting up structures, and that the RDP office was phased out because the government was unable to achieve co11
ordination by simply establishing an institution that mandated it.
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Co-ordination can also be extremely time-consuming (and therefore expensive), particularly when the parties involved do not share common goals and visions, and where the ground rules of co-ordination have not been clearly laid out. Negotiating a co-ordinated approach, roles, functions and jurisdictions can be an extremely complex and difficult task, particularly where departmental priorities clash or specific interests are threatened. With most government departments under pressure to deliver, the time and effort demanded by co-ordination may therefore exceed the rewards that each party may gain from it. A related difficulty is that co-ordination between government departments usually needs to take place at several levels. Officials lower down in the hierarchy usually do not have the authority to implement co-ordinated initiatives, even if they are able to see the benefits of such co-ordination. Similarly, co-ordination at high levels such as the cabinet, for example, will not automatically secure a common vision and commitment to co-ordination from officials at lower levels who are responsible for implementing co-ordinated initiatives. It is also difficult for those operating at the top of a hierarchy to understand or foresee all the practical difficulties and conflicts that can arise during implementation. In a sense, therefore, intergovernmental coordination can be a source of problems as well as a solution. While high-level political commitment to intersectoral co-ordination may provide a strong incentive for co-ordination at lower levels, as Friedman (1998:3) points out, this is not always enough: ... lines of authority do not always stretch down to the operational level. Coordination is therefore likely to be achieved only if public service rules and budgets reward co-operation. Often they do not; any policy which relies on co-operation is therefore obliged to give attention to the incentives for and disincentives to it 12
within the system.
In a more detailed treatment of the problems relating to intergovernmental relations, Gotz and White (1997) argue that intergovernmental co-ordination is "unlikely to be realized unless policy makers begin to think through much of the mythology that surrounds the IGR concept." They argue that it is crucial to focus on the ultimate desired outcomes of policy processes, and then to choose the most appropriate means for achieving these outcomes. The development of strategies, particularly at the operational level, should therefore precede the establishment of structures and systems of co-ordination: In a highly bureaucratic institution such as the public service, this is not always possible, but creative ways should be sought to find an appropriate fit between a plan and the execution of it. Effective co-ordination requires skills and commitment, both of which may not be readily apparent in all sectors of government (Gotz & White, 1997:61-62). It may be that the whole emphasis on intersectoral or intergovernmental coordination is misplaced. Co-ordination is the means of achieving goals and not the goal itself. This suggests that instead of regarding intersectoral collaboration and intergovernmental relations as the central goal, policies and programmes should rather strive for the comprehensiveness and effectiveness of policies and 214
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interventions. As the NIJ report argues, mufti-agency co-ordination is no guarantee that problems will be effectively addressed. "To be comprehensive in addressing risk factors is very different from being comprehensive in mobilising all available agencies of government. Recent comprehensive crime prevention programs merit the term more by agency participation than by risk factors" (Sherman,1996c:2). An integral part of this problem is that many risk factors do not have any obvious agency to address them, and quite often even those agencies with a clear mandate to address a specific problem area, do not have the resources to do so effectively and comprehensively. Effective and comprehensive responses to problems such as crime and violence do not always require high-level co-ordination between sectors. The problem of domestic violence provides a good example. It has often been observed that health practitioners have greater contact with victims of domestic violence than do the police and courts, and that medical staff are often better placed than police officers to obtain the co-operation of victims. This suggests that health personnel, together with the police, courts and welfare services, can play a crucial role in the identification, intervention in and prevention of family violence (Witwer & Crawford, 1995). Addressing the issue of domestic violence, however, does not necessarily entail high-level co-ordination between health, justice, welfare and police sectors. Instead the problem may be addressed by training hospital and clinic staff to identify victims and provide appropriate support and by establishing effective referral procedures to other sectors. In other words, the problem can be addressed within a specific department or sector without infringing on the authority and vested interests of other departments or sectors. Edward Jennings (cited by Gotz and White,1997:45-46) has summed this situation up well: The crux of the problem, then, is that co-ordination, the linking together of resources and processes to achieve desired outcomes, cannot be attained through the command and control techniques of hierarchical management. Instead, bridges must be built between programmes and across organisations that can contribute to a common purpose. In building such bridges, it is crucial to move away from the conception that co-ordination occurs only when there is central direction. It also can be a product of interaction, bargaining and negotiation among autonomous organisations. The issues raised by Jennings again point to the relevance of social capital, even in the context of co-ordination of government activities. In particular, the idea of building bridges between programmes and across organisations is reminiscent of the language of social capital, because the building of bridges between social agents is an important function of social capital. A major focus of the next section therefore is on strategies and interventions that involve the building of bridges between social agents involved in crime prevention, be this on the level of communities, the state or between the two.
Building social capital While we have long been aware of the problems of social disintegration and of how public policy can destroy social capital, we have been less successful in identifying ways to counter social disintegration or to build social capital. Even Ramphele (1991), who provides a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics and causes of social disintegration, offers very little in the way of strategies to address the problem. In part, this failure may be due to the relatively recent development of the concept of social capital, and in part to the daunting nature of the task of addressing issues like 215
social disintegration. Some theorists and policy makers would argue that the disintegration of communities and families is both inevitable and irreversible, and that other means have to be found to address the gap. This position is challenged by the NIJ report: Whether police, courts and prisons can fill the gap left by weak families and socially marginal communities is a question subject to debate in both politics and social science. But it may be the wrong question to ask, at least initially. The premise of the question is that the breakdown of the basic institutions of crime prevention is inevitable. Yet for over a century, a wide range of programs has attempted to challenge that premise. Entirely new institutions, from public schools to social work to the police themselves ... have been invented to provide structural support to families and communities. ... Rather than simply assuming their failure,
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it seems wiser to start by taking stock of their efforts. (Sherman, 1996b:6)
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Clearly more concerted and innovative thinking will have to be applied to the problem of social capital, particularly in South Africa where the size of the problem is overwhelming and research into social capital is no more than a few years old. More systematic research on social disintegration and social capital is not only needed to address effective crime prevention, but also as a basis for social and economic development. There are, however, several pointers that emerge from our case studies and from the wider literature that suggest ways in which the problems of social disintegration and social capital may be approached: •
For example, the Survivors of Violence case study offers some insights on how the individually oriented strategies of clinical psychology can be applied to Social disintegration. A unique feature of the Survivors Programme is that it has broadened the concept of psychological integrity to include the integrity of small groups, communities and society as a whole. Various strategies have been developed in the programme to address problems of fragmentation and disintegration at different levels of society. For example, strategies have been developed to build social relationships between individuals, groups and communities, to build trust and caring behaviour, and to rebuild fragmented social structures. Unfortunately, no systematic or outcome evaluation has yet been performed on the programme, so it is not possible to assess how effective these strategies have been.
•
Secondly, evidence (some of which is reviewed in this chapter) appears to be accumulating that community-based approaches that throw communities back onto their own resources are doomed to failure in highly impoverished and socially fragmented communities. While most of the evidence emanating from evaluations of community-based crime prevention projects is from studies outside South Africa, the local case studies indicate that similar conditions may apply here, as elsewhere. The case study of the Centre for Peace Action (CPA) Programme, for example, illustrates the major difficulties that programme workers experience in mobilising community members for crime and injury prevention. The case studies of Eldorado Park and Meyerspark communities also lend credence to the difficulties in mobilising poor communities to fight crime.
•
In Chapter 9 we distinguished between "horizontal" and "vertical" approaches to community mobilisation. While the "horizontal" approach emphasises community members solving their own problems, the vertical approach focuses on the linkages between community life and decisions made at higher levels of power (outside the community).In South Africa both research and practice have focused 216
largely on horizontal approaches to community-based development, with very 14
little attention devoted to "vertical" strategies. This probably relates to the gap between communities and government under apartheid, as well as to the populist emphasis on community participation and community empowerment that immediately followed the election of a democratic government. There is therefore a clear need for innovative thinking and focused evaluations of "vertical" strategies of community mobilisation in South Africa.
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•
There is a need to consider and evaluate some of the new approaches in the field of community-based development. One of these is the asset-based approach for building communities "from the inside out" of McKnight and Kretzmann of NorthWestern University in the United States. McKnight and Kretzmann have developed an asset-based approach (as opposed to a needs-driven approach to community development that essentially involves identifying, regenerating and utilising Social and human capital within communities. They have achieved considerable successes in applying their approach to impoverished and Socially devastated communities in the United States. The assumption underlying the asset-based approach is that although poor communities may lack social resources and power, these resources are not completely lacking. A great deal more can be attained by effectively mobilising existing social resources than by focusing on the overwhelming needs of poor and socially devastated communities.
While the development of strategies to counter the effects of social disintegration and build social capital is still in its infancy, a number of promising approaches and interventions are beginning to emerge from the social capital debate. These include both micro- and macro-level interventions. Micro-level interventions Although the development of strategies and interventions to build social capital is a relatively new endeavour, there is a wealth of experience within community development practice that has major relevance for the social capital perspective. While these community development practices were not necessarily conceived within a social capital perspective, they addressed issues that have considerable relevance to this perspective. One example is the asset-based approach that has developed strategies for mobilising the human capital and social capital resources of poor communities. Others such as the Local initiatives Support Corporation (LISC) demonstration which has been active in various areas of the United States since 1979, have tried to enhance social capital within low-income communities and fostered bridges between residents of low income communities and the larger metropolitan area support community (Gittel & Vidal, 1998). Community development strategies that have been applied in poor communities in the US and which have relevance for building social capital, include the following: •
The establishment of development structures that cross racial, ethnic, and class lines.
•
Efforts to bring together residents with business owners and managers of local non profit organisations such as hospitals and social service agencies.
•
Providing links to outside resources and opportunities that motivate and sustain the community development activity. 217
From a social capital perspective, Narayan (1999:2) has summed up the main requirements for building social capital in poor communities: "First, it is vital to invest in the organisational capacity of the poor. This requires investment at the micro level, and also changes in rules and laws at the macro level, in order to support associational activity. A second critical area of investment is in fostering cross-cutting ties (or bridging social capital) among groups.”
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The asset-based approach An approach to community development that has focused on strengthening the organisational capacity of the poor as well as fostering cross-cutting ties is the assetbased approach of Kretzmann & McKnight (1993). Essentially Kretzmann & McKnight have developed a methodology for mapping the resources of poor communises. This not only involves making an inventory of the knowledge, skills and talents (i.e, the human capital) of individuals and households, but also of mapping the associations, networks and institutions (i.e. the social capital) that exist in the community. Having mapped these resources and made community members aware of them, the next step involves building co-operative relations between individuals, associations and institutions in order to mobilise these resources for building or developing the community. Asset maps may be used in various ways to foster development. For example, persons with complementary skills can be brought together to start new enterprises, linkages can be established between skills in the community and local employers, skills may also be mobilised for teaching other community members or for contributing to and strengthening community organisations. In addition, the methodology makes provision for identifying, activating and linking local associations, including formal institutions such as businesses and state agencies, in the service of development. Although the asset-based approach was developed outside of the social capital discourse and uses different terminology, its essential concerns are very similar to 15
those of the social capital debate. Its major strategies are focused on the identification and mobilisation of social and human capital resources in communities and involve an understanding of the dynamics of socio-economic development that mirrors the understanding that has developed within the social capital debate. Not only does it advocate strengthening the institutional capacities of poor communities through the linking of horizontal associations, but it also promotes the development of linkages between local associations and more formal institutions outside of the community (cross-cutting ties or "bridging" social capital). Although the methodology developed for the asset based approach also places considerable emphasis on human capital, its approach to human capital is to link persons with complementary skills into co-operative enterprises. In other words, it approaches human capital from a social capital perspective, using social capital strategies to mobilise under-utilised human capital. In fact, the underlying concern of the asset-based approach is in building community from the inside out, an emphasis that fits well with concerns relating to increasing stocks of social capital in poor communities. A further characteristic of the asset-based approach is the radical distinction it draws between needs-based approaches and asset-based approaches to development. The dominant approach to development both in South Africa and other parts of the world has been needs-driven. This approach starts out by focusing on the needs, deficiencies and problems of poor communities, and devises strategies to address these needs and problems. In fact the most common approach to initiating development projects is to start out with a needs assessment. Kretzmann & McKnight (1983) maintain that the needs-based approach creates mental maps of communities 218
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that encouraged its members to think about themselves as fundamentally deficient and as powerless victims of their circumstances. This is because: •
The needs-based approach focuses on the problems and deficiencies of communities rather than their strengths, and thus creates a negative image of the community. These deficiency images are often internalised by local residents who look increasingly to the state and other external agencies to solve their problems for them.
•
As the needs and deficiencies of poor communities are often overwhelming, the needs-based approach serves to discourage and disempower communities rather than encourage and empower them.
•
community members and their leaders are encouraged by the needs-based approach to dwell upon, and even exaggerate, their needs and deficiencies because qualifying for aid often depends upon showing that one's needs and problems are greater than those of others.
•
Powerlessness and dependence in turn create attitudes of hopelessness and entitlement that act as a drain on the limited resources of service-delivery and development agencies.
•
The needs-based approach also tends to fragment efforts to find solutions to the interrelated problems of poor communities by sectorally specific interventions.
•
In conjunction with the focus on sectoral interventions and external services is the tendency to direct funds towards potential helpers rather than the communities themselves.
•
Finally, as research and research funding agencies are predominantly needs- and problem-oriented, our knowledge of poor communities is skewed towards their problems and weaknesses rather than their capacities and strengths.
While the image of deficiency created by the needs-based approach may represent part of the truth about these communities, it does not represent the whole truth. Kretzmann and McKnight (1993) argue that there is nothing natural or inevitable about this process of emphasising and servicing needs. The alternative, they maintain, is to focus on the capacities, skills and social resources of poor people and their communities. This is not to deny that poor communities have problems and deficiencies, but rather to start out from what the community has rather than from what it does not have. In spite of their needs and problems, all poor communities do have some resources, but these tend to be forgotten when the focus falls on their overwhelming needs and problems Furthermore, the focus on resources within the community does not necessarily ignore the external context of and constraints on poor communities, nor does it imply that these communities do not need additional resources from outside. Rather the "asset-based" approach argues that development requires as thorough an understanding of assets or resources, as it does of needs. It also suggests that outside resources can be more effectively utilized if the community has already mobilized its own resources and defined the agendas for the utilization of external resources.
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Macro-level interventions Fox (1996a), for example, explores the relationship between social capital and local government and in particular the conditions that are necessary to overcome negative legacies of the past. His focus is therefore on macro factors, specifically the enabling environments for social capital accumulation. While acknowledging that it is difficult to encourage genuine participation where social capital is weak, he argues that it is possible for governments to create enabling environments that "lower the costs of collective action while increasing the payoffs." Firstly, governments need to reduce disincentives for participation by ensuring that the entire population has access to civil and political rights. This includes addressing the persistence of "authoritarian enclaves" in which members of under-represented or vulnerable groups, such as the poor, women, and ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, feel discouraged to 16
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participate within otherwise democratic contexts.
Besides removing disincentives, governments can also create positive incentives for participation by encouraging both the reality and perception that citizen action can influence important government decisions. A necessary, but not sufficient precondition for informed participation is policy transparency at all levels of government. Citizens need to be able to hold officials accountable, and in order to do so require access to information. Informed participation may therefore be facilitated by "watchdog institutions in civil society" that can both interpret government policy and provide independent evaluations of government performance. Another example relates to the use of media campaigns. Tendler (1997) provides various examples of how the regional government of Ceara in Northeast Brazil was able to facilitate greater accountability among public servants and greater participation by citizens. These examples included public information campaigns, prizes for good performance, public screening methods for new recruits, orientation programmes, and boasting through the media about its successes. All of these contributed to boosting the sense of "calling" of public officials to their jobs, and helped to generate greater trust between officials and the public. Both the media and independent research institutions are important in this regard. However, horizontal exchanges of information are also important in finding common ground between developing communities and interests: Exchanges among different leaders from different neighborhoods or villages can also contribute to the process of overcoming barriers to the perception of shared problems. If local organizations are able to come together across territorial, ethnic and other boundaries, they can discover where they share potential allies and opponents elsewhere in the political system. This kind of horizontal exchange is especially important for articulating and defending interests of social, cultural and ethnic groups that may be under-represented in public life (Fox, 1998a). Such horizontal exchanges of information, Fox argues, can encourage scaling up, in that they provide a basis for informed decisions about whether and how to coordinate strategies to increase citizen bargaining power. It also allows decisionmaking to move beyond narrow community interests to interests that are representative of the city, district or regional levels. While such examples of "scaling up" are usually dependent on local initiatives, they may also be facilitated in various ways by the state. A concrete example of this relates to the Mexican government's provision of transport to allow peasants from different local areas to meet together (Evans, 1996b). Decisions to use state 220
resources for the "scaling up" of local organisations is of course dependent upon recognition of the benefits that can accrue from it, and an understanding of development processes within the social capital perspective could certainly contribute to this recognition.
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Scaling up and fostering cross-cutting ties It is for reasons like those discussed above that the concept of scaling up has begun to assume increasing importance within the social capital debate. Evans, for example, concedes that stocks of social capital are important to the creation of synergy, but believes that the key issue involves "scaling up", the move from parochial identities to more encompassing forms of organisation that are politically and economically efficacious. Scaling up allows for the horizontal exchange of experiences and opinions, helps to overcome barriers to the identification of shared problems, potential allies and opponents, and therefore to co-ordinated strategies which increase citizen bargaining power (Fox, 1996a). In addition to increasing the power of local communities, scaling up can have a number of benefits for the development process in general. For example, it allows for greater economies of scale, increases the possibilities of intersectoral collaboration, provides for larger pools of skills from which development projects can draw. It may also allow for the employment of permanent, paid staff in place of unpaid volunteers, and can significantly decrease the travelling costs of development agents (Hagg, Emmett & Marais, 1999:64-65). Scaling up may also attract greater political and financial resources, allow for the recruitment of better-trained managers, and create access to technical support. All of these have the potential to impact positively on the effectiveness and sustainability of development projects. While the concept of scaling up has for the most part been applied to linking communities with common problems and shared interests, it also has potential in other situations in which common interests are not so obvious. For example, poor working class communities might find common cause with affluent middle class communities if both are threatened by pollution from the same industrial plant, and find common grounds for co-operation while their interests are opposed in other respects. Even in those cases where the interests of communities appear to be diametrically opposed, such as between adjacent squatter and formally housed communities, social interaction between formerly isolated communities can produce mutually beneficial outcomes (Emmett, 1992). A further advantage of scaling up is that it allows communities to transcend primary relationships and fosters the development of cross-cutting ties or bridging social capital. The social capital literature points to a number of ways in which cross-cutting ties can produce political and economic benefits. Besides helping communities (and individuals) to transcend narrow and exclusionary identities, cross-cutting ties can open up new opportunities for access to information, material resources and opportunities to participate more fully in economic and political activities. Crosscutting ties also have the potential to empower communities through the recognition of common interests with other communities and groups and common political mobilisation. Involvement in local government represents just one of these opportunities. Scaling up and fostering cross-cutting ties are clearly related to one another in that scaling up involves the creation of cross-cutting ties on a systematic basis, Various strategies have been proposed for fostering cross-cutting ties. Narayan (1999:3843), for example, identifies the following seven mechanisms: 221
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(a)
Information; The free flow of information is essential for creating equal opportunity, building consensus, and keeping the state accountable. In particular information about employment and investment opportunities is important to counteract the isolation of excluded or marginalised groups. The information revolution has opened up many new possibilities for making information accessible to formerly marginalised groups. In Bangladesh, for example, a programme sponsored by Grameen Telecom has provided cell phones to poor, landless women, giving them "the power to connect people to relatives, friends or businesses anywhere in the world" (Narayan, 1999:39)
(b)
Inclusive participation; "Citizen voice, participation and representation of all social groups in state decision-making generate consensus, trust and social learning" and also help to keep the state accountable.
(c)
Conflict management mechanisms: Conflict management (including the justice system) is critical to the creation of socially cohesive societies in which people feel secure and are willing to invest. Interventions should not only be reactive, but proactive preventing conflict and not just resolving it. An important strategy in conflict prevention is to increase social interaction among groups that previously had little to do with one another. The state also has an important role to play in providing social and economic safety nets to protect families in times of violence and transition.
(d)
Education and values: Because of the long periods that children and youth spend in educational institutions, schools play a critical role in socialisation, and especially the promotion of values relating to nationhood, citizenship, ethics, tolerance and mutual respect.
(e)
Economic restructuring: Economic restructuring such as the construction of large dams or the development of large housing schemes, can lead to the displacement of large numbers of people. "Unless careful attention is paid to the existing Social institutions, even nominally redistributive programmes may reinforce current or create new social and economic cleavages.” (Narayan, 1999:42)
(f)
Governance and decentralisation: Narayan (1999:42) argues that in order for decentralisation to lead to more accountable government, mechanisms have to be put in place to ensure the two-way flow of information between local governments and citizens. This would include mechanisms that channel information about government resources, programmes and performance to citizens, as well as mechanisms through which citizens can convey their preferences to local government. The tendency in decentralisation has been to focus on the creation of devolved state structures rather than on the society in which these new structures function.
(g)
Demand-oriented delivery; Co-operation between the state and civil society in the delivery of services "creates synergy and complementarily in the management of local public resources", as well as contributing to sustainability. A demand-oriented approach to delivery usually requires fundamental changes in the missions, roles, values and indicators of success of delivery agencies.
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Addressing inequality In the context of recent research findings that link social capital and crime to inequality, building social capital without addressing inequality would be like treating the symptoms of an illness rather than its causes. As Braithwaite (cited by Kennedy et al.,1998:15) concluded, programmes that simply target the poor would not have a significant impact on overall crime rates in society. Rather it is necessary to implement gross economic measures to reduce the gap between the poor and the rest of the population:
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This view runs against the conventional violence prevention wisdom which usually only targets high risk individuals and groups rather than attempting to shift the underlying societal forces that give rise to a high incidence of violence in the population (Kennedy et al., 1998:15). While it is beyond the scope of this book to explore macro-economic policies to address inequality in South Africa, the argument developed here does provide support (from an unexpected quarter) for government policies aimed at addressing inequality in the country. The need to address the underlying causes of inequality, however, does not necessarily make attempts to build social capital in poor communities irrelevant or redundant, While we still have a great deal to learn about the intricacies of the relationship between inequality, social capital and crime, current knowledge of social capital suggests that we may be dealing with a chicken and egg problem. While inequality may erode social capital, low stocks of social capital in poor and socially devastated communities represent one of the dimensions of inequality itself. In other words, deficiencies in the social capital of poor communities is but one of the disadvantages that prevent poor communities from securing a fairer share for themselves. Building the social capital of such communities can therefore strengthen their capacities to address other needs (e,g. economic and human capital) and close the gap between them and more privileged communities.
Getting to grips with crime and violence in South Africa: Some basic principles and guidelines This book has covered a broad range of themes and issues relating to the proactive and long-term prevention of crime and violence. To conclude this final chapter therefore we highlight a number of key principles that could be used to guide a new approach to crime and violence prevention in South Africa. These principles may also serve as a summary of the major findings of the study and provide a map to the more detailed material in the text.
1
The need for long-term strategies
A central argument of this book has been that, besides addressing the immediate problems of crime and violence in South Africa, we also need long-term strategies for addressing the underlying causes of crime. Such strategies need to be proactive and have to transcend the limited foci of the criminal justice system and the protective (rather than preventative) strategies of civil society.
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2
A knowledge-based approach to crime and violence
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In keeping with the public health approach there is a need to transcend the limitations of ideological and emotive interpretations of crime and apply scientificallybased principles in the search for more effective means for fighting crime and violence. In particular, greater resources need to be invested in the rigorous evaluation of crime prevention projects and strategies. In the final analysis, crime prevention should be defined by results, not intentions or methods. Recent international research findings have challenged many of the entrenched public attitudes to crime and crime prevention For example, there is little evidence •
that continuing policies of increased incarceration will have a major impact on crime;
•
that increasing the size of the police force or improving their response time will significantly reduce crime;
•
and that community-based programmes such as neighbourhood watch can make an impact on crime in poor areas.
There is therefore a need for systematic scientific evaluation of crime prevention strategies in order to determine which work and which do not. Particularly in South Africa, where research resources are limited, there is a need for greater financial inputs into evaluation research, as well as for the strategic management of research funds.
3
Prevention should be based on the analysis of risk factors
A prominent feature of the scientific approach to prevention is the analysis of risk factors as a basis for the development of prevention strategies. This focus on risk factors is not only supported by the scientific evidence, but also makes provision for a broad perspective which takes into account perpetrators, victims and contextual factors. The analysis of risk factors also focuses attention on the areas in which crime is most concentrated and the social groups that are most at risk as both perpetrators and victims of crime and violence.
4
A more comprehensive approach to crime prevention
This book consistently stresses the need for more comprehensive approaches to crime and violence protection. The need for comprehensiveness occurs on different levels, including the following: •
Using a diversity of prevention strategies, e.g. educational, behavioural, environmental, legal and enforcement
•
Addressing injury prevention on the primary, secondary and tertiary levels
•
Using mufti-disciplinary approaches to understanding and preventing crime
•
Involving different sectors in crime prevention
•
Focusing on victims, perpetrators and contexts
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•
Addressing both crime and the fear of crime
•
Paying attention to both the problems and the settings of crime and violence
•
Addressing crime and violence on the levels of the individual, social groups, communities and society
•
Thinking about crime in terms of both prevention and safety promotion.
The point of comprehensiveness is not to use as many strategies as possible, but rather to determine which strategy or combinations of strategies would be most effective.
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5 Safety promotion versus crime and injury prevention The ways in which we think about problems influence the kinds of solutions we create to address them. This applies to both crime and injury prevention, which are seen in the negative terms of a nuisance that needs to be removed or constrained. A more positive approach is to think in terms of safety as a value that needs to be promoted or preserved. According to Maurice et al. (1997:5-6) the emphasis on crime and injury prevention has various negative consequences: •
It partitions initiatives and agencies according to the kinds of problems they address.
•
It ignores the fact that problems are often as interrelated as their solutions.
•
It isolates interveners and their enterprises from one another.
•
It decreases the efficiency of initiatives and jeopardises the emergence of global solutions.
In order to address these constraints, Maurice et al, (1997) have proposed a model of safety promotion that combines a "problem-orientation" with a "settingorientation". The latter provides for addressing a range of related problems within a specific location and the development of more global solutions.
6 Crime and unintentional injuries An important feature of the public health approach is that it has an integrated approach to intentional and unintentional injuries. The very concept of safety promotion is premised on an integrated approach to prevention that takes into account not only those threats to safety associated with crime and violence, but also unintentional threats such as traffic accidents. While at first glance there may appear to be clear differences between intentional and unintentional injuries, the division between the two forms of injury is often blurred. As pointed out in Chapter 3, most traffic accidents causing death or serious injury involve criminal or traffic offences. There is also a tendency in societies to exercise legal control over behaviours and artefacts that often lead to injuries. It is therefore an offence to drive without a seatbelt, and there are various laws governing the possession and use of firearms. Intentional and unintentional injuries often share common causes and risk factors. An obvious example is alcohol abuse, which is strongly associated with both interpersonal violence and a broad range of unintentional injuries such as traffic 225
accidents, drownings, etc. It is also quite common for specific segments of the population (such as the youth, the aged and poor and disadvantaged people) to be exposed to greater risk of both intentional and unintentional injuries. In many instances this is associated with common risk factors (e.g. risk-taking behaviours of the youth or frailty of the aged) that increase the probability of injury from both sources.
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There are therefore clear advantages to dealing with intentional and unintentional injuries in an integrated manner. Not only does an integrated approach allow for a more holistic view of safety issues and for more integrated prevention strategies, but it also allows one to explore interactions between different risk factors. An integrated approach to the two sources of injury has the added advantage of supporting more caring attitudes in society and a respect for life. Because intentional and unintentional injuries both involve a threat to life, it is inconsistent to care about violent crime, but not, for example, about the carnage on the roads. This is particularly so in those situations in which people perceive crime as a threat to themselves, but unintentional injuries as a threat to others less fortunate than themselves.
17
7 The importance of social and institutional factors In understanding and preventing crime, we need to give more attention to social and institutional issues, and in particular to the informal social controls that families, communities, schools and labour markets play in controlling crime and violence. This is particularly important in South Africa where colonialism, apartheid and racial inequality have severely eroded the social fabric of poor and historically disadvantaged communities. We need also to gain a better understanding of the implications for crime prevention when key institutions like the family and the community break down, and why crime is so often concentrated in specific communities. We need to move beyond a narrow focus on the criminal justice system in order to address crime prevention at other institutional levels such as communities, families, schools and labour markets. This is because •
Crime prevention strategies may only be effective within institutional contexts that are strong enough to support them;
•
Families, communities, schools, churches and work contexts discourage crime by creating commitments to conventional life patterns that would be endangered by crime;
•
The effectiveness of the criminal justice system often depends upon the community, family, and labour market contexts into which the offender returns;
•
There is strong agreement among both scholars and policy makers that a stable family life, with consistently disciplined children and supportive communities are the best antidotes against crime and violence.
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8 Targeting high-crime communities and families The concentration of crime in communities that have undergone severe social disintegration suggests that it is necessary to target such communities for comprehensive interventions that not only address policing, but also community building. Similar conditions apply to families where risk factors are concentrated, and this emphasises the need for interventions (such as home visitation programmes) for high-risk families.
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9 Inter-sectoral co-ordination and comprehensiveness More comprehensive programmes that address the social disintegration of communities and families are required in South Africa. While the causes or risk factors of serious crime are basic and interconnected, community programmes that have tried to address crime are generally superficial and piecemeal. In this regard, there is a need to distinguish between intersectoral co-ordination and comprehensiveness. The involvement of many different agencies in a programme does not necessarily secure comprehensiveness. Comprehensive programmes can be implemented by a single agency. Co-ordination is not an end in itself but a means of achieving comprehensiveness or efficiency. Furthermore, intergovernmental coordination cannot simply be commanded from above, but also needs to be driven from below and supported with incentives, skills and commitment. There is also a need to build "bridges" between programmes and across organisations that can support common goals. Co-ordination is as much a product of interaction, bargaining and negotiation among autonomous organisations, as it is of policy and central direction.
10 Training professionals for crime and violence prevention In the medium and long term, the effectiveness of crime prevention will in large measure depend upon the appropriate training of professionals. Training is not only needed for those professions which are directly involved in crime and violence prevention, but also those professions that are less obviously involved. Health workers provide a good example in that they often have more contact with victims of violence than do the police and courts. Furthermore, they are often better placed than police officers to obtain the co-operation of victims, particularly those who have been subjected to domestic violence, sexual assault and rape. This suggests that health personnel, together with the police, courts and welfare services, can play a crucial role in the identification, intervention in and prevention of violence, but would require appropriate training. The training of professionals can also play a crucial role in providing a firmer basis for mufti-disciplinary and mufti-sectoral co-operation and co-ordination
11 The limits of community-based interventions International research and some of the findings of this study suggest that conventional community-based crime prevention strategies seldom work in poor and socially devastated communities. In particular, the evidence shows that by itself community mobilisation is ineffective against crime in poor communities. There is also consistent evidence that neighbourhood watch programmes are least likely to
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succeed in poor neighbourhoods where crime is most rampant, levels of distrust are high, and where risk factors for crime and violence proliferate. In such communities community-based interventions need to be bolstered by resources and support from agencies outside the community.
12 School-based crime prevention While schools have considerable potential for crime prevention, those schools that are most in need of interventions are often overwhelmed by crime in the communities that surround them. Such schools also require external support if they are to succeed in decreasing criminal and violent behaviour.
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13 The importance of early intervention The case study on the MRC's National Trauma Research Programme clearly shows that patterns of violent behaviour are set before people reach their teens and that intervention strategies have to take this into account. This is particularly important because both local and international crime statistics indicate a high involvement of youth in violence. Within the school context interventions can more appropriately be applied at the primary rather than the secondary level. The international evidence shows that the earlier family risk factors are addressed, the better. Programmes for infants and young children may be most cost-effective in the long run, even if they are expensive in the short term. In particular, consensus is strong on the effectiveness of home visitation programmes (similar to the programmes of the Parent Centre) which research shows to be one of "the most promising ... [interventions] in all areas of crime prevention' (Sherman, 1996f:2). Family problems, and especially family violence by adults, are also more difficult to address later in life. Research shows that being abused or neglected as a child substantially increases a person's risk for arrest and for involvement in violent crime later in life.
14 Transcending the individual There is a tendency in conventional approaches to crime and injury prevention to focus on the individual and changing individual behaviours, at the expense of addressing the social causes of crime and violence. Our case studies and international research findings show that crime and violence can more effectively be addressed by working on different social levels, and by using a diversity of strategies. For example, Frankish et al. (1993:119) reached the following conclusions after an extensive review of injury prevention among the indigenous populations of North America: •
Interventions that are limited to changing individual behaviours do not have a sustained impact on preventing or decreasing the occurrence of injuries.
•
The use of individual-specific behaviour-change projects is most effective when coupled with other strategies such as surveillance, enforcement and legislative strategies.
•
The most successful attempts to decrease the occurrence of the most serious injuries have involved modifying the environment.
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15 Addressing the effects of crime It is not only necessary to address the causes of crime, but also its effects. Among the negative effects of crime that require urgent attention in South Africa are the fear of crime and social isolation as a protective strategy against crime. The findings of our community case studies suggest that South Africans hand in particular those living in poor and crime-ridden areas) are increasingly resorting to social isolation as a strategy to protect themselves from crime. The indications are that these tendencies towards withdrawal, passivity and powerlessness are under present circumstances likely to increase rather than decrease. Not only do strategies need to be developed to counteract the fear of crime and social isolation, but these issues need to be taken into account in the design and implementation of anti-crime strategies. For example, planners and architects need to transcend the narrow focus on designing protective measures to keep out crime, and need to make provision for social needs for interaction, trust and the building of community.
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16 Social disintegration and social capital issues There is a clear need for more concerted and innovative thinking about the problems of social disintegration and social capital, particularly in South Africa where the size of the problem is overwhelming and research into these issues has been largely neglected. The results of the community studies suggest that not only does social disintegration (or the lack of social capital) place obstacles in the way of crime prevention in poor communities, but also that crime may be further eroding the limited stocks of social capital in these communities. The international literature and the case studies provide several pointers for the development of new solutions. The case study of the KwaZulu-Natal Programme for Survivors of Violence, for example, offers some insights into how the individually oriented strategies of clinical psychology can be applied to the problems of social disintegration. There also appears to be considerable potential in "vertical" approaches to community mobilisation that emphasise the linkages between community life and decisions made at higher levels of power, rather than approaches which require community members to solve their own problems. Linked to the idea of "vertical" strategies of community mobilisation, are development strategies that seek to harness potential synergies in the relationships between state and civil society. Of particular interest in this regard is the strategy of "scaling up" existing social capital to create organisations that are sufficiently encompassing to pursue development goals effectively and reduce costs by capitalising on economies of scale. Strategies for building social capital are being developed at both the micro and macro levels. Such strategies require not only investing in the organisational capacity of the poor (as the asset-based approach advocates), but also changes in rules and laws at the macro level to support associational activity. .It is possible for governments to create enabling environments that Lower the costs of collective action while increasing the payoffs. Governments need not only to reduce disincentives for participation, but also to create positive incentives by encouraging both the reality and perception that citizen action can influence important government decisions through greater transparency and accountability at all levels of government. Various strategies have also been developed for generating greater trust between officials and the public. Among the most promising strategies for building social capital are scaling up and the development of cross-cutting ties. Scaling up allows for the horizontal exchange of information, experiences and opinions, helps to overcome barriers to the 229
identification of shared problems, potential allies and opponents, and therefore to coordinated strategies which increase citizen bargaining power. Cross-cutting ties help communities (and individuals) to transcend narrow and exclusionary identities and can open up new opportunities for access to information, material resources and opportunities to participate more fully in economic and political activities. Crosscutting ties also have the potential to empower communities through the recognition of common interests with other communities and groups and promote common political mobilisation. Both scaling up and cross-cutting ties can be encouraged through the free flow of information, more inclusive participation, conflict management, educational strategies, and emphasis on demand-oriented delivery which encourages co-operation between the state and civil society.
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17 Addressing inequality While there would appear to be various potential strategies for building social capital in South Africa, in the final analysis the gross inequalities in our society will have to be addressed if we are to make significant headway in building social capital and preventing crime and violence in the long term.
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WITWER, M,B, & CRAWFORD, C.A.,1995. NIJ Research report. A co-ordinated approach to reducing family violence; Conference highlights. The National Institute of Justice and the American Medical Association. Also available online at http://www.ncjrs.org/ txtfiles/redfam.txt. WOOLCOCK, M. 1997. Social, capital and economic development: A critical review. Theory and Society, 27:151-208. WOOLCOCK, M.1999. Managing risks, shocks, and opportunities in developing economies: the role of social capital. Available online at: http://www.worldbank.org/poverty/scapital/library/WOOLCOCK.htm. Footnote 1
2
Although the NIJ report addresses crime prevention in the United States and has drawn most of its information from Western and industrialised countries, it nevertheless has relevance to South Africa. As the case studies have illustrated, there is very little rigorous evaluation research on crime prevention in South Africa. With the country's limited resources, this situation is unlikely to be rectified in the near future. The industrialised countries, on the other hand, have considerably greater resources for research than the developing countries. We are therefore forced to rely on research conducted in the industrialised countries to help guide our decision making within the specific contexts and conditions of South Africa. Findings from other countries should of course not be accepted uncritically, and wherever possible should be tested to determine whether interventions under South African conditions yield the same results as they have elsewhere. Butchart (1996:7) makes a similar point in relation to crime prevention in South Africa when he argues that "our attempted solutions are now indeed a part of the problem, and therefore we must develop novel prevention strategies which will operate in the spaces left untouched by these conventional approaches".
3
A possible explanation for this is that people who live in areas with high employment and marriage rates often have more to lose in terms of status and respect in both their work and community contexts.
4
Ramphele has been proved right on both empirical and theoretical grounds. Statistics do show an increase in crime since the beginning of the transition to democracy, and recent research also suggests that inequality has a more 234
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pronounced effect on homicide in more democratic countries (Krahn et al., 1986) 6
This is of course not always the case, as our case study of the KwaZulu-Natal Survivors of Violence Programme illustrated. Because of the extreme violence and social disruption in the province in the first half of the 1990s, many of the children who had suffered the worst effects of the violence were not in schools, and adjustments therefore had to be made in the programme to accommodate them.
7
For alternative definitions of social capital, see, for example, Narayan (1999:6) who defines social capital "as the norms and social relations embedded in the Social structures of society that enable people to co-ordinate action and achieve desired goals", or Fukuyama (1995: 10) who refers to "the ability of people to work together for common purposes in groups and organizations".
8
In his description of regions in Italy such as Calabria and Sicily where social capital and civic engagement are limited, Robert Putnam (1993:2) makes a clear connection between low social capital and lawlessness; "The very concept of citizenship is stunted there. Engagement in social and cultural associations is meager. From the point of view of the inhabitants, public affairs is someone else's business. Laws, almost everyone agrees, are made to be broken, but fearing others' lawlessness, everyone demands sterner discipline. Trapped in these interlocking vicious circles, nearly everyone feels powerless, exploited and unhappy.”
9
This was recognised by Coleman (1988) in his use of the Weberian concept of closure in relation to social capital.
10
The strength of ties consists of a "combination of the amount of time, the emotional intensity, the intimacy (mutual confiding), and the reciprocal services which characterize the tie” (Granovetter,1973:1361).
11
As Gotz and White (1997:20) have argued, the RDP office closed down because it "failed to provide the broad facilitative framework which would ensure that the RDP was reflected in the work of each line department".
12
Gotz and White (1997:35) put this well, when they state that the necessary reorientation of intergovernmental relations "might be induced from above, but will have to be driven from below”.
13
A further argument against the pessimistic view is that social capital not only facilitates co-operation, but is itself a product of co-operation (Brown & Ashman, 1996;1477). The asset-based approach (which is briefly discussed below) takes a similarly optimistic view by insisting that we should approach socially impoverished communities as a "half-full" glass rather than a "halfempty" glass.
14
The Community Policing Forums provide an example of a "vertical" strategy.
15
Since the popularisation of the concept of Social capital, social capital theory has increasingly influenced the community development debate in the US in general, and asset-based approaches to development in particular. The social 235
capital perspective has incorporated "the relatively recent focus in the community development field on'civic capacity' and 'community building' and reinforced the long-standing preference of practitioners and prominent national foundations for framing their community development activities in asset-based terms, that is, in terms of 'the capacity of communities to act' rather than to 'need" (Gittel & Vidal, 1998:14). In South Africa this problem of authoritarian enclaves is currently being addressed by the "Chapter 9" institutions such as the Human Rights Commission, gender commission and most recently the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities. The social capital framework provides a basis from which to understand, guide and legitimate the work of these commissions.
17
Similar attitudes seem to apply to domestic violence, which is seen as less of a threat because of its personal nature.
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16
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