A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology

A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 64

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin New York

A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology

by

William H. Baxter

fL /20/

. B3't I?~ 2-

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin New York

1992

*

Preface The intellecrual origins of this book may be found in a paper presented over twenty years ago by my teacher Nicholas C. Bodman to a group of col-

leagues, in which he outlined a scheme for the reconstruction of Old Chinese based largely on the distribution of elements in its daughter language Middle Chinese (Bodman 1971). This scheme-together with ideas of E. G. Pulleyblank and S. E. Jaxontov-seemed to offer considerable insight into Chinese phonological history, but also appeared to conflict with the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming developed by traditional Otinese scholars over the last several centuries (see Olaptcr 4). Were the new ideas simply wrong. then? Or did they apply to a different stage of the language from that examined by traditional Chinese scholars? Or was the traditional analysis wrong? A good deal of my research, from

my doctoral dissenation (Baxter 1977) to the present, has focused on resolving these conflicts. developing this reconstruction scheme, and investigating its implications. It appears that the traditional analysis is not so uch wrong as insufficiently precise; and the new ideas about Old Chinese, when worked out in detail, prove to be a useful tool in resolving the very 'nds of philological problems that traditional Chinese scholars were interested in, This book incorporates the results, so far, of this research: it presents a ther detailed reconstruction of the Old Chinese sound system, and argues that it is more adequate than previous analyses. The word "handbook" in the title is intended to recall the handbooks of Indo-European historical linguistics which present results in a similarly comprehensive and detailed manner. I hope that it will be a useful tool fOl" those interested in Chinese historical linguistics or related areas of literature and philology. With a book of this size, it is perhaps appropriate to give some guidance to readers who may not wish to begin at the beginning and read straight through to the end, Chapters 1 and 5, which introduce the study and sum· marize the reconstruction system, are probably appropriate for all readers. Students of Chinese historical linguistics might wish to read Chapter 2. which describes the phonological system of Middle Chinese. and Chapters 5 through 8. which describe the Old Chinese phonological system; Chapter 10 presents the reconstruction system in detail, rhyme group by rhyme group, and summarizes the evidence fOl" revising the traditional analysis of Old

yiii

Pre/ace

Otinese rhyming. Linguists with no special knowledge of Otinese may be interested in the discussion of rhyme and the use of rhymes as linguistic evidence in Chapter 3. and in lIle discussion of the Chinese linguistic tradition in Chapters 2 and 4. Those interested in areas of contact between linguistics and the study of literature may be interested in the general discussion of verse in section 3.1 of Chapter 3. and in Chapter 9, which discusses some of the philological problems which arise in studying early written texts. Many people have helped make this OOok possible. My primary debt of gratitude is to my teacher Nicholas Bodman, who introduced me to this field of research, read an early version of the manuscript, and has kindly and generously supponed me in many ways. Tsu-lin Mei also encouraged my effons from their early stages and has been generous with his assistance and suggestions. Edwin BauisteJla, W. South Coblin. S. A. Starostin, and Thomas Toon have read parts of the manuscript and given me help of other kinds as well. This research was supponed by Faculty Research Grants from the University of Alabama in Binningham, by the American Council of Learned Societies, and by a Rackham Faculty Fellowship from the University of Michigan, and I am glad to express my gratitude. My colleagues in the Department of Asian Languages and Cultures and the Program in Linguistics at the University of Michigan have also given frequent help and encouragement. I would like to thank John Warner of the University of Michigan Statistical Research Laboratory for his mathematical assistance; the University of Michigan Phonetics Lab for the use of their laser printer in preparing camera·ready copy; and the staff of Mouton de Gruyter for their patience. Finally, I thank my family for their suppan and understanding.

Contents 1. Introduction 1.1. Goals

1 1

1.2. The Chinese languages, present and past 1.2.1. Chinese syllable structure 1.2.2. Dialects or languages? 1.2.3. Classification of Chinese dialects 1.2.4. Written sources for the history of Chinese 1.2.5. Stages in the history of Chinese 1.3. Notation and style 1.4. Methodological remarks 1A.l. 1.4.2. 1.4.3. 1.4.4. 1.4.5. 1.4.6.

6 6 7 9 11 14 15 17

Theoretical assumptions

17

The nature of phonological reconstruction Naturalness in reconstruction Ockharn's Razor Defining Old Chinese Evidence from Tibeto-Bunnan

18 20 22 23 25

2. The Middle Chinese phonological system 2.1. The need for a new transcription system 2.2. Major sources of evidence on Middle Chinese 2.2.1. Rhyme books 2.2.2. The rhyme·table tradition 2.3. The initials of Middle Chinese 2.3.1. Labial initials (chUnyfn fiff 'lip sounds') 2.3.2. Dentals (she tou yfn 3*=g:- 'tongue-head sounds') 2.3.3. Lateral (ban shi yfn [§=g:- 'half tongue sound') 2.3.4. Retroflex stops (she sluing yfn 15 J:. =g:- 'tongue up sounds') 2.3.5. Dental sibilants (chI tOu yin 8m=g:- 'tooth-head sounds') 2.3.6. Palatal sibilants 2.3.7. Palatal nasal and glide 2.3.8. Retroflex sibilants 2.3.9. Velars (ydyi"n ~=g:- 'back-tooth sounds') 2.3.10. Laryngeals (hOuyfn ~=g:- 'throat sounds') 2.3.11. Natural classes of initials 2.4. The finals of Middle Chinese 2.4.1. Distributional classes of finals

'*

27 27 32 33 41 45 46 49 49 49 51 52 55 56 57 58 59 61 63

:It

COflUflts

2.4.2. Summary of Middle QUnese finals

81

3. Rhymes as evidence in historical phonology 3.1. Rhyme and phonological structure 3.1.1. Definingrhyme 3.2. A statistical method for analyzing rhyme data 3.2.1. A model of rhyme-word choice 3.2.2. Modeling individual rhyme sequences 3.2.3. Evaluating samples of sequences 3.2.4. Combining results for sequences of different lengths 3.2.5. The accuracy of the initial estimates of frequency 3.2.6. A method for small samples with no mixed sequences 3.2.7. Issues of implementation 3.3. Dlustrative examples 3.3.1. The ~ Dong and if Qin rhyme groups 3.3.2. A negative case: high and mid vowels in the • Zhen group

87 88 89

100 101 104 107 112 116 118 128 128 135

4. Traditional research on Old Chinese rhyming 4.1. Traditional phonology: achievements and limitations 4.2. The traditional analysis--a modem version 4.3. The development of the traditional analysis 4.3.1. The xieyun ('hannonizing rhymes') theory 4.3.2. WU Yu (ca. 1100-1154) 4.3.3. Chen 01 (1541-1617) 4.3.4. Gu Y!nwu (1613-1682) 4.3.5. Mng Y6ng (1681-1762) 4.3.6. Du,," Yilc:u (1735-1815) 4.3.7. Om Zhen (1724-1777) 4.3.8. K6ng Guangstn (1752-1786) 4.3.9. W!ng Ni,,"sun (1744-1832) 4.3.10. lillng Y6ugAo(d. 1851) 4.4. Discussion and interpretation

139 139 141 150 150 154 154 155 157 160 162 164 166 169 171

5. The Old Chinese syllable: an overview 5.1. Pre~initials 5.2. Initials 5.3. Medials 5.4. Main vowels 5.5. Codas and post·codas 5.6. The syllable from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese

175 175 177 178 180 181 183

6. The Old Chinese syllable: initial consonants

187

en

COlllellls

Xl

6.1. Simple initials 6.1.1. Labial initials 6.1.2. Dental initials 6.1.3. NonnasaI resonants 6.1.4. Dental sibilants 6.1.5. Vel"" and laryngeaJs 6.1.6. Labiovelars and labiolaryngeals 6.2. Initial clusters 6.2.1. Voicing alternations and pre-initial·fj6.2.2. The pre·initial*N6.2.3. Ousters with 6.2.4. Ousters with */

188 188 191 196 203 206 214 218 218 221 222 232

7. The Old Chinese syllable: medials and main vowels 7.1. Syllables without medials: divisions I and IV 7.1.1. The rounded-vowel hypothesis 7.1.2. The front-vowel hypothesis 7.1.3. The six·vowel system 7.1.4. Comparison with Li Fang-kuei's system 7.1.5. Main vowels before other codas 7.2. Syllables with medial*·r-: division n 7.2.1. *r-<;olor and ·r-Ioss 7.2.2. Evidence for the *r·hypothesis 7.2.3. Division-n syllables with initials of type TSr· 7.3. Syllables with medial*-j· and *·rj.; division m 7.3.1. Division-ID finals and their Old Chinese origins 7.3.2. The'rj-hypothesis 7.3.3. The nature of the Middle Otinese cMngni.tl distinctions 7.3.4. The origin and phonetic nature of *-j-

235 236 236 240 248 253 256 258 259 262 267 269 269 280 282 287

8. The Old Otinese syllable: codas and post-codas 8.1. The codas of Old Chinese 8.1.1. Codas *zero, *.j, and *·w 8.1.2. Nasal codas *-m, *-n, and *-ng 8.1.3. Voiceless stop codas: *-p, *·t, *·k, and *-wk 8.2. Post-codas and the development of tones

291 292 292 298 299 302 302 308 319 325 325

·s-

8.2.1.TheOldChineseoriginsof~es

8.2.2. The origin of qilshlng (departing tone) 8.2.3. The origin of sMngshLng (high or rising tone) 8.3. Karlgren's final voiced stop hypothesis 8.3.1. The development of the final voiced stop hyplthesis

xii

ConunLf

8.3.2. Direct and indirect contacts with nlshing 8.3.3. Arguments against final voiced stops 8.3.4. Accounting for rllshtng contacts 8.4. Comparison with other systems 9. The script and text of the Shijfng 9.1. Stages in lhe development of the Chinese script 9.2. Xitshtng characters and their interpretation 9.3. The text of the Shijing 9.3.1. The present fonn of the Shfjfng 9.3.2. "Pronunciation errors" in the Shijing 9.3.3. "Pronunciation errors" affecting rhyme. words 10. New rhyme categories for Old Chinese 10.1. Syllables with acute codas 10.1.1. The traditional7G Ytmn group 10.1.2. The traditional f.J Yue and ~ n groups 10.1.3. The traditional1t Ge group to. 1.4. The traditional Jt Zhen group 10.1.5. The traditional Jt Wen group 10.1.6. The traditional R Zhl group 10.1.7. The traditional ~ Wu group ZhI and ttl: Wei groups 10.1.8. The traditional 10.2. Syllables with zero or back codas 10.2.1. The traditional ~ ZhI group Zhf group 10.2.2. The traditional to.2.3. The traditional ~ Zheng group 10.2.4. The traditional f!!. Yu group 10.2.5. The traditional if Du6 group 10.2.6. The traditional ~ Yang group 10.2.7. The traditional ~ Zhi group Xi group to.2.8. The traditional 10.2.9. The traditional vt= Geng group 10.2.10. The traditional ~ H6u group 10.2.11. The traditional Ji Wij group 10.2.12. The traditional!r DOng group 10.2.13. The traditional ill Y6u group 10.2.14. The traditional it Jut group 10.2.15. The traditional ~ D6ng group 10.2.16. The traditional i!i Xi!o group 10.2.17. The traditional II Yao group

"Ii

m

m

329 332 336 340 343 344

347 355 355 358 361

367 370 370 389 413

422 425 434 437 446 464

464 472

476 478 484 489 491 494 497 500

503 505

507 518 524

526 532

COfllefllS

xU!

10.3. Syllables with labial codas 10.3.1. The traditional ~ Tan group 10.3.2. The traditional H6 group 10.3.3. The traditional if Qin group Qi group 10.3.4. The traditional 10.4. Summary ofrhyme groups

536 537 543 548 555 560

Appendix A Phonological changes from Old to Middle Chinese Appendix B The rhymes of the Shfjlng Appendix C The rhyme words of the Shfjfng

565

a

m

Notes References lndex

583 745

813

867 905

. Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1. Goals This study pt'OIX)Ses a new phonological reconstruction system for Old Chinese, the Chinese language of the early and mid ZMu JI dynasty-that is,

approximately the eleventh to the seventh centuries B.C. 1 I take Old Chinese to be the ancestor of all attested varieties of Chinese. and the earliest stage of the Chinese language that can presently be reconstructed from Chinese evidence alone.

Old Chinese occupies a pivotal position in the study of language and history in East Asia. In the Old Chinese period, the Chinese began to produce one of the world's great literatures, which has both reflected and shaped human culture in East Asia for millennia. But our understanding of these early documents is hampered by a still inadequate knowledge of the language in which they were composed. Many unanswered or poorly answered questions arise even in the most thoroughly studied early Chinese texts. The lexicon of early Chinese gives the impression of being vast and pauemless, with many words of similar meaning and unclear interrelationship. Our knowledge of the varieties of early Chinese is also poor. An important step in addressing these problems is a more adequate reconstruction of Old Chinese phonology. Old Chinese is also the most distant recoverable Chinese outpost in the broad and only partially explored territory of Sino-Tibetan, one of mankind's major linguistic groups. A better understanding of this group's development would doubtless clarify the history and prehistory of East Asia, just as the reconstruction of the Indo-European family has clarified the . history and prehistory of Western Asia and Europe. Yet further progress in Sino-Tibetan reconstruction will be difficult without a better reconstruction of the early stages of Chinese, the best-documented language of the group. The position of Chinese is also pivotal within the study of human language in general, because it can help to correct the European bias of much modem linguistics. It has been too easy in recent linguistic study to confuse what is human with what is European. Only when non-European languages and their histories are understood as well as European ones can we begin to speak with confidence about the characteristics of the human language

2

J.

l1ftr~tiOtl

faculty. It is with these broad goals in mind that I attempt in this study to develop a more adequate reconstruction of Old Chinese phonology. A phonological reconstruction can be divided conceptually into two aspects. The first is a reconstruction system, which specifies a set of possible phonological elements, their possible arrangements, and their development in daughter languages. The second aspect is the application of this system to the basic linguistic expressions of the languages whose ancestor is being reconstructed. We can illustrate this using the reconstructed Proto-IndoEuropean (PIE) fonn ·£,ptom 'hundred'. It is the reconstruction system which tells us that *i:. *'l\ *t. and so forth are possible elements for a ProtoIndo-European form. The reconstruction system also predicts that PIE *i: will be reflected as c· in Latin, k in Greek, and f in Sanskrit; that PIE *J!l will become a in Greek and Sanskrit; and so on. We apply this reconstruc· lion system by reconstructing particular Proto-Indo-European forms which are consistent with the data from attested Indo-European languages: thus *£,ptom 'hundred' is reconstructed to account for Latin centum, Greek (he-)karon. Sanskrit faldm. and so folth. Clearly, formulating reconstrue· tions of individual words is different from fonnulating the reconstruction system itself; the reconstruction of particular items could be wrong even if the overall system is correct Though it is useful to distinguish a reconstruction system from its application, the two are intimately related, since a system is judged adequate only by being successfully applied. A reconstruction system is more than just a summary of the data; it is rather a set of hypotheses which make predictions about the data, including data not yet seen. The present study focuses primarily on developing a more adequate recon· stnlclion systel1) for Old Chinese, and applying it to enough of the available dala to make a convincing case that it is an improvement over previous systems. Detailed reconstruction of the panicular words found in early Chinese lexts would be the task of an etyrnOlogicallexicon (and a very large one); it is beyond the scope of a book such as this. Though I pl'Op)Se reconstructions for some two thousand words (listed in Appendix C), many of these individual reconstructions are tentative or incomplete, and a good number may be wrong. But I believe some new insights into Old Chinese and its development are possible even within these limitations. The main types of available evidence on Old Chinese are the following:

I. Texu originating in the Old Chinese period. These include both inscriptions on ZhOu.-dynasty bronze vessels and early classical texts such as the Shljlng ~~ [Classic of poetry],2 the Shullng .~ [Oassic of documents],

1.1. Goals 3

and parts of the Yljing jb~ [Classic of changes]. Those texts which include rhymes are especially valuable for reconstructing early pronunciation. The rhymes of the Shijing, the largest collection of early rhymed texts, form the basic corpus for the present study; the textual history of the Shijing is discussed in Chapter 9. 2. The Chinese characters and their structure. The Chinese script was once more closely connected to pronunciation than it now is, so Chinese charac~ ters often provide clues to earlier pronunciation. The use of the Chinese script as evidence is also discussed in Chapter 9. 3. Middle Chinese pronunciation. The pronunciation of the Middle Chi~ nese period (roughly, the Suf ~ and Tang ~ dynasties) is rather thoroughly documented in contemporary sources. Since the language represented in these sources is descended from Old Chinese, they are also a major part of our information about Old Chinese. Evidence from Middle Chinese is discussed in Chapter 2.

Old Chinese, the language of early to mid Zhou, is probably the earliest stage of Chinese for which reasonably detailed and complete reconstruction is feasible at present. The oracle-bone inscriptions of the Shang ifti dynasty (sixteenth to eleventh centuries B.C.) are earlier, but present many more problems: they are more limited in content, are often difficult to interpret, and lack rhymes. For now, refining our knowledge of early Zhou Chinese seems to offer the best hope of expanding our understanding of the early history of Chinese and of the relationships between Chinese and other languages. The study of Old Chinese phonology already has a long history. Chinese dynasty (1644-1911) studied Old Chinese pronunscholars of the Qing ciation in order to better understand the classical texts, and left a rich txxiy of work which has been the foundation for all later research. The Swedish scholar Bernhard Karlgren (1889-1978) pioneered in applying Europeanstyle historical linguistics to Chinese: first to Middle Chinese (which he . called "Ancient Chinese") and then to Old Chinese (his "Archaic Chinese").3 Others have proposed modifications of, or alternatives to, his reconstrllctions. 4 My approach to Old Chinese reconstruction differs in several ways from much previous work in this area:

m-

1. I pay special attention to the naturalness of the phonological systems and changes reconstructed. Karlgren saw himself as reconstructing phonetics, not phonology, and paid little attention to phonological structure. As a result, the systems he reconstructed often lack the symmetry and pattern

4

I. Introdlu:tion

which are typical in the phonological systems of natural languages. FOI' example, the vowel system he rcconsttuCted for Old OUnese (his"Archaic Chinese") seems almost a random collection of phonetic symbols, as pointed out by Ting Pang·hsin (1975: 19):

u,ii

e, l £

• a,a

• • 0'0 0,6

d

a

Although later scholars have modified many of Karlgren's reconsuuetions, they have not always made them more natural.S We are on firmest ground, I believe, when we reconstruct systems and changes which are well within the range of variation actually observed in human languages. 2. I place special imponance on the phonological pattern of Middle Chinese and the clues it provides about earlier stages. For example. as S. E. laxontov (196Ob) first pointed out, the distribution of·w- in Middle OUnese strongly suggests that -w· did not exist in Old Chinese as an independent element, but only as a component of labialized initials *k"'., etc. 3. I reexamine and revise the traditional analysis of Old Orinese rhyming developed by Chinese scholars of the Qrng dynasty, using newly-developed statistical methods. As pointed out above, the rhymes in early Otinese texts provide crucial evidence for the phonological reconstruction of Old Chinese. Under the Qing, phonological studies flourished, and a succession of brilliant classical scholars devised a set of rhyme categories intended to specify which words rhymed with which in Old Chinese. Though Karlgren was willing 10 differ with the Q""lOg phonologists, most modem research in Old Chinese reconstruction (e.g. Li 1971 [1980]; Pulleyblank 1977-1978) has assumed that this traditional analysis is basically correct as it stands. But while the work of the Qing phonologists was a brilliant intellectual achievement, the rhyming of Old Chinese needs to be reexamined using modem methods. (Statistical procedures for rhyme analysis are presented in Chapter 3; traditional studies of Old Chinese phonology are discussed in Chapter 4.) 4. I take a new approach to the use of evidence from the Chinese script. Previous work on Old Chinese has relied largely on the script of the classical texts in their present versions, or on the "small seal" script described in the ShuOwinjilzl aSlxl¥St: (A.D. 100), a dictionary of the lB.n • dynasty

1.1. Goals

5

(206 s.c to A.D. 220).6 Both these script forms often reflect post-Zhou phonological changes; it is anachronistic to use them in reconstructing Old Chinese. Some of the inadequacies of the traditional rhyme categories fOT Old Chinese can be traced 10 the Qing phonologists' use of late forms of the Chinese script as evidence about Old Chinese. This point is developed further in Otapter 9 and in Baxter (in press). The present line of research began with a paper by Nicholas C. BOOman (1971), proposing a reconstruction of Old Chinese which assumed only six main vowels. In my doctoral thesis (Baxter 1m), I applied this system to distinctions of Middle Chinese the origin of the so-called cMngniu (discussed in Chapters 2 and 7), and proposed a partial reconstruction systcm for Old Chinese. Subsequent papers by Bodman and myself have tested, refined, and revised the reconstruction system which grew out of these efforts. The present study is a comprehensive fresentation of this system and of the evidence and arguments supporting it. The overall plan of this book is to review the available evidence, present a reconstruction system for Old Chinese, and test the predictions of that system against the rhyme evidence of the ShI}7ng. The phonological system of Middle Chinese is described in Chapter 2, which also presents the notation for Middle Chinese used in this book. Chapter 3 examines the theoretical and statistical problems of using rhymes as evidence about phonology, while Chapter 4 summarizes the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming and its history. 11tese chapters lay the groundwork for the development of the proposed reconstruction system itself, presented in Olapters 5 through 8. Olapter 9, on the text and script of the ShIjlng, prepares for OIapter 10, in which the predictions of the proposed reconstruction system are tested against the rhyme evidence of the ShI}lng. In Chapter 10, the reconstruction of each of the traditional rhyme groups is discussed individually; where my reconstruction system predicts the existence of previously unrecognized rhyme distinctions, these predictions are tested against the ShIjing rhymes, using the statistical methods developed in Chapter 3. Three appendices are provided for reference: a list of proposed phonological changes in Appendix A, a complete list of the rhyme sequences of the ShIjing in Appendix B, and an alphabetical list of the rhyme words of the Shljrng, along with reconstructions and references to their occurrences, in Appendix C. The remainder of this introduction will give some basic background infonnation on Chinese and its history, discuss certain methodological issues, and introduce some of the tenninology and notation to be used.

.m

6

J. Introdw:tioft

1.2. The Chinese languages, present and past This section discusses the forms of the Otinese language, ancient and modern, referred to in subsequent discussion. It will be convenient to begin by introducing a uniform terminology for functional positions in a Chinese syllable. The various dialects and historical stages of Chinese are similar enough in syllable structure that. as a rule, this terminology can be used for any of them without confusion. though we will modify it somewhat for Old Chinese.

1.2.1. Chinese syllable structure In general, a Chinese syllable can be divided into three parts:

Wli ), the initial consonant of the syllable; the "final" (yanmll Mfa), consisting of all segments after the ini-

1. the "initial" (sMngmu 2.

tial;and

3. the "tone" (sMngditlo ~rJq), a tone contour superimposed over the whole syllable. The final can be funher subdivided into I. the "medial" Uilyln main vowel;

fl''li):

segments of the final which precede the

2. the "main vowel" (zhUydo yudnyfn ±~7Gii): the nucleus of the syllable; and • 3. the "coda" (yllnwii ftI~): segments following the main vowel. These tenns are summarized in the diagram below: syllable

/'\ /'\

initial final

medial

main vowel

tone

coda

J.2.

T~

Chineu langUlJ8t:S. preStfll GNi pasf

7

Since the medial is normally assumed to have no effect on rhyming, the main vowel and the coda are sometimes grouped together as the "rhyme" (y1Ul: aft). However, J will normally use the term "rhyme" instead for the Middle Chinese rhyme categories given in the rhyming dictionary QitylUl: Will. a rhyme dictionary of Middle Chinese (see page 13 below), which do not coincide with the phonological rhymes of Middle Chinese.8 Given this tenninology, the phonological system of a variel)' of Chinese can be described by giving the inventory of elements which can occur at each position in the syllable. and any restrictions on combinations of elements. For Old Chinese, this terminology must be modified. Since Old Chinese allowed consonant clusters in bolh initial and final positions, J introduce lhe term "pre-initial" for the first segment of initial clusters (such as lhe "'s- of "'sk·), and the tenn "post-coda" for the final segment of syJlable·final clusters (such as the "'-s of *-kJ). In lhe reconstruction presented here, it is assumed that the tones of Middle Chinese developed from Old Chinese codas and post-codas, and that Old Chinese syllables had no distinctive [ones as such. (A summary of Old Chinese syUable structure is presented in Chapter 5.) 1.2.2. Dialects or languages? The modern Orinese language is commonly said to consist of many related "dialects", spoken both in China and in Chinese settlements elsewhere. Many of these so-ca.lJ.ed dialects are not mutually intelligible; if one's tenninology requires that only mutually intelligible fonns of speech be called dialects of the same language, then they should be called separate languages, not dialects. However, the Chinese word for 'dialect',filngydn 15 g. does not usually carry this implication.9 Most Chinese seem to feel that the existence of a common written fonn for these dialects, and the common culture and history of their speakers, justify regarding them all as constitut. ing a single language. This is not simply a misunderstanding, as it is sometimes portrayed; it involves differences of intellectual tradition. In the view of linguistics which prevails in lhe People's Republic of China, lhe sociolinguistic characteristics of a language are intimately related to the stage of social organization of the society which uses it. This view, which closely follows Soviet Marxist views of the place of language in social development, is central to many Chinese discussions of language and dialect, so it is appropriate to summarize it briefly here.

8 J. J,.,roductio,.

In this view, social organization proceeds by stages from the "clan" (Chi· nesc shlz" a5..&i:, Russian rod) to the "tribe" (Otinese bUlut> Russian plemja) to the "nationality" (Olinese bilza fftS~. Russian narodnosf>, to the "nation" (Chinese m{nzu &~, Russian nadja), and finally to the "multinational state" (Chinese duOm(nz!l guOjitJ ~ &»i:liIlt. Russian ntn()gonocionaf~ gosudarsrvo). Language shows corresponding stages of development: A clan has a "clan language" (shlzliyll a5.ME;g) which covers a small territory, and shows little differentiation into dialects. A uibe has a "tribal language" (bU/udyu gail sg), used over a broader area, in which distinctions begin to appear between a common or standard language and local dialects. This trend continues in the language of a nationality (buzu), the stage intermediate between uibe and nation. Under normal circumstances. a nation (m{nzu) is held to have its own "common language" (gongt6ngyu 3tFoJID). generally based on the dialect of an area which is politically. economically, and culturally well-developed; at this stage the role of dialects gradually diminishes, and the dialects tend to disappear under the influence of the common language. For example, the majority ethnic group of China-loosely referred to in the West as "ethnic Chinesc"-are officially known as the "Hln nation" (Hdn minzu ~&l* or Hdnzu tl~), and are legally on a par with the other nations of China such as the Tibetans (Zilngzu ;;ll;) or Mongols (Minggilzu fi'ii5ll;). The common language of the HAn nation is puwnghu.d 1f:ilili or standard Mandarin, based on the nonhem or Mandarin dialecL Finally, in.a multinational state such as Orina 01" the Soviet Union, there is a "language for comroon communication" (gong16ng jUlojlyil ~ FoJ 3E ~~) or "inter-national language" (mdnacionafnyj jazyk)--where "nation" is understood in the sense of m(nzu. Such a language allows the various minzu to communicate with each other; in China, pUlQnghutl or standard Mandarin serves both as the "common language" of the Hln nation and as the "language for common communication" for the whole country.lO Since having its own language is one of the normal characteristics of a "nation" or m(nzu, to regard, say, Cantonese and Mandarin as different Ian· guages, merely becallse they are mutually unintelligible, would seem to imply that Cantonese and Mandarin speakers belong to different m{nz~a conclusion which would be both historically inaccurate and politically unacceptable. There is nothing inconsistent about this use of terms; it simply includes historical and sociolinguistic factors as well as purely linguistic ones in

msrl.

1.2. TM ChiMM langUiJgu. pr~Ufll aNJ. past

9

deciding where language boundaries should be drawn. Of course, in the West, too, language boundaries are often not drawn by purely linguistic criteria either: Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian, though mutually intelligible, are usually considered different languages. Considering all this, I will continue to use the conventional term "dialects" even for mutually unintelligible varieties of Chinese. 1.2.3. Classification or Chinese dialects There have been various proposals on how the Chinese dialects should be grouped and named. The following classification follows that of Zhan B6hul (1981 [1985]). Zhi'in identifies seven dialect groups: I. Blifdngfilngydn ~t1.i1.ii1f (Nonhero or Mandarin dialects)

2. Wufdngydn ~1.i~ (WU dialects)

itlI1J;; (Xiatlg or Hun'" dialects) Gdnfdngydn U1.i;; (Gln or Jiatlgxi [Kiang,i] dialects) Kljidfdngydn
3. Xidngfilngydn 4. 5.

6. Yidfdngydn .lij.15~ (Yu~ or Cantonese dialects)

7. Mlnfdngydn

flI15g (MIn or FujiAn fFukien] dialects)

Since these will come up in later discussion, I will describe each group briefly below. I. The "nonhero dialects" are in English usually called Mandarin dialects (a translation of the older tenn gUilnhud '§"~ 'officials' speech'), though "Mandarin" is sometimes also used in a narrower sense to denote standard Mandarin or puronghua. These dialects are spoken by over 70% of the HAn population, in about three-fourths of the HAn-speaking area. including all areas of Hln settlement north of the Chingjilng (yangtze) and pan of its southern bank. and the southwestern provinces of Slchuln (Szechwan), Yunnlin, and GulzhOu (Kweichow). These dialects have few consonantal codas (e.g. no final -p, -t, or ok), and rather simple tonal systems (usually four or five tones, though some dialects have as few as three or as many as six). The standard language, pillonghud or standard Mandarin, is said to "take the pronunciation of Beijing as its standard pronunciation, the northern dialect (biifilng jangydn) as its base dialect, and the classic works of

10 1. Introduction

modem bdihua Bii literature as its grammatical standard" (elMi 1979, s.v.; my translation). Recently, LI R6ng (1985) has proposed that cenain dialects in and near Shanxi province, heretofore assigned to the Mandarin group, should be considered a separate dialect group, which he calls "Jinyil ~;g [nn dialects]"-Jin being the literary name for Shanxi province. I I 2. The WU dialects are spoken near the IOOUth of the CbangjiAng, including

most of Zhejiang (Chekiang) and parts of Jiangsii (Kiangsu) and Anhui (Anhwei). They preserve as a distinct class the voiced obstruent initials (b-, d-, g-, etc.) of Middle Chinese; in most other dialects, these have become voiceless. Most WU dialects have seven or eight tones. The speech of Shanghlii is a WU dialect, although, with only five tones, its tone system is simpler than that of a typical WU dialect such as that of Siizhou (Soochow). 3. The Xiang or Hunan dialects are spoken in most of Hunan province (Xiiing being the literary name for Hunan). They are popularly known for changing hu- tof- and for confusing n- and 1- (so that HunJin may sound like Fuldn). As in the WU dialects, the Middle Chinese voiced obstruent initials (b-, d-, etc.) are widely preserved in this group (though not in the speech of the provincial capital. Changsha). 4. The relatively little-studied Gan or Jiangxi dialects

are spoken in most of

Jiangxi province (Gan being the literary name for Jiangxi). Middle Chinese voiced stops and affricates have generally become voiceless aspirates in this group. 5. The Kejia or Hilla dialects are spoken in various areas of southern China, especially northeastern Gul1ngdong, southern Jiangxi, and western and nonhero FujiJin. (The tenn "Hakka" represents the Cantonese pronunciation of Kejitl ~*.) Hakka speakers are believed to be descended from inhabitants of northern China who moved south in several waves of migration during periods of political upheaval, especially at the end of the SOng dynasty, bringing their speech with them. In the south they have generally remained culturally and linguistically distinct from their neighbors. In these dialects, Middle Chinese voiced obstruents have generally become voiceless aspirates, as in the Gan dialects; velar initials (k-, kh-, etc.), which in many dialects have become palatal before front vowels, are preserved everywhere in Hakka, as they are in Cantonese and MIn. Hakka dialects generally lack the high front medial-ii.- ([y] in the International Phonetic Alphabet).

12. The Chinese languages, present and post

II

6. The Vue or Cantonese dialects are spoken in pans of Gdngdong (Kwangtung) and GuAngxi (Kwangsi), and widely in Chinese settlements overseas. (Standard Cantonese is based on the dialect of GulngzhOu, also spoken in Hong Kong.) Cantonese dialects tend to have complex tonal systems, and generally retain the Middle Chinese codas -p, -t, and -k. As in Hakk:a and MIn, velar initials have not become palatal. 7. The MIn or FujiAn dialect group evidently broke off from the other dialects at an early date, and also shows considerable diversity within itself; it is often funher subdivided, e.g. into MlnMi hut} fMf~t.~ 'Northern MIn' and Mlnndn hull fMfiWii 'Southern MIn', though the proper way of subdividing the group is a matter of controversy. One characteristic of the group as a whole is the absence of the initial labiodental [f], which evidently developed as an innovation in other dialect groups after the Min group had already split away. What is usually called Nonhern MIn is spoken in the northern pan of Fujian; it includes the speech of the capital, Flizhou (Foechow). Southern MYn includes the speech of southern Fl1jiAn, Eastern Gulngdong, and Taiwan, as well as pan of H~nan; it is also widely spoken in Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. 1.2.4. Written sources for the history of Chinese It is possible to learn much about the history of Chinese just from modem dialects, using the comparative method; some recent studies have taken this approach, in an attempt to get evidence independent of written sources, or for dialect groups where written evidence is sparse or lacking. 12 But Chinese historical phonology has usually relied heavily on written records. For example, Bernhard Karlgren reconstructed the phonological categories of "Ancient Chinese" (called Middle Chinese in this study) on the basis of the distinctions made in written Chinese phonological works; he used dialect data only in choosing phonetic values for these categories. . One might wonder how Chinese written records, written in a nonalphabetic script, could be of much value for historical linguistics. In fact, they provide many kinds of useful information on the history of Chinese phonology. Some of the evidence is indirect, coming in the fonn of (1) xiisheng a~g: characters, (2) rhymes, and (3) transcriptions. These are discussed individually below.

1. Xiesheng characters. The Chinese script itself does not entirely conceal the sounds of the language it originally represented. Most of the characters

12 1. Ifluoductiofl

originated as so-called "phonetic compounds" (xiishlng itO 'ba.nnonizing sound') consisting of two parts: a signific (also called a radical or determiner) and a phonetic. The phonetic is a character originally similar in sound to the word represented by the compound character, the signific is a character used for its semantic value to distinguish one compound from others which have the same phonetic. For example, the character ?OJ he 'river' is a phonetic compound consisting of the phonetic DJ U'may, can' plus the signific 1, an abbreviated form of slud 'water'. The phonetic Icl was chosen for its phonetic similarity to ~ M, while the signi6c 1 'water' suggests the meaning 'river', and distinguishes the character for U. The set of 'river' from other characters written with the phonetic characters wnuen with the same phonetic element is called a "xi/shing series". Xi/sheng series are one of the main sources of information about Old Chinese, since many of the xitsheng characters were created during the ki are still similar in Old Chinese period. 13 In this e:umple, fiiJ hi and sound, but in other cases, because of sound changes since Old Chinese, words in the same xieshing series may show little or no phonetic resemblance in modem pronunciation.

*

m

m

m

2.

Rhy~s.

Vinually all Chinese poetry before modem times has employed rhyme, and rhyming practice often provides important evidence about of rhymes as evidence in historical phonology is disphonology. (The cussed in Chapter 3.) By a fortunate coincidence, the earliest extant collection of Chinese poetry, the ShI}Tng, reflects approximately the same stage of the language as the xieshing characters, so thaI the two kinds of evidence can be tied together in reconstructing Old Olinese.

use

3. Transcriptions. Chinese characters are sometimes used purely for their sound to write foreign words in Chinese texts: proper names, for example, or technical tenns in Buddhist scriptures. For example, in modem Chinese, Washing ron is written .~ii HuashtngdUn. The meanings of these three characters ('flowery'-'prosperous'-'pause') are basically irrelevant to their use in this name (though morphemes with neutral. or vaguely complimentary connotations are usually preferred for this purpose). The same device was used to write foreign names in ancient China also: in those cases where the original foreign words can be identified, they can provide a key to the contemporary pronunciation of the Chinese characters used to transcribe them. Similarly, in early Japan, Chinese characters were used for their sound to write native Japanese words in the writing system known as man'yogana 7J~9;i::g, from which the later kana syllabaries were derived Miller 1967, 90-99).

<s«

1.2. TIlL

ChiMSdQlf.gu.ag~s.

prue"t and past

13

Conversely, OJinese texts sometimes appear transcribed in foreign alphabets, e.g. Tibetan, Uygur, 'Phags-pa-an alphabet based on the Tibetan, used for official purposes during the Yu," 7G dynasty (1279-1368)--and more recently, Roman. 14 Very similar to transcriptions are the numerous Chinese loan words in Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese (known respectively as Sino-Japanese, Sino-Korean, and Sino--Vietnamese, or collectively as "Sino--xenic" 15). During the Ting dynasry, when the cultural influence of China on Japan, Korea, and Vietnam was especially strong, Orinese was widely used as a literary language there. Eventually, these languages borrowed massive amounts of Chinese vocabulary, adapting the Chinese pronunciations to the native phonological system. For purposes of historical phonology, these words are normally used in their earliest available written forms rather than their present-day spoken forms, and are thus, in effect, transcriptions of Chinese words in foreign scripts. In addition to such indirect wriuen evidence. there is a large traditional literature, daling from as early as the HAn dynasry (206 B.C. to A.D. 220), dealing explicitly with language; this literature can conveniently be divided into four main types: I. Glosses on the classics. Many works are devoted to the explication and correct reading of difficult words in classical texts. The glosses may appear in annotated editions of particular works or in separate works intended to be read alongside the classics. The JI.gdid. sh/wt. IIUU,Jt (AD. 583) of LU ot:rn!ng M!:~IJ)J is an imponant work of the laner type.

2. Etymological works. A number of works deal with the pronunciations, meanings, and origins of words, but are not tied to panicular classical texts. This group includes dictionaries such as the £ryd Jlut (probably from Western Hln), the ShWwlnjilzl asl,xl¥::F (completed in A.D. 100, hence· forth simply the Shuiiwt.) of Xu Sh~n i'Ffit the Shlml.g l¥~ of Liu Xi il!!!! (=cnd centwy A.D.; see Bodman 1954), the Yllpidn 3i:lli (A.D. 548) of Gu Y~wing DIf 1, and even dialect studies, such as the Fdngydn 15 g of Y,"g Xi6ng tt (53 B.C. '0 A.D. 18).

m

3. Rhyme books (yunsha til ). These are really dictionaries, arranged so that words which rhyme are grouped together. The most famous is the Qityiln (AD. 601) of Li> Fly," 1!Il!*;;. Arrangement by rhymes made these works useful in writing poetry, of course, bUI it was also one logical solution to the problem of how to arrange a dictionary for a language

tmm

14

J. IrttroductWrt

written in a nonalphabetic script The rhyme·OOok tradition is described in more delail in Chapter 2.

4. Rhym~ labl~s (yuntu 611). These are phonological tables in which characters are arranged according to their initials and finals (see section 1.2.1 above). Accompanying the rhyme tables is a uaditional terminology for describing the phonological characteristics of Ollnese syllables: a set of thirty· six names for initial consonants, terms referring to vowel quality. terms for the presence or absence of a rounded glide before the main vowel. etc. This uadition is also discussed in Chapter 2. 1.2.5. Stages in the history of Chinese Dividing a language's history into periods is convenient but always some· what artificial, since languages change constantly and gradually. Names tend to be given first to those periods about which there is most evidence, and other periods are sometimes left with no commonly agreed-upon name. I will not attempt to give an exhaustive tenninology for the periods of the history of Chinese; the following terms are, however, useful: 1. Old Chinese (OC}--the Chinese language of the early and mid Zh6u dynasty. It is the language of the early OIinese classics and of Zhc'5u bronze inscriptions; it corresponds roughly to what Bernhard Karlgren called uAr· chaic Chinese" (see Karlgren 1954), and to what is called Shanggu Hdnyu 1: i5~~ in Chinese. I will describe my use of this term more precisely

below (section 1.4.5).

2. Early Middle Chin~s~ (EMC}--the language codified in the rhyming dictionary QityUn of A.D. 60 I, which probably represents a conservative version of the standard literary language of the sixth century. Because the rhyme-book tradition provides such detailed information about it, Early Middle Chinese is one of the main sources of evidence about Old Chinese. I quote Early Middle Chinese forms in a transcription which is described in more detail in Chapter 2. 3. !Ale Middle Chinese (LMC)-the language of late T.1ng, represented in the rhyme-table tradition of late Tang and early S6ng 5R:. Most of the dis· tinctions found in modem Chinese dialects can be traced no further back than Late Middle Chinese, a1J.hough many dialects retain a few distinctions from an earlier stage. Late Middle Chinese is also the source of the major strata of Sino-xenic loan words (except for the Go'on stratum of Sino·

1.3. No/anon and styl~

15

Japanese; see Chapter 2). The MIn dialect group shows distinctions which predate Early Middle Chinese, so it must have split off from the other dialects still earlier. 16

4. Old Mandarin (OM). This term is used for the early fonn of Mandarin preserved in such works as the ZhOngyuan yfnyun q:r~iftii (1324), a rhyme book of the Yuan dynasty intended as a standard for rhymes in Yu~n opera (see Stimson 1966). Karlgren's term "Ancient Chinese" encompasses both Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese; I follow Pulleyblank (1970-1971,1984) in recognizing a distinction between them. Saictly speaking, the term "Middle Chinese" (which corresponds to the Chinese term ZMnggu Hdnyu q:riS'@t ~) includes both Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese, but since it is the former which concerns us more here, I will often use the term "Middle Chinese" (MC) loosely, to refer to Early Middle Chinese. Por other stages of Chinese, which lack well-established standard names, it is convenient to use the names of historical periods; thus we can speak of the Chinese of late Shang (eleventh or twelfth century B.C.), or of the Zhangu6 ill>!l period (475-221 B.C.), or of Eastern Hiln (A.D. 21-220).

1.3. Notation and style I include here some remarks about the fonn of cited examples. A typical example is cited in the following form: (1)

A rin < nyin < *njin 'person'

The following points should be noted: 1. Chinese characters are cited in their traditional fOnDS, not in simplified characters. 2. In cited examples, modem Chinese pronunciation is given first, in the pfnyIn romanization. The pronunciations given are those considered standard according to recent dictionaries published in the People's Republic of China. (These sometimes differ from the pronunciations given in older dictionaries, or in dictionaries from Taiwan.) 3. [n cases where the modem pronunciation is not what would be expected as the regular reflex of the recorded Middle Chinese pronunciation, I usually enclose the modem reading in square brackets to mark it as irregular. For example, the character #in, used to mean 'far away' in Ode 31.5, is now

standardly read xun, although from its Middle Chinese reading .%Wen we would ex.pect modem xOOn. (1be reading xUn is evidently influenced by the phonetic element ~ xUn 'ten-day week.'.) I therefore cite it as (2)

ifij [xUn] <XWt'n < *hwin 'far away'.

4. (Early) Middle Chinese pronunciations are given in the transcription described in Otapter 2. (The equivalent notation in Karlgren's Ancient Chi· nese reconsauetion may be deducc:d from the information in that chapter.) Middle Chinese forms are distinguished from modem forms by the absence of the usual prnyrn tone marks, and from Old Chinese forms by the absence of an asterisk. 5. Old Chinese fonns are given in the reconstruction system presented in this book. 6. After the pronunciations comes a gloss, usually brief, and intended for identification only; these glosses are often based, without funher attribution, on the glosses in Karlgren's "Grammata serica recensa" (1957) and in Schuessler (1987), which I have found especially useful. A fully adequate representation of the meaning of an Old Chinese word (or of what we understand of its meaning) would require careful comparison of its attested uses and possible etymological connections; in most cases this is beyond the scope of this book. Poems of the ShIjlng are cited in the form "Ode 198.2", where 198 is the ode number and 2 the stanza number, according to the tex.t of the Moo ShI yfndl (Harvard-Yenching Institute 1934 [1962]). From this infonnation the name of each ode and the section of the Shfjing in which it occun may be found in Appendix. B. Shfjrng rhyme sequences are cited by lener: "198.2A" indicates the first rhyme sequence of stanza 2 of Ode 198, "198.2B" indicates the second rhyme sequence in the stanza, and so on. (The first sequence of a stanza is marked"A" even if it is the only rhyme sequence in the stanza.) Each reconstructed sound change is given a name by which it is referred to throughout the tut (e.g. *r-Ioss for the change by which medial *r was lost); such names are printed in boldface wherever they occur. As noted above, a summary of the changes reconstructed is found in Appendix A.

1.4. Methodological remarks

17

1.4. Methodological remarks 1.4.1. Theoretical assumptions The primary focus of this study is on recovering the basic facts of Old au· nese phonology, not on phonological theory. A dichotomy between facts and theory is ultimately false. of course; any research on historical phonology makes some theoretical assumptions, explicit or implicit. The theoretical assumptions underlying this study are, I believe, largely unconuoversial; but in !.his section I will try to make some of them explicit. I assume !.hat the phonological system of a language includes (I) a set of phonological representations which embody what is phonologically distinc· tive about each basic expression of !.he language, and (2) a set of phonological rules which apply generally. Both phonological representations and phonological rules can change over time. and changes in one pan of lhe system can have consequences in another. The units of phonological representations may be called phonemes. 0 do not assume that these phonemes necessarily have the propeny of biuniqueness typically attributed to them in American Structuralism.) I take phonemes to be bundles of distinctive features, possibly from some universal set. When reference to features is called for. I use the feature system of Chomsky and Halle (1968) for convenience, supplemented by additional categories and terms when necessary. For most purposes, however. phonemes are leplesented by letters of the International Phonetic Alphabet, set between slanted lines. Since they are tied both to the social functioning of language and to human biology, phonological systems do not vary without limit. Too simple a system (say, one allowing only one possible syllable) would not function adequately; too complex a system (say, one including ten thousand distinct vowels) would be unleamable or unusable or both. We can say, loosely, that such extreme systems would be unnatural. Phonological changes also do not vary without limit, for the same reasons. An adequate general theory of phonology would specify the limits of variation, and explain the origins of these limits-whether historical, biological, or both. Beyond the extreme cases outlined above, defining what is phonologically natural is difficult. I will return to this question below. There has been perennial conltOversy in modem linguistics over the relationship between phonological representations and actual pronunciation. One aspect of this controversy is the question of when speakers construct

18

J. lntroducdon

absrract representations of morphemes to account for morphological alternations. For example, in English, are knife [naif) and knives [naivz] derived from a single form of the root, or from two fOnDS Inaifl -/naivn Such questions I1U'ely arise in Chinese historical phonology, since morphological alternations are rather uncommon. 17 Much recent work in phonology examines how features are organized within syllables. While I sympathize with this line of inquiry, I do not attempt here to fit Old Chinese into a general theory of syllable structure. The traditional tenninology for syllable positions outlined above is usually adequate for descriptive purposes, and could probably be translated into any reasonable theory of syllable structure.

1.4.2. The nature of phonological reconstruction A phonological reconstruction is sometimes thought of simply as a colloction of spellings, in some more or less phonetic alphabet, intended to represent the pronunciations of an earlier age. This characterization, correct as far as it goes, obscures the conceptual strUCture of a reconstruction. The spellings which are the visible form of a reconstrUCtion reflect a set of hypotheses about the phonology of a language and about its development. These hypotheses show a complex pattern of interdependence; hypothesis A cannot be consistently maintained unless one also accepts hypothesis B, accepting hypothesis B makes it impossible to accept hypothesis C, and so on. These hypotheses, which are the conceptual structure of the reconstruction, are represented only indirectly in the spellings of the reconstruction. For eXamfle, Karlgren's Archaic reconstruction incorporates the hypothesis that Old Chinese, like Sanskrit, had four manners of articulation for initial stops: voiceless unaspirated (e.g. *k-, *p-, *t-) voiceless aspirated (e.g. *t: -, *p'., *t'-) voiced unaspirated (e.g. *g-, *b-, *d-) voiced aspirated (e.g. *g'., *b'·, *d'·) Karlgren's reconstruction also incorporates the related hypothesis that the voiced unaspirated initials *g-, *b·, *d-, etc. were lost, but that the voiced aspirates *g' -, *b' -, *d' -, ·etc. survived into Middle Chinese (Karlgren's "Ancient Chinese"). Neither hypothesis can be read directly from the reconstrUCtions of particular words.

1.4. Methodological remarks

19

The imponance of reconstructing changes as well as fonns should not be overlooked. To give an adequate phonological history of a language. it is not enough to describe the language as one believes it was. even if the phonological system reconstructed for it is a plausible one. Any reconstruction implies a set of changes by which later stages are derived. and lhese must be specified along wilh lhe reconstructions of particular words. I have attempted to do lhis in a preliminary way in lhis study (see lhe summary of major phonological changes in Appendix A). Eventually, it may be possible to define these changes more explicitly, locate lhem in space and time, and use them to examine early Chinese dialects-perhaps to date or place early texts on phonological grounds, as can sometimes be done for languages such as English whose phonological history is better understood. Phonological changes vary widely in their scope of application: some affect a large proportion of a language's morphemes (such as the Great Vowel Shift of English, which affected words with long vowels); others, which we may call minor changes, affect a few syllables, or even a single syllable only. An example of a minor change is the relatively recent change in Mandarin by which the syllable y6ng became r6ng: 18 (3)

~ rong < yong < hjwIMg 'glory'

(4)

M r6ng < y6ng < yuwng 'melt; blend'

(5)

~ r6ng
The same syllable in olher tones (yOng, yOng, yang) was not affected, nor were most other syllables wilh initial y_.19 I will have occasion to propose several minor changes of this type.20 Of course, sometimes what seems to be a minor change later turns out to be a special case of a more general change; but lhere is nothing implausible about minor changes per se. The hypotheses of a reconstruction are formulated within a framework of methodological assumptions about which hypotheses are possible in principle, where hypotheses come from, what data the hypotheses are intended to ·account for, and how to choose among competing hypotheses. Karlgren, for example, assumed that the four-way distinction in manner of articulation described above, being attested for Sanskrit, was available as a possible struc~ lure for Old Chinese also. He assumed (quite reasonably) that the ground rules of Old Chinese phonology are not radically different from those which apply to other languages. A possible alternative view is that Chinese is governed by different principles entirely, any comparisons with Sanskrit or other languages being lherefore irrelevant.

20

,. l11JTntDu:timl

Although scholars working in historical reconstruction seem to share many basic assumptions, it may be useful to Stale explicitly some of the methodological assumptions which underlie the hypotheses presented in this srudy. This is done in the remainder of this section.

1.4.3. Naturalness in reconstruction The first assumption involves the goals of reconstruction: Assumption I: A reconstructed language should be a natural synchronic system from which known later stages can be derived by natural diachronic processes. We may take "natural" here to mean "possible in a natural language". A fully adequate theory of phonology and phonological change in human language would presumably specify which synchronic systems and diachronic processes are natural and which are not. Unfortunately, such a theory does not yet exist. In its absence, we must rely on our experience with linguistic structures and changes. We have confidence in reconstructed structures and changes for which we can easily find parallels in other languages, and we are suspicious of reconstructions for which parallels are hard to find. For example, our experience with vowel systems suggests that they have a certain degree of symmetry and that there are limits on the number of elements they can include. Probably no one would accept a reconstructed vowel system which consisted of all the vowels for which there are symbols in the International Phonetic Alphabet, for example. Most random subsets of these would not be considered natural vowel systems, either. It is this kind of thinking which has led to dissatisfaction with Karlgreo's Archaic Chinese reconstruction, as mentioned above. Of course, there may be differences due to language type; what is natural for one type of language may be unnatural for another type. If we think of naturalness as a set of constraints on possible human languages, then some of these constraints may be unconditional, applying to any human language; they may be stated in the form for any narurallanguage L, p(L) is true, where p(L) is some proposition involving L. "All languages have syllables" would be a constraint of this kind. Other constraints may be conditional; they may be stated in the form for any natural language L, if p(L) then q(L).

1.4. MtlhodologicaJ rtmarks

21

For example, constraints which apply only to tone languages would be of this kind. Crucially, however, I assume that a language's "type" is not pennanent, but can change over time. Some writers speak of the "characteristics" (tedidn ffllQ) of the Chinese language (that it is tonal, uninflected, and so forth) as if they belonged to Chinese permanently and must always have been so. Certainly, language characteristics can persist for long periods of time, but I take the view that the only truly pennanent characteristics of any language are those common to all possible human languages. It follows from this assumption that Old Chinese may have been typologically rather different from Middle and Modem Chinese. It also follows that typological characteristics are not a reliable guide to genetic relationships among languages; we cannot assume that two languages are genetically related just because they are both tonal, for example. Partly for historical reasons, the idea of naturalness of structure has received insufficient attention in Old Chinese reconstruction. Judging from their fondness for symmetrical diagrams of phonological categories, the Qing phonologists seem to have had a notion of phonological structure, but it was rather abstract and unconstrained by conditions on naturalness in the modem sense. Karlgren's lack of attention to naturalness has already been mentioned. Besides Karlgren's, many Olher current reconstructions of Old Chinese are also implausible as phonological structures, even if they olherwise fit the available evidence fairly well. For example, the system recently proposed by Wang Ll (l980b) allows a total of seven different semivowels and semivowel combinations in medial position before the main vowel: *-e-, *·i-, *-y-, *-u-, *-0-, *-iu-, and *-yu-; I doubt if any known language has such an array. (Even with such a rich system of medials, Wang U's system still fails to account for many crucial distinctions.) Li Fang-kuei's system (1971 [1980]) accounts more adequately for the evidence about Old Chinese, but its contrasts among *-j-, *-i-, and *-ji· in prevocalic position, though per·haps not impossible, also seem implausible. Pulleyblank.'s reconstruction with only two main vowels has already been mentioned (see note 5). I argue that we should construct such typologically unusual systems only when compelled to do so by the evidence. (In the case of Old Chinese, I will argue that a simpler, less unusual system can actually account for the evidence bener.) This leads to the second assumption, which is closely related to the first:

22 J. IfllrodJ.u::tion

Assumption 2: Since many hypotheses may be consistent with our knowledge at any given time, it is best to check first those hypotheses that are typologically least unusual. We are rarely in the position of being able to confinn one hypothesis and disconfirm all the competing ones; so we need a way to decide among hypotheses all of which appear to be consistent with our knowledge at the moment There are probably fewer simple, typologically ordinary solutions than complex, unusual ones; if we start with simple solutions and move toward more complex ones only when the simpler ones prove to be inadequate, we will be able to find a simple solution if there is one. Again, in judging what is typologically unusual and what is not, we must rely on our experience with language structure and language change; no' phonological theory can yet do this for us adequately. And again, what is unusual may vary with language type. 1.4.4. Ockham's Razor

The third assumption is a version of Ockham's Razor: Assumption 3: Hypotheses which tie a number of phenomena together are to be preferred over hypotheses which account for only one phenomenon at a time. As an example of this assumption, consider the reconstruction of the following words: (6)

~ ldn < MC Jam 'indigo'

(7)

Ii.jidn<MCkl17n'inspeet'

(8)

•

(9)

mmdn < MC ma:n 'Southern barbarian'

Juan < MC Jwan 'harness bells'

Note that item (6) is a xiishtng character with item (7) ~ as its phonetic element, and that (8) and (9) share the same phonetic element fa. In both cases, we have words with Middle Chinese (and modem) initial J- in the same xj~sheng series with words having other Middle Chinese initial consonants: k- in 'inspect', m- in 'Southern barbarian'. Since words in a single xiisheng series usually have similar initials, Karlgren reconstructed Old Chinese J-clusters in words nke these:

104. Mel/wdofogical remarks

23

~ 'indigo', Karlgren's ·gldm

~ 'inspect', Karlgren's ·!lam

•

'harness bells', Karlgren's ·bJwdn

.. 'Southern barbarian', Karlgren's ·mlwan. Notice mat he also reconSUUCted two different vowels in these words: • .1 > MC -a. and ·a > MC -z.. and *a rhyme with each other in Old Chinese poetry, although their reflexes -a· and .z- do nO( rhyme with each other in Middle Chinese. Karlgren accoumed for this by assuming that rhyme standards were laxer in Old Chinese times than in Middle Chinese times. Thus he accounted for lhese words and their history by using three different hypotheses, involving (1) J·clusters in Old Chinese, (2) an ·c2Ia distinction in Old Chinese, and (3) a change in the strictness of rhyming. S. E. Jaxontov (1960a), on the other hand, has proposed an alternative analysis, pan of which was summarized above: according 10 his account, MC -re- developed from DC *·a- when a preceding ·-1- was lost. This makes Karlgren's *c2Ia distinction unnecessary in Old Chinese. I adopt this proposal in the reconslrUction system proposed here, but with ·r inslead of Jaxontov's ·1. My reconslrUctions are

His·"

B: 'indigo' Idn < lam < ·g-ram ~ 'inspect' jiDn < b::m < ·/cram

fa 'harness bells' luan < lwan < ·b-rwan « ·b·ron) .. 'Soulhem barbarian' mdn <m<en < ·mrwan « ·mron) This single hypothesis of Jaxontov's simultaneously accounts for (I) the presence of MC 1- in xieshLng series with other initials in lhese words; (2) the Middle Chinese distinction belween -0- and -z-; and (3) the change in rhyming practice between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese (due to the phonological split of .-a- inlO tal and tz/), where Karlgren had a separale explanation for each phenomenon. By assumption 3 above, Jaxontov's solution is to be preferred.

1.4.5. Defining Old Chinese The lasl assumption defines more precisely what we mean by "Old Chi· nesc", by specifying whal evidence is to be considered relevant when

24

1. IntroducrWn

reconstructing it. In the strictest sense, I use the term "Old Chinese" for a reconstructed stage with these properties: Assumption 4: A reconstruction of Old Chinese should account for the rhymes of the ShJjTng, the xiishLng characters of 2ll0u-dynasry script, the phonological system of Middle OUnese, and the modem Otinese dialects. More loosely, "Old Chinese" can refer to any variety of the Chinese of early and mid ZhOu. In this looser sense, Old Chinese need not be a single syn· chronic stage; we can speak of dialects and stages of Old Chinese. In the usual tenninology of historical linguistics, an "old" language is the language of the earliest written documents; a "modem" language is the contemporary Conn; and a "middle" language is a stage in between. An earlier reconstructed stage, unattested in written documents, is called a "proto·" language. This terminology developed within Indo-European historical linguistics, and was first applied to languages with alphabetical writing systems. The distinction between an "old" language and a "proto-" language was founded on the idea that it was relatively easy to figure out the phonology of an "old" language from the available written texts (since they were written alphabetically); but the fonns of a "proto-" language were unattested and had to be reconstructed. It is difficult to draw this distinction in the same way for Chinese, however, because the language of the oldest texts is not attested in the same sense that Latin or Old English are attested.; we must reconstruct it, just as an IndoEuropeanist must reconstruct Proto-Germanic or Proto-Slavic. 21 At the same time, the texts themselves do provide independent, albeit rather incomplete, evidence. Thus most reconstructions of "Old Chinese" have analogies to both the "old" and the "proto-"languages of the traditional European ter· minology. Old Chinese is, in a way, attested., since ancient texts provide evidence in the fonn of rhymes, xitshlng series, and so forth. Yet it must also be reconstructed. in such a way that all the distinctions of Middle Chinese can be derived. from it. Assumption 4 does not require that our Old Chinese reconstruction be identical with, say, the language of the Shijfng-only that the language of the Shfjfng is derivable from it. We cannot know a priori that all the Old Chinese features which can be reconstructed. from other evidence were still present in all varieties of C~inese represented. in the ShIjTng. But by definition, Old Chinese, if not identical to the ShIjIng language, must at least be ancestral to it. Similarly, it is possible that no variety of Chinese tepre-

1.4. MtlhodologiCaJ wnarb 25

sented in the Shijing is the direct ancestor of Middle Chinese; but Old Chi· nesc is ancestral 10 Middle Chinese by definition. 22 Assumption 4 mentions both Middle Chinese and the modem Chinese dialects. If we assume that the roodem dialects can be derived from Middle Chinese.. then this is redundant; accounting for Middle Chinese will also account for those dialects. But as I mentioned above, there is at least one group of dialects, the MIn dialects., which split off from the others before the Middle Chinese stage. and therefore cannot be derived from Middle Chinese. In principle, a reconsuuetion of Old Chinese should account for these dialects also. In fact, however, because the reconstruction of the MIn group and its history is still at a preliminary stage. I will largely ignore this part of the definition. Further research on the MIn group should make it possible to correct this deficiency in our reconstruction.

1.4.6. Evidence from Tibeto-Bunnan Is it legitimate to use evidence from Tibeto-Bunnan in reconstructing Old Chinese? As I have defined it, Old Chinese is the system in terms of which we can explain the Old Chinese rhymes and graphic evidence, and the phonology of Middle Chinese and modem dialects. Oearly, then, it would be inconsistent to incorporate phonological distinctions inlO Old Chinese purely on the basis of TIbeto-Bunnan evidenco--distinctions which are not reflected in any way in the Chinese evidence. If, for example, TibetoBurman shows a contrast between final ·-n and final •./, and if this distinction is not reflected in any way in Chinese, then it would be confusing levels of the analysis to incorpxate the distinction between ·-n and •./ into Old Orinese. On this issue, I believe, there is little disagreement. On the other hand, if we wish to explore the well-supponed hypothesis that Cllinese is related to the TIbeto-Bunnan family, we may wish 10 consuuet hypotheses about stages intermediate between Old Chinese and an assumed ancestor, incorporating distinctions from languages we assume to be related. Bodman's Proto-Chinese reconstructions (1980) make use of evidence of this type. Such reconstructions are simply a way of exploring possible relationships between Chinese and other languages; our understanding of these relationships is unlikely to proceed very far without them. As long as we do not confuse Tibeto-Burman distinctions with Chinese ones, I see nothing wrong with such reconstructions. Moreover, in searching for possible hypotheses to explain the Chinese evidence, it seems to me that we are perfectly justified in looking to Tibeto-

26

I. INTOtbu::tiOfl

Burman evidence (or to other languages, or to common sense, or to yarrow stalks, for mat mauer) for ideas on how to account for the problem within our Old QUnese reconsuuetion-as tong as we test the hypotheses against Olinese evidence. As a hypometical example, let us suppose that ProtoTibeto-Burman has a contrast of *-n and *-1 in final position; and suppose mat we find in Old Chinese pairs of words of similar fonn and meaning, except mat one member of the pair ends in MC -n and me other in MC .w; and suppose further that we have many gocx1 examples of apparent cognates between such pairs and Tibeto-Bunnan words ending in *·1. Then we are entitled to investigate the hypothesis that Old Chinese, too, had a contrast of *-n and *-1. possibly cognate to the Tibeto-Bunnan distinction, and mat *-n consistently became MC on, but *-1 developed into -n in some dialects. and inlo ·w in others. (This example is based on an actual proposal in Bodman 1980: 75-79.) Whemer we ultimarely accept this hypomesis will depend, of course, on funher evidence and argumentation; but me hypothesis is not contaminated by the fact that we got the idea from looking at Tibeto-Bunnan. In fact. if this hypomesis can account for me facts, then (by our third assumption above) it has an advantage over other competing explanations, since it not only explains the Chinese evidence but also contributes to a plausible account of the evolution of Old Chinese within the larger Sino-Tibetan family. Of course, there will be borderline cases where judgments may vary. But in general, the validity of hypotheses is independent of where we get the hypotheses. All we must remember is that hypotheses about Old Chinese must be tested primarily against Chinese evidence.

Chapter 2 The Middle Chinese phonological system 2.1. The need for a new transcription system As the previous chapter pointed out, the phonological system of Middle Chinese is one of the major kinds of evidence used to reconstruct Old Chinese. This chapler describes the available evidence about Middle Chinese. summarizes its phonological structure, and introduces a transcription for (Early) Middle Chinese. The transcription for Middle Otinese inuoduced here requires some explanation. Research in Chinese historical phonology has been severely hampered by the lack of a convenient and adequate notation for Middle Orinese pronunciation. Karlgren's "Ancient Chinese", because of its availability in a number of reference works,23 has become a kind of de facto standard, but this is in many ways unfonunate. Despite its historical imponance as the first attempt at a detailed phonetic reconstruction of Middle Chinese, Karlgren's system is both inconvenient and seriously flawed. Some of the flaws are corrected in more recent proposed reconstnlctions,24 but I know of no reconstruction which is entirely suitable as a standard notation; along with much that is uncontroversial, each system includes its author's solutions to problems on which no consensus has been reached, and each would probably be unacceptable to others in the field. This dilemma can perhaps be resolved if we dislinguish transcription from phonological reeon· struetion. The notation I introduce here is not intended as a reconstruction; rather it is a convenient transcription which adequately represents all the phonological distinctions of Middle Chinese while leaving controversial questions open. It is my hope that it will be acceptable and useful as a common notation for scholars who may disagree on the details of Middle Chinese reconstruction. (Even those who may not wish to adopt it as a standard notation may find it useful for some purposes since, with cenain simple substitutions, it can be made fully typable and is thus easy to use in computer applications.) There is no reason why we should be without a satisfactory notation for Middle Chinese while waiting for the remaining controversial points of interpretation to be resolved. 25 To explain the need for a notation other than Karlgren's, I summarize here the major disadvantages of Karlgren's Ancient Chinese reconstruction.

28

2.

T~

Middle Chint!u pMfIOlogical system

First, Karlgren failed to mark certain distinctions which are clearly indicated in the Early Middle Otinese sources and are relevant to Old Chinese reconstruction. For example: I. Karlgren failed to distinguish the Qilylln's Jllj ZItI and ~ ZhI rhymes. born of which he reconstructed as -i; for example, he reconstructed born the following words as kji, even though me first is in me ftl'i Zhi rhyme and the second in the ~ ZIti rhyme (my transcriptions are given for comparison):

!Jl jI 'famine' (Kadgren's kji, my kiJ) (11) X ji 'winnowing basket' (Karlgren's kji, my kO 2. Karlgren failed to distinguish the Qityan's if: Jift and

(10)

~ Gu3.i rhymes, both of which he reconstructed as -(w)ai; for example, he reconsttucted both

the following words as kwai-, even though the rhyme books put them in different rhymes: (12)

i~ gud 'prognosticate with yarrow stalks' (Karlgren's twai-, my kw£;H)

(13)

~ gudi 'divide, make a breach' (Karlgren's twai-, my kw<ejH)

11m

3. Karlgren failed to distinguish the so-called chOngniiJ doublets found in cenain Qifyan rhymes (discussed in more detail in section 2.4.1.4); for example, Karlgren reconstructed both the following words as milt, even though they are listed separately in the Qityiln. and given distinct fdnqje spellings: (14)

~ ml'dense' (Karlgren's milt, my mit)

(15)

Ii mi 'honey' (Karlgren's milt, my mjit)

Second, as noted in Chapter I, Karlgren paid little attention to the distribution of the elements he reconstructed, or to whether they were distinctive or not. He described phonemic analysis as a "craze" in which one attempts "to write a given language with as few simple letters as possible, preferably no other than those to be found on an American typewriter" (1954: 366). This view often led him to mark spurious distinctions between sounds which he apparently believed to be phonetically different, e~'~n though they were probably phonologically (and perhaps phonetically) identical. For example, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese vowels ·e· and -a- are in complementary distri· bution, since ·e· occurs only after .j., while -d- occurs only after -j-. (Karlgren described -i- as a "strong vocalic" medial, -j- as a "weak consonantal" one.) Moreover, words with Karlgren's -e· and words with Karl-

2.1. Tlu!need/oranewtranscriptjoflsystem 29

gren's -a- appear to rhyme freely with each other in poetry of the Middle Chinese period. The following pair illustrates these vowels as reconstructed by Karlgren: (16)

7t xidn 'first', Karlgren's sien (my sen)

(17)

it1J xidn 'an immortal', Karlgren's sj,iin (my sjen).

All evidence appears to indicate that these two words actually had the same main vowel in Early Middle Chinese, and differed only in the preceding medial; accordingly, I write them sen and sjen, respectively. Karlgren's reconstruction, in which the words appear to have both different medials and different main vowels, obscures both the phonological structure of Middle Chinese and the rhyming patterns of Middle Chinese poetry. Third, not only did Karlgren use more than one symbol for the same vowel in some cases; in other cases, he used the same symbol for vowels which are clearly different. This is probably because he failed to recognize the distinc· tion between Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese. For example, Karlgren reconstructed the same main vowel -tJ- in both the following words: (18)

mgen 'root', Karlgren's kan (my kan)

(19)

IT jfn 'axe; catty', Karlgren's kj,tJn (my kjin)

His reconstruction makes it appear that the two words would make a good rhyme. This may have been true for Late Middle Chinese,26 but in Early Middle Chinese, rhymes of this type are quite rare. Instead, the overwhelming tendency in Early Middle Chinese is for Karlgren's -tJn and -uan to rhyme with the finals he reconstructed as -ilm and -iwvn, not with his -ian and -j,u:m (for Sui dynasty data see LI R6ng 1961-62 [1982]: 167--82). This probably indicates that in Early Middle Chinese, Karlgren's finals ·an and -IOn had the same main vowel as his finals -ion and -iwvn; accordingly, in my notation I write the former as -on and -won, the latter as -jon and -}won. The -0- in these finals is probably best interpreted as a mid back unrounded vowel [1\]. The fourth problem is of less theoretical importance, but a great practical disadvantage: it is that Karlgren's symbols are difficult to handle typographically, especially on a typewriter or computer. Moreover, they are confusing and even misleading to nonspecialists, who have difficulty reproducing them accurately and are tempted to simplify his notation by ignoring some of its troublesome distinctions. The problem is that although some of Karlgren's diacritics are superfluous and safely omitted, others, though not

30 2. TM Middk ChiMu phmtDJDgicaJ systmt

visually salient, mark: crucial distinctions. For example, removing the diacritics from Karlgren's/jln (my Un) makes it look: like the quite different syllable written by him as U~n (my /~n). The system for Middle Chinese transcription introduced here is designed to avoid these disadvantages. Its major features are the following: 1. It represents all the distinctions of the Qityun phonological system, including those ignored by Karlgren. 2. By using a few straightforward substitutions, it can be made fully typable, using only charact~ available on ordinary typewrit~ and computer keyboards, without diacritics, oversuikes, superscripts, or subscripts. In this typable version of the transcription, all the symbols used have standard ASCII codes, and can be used in any standard word-processing or database software. We may wish for a day when the computer world agrees on a standard way to handle diacritics and phonetic symbols, but that day has not yet come; until it does, the desire to use only symbols found on an American typewriter, though ridiculed by Karlgren, deserves to be taken seriously in designing a practical transcription syslem. But even aside from mechanical convenience, avoiding diacritics and minimizing special symbols makes the notation easier to read and remember, especially for nonspecialists. 3. Because the number of available symbols is limited, letters are used to represenl features which Karlgren represented with diacritics. For example, -y. is used as a general sign for palatalization: Karlgren's palatal f· is written sy•. 4. All syllables in the same QiiyUn rhyme are written with the same main vowel. The converse is not true: syllables found in different Qityun rhymes do not necessarily have different main vowels. For example, $t xian < sen 'first' and ~W xidn. < sjen 'immortal', cited above, are written with the main vowel ~-, even though they are in different Qiiyun rhymes, because they rhyme in sur dynasty poetry. I emphasize again that the Middle Chinese uanscription proposed here is not intended as a reconstruction of any synchronic state of the Chinese language. A number of its notations are merely representations, more or less arbitrary, of distinctions which are preserved in the Chinese phonological uadition. Indeed, given the.fact that the QityUn probably represented more distinctions than were preserved in any single dialect (see section 2.2.1.1 below), it may be that no true linguistic reconstruction should include all of

2.1.

Thene~dforanewtrlUlScriplionS)'st~m

31

its distinctions. What the proposed notation does is represent, in compact and reasonably realistic form, the phonological information provided for each word by the native linguistic tradition. Section 2.2 below discusses the Middle Chinese rhyme books and rhyme tables. My Middle Chinese transcription is presented in detail in section 2.3 (on Middle Chinese initials) and section 2.4 (on Middle Chinese finals). Although the details of the transcription are not presented until sections 2.3 and 2.4, I will use it in citing examples in section 2.2, since this will make the discussion of the rhyme books and rhyme tables easier to follow. To make these examples clearer, I will first summarize here some of the nota· tional conventions of the transcription: 1. The initial 7- represents a glottal stop [1]; when this symbol is not available, an apostrophe'· may be substituted. An initial letter h- represents a voiced guttural initial, probably [6] or [V]. 2. Secondary features of articulation in initials are represented by letters rather than diacritics. Thus -y- represents palatal aniculation: sy. is equiva· lent to Karlgren's s-, and so on. Similarly, -r- represents retroflex articulation, and serves the function of Karlgren's subscript dot. 27 3. When a palatal initial spelled with -y- occurs with a final whose first letter is normally -j-, the -j- is omitted: thus the syllable consisting of the initial tsy- plus the final -jang is written as tsyang, not lsyjang. This convention simplifies the spelling of syllables, and involves no loss of contrast, for the palatal initials occur only with finals beginning with -j- or -j- (and -jinever contrasts with .j. after palatals). 4. Conventions for main vowels are: (1) The symbol - ~- may be inter· preted as a low front (unrounded) vowel [re]; when this symbol is not available, the digraph -ae- may be substituted. (2) The symbol -E- may be interpreted as an open mid front (unrounded) vowel [e]; when this symbol is not available, the typable digraph -ea- may be substituted. (3) The barred-j symbol -i- is used for a high central unrounded vowel [i]; when this symbol is unavailable, a plus sign .+- may be substituted. (4) The letter ·0- is usually best interpreted as a mid back unrounded vowel [A]. 5. The traditional tone categories p(ng SJZ 'level', sMng J: 'rising' or 'up', qil =J:.. 'departing', and ril A 'entering' are identified by the last letter of the syllable; no diacritics are used. SMngsheng is marked by a suffixed -x, and qilsheng by a suffixed -H. (The use of small capitals for tone marks is optional, but helps to distinguish these symbols from the initial consonants

written x- and h- respectively.) RUshing words are those ending in .p, ·1, or -k; syllables not ending with -x, -H, -p, -I, or -k are plngsheng.

2.2. Major sources of evidence on Middle Chinese Traditional Chinese phonological texts dating from the Middle Chinese peric:xl. are so abundant and detailed that the usual practice. from Karlgren's time to the present, has been to use them as the primary basis for reconstructing the phonological categories of Middle Chinese, and to use other evidence-principally the mcx:iern Chinese dialects and Chinese loan words in other languages-in an auxiliary way, to fill in the phonetic values of these categories. The principal written sources used are (I) the rhyme books (YilnslulllllW) of the Qityiln tradition. which arrange words by rhyme and indicate the pronunciation of each syllable (in a manner to be described below); and (2) rhyme tables (yilntu lliIllb such as the Yilnjlng lliI~. which plot syllables on a grid according to their initials and finals. These two types of evidence are discussed in sections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2 respectively. There is some justification for this heavy reliance on written sources, since the rhyme books and rhyme tables often preserve evidence of distinctions which remain only incompletely, if at all, in the modem dialects, and could not be recovered by comparative reconstruction alone. The so-called chOng· mil distinctions mentioned in section 2.1 are a goc:xl. example: the words ~ ml < mit 'dense' and ~ ml < mjit 'honey', and many similar pairs of words. are systematically distinguished in the rhyme books and rhyme tables, and there is ample evidence that these distinctions were real. But the distinc· lions have been almost entirely lost in modem dialects, and would be difficult to recover without the written sources. At the same time. these distinc· tions are crucial, I believe, for a correct reconstruction of the Old Chinese vowel system. However, the dangers of relying primarily on written evidence should be kept in mind. There is good reason to believe that some of the distinctions made in traditional phonology were anificial or incorrect- For example, the Early Middle Chinese initials which I write as dzy- and zy- appear to have been reversed by mistake in the rhyme-table tradition, so that the fonner was treated as a fricative and the latter as an affricate. This error probably occUlTed because the two initials had merged in most dialects by the Late Middle Chinese peric:xl. (see section 2.3.6 below). Furthermore, the written evidence does not represent all dialects equally, and may be irrelevant or misleading when applied to the history of certain modem dialects (such as

2.2. Major sources ofevidellu 011 Middle ChiMse

33

those of the Mln group). Although in this study I continue a more or less traditional approach to Middle Chinese based primarily on written sources, further research on modem dialects may turn out to be an important corrective to the possible biases of this approach. 2.2.1. Rhyme books

Rhyme books are known by title from as early as the Wei-Jln period (A.D 220-420), but the most important part of the rhyme-book tradition is a series of rhyming dictionaries beginning in A.D. 601 with the Qityiln Wtii by Lu Flyan M!$~ of the Sui dynasty (581-618). Although the rhyme books may originally have been intended simply as aids in writing poetry, they gradually took on many of the characteristics of general-purpose dictionaries, providing infonnation on the pronunciations, meanings, and written forms of the literary Chinese vocabulary of the time. Pronunciations in the rhyme books were indicated by the method known as fdnqie &. W (rranslated by Karlgren as "turning and cutting", 1954: 213). A fd"'lie spelling represents the pronunciation of a character by the use of two other characters: an initial speller, having the same initial consonant as the word being spelled, and a final speller, having the same final. For example, the word J! dOng < MC tuwng 'east' is spelled ~n, that is, "eM + hOng", or in Middle Chinese pronunciation, t(ok) + (h)uwng, indicating the combination of the initial t- with the final -uwng. Well-known characters were used as spellers whenever possible, so that readers could construct the pronunciation of an unfamiliar word from the pronunciations of words they already knew. The method of fdnqie spelling is thought to have originated during the second century A.D.-possibly influenced by knowledge of Indian phonology. Before it was introduced, the only known way to indicate the pronunciation of a character was to give a homophonous character; where no homophone could be found (or none that the reader was likely to know), it was necessary to rely on near-homophones. This method (called zhfyfn 1r if 'direct sounds') was widely used in Han·dynasty commentaries on the classics. Fdnqie spellings were a great advance in precision.28 All the rhyme books in the Qieyun tradition have a similar organization, which may be summarized as follows: 1. Tone groups. Each rhyme book is divided into four main sections, one for each of the tones of Middle Chinese, in a conventional order: pfngshlng sp.V 'even tone', shiJngsheng 1:.V 'rising' or 'up tone', qilsheng *V

A"

'departing tone', and rwhing 'entering tone'. Most rhyme books as· sign one juan :ft ('fascicle') to each tone, except that the pfngsheng section is divided into two juan because of its length (pfngshing having more charact~ than any other tone). 2. Rhymes. Each tone group is subdivided into rhymes which are conven-

tionally identified by their first entry: the!t! Dong rhyme is the rhyme whose first word is!f.! dOng < tuwng 'east', and so on. All the characters in a Qi~yUn rhyme are assumed to have rhymed with each other, but they did not necessarily have identical finals: the!t! DOng rhyme, for example, includes words with the two Middle Chinese finals -uwng and -juwng. Generally speaking, each pfngshLng rhyme has corresponding rhymes in sMngsheng and qwheng. Rhymes ending in nasal codas also have a corresponding rhyme in rwhLng. which ends in the corresponding voiceless stop; for example, MC -et is considered the rwhing counterpart of Me -en (pIng), -en)( (shdng), and -enIJ (qu). For convenience, the head character of the plngshing rhyme is often used to refer to the whole set of corresponding rhymes regardless of tone. For example, "!t! Dong" sometimes refers not just to the first rhyme of the plngshLng section, but also, in a broader sense, to the corresponding rhymes in sMngshing and qwhing: Ii DOOg (containing words with finals -uwngx and -juwngX) and 3 Song (containing words with finals -uwngH and -juwngH); and sometimes also to the corresponding rUshing rhyme 1M. Wl1 (containing words with finals -uwk and -juwk). The order of the rhymes is basically the same in aU four IOnes; that is, the first rhyme in the plngsheng section corresponds to the first rhymes of sJulngshing, qUsheng, and rUshing, etc. But there are some anomalies which disturb this simple ordering. For example, in the Qieyun, there are four rhymes which occur only in qilshLng: ~ n, ¥ ni, ~ Guli, and Fei. The order of rhymes within a tone group does not follow any obvious order, except that similar rhymes are grouped together. For example, the ~ Yang rhyme (containing words with the finals -jang and -}wang) and the ~ Tang rhyme (containing words with the finals -ang and -wang) are adjacent, reflecting the fact that all four of these finals normally rhymed with each other freely in poetry of the time. The words used as labels of the rhymes also seem to have some significance: when the labels of adjacent rhymes begin with the same Middle Chinese initial, this is probably an indication that the two rhymes were similar or perhaps, in some contemporary dialects, identical. For example, the rhymes labeled $t Xiiin (MC sen) and {W Xian (Me sjen) are adjacent, and their first characters both begin with SO; the

m

22. Major sources ofevidence Oil Middle Chinese 35

words in these two rhymes rhymed freely with each other in Middle Olinese times. and the distinction between them was eventually lost in most dialects. Similarly, the III Shin (MC " ...) and LlJ Sh>n (MC "en) rhymes are adjacent, and their first characters both begin with sr-; they, too, eventually merged in most dialects, and this merger may already have taken place in some dialects by the time of the Qitylln.29

3. Homophone groups. Within each rhyme, words which are completely homophonous are grouped together in homophone groups. Under each character a gloss is given, sometimes very brief, sometimes (especially in the later rooks of the tradition) longer, with references to the character's use in ancient literature. In addition, under the first character in each homophone group, the pronunciation of the words in the group is indicated by a fdnqie spelling of the form "A B an &." or "A B qie W", where A is the initial speller and B the final speller (see above). The number of characters in the homophone group is also given in the entry for the first character. If a character has more than one pronunciation, this fact may be indicated in one or both of the following ways: (1) the same character may appear in more than one homophone group, or (2) a character's entry in one homophone group may give an additional pronunciation, indicated either by a fdnqie spelling or by a homophonous character. The arrangement of homophone groups within a rhyme follows no obvious principle, though there are occasional pauerns of some interest 22.1.J. The Qityiln

Regarding the origins of the Qityl1n and the way in which it was compiled, we are fOMunate in having Lii Hy4.n's own preface to the QieyUn, dated A.D. 601. Although Lii Hy4.n was responsible for the final compilation of the work, the original draft, begun some twenry years earlier, is said to represent the judgments of a group of scholars who met at LU Ry4n's home. LU describes how the QieyUn grew out of their discussions:

In the evening, after they had enjoyed their wine, their discussions always turned to phonology. Differences obtained between the pronunciations of the past and the present and different principles of selection were followed by the various authors.... The ranjl til!!! by LU nng IS WJ, the rllnla.! til8!/! by Xil.h6u Gili J[ ~ali:, the ranla.! til8!/! by YAng XiOzhT ~I*z, the Yrnpa 1f1ll by LT njie *~ftlj, and the ranlii~ tillll by Oil TaiqTng all

tt.'"

36 2. TM MU:tdk ChiMu phoflOlogical system

conlain forms which are mutually inconsistent. The rhymes used in the South also differ widely from those used in the Nonh. And so we discussed the right and the wrong of South and Nonh, and the prevailing and the obsolete of past and present; wishing to present a IDOIC refined and precise standard. we discarded all that was ill-defined and lacked preciseness. The wdishf 9l' \I: Yin Zhitui Mzll and the guaz( 1llI:r XiAo Gii .~ were responsible for most of these judgments. The zhllzU
22. Major SblVces 01 t:vi.dotet: on Middle GhiMSt:

37

Otina only in S90---aetually after the time, llCCOIding to the QiiyUn preface, when the QiiyJUi authors were beginning their nocturnal phonological discussions. As pointed out by Chfn Y{nk~ (1949) and ZhOu Ziim6 (1963 [1966]), the dialect of Cluing'ln may have enjoyed less prestige at the time than those of other major cultural centeni farther east-Looytrlg m~, y~ II (in southern HelXi), and JTnlfng :ii:1I: (modem Nanjing). In a work of his own, ytn ZhItuT (531-595), one of the QityiUI authors whom Lu FA.yM credits with making most of the judgments, speaks favorably of the speech of Luoying and rrnJiog, but does not mention auing'an. None of the QiiyI1n authors was from OWlg'in; three were from rmlfng, the rest from y~. Moreover, we have independent sowces of information about the Ching'ln dialect which show a number of important differences from the language represented in the Qityun (K. Chang 1974: 67--69). Indeed, the QiiyiUI preface itself strongly suggests that the intention of the authors was to establish a national standard which was not fully embodied in the speech of any single place. This would explain the fact that the Qieyun maintained all the rhyme distinctions made in anyone of the earlier rhyme books. Although we cannot assume that the Qiiyiln represented the language of a single place and time, the phonological system it represented may have been no more artificial than that represented in, say, an ordinary American dictionary. Typically, the pronunciations indicated in American dictionaries include more distinctions than are preserved in anyone variety of English; thus they include both the distinction between [hw] and [w] (made by some Americans, but not preserved in standard British English) and the distinction between "broad a" as in/ather and "short 0" as in cot (preserved in standard British English but not in most varieties of American English). The resulting system may not exac'iO represent the pronunciation of any single area, but it is far from artificial. Thus the artificiality of the QilyJUi standard should not be exaggerated. Some later schol"", such as the Qing scholar D1li Zhen~:iii: (17H-1777), suspected that many of the distinctions in the Qilyun. were without objective foundation; the existence of roughly two hundred separate rhyme groups (counting each tone separately) seemed implausible (Wang Ll 1936--37 [1957]: 245--6). But most of the fine distinctions made in the Qieyun can be confinned by other evidence from approximately the same period, such as the rupian, the Jfngdidn shiwin, and Xutrlylng's Ylqii jIng y[nyl (Zhou Ziim6 1963 [1966], ZhOu FlgAo 1949b [1968]; on these sources, see section 2.2.1.3 below). As Pul1eyblank puts it:

It may be that no one dialect in A.D. 600 retained all the distinctions made by the Ch'ieh-yiin but we may feel reasonably sure that all the distinctions were to be found currently in some variety of cultivated speech. (Pulleyblank 1962: 65)

(For more detailed discussion of the QityiUJ and the language it represents. see ZhOu ZUm61963 [1966] and K. Chang 1974.)

22./2. Revisions of the

Qi~yun

From contemporary sources we know of a number of revisions of the QityiUJ made during the T.4ng and SOng dynasties. The major versions are listed in Table 2.1 (adapted from K. Chang 1974: 74). In modem times. the Gudngyun lIillll (1007-8) and ,he flyun lI;llIl (1038-9) were the only available versions for many years. The GuifngyiUJ was compiled under imperial auspices in the SOng dynasl)' (960--1279) by a group of scholars led by Chen PengniM f!l!~4' (961-1017) and Qiu Yilng IilIJi. The flyun was a revision of the Gudflgyiln compiled by DIng Du Til (990--1053) later in Sbng. Unfonunately. the phonological value of the currently available version of the j{yiJn is greatly diminished by many obvious errors which probably crept in after the original version (Wang U 1981: 72-74). The Gudngyun, the earlier of the two versions. has been assumedcorrectly, as it turned out-to preserve the phonological categories of the original Qieyiln almost entirely intact. in spite of the passage of four centuries; and since the earlier rhyme books had all been lost. studies of QityiJn phonology were really based until recenlly on the Gudngyun. Since 1900, however, ponions of some of the earlier versions have become available. Rhyme book fragments were discovered in the DiinhtWig caves and in Turfan; others turned up in Beijing. Most were manuscripts. al· though some printed versions were found also. W.4ng Gu6wei I [:Itt (1877-1927) argued that two of the three QieyiJn fragments from Dlinhuang in the British Museum were from Zhlngsun N~yan's version. and that the other represented LU FAyan's original version (quoted in Wblg U 1936-37 [1957): 178-80). Wang Renxu's "corrected and supplemented" edition was represented by fragments from Dlinhu1ng and the Fonner Palace Museum (Gilg6ng B6wilyuAn /iI('8lfl!iJ~) in Beijing. Fragments 01 the Tdngyiln also came to light. A pllJ1lllel edition of the available fragments and the Gudngyun was published in 1937. with the title ShIyiUJ hulbidn +tiitU; [Collected edition often rhyme books] (Lill, Loo, & W~i 1937).

2.2. Major solUces of evi~nce on Middle Chinese

39

Table 2.1. Principal versions of the QiJyun D""

Principal aUlhor(s)

Title

601

LU Fly4n ~?!~

QI",'"

Wlil

6n

Zhlngsiin Ney8n -:Ii:mii~

'QI",'.

Wlil

706

wOng RIn"

:E C!t'!l

KlJnmiU bilqul Qity'"

fUi.lIliHJJlil

[Corrected and supplemented QiJyUn]

77iJ 751 76:1-84 1007--8

1038-9

i>i\ 1iIii SO. M;An i>i\ 1iIii LIZ""" ill SO. M;An

*

Chin ""n..;an ~ ~ 4'. 0;' YOng IiIHI DIng DU

T Jlt

Tang)'lln ~m (first version) TdngyUn ~fti'i (second version)

Wilil GudngyUn 1Ji fti'i [Broad rhymes] QI",'.

IlyUtl

mm [Collected rhymes]

(Adapted from K. Chang 1974: 74)

The most dramatic discovery, however, came in 1947 when an almost entirely complete manuscript of Wing Renxu's edition was discovered in the Former Palace Museum in Beijing (ZMu Ziim6 1966c). This version has been Sludied by [)
40 2. TIKMiddleClUMsephtHtDlogicairysum

separation into different rhymes of finals which, although distinguished already in the earlier versions, had been put in the same rhyme. (For example, the Middle Chinese finals -an and -wan were put in the same rhyme in the Qiiyun, but in separate rhymes in the GutIngyun.) The only imponant phonological difference between earlier and later versions appears to be that MC dzr· and zr-, which were still distinguished in WMg Renxu's version, were not distinguished in the Gudngylln (D6ng T6nghC 1952 [19741: 517-18). In this study, most Middle Otinese readings are taken from the GutIngylln, which is still the most convenient rhyme book to use because of the existence of indexed versions and the relative lack of textual problems. 2.2.13. Other sources off1nqi~ spellings In addition to the rhyming dictionaries. there are several other imponant works of the Middle Chinese period which give fdnqii spellings. I will discuss some of the major ones below. The JfngdUln shlwin ~JU!"j( by Lil Dtmlng ~lt<1jIj contains notes on the pronunciation of words in fourteen classical texts. 31 Although LiJ Deming is usually described as a man of the Ting dynasty (618-907), he lived from about 550 to 630, and the Jfngdidn shlwin was probably written in 583. actually before the Qityiln (see Un TlIo 1962. ZMu Zilm6 19600: 275. Wing Ll 1981: 63). In this work, pronunciations are given (usually by means of fd"'lU spellings) for difficult words in the classical texts, or for

words with unusual readings. Lu Demfng refers to many philological works of the preceding centuries, many of which are now lost and known only from the lfngdidn shlwtn. The phonological system represented is very close to that of the Qitylln, with a few differences probably characteristic of the educated speech of the WU ~ aIe8, Lii Deming's home. 32 In rcamstrueting the pronunciations of rhyme words in the ShIjlng, I generally follow the readings of the lfngdidn Shlwin, except where it lacks distinctions made in the Qiiyun. Another major source on Early Middle Chinese is the Yupidn .3r.1f4, compiled in 543 by Gu YfWMg (UtI: (519-581). The Yilpidn was a dictionary modeled on the ShU6win jibi in which characters were arranged under 542 radicals.33 A fcInqii spelling was given under each character. The original Yllpidn was a large and unwieldy work of thirty judn, and during Ting and Song various abridgements and revisions of it were made, which often altered the originalfdnqii spellings; of the original version only mg-

2.2. MajorsoUTcesofevidenaollMiddJeCltillae 41

ments remain (some two thousand entries out of a reponed original total of 16,917), and the currently-available version of the Ytlpidn is not a reliable guide to Early Middle Otinese phonology. However, the Japanese monk Kiikai ~ifJ (774-835>, who went to Orina in 804, used the original YJlpidn as the basis for his character dictionary

Tenrei BansM Meigi iIIl:li;1i!;~~ ft. According to ZhOu Zllm6's study of this work (19600), comparison of itsfdnqii with those which remain of the original YJlpidn shows that they faithfully preserve the original phonological system of the Ytlpidn. ZhOu ZUm6's analysis of thesefdnqit reveals a phonological system very close to that of the }fngdidn Shlwen; the major difference is that the ftl"'lii of the BanshO meigi apparently reflect the split of labial initials p-. ph-, and b- into labial and labiodental series.34 Several other works which include fdnqii spellings are important to the study of Middle Chinese and its varieties, but can be mentioned only briefly here. One such work is the Yfqil;lng yrnyl -t}J.ffifft, completed about 655 by the monk Xuilnylng 1';I!!, a disciple of the famous Xuilnzlng 1';~ who brought Buddhist scriptures from India. This work provides fdnqie spellings for various texts in the Buddhist canon (see Zh6u Rgao 1948b [1968]). About a century later, the monk Huilin 1lJU: produced a similar but larger work of the same title (see Hu~ng Culb6 1930). 2.2.2. The rhyme-table tradition The rhyme-table tradition is caUed in Chinese dlngyiJnxui ~lliI~ 'study of divisions and rhymes'. (On the meaning of "divisions" see below.) It consists of a number of phonological tables and an accompanying literature which probably began to develop in late Ttng. The stage of the language represented by the rhyme tables (Late Middle Chinese) differs somewhat from the language of the Qityl1n; but the rhyme tables. if carefully used, are still very useful in reconstructing Early Middle Cbinese, and much of their terminology is applicable to the Early Middle Chinese stage. The earliest extant rhyme tables, and the most useful for the study of Early Middle Chinese, are the YiJnjing ftiii [Mirror of rhymes] and the Qryrn tile -l:::;1f 1113 [Summary of the seven sounds). I will refer to these as the early rhyme tables, in contrast to other later tables which are less useful for studying the Early Middle Chinese period. The available version of the YiJnjlng was published by ZhAng UnzhI ~G :2., who wrote two prefaces to it, dated 1161 and 1203. The Qryrn liU was included by the SOng dynasty scholar 2'Jl~ng Qi10 IH! (1108-1166) in his

encyclopedia, the Tongzhi ~i5. (For a detailed discussion see Lu6 CMngpei 1935.) It has been shown that both works represent a single preSbng tradition. I will briefly describe the arrangement of the Yunjlng here in order to give a m:H'C precise idea of what a rhyme table is. Most of the dis· cussion applies also to the Qlyfn liii, which is very similar. The YUlIjlng consists of forty-three cham or zhudn .. (literally, 'turns') in which the syllables of the rhyme book tradition are tabulated according to their phonological characteristics. Each of the fony·three cham tabulates the occurrences of a set of finals with the various possible initials, in all tones. Within a particular chart, characters are placed in the row carre· sponding to their final and in the column corresponding to their initial.

22.2.1. Representation a/finals in the YunJlng As many as four different finals (not counting tonal distinctions) may be listed in a single chart of the Yunjing, but the finals in anyone chart all have the same coda (except that nlshLng has a final voiceless stop where the other tones have a final nasal), and probably had similar main vowels in Late Middle Chinese. Each chan is described as nlizhudn ~" 'inner zJuuln' or wdizhudn 9~" 'outer zhudn'-terms whose meaning is not completely c1ear.15 In addition, the terms kdi DtJ 'open' and hi..g. 'closed' (abbreviations of kdikOu ImlJ 'open mouth' and hikeu..g.lJ 'closed mouth') are used to indicate the presence or absence of medial -w- before the main vowel: hikeu indicates a medial ·w-, kdikeu indicates the absence of -K'-. These tenns will be used frequently throughout this study.36 Each chan has sixteen rows in four groups of four rows each. Each group of four rows corresponds to one of the four tones. The four rows within each tone category are called deng ~ 'divisions' (or 'grades') and are com· manly referred to by number: division I, division II, division m, and division IV. The phonetic significance of these "divisions" is a much-debated problem on which the Chinese phonological tradition itself sheds little direct light Most modem researchers, working from dialect reflexes, assume that (for the stage of the language represented by the rhyme tables) divisions m and IV had some kind of high front medial, while divisions 1 and II did not. There is funher agreement that the vowel in the division I finals was "dark" or pronounced farther back: than in division II finals. The distinction between divisions III and lV has left almost no trace in modem dialects;

2.2. Major sources ofevidence on Middle ChiMse

43

various interpretations of this distinction have been proposed, including differences in the medial, differences in the main vowel, or both. Table 2.2 illustrates the placement of finals in the rows of two adjacent charts (numbers twenty-three and twenty-four) of the YUnjing. The finals are given in the notation for Middle Chinese to be introduced below. Table 2.3 illustrates the reflexes of these finals with velar initials in Mandarin and Cantonese. 2222. Representation of initials in the YunJ1ng

Each chart in the YUnjlng has twenty·three columns which indicate the initials of the syllables in the table}7 The twenty-three columns are separated into groups which correspond to positions of articulation: labials, dentals, and so on. Within each of these groups, the initials are ordered according to their manner of articulation. For example, the first four columns of each table include words with labial initials, in the following order: p- (voiceless unaspirated stop), ph- (voiceless aspirated stop), b· (voiced stop), and m(nasal); the order in the other groups is parallel. There are traditional tenns for both the positions and the manners of articulation, which differ somewhat from one rhyme table to another. The rhyme-table tradition also includes a list of thirty-six traditional names for initial consonants (called zlml1 ~e 'mothers of characters'), but these are not present in the Yunjing itself. This list does not entirely correspond to the set of Early Middle Chinese initials which can be derived from analysis of the fanqie spellings of the rhyme book tradition, for the thirty-six zlnu1 arose later than the rhyme books and probably reflect Late rather than Early Middle Chinese. Though the Yunjing combines the thirty·six initials into twenty-three columns, some later rhyme tables have thiny-six columns, one for each initial (e.g. the QieyUn zhlzMngru t)]iiUIj~I!I). The traditional thirty-six zimil, along with the traditional terminology for positions and manners of articulation, are listed and discussed in section 2.3, where the Middle Chinese initials are described in more detail.

2. Till! MitJdlL CIWu.~ phDtwlogicaJ synem

44

Table 22. Middle Chinese linaIs in two adjacent tab~ of the YIlltjUtg

.........

Chart 24

Owt23

""'......

-....

Divisiolt

To",

pfngsJtlflg

·m

.-

III

-~f1

·p...en

IV

~

."""

I

-<We

."""",

n

."",

·w"'"

-~nx

.jwenx

I

n sMng.rltlng

qllshing

rUshing

Io/U.

·wm

III IV

-<""

._""

I

..,."

.won//

II III

./mH

'WID1JI

-jefllt

·jwenH

IV

-<""

I

..,

II III

.~t

.-

._""

...

·w"

.p...el ._/

-
IV

Tabk 23. The fem divisions illUSU8led in Mandarin aDd Canlonese

Division

Middle Chi.Mse

If 'liver'

I

;l;i 'oduJ ""Y'

II

........

III

l~nx

IV

U.

I II III

"'m ljwenx

.'1""'"

Ji1l'_'

g

'official' II 'to shut'

~

'roU up'

m'streamlet'

IV

..... "''"

MONiorUo

C"""''''''

• iVt

.•••

ji4n ji4n ji4n

........ judfl

j'"

...

.r. .r. .u.

,..,." gyUn gyu.

2.3.

TMinilitJJ$ofMiddJ~ChiMu

45

2.3. The initials of Middle Cbinese Table 2.4 lists the initials of Middle Chinese as they are written in my transcription. The symbols used in Table 2.4 have their standard phonetic values, with the following exceptions: 1. Aspiration of SlOpS and affricates is indicated by the letter -h-; this -h- is equivalent to the [hI or ['I of the International Phonetic Alphabet. 2. The letter -r- is not intended as a sepantte segment, but rather :repre· sents reuoflex articulation of me preceding consonant. 3. SinUlarly, me letter .y. indicates palatal articulation of me preceding consonant. 4. Initial h- :represents a voiced guttural fricative, probably [iiI or [vI in me International Phonetic Alphabet (the exact position of articulation is unclear), in contrast to.%-, which is voiceless. Tabk 2.4. The initials or Middle Chinese Labials: Dentals: Lateral:

t>

,-

p'-

,.-

b-

m-

d-

ft-

1-

Retrotlex slOpS:

,,-

Irh-

dr-

Dental sibilants:

u-

tsh-

dr-

,-

,-

R.euoiIex sibilants:

u,-

l$rh·

du-

g-

u-

Palau

"Y-

l$1h-

dry-

ftY-

".

".

th-

g-

ng-

,-

.-

Velars:

Urynge.u,

.-,

M-

y-

As Table 2.4 shows, Middle Chinese had oral stops and affricates with three manners of articulation, which I represent as follows:

1. Voiceless unaspirated. The traditional tenn for this class is qUlin qlng ~ ~ 'full clear' .38 These initials nonnally remain as voiceless unaspiraled in modem dialects. 2. Voiceless asf9irated. The traditional term for mis class is cl qfng {XlfI 'second clear'. 9 In my notation, aspiration is indicated by the letter -h-,

always written after any marlc of secondary articulation such as .y. (palatali· zation) or ·r· (retroflexion). (As an independent initial, however, h· repre· sents a voiced guttural fricative; see above.) The voiceless aspirated initials nonnally have voiceless aspirated reflexes in modem dialects.

3. Voiced. The ttaditionallenn for voiced obstruents is quan zhuO ~iI 'full muddy'. Voiced resonants such as the nasals and 1-, on the other hand, were described as cl zhuO ~iIi 'second muddy'.40 Karlgren reconsUUCted the "fuU muddy" stop and affricate initials as voiced aspirates, writing them b' -, d'., dz' -, elc. There is little evidence for this aspiration, however, and I foUow LI R6ng (1956) and others in representing these initials as simply voiced. The voiced initials have lost their voicing in most modem dialects, becoming aspiraled or unaspirated according to tone and dialect. (For example, in Mandarin, voiced initials in p(ngs~ng become voiceless aspirated, while voiced initials in other tones normaUy become voiceless unaspirated.) However, in the Wti dialects and a number of others (including some of the Xiiing or Htin1n dialects), the voiced initials are preserved as a separate class. We now tum to a more delailed discussion of the initials at each position of articulation. Along with my own notation, I will give the reconstructions of Karlgren (1954) and Pulleyblank (1984) for reference. I will also discuss the label or labels for each initial in the traditionallisl of thirty-six initials (zlmu ~ffJ:), and Ihe conventional labels used for initials in Chineselanguage phonological worlcs.

2.3.1. Labials (ch"ny'fn ljiff 'lip sounds') The labial initials of Middle Chinese are lisled in Table 2.5. Table 2.5. Middle Chinese labial initials

...."',

Karl"""

PuUeybLank (EMC)

p-

p-

p-

ph-

p' -

p'-

0-

b' -

0-

m-

m-

m-

Notice that Early Middle Chinese had no labiodenlal initials likej. or v·; such initials developed under cenain conditions from the bilabial initials in

23. TM initials of Middle ChiJtese

47

most later varieties of Chinese, including lhe Late Middle Chinese represented in the rhyme tables. This change, which we may calliabiodentalization (see Appendix A), may be formulated as follows: P-+FI

j[V,+back]

That is, Early Middle Chinese labial initials became labiodentals when followed by medial-j- and a back vowel (-;-, -U-, -a-, or -0- in my notation). This formulation of labiodentalization is due to Y. R. Chao (1941). Chao expressed doubts about this fonnulation because some syllables which Karlgren reconstructed with back vowels did not undergo the change: for example, ~ bing < pja:ng (Karlgren's pirmg), lib pln < phimx, Karlgren's p'iam:), and Qk bfng < ping (Karlgren's piang). As my transcription suggests, I suspect lhese actually had front vowels at the time labiodentalization occurred. (On the reconstruction of front vowels in the first two, see Pulleyblank: 1962: 74-75, 78-79.) Other formulations of labiodentalization are possible, of course (see for example Pulleyblank. 1984: 86--91). In modern Mandarin, Middle Chinese p-, ph-, and b· have all developed into f- in these conditions; labiodentalized m- had probably become v- in Old Mandarin, later merging wilh w- in the standard language:

(20)

!lJ.flng
(21)

'Jj fdng
(22)

~fa < bjor 'expedition'

(23)

m: wu « OM vu) < mju 'have not'

Except for this process of labiodentalization, the Middle Chinese labial initials generally remain bilabial in modem dialects. It is characteristic of the Min dialects that they were unaffected by labiodentalization, e)(cept in literary items apparently borrowed from other dialects in the Tc1ng period (618-907) or later. In words where other dialects have [fl, colloquial Min pronunciation (presumably inherited from the parent language ralher than borrowed) has bilabials; in literary items, [f] has been borrowed as [h(u)] or [x(u)]. For example, in the dialect of Xi~men (Arney), we have the following doublet corresponding to 7.t fin < Me pjun: ~ pun J 'to divide' (coll<XJ.uial) ~ hun J 'to divide' Oiterary)

corresponding to (24)

~ fin

< pjun 'to divide'.

The Kejia. (Halla) dialects also preserve bilabial initials in a number of common words wbere oLber dialects have labiodentals.41 In Lbe traditional terminology, which reflects Late rather than Early Middle Otinese, the bilabial initials are called zhOng cnunyln . . .if 'heavy lip sounds' while the labiodental initials which developed from them are called Qlng chl1nyln ftfi1f 'lighllip sounds'. In the thirty-six zlmll, there are four names for "heavy lip sounds" and four for the corresponding "light lip sounds". The traditional names foe the "heavy lip sounds" (bilabials), with their Early Middle Otinese pronunciations, are

:If

Bilng < Pang I;} Pilng < Phang ~ Bing < Bengx I!IJ Mfng < Mjamg

p-

ph· bmo.

The traditional names for the "light lip sounds" (1abiodentals) are: ~F Fei < Pjij f( FD < Phju !\! Rng < Bjowngx ~ Wei < Mjij

t-

LMC LMC tLMC [IiLMC l1'-

< EMC p. < EMC ph< EMC b< EMC m-,

The Late Middle Chinese reconstructions above follow Pulleyblank (1984). Though the rhyme-table tradition maintains a distinction between ~~ Ri, the labiodental from EMC PO, aod f( Fa, the labiodental from EMC ph-, Pulleyblank (1984: 69) argues that these initials were not phonetically different in Late Middle Chinese, the distinction being an artificial one based on Early Middle Chinese fdnqii spellings; a distinction between unaspirated [f] and aspirated [f'] would be rather unusual. It is possible, however, that at an early stage of labiodentalization, MC p- and ph- became labiooental affricates [Pf] and [prj respectively before merging as [f), The phonetic status of ~ Wei, the labiodental initial derived from EMC m-, is also problematical. It is often represented as a labiodental nasal, IPA [IIJ] (e.g. in ClMi: raydn wtnzl flnct 1978: 43). But aceocding to Ladefoged (1971: 37), labiooentaJ [0]] is normally found only as a positional variant of other nasals; there are no known cases in the languages of the world where [ll)] and [m] are phonologically distinct. Pul1eyblank reconstructs this initial for Late Middle Chinese as a bilabial approximant [v]. Note that some southern dialects show no evidence of labiodentalization in words with EMC m-; cf. (25)

~ Cantonese mdahn 'late', Mandarin wdn

< EMC mjonX.

23.

TMiniliobofMiddkChiMs~

49

Rather than assume that labiodentalization occurred and was then reversed in such dialects, it may be better to assume that it just operated differently, and never affected EMC m- in the first place. 2.3.2. Denials (aM t6u yin I§ii~ 'tongue-head sounds') The Middle Chinese dental initials are listed in Table 2.6. Tabl~

2.6. Middle Chinese dental initials Bax~,

/-

""'oren

PuUeyblank: (EMC)

,-

,-

/hd-

",,--

"d--

n-

n-

n-

It is unclear whether these should be regarded as dental or alveolar in articulation, but otherwise there is little controversy about their reconstruction. They are generally alveolars in modern dialects; note however that in many dialects n- is not distinguished from 1-. The tnlditional names of these initials are ~ Dulin < Twan til. T6u < ThuwH tho j;E Dlng < DengH diIE Nf < Nej n-,

2.3.3. Lateral (bOn aMYln

-*lSff 'hair tongue sound')

The Middle Chinese lateral initial is written 1- in my transcription, and is reconstructed as 1- by both Karlgren and Pulleyblank. About this initial there is also little controversy. Its traditional name is

*

Ui
/-,

It is usually preserved as 1- in modem dialects, except that it not infrequently merges with n-. 2.3.4. Retroflex stops (she shang yIn

15 J: if 'tongue up sounds')

The Middle Chinese retroflex stops are listed in Table 2.7.

so

2. TM Middlt!

C~St!

-,.,

pltonologicaJ SJ,stt!m

Tabk 2.7. Middle Chinese retroDex slOp initials

vvhdrIV-

Karl_

,--

i'• d"-

•

PuUeyblank (EMC) tJ". (t·)

(t'.) "'- (d-) 1fT. (/I.) g'

Karlgren reconstructed these initials as palatal stops, but it is more likely that they should be reconstructed as retroflex SlOpS, as proposed by Lu6 Chling¢i (193Ib), since they were regularly used to transcribe the retroflex SlOpS of Sanskrit. As Pulleyblank observed (1984: 66), these initials are also represented as retroflex in Sino-Vietnamese. e.g. (26)

1aJ zhf < trje 'to know'. Sino-Vietnamese tri.

As noled above, the -r- in my transcription is simply a mark of retroflexion, and is not intended as a separate segment The retroflex stop initials are almost in complementary distribution with the dentals. and the two rypes of initials are sometimes confused in fdnqj~ spellings; Pulleyblank gives con· vincing arguments that the failure to distinguish dental and retroflex initials was a southern dialect feature (1984: 168--69). We find a contrast in the pair (27) (28)

iI!! dl < djjll 'ground' fit ,hi < drijH 'young',

but the syllable dijH is anomalous; nonnally, plain dental SlOpS do not occur with those finals beginning with -i- or -j- (the so-called division-m finals; see section 2.4 below). But because of this contrast, the difference in transcription values., and the different treatment in traditional phonology, I maintain the distinction of dental and retroflex stop initials in my Middle Chinese notation. In most modem dialects, nr- has merged with n-. but IT-, trh·, and dr- have merged with the palatal and retroflex affricates. However, the MIn dialects, in both colloquial and literary pronunciation, usually have dental stopS corresponding to MC Ir-, "h-, and dr- as well as MC 1- Ih·, and d·. For example: (29) (30)

i=P fit

zhOng < trjuwng 'middle', Xilmen liong J (literary)

eM < dra: 'tea', Xitunen Ie 2 (colloquial)

2.3.

ThejnilialsofMiddl~C1Wt~s~

SI

The traditional names for the retroflex stop initials are ~ Zhi
iR •

Ir·

crhdr-

Ot
nr·.

2.3.5. Dental sibilants (chilO" ,Til

ilm'if 'tooth.head sounds')

The Middle Otinese dental sibilant initials are listed in Table 2.8. Tabk 2.8. Middle Chinese dental sibilant initials Bax~,

Karl....,

uu'-

cr-

u-

1$' -

1$'-

J,-

,n' -

,n-

,,-

,,-

Pulleyblank (EMC)

,,-

There is little controversy about the reconstruction of these initials. Their traditional names are . . ling < Tsjeng iJl Qing < Tshjeng ~ C6ng < Dzjowng (,\ Xln < Sim $: Xi~
u· ISh-

dz· $-

Z·.

In many dialects (including most Mandarin dialects), these initials have become palatalized before high front vowels, merging with velar initials, which palatalized in the same environment. For example, in standard Mandarin, the original dental sibilants and the velars have merged in this environment as palatalj-, q., and x·. An example is the following pair: (31)

$jfn
(32)

rtJ jfn < kin 'kerchief'

Some Mandarin dialects still keep such pairs distinct (as [lSin] versus [cin], for example), and in those that do, the original dental sibilants are

52 2.

T~ Middl~ CIUnt~

phollOlogical syst~m

traditionally called ji4n yfn ~tf 'sharp sounds', while the palatals of velar origin are called wan yfn ~tf 'rounded sounds'.

2.3.6. Palatal sibilants The Middle Orlnese palatal sibilants are listed in Table 2.9. Tabk 29. Middle 0Unese palatal sibilant initialJ Bv.1U

Karl"""

PuUeyb_ (EMC)

"'"'.--

11-

'<-


sysy-

t!'-

11df-

t~'-

d; (6-)

,-<-

These initials occur only with finals containing a high front medial or vowel -j- or -i-; as noted earlier, as a spelling convention, I unifonnly omit -j- after any initial containing the sign of palatalization -y-. The major point of controversy concerning the palatal initials is the status of the initials which I write as dzy· and ZY'. My Middle Chinese notation follows the proposal by Lii Zhlwti (1947 [1971]: 11-13) and PuIIeyblank (1962: 67-68, 1984: 169-70) that the initial which Karlgren reconstructed as i· was actually an affricate, while his di'. was a fricative, in those dialects which distinguished them. The confusion originates with the rhyme tables, which place zy- in the same column with dz· and dzr·, and place dzyin the same column with z- and zr-. This placement probably reflects the common confusion of dzy· and zy. in Late Middle Chinese times. There are several arguments in favor of Lil Zhlwti and Pulleyblank's treatment of these initials: I. As Pulleyblank points out, this treatmenl of dzy· and zy. makes possible a coherent interpretation of a statement by Yan ZhItuI (one of the QieyUn authors), in his Yon shl jid xun :Mi a:.~rJI1 [Family instruclions for the Van clan]; Van Zhilui says that southerners pronounce

U dzjen like M zjen :0 dzyek like tf 'Yek III dzjenH like ~ zjen/I, and lE d'YeK like m'Yex.

23.

TheinilialsofMiddl~Chines~

53

In the interpretation adopted here, the words on the left all begin with affricates, and the words on the right all begin with fricatives. If Karlgren's interpretation is adopted, then there is no consistent pattern. (See Zhou Ziim6 1943 [1966]: 412-13.) 2. There is a tendency for MC dzy- (Karlgren's t·) to be used to transcribe the Sanskrit voiced palatal j-, while zy- (Karlgren's dt'-) is used to transcribe Sanskrity or § (see PuUeyblank 1962: 68).

3. Of somewhat less weight, but still significant, is the fact that MC dzyusually seems to have xitshlng connections with dental stops r-, d-, and so forth, which supports its reconstruction as *dj- in Old Chinese. A change from *dj- to a palatal affricate dzy- would be a very natural change. For example, (33)

~ sMn < dzyenH < *djans 'hand over to another,42

has as phonetic (34)

!i dan < tan < *tan 'single',

The proper Old Chinese reconstruction of MC zy- is more problematical, as we shall see, but it usually has xiisheng connections with words we would reconstruct with *[- or *j., These fit well with the theory that it was a fricative rather than an affricate in Middle Chinese. In rhyme-table phonology, which reflects Late Middle Chinese, the palatal

initials tsy-, tsyh-, dzy-, sy-, and zy- and the retroflex initials lsr-, lsrh-, dzr-, sr-, and zr- are treated as a single set, called zMng chfyfn :iE ttif 'true front-tooth sounds'. Probably, the two types of initials had merged as the either to be lost or to result of a sound change which caused EMC -j- and became back after retroflex sibilants TSr-; I call this change TSrj- > TSr. (see Appendix A).43 Since the palatal initials occurred only before -i- or -j-, this change put the palat.al and retroflex sibilants in complementary distribution, and they could be reanalyzed as a single series. (The retroflex initials are still put in division II and the palatals in division m, but this could be because of the difference in the following vocalism, not because of any phonological difference between the initials themselves.) For example, in the available versions of the Qieyun, the word

+

(35)

~ sheng < srj:rng 'be born, live'

has the fdnqie spelling

iji:fj<& suO JTng/tIn i.c. srjoX + kjzng = srja:ng.

8m later, in the Gui1ngydn,

me spelling is

ffilJittJ.J suO geng qie i.c. srjox + Jeleng = sra:ng. reflecting the loss of -j- after the retroflex sibilant initial sr_.44 (The fdnqii spellings preserved in the rhyme books do not show this change consistently, but the change appears to be complete by the time of the rhyme tables.) Since initial sy- occurs only before a front medial or vowel. the loss of oj. after sr· put sy- and sr- in complementary distribution. and they were probably reanalyzc:d as variants of a single initial in Late Middle Chinese. The traditional names of the zMng chlyfn are

00 Zhao < TsyewH

!i! Chulin < Tsyhwen :1* Chu:ing < Dzrjang if Sh!n < Syirnx i; Shan < DzycnH

LMC LMC LMC LMC LMC

'1IS<(r)~fi-

s-

sn·

< < < < <

EMC EMC EMC EMC EMC

tsy- and tsrtsyh· and t5rh'Y- and d,,sy- and srdry- and ZT-.

The influence of the traditional thirty-six zimu was such that the Early Middle Chinese distinction between the palatal and retroflex sibilants was not discovered until the late Qing scholar Chen U M!l! (1810-1882) analyzed the fdnqj~ spellings of the Gudngyw. in his pioneering study Qieyiln !do Wtil:~ (l842 [1965]). Since this distinction was overlooked in traditional phonology, the traditional labels must be modified in some way if we are 10 have separale labels for the Early Middle Chinese palatal and retroflex sibilants. Since the rhyme tables always place retroflex sibilants in division n and palatal sibilants in division m, one common solution is simply to add ~r 'two' or sdn 'three' as subscripts after the traditional labels, to represent the retroflex and palatal sibilants respectively. However, another solution, that of substituting a new set of labels for these initials, has become common in modem Chinese works on historical phonology (see for example Ding ShengshU & LT R6ng 198 I). In this revised set of labels, the palatal initials are

=

=

It Zh!ng < Tsyang g Chang < Tsyhang .. Shan < DzyenH . . Shii < Syo 00- ChuAn < Zywen

r$1-

rsyhdry$1-

'y-

= Zh'40 S4... '-") (or "aa '''~_ (O' "9= (O' "j;= (or "if (or ":J*:=

Chu>n ""'1 Shan s:\n'1 SMn s:\n'1 Chul1ng slln").

=

23. The

illiliafsofMiddf~

ChiMse

55

(The revised labels for the retroflex sibilants are listed in section 2.3.8 below.) In modem standard Mandarin, the palatal sibilants have become retroflex zh-, ch-, and sh-, merging with the retroflex stops and sibilants. For example, the following three syllables have merged as Mandarin zh£n: (36)

1$ zhen < trin 'precious' (retroflex stop)

(37)

•

(38)

tf zhen < tsrin 'hazel' (retroflex affricate)

zhen < tsyin 'true, real' (palatal affricate)

In some dialects, these initials have further merged with the dental sibilants; for example, many speakers pronounce Mandarin zh-, ch-, sh- as Z·, C-, So.

2.3.7. Palatal nasal and glide The Middle Chinese palatal nasal and glide are listed in Table 2.10. Tabf~

2.10. Middle Chinese palatal nasal and glide Baxter

Karlgren

PuUeyblank (EMC)

.y-

nij-

p-

y-

j-

From the point of view of Early Middle Chinese phonology, these two initials pattern exactly like the palatal sibilants above, but I treat them separately here because they are treated somewhat differently in the rhyme-table tradition. 8if 'half front-tooth The initial ny- is traditionally called a bdn chIyin sound'; its traditional label is

'*

B R1 < Nyit

ny·.

Karlgren's reconstruction 61- for MC ny- was intended to account for the fact that its reflex is a nasal in some dialects and a nonnasal voiced fricative (e.g., Mandarin r-) in olbers. For Early Middle Chinese, however, it is widely agreed that it was simply a palatal nasal. In the rhyme tables, EMC y- apparently merged with the palatalized allophone of initial h-, which 1 will write as h(j)-. (MC h- represents a voiced velar or pharyngeal fricative; like other guttural initials, it seems to have had

56 2. TM Middk ClWuu photJologiMi SY1U".

a special palatalized allophone before .j. or -j-.) In the rhyme·uble tradi· tion, the resulting initial is given the name

IIfl

Yu < YuH

y- and hUJ-.

This initial is included among the h6u yrn ~fi" 'throat sounds' (laryngeals). The words with initial h(j)· and the words with initial y. are still distinguishable in the rhyme tables, however, because h(j). is placed in division Ill, while y. is placed in division IV. A sample of this contrast is the following pair: (39) (40)

1C y6u < hjuw 'especially' (division lII) Ell y6u
This case is analogous in many ways to the merger of the palatal and retroflex sibilams. Both words above are traditionally regarded as having the initial ~ YU, but Chen U's analysis of thefi1l1ili~ of the Gutlngyun showed that they had different initials in Early Middle Chinese. Therefore the traditional tenninology is normally modified, either by adding a subscript'=:' stIn 'three' or 29 sf 'four' to Ilfil YiI, 01" by revising the traditionallabeIs. The new labels are ~

Yun
I;.( YT < Yix

hlj)y-

(<>< "1Ifl= YO ...., (or "1Ifl1!!l YO

sn.

The y. initial is generally preserved as a high front glide in modem dialects (sometimes analyzed as a zero initial followed by a high from medial). 2.3.8. Retroflex sibilants The retroflex sibilant initials of Middle Chinese are listed in Table 2.11. The Qilydn distinguishes the two initials dzr· and. zr· (the latter occurring in two words only), but they are nOi distinguished in the Gutlngylln, and Karlgren's reconstruction, which was based on the Gutlngylln, does not include the initial zr· for this reason.

23. The initials 0/Middle ClUnue

57

Table 2.1 J. Middle Chinese retroflex sibilant initials

B",""

Karl"""

PuUeyblank (EMC)

",.

1,-

~-

t$'-

tsrhd,,-

dl' •

,,-

~'-

,.

",.

As noted above. the retroflex sibilants are combined with the palatal sibilants in the rhyme tables. and the traditional labels have been revised to incorporate the Early Middle Chinese distinction between retroflex and palatal sibilants. There is, however, no standard label for zr-:

iIf Zhumg < Tsrjang

:m Chii < Tsrhjo

"rtsrh·

:* Ch6ng < Dzrjuwng !E Sheng < Srja:ng

$f-

[no standard label]

,,-

dzr-

(Uf

"1\Ii= Zhao er')

(or "~.:::. ChuAn h") (or ":J*':::' Chuang er'') (Of "1iI'= Shen ef') ("iiiii= Shan Of)

In modern Mandarin, the retroflex sibilants regularly become retroflex zh·, ch-, sh·, merging with the retroflex stops and the palatal sibilants (see above). However, in quite a number of words they become plain dental sibilants z·, C', s· instead, even in dialects where these are distinct from zh-, ch·, and sh-. This irregularity probably reflects dialect mixture; for example, alongside the literary pronunciation

(41)

~ s~ < srik 'color'

we have the colloquial pronunciation (42)

~ shdi < srik 'color',

one with

S·,

and one with sh-.

2.3.9. Velars (Jdyin

~.g. 'back~tooth

sounds')

The velar initials of Middle Chinese are listed in Table 2.12. There is little controversy about the reconstruction of these initials. The oral stops t·, kh-, and g- remain as velars in most dialects, although in many dialects they palatalized before high front vowels and glides-giving j. and Q- in standard Mandarin, for example. Some southeastern dialects (Cantonese, Halla. MIn) did not undergo this palatalization, and generally maintain original

S8

2.

T~

Middle CltiMu pholtological sy.{II!I'If

velars in all positions. For example, ~ Me kim 'gold' is MandarinJln, but Cantonese gam. Tab/I!: 2.12. Middle Chinese velar initials Pulleyblank (EMC)

.-

.-"-

.-

iA-

g-

I!g' -

.g-

.g-

g-

"

The velar nasal initial ng· (a digraph for [IJ], not a prenasalized voiced stop) no longer occurs in initial position in standard Mandarin. It was generally lost in this position, but in a few exceptional items it shows up as Mandarin n- when [i] or follows, e.g. row < ngjuw 'ox', ~ nl < ngja:lc 'contrary' . The traditional names for these initials are

'*

m

Jl

Jian < KenH ~ [Xi] < Khej M Qoin < Gjnn !if YI < Ngi

k-

'hg-

.g-,

Note that the standard pronunciation of tI [Xl1 < /c,Mj is irregular; we would expect Mandarin qI(which occurs as an alternate reading for this character).

2.3.10. Laryngeals (hou Yin

~if 'throat sounds')

The laryngeal initials of Middle Chinese are listed in Table 2.13. When the glottal stop symbol 7- is not available, the apostrophe' - may be used as a typable substitute. Also. for typographical convenience. x- represents a voiceless fricative initial and h· a voiced one; their exact position of aniculation is difficult to determine. and may have varied from dialect to dialect (as the reflexes of these initials do today). Thus x- may represent phonetic [xl or [h], while h- may represent [V] or [lil. (This is the reason for Pulleyblank.'s multiple reconstructions in this group.)

23. The inili.a1sojMiddleChiMse

59

Table 2.13. Middle Chinese laryngeal initials Jlu~,

""'''''"

1-

.-

xh-

l-

I(j~

ii-

Pulleyblank (EMC)

y-

The initial listed as h(j)- was probably just an allophone of h-, as occasional [dnqii, spellings seem to indicate, and my notation treats it as such.45 In the rhyme tables, however, hU)- is not in the same column with h-, but rather with palatal yo: hU)- is placed in division III and y. in division IV, and both are labeled U6lJ Yu (see above). In modem dialects there mayor may not be a phonetic glottal stop corresponding to MC 7-, but when tones split according to the voicing of the initial, syllables beginning with MC 7- generally followed the pattern of syllables with voiceless initials. Me x- and h- are usually represented by guttural fricatives of some kind. However, most dialects reflect the Late Middle Chinese merger of y- and hU)-. The traditional tenns for these initials are ~ YTng < 1Jamgx

l-

I!JE XiAo < Xewx

x-

00:. Xi;1 < Hrep IIilI YO < YUH

hh(j)- and yo.

As noted above, the distinction between h(j)- and y- may be represented by revising the traditional labels:

z;;, Yun < Hjun I;.( YJ < Yix

hI})y-

(u,"Dil= Yu san") (0' "1J1i I1!l YU 51")

2.3.11. Natural classes of initials It is convenient to recognize certain natural classes of initials which emerge from an examination of their phonetic character and distribution. First, we may divide the initials into "grave" and "acute", tenns borrowed from the feature system of Jakobson and Halle (1971). Grave initials include the labials, velars. and laryngeals-those which are [- coronal] in the system of Chomsky and Halle (1968}--while acute initials include all the

60 2. TM MidtJk Chinde pItonologKo/ system

rest, which are [+ coronal] (including y., traditionally included among the laryngeaJs).46 The distinction between grave and acute initials is fundamental in Chinese historical phonology; a number of sound changes affecting finals were limited to syllables with one type of initial or the other. For example, the Old O1inese final --jan becomes MC -jon after grave initials, but ·jen after acute initials (merging with original --jen), as in (43)

1[ yan < ngion < -ngian 'word, speak'

(44)

f& refn < nyen < -njan 'to bum; thus'.

As a result of such changes, cen.ain typeS of Middle O1inese finals (such as the -jon in the example above) occur only with grave initials, so that grave and acute initials have quite different distributions in Middle Chinese. I will also classify Middle Chinese initials as "simple" or "complex". By simple initials 1 mean the set of nineteen listed in Table 2.14. Table 2.14. Middle Chinese simple initials

Labials:

Denials: Lateral: Dental Sibilants:: Velars:

Laryn.....

p. t·

,-".

p'. t'·

",-

b· d· th-

*,-

l-

m· ft-

.

-

,. x-

/.

,-

The simple initials can be defined distributionally: they include all initials which occur with the so-called division·J finals of Middle Chinese (see below). As we shall see, the division-l finals are to be reconstructed in Old Chinese without medial -.j. or __ r_. 47 As a group, the simple initials lack secondary features of aniculation such as palatalization or retrofleltion. The complelt initials. listed in Table 2.15, never occur with finals of divi· sion I, and include the palatal and retroflelt initials, plus z· and go. Tabk2.J5. Middle Chinese complex initials

".

trh-

dr-

.,.-

Palatals:

try-

",,-

thy.

Retroft~ sibilants:

"'-

ft"

'srlt-

",,-

Retroflex stops: Dental sibilants:

Velars:

g-

,S]g.

ry. u·

y.

2.4. TMjwJlsofMiddleChinese 61

We will see later that the complex initials of Middle Chinese reflect Old Chinese initial consonants which have been influenced by a following medial ._j- or ·-r-; when there is no such medial, the Middle Chinese reflex is a simple initial. Initials z- and g- look as if they belong among the simple initials, but 1 include them among the complex initials because of their distribution: they never occur with Middle Chinese division-I finals. From a synchronic point of view, this distribution is probably accidental, but the present classification is convenient for historical purposes.

2.4. The finals of Middle Chinese As explained in Chapter I, a final includes at least a main vowel; the vowel may also be followed by a coda, and it may be preceded by one or more medials. My Middle Chinese transcription has a similar structure. 1 will first summarize the elements which can occur in the various positions in my uanscription, and then describe the finals of Middle Chinese in more detail. The eight elements listed in Table 2.16 may occur in main-vowel position in my notation. Tobie 2.16. Middle Chinese main vowels 1

, , '"

i

• o

.

These symbols may be made typable by substituting digraphs -ae- and -eafor -II}- and -E- respectively, and a plus sign -+- for -;-. The letter -0- is probably best thought of as representing a mid back unrounded vowel [A]. These main vowels may be followed by the codas in Table 2.17 (though not all combinations occur). Table 2.17. Middle Chinese codas

"'0

-n,

-.

-w -wng

Ow,

-j

-m

-n

-p

-t

-I

62 2.

T~

Middk C~~ p1lotlological sysUm

The symbol -I is written as a coda only in the finals ·£.1 and ·W£.I (the .fi Jii rhyme of the Qityun). This is a nomtional device for distinguishing these finals from .£.} and -we} (the Wlie rhyme) and -~} and ·w~} (the ~ Gulli rhyme, which OCClm only in qtlshing). It is doubtful whether -£.}. ·el. and -~} were all distinct in any single dialect. but they are distinguished in the QityiUz. and they have distinct Old Otinese origins, SO it is useful to distinguish them notationally. The combinations ·wng and -wk may be taken literally, or interpreted as labiovelars frJw/ and /kw/, or simply regarded as a notational trick to get by with fewer vowel symbols. It seems realistic, though, to regard them as codas distinct from -ng and -k. This idea is supponed by the arrangement of the Qi~yiUz. where the rhymes ending in ·wng (and their ,.wheng counterpans in -wk) are placed together at the very beginning:48

Jl! Wng (Tuwng)

~ DOng (Towng) SI Zhong (Tsyowng) II Jiang (K1<wng)

By contrast. the other rhymes in -ng (like their nJshtng counterpans in ·k) are fanher down the list. 49 This arrangement suggests that the Qityun authors felt -wng and -wk to be different codas from -ng and -k. The basic medials in my transcription are -}- and -w-; they may also occur in combination: -jw-. Words with the medial -w- are traditionally referred to as MlWu .g. D 'closed mouth', as opposed to the finals without it. which are lulikiJu ooD 'open mouth'. As Y. R. Chao showed (1941), the medial-wis not contrastive after labial initials; that is, finals like -an and -wan do nOI contrast after labials. Labial-initial words are sometimes ueated as ktIikiJu in Ihe rhyme lables, sometimes as MlWu; in fdnqi~ spellings, too, a syllable like Me pan mighl have a kailWu final speller like kan or a hiMu final speller like kwan (or it mighl be spelled with another labial-initial word like man). In my IJanscription, I write ·w· after labial initials only in words which the QityiUz places in a distinctively hekiJu rhyme. The purpose of this convention is to make the Qi~yun rhyme recoverable from the spelling. For example, I write (45)

1f: ben
with -w-, even though there is no contrasting syllable pon, because it is placed in the QilyiUz's ~ Hun (Hwon) rhyme with the other words in -won, not in the 1Q. H~n (Hon) rhyme with the words in -on. On the other hand. J write

2.4. TMfwiliojMiddJeChinese

(46)

63

A man < man 'deceive',

without -w- because -an and -wan are included in the same QityiUl rhyme, • HAn (Han).SO In addition to the basic medials -j- and -w-, I add an -i- after the medial, and before the main vowel, in order to represent certain of the cMngniu distinctions (about which l'DOI"e below). An example of a chOngniu distinction is the following pair: (47)

#

(48)

{J! bidn < bjienH 'comfortable; convenient'

bidn < bj'nH 'cap'

Though these two words have merged in modem dialects, they are placed in different homophone groups in the QieyiUl, and have difTerent/dnqje spellings. Moreover, in the rhyme tables, #- bjenH is placed in division lU, and {f bjienH in division IV; for this reason, such syllables are referred to as "division-III" and "division-IV" cMngniiI syllables, respectively. In my notation, division-IV cMngniiI syllables, and only these, contain both medial -j- and -i- (either as -ji- or as -jwi-); division-llI cMngniil syllables (and other division-ill syllables) contain either -j- or -j- but not both. The cMngniiI distinction has been interpreted by some as a difference in the medial, by others as a difference in the main vowel; my notation (similar to that of Li Fang-kuei 1971 [1980]) is a compromise intended to represent the distinction graphically while leaving its phonological interpretation open.51 2_4.1. Distributional classes of finals As with the initials, it is convenient 10 have terms for distributional classes of Middle Chinese finals. Traditionally, finals are classified according to how they are placed in the rhyme tables: those Early Middle Chinese finals which the rhyme tables place in division I are called division-I finals, and so on. This tenninology is convenient and commonly used, although we must remember that the rhyme tables represent Late Middle Chinese rather than Early Middle Chinese, and not all the categories of the later stage necessarily apply to the earlier. I discuss Ihe finals of Early Middle Chinese by category below.

2.4.}.}. Division-I finals

Division·J finals are those placed in division I of the rhyme tables. Their placement in the rhyme tables may be diagrammed as in Table 2.18, using the division·J final -an as an example. Table 2.18. Division-I finals in the myme tables

I

P-

T(r;'-

K-

TS(r,,;'-

Pan

Tan

Kan

TSmo

1-

...

y-

II

III IV

In Table 2.18 and in similar ones to follow, syllable types containing the finals under discussion are listed in the place assigned to them by the conventions of the rhyme tables. The capital letters represent classes of initials: • P- represents the labial initials p., ph·, b-, and m·.

- T(r)- represents the dental and rettoflex stop initials: T· stands for t-, rho, d·, and n- (placed in divisions J and IV), and Tr· stands for the retroflex stop initials rr-, rrh-, dr-, and nr- (placed in divisions II and ill).

- K· represents the velar and laryngeal initials t-, kh·, g-, ng-, 7-, X-, and h-.

- TS(r,y)- represents the affricate and fricative initials: TS· stands for the dental sibilants rs-, rsh-, dz·, and S-, placed in divisions J and IV, and Z-, which occurs in division IV only; TSr- stands for rettoflex sibilants rsr·, rsrh-, dzr-, sr-, and U-, placed in division n only; and TSy· stands for the palatals tsy-, tsyh-, dzy-, ny-, 'Y-, and '1-, placed in division m only. The initials J. and y- are listed separately, since they have special characteristics: J. is similar in distribution to the dental stops, but unlike them it y- has occurs in all four divisions (though only marginally in division the same disaibution as the other palatals. but is placed in division IV instead of division ill.

m;

2.4. TMjuUJisofMiddJt Chinest 65 Tabk 2.19. The division-J finals

Me,"""

-"" -weii-

R Th. (ThajH) (qlbhlllg only)

-.In

-....

.HAn_)

-dng

-

Jlf T"'g (Dang)

-4i

-i.:f i

~ T"'(D>m) ~ Hili (Xoj), "'!X HilT (XwoJ1

-"

-U>'

-~"g

-~lIS

-0

-wa

-d

-4jH

-wajH

.Qi-

........

----

-du

-oj

-'NOj

-0, -0'"

-""', -""'

.... -on

-oWlI S -om

-.

QiiyWo mY"'<'

Karl"""

...

.....

-.1m

l/!; GO (Ka)

ll' lUo (Haw)

Jii Hen (Hon), ;fA Hlin (Hwon) ft Deng (Tong)

-UOllS

~ DOng (Towng)

-4m

Jl Un(Dom)

-,",

-ow

-,.

--8

-""8

m

Mu(M.)

~ Hoo (HIlW)

Jl! DOng (Thwng)

The division-I finals occur only with the nineteen simple initials (listed in Table 2.14 above). In my notation. division-I finals can be identified by the presence of one of the [+ back] vowels -0-. -0-, or -u- as main vowel. withOUt a preceding -j- or _yo. (Recall that medial -j- is omitted by convention after initials spelled wilh. -y-.) They include the finals in Table 2.19, listed with the Q~y&2n rhymes in which they are placed. In this and similar tables below, J list only pfngsheng rhymes (except for those finals which occur only in qllshlng). Except for occasional accidental gaps, the finals with nasal codas have corresponding finals in rllsheng. with -p, -t, -k, or -wi inStead of -m, -n, -ng, and -wng. Karlgren's Ancient Chinese reconslrUctions are included for comparison. In the Qityan, the division-J finals are normally found in rhymes by themselves, not combined with finals of other lypeS in the same rhyme; the only exceptions are as follows: - The]$! DOng (Tuwng) rhyme includes both the division-I final -uwng and the division-Ill final -juwng.

- The iJX Ge (Ka) rhyme includes roth the division-I finals -a and -wa and a few words with the division-llJ finals -ja and -jwa (e.g. iI!! ji4 < kja, used to rransliterate Sanskrit ka, and ft xut < xjwa 'boot').

2.4.12. Division-Nfinals The division-IV finals arc those which occur exclusively in division IV of the rhyme tables. 0 also call them "pure division-IV finals" to distinguish them from the division-IV cMngniil finals, which are actually a subtype of the division-Ill finals; see below.) Their placement in the rhyme tables can be diagrammed as in Table 2.20, using the division-IV final -en as an example. Table 2.20. Division-IV finals in the rhyme tables p-

T(r)-

K-

1'S(rJ)-

1-

y-

I

II III

r".

IV

The division-IV finals occur with exactly the same set of initials as the division-} finals: the nineteen simple initials, which show neither palatalization nor retroflexion. From an Early Middle Oiinese point of view, then, the division-J and division-IV finals together form a natural distributional class. In my notation, the division-IV finals all have the main vowel -e-, not preceded by -j- or _yo. In Early Middle Chinese, the difference between division-} and division-IV finals is that division-I finals have back vowels, while division-IV finals have the front vowel-eo. The division-IV finals of Early Middle Chinese are listed in Table 2.21, with their Qitydn rhymes. Division-IV rhymes are invariably placed in separate Qitylln rhymes by themselves.52 By Late Middle Chinese, it is likely that a sound change had introduced a front glide before the vowel-e- in division-IV finals:

0->j/C_, As a result of this change, EMC -en merged with -jien in syllables with grave initials, and with -jen in syllables with acute initials.

2.4. TMfutalsofMiddleClUnese

67

Table 2.21. The division-IV finals

Me finals

-<j

-<, -<'.

Qilylln rhymes

Karlgren

-wej

·iei

JIll Qf (In';)

-iwei

-ieu

•

XiAo(Sew)

-"",

-ien

-iwen

Jt XiAn (Sen)

-weng

-ieng

-iweng

•

-<m

Qing (Tsheng)

iiJ' T"" (Thorn)

-iem

2.4./3. Division-lJ finals Division-n finals are those placed exclusively in division D of me rhyme tables. 53 Their placement may be diagrammed as in Table 2.22, using the division-D final -;m as an example. In my transcription, division-II finals are those with the main vowel-re- or -E-, not preceded by -j- (or -y-). Division-Il finals are basically limited to occurring with the labial, velar, laryngeal, and retroflex stop and sibilant initials (though they occasionally occur exceptionally with other initialsS4 ). The division-n finals are listed in Table 2.23, with their Qiiyun rhymes. Table 2.22. Division·It finals in the rhyme tables p-

T(r)-

K-

TS(r,y)-

1-

y-

I

n

p"",

TsrB:lt

DI

IV

Most of the division-n finals are in separate Qieyun rhymes by themselves; the following are exceptions to this pattern: - The -w~

mM~ (M~) rhyme contains both the division-II finals -~ and and the division-ill final

-j~.

- The EJ! G~ng (K~ng) rhyme contains both the division-IT finals -img and -wa:ng and the division-Ill finals -jB:ng and -jwa:ng.

6lS 2. The Middk Chittese p/toftological SJston Took 2.23. The division-n finals

Me finah

QUyw.mymes

K>rl""" -w,"

-d

-wa

Jlht<(M,")

--

-wzjH

-01-

-wtJi-

~ Quli (Kwzjn) (qJlrhLng only)

-""

-w""

-on

-wan

II Shan (S",,")

-""g

-wDl8

-Dtlg

-l4/IlfIg

~ Geng (Kao"g)

-,"

-zjH

-..

~ v'" (HlOW)

-Ei

-WEt

-oJ

-wai

iI Jiang (Kaowog) lti Xi40(Hzm) if J~ (1<£,)

-Ej

-WEj

-
-wdi

W);O(l<£;)

-DO

-WDO

-dn

WShan(S....)

-DOg

-wEIIg

-DOg

-"""

-zwtlg

-dng

-","

-om

-~

-wmg

-am

VI Geng (KEng) Ill< Xi40 (Hem)

The division-II vowels -~ and -e- had merged by Late Middle Otinese, and it is likely that this merger had already begun in some dialects at the time of the Qityun. Note that some of the division-rI rhymes occur in pairs which are adjacent in the Q~yt1n, one with -;?:- and one with -eo, both labels beginning with the same initial:

Ill! Sh>n (Sra:n) and WSh>n (Sren) ~ Geng (KiCng) and VI Geng (Keng) lti Xi4n (H;cm) and Iii Xi4n (Hem) Use of the same initial in the names of adjacent rhymes probably indicales that some dialects in Early Middle Chinese times did nOI distinguish these rhymes. There is also independent evidence for this facL Judging from the annotations in the rhyme list at the beginning of the Wling Rl!nxii version of the Qityun (see section 2.2.1.2 above), -£- and -iC- in these finals were nol distinguished in the YInpu a rhyme book: mentioned in the Qieyun preface but now lost. Its author, LT njie *~Si. was a native of what is now southern He~i who served the Nonhem Qf ,. dynasty (sso-sn). Moreover. ZhOu Ziim6 (1943 [1966]: 417) gives examples which suggest that the finals -B:II and -en were not distinguished by Guo PU J~J.l (276-

.::g:m.

2.4. ThejuuJlsofMiddleCltinue 69

324), also from north of the YelJow River. Ylin Zhitut. one of the QityJ2n authors. criticizes nonheme~ for pronouncing (49)

~ [qid] < Iuip 'acconl with'

like

(SO)

JII!.rid < h"'l' 'disrespectful'.

(See Zh6u ZUm6 (1943 (1966]: 413.) However, it is not clear that such confusions were characteristic of all northern speech; some of the rhyme books mentioned in the Wang Rtnxu rhyme list as distinguishing -~­ rhymes from -£- rhymes were written by Nonherne~. In some cases where we would ex.pect to find a pair of division-II rhymes. we find only one: for example, there is a rhyme -zw but no corresponding rhyme -ew. Perhaps -e- and -~- had already merged before -w by the time of the Qilyiln.

2.4.1.4. Division-Ill or palalaJizing finals

All the remaining finals not so far discussed belong in the class conventionally called "division-III finals". In my transcription, syllables with divisionIII finals are those which have one or more of the following characteristics: (I) medial -j-, (2) initials speUed with -y- (after which -j- is omitted by spelling rule), or (3) the main vowel -i-. These finals are called "division-ill finals" because they occur in division ill in the rhyme tables; but syllables with division-ill finals may also occur in divisions II or IV, depending on their initials. These finals might better be called "palatalizing" or "yodising" finals, because they appear to have conditioned palatalized allophones of certain of the initials which preceded them-a phenomenon which Karlgren called "yodisation". The evidence for palatalized allophones before division-ill finals comes from a tendency in fdnqii spellings for the initial spellers of division- ill words to be division-ill words themselves. For example, the word

(51)

&jidng < kjang 'ginger"

with the division-III final-jang, is spelled in the Qieyun as

m11Uii ju lidngfdn. i.e. k(jo) + (luang = kjang

70

2.

T~

Middk ChineS'. photlol",jr:a1.t)'Jf~m

m

where the initial speller ja < kjo also has a division-lU final (-jo). On the other hand, words with non-division-lU finals usually have non-division-lU words as initial spellers; for example, the word

(52)

'" gang < tang 'hard; strong',

with the division-I final.ang, is spelled i;~oc gd Idngfdn, i.e. klux) + (1)ang = kong

where the initial speller has the division-I final -UX. Words with division-I finals may also be used as initial spellers for words with division-ll or division-IV finals, and vice versa. but there are few cases of crossover between division-III and non-division-1I1 initial spellers. This suggests that the k- initial which preceded division-Ill finals like -jang and -jo was somehow phonetically different from the k- initial which preceded other types of finals. The most natural assumption seems to be that initial spellers like Ji5 ju < kjo represented a front or palatalized allophone of the initial k-, conditioned by a following high front vowel or medial. 55 The tendency to spell palatalized allophones differently is most noticeable with grave initials. This interpretation fits well with the idea that the common feature of the division-lU finals was a high front medial or main vowel -j- or -i-, as suggested by my transcription. I trace this feature to the influence of the Old Chinese medial *-j-. Note also that the palatal initials Isy- etc. occur only with division-ill finals, while the dentals 1-, Ih-, d-, and n- never occur with these finals. (Apparent cases of denlal initials with division-lU finals probably represent dialeclS where these initials were not distinct from the retroflex stops Iretc.) Because of this distribution, the Middle Chinese palatals can in most cases be reconstructed as denlals which underwent palalalization before *-j-:

*Ij· > tsy*Ihj- > tsyh*dj- > dzy*nj- > nyPulJeyblank's interpretalion of these facts (1984) is somewhat different, and as the issue bears on the reconstruction of Old Chinese, I will discuss his views briefly.56 In his view, what the division-Ill finals of Early Middle Chinese have in common is·that they aU begin with one of the high vowels N. Iii, or lui. Finals of this Iype are assumed to reflect a distinctive Old

2.4. ThefinaisofMiddJeChinue 71

Chinese syllable type which Pulleyblank: calls "type-B syllables", which originally had an accent on the first mora of the syllable. While it is worthwhile to explore alternatives to the traditional view that division-m finals involve a high front medial, I see several problems with this aspect of Pulleyblank's reconstnlction of Middle Chinese. For one thing, it seems more natural to attribute the development of the palatal initials TSy- to the influence of a high front glide than to the influence of vowel height alone. Also, attributing the distinctiveness of the division-ill finals to the main vowel makes it difficult to account in a straightforward way for cases where division-ill finals rhyme with finals of other types. For example, the!$! DOng (fuwng) rhyme includes both a division-llI final which I write as -juwng and a division-I final which I write as -uwng. According to Pulleyblank's hypothesis, the division-ill final must begin with a high vowel, and the division-I final cannot; thus he reconstructs the two finals of the !if! DOng (fuwng) rhyme as /-uWl)1 and l-oWl)1 respectively, with different main vowels, even though they are in the same Qieyun rhyme and rhyme with each other freely in poetry. Similarly, Pulleyblank's I-ian! (my -jon) rhymes with his I-~n! (my -on) but not with his I-ian! (my -jen); his I-ian! rhymes instead with his /-En! (my _en).57 The division-llI finals are a large class which can be further subdivided in several ways. I will speak of the following classes: - independent division-Ill finals - mixed division-llI finals

- cMngniu finals Independent division-III finals The independent division-Ill finals are also called "pure" division-UI finals, because they occur only in division III of the rhyme tables. They also occur only with grave initials. Their placement in the rhyme tables may be diagrammed as in Table 2.24, using the independent division-ill final -jon as an example.

72 2. The Midd~ ChiMse phonological system Table 224. Indc:pcOOentdivisioo-m finals in lhedlyme tables

p-

T(r)-

K-

TS(r•.,)-

1-

y-

I

II ill

KjOfl

IV The finals of this class are listed in Table 2.25, with their Qilyun rhymes. Table 2.25. The independent division- m finals

Me finals

Q",,,,,,,,,,,,..

KuI_

-jij

-jwij

-ri

-,.;

-jojll

-jwojll

-ioi-Pfl -i/Q/f.

-i'MJi-

-j1m

.jW1)f1

-jill

-jUII -jofl

-jwon

-jzm -jom

mW"(M~J)

g

Ri (PjojH) (qUshlrlg only)

§,I YTn QJro)

X W," (Mjun)

-iom -i-

7G YuAn
U YAn(Ngjzm) R, F"(Bjorn)

In the QityiUt, these finals all occur in rhymes by themselves. The finals -jzm and -jom are vinually in complementary distribution and should probably be reconstructed the same, but I transcribe them differently in order to represent the Qilyan's distinction, even if it turns out to be mit)-

cial. The division-ill finals of the 8! Geng {Kzng} rhyme, which I write as -jteng and -jw;mg, are sometimes treated as independent division-ill finals, but I prefer to include them among the division-ill cMngniil finals instead (see below)_ Labial initials occurring with any of the independent division-ill finals later became labiodentals. This resulted from the change labiodentalization, which I formulate as applying to labial initials when followed by -jplus a [+ back] vowel (see section 2.3 above). Here are some examples: (53)

lFifti
(.54)

DRi
2.4. TMfwdso/MiddJe Ch.ilIese 73

(55)

~ ft. < pjun "'0 divide"

(56)

II fiJn < pjon 'to ovenum'

(51)

fLfdn < bjom 'in every case'.

(Labial initials do not occur with the independent division·ill finals -jin or -ja:m.)

How did it come about that the independent division-Ill finals occurred only after grave initials? This distribution results from the sound change 1 call acute fronting (see Appendix A), which caused back vowels after *.j. to become fronted in certain syllables with acute initials. For example, original *-jin was fronted to MC ·jn after acute initials (merging with original*-jin); but after grave initials, *·jin remained distinct, as in the following examples: (58)

~ zhen < rsyin < *rjin 'numerous; majestic'

(59)

Fr jfn < kjin < *kjin 'axe; catty'

Similarly, ·-jan became MC -jen after acute initials, but remained as MC ·jon after grave initials: (60)

!& rdn < nyen < ·njan 'to bum; thus'

(61)

-;;; ydn < ngjon < ·ngjan 'wool'

(MC -jon, phonetically probably UAn), is derived from OC ··jan by the change ·a·raising.) Eventually, the independent division-III finals merged with other, more fully-distributed finals; for example, EMC ·jon merged with -jen in Late Middle Chinese. Mixed division-Ul finals

I call this group the mixed division-ill finals because they are placed in divi· sions n, ill, or IV of the rhyme tables, according to their initials. Their arrangement may be diagrammed as in Table 2.26, using the final -jang as an example.

74

2.

T~ Midd~

ChiMse phonologicoJ systan

Table 2.26. Mae
p.

K·

T(r)-

,.

/.

TS(r.y)-

I TSrjallg

D

III

Trjang

Pjang

Kjang

IV

rs"",.

ljang

".,.

TSjaIIg

The finals of this group are listed in Table 2.27, with their Qilyun rhymes. Table 2.27. The mixed division-Ill finals Me finals ./ -u.g

.....

""'-png

.ju

.jo

.jwo

.jwa

-j-.wng

~ ZJ>tng rr",ing)

-jwd

II Yu(Ngju) f!!, Yli (Ngjo) Jft Gt(Ka) )f,Ii MA (M",)

.ju

-jte -jang

-jti

-jwang

-imtg

rhymes

2. ZltT (Tsyi)

·i

-ju .ja

Qi~yrUr

-j'lllang

IlOi YAn. (Yang)

-jllW

-ilu

:X; Y6u (Hjuw)

-jllWng

-jwtg

]I[ Don. (T.wng)

-jowng

·iMlOng

•

ZltOng (Tsyowng)

Although most of these occur in separate QltyUn rhymes by themselves, a few occur in rhymes with division-} or division-n finals:

*

Gf (Ka) rhyme includes born me division-} finals - The and me rare division-OJ finals -ja and -jwa_

-a and -wa

- The Jft; Mi (Mz) rhyme includes both the division-II finals -a; and -wa; and the mixed division-lD final -ja;. - The • Dong (Tuwng) rhyme includes both the division-} final -uwng and the mixed division-llI final-juwng.

2.4. ThefuralsofMiddJeChWse

75

Labial initials become labiodental before the finals -ju. -jang, -juw. -juwng, and ·jowng. but not before -i or -ing; before the other finals of this group, labial initials do not occur. CMngni~

finals

mm

The traditional tenn cMngni" 'repeated button' refers to pairs of syllables in certain Qityun rhymes which have the following charac· teristics: 58 • Both syllables begin with the same initial (always grave). • Both syllables have division-III finals (in the broad sense of finals which induced palatalized allophones). - The syllables do not contrast with each other as UliluJu (no -w-) versus hiMu (with -w.). • The syllables are given distinctfdnqit spellings.59

• in the rhyme tables, one of the syllables is placed in division III, and one in division IV. These pairs are the so-called cMngni" doublets, and their finals are called cMngni" finals; the finals of the cMngnill words which are placed in division m are called "division-III cMngniil finals", and the finals of the cMngraiil words which are placed in division IV are called "division-rv cMngniu finals". The Qitylln rhymes containing cMngniu doublets (which we may ca.I1 "cMngniu rhymes'') also contain acute-initial words, which show no such contrasts; the acute-initial words are assigned to divisions in the same way as acute-initial words with mixed division-ill finals. In my notation, the cMngniu words placed in division III are spelled with -j- or -i-, but not both. while those placed in division rv are spelled with both -j- and -i-. For clarity, I will also usually add "(Jll)" or "(IV)" to call attention to cMngni" finals. Here is a selection of examples of cMngniu contrasts from various rhymes:

In the ~ Zhi (Tsye) rhyme: (62) (63)

I\'li: Wi
76

2.

T~ Middl~ C1JiM~

pllotwlogicaJ sys/em

(64)

jlj bU dhjwe (Ill) "0 fail, lack'

(65)

XlI bU < khjwie (IV) '10 pry, spy'

In the B~ ZhI (Tsyij) rhyme: (66)

II ql < khijH (llI) 'vessel; instrument'

(67)

•

(68)

(69)

Ii ~i < mijH (1m 'love; flatter' lft1 mii < mjijIJ (IV) "0 sleep'

(70)

fA guT < lewijX (Ill) 'wheel·axle ends; rut'

(71)

~ guT < kjwijX (IV) '10th heavenly branch'

A

In the

ql < khjijH (IV)

"0

throwaway'

Zhen (Tsyio) rhyme:

(72)

)t pin < bin (Ill) 'p"""

(73)

J.i pin < bjin (IV) 'river bank; frequently'

(74)

• jiln < lewin (llI) 'fallow-deer'

(75)

~jan
(76) (77)

iii bT < pit (m) 'writing implement' liZ, bl < pjit (IV) 'necessarily'

(78)

mmJ < mit (III) 'silent; dense'

(79)

ii m1 < mjil (IV) 'honey'

(80)

z:. yl < Ifl (Ill) '2nd heavenly branch'

(81)

-

yi < ~il (IV) 'one'

(82)

fllJ Xian (Sjen) rhyme: # bidn < bjenH (Ill) 'eap'

(83)

if: bidn < bjienH (IV)

(84)

V juan < kjwenJl (III) 'look on with affection'

In the

(85)

'comfonable; convenient'

mjutln < kjwienJI (IV) 'kind of silk stuff

In me 1i XiAo (Sjew) rhyme: (86) (87)

1lli qido < giew (IT!) 'high; rising' R qidb < gjitw (IV) 'long tail-feather; piled up'

2.4. TMfuuiliofMiddJeCltillue

(88)

7<. ylJo < ljew (ill) 'beautiful; supernatural'

(89)

. . y40 < 1jiew (IV) 'waist; demand'

77

II QIn ([shim) myrne; (90) if yfn < Jfm (Ill) 'sound' (91) llf yIn < ljim (IV) 'mild, peaceful' In the II Yiln (Yern) myrne; (92) iii! ydn < ljem (ill) 'submerge' (93) .It ytJn < ?jiem (IV) 'contented, tranquil' In the

By relying on the rhyme tables and on fiJnqie spellings, it is usually possible to identify the division-Ill and division-IV chOngniil finals even for syllables which do not show minimal contrasts. For example, the word (94)

rtJ jIn < kin (Ill) 'kerchief'

is listed in division III of the Yunjing; we may assign it the division-III chOngniil final -in even though there is no contrasting division-IV kjin in pfngshing. Conversely, in sJuIngshLng we have (95)

if/l jIn < kjinx (IV) 'to hind ,igh,'

which the YUnjfng places in division IV; we may assign it the division-IV cMngniil final -jin even though there is no contrasting division-III JdnX in

sMngshLng. The interpretation of these contrasts has been a matter of controversy for some time. The first point of controversy is whether the distinction needs to be represented at all in a reconsauetion of Middle OUnese. The philologist Zhlng SingHn .MG (1867-1936) believed that the chOngniil distinctions, like many of the other distinctions in the QityUn, were anificially retained in the Qityun from an earlier period. In this view he was followed by Wing U, who omitted the chOngniil distinctions in his reconstructions of Middle Chinese.60 Karlgren also failed to mark the cMngniil distinctions in his Ancient Chinese reconstruction, without clearly stating his reasons. The chOngniil distinctions have been largely lost in modem dialects, and it is not implausible that they had already been lost in some Middle Chinese dialects; but it is hardly likely that they were merely an archaism in the QityUn. Traces of the cMngniil distinctions are found in Sino-Vietnamese and Sino-Korean, in the man'yogana script used to write Old Japanese, and even in Yulin dynasty transcriptions of Old Mandarin in the 'Phags-pa

2. Tile MiddJ~

78

C~~

plloiwlogico/ sySl~m

alphabet. There are also some corresponding distinctions in the MIn dialects (though it should be remembered lhat these separated from lhe olher dialects before lhe Q;eyun period).61 A second issue is which, if either, of lhe cMngniJl finals occurring after grave initials should be identified with lhe finals which occur after acute initials in the same rhymes. For example, in the • Zhen (fsyin) rhyme, along wilh chOngniil syllables like (96)

~ pin < bin (m) 'poor'

and (97)

Ui p{n < bjin (IV) 'river bank; frequently',

lhere are acute·initial words like (98)

A

zhln < rsyin 'real'.

Should the final in J( zhln < rsyin be identified wilh the final in 1t pin < bin (III), or wilh the final in Ii pin < bjin (IV)? Possible positions include lhe following: 1. That lhe words. zhen < uyin and I{ pin < bjin (IV) had lhe same final, contJasting with lhat of jt pin < bin (1m. This position was taken by Dong T6nghC (1948. [1974]) .nd Zh6u FAg'n (1948. [1968]) in their early papers on the chOngniil problem; Ll R6ng (1956) also takes lhis position. 2. That the words 11 zhen < tsyin and :it pin < bin (ill) had the same final, contrasting with that of Bl pin < bjin (IV). SMo R6ngfCn takes this position (1982: 7D-80). 3. That some acute·initial syllables had the same final as it pin < bin (Ill), while others had the same final as If{ pin < bjin (IV). Lu Zhlwfi took this position (1947 [1971]; 24-29): he identified the division-Ill chOngniJl finals with the finals of the same rhymes which occur with retroflex initials and 1-, and the division·IV cMngni" finals with the finals of the remaining acute-initial syllables. This position finds some support infdnqie spellings.

m

4. That the distinction between the finals of it pin < bin (lID and pin < bjin OV) is simply neutralized after acute initials. This is the safest (and weakest) position, if one's phonological theory allows it.

For the present, I am content to adopt the last position, which at least does not conflict with the facts. In my Middle Chinese transcription, it is the

2.4.

TMfutJJbofMidd/~CItittu~

79

division-rv cMngnUl finals which are specially marked, by being written with both -j- and -i-. But although this appears to favor the second position aoove, it is merely a graphic device and should not be taken as a phonological interpretation. A third point of controversy is what part of the syllable the chOngniu contrasts should be assigned to. On this point there are two main positions: I. that the distinction resides in the main vowel, and 2. that the distinction resides in the prevocalic medial. The main-vowel solution, adopted by OOng T6nghe (1948a [1974]) and

ZhOu Hga:o (1948a [1968]), is supported by the fact that the chOngniu distinctions can often be correlated with distinctions in Old Chinese rhyming. For example, division-IV I{ p(n < bjin and division-ill jt pIn < bin belong to different Old Chinese rhyme groups in the QIng phonologists' analysis (traditionally labeled. Zhen and )( W~n respectively; see Chapter 4 below). It was correlations such as this that led Zhang BIngHn to regard the distinctions as archaic and artificial in the Qi~yan. But the medial solution, proposed by KOno RokurO (1939), Arisaka Hideyo (1937-39 [1957], 1962), LiJ Zh1wti 1947 [1971J: 24-29), and others, is supponed by the fact that the cMngn;u pairs are placed in the same QieyWz rhymes. Both Ii pin < bjin and It pin < bin are in the QieYWz's rhyme" Zhen (Tsyin), and it has been widely assumed that the Qi~­ yun authors, who drew very fine distinctions in assigning words to rhymes, would not put words with different main vowels in the same rhyme. 62 It is common, however, to have words with different medials in the same rhyme. It is possible that both solutions are correct, but for different dialects or different time periods. The interpretation of the cMngniil distinctions will be discussed funher in Chapter 7, where we will see that the chOngniil distinctions of Middle Chinese reflect Old Chinese distinctions in both the medial and the main vowel. The cMngn;u finals are listed in Table 2.28, with the Qitylln rhymes in which they occur.

Tdbk 2.28. The Middle Chinese clt6,.SftiJl6nals

Me finals

Qityl1n myme

X ZhI(T".)

Bli Zhl (T
m,

-~,

lV'

-jie. -jwie

m, lV'

~ n (TsjejH) (qlhhZ,.g only)

01: IV:

•

m,

Zhen (T".m)

IV:

illJ Xian (Sjon)

-;we

Karl....

-it, iwr

-ij, -wij -jij. -jwij

-i, -M

-j~jH.

-jtwjH -jiejH. -jwiejH

-j4i-,1-w/Ii-

-ill. -MIl -jill. -jwjft

-ibl, -iwr" -it,., -jllLn

-iM2"

-je,., -jwe,. -jie,., -jwie,.

-jan,

-i4"

IV:

-jew -jiew

if QJn (T"'im)

III: IV:

Aim -jim

·pm

II Y4n (Vern)

Ill:

-j4m

IV:

-frm -jitm

UJ:

-jtmg, -jwZltg

-iong,iwrMg

IV:

-jieJ!g, -jwieng

-jans,

lV,

-jiw

-ilu

Ill: IV:

~ Xiao (Sjew)

Ill! Geng (Kzng) it! QJng (T"'jong) D!I YOU (7Jiw)

Ill:

-iw4ng

Table 2.28 includes three sets of finals which may be regarded as chOngniiI finals in an extended sense:

I. The finals -j=g and -jw=g of the Ill! Geng (Kzng) rhyme may be considered division-ill eMngniiJ finals; the finals -jieng and -jwieng of the ~ Qing (Tshjeng) rhyme may be considered the corresponding division-IV eMngniu finals. These finals bear the same relation to each other as the other division-ill and division-IV chOngniiJ finals. except that they happen to have been put into separate Qi~yun rhymes. They are all division-Ill finals in the broad sense. and unlike the independent division-III finals, they did not cause labial initials to become labiodental. The finals -jreng and -jwreng are found in division UI of the rhyme tables, while -jieng and -jwjeng are found in division TV. To be consistent with the transcription of the other division-IV ehOngnjiJ finals. I write -jieng and -jwieng with both -jand -j- when they occur after grave initials. The 7ft Qing (Tshjeng) rhyme

2.4. T1IefinalsofMiddle Chinue 81

also includes syllables with acute initials; I wrile the final of such syllables as ·jeng. There is no final-jweng after acute initials.

2. The

iii

YOu (7Jiw) rhyme (final -jiw) may be considered a division-IV chOngniiI final. The Qityan's iii YOu (1Jiw) rhyme includes mostly words with grave initials, which are placed in division IV of the rhyme tables. The jdnqie spellings of these words indicate that they had palatalized or "yodised" allophones. SO their final must be regarded as a division-ill final (in the broad sense) rather than a pure division-IV final. Since the graveinitial words are placed in division IV, I write the final of this rhyme as ·jiw, with both -j- and -i-. and include this final among the division-IV chOngniiI finals even though there is no contrasting division-Ill final in the same rhyme. The I!ti You (1Iiw) rhyme also includes a few acute-initial words, whose final I write as _iw. 63

2.4.2. Summary or Middle Chinese finals Traditionally. the finals of Middle Chinese are often classified according to sixteen categories called sM • 'gatherings' which originate in the rhymetable tradition. The grouping by sill is probably based on phonetic similarity in Late Middle Chinese rather than Early Middle Chinese; for- example, although -on and -won rhyme with -jon and -jwon in Early Middle Chinese (and are in adjacent rhymes in the Qieyun). they belong to differem sill. Nevertheless. the traditional arrangement by sill is a useful way to summarize the finals of Middle Chinese by placing similar finals together. The finals of Middle Chinese are summarized by sM in Table 2.29. Wilhin each shi, finals are listed by division. Karlgren's Ancient Chinese reconstruction is given for comparison.

82 2. The Middk

Tab{~

C~se p#tolwlogicaJ syst~1If

2.29. Middle Chinese finals swnmarizod by slti

B.,,,,,

Qityw. rbyme

it. Tong (Thuwng) sill

I.

r III

......

-lUIS

•

-UO/1g

~ DOng (fowng)

-jUW/1S -jow/1g

-jUllg

•

-jW'Oflg

H:

-1lW"8

2. II

-ZW/1g

IT.

-
3. III

DOng (fuwng)

DOng (Tuwng) ZhOng (Tsyowng)

J.... (","wng),'"

II Jiang (Kzwng)

11: iii 1.1>1 (Toy",) ,,,.

-j(w)(j~

-(w)i,

-(j)(w)ij

-(w)i

-; -j(w)ij

-i -(wKi

S{ ZhT (fsye)

Hli ZhT (TSYiJ) L ZhT (Tsyi) tti: Wei (MjiJ)

Note: In Karlgren's system, the finals ~; and -"",i are always preceded by -j-. but strictly speaking this ieptesctllS the "yodisation" of the initial, not part of the final.

4.

l!i iii YO (NgjuH) ,lot

1

-u

-110

m

-jo -ju

-iwo

CO/1/;/1Iu:d 0/1 /1ut page

-ju

mMli (Mu) fP.. Yli (Ngjo) Si Yli (Ngju)

2.4. ThI;fwJls ofMiddJ~ ChiMse

Tabl~

83

2.29, contifllled

BaxlU

Karlgren

QityWt rhyme

5. • • Xi~ (H£ix) shi I

n

..j

-4i

-woj -(w}ajH

-u4i

IV

I

~ TAi (ThajH) (qilshlng only)

-(w)di -(w)ai -(w)ai-

\;\' J" (K£j) j i J~ (KE;) ~ GuAi (KWaljll) (qllshlng only)

-jw(i)ejll -j(w)ojH

-j(w)iJi-

~ n (TSjejH) (qushlng only)

-j(w)vi-

mFei (PjojH) (qllshing only)

-(w)ej

-i(w)ej

J!I' Qr (Ilwj)

...

6. •

-(w)ej -(w)ei

-~

ill

~ HuI(Xwoj)

-(w)iii-

-(w)~jll

ill

Di1 Hai (Xoj)

Il Zhfn (Tsrin) shl

-,.

1& Htn (Hon)

-.,.

-j,.

-jen

-(jXw)in

-j(w)ln,

-j'n -jun

-j~n

-jlOn

~ Hun (Hwon)

II Zhfn (Tsrin) -lui,.

•

Zhfn (Tsyin) ~ YIn (7Jin) :>z:: Wen (Mjun)

Note: Karlgren wrote the division-III cMngniiI final -win as -jwin, and the division·IV cMngniil final -jwin (and -win after acute initials) as -juln, because the former is in the same GudngyWt myme as -in and -jin (his -jin), while the latter is in a separate Gudng)Un rhyme. This is the only case where Karlgren's n013tion reneclS the distinction between division_III and division-IV cMngniiJ. finals. Conti.nued on next pagt

Table 2.29, continued

Box....

Karlg:ren 7.

III

IV

",''''

S.... (S....) ,Iw!

-(w)en

-(w)an

!Ii! !tin (Hon) III S.... (S"'a) LlJ S.... (S....)

-j(wKi)en

-jfw)iJn

1m Xi," (Sjoa)

-j(w)on

-j(w)on

J1j

-(w)en

-i(w)ell

$I; """ (Sm)

1w,",

u

LlJ _

Qiiyl1n rhyme

1w)zn

1w,",

YuAn (Ngjwoo)

8. ~. XiOO (Ha:wH):J1Il

--ow

U

III

IV

-j(i)ew

...,

.......

II: "<0 (Haw)

-jI1u

-W X..., (Sjow)

-U!1l

li'X""(Sew)

.Y60(Hzw)

9. *_Goo(KwaX)'1w!

III

1w)a

-(Il)d

-j(w)a

i(w)6 10.

II

-(w)/e

1w)a

III

-jz

-ja

fi _

1IX GO (Ka) 1IX GO (Ka) J~ (Kzx) ,Iw!

jf,fi jf,fi

M' M'

(Mz) (Mz)

II. ~tm: DMg (DangH):J1It I

1w)ang

-(w.IMB

J8 T,". (Dang)

III

-j(w)ang

-i(w)ang

I!O! V,", (YM,)

Continued on IIU1 page

2.4. TM finals ofMiddle Chinese

Table 2.29, contiflJU!d

B",,,,

Kadg"m 12.

D

ill IV

QilyUn rhyme

.if. G!ng(Ka:ngx)shl

-(w)a:ng

-(w)vng

-(w)€ng

-(w)Dlg

~ Gen, (Kaong) VI G'n, (Kwg)

-j(w)tl:tIg

-i(w)ong

~ Geng (Ka:ng)

-j(w)(i)eng

-i(w)dng

mQIng (Tshjeng)

-(w)eng

-i(w)ellg

. . Qing (Tsheng)

13. ~ II Ztng (Toong) shi I

-(w)ong

-(w);lIIg

~ Deng (Tong)

ID

-(w)ing

-i(w)~ng

~ Zheng (Tsying)

14. ~.Uu(Ljuw)sht I

-uw

In

-juw -lj)iw

-,"

U Dl

IV

nocili Xian (HEm) shi ~ TAn(Dom)

-om -am

-4m

-am

0;\' TAn (Ihm)

-em

-am

~ Xi8n (HEm)

-""

-am

-j(i)em

-jI1m

-j;cm

-iom

-jam

-iwvm

til XiAn (H:tm) II VAn (Vem) iii VAn (Ngjrem) R Fan (Bjorn)

~m

-iem

~ Tian (Them)

16.

In

:1C Y6u (Hjuw) WI Yoo OJiw)

-ilu -itu 15.

I

~ H6u(Huw)

-lj)im

-pm

lill Shen (Syirn) shi fi: Qin (Tshim)

85

Chapter 3 Rhymes as evidence in historical phonology The present chapter deals with some of the methodological problems which arise in using rhymes in general. and Old Chinese rhymes in panicular. as evidence in historical phonology. To use rhymes in this way, one must

make some assumptions. explicit or implicit. about how rhyme and phonology are related. It is sometimes assumed that two linguistic strings rhyme jf and only if suilably defined substrings are phonemically identical; we may call this the "phonemic identity hypothesis", Life would be simplest for phonologists if this hypothesis were always true; but among the world's literatures there are rhyming systems which conflict wil.h it in various ways. Nevenheless. we will conclude that for Old Olinese it is safe to assume a somewhat weaker hypothesis which still allows us to use the

ShijTng rhyme evidence in reconstructing Old Chinese phonology. These issues are discussed in section 3.1. Other problems in analysis arise from the existence of irregular rhymes and from the limiled size of the available corpus. Occasional irregular rhymes

may obsc~ the difference between otherwise distinct rhyme categories; we need some way of ensuring that such rhymes do not lead us astray. But even if all the rhymes in a corpus agreed with assumed ideal patterns, our ability to test hypotheses reliably would be limited by the size of the corpus, since the actually occurring rhymes are only a small proportion of the theoretically possible ones. Section 3.2 addresses these problems and proposes statistical proced~s for testing hypolheses about rhyming patterns. These procedures are illustrated with actual examples in section 3.3. The analysis of Old Chinese rhyming was a major pan of the traditional Chinese philology which flourished in the Qing dynasty. This tradition, to be discussed in Chapter 4, rightly commands great respect from modem scholars, who in attempting to reconstruct Old Chinese phonology have seldom questioned the Qrng scholars' results. Nevertheless, it is a major theme of this study that the traditional analysis overlooks some rhyme distinctions which are importanl to a correct reconstruction of Old Chinese. The statistical tools imroduced in this chapter will assist us in reexamining and refining this traditional analysis.

88 3. RJryfMS as eYidenu in historicaJ phoMiogy

3.1. Rhyme and phonological structure Verse is typically (though not invariably) distinguished from prose by the presence of certain structural constraints. For example, there may be a constraint on the number of syllables in a line. or the number of lines in a SWlza, or it may be required that certain lines rhyme. In addition to such structural constraints, various ornamental devices may be used in verse at the poet's discretion, without being structurally requiJed. These constraints and ornaments mark verse as a special form of discourse. Both the structural constraints and the ornamental devices may be anchored in almost any aspect of language which poets can bring to awareness: phonology, as in rhyme, alliteration, meter, etc.; word boundaries, required or forbidden at cenain positions in a line; syntactic categories, as when grammatical parallelism is required between certain lines; semantic categories, as when words of the same semantic field are required in corresponding structural units;64 and aspects of the script, as in the acrostic psalms of the Hebrew Bible (e.g. Psalms III and 112), in which lines begin with successive letters of the Hebrew alphabet Complex combinations of these devices occur also. Rhyme is one of several poetic devices involving relations of phonological equivalence. Other such devices include alliteration (involving equivalence of initial consonants), assonance (involving equivalence of vowels only), and consonance (involving equivalence of consonants in noninitial position). Depending on the verse form, these relations may be used either orna· mentally and optionally, or as defining characteristics of the verse form itself. Shakespeare's dramatic verse sometimes rhymes, but it is the meter rather than the rhyme which seems to be the defining characteristic of the form. But in the sonnet. the use of rhyme is pan of the definition of the form (though the English sonnet shows a variety of rhyme schemes). In modem English poeC)', alliteration is mostly an ornamental device, but in earlier Gennanic verse it was requiJed by the verse form, and occurred at predjctable places in the line. Nicholas Poppe mentions a Mongolian verse form in which it is required that every line of a quatrain begin with the same consonant (Poppe 1970, quoted in Molino & Tamine 1982: 57). In most Chinese poeC)', rhyme is a constituent pan of the verse form; however, in some of the early poems found in the ZMu song mJ ~ section of the Shfjlng, rhyme occurs unpredictably if at all, and may be regarded as ornamental.

3./.

Rhy~ CIIId phonological strw:tUrt:

89

3.1.1. Defining rhyme It is no simple matter to find a definition of rhyme which is valid for different languages and poetic traditions. We may begin by describing rhyme as a relation on linguistic strings. Mathematically. a relation such as "rhymes with" may be formally represented as a set of ordertd pairs, so that the statement "A rhymes with B", where A and B are linguistic strings, is formally equivalent to the statement ''The ordered pair is an element of the relation 'rhymes with·... If we abbreviate "thymes with" as "R", we may write " e R" or. by analogy to notations like "0 = btl or "0 < b", "A R B". The relation "rhymes wilh" must be differently defined for different languages and different times, and for different styles of verse, if it is to correspond to the normal use of the word "rhyme"; instead of defining a single relation R on all linguistic strings, regardless of what languages lhey are drawn from, we must assume a whole series of rhyme relations RChinue ("rhymes with in Chinese"), RFrench ("rhymes wilh in French"), and so fonh. Even RChinL~ is far from specific enough, for we will have to distin· guish the relations 'trhymes with in regulated verse", "rhymes with in Beijing opera", and so forth. When we speak in general terms about rhyming, then. we are speaking not of a single relation, but of a whole class of relations for different languages, times. and genres. What properties do rhyme relations have? Again, the mathematical approach to relations may be helpful. It seems clear that rhyme relations are symmetric: that is. if A rhymes with B, then B rhymes with A, or

ARB => BRA. Rhyming is also generally assumed to be transitive: that is, if A rhymes with B and B rhymes with C. then A rhymes with C: 65

(ARB)&(BRC) => ARC. Are rhyme relations reflexive? That is, does every string rhyme with itself? Several approaches to this question are possible. Some traditional definitions of rhyme say that a word does not make a good rhyme with itself. For example. Wling Ll states that in the shi ~ and cf s~ genres of Chinese poetry. rhyming a word with itself is excluded, but the restriction is relaxed in qil IlB poetry, where long rhyme sequences (lasting through the whole act of a play. for example) often include the same word more than once (W4ng Lll957 [1973]: 762). The reason for such restrictions seems to be that rhyming a word with itself is considered too easy to be aesthetically

pleasing. When defining a rhyme relation formally, it seems simplest to agree that a string does rhyme with itself, but that such rhymes ale deemed inappropriate in certain genres. IT we agree that rhyme relations arc reflexive, then we find that they fit the mathematical definition of equivalence relations--rc:lations that ale symmetric, transitive, and reflexive. By a well-known mathematical result, any equivalence relation on a set partitions that set into disjoint equivalence classes-that is, into nonoverlapping subsets with the characteristic that every member of any of the subsets is in the relation R with every member of that subset, including itself, and with nothing else. In other words, a rhyme relation defines a set of nonoverlapping rhyme categories of strings such that all the members of one category rhyme with each other, and with nothing else.66 One way of specifying a rhyme relation, then, is to specify the rhyme categories and their membership; and in fact this is how slandards for rhyming in Ql,inese have traditionally been stated, in rhyme books such as the Qitylln Wftll of A.D. 601 (for Early Middle Otinese) or the ZMng· yuan ylnylln '!' m!~iil of A.D. 1324 (for Old Mandarin). So far, I have described rhyme relations somewhat vaguely as equivalence relations on "linguistic strings". What kinds of strings are rhymes defined on, and what must we know about two strings in order to determine whether they rhyme or not? I will not attempt to give a precise fonnal answer, but we can clarify matters somewhat. The word "rhyme" is sometimes used of single words, sometimes of whole lines. When we speak of two lines rhyming with each other, though, it is only the last pans of the lines that are relevant; we may call these parts the "rhyming portions" of the lines. Although shoner than a full line, the rhyming ponion is sometimes longer than a conventional word. For example, in W. S. Gilbert's "Nightmare". "plunder you" rhymes with "under you": For your txain is on fire---the bedclothes conspire of usual slumber to plunder you: First your counterpane goes, and uncovers your toes, and your sheet slips demurely from under you. In Jonathan Swift's "On Poetry, A Rhapsody", "bite 'em" rhymes with "ad infinitum": So, naturalists observe, a flea Hath smaller fleas that on him prey; And these have smaller still to bite 'em; And so proceed ad infinitum.

3.1. Rhytr14 ond pMfIOlogical struclure

91

In Chinese poetry, too, rhyme sometimes involves more than one syntactic word. An example is Ode 98, stanza I of the Shljlng, where the rhyme word is third from the end in each line, the last two words being identical (translation adapted from Karlgren 1974): ~ fJ( liHf'l"ffii

1CIj:j;Uli'J"ffii fill ;ZJ;(lIUli'J"ffii

sl wO yu ZH0 HO ER chOng lr yrsO HO ER shilng zhfyr qiOng HUA HO ER

Lo! He waited for me in the SPACE BETWEEN THE SCREENING WALLAND THE GATE.

Lo! He had ear-stoppers OfWHlTE (material). On them he had (the fLOWER of =) the most exquisite of qi6ng stones.

Though the examples cited above involve more than one word as conventionally defined, one could argue that in these cases the words after the first rhyme are enclitic, and that only a single phonological word is involved in each case. A common statement for English is that two lines rhyme if they match from the last stressed vowel to the end; this is a reasonable interpretation for most other languages also. But what is it about these substrings that must match, and how closely must it match? Traditional Western descriptions of rhyme often speak simply of identity of "sound"; Chinese descriptions sometimes speak of rhyme words as being "harmonious [hexie fOii]". When modem linguists developed the notion of the phoneme as a unit of sound which was psychologically real for the speaker, it was natural to suppose that rhyme was normally defined in terms of these units. This would explain some cases where phonetically different sounds rhyme with each other. Baudouin de Courtenay argued out that the Russian vowels transcribed as j and y, although phonetically different, represent the same phoneme (being conditioned by the preceding consonant), and also form a "perfect rhyme" (1903 [1963]: 37). The hypothesis that rhyme is based on phonemic identity may be fonnulated as follows: 67 Phonemic identity hypothesis: Linguistic strings A and B rhyme if and only if they are phonemically identical from the rightmost stressed vowel to the end. Since this is an "if and only if' statement, we can separate it into an "if' pan and an "only if' pan. The "only if' part amounts to saying Rhyme equivalence implies phonemic identity.

92 3.

RJry~s as evUk'IU i1l

hi.ftnrit:tJ1 PhmtoloD

The "if' pan is Phonemic identity implies rhyme equivalence.

It would be most convenient for phonologislS if both statements were always true, for then rhyming would mirror phonology directly. UnfonunateIy, neither statemenl is true in general. The phonemic identity hypothesis assumes that the rhyme relations used in literature may be defined in purely phonological tenns. In some cases, this may be true. But relations defined in purely phonological terms are sometimes unsuitable for poetic use, for several reasons: I. Phonology changes with time and varies from place to place, but literary traditions may persist over several centuries, and may encompass more than one dialect area. For this reason. phonological criteria for rhyme are often supplemented by nonphonological conventions which are intended to make poetic practice standard and consistent over a long period of time and in a large geographic area. These conventions may lead poets to rhyme, or attempt to rhyme, according to dialeclS other than their own-and not necessarily in a consistent fashion. 2. Categories based solely on phonology sometimes place heavy burdens on the poet; after all, the distribution of the relevant linguistic elements is not planned with the convenience of poelS in mind. For this reason, literary conventions may include what we might call "gentlemen's agreemenlS" to allow certain phonologically inexact rhymes in order to make the poet's job easier, even if these rhymes would not be exact in any dialect. 3. Conversely, in some cases, rhyme categories based purely on phonology may make the poet's job so easy as to render the result facile and uninteresting. This is probably the basis for the stipulation in many traditions that a word cannot rhyme with itself. In inflected languages, it is sometimes considered inelegant, at least. to take the easy way out by rhyming words which share the same inflectional endings. In French verse (as also in Russian), rhymes consisting of a single final vowel are not allowed unless the preceding consonanlS are the same also; the effect is to require that the matching portions of two rhyming strings be at least two segments long. Languages such as Japanese, whose phonological pattern allows only a very limited number of possible rhymes. may eschew the poetic use of rhyme entirely. For these reasons. the rhyme system used in a panicular literary tradition may violate either pan of the phonemic identity hypothesis. The statement

3.1.

Rhy~

and phofWlogical strw::ture

93

that rhymes must match phonemically is violated in German verse, for example, where the front rounded vowels [y:], [y], [,,:], and [~] are commonly allowed to rhyme with the corresponding front unrounded vowels [i:], [i], [e:], and [e] (Manaster Ramer n.d.). This is a clear case of different phonemes being allowed to rhyme. 68 On the one hand, this follows the model of famous poets of the past (such as Goethe) whose dialects apparently lacked this distinction, and who freely made such rhymes; for example, in Faust, Goethe rhymes zieht with blaht (standard German [tsi:t] I [bly:t]). On the other hand, such a convention makes it easier for the poet to find rhymes. In this case, imitation of tradition, dialect compromise, and a gentlemen's agreement in the poet's favor are all involved. Rhyme systems violate the "if' part of the phonemic identity hypothesis if they make distinctions between phonemically identical strings. One way to do this would be to define rhyming phonetically rather than phonologically; such would be the case in Russian, for example, if a rhyming distinction were made between the vowels j and y. It is difficult to find clear examples of such subphonemic rhyming; most apparent cases tum out to depend on controversial decisions in phonological analysis. For example, according to Hartman's analysis of Mandarin (1944 [1957]), the Mandarin high open· syllable finals [i). [il. [ul. and [yJ are analyzed as /iI./yiI./wV. and /ywV. with the same main vowel N (which simply indicates the feature [+ high]). IT this ft/ is taken seriously as the main vowel, then the phonemic identity hypothesis would suggest that these four finals should rhyme. But they do not: in particular, rhymes of [i] with [u] (i.e., Hartman's Iyil with /wi/) are unknown. If Hartman's analysis is correct. this would be a case of a subphonemic rhyming distinction; but it is not clear that this is the correct analysis. Except for cases like this, it appears that rhyming rarely if ever recognizes subphonemic distinctions.69 If phonemes really are psychologically real units of sound. it is easy to see why this is true: to observe subphonemic distinctions in rhyming, poets would have to use phonetic differences which native speakers do not nonnally notice. Though the recognition of subphonemic distinctions in rhyming is at least rare, there are other ways of violating the "if' pan of the phonemic identity hypothesis. For example, strings which are phonologically and phonetically identical may not be considered a good rhyme because of entirely nonphonetic factors such as spelling, etymology, or tradition. Rhyme in French verse of the classical style, for example, is defined panly by sound and

•

I J. RhJII'IU Q"J evidclcc ill hislOricol phOlwioS'

94

panly by orthography: final consonants represented in the spelling affect rhyming, even when they are not pronounced. For example. the pair soi [swa] 'oneself' vois [vwa] 'see (I sg.r

is Dot considered a good rhyme because of the orthographic -s in llOU. This practice presumably imitates poeuy written at a time when the consonants were still pronounced.70 The Chinese poetic tradition supplies examples of systems which simultaneously violate both the "if' and the "only if' pans of the phonemic identity hypc)lhesis. For example, traditional jim! shf 1f:1I~ 'new-style verse' (which includes both lashI ~R 'regulated verse' and the related juiju

""*illl, •

-n.J

e

fonn) is supposed to be written according to the categories of me rhyme standard oodified under the rm :€I: dynas,y Plngsiwi yilll (1115-1234), and archaic even then, being based in pan on the categories of earlier rhyme books such as the Q,eyl1n. In the PfngshuI yun there are 106 rhymes, distributed among the four tones (thirty in pfngshlng. twenry·nine in sMngshing, thiny in qllshing, and seventeen in rUshlng). An example of the artificiality of this standard is that words with the Middle Chinese finals -on and ·won are supposed to rhyme with those in Middle Olinese -jon and -jwon, just as they did in Early Middle Chinese times, and all these words are combined in the thirteenth pfngshlng category 7G Yuin (Me Ngjwon}even though -jon has long since merged with -jen and -en, and ·jwon has merged with ·jwen and ·wen. Thus a word like

(99)

-g ydn < ngjon 'word'

must rhyme in the 7G Yuan category, with words like

(100)

mgtn < kon 'roo,'

and (l0l)

t:t cun < tshwon 'village'.

But the word (102)

ff ydn < ngen 'beautiful',

which in modem speech is a homonym of ~ ydn 'word', rhymes in the 9t Xiln category. This has led to the popular tenn "pi sl de shfsln Yuin ~ JEtf.J+=7G [damned number 13 Yultn]" for the troublesome Yullo jfi category. Note that this rhyme practice violates both pans of the phonemic identity hypothesis: the homonyms tJf ydn and ~ ydn do not rhyme with

3./. RhYmL and phoflOlogical strWl:tW't: 95

a

.m.

each other, while )'tin and gin, usually analyzed with different main vowels, do rhyme. The different types of violations of the phonemic identity hypothesis often reflect different literary and cultural contexts. Cases where phonologically different strings are allowed to rhyme may be somewhat less natural than purely phonological rhyming, but such conventions are relatively easy to learn, and make life easier for the poet, SO they may persist for a long time. To rhyme in the traditional way, a German poet need only learn which pairs of vowels are considered equivalents for rhyming purposes; he does not need to carry around a rhyme book or memorize long lists of rhyme words and their categories. Conventions of this kind may be dropped, however, if a movement toward standardization inuoduces stricter altitudes about rhyming. The Qieyiln-()r at least the use to which it was put in the T!ng dynasty-probably represented such a movement. While conventions allowing phonologically different strings to rhyme are rather common, phonologically artificial rhyming distinctions are generally harder to learn, and presuppose the existence of a literature prescribing what may rhyme with what. Such a literature could be oral, but the system is probably easier to maintain if it is written down. The conventions of classical verse in French and Chinese are of this kind. Systems of this type are generally harder on the poet, and as phonological changes accumulate, so will the pressure to abandon the ever more artificial classical standards and bring poetry closer to ordinary pronunciation. This has happened more than once in the history of Chinese verse. How do these considerations affect the use of rhymes as evidence about phonology? Clearly, it is risky (though not always wrong) to infer phon~ logical identity from rhyme equivalence; by this assumption we would falsely conclude that German front rounded vowels had disappeared long ago. Similarly, in Mandarin verse, the finals [iI, [iI, and lYI are traditionally allowed to rhyme. and this too would lead us to false conclusions about Mandarin phonology.?l It is somewhat less risky to infer phonological distinctions from rhyming distinctions. As we have seen, it is possible for rhyme systems to incorpo-. rate artificial distinctions not reflected in phonology, but many forces work against such distinctions: they are hard to learn and use, and they probably require the suppon of a prescriptive literature telling how poetry should be written. Still. in the right conditions. artificial rhyme distinctions can be preserved over many centuries, as French classical poetry and Chinese jlntr sM illustrate. IT we assumed that the distinctions of these systems reflected

contemporary phonology. we would be led to a number of erron. Fortunately for phonologists, such artificial conventions often apply only to certain genres; there may be other contemporary genres whose rhyming reflects phonology more directly. We are probably safe in assuming that Old Otinese poetry is relatively free of artificial rhyming distinctions. We have no direct evidence for a literature about poetry which might have been the vehicle for enforcing such distinctions. Also, the social context of Old Ollnese poetry is quite different from that of T1ng times and later, when the ability to compose poetry in standardized forms was pan of the qualification for employment as an official. The phonological dive~ity found in the ShIjlng also suggests that the forces of standardization were not very strong. n Under these circumstances, clear rhyme distinctions in Old Chinese poetry can probably be taken to represent distinctions in contemporary phonology. I suspect, however, that the ShIj(ng may include some inexact but traditional stock rhymes which reflect an even older stage of phonology. The repetitive, formulaic nature of parts of the ShIjlng has often been noticed, and suggests that the composition of these parts was at least partly oral. In oral poetry which relies largely on meter, such as the Homeric epics, the poet uses a stock of traditional expressions, longer than a single word, which fit the prescribed meter. Similarly, in orally composed poetry employing rhyme, we would expect to find stock rhyme sequences which would help the poet compose extemporaneously. I leave aside the issue of how much of the ShIjfng may have been composed in this way; in any case, the existence of stock repeated expressions is clear to any reader of the text Once such stock rhyme sequences became part of the literary tradition. they might continue to be used even if sound changes made them imperfect as rhymes. I believe this may have happened in the case of the following words:

(l03) ~ hu6i < Me hw£j < *gruj 'to yeam' (104)

Sll guI < Me kjwij < *k"'jij'lO "'turn'

I will show in section to.1.8 that a rhyming distinction between *-uj and *.;j must be recognized for Old Chinese, and that to account for the overall rhyming patlern of lhese two words, we must reconstruct *-uj in tm. hudi and *-ij in R guI. 73 However. in Odes 68.1-3. IOU, and 251.2. " guf appears to rhyme as *·uj. Two of these rhymes. 68.1-3 and 101.1, are with 11 hudi. I suspect that JI guI < */cWjij dissimilated from an earlier *k.Wjuj (which otherwise does not exist in my system), and that this traditional

3.2. A slatistica/ melhod/or aNJIyzillg rhyme dlJta

97

rhyme pair, created at a time when the two words rhymed phonologically, remained in use after the dissimilation which made them an inexact rhyme. (These inexact traditional rhymes are not numerous enough, however, ro obscure the otherwise clear separation of ··uj and ·-ij.)

3.2. A statistical method for analyzing rhyme data The previous section discussed how rhyming systems may be related to phonology. Whether a given rhyme system is based strictly on phonology or on other considerations as well, we assume that it provides poets with a pattern to follow in constructing verse. Let us now consider the question of how we may test hypotheses about this pattern, on the basis of the rhymes in a given corpus. Between a rhyme system and the rhymes of a panicular corpus there is a relation similar to that drawn in linguistics between langue and parole or between competence and performance. The rhymes actually found in a corpus may deviate from the prescribed rhyme system for a variety of reasons. It may be impossible to find rhyme words which fit both what the system requires and what the poet wishes to express; or the poet may be unskillful or lax in rhyming; or the poet may wish to flout convention deliberately. This is only a paniallist; there is no end to the variety of ways of respecting, flirting with, playing with, or pretending to ignore a set of literary conventions once they are established. For example, one could deliberately rhyme in a rather broad way to create the impression of infor· mality or rusticness (if that is what broad rhyming connotes for the culture in question); this broad rhyming could in tum become a kind of convention 10 be played with, and so 00. Given such complex possibilities in the use of a rhyme system, how can we use acwal texts to test hypotheses about rhyming'! A typical hypothesis about rhyming is a statement that two groups of words, say, A and B, do or do not rhyme with each other freely. Presumably, to decide whether such a statement is true or not, we count something. But what do we count'! Usu· ally, it is rhyme sequences: we count the number of unmixed sequences (which involve only A words or only B words) and the number of mixed sequences (in which A and B words occur together). To argue that A and B are separate rhyme groups, we might point out that there are more unmixed sequences than mixed sequences; or that the mixed sequences are only suchand·such a percentage of the total, or that rhymes mixing A and B words do not occur at all.

Arguments of this kind are common in Olinese historical phonology when rhymes are used as evidence. For example, Wl1ng U (1937) proposed that Zhr should be divided the Old Chinese rhyme group traditionally called into a HI! ZhI group and a It Wei group. He summed up his discussion of the ShIjfng rhyme evidence as follows:

rn

rn

Of the 110 examples [of rhyme sequences] above, ZhI and II: Wei can be regarded as rhyming separately in eighty-four, about threeZhI and It Wei can be regarded as rhyming fourths of the total; together in twenty-six which is less than one-fourth of the whole....

m

Especially wonhy of notice are examples of long unmixed rhyme sequences. (Several examples are given of unmixed .1m Zhr or itt Wei sequences, five to eight words in length.] These cannot be considered a chance phenomenon [zhc)tie dOu bUneng renw6i burin de xiMixiMig it ""l!Il~tmlfl:l\~li!\lEmti().(Wing Ll1937 [1980): 146)7' There are many unresolved problems with arguments of this kind. For example: 1. Wing Ll recognizes that longer unmixed rhyme sequences carry more weight than shorter ones, as the quotation above shows. But when counting rhyme sequences, he does not distinguish rhyme sequences of different lengths. Even intuitively, it should be clear that the rhyme sequence is not a suitable unit to count unless sequences of different lengths are somehow treated differently. 2. Simply comparing the numbers of unmixed and mixed sequences also fails to take into account the relative frequency of occurrence of groups A and B. Some words are more likely to occur as rhymes than others, and this affects the likelihood that unmixed rhyme sequences will occur by chance alone. For example, if A wonls are much more frequent than B words, then unmixed sequences involving A words will be rather frequent, and sequences mixing A and B words will be infrequent, simply because B words are infrequent 3. In Chinese, if tone categories are ignored, as if often done in analyzing rhymes, then simply comparing mi)ted and unmixed sequences can sometimes be misleading. For example, suppose that most of the A words happen to be in pfngshing, and most of the B words happen 10 be in sMngshlng. Then in poetry where tone- affects rhyme, a rhyming distinction between A and B may appear to exist when the only relevant distinction is tone.

3.2. It. stOn.tlit:aJ nv,Wfor aNJIyuIlg rltynv data 99

4. Finally, and most fundamentally, some irregular rhymes are likely to exist, for the reasons we have outlined; and most investigators would agree that a few rhymes mixing A and B words are not enough to compel us to combine A and B into a single rhyme group. But there is no agreement on how many mixed rhymes would be enough to fOlCC this conclusion. Wing U offers the judgment that the data he cites "cannot be considered a chance phenomenon", and I believe he was right;75 but he offers no actual argu· mcnts that this is the case. The question of what configurations of dala can and cannot be attributed to chance is precisely the domain of probability and statistics. The main purpose of this section is to present a statistical method for testing hypotheses a1x>ut rhyming. This method avoids the problems just described, and is a refinement of previous efforts of mine in this direction (Baxter 1979, 1982, 1986b). Sections 3.2.1 through 3.2.6 develop and illustrate the method with simple hypothetical examples; section 3.2.7 discusses several problems with practical application of the method. In section 3.3, the proposed method is illustrated, using actual Old Chinese examples taken from the ShIjfng. The method described here inevitably involves a certain amount of mathematics, which I have attempted to explain as straightforwardly as possible. Readers with little patience for mathematics may be reassured that not all the arguments a1x>ut Old Olinese rhyming to be presented in the remainder of the study require a thorough understanding of the details of this method; most can be grasped intuitively as well. Also, I do not claim that the method invalidates all the results of previous, nonmathematical studies of rhyming, many of which are very insightful. But a fully adequate analysis of Old Chinese rhyming cannot ignore the statistical issues involved. The basic idea behind the statistical method presented here is this: two groups of words A and B can be regarded as belonging to separate rhyme categories if they rhyme with each other significantly less often than would be expected by chance. Mter counting the number of mixed rhymes in a sample, we calculate whether this number is significantly less than we would expect under the assumption--called the "null hypothesis"-that A and B do rhyme with each other freely. (Since the probability of getting a mixed sequence is different for rhyme sequences of different lengths, sequences of different lengths must be analyzed separately and the results combined mathematically, by the method introduced in section 3.2.4.) If the observed number of mixed rhymes is significantly smaller than expected,

then A and. B probably do not rhyme with each other freely. This allows us to distinguish free, regular rhyming from occasional irregular rhyming. The general procedure for testing hypotheses statistically can be summarized as follows. A statistical model is developed for the phenomena under investigation; this model takes lhe fonn of a mathematical sU'UCture called a "probability space", defined on a set n corresponding to the possible outcomes of the experiment being investigated. For- example. if the experiment is drawing a card at random from a deck. then Q includes the fifty-two cards of the deck. The probability space n is designed in such a way that a probability (a number between zero and one) can be assigned to each subset of Q. Thus. if A is a subset of Q, representing some possible event, then a probability function P is designed in such a way that P[A] is a number between zero and one, corresponding to the likelihood that the event A will occur. For example, if n represents a deck of cards. the thirteen-element set consisting of all the spades in the deck repTeSents the outcome that a card drawn at random will be a spade; the probability 13/52 :: 0.25 will be assigned to this event Since every set is a subset of itself. ptQ] is defined, and is equal [0 one; likewise the empty set 12) is a subset of all sets, so P[0] is defined, and is equal to zero. (For a more detailed discussion of these concepts, see Hoel, Port, & Stone 1971, chapter I.) 3.2.1. A model

or rhyme-word choice

In order to test hypotheses about rhyming, then, we must develop a statistical nxxIel of the procedure by which a poet chooses rhyme words, so that an appropriate probability space can be designed. Of course, many factors affect a poet's choice of words, but we are interested only in those factors which are part of the rhyme system. For our purposes we may assume that once the poet chooses the rhyme group from which a rhyme sequence is to come, his or her choice of words within that rhyme group is random. It is traditional in probability and statistics to use the drawing of balls from an urn as a model of random choice. Thus, let us imagine an Old Chinese poet surrounded by a number of large urns--one for each of the Old Chinese rhyme groups. Each urn contains a large number of balls, and on each ball is written a Chinese character which can be used as a rhyme word. All the baUs within anyone urn belong to the same rhyme group, and rhyme with each other freely. If lhe poet wants to choose a rhyme word, he or she simply reaches into one of the urns, pulls out one of lhe balls, writes down the word written on

3.2. A staJistical ~thodfor QllQ/yzing rhyme data

101

it. and returns the ball to the urn from which it came. To choose rhyme words for a couplet, the poet repeats this procedure twice with the same urn; and so on. We assume that each ball in a given urn is as likely to be picked as any other, but clearly some words are more likely to be used as rhyme words than others; so we assume that some words are represented by more balls than others. For any word, the number of balls with that word written on them is proportional to the probability that that word will be chosen as a rhyme word. Suppose we wish to test the hypothesis that two groups of words, A and B, do not rhyme with each other freely-that is, that they are stored in different urns. It is difficult to test this hypothesis directly. We know that groups A and B may rhyme with each other occasionally even if they are basically separate rhymes; because of the "perfonnance factors" mentioned above, our poet is likely to reach into the wrong urn occasionally. But we have no way of predicting how often this will happen. We can, however, test the contrary hypothesis that A and B do rhyme with each other freely: if we assume that A and B words are put together in the same urn, then it is relatively simple to calculate how often our poet will pick rhyme sequences mixing A and B words. This prediction' can then be compared with the Dumber of mixed rhymes we actually find in the corpus. If the mixed rhymes are significantly fewer than expected, we can conclude that A and B do not rhyme with each other freely. In this case, the hypothesis that A and B do rhyme with each other freely-that they are in the same um-is the null hypothesis. Let us see in detail how such a hypothesis is tested. 3.2.2. Modeling individual rhyme sequences We can model the situation where the A and B words are in the same urn by supposing that in one urn, the balls are marked not only with Chinese characters, but also with a letter A or B. (Our poet pays no attention to these letters.) If the poet uses this urn many times, how often will the words chosen be A words, and how often will they be B words? To calculate this, we must first estimate the relative frequency of A and B words in the urn. We are not allowed to look into the urns directly; but if we have a sample of the poetry the poet has written using this urn, we can use the relative frequencies of A and B words in this sample as estimates of the probability of choosing an A word or a B word, For simplicity, let us suppose that our sample contains fifty couplets, i.e., one hundred rhyme· word occurrences; and suppose that seventy of these one hundred words are

A words, while thirty are B words. We will use the notation P[A] to denote the probability that an A word will be chosen. (In general, P[X] represents the probability of some evenl denoted by X.) Then we can estimate P[A] as 70/100 =0.7, and P[B] as 30/100 = 0.3. (The question of how reliable these estimates are is examined in section 3.2.5 below.) If we follow this model, the choice of a single rhyme word is what is called a Bernoulli trial-a random trial with two possible outcomes (in this case, an A word or a B word).76 In discussing Bernoulli trials, it is customary to identify one of the outcomes as "success" and the other as "failure"; we may arbitrarily call the choice of an A word success and the choice of a B word failure. The probability of success (in our example, the true value of P[AJ) is traditionally written as lower·case p; the probability of failure (in our example, the true value of P[BJ) is written as q. The probability space involved may be represented as a set with the two elements [success, failure), with p = P[(successlJ and q = P[(failure}]. (Since these an: the only two possible outcomes, clearly p + q = 1 and q = 1 - p.) The notion of a Bernoulli trial will come up several times in the discussion below. Now suppose that our poet is writing couplets using the balls in this urn. What is the probability that a couplet will not mix A and B-that either two A words or two B words will be chosen? Choosing a couplet can be regarded simply as a repetition of the basic process of choosing a single rhyme word. If both words of a couplet are to have the same leners. then the poet must choose either AA or BB. According to elementary probability theory, the probability that two independent events will occur is the product of their probabilities. Thus, we can easily compute P[AA] and P[BB]: P[AA] = (P[A»(P[AJ) = (0.7)(0.7) = 0.49

P[BB] = (P[BJ)(P[BJ) = (O.3}(O.3) = 0.09 The probability of choosing an unmixed couplet-that is. of choosing AA or BB-is simply the sum of P[AA] and PlBB). Let us call this probability P[unmi.r
3.2. A. Slatlstil:aJ mLtltodlor tJNJ1yzin8 rlrymL. dala

103

P[M] = p[AD] + P[BA] = (P[A])(PlBJ) + (P[BJ)(P[AJ)

= (0.7)(0.3) + (0.3)(0.7)

= 0.21 +0.21 = 0.42. Nole that the choice of a rhyme couplet is also a Bernoulli trial, with the two possible outcomes M and U (mixed and unmixed). In this case, we will call M "success" and U "failure"; thus p, the probability of success, is the true value of P[M), and q. the probability of failure, is the true value of P[UJ. And as before, since a rhyme sequence must be either unmixed or mixed, the sum of P[UJ and P[M) must be one. Therefore, another way of calculating P[M) is to subtract P[UJ from 1: P[M]

= 1-

P[Ul

= 1-

0.58

= 0.42.

Similar reasoning can be extended to calculate the probability that se· quences of greater length will be mixed or unmixed. For sequences of three words, for example, we may calculate the probability of getting an unmixed sequence as follows: P[Ul

= P[AM] + P[BBB] = P[A]' + P[B]' = (0.7)' + (0.3)' = 0.37

There are six ways to get a mixed sequence: AAB. ABA. BAA. ABB. BAS, and BBA; so we can calculate P[M] = p[AAB] + P[ADA] + P[BM] + p[ADB] + P[BADJ + P[BBAJ

= 3P[A]2P[B] + 3P[AJP[B]2 = (3)(0.7)2(0.3) + (3)(0.7)(0.3)2

= 0.63, or, more simply, since a sequence is mixed unless it is unmixed, we have P[M]

= 1-

P[Ul

= 1-

0.37

= 0.63.

Notice that P[U], the probability of an ummixed sequence, is less for threeword sequences (0.31) than for two-word sequences (0.58). This agrees with our intuition that long unmixed sequences are less likely to occur by chance than shon ones. In general, for a sequence of length n, we can compute P[U] and P[M] by the following fonnulas: P[Ul = P[A]" + P[B]"

104

3. Rhymu as evitkru:eill ItislOricol PMfIOfoRY

P[M] = 1- PIU]

3.2.3. Evaluating samples o( sequences Now let us tum to the question of whether the number of mixed sequences in a sample is significantly less than the null hypothesis predicts. To begin with, suppose that we have a sample of only five couplets, with ptA] = 0.7 these five couplets, all five could be unmixed and P[B] = 0.3 as above. (UUUUU), 0' all mixed (MMMMM], '" some could be mixed and some unmixed (e.g. UUMMU, MMMUU). Let us use the notation "p[M =m]" for the probability that exactly m of our five couplets are mixed. What is P[M = OJ, the probability that there will be no mixed couplets at all? We have already calculated P[Ul = 0.58 and P(M] = 0.42 for two-word sequences. The probability space involved may be represented as the set of all strings of length five made up of U's and M's. Reasoning as above, we have

or

p(M = 0] = P(UUUUU] = (P[U])(P(U])(P(U]XP[U])(P[U]) = {O.58r' = 0.0656.

What about P[M = I], the probability that exactly one of the five couplets will be mixed? There are five ways to get one mixed couplet: the mixed couplet may be the first (MUUUU), the second (UMUUU), the third (UUMUU), the fouM (UUUMU), '" the fifth (UUUUM). Each of these five outcomes has a probability of (P[M])(p[U])4

= (0.42)(0.58)4 = 0.0475.

Since there are five ways to get exactly one mixed couplet. the probability of getting one mixed couplet is p(M = I]

= 5(P[M»(p[U])4 = (5)(0.0475) = 0.238.

,

In general, p[M = m] for a sample of five couplets can be calculated by the fonnula

P[M =m]

= c,l. P[M]'" P[U]' - '".

where the notation "C~" stands for the number of combinations of five things taken m at a time. Some readers may recognize the expression above as the p[M]m tenn in the binomial expansion of

32. A stw,i.caJ mLthodfor ONJiy:illg rh'jmL dola

lOS

(P[M] + P[U)S.

This is not a coincidence; each couplet represents a Bernoulli trial (with possible outcomes "mixed" and "unmixed;, and the variable P{M "" m] defined on repeated Bernoulli trials has what is known as a binomial distribution.77 More generally, if the total number of couplets is n, then the probability that exactly m of the n couplets will be mixed is p[M=m] =

c~p[M]mp[U).-m.

Let us now consider some conaete (but hypothetical) examples to illustrate these calculations.

3.23./. Example /: five couplets, ofwlUch ont! is mixed Suppose that P[A] = 0.7 and P[B] = 0.3 as above, and that our sample consists of five couplets, of which only one mixes A and B words. Can we treat this mixed rhyme as irregular, and conclude that A and B are still separate rhyme groups? We have seen above that even if A and B rhyme with each other freely, there is a 0.238 probability that there will be exactly one mixed rhyme in such a sample, and a 0.0656 probability that there will be no mixed rhymes at all. Thus, even if A and B rhyme with each other freely, the probability that we will have one or fewer mixed couplets is P[M~lJ

= P[M=O)+p[M=I) = 0.0656+0.238 = 0.304.

That is, this small a number of mixed couplets will occur by chance about 30% of the time, even if A and B rhyme with each other freely (are in the same urn). Such a sample is not sufficient to show that A and B are separate groups.

3.23.2. Example 2: five couplets, ofwlUch nont! are mixed Even if a sample of five couplets contains no mixed rhymes at all. we might not consider this statistically significant by itself. As we just saw, the probability that five unmixed couplets will occur by chance is P[M =OJ

= P[UUUUU) = 0.0656,

or about one chance in fifteen, even if A and B rhyme freely with each other. There are no hard and fast rules about how low such probabilities must be in order for the result to be considered significant, but in social science

106 J. Rhymes as t:videllCt: ifllWtorical pMflOlogy

applications it is common to require that they be at least as small as 0.05, or five percent (one chance in twenty). This illusuates that for small samples, a hypothesis may fail to be confinned, even if all the data are consistent with it. Note, however, that a value of P greater than 0.05 does not mean that the null hypothesis is true; it only means that the data are not sufficient to disconfinn it. More generally, if we observe m mixed couplets in a total sample of n couplets, we will wish to know how often this small a number of mixed couplets would be expected by chance in a sample of this size. if A and B rhymed with each other freely. This is not the probability that there will be exactly m mixed rhymes, but rather the probability that there will be m or fewer mixed rhymes; that is, it is not P[M = m] but P[M :S m]. We can calculate P[M :S m] by taking the sum of P[M = for all values of i less than or equal to m:

n

P[M~mJ = P[M=O]+P[M=I]+···+p[M=m-l]+P[M=mJ.

or in more compact notation, m

P[M~m]

=

Ll[M

i = 0

m

= i]

_

~»[M]i P[U]" -

i

i= 0

The number P[M:S ml, which we may simply call P, is a measure of how unlikely it is that our sample was chosen according to the null hypothesis. If P is very small, say, less than 0.05, then we are entitled to reject the null hypothesis and conclude that A and B do not rhyme with each other freely. Notice that the value of P depends not only on the number of mixed and unmixed sequences, but also on the relative frequency of the A and B words, the length of the rhyme sequences being considered (two in our examples so far, but see below for the more general case), and the size of the sample. Thus it avoids the problems of simpler measures such as simple ratios or percentages of rhyme sequences. '

32.33. Example 3: twenty couplets, of which four are mixed Still assuming that P[A] = 0:7: and P[S] = 0.3, suppose now that instead of a sample of five couplets of which one is mixed (as in example I), we have a sample of twenty couplets of which four are mixed. In this example, the

3.2. A statistical method/or analyzing rhyme dala

107

proportion of mixed rhymes is that same as in example I (20%), but the sample is larger. In this case, n = 20 and m = 4, so we calculate 4 P[M~4J

-

LP[M = i]

i = 0

4

~20. 20. - £..J Cj P[M]' P[UJ I

j =

0

Assuming the same values for P[U] and P[M] as above, the result comes to P = 0.035. In other words, if A and B rhymed freely with each other, we would expect a

sample of twenty couplets to have four or fewer mixed couplets only 3.5% of the time. If we use P < 0.05 as a criterion of significance, then this sample is significant evidence that A and B rhyme separately. Notice that although the proportion of mixed rhymes is the same in this example as in example I (20% in both cases), the larger sample is significant evidence that groups A and B rhyme separately, while the smaller sample is not. By conrrast, the method which simply computes the proportion of mixed rhymes, used by Wang Ll in the passage quoted earlier, is insensitive to the effects of sample size. 3.2.4. Combining results for sequences of different lengths In the examples so far, we have assumed that the sample of rhyme sequences to be tested consists entirely of couplets (two-word rhyme sequences). In practice, however, the samples we use often include sequences of various lengths. To illustrate this possibility, let us imagine a sample consisting of five two-word rhyme sequences and four three-word rhyme sequences; and suppose that none of the two-word sequences mix A words with B words, but that there is one mixed three-word sequence. (We will assume P[A) = 0.7 and P[B) = 0.3 as above.) Our procedure will be to calculate the value of P for the two-word sequences (caU this P2) and separately for the three-word sequences (call this P3), and then combine them mathematically. Let us write M 2 and M3 to represent the number of mixed sequences among the two- and three-word sequences respectively. The two-word sequences in this sample are just like example 2 above, so

P 2 = P[M2 S 0] = 0.0656. To calculate P3 = P[M3 S I], we must first calculate PlU] for a three-word sequence: P[U] = P[A]3 + P[BI 3 = (0.7)3 + (0.3)3 = 0.343 +0.027 = 0.370.

From this, we can calculate P[M] for a three-word sequence: P[M] = 1 - P[U] = 0.630.

Proceeding as before, we may calculate P(M3 = 0] and P[M) = 1] as follows:

P[M3 = 01 = P[UUUU] = (0.370)4 = 0.0187 P[M3 = I] = P[MUUU] + P[UMUU] + P[UUMU] + P[UUUM] = 4p[M]p[U]3 = 4(0.63)(0.37)3 = 0.1276.

With these figures. we can calculate P3 = P[M) S 1]:

P 3 = P[M3SI] = P[M3 =01 +P[M3= I] = 0.0187+0.1276 = 0.146. Note that neither P2 (= 0.0656) nor P3 (= 0.146) by ilself is small enough to be significant by OUT criterion, since both are above the 0.05 cutoff level. That is. neither the five two-word sequences nor the four three-word se· quences, by themselves. show sufficient separation of A and B to disconfinn the null hypothesis that A and 8 rhyme with each orner freely. But how do we evaluate the two samples together? Essentially, the method we have used so far tests the null hypothesis by evaluating a sample of rhyme sequences to see how extreme the distribution of mixed and unmixed sequences is. We measure the extremeness of a sample by counting the number of mixed and unmixed sequences: the smaller the number of mixed sequences, the more extreme we judge the sample to be. We reject the null hypothesis if the probability of ketting such an extreme sample is less than 0.05. That is, if M, the number of mixed sequences in our sample, is observed to be m, then we evaluate P(M ~ m] to see whether it is less than 0.05. Notice that the value of p(M S m] itself could also be used as a measure of the extremeness of a panicular observed value m; the smaller the value of p[M S ml, the more extreme the value m is. The function F(m) ::: p[M ~ m] is called the "disbibution function" of the random variable M.

3.2. A statistical ~thod [or (lIItJlyziflg rhyme (/(Jta

109

Now if our sample includes five sequences of lengths two and fOUT sequences of length three, we can think of the outcome of each trial as an ordered pair <ml' m3>' where mj is the number of mixed sequences of length i in the sample. The probability space which represents the possible outcomes of this experiment is the following set of ordered pairs:

n

= {<m2,m3> 1m2. {O,l,2,3,4,51,m3. (O,I,2,3,4))

Each ordered pair <ml, m3> can be thought of as representing a point in the finite tw is simply the product of the probabilities of its components m2 and m3: P[<m2, m3>1 = (P[M2 = mil)(P[M3 = m3])·

To test hypotheses using samples of such ordered pairs (or points), we must have a suitable measure of the extremeness of any particular ordered pair <m2, m3>' As we have seen, it will not do to simply count m2 + m3, the total number of mixed sequences observed, without regard to the length of the sequences, since it is easier to get a mixed three-word sequence by chance than a mixed two-word sequence. Instead, we will measure the extremeness of a point <m2' m3> by evaluating the statistic F(<m2, m3» = (P[M2 S mill (P[M3 S m3]);

that is, we will use the product of the distribution functions of the random variables M 2 and M 3 evaluated at the point <mz, m3>' This measure reflects the extremeness of each component of the ordered pair, taking both the length of the sequences and the size of the samples into consideration; the lower the value of F(<m2' m3», the more extreme the pair <m2, m3> is. Now that we can measure the extremeness of a panicular ordered pair , OUT next step is to find the probability of getting such an extreme pair by chance, under the null hypothesis. We calculate this probability by identifying all the pairs which are as extreme as the observed pair, and summing up their individual probabilities. In the example we are considering, the observed values are m2 = 0 and m3 = I, that is, the ordered pair <0.1>. Let E represent the set of all pairs at least as extreme as the pair <0. 1>: E = ( I E nand F(<mz, m3» :5 F(
Then the probability of getting a pair as extreme as <0, 1> by chance is the Sum of the individual probabilities of each pair in the set E:

110 3. Rhymn as ~VitWtCt: ill hislOricaJ p/ttHtology

L <m2. m3>

(PIM2 = m2)) (P[MJ = mJ)). E

E

The values of P[M2 = m2l and P[M2 S m2l for the two-word portion of the sample are given in Table 3.1; the values of p[M] = m]] and P[M3 S m3] for the three-word portion of the sample are given in Table 32. (The figures in both tables are rounded to four decimal places.) Tabl~

3.1. P[M2 '" nt2l and P(M2 s: "'lI fc;r five sequences (P{A] '" 0.7. ptSI = 0.3)

'"2

P(M2· nt2l

ptM2 sm21

0

0.0656 0.2J76

0.0ti\6 0.3033 0.6475

J

0.3442 0.2492-

4

0.0902

0.8961 0.9869

0.0131

1.‫סס‬OO

I 2

,

Tabk 3.2. P[M]. m]] and P[M] S "'3] fc;r four sequences (P(A.] =0.7. P[8] "" 0.3)

'"3

P(MJ' '"31

p{M] Sm3]

0 1

0.0187 0.1276

2

O.J260

0.0187 0.1463 0.4724

J

0.3701 0.1575

4

0.842> 1.‫סס‬oo

The extremeness of the observed ordered pair <0. I> is measured by F(:

3.2. A stalisti£al fMthodfor analyzing rhyfM datD

F(od>,I» = ~

111

(P(M2~0])(p(M3~1])

(0.0656) (0.1463)

~

0.009597

The next step is to sum the probabilities of all the points in our probability space n which are as extreme as the point <0.1>, as measured by the function F. There are throe such points: <0,0>, <0. I> itself. and . as shown in Table 3.3. Table. 33. Points of n for which F(
<.M2. mJ>

P[M2 Sm21

P[M3:S m3]

F(<.M2. mJ»

P[
dI,ll>

0.0656

0.0187

<0.1> <1.0>

0.0656 0.3033

0.1463 0.0187

0.001227 0.009597 0.005672

0.001227 0.008371 0.004443

Note that the F(<m2' m3» column of Table 3.3 is simply the product of the (wo preceding columns. The probability of getting by chance a point in the probability space which is as extreme as <0. I> is thus the sum of the probabilities of these three points (i.e. the sum of the last column of Table 3.3):

P = p(od>,O>] + P[od>, I>] + P[]

= 0.001227 + 0.008371 + 0.004443 = 0.01404. Since this P is less than 0.05, we may conclude that this sample shows significant evidence that A and B rhyme separately, even though neither the two· word sequences nor the three-word sequences are significant by themselves. We oflen need to apply this procedure to combine results from samples of different lengths and from different tone categories. In practice, this normally requires using a computer, since the probability spaces for such samples may be multidimensional, and the computations may need to be done on many thousands of points. For this study I have written a Pascal program which implements this procedure to combine results from more than one sample. 78

3.2.5. The accuracy of the initial estimates of frequency Recall that the series of calculations oudined above begins with estimates of P[A] and P[B], the relative frequencies of A and B words respectively. The "true" value of P[A) would be the relative frequency of A words in a very large sample of rhyme sequences. But the value of P[A] that we actually use is the frequency of A words in the sample we have available. The smaller our sample of rhyme words, the less likely it is that this estimate of the true value of P[A) is accurate. The accuracy of this estimate affects the accuracy of all our subsequent calculations. Fonunately, statistical methods can also be used to estimate how accurate this initial estimate is. There are several ways to do this; I will discuss two: (I) a direct estimate using the binomial distribution, suitable for smaller samples, and (2) an approximation using the DeMoivre·l..aplace theorem, suitable for larger samples (for which the calculations of the first method become excessively complex). 32.5.1. Estimating accuracy by using the binomial disrribUliofl

Suppose that we have a sample consisting of only ten rhyme words, of which seven are A words and three are B words. Our estimate of P[A] based on this sample is 1/10 = 0.7. We wish to find out how good this estimate is. The method for doing this is based on calculating how much and how often the number of A words in a sample of this size will vary from the expected value. Again we regard this sample as a set of repeated Bernoulli trials, with two possible outcomes: "success" (an A word) and "failure" (a B word). We write the probability of success-the "true" value of P[A]-as p, the size of the sample as f1, and the number of A words in any given sample as X. Our estimate of p based on such a sample, which we may write as p, is X/fl. In this case, fI = 10 and X = 7. so our estimate is 7/10 = 0.7. Now even if 0.7 is the true value of p (i.e. the value we wou1d obtain from a sample where fI is very large), not every random sample of ten rhyme words will have exactly seven A words in it. Although seven is the single most likely value for X, X might take any value from zero (no A words) to ten (all A words). Let us write the probability that X takes the value x as p[X ::::x]. We can calculate·p[X =- x) for the various values of x, in the same way that we calculated the values of P[M = mJ, the number of mixed sequences in a sample of n. rhyme sequences, above.

32. A $/a!istua[ ~Ihodfor ONJiyung rhy~ dJJta

113

Writing p for the "true" value of P[Al, and q (= 1- p) for the true value of P[B], the probability that all ten words will be A words is P[X = 10]

= plO = (0.7)10 = 0.02825,

while the probability that none of the ten words will be A words is P[X = 0]

= qlO = (0.3) 10 = 0.000006.

There are ten ways of getting exactly one A word (ABBBBBBBBB, BABBBBBBBB, BBABBBBBBB, and so forth), so the probability of getting one A word is P[X = I]

=

IOpq9

=

10(0.7)(0.3)9

= 0.000138.

And in general, the random variable X, based on numbers of successes in ten repeated Bernoulli trials, has a binomial distribution, with probabilities given by the formula P[X=x] = CIOp'qlO-x. x

The values of P[X = xl for this example are given in Table 3.4. Table3.4. Values oC P[X '" x] forp= 0.7,1I:D< 10 P[X '" xJ

x

0

0.000006

1

0.(0)138 0.001447

2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

0.009002 0.036757 0.102919 0.200121

0.266828 0.233474 0.121061 0.028248

We can see that, as expected, P[X =xl is largest for x =7, with a probability of about 0.27; but x = 6 and x = 8 are only slightly less likely, with probabilities of aoout 0.20 and 0.23 respectively. A value of X as low as zero or one is quite unlikely, however, and a value of ten will occur only about three percent of the time. Note that since p, our estimate of the true value of p, is calculated by dividing X by n, fi is also a random variable with the same distribution as X:

that is. since there is a probability of 0.27 that X will take the value 7. there is also a probability of 0.27 that p will take the value 7/10 = 0.7; similarly. the probability is 0.20 that p will take the value 0.6, 0.23 that p will take the value 0.8. and so on. Although this table was calculated on the assumption that 0.7 was the true value of PIAl. it can also be used to estimate how close to 0.7 the true value is. Thus if our sample has seven A words. the uue value of PIA] might easily be 0.6 or 0.8, but is quite unlikely to be lower than 0.4. for example. By summing up the probabilities for values of X near seven. we establish what is called a confidence interval for our estimate of the true value of p[A]. For example. the probability that X is between 5 and 9 is calculated as follows: p[5~X~9j

= P[X=5]+P[X=6]+P[X=7]+P[X=8]+P[X=9j = 0.103 + 0.200 + 0.267 + 0.233 + 0.121

= 0.924. Since the distribution of p is the same as that of X. this is also the probability thatp. the true value of PIA]. lies in the range 0.5 to 0.9. This gives us what we wanted: a measure of how accurate our estimate of PIA] is. How do we use this infonnation in testing hypotheses about rhyming? After calculating P using our best estimate of PIA]. we can also calculate P from whatever value of PIAl within the confidence interval gives us the maximum value for P. This will give us the value of P in the worst possible case: that an error in our initial estimate of P[A] biased our results towards rejecting the null hypothesis. If lhis maximum value of P is still below 0.05. then the null hypothesis may be rejected with considerable confidence. (This method is illustrated with examples in section 3.3 below.)

3.2.5.2. Estimating accuracy using the DeMoillre-Laplau theorem For large samples. the melhod just described in section 3.2.5.1 becomes rather complex. and a quicker method gives satisfactory results. This method uses the DeMoivre-Laplace theorem, which basically states that the binomial distribution (based on n repeated Bernoulli trials) approaches a nonnal distribution as n becomes large.79 Suppose. as before. that we have n Bernoulli trials. where p is the probability of success. q is the probability of failure, and p is X/no the estimate of p based on this sample. Then it follows from the DeMoivre-l.aplace theorem that the statistic

3.2. A stati.stit:a/ ~thodfor antIlyzing rhy~ dDta

z-

115

--'(P'j=-=P,=)~

- .y pqln

approaches a nonnal distribution for large values of n.80 Thus, according to the properties of the nonnal distribution, the probability is about 0.95 that Z will lie in the interval from -1.96 to 1.96: (p - p)

-1.96 S

_I

·v pqln

S 1.96.

This inequality can be solved for II' - pI, the distance from p to the "true" value p; we get

Ip -

pi

S (1.96) .ypqln .

This formula can be used, as an alternative to the direct methoo described in section 3.2.5.1, to calculate confidence intervals for p when n is large.81 To illustrate this, suppose that we have a sample of one hundred rhyme words, of which seventy are A words and thirty are B words; i.e. p and q are estimated at 0.7 and 0.3 as before. We wish to establish confidence intervals for these estimates. According to the theorem, there is a 0.95 probability that

(0.7) (0.3) 100 that is, the probability is 0.95 that

We conclude that the probability is 0.95 that the true value of p lies within 0.09 of 0.70; thus the 95% confidence interval is from 0.61 to 0.79. 82 (Compare this with the 0.5 to 0.9 confidence interval calculated above for a sample of ten.) In addition (0 calculating P from our best estimate of P[A],

then. we may examine the maximum value P takes for values of P[A] within this confidence interval. 3.2.6. A method for small samples with no mixed sequences The methods just described work best with large samples, and in cases where P[A] is not greatly different from P[B]. A problem arises in small samples where P[A] or P[B] is very small. For example, if P[A] is very small, then P[ U] will be rather large; that is, if A words are very infrequent, then sequences mixing A and B will be infrequent for that reason alone, and not because of any tendency for A and B to rhyme separately. Even if none of the sequences in the sample are mixed, the sample may be quite consistent with the null hypothesis. Consider an actual example which will arise in Otapter 10. Group A are the words I reconstruct with --en, and group B are the words I reconstruct with --an or -·on. We wish to test whether group A is a separate rhyming category. (Whether --an is distinct from --on is discussed separately.) The probability of getting a group-A word is p = P['-en) = 0.039;

the probability of getting a group-B word is

q = P[--an or --on] = 0.961. Let us consider a sample consisting of thirteen two-word rhyme sequences, none of which mix A and B words: twelve sequences involve B words only, and one involves A words only. 83 Does such a sample provide significant evidence that A and B rhyme separately? If we use the method described above to examine the number of unmixed sequences, we will not get a significant result. Specifically, the probability that a two-word sequence will be unmixed is

P[ll] =

Pz + q2

= (0.039)2 + (0.961)2 = 0.925.

•

(This agrees with our intuition that if A words are infrequent, then sequences mixing A and B will be infrequent also.) The probability that a sample of thirteen two-word sequences will all be unmixed is

P[M=OJ = p[ll]13 = (0.925)13 = 0.363. Thus we would expect there to be no mixed sequences in such a sample a little over one-third of the time. just by chance, even if A and B rhymed with

3.2. A. statistical rM.thodfor analyzing rhyrM. data

117

each other freely. The fact that aU thirteen sequences are unmixed is not in itself significant evidence of a rhyming separation between A and B. The reason is that in this sample, even the most extreme outcome recogniu:d in our procedure (namely the event that M :=: 0) has a probability greater than the criterion level of 0.05. However. this calculation overlooks the imponant fact that one of the unmixed sequences matches an A word with another A word. InlUitively, since A words are rare, it should be even rarer for them to occur together just by chance. If A and B rhymed with each other freely, then if there are any A words in the sample at all, we should expect to find them rhyming most of the time with B words, not with other A words. The technique outlined above, which measures only the number of unmixed rhymes without considering whether they are A rhymes or B rhymes, overlooks this fact. A more sensitive test is useful for small samples such as that just described, which have the following characteristics: 1. P[A1 issmall. 2. there are no mixed sequences, and 3. there is at least one unmixed A sequence. In such cases, rather than measuring the probability that there will be no mixed sequences, we can measure the probability of a still more extreme event: that all the sequences are unmixed, and that, in addition, at least one of the unmixed sequences is an A sequence. Since this situation occurs more than once in this study, I win derive a general formula to handle it. Le. p be P[A1. the probability that a word of type A will be chosen as a thyme word. and Ie. q = I - P be PlBI. the probability that a B word will be chosen. In a sample of n sequences, each of length L, let P be the probability that there will be no sequences mixing A words and B words. and that at least one sequence will be an unmixed A sequence. How can we find P? We saw earlier that the probability that all of a sample of n sequences of length L will be unmixed is

PlM = 01 : PI U].

=

rpL +
Now consider the event in which all n sequences are unmixed, and funhermore that all of them are B sequences. Since q is the probability of choosing a B word, the probability of this evenl is

PlunmLted B = oj =

(tf)·.

118 3. Rhymes as evilkna in hislOrical pholtOlogy

This event is a subset of the previous event in which M = O. The probability that all sequences will be unmixed, but not all will be B sequences (Le. that at least one will be an unmixed A sequence) is simply the difference of the probabilities of these two events: P = p[M = 0) - P[unmix
vi- + tTY' - (th·.

This is the fonnula we seek. It measures the probability of an even more extreme event than getting only unmixed sequences namely, getting only unmixed sequences, at least one of which is from the less common of A and B. Applying it to the particular case just cited, we can calculate the probability of getting thirteen unmixed couplets, of which at least one is an A couplet, as follows:

P = vi- + th·- (th· = (0.039)2 + (0.961)2)13 - (0.961)2]13 =

0.008.

lbis is well below our criterion level of 0.05, and can thus be considered significant evidence that groups A and B do not rhyme freely with each other in the sample under consideration. It is interesting, and fonunate, that the value of this statistic is not very dependent on the accuracy of the initial estimate of p;84 this makes it especially useful for small samples which meet the criteria outlined above, since the estimates of p and q in such samples are not very accurate.

3.2.7. Issues or implementation The discussion above used mostly hypothetical examples to describe a statistical method for testing hypotheses about rhyming. In applying this method to actual data, a number of additional problems arise which affect the accuracy of our results and our confidence in them. The present section discusses a number of these problems.

3.2.7.1. Independence of rhyme·word choice In constructing the method above, we assumed that a rhyme sequence was fonned by repeatedly drawing balls from a single urn. Crucial to this model is the assumption that each rhyme-word choice is independent. In some cases in the ShlJ11lg, this is assumption is clearly untrue, for the structure of

3.2. A. slatistical ~Ihodfor analyzing rhy~ oota

119

some poems involves repetition of the same rhyme word in more than one place in the poem. For example. consider Ode 46 (Y6ngftng 11m: Qidng yOu cf ItIfj5Oi). The translation of this and the following examples is from Karlgren (1974); rhyme words are capitalized and transcribed on the right in Middle Chinese: Stanza 1:

Jltfim

:fjjJJlJi1!


:fjjJilitJ! In jjJ J!! tJ! ;;;;2 M tJ!

qidng you cl bll kl SilO yt zhOng gou zmydn bllklOAOyt suO kl oAo yt ydn zhi CHOU yt

1; sawX

iii dawx J!! dawx

Mtsyhuwx

On the wall there is the Tribulus. it cannot be BRUSHED AWAY; the words of the (inner trellis-work =) inner chamber, they cannot be TOLD; what can be TOLD is (still) the UGLIEST of tales. Stanza 2:

IIfim

qidng you cl bllklXIANeyt

~.2.1[ :fjjJ~tJ! BijjJ~tJ! ;;;;2~tJ!

zhOng gou zhfyan

:fjjJl/ItJ!

bll kl X/ANe yt suO kl XlANe yt ydn zhiCHANe yt

B: sjang af: zjang af: zjang :N: drjang

On the wall there is the Tribulus. it cannot be REMOVED; the words of the inner chamber, they cannO( be TOLD IN DETAIL; what can be TOLD IN DETAIL is (still) the LONGEST of tales. Stanza 3: qiang you cf

bu kl SilO ye

Jl! syowk

zhOng gou zhfyan

bll kl 00 yt suO kl DO ye ydn zhe ROyl

~duwk

;W duwk

e nyowk

On the wall there is the Tribulus. it cannot be BUNDLED; the words of the inner chamber, they cannot be RECITED; what can be RECITED is (stiU) the most SHAMEFUL of tales. The rhyme words of each Slallza are

stanza I: J; sdo I il! ddo I iii ddo I M eMu stanza 2: stanza 3:

III xUlng I ~ xidng I ~ xidng I :Ill: chdng !l1: shu I '" dU I'" du I ~ nI

Notice that in each stanza, the second and third rhyme words are the same. This is part of a patterned repetition which is central to the structure of the poem. Once having decided to construct the poem in this way. the poet did not choose the second and third rhyme words of each Slallza independently; rather, it is as if he or she picked a single ball from the urn and copied it down twice. For purposes of statistical analysis, sequences like these should be regarded as three-word sequences, not four-word sequences; otherwise, if they happen to be unmixed according to the hypothesis we are testing, they will carry more weight than they should. To guard against this problem, for statistical purposes it is probably best to count only the first occunence of each word in a rhyme sequence, omitting any repeated words. A similar problem occurs with lines which are repeated in more than one stanza. Consider Ode 21 (Siulo ndn 13m: Xido xIng 'J,1j[): Stanza I:

II!JVlI'Ni. ':'1i.i'£!$!

hui bI xido XiNG s(]n zdi DONG

mseng • tuwng

I'll ~:iE

su su xido ZHENG

:iE rsyeng

1J'll!f:t£~ :Ii!; l1ll;r: jljJ

wu

suy~ziJiG(JNG

shi mlng bu TONG

~kuwng

ICJ duwng

Minute are those linle STARS, the Triad and the Quint are in the EAST; hurriedly we walk in the NlGHT, in the early morning and in the late night we are in the PALACE;

truly, our lot is not the SAME (as hers).

3.2. A statistical mt!thod/or arwlyzing rhymt! daJa

121

Stanza 2:

I'H~l'Ni[

/wi bT xido XING wb shin ydMAO

mung If, mzwX

'fll~iE Ja~ll!llI

sdsdxilJoZH£NG bdoqInydcHOU shlmingbdYoU

iE ISY'ng

1t3ll!1r> :&=tf.l:flA

1lI drjuw

lAyuw

Minute are those little STARS, there are only (visible) the Shin and the MAO; hurriedly we walk in the NlOHT, we carry in the arms the coverlet and the (night) CHEMlSE;

uuly our lot is not LIKE (hers). Here there are two rhyme sequences in each stanza, which we may label A and B:

21.1 A: 21.1B: 21.2A:

li1. xIng I iE 'hing !I! dOng I ~ gong IIl!J tOng li1. xIng liE 'hing

21.2B: Ir>mdo/lJllcMullAy6u Note that 21.1A and 21.2A are the same, while 21.1B and 21.2B are differ· eDt. The A rhymes in each stanza tie the two stanzas together, it is certainly not by chance that they are identical. and they should not be counted as independent rhyme sequences for statistical purposes. In testing hypotheses about rhyming. such lines should be counted only once. Another case in which rhyme choices might fail to be independent would be stock rhyme sequences in which the rhyme words are chosen together as a unit (discussed in section 3.1 above). Such cases would invalidate our assumption that each rhyme word is chosen independently; once one of the words was chosen. the rest would be predictable. Such stock rhymes might be expected to preserve the phonology of an eartier period in some cases.

3.2.7.2. The danger of circular reasoning In at least two kinds of situations. the hypothesis we are testing and the data used to test it statistically may be interdependent in a way that introduces an elemen! of circularity into the use of the statistical method. The first case is if the rhyme data themselves are used to decide how to assign words to group A or B; in the second, the hypothesis being tested is used to decide

122 3. Rhymts as evidence in historical phoflO/ogy

which words are intended as a rhyme sequence. I will discuss both situations briefly. Using rhyme data to reconstruct phonologically ambiguous words To test a hypothesis using the methCKi described above, the hypothesis must tell us which words to assign to group A and which to group B; we can then estimate the likelihood that any tendency we find for A and B to rhyme separately could be due to chance. A problem of potential circularity arises when we must rely in part on rhyme evidence to decide which words to assign to A and which to B. In a typical hypothesis alx>ut Old Chinese rhyming, we can assign some words to group A or group B on the basis of their Middle Chinese pronunciations alone; in other cases, the Middle Chinese pronunciation is not sufficient to determine which group the word should be assigned to, and other evidence must be used. (This is the case when there has been a merger between the Old and Middle Chinese stages.) It is when rhymes are the only other evidence available that the problem of circularity may arise. For example, I argue later that a significant rhyming distinction exists within the traditional X Wen rhyme group between words that I reconstruct with *·in and words that I reconstruct with *-un. With some words the choice of *·in or *-un is dictated by their Middle Chinese fonns; for example, MC kon can reflect only *kin in my system, and MC twon can reflect only *lun. These are the unambiguous cases. Other syllables could reflect either *-in or *-un, and must be reconstructed on the basis of other evidence. For example, a syllable like MC lewon might reflect either *kwin or *kun; there is no way of deciding this from the Middle Chinese pronunciation alone. If we reconstruct a phonologically ambiguous word according to whether it rhymes with *-in words or with *-un words, is it not circular to use those same rhymes as a measure of the separation of *·;n and *·un? Exactly how circular this reasoning is depends on a statistical problem which I have not yet solved. It is one thing to ask, given two groups A and B identified by independent criteria, whether A and B rhyme with each other so seldom that their separation cannot be due to chance. It is another to ask how easy it is to find a way to divide the rhyme words of a particular sample into two groups in such a way that they rarely overlap. If it is likely that such a division can be found .by chance, then a significant rhyming separation based on rhyme data alone (rather than on any independent evidence) might be a chance phenomenon of no phonological significance.

3.2. A. statistical methodfor analyzi"g rhyme data

123

Although I do not have a general solution to this latter problem, it is clear that the answer depends on the size and composition of the sample, the size of the group from which it is chosen, and the frequency disbibution of words within the group. Note that there are 2" ways of dividing a group of n objects into two groups, and 2" is very large even for moderately small values of n. The question would be whether, for a given sample, one or more of these 2" divisions results in groups that rarely overlap in rhyming. Intuitively, this seems unlikely to happen by chance if the size of the sample is large relative to the number of words in the rhyme group-in other words, if the same rhyme words are used over and over again; it is more likely to happen if the sample consists of many rhyme words of low frequency. If these judgments are correct, it might be possible to show thai the danger of circularity is minimal for samples of cenain types. Nevertheless, the best way to avoid the possible circularity arising from phonologically ambiguous words is simply to exclude such words from statistical analysis. If we have a thJee..word rhyme sequence consisting of two phonologically unambiguous words and one phonologically ambiguous word, we will treat it as a two-word sequence for statistical purposes. In most cases, there are enough rhymes involving phonologically unambiguous words that hypotheses can be tested on these alone. Once a rhyming distinction has been confirmed in this way, then we can use whatever evidence is available, including rhymes, to reconstruct the phonologically ambiguous words. Of course, in some cases, eliminating phonologically ambiguous words will leave us with no rhyme data at all. For example, my reconstruction system predicts that there should be a distinction between *-aj and *-oj in the Ge rhyme group of the uaditional analysis; but there is only a single rhyme sequence in *-oj in the entire ShfJTng (Ode 85.1B), which involves one word which can only be reconstructed with *-oj (~ chuI < tsyhwe < *thjoj 'blow') and one phonologically ambiguous word (fO he < hwaH 'respond in singing', which could reflect *gWajs, *wajs or *gojs). If we reconstruct f[l he on the basis of this one rhyme, then we would reconstruct it as *gojs; but it would be circular to say that this example proves the existence of the *-aj I *-oj distinction. There are other good arguments that the distinction did exist, including the overall pattern of rounded vowels in the system (see further discussion in section 10.1.3), but this sample offers no statistical support for it. 85 Examples such as this illustrate that the statistical method outlined here works best for large groups of rhyme data; it is often silem about individual items.

*

12A

3. RhYfMS auvidellCt! iIt IWtorical phottOlogy

Circularity in identifying rhyme sequences Another fonn of circularity arises because sometimes we have no way of deciding which words in a ShIjlng poem were intended to rhyme except by relying on our hypotheses about what may rhyme with what. If we include in our sample only those sequences which are consistent with our hypothesis. it is of course circular to argue that this sample suppons the hypothesis; in traditional Chinese tenns. it is xul zll shllli.1.jIJlEl§g 'trimming the feet to fit the sandals'. It is often difficult to avoid this problem completely, but it can be minimized by avoiding the use of conuoversial hypotheses to identify rhyme sequences for statistical purposes, and using other criteria wherever possible. For example, consider W1ng U's treatment of the second stanza of Ode 41 (Bei ling jlJlJll.: Bliflng ~t!i'J.) in his 1937 study of Old Chinese rhyming (translation from Karlgren 1974): Stanza 2: ~tlitltD','i

if;i11f:llJ'J: llljjjjlll'fX JI~mJS;

:ll:lllJUil ptt;JJ;; RIl

lJliflng qfJ/£ yhul qf F£J huUr hiJo wi! xlshduulngGUI

ql xu ql xu

jf jf ,hifO

D','i I:£j

JF- phjij S; kjwij $,jo .IllSjo

The Nonh wind is CHn.LY, the falling snow is THICK; if you are affectionate and love me, I will hold your hand and GO HOME with you; you are so modest, you are so SLOW, but OH, there is urgency! Scholars have generally identified two rhyme sequences in lhis stanza: 41.2A:

D','i jie! fF. fli! q

guI

41.28: $xul.llju However, according to WAng U's reconstruction, OW iii belongs to the HIJ ZhT rhyme group, while 'n. fii and S; gui belong to the 11& Wei rhyme group, so the sequence as traditionally analyzed is irregular in his system. He argued that the sequence 41.2A. consists only of ~fti and 11 guI, and that III jii in line 1 was not intended as a rhyme word (1937 [1980]: 145). (This proposal would be consistent with the general principle that rhyme is often optional in odd-numbered lines in the ShIjlng.) He therefore counted

32. A statistical ~lhodfor tJNJ1yzi1lg rhyrM data

125

"Ii

41.2A as an unmixed It Wei sequence, supporting his hypothesis that ZhI and Wei rhyme separately. The overall structure of the poem argues against this analysis, however, as becomes apparent when we examine the other two stanzas:

m

Stanza 1: ~tm:!'tiJj( imi~:!'t~

bllftng qlUANG yaxul ql pANG

l!l:jjjjlil'f.£

hullr /ulo w6

1I~""1T

xl sMu Mng xfNG qlxuqlxu jljl,hfJO

:!'t!lii:!'t$

J!!tiliR.ll

iJi ljang 'II; phang

1T ha>tg $'jo 13.. Isja

The North wind is COLD, the falling snow is VOLUMINOUS; if you are affectionate and love me, I will hold your hand and GO with you; you are so modest, you are so SLOW, but OH, there is urgency! Stanza 3: ~iiFllEl1ll ~~IlEl1i

llljjjjlil'f.£ II ~"" JI!-

:!'t!lii:!'t$

J!!tiliR.El

eMfll HU mQ helfllwO hullr Mo w6 xl sMu ,6ng JO qlxuqlxu jljl,hfJO mQ

JI!- kjo $'jo

.ll,sjo

Nothing is so red as the FOX, nothing is so black as the RAYEN; if you are affectionate and love me, I will hold your hand and go with you in your CARRIAGE; you are so modest, you are so SLOW, but OH, there is urgency! Notice that lines 3, 5, and 6 are identical in all three stanzas, and that in stanzas I and 3, there are rhymes in lines I, 2, and 4, and in the repeated lines 5 and 6; the only nonrhyming line is the repeated line 3. This strongly suggests that the second stanza has the same structure, and that ~ fij is therefore a rhyme word. Moreover, in stanzas I and 2, the first lines are both of the fonn "bli feng q{ X ~t.mjt X", differing only in the last word. Panial repetition of lines from stanza to stanza, with only the rhyme words changing, is a very common pattern in the ShyIng (compare line 4 in each

stanza, "xi sMu t6ng X .-¥FaJ X"}. These fonnal features are strong evidence that 3fti is a rhyme word in 41.2A, and that W4ng U's attempt to fit the data to his hypothesis should be rejected.86 Whenever possible, our identification of rhyme words should be based on formal criteria such as the repetitive patterns illustrated in this example. Not all poems provide such clear formal criteria; the longer narrative poems found in the Xioo yd section (Odes 161-234), for example. tend to have a looser rhyme structure, with less repetition from stanza to stanza; the evennumbered lines almost always rhyme, but the odd-numbered lines often do nOl. 87 To avoid circularity, one can simply exclude odd-numbered rhymes for statistical purposes in analyzing poems like these; but if we do this, we should do so for all items, not just those which are inconsistent with our hypothesis. 32.73. Irregular rhymes

Another problem is how to count rhyme sequences which include irregular items. Tonal irregularities illustrate this problem. There is a general tendency for rhymes in the ShIjfng to observe tone categories, and for this reason, as explained above, lumping aU tone categories together can bias the results. However, there are still quite a number of rhymes which appear to mix words of different tone categories.88 For example, consider the rhyme sequence 92.2B (ZMngftng 11m: ytlng ,hi,hulI3Z*):

iii xfn < sin 'firewood' A rtn < nyin 'pernon' faxln < sinH 'trUstwonhy' Here the first two words are pfngsheng, but the third is qilsheng according to our Middle O1inese sources. 89 In cases like this there are three options:

I. ignore the irregularity, treating the sequence as a three-word pfngsheng sequence; or 2. omit the irregular word, treating the sequence as a two-word pfng· sheng sequence; or 3. omit the sequence entirely. The proper treatment probably depends on the individual case. The major consideration is not to make such decisions in such a way as to bias the results. For example, if mixed rhymes show up only in rhymes which hap-

32. A statistical ~tlwdfo, analyzing

,hy~

data

127

pen to be tonally irregular, then it is best to include the sequence in order to be fair to the null hypothesis. On the other hand, if there are plenty of data already, and omitting the irregular sequences would int:n:Xfuce no bias, it is safe to omit them The same is true for im:gularities of other typeS, as long as they are irrelevant to the hypothesis being tested.

32.7.4.

T~

role of statistiaJ1 analysis

The considerations in the preceding paragraphs must have made it clear that the method of statistical rhyme analysis proposed here does not automate the process of analyzing rhyme data; it is merely a tool for measuring how likely it is that particular characteristics of the data could have arisen by chance. Basically, what it does is to provide a more objective basis for judgments like that of WWlg Ll, cited above, that the tendency of the Zhi group and the tti: Wei group to rhyme separately "cannot be considered a chance phenomenon". Like any tool, it must be used with care if it is to give valid results. I will close this section with a few additional caveats. First, note that this statistical method is a way of testing hypotheses, not a way of generating them. In other words, it provides (in part) an evaluation measure, not a discovery procedure. Normally, the hypotheses we check reflect complex chains of reasoning based not only on the rhyme data, but also on the phonological structwe of Middle Chinese. the patterns of the Old Chinese writing system, notions of plausible phonological structure and phonological change, and so on. So far, we cannot simply input the raw rhyme data into a computer and pick up our reconstructions at the output window. Second, statistical analysis of rhymes is not the only way of evaluating hypotheses about Old Chinese reconstruction. Sometimes we should accept hypotheses for which we have persuasive arguments, even if the rhyme evidence for them is not statistically significant. (In my judgment, the dis· tinction between *-aj and *-oj is such a case.) Hypotheses must be judged by how they clarify the total picture of Chinese phonological history, not by the rhyme evidence alone. Third. even if the statistics tell us that the separate rhyming of groups A and B is very unlikely to have occurred by chance, this does nol prove that we have drawn the boundary belWeen A and B in exactly the righl place. There may be several different ways of dividing a group of words into an A group and a B group which will give a significantly low value for P; if we have placed a few A words in the B group by mistake, the tendency of A and

"Ii

B to rhyme separately may still be very strong. We have a concrete illustration of this in Wfng U's Jni ZhI I iti: Wei hypothesis: although I will argue later that he did not draw the boundary between these two groups in quite the right place, there is still a statistically significant tendency for the 1m Zhi and Wei groups, as he defined them, to rhyme separately. (I omit these calculations hCIe.) Nor can we be sure that the hypothesis which gives the lowest value of P will necessarily rum out to be the best when evidence other than the rhyme data is considered. Though these limitations must be kept in mind, statistical arguments are ultimately the only way to establish whether the patterns we find in our data are significant or not. I will now turn to two concrete illustrations of the method with actual data.

at

3.3. D1ustrative examples To illustrate the application of this method of rhyme analysis. I will discuss two examples of proposals about rhyming which can be tested statistically. They are the proposal that the traditional ~ Dong and are actually a single group, and

it QLn rhyme groups

a hypothetical proposal that the words of the traditional 1( Zhen rhyme group should be split into two groups, according to whether they had a high or mid vowel in Middle Chinese.

In the first case, we will find that there is in fact a significant rhyming distinction between ~ DOng and fI Qin, in spite of occasional contacts. In the second case, we will fail to find a significant rhyming distinction; I include this to illustrate a negative result from the method.

3.3.1. The ~ Dong and

If Qin rhyme groups

One well·known controversy in Old Chinese rhyme analysis has been whether the tra4itional distinction between the ~ Dong and if: Qin rhyme groups is valid. As tnlditionally described, the ~ DOng group includes • all words in Me -owng, frontthe ~ DOng (fowng) rhyme - some words in MC -z:wng. from the

tI Jiang (Kzwng) rhyme

- most words in MC -juwng, from the . . DOng (fuwng) rhyme

33. IllJUtrOliwexamples

129

I reconstruct this group with ··Utlg; Li Fang·kuei reconstructed it with ··~ngw (see section 10.2. IS below). The traditional If Qin group includes - most words in Me -em, from the • - most words in MC -Em, from the

Tlin (Dom) rhyme

ll1 XiM (Hem) myme

If Qin (Tshim) rhyme a few labial-initial words in Me ·juwng, from the J! Dong (Tuwng)

- all words in MC -Un, from the •

rhyme, such as Bljlng
Li Fang·kuei reconstructed ··~m in this group. I reconstruct ··;m, ··um, and *·jm (see section 10.3.3 below), but for the time being we may treat it as a single group as in the traditional analysis. WMg Ll, the Qing scholar YM Kfjun iliiJJI;J (1762-1843) According was first to propose that these two rhyme groups should be combined. This proposal was later accepted by Zhang BInglln :fO:ii'l1l:l (1869-1936), YU Xlngwii T~:g, and Wing U himself. This proposal is based on anum· ber of rhyme contacts between the two groups in the ShIjlng, such as the following rhyme sequences (translations from Karlgren 1974):

'0

From Ode 128.2 (Qlnfingll!!i1: Xi40 r6ng 'J'~):

Ill.IE '!'

8l1llEg

qlliu shl ZHONG

gu411 shieAN

'!' rrjuwng

g

"hom

The black-mottled greys and the black-maned bays are in the CENTRE (in the yoke), the black·nosed yellows and the blacks go as OlITSlDE HORSES.

From Ode 255.1 (Dd yo

~!E~!l1.

:J1:llltlrn,1l 1ff~'f;n]J

1\\}'l'ff$J<

:l<:B:

Ddnglii):

tido sillng zillng min

ql mlng/li eum

,I dzyim

m( biJ ydu cha

xiiin ki y6u ZHONG

$J< rsyuwng

Heaven gives birth to the multitudinous people, but its charge is not to be RELIED ON; there is nobody who has not a beginning, but few can have a (normal) END.

In these examples, ~ zhOng < Irjuwng and ttl zhOng < lS)'uwng are from the U'aditional ~ Dong group, while II ctJn < uhom and ;1 chin < dzyim

are hom the ti Qin group. Because of examples such as these, Wang U was persuaded that these two formed a single rhyme group in the ShIjlng, though they separated later as a result of a sound change. Wlfng U reconstructed these items as fOUows: 90

q:r ·'iuam

,g ·lS~m

;1l·1jj~m

$l·,jilQm His proposal was that by the Warring States period (475-221 8.C), final *-m dissimilated to *-ng under the influence of a preceding -U-, causing the two groups to split at that time (Wang U 198Gb: 8, 12-13). Let us test Wang U's hypothesis against the rhymes of the ShIJlng to see whether there is or is not a significant tendency for 1i OOng and if Qin to rhyme separately. To do this we must first identify the corpus of rhymes to be used for statistical analysis. As I pointed out above, mixing sequences of different tones can bias the analysis. Since the great majority of ShIJlng rhyme sequences from the ~ DOng and 6l Qin groups involve plngshlng words, I will restrict this analysis to plngsheng sequences only. As it happens, almost aU of the rhyme se· quences mixing ~ Dong and if Qin words occur in plngshlng rhymes anyway. The only exception is in Ode 250.4C (Dd yd *Jt: Gong [ill ~ 11) where the Qilshlng word (105) ~ yin < lfmH 'to give to drink' rhymes with the plngsheng word (106)

*

long < 'sowng 'ancestor'.

Possibly the second word originally had a qilshlng reading which has not survived in our Middle Chinese sources (it is used as a verb here, so perhaps it had a derivational affix); but in order to be sure that we are being fair to Wang U's hypothesis, I will treat it as a plngshlng sequence mixing ~ Dong and if Qin. Otherwise, I will exclude any sequences involving non-plngsheng words. Another problem arises with the word

(107) .mIeng
3.3. lllustratilM aampfe.s 131

if

Qin are to be separated at all; it rhymes only with if Qrn words and never with ~ DOng words. 91 But since its Middle Chinese reading pjuwng is phonologically ambiguous. I will exclude all rhyme sequences involving this word so as to avoid possible circularity. I also exclude irregular rhymes of ff Qrn or ~ DOng words with words of other groups. since these have no bearing on the issue at hand. 92 The first step in the analysis is to estimate the relative frequency of it Qin and ~ DOng words. According to my count. pfngshing words of the f% Qfn group occur sixty-two times as rhymes, while pfngsheng words of the ~ Dong group occur thirty-three times. for a total of ninety-five. (The word Elftng
= 33/95 = 0.35.

We may use the DeMoivre-Laplace method to calculate the accuracy of this estimate: there is a 0.95 probability that

III - pi

< (1.96) ..jpqln

(1.96)

(0.65) (0.35)

95

0.10.

In other words. there is a 0.95 probability that the true value of P[Qin] lies between 0.55 and 0.75 (and thus that the true value ofP[DOng] lies between 0.25 and 0.45). Now we tum to analyzing the relevant rhyme sequences found in the Shfjlng. First, consider the two-word sequences, beginning with the unmixed sequences. There are seventeen regular, unmixed two-word sequences from the if Qin group, listed below by ode and stanza, with "A" or "B" for the first and second rhyme sequences within a stanza (the actual rhyme sequences may be found in Appendix B):

132 3. RhyfMS as evitknce in JWwrical phonology

7.38, 2O.2A, 32.1A, 32.4A, 33.2A, 144.1A, 149.3A, 164.78, 186.48, 218.58,229.48, 229.6A, 240.18, 241.4A, 252.18, 264.7A, 299.6A There are six regular unmixed two-word sequences from the ~ Dong group, as follows: 13.2A, 35.6A, 36.28, 48.18, SOJA, 247.3A Finally, there are five two-word sequences which mix ft Qin and ~ Dong words (including the t1tyme sequence in 250.4C which involves a qilshing worrl):

128.28, 154.8A, 240,3A, 250.4C, 255.18 Thus we have a total of twenty-eight two-word sequences, of which five are mixed. We estimate the probability that any given sequence will be unmixed by computing P[Ul = (0.65)2 + (0.35)2 = 0.55. However, taking the extremes of our confidence intervals, the true value might be as low as P[Ul = (0.55)2 + (0.45)2 = 0.51 or as high as P[Ul = (0.75)2 + (0.25)2 = 0.63. We will try all three of these values in the final calculation of P. Now, since our sample includes five mixed two-word sequences, we wish to calculate P{M2 S 5], the probability that five or fewer of a random sample of twenty-eight two-word sequences will be mixed. This is the following sum: 5

L, C~8 j

=

P[Mji p[Uj28 - i

0

The results are listed in Table 3.5.

33. 1l1ustranW! UlJm{Jles

133

TtJbk 3.5. P[M2 :S; 51 for II; '" 28

low estinwe:

.... """"""' high~

ptQln)

ptu]

PlMZSS)

0~5

0.65

0..51 0..5.5

0.0007 0.0025

0.1.5

0.63

0.0243

This means that based on our best estimate of P{Qinl, if ft Qin and 1i DOng really did rhyme with each other freely, the probability is only about 0.0025 that we would find such a small number of mixed two-word rhymes in a sample of this size. Even if we use the value 0.63 (the upper limit of the 0.95 confidence interval) for P[U], the probability is still only 0.024 that such a low number of mixed rhymes would occur by chance-well below the criterion level of 0.05. (If we had included the rhymes of fing 'wind', these probabilities would be even lower.) This is strong evidence that although they rhyme with each other in a few cases, the fI Qin and 1i Dong groups have a significant tendency to rhyme separately. Now let us tum to the sequences which are more than two words long. Again excluding the phonologically ambiguous word 11 fing, words from other rhyme groups, and words with tones other than plngshlng, there are three three-word sequences in the sample. all unmixed (28.38, 91.lA, 220.28). Our best estimate of the probability P[O) that an unmixed threeword sequence will occur by chance is 0.32, with a 0.95 confidence interval &om 0.26 to 0.44. The calculations estimating P(M3 = 0] are given in Table 3.6 below.

m

'ow estimale: best estimate: high estimate:

P(QIn!

ptUJ

0..5.5

0.26 0.32 0.44

0.65 0.1.5

0.018

0.033 0.08.5

Thus even apart from the two-word sequences, this small sample of threeword sequences is significant in itself (P[M3 =0] =0.033) if we use our best estimate of P[QIn]-though not if we lake the extreme end of the confidence interval for P[QTnl, in which case P[M3 = 0] could be as high

as 0.085.

134 3. RItYfMS as evidence in ltiswricol plw/101oflY

Similarly, there are two four-word sequences, both unmixed: l61.3A and 248.4A. (Each is actually five words long, but they are counted as fourword sequences because one of the words is repeated in each case).93 This sample too is significant by itself unless our estimate of P[Qin] is far too low, as Table 3.7 shows. Table 3.7. P[M.:: OJ [or n:: 2

low estimate: best estimate: high estimate:

P[
P[U]

0.55 0.65 0.75

0.13 0.19

0.32

0.017 0.036 0.103

Finally, there is one unmixed five-word sequence (l68.5A) and one se· quence which can be treated as a five-word mixed sequence if we disregard one qUshtng word (258.2A).94 Unsurprisingly, the results for these two sequences are not significant by themselves; the calculations are given in

Table 3.8. Table 3.8. P[Ms:S l] for n:: 2

low estimate: best estimate:

high estimate:

P[
P[U]

P[MS:S l]

0.55 0.65 0.75

0.07

0.135 0.226 0.422

0.12 0.24

When the results for the two-, three-, four-, and five-word sequences are combined by the method described in section 3.2.4, we get a value for the overall sample of p = 0.()()()()()522.

This value does not exceed 0.000577 for any values of P[Qfn] within the 0.95 confidence interval. Thus we may be quite confident that the distinction between the traditional if: Qill and ~ Dong groups is valid. We should take note of several points, however. First, the rhyme analysis does not prove that ~ DOng did not evolve from if <1"10 as Wcing U sug· gested; this could have happened at an earlier stage. In fact, parts of the SM· jing might reflect a phonological system for which Wang U's hypothesis is correct. But the ShfjIng rhymes, taken as a whole, show a clear and strong

33. llllUtralive uamplu

l)S

tendency for ff Qln and ~ DOng to rhyme separately, and this fact cannot be ignored in any satisfactory account of ShIjfng rhyming. Funhennore, although the rhyme analysis clearly refutes the null hypothe· sis that it: Qin and ~ D6ng rhyme with each other freely, it does not explain those cases in which they actually do rhyme with each other, and it does not excuse us from explaining such cases. Our goal should always be to give a satisfactory account of all the data. In section 10.3.3, J will consider the possibility that the rhyme contacts between ft Qin and ~ Dong reflect a dialect in which ·-m merged with ··ng in coda position.

3.3.2. A negative case: high and mid vowels in the" Zh&l group As an example of a case where the null hypothesis is upheld, let us examine a possible hypothesis about the • Zhen rhyme group. As traditionally defined, this group includes • some words in Me

-en and -wen. from the L1J Shan (Sre.n) rhyme

- some words in MC -in and -win, and all words in MC ·jin and -jwin. from the • Zhfn (Tsyin) rhyme • some words in MC ·en and ·wt'n, from the

;t Xian (Sen) rhyme

• a few irregular words with other finals (e.g. the word 1fft ming < mj;rngJl), which we will ignore for purposes of this example. For- the Middle Chinese period, the vowels or the finals -{w)en and -(w)en may be considered mid (or at least nonhigh), while the vowels or the finals -fiXw)in may be considered high. For Old Chinese, however, I reconstruct all words or the • Zllen group with a high-vowel rhyme ·-in; I assume that ·-in evolved as high or mid depending on whether the medial •.j- was or was not present berore the main vowel: OC ·-in > -in after ._j-en elsewhere JUdging from rhyming practice. this change (which I call hi > mid) occurred toward the end of Eastern Han. ror its effects are already apparent in the rhyming of the W~i·nn period (see Ting Pang-hsin 1975: 245-46). The contrast between MC -{w)en and -(w~n developed later. However, suppose we wanted to test the idea that the distinction between high and mid vowels in this group. which is found in Middle Chinese, was already present in ShIjfng times, and affected ShIjfng rhyming. Group A

136 3.

Rhy~3

as rndl!N;~ i", historical pholtOlogy

would be the words of the JC Zhln group which turned up with the finals -(w)en or -(w)en in Middle Chinese; group B would be the words with the finals -(jXw)in. Is there a significant tendency for the A and B groups, defined in this way, to rhyme separately in the Shijfng? In this case, as in the previous one, we will examine pfngsheng rhymes only, and omit any irregular rhymes with other groups. First we calculate P[A] and P[B], that is, P[mid] and P[high] for this rhyme group. According to my count, there are sixty-one occunences of pfngsheng, mid-vowel rhyme words in this group, and ninety-five occurrences of pfngsheng, high-vowel rhyme words, for a total of 156. This gives

p(mid] = 61/156 = 0.39 P(high] = 95/156 = 0.61 Using the DeMoivre-Laplace theorem, we find that the 0.95 confidence interval for P[mid] extends from 0.31 to 0.47. We examine two-word sequences first. We count five unmixed two-word sequences with mid vowels:

178.18,178.3A,I78.3D,184.2A,204.7A There are ten unmixed two-word sequences with high vowels:

6.3A, 15.IA, 32.2A, 5l.3A, 68.IA, 87.IA, 203.38, 219.3A, 229.4A, 260.48 We count twenty two-word sequences mixing high and mid vowels:

31.58, 45.18, 65.1D, 102.IA, 156.3C, 190.48, 191.38, 193.78, 196.IA, 200.58, 210.38, 229.3A, 235.1A, 238.4A, 249.18, 259.38, 264.2A, 264.38, 275.18, 282.1E This gives a total of thirty-five sequences, of which twenty are mixed. The results are given in Table 3.10. Tabf~

3.10. P[M2 ~ 201 for n" 35

low cstimale best estimale high estimate

P[midJ

PlUJ

0.31 0.39 0.47

0.57 0.52

0.50

0.968 0.895 0.845

33. IUustrtUiw uampies

137

Thus the number of mixed two-word sequences is quite consistent with the null hypothesis-that Middle Chinese mid-vowel words and high·vowel words in this group rhymed with each other freely in Old Chinese. Twenry mixed sequences out of thirty·five is not lower than would be expected by chance; this number of mixed sequences (or fewer) would occur by chance about 85% of the time, even if our estimate of P[mid] is very poor. We must still examine the results for longer sequences, however. For three·word sequences, we count one unmixed sequence (l63.5A) and eight mixed sequences (24.3A, 77.IA, 1I8.IA, 152,4A, 234.2A, 239.3A, 258.IA, and 259.IA) for a total of nine. The results are given in Table 3.11. Tabld.!l. P[MJ S8]fou::9

low estimase best estimate high estimate

P(mid]

PfU!

0.31 0.39 0.47

0.36 0.29

0.982

0.25

0.925

0.954

Here again, we cannot say that eight mixed sequences out of nine is less than would be expected by chance. There are three four·word sequences, all mixed. A moment's reflection will show that P[M4 S 3] = I: that is, in a sample of three sequences, the number of mixed sequences must be less than or equal to three. Similarly, there is a single five-word sequence, which is mixed; clearly for this sample, p[MS~ 1)= I. When the results for two·, three·, four-, and five-word sequences are combined by the procedure described in section 3.2.4, we get p = 0.985.

In fact, the value of P does not go below 0.965 for any value of P[mid] in the 0.95 confidence interval. This demonstrates that in pfngshLng, at least, the number of ShIjTng rhymes in the :j( Zhen group mixing syllables which later had mid vowels with those which had high vowels is no less than would be expected by chance. We can conclude that the (Middle Chinese) mid·vowel words and the (Middle Chinese) high-vowel words of this group did indeed rhyme with each other freely in Old OUnesc.

Chapter 4 Traditional research on Old Chinese rhyming 4.1. Traditional phonology: achievements and limitations was pointed out in Chapter 1 that the rhymes of Old Chinese poetry, especially those of the ShIjfng, are a crucial part of the evidence used in reconstructing the Old Chinese phonological system. However, as the previous chapter has shown, analyzing a corpus of rhymes for the purpose of phonological reconstruction is a subtle matter, reliable results can be expected only if the statistical issues which arise are dealt with carefully and explicitly. Nor are statistical problems the only ones which arise; as with any ancient text, there are problems of textual transmission and interpreta[t

tion as well. One of the major themes of the present study is that previous analyses of Old Chinese rhyming are not fully adequate, and need to be reexamined. All twentieth-century research on Old Chinese reconstruction relies heavily

on the research of traditional Chinese scholars of the Qing dynasty. The present chapter summarizes their work and attempts a brief critique of iL It is understandable that the work of the Qing phonologists should inspire IeSpecL The Qing scholars had a knowledge of classical texts which is im· possible for a modern scholar to equal. As part of their education, they simply memorized the essential texts, including the Shfjfng. This enabled them to make connections and comparisons within the classical corpus which are beyond even the best-read modern scholars. Even with our concordances and, eventually, computerized access to the texts, we will not be able to match the erudition of a DuRn Yiic:u or a Wang NHmsiin. The works of lhese scholars are a seemingly inexhaustible source of insightful ideas and observations which continue to enrich modem work. It is quite right that we should view these forebears with respect and even awe. However, the brilliant achievements of the Qing phonologists' scholarship have tended to blind modem investigators to some of their limitations: - Although they sometimes showed an impressive understanding of aniculatory phonetics. the Qing phonologists were handicapped by the lack of a convenient phonetic notation.

140 4. T,oditioMl '~s~arch on Old CfUM~ ,hyming

Though they were well aware that language changed over time, they lacked the crucial notion of regular sound change which played so important a role in nineteenth-centwy European historical linguistics. Except for the important early influence of Sanskrit, traditional phonology was largely ignorant of languages other than Chinese. All but the last generation of traditional phonologists had no access to the present cennuy's abundant discoveries and research in Chinese paleography. Finally, the Qing scholars were understandably ill-equipped to handle the statistical issues involved in inferring rhyme groups from a corpus of rhymes. It would be surprising if these limitations did not affect the validity of traditional scholars' conclusions about Old Chinese phonology and rhyming. Yet these conclusions have been subjected to surprisingly little scrutiny. With some exceptions,9S most modem work accepts the rhyme categories of W~ng Ni~nsiin or ]i~ng Y6ugAo with little fundamental change; reconstructing Old Chinese is treated as a process of devising phonetic representations which are consistent with these categories and which can account for the syllables of Middle Chinese. An analysis of Old Chinese rhyming typically specifies a set of rhyme categories, such that words in the same category are assumed to rhyme with each other. Such an analysis may fail to be adequate in two major ways: 1. It may predict that words do not rhyme when they actually do (by erroneously assigning them to different categories). 2. It may predict that words do rhyme when they actually do not (by erroneously assigning them to lhe same category). Errors of the first type are easily exposed by the presence of rhymes in the corpus which conflict with the categories of the analysis. Errors of the second type are more difficult to discover, because they are revealed only by the absence of rhymes of certain types in the corpus. An analysis of rhyming may be adequate in the limited sense lhat nc examples in the corpus contradict it, and yet still be subject to errors of this second type. The inadequacies in the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming are mostly of the second type; they are cases where the Qing phonologists overlooked rhyming distinctions which would have led lhem to subdivide their rhyme categories funher. In olher words, the distinctions recognized by the traditional analysis are correct as far as they go; they simply do not

go far enough. We will see that the number of rhyme categories recognized by the Qing scholars gradually increased over time as additional Old Chinese rhyming distinctions were discovered. 1be additional rhyme distinctions proposed in this study are a natural continuation of this tendency. In order to describe the development of the rraditional analysis conveniently, 1 present in section 4.2 a modem version of the traditional rhyme categories. As each category will be discussed in more detail in O1apter 10, I include only a brief summary here, sufficient for the purposes of this chapter. Section 4.3 summarizes the history of the traditional analysis. Although this topic is covered in a number of standard Chinese sources (e.g. Wilng Ll 1936-1937 [1957J: 269-451 and DIIng T6nght 1968: 237-62, on which I have relied heavily), 1 know of no systematic account in English; yet the history of this analysis gives much insight into both its achievements and its shortcomings. Finally, section 4.4 discusses how the constraints under which the Qing phonologists worked may have shaped the con· elusions they reached.

4.2. The traditional analysis

a modern version

Though most modem scholars accept the same basic set of Old Chinese rhyme categories, they use several slightly different sets of labels for these categories. The version of the traditional rhyme categories presented in this section follows Zh6u Zi1m6 (1966b).% This system is basically that of Wang NiAnsiin and JiAng YoogAo, except that (I) Wang U's proposed distinction between ZhI and iti: wei is added, and (2) separate categories are set up for rUshing words.97 Names of Gu4ngylln rhymes are ttadition· ally used as labels for Old Chinese rhyme categories; for example, the words of the Gudngydn's 2 ZhI (fsyi) rhyme all belong to a single Old Olinese rhyme group, which is traditionally ealled the 2$ ZhI lm-that is, 'the 2 ZhI group' or 'the 2 2'lll category'. (Note that in O1inese, til ylln 'rhyme' normally refers to a Middle O1inese rhyme of the Qiiydn or GutlngyWt; $ bil 'category' or 'group' refers to a rhyme category reconstructed for Old Chinese.) An Old Chinese rhyme group is traditionally specified by listing the Middle Chinese finals it includes and the characters used as phonetic elements in rUshing characters for words of the group. Normally, all the words of a single rUshing series belong to the same Old Chinese rhyme group; in DUM YUcii's words, «tOOg sMng bl tOOg bU nu.~nu$ [if the phonetic is the same, the rhyme category must be the same)". By applying

rn

this principle, even words which do not occur as rhymes in Old Chinese poetry can be assigned to a rhyme wup, if another word in the same xibhlng series does occur as a rhyme. The traditional rhyme categories are discussed individually and in detail in O1apter 10; in the sununary below (Table 4.1), I will simply list the Middle Chinese finals assigned to each group, by division and QityWi rhyme, and refer to the section of Chapter 10 in which the group is discussed. Rare and irregular developments are omitted here. As the traditional character labels are somewhat confusing to the nonspecialist, in listing Old Chinese rhyme categories 1 also give the reconstruction of each category in the rcconstruc· tion system of Li Fang·kuei (1971 [1980», which closely follows the traditional analysis. The reader should keep in mind that Li's reconstructions are included here only for mnemonic value; 1 will propose new and often rather different reconstructions in subsequent chapters. Tabk4.J. Old Chinese rhyme C3legoriesaccm1ing toZhOu Zil.md (l%6b) DivisiOll

Me finals

I

:2. ZbJ(TS)'11, u's ._~g (section 102.1) -(w)Oj Pi! Hj; (XOj).1R Hw (Xwoj)

QiLyw. rhyme

1.

-&lW

II .(w)ej U1.; -{w)ij .j&lW

~ H6u (Huw) Wlie (Ke.Jl

:2. ZhJ (fsyi) Ra ZhJ (fsyij)

:X; Y6u (Hjuw)

2 . . Zhr (Tsyik), Li's ._~ (section 10.2.2)

I

-(w)o.l

1! De (Tok)

u

-(w!,*

~ Mol (Met)

ill

-(w)it

•

-......

JJii W. (lUwk)

Zhl (T'Y"')

4.2. The lraditionaJ anaJym---.a mtXlern vtrsion

Took 4.1, conlinued Division

Me finals 3.

I

QiiyWi rhyme

l!iff You 0Iiw). Li's •• ~gw (seclion 10.2.13) if Hao (Haw)

ooQW

n·aw

~ H6u (Huw) ~ Y40 (Hzw)

lII·juw

:X; Y6u (Hjuw)

·uw

·jiw ·wij IV·ew

4.

I II

l'Iff You OJiw) 1m ZhI (Tsyij) •

Xiao (Sew)

S'l Joo (IUewk), Li's ··aw (section 10.2.14)

....

m

·<ewk .juwk

l}i;W.(lOwk) S'l Jut (IUewk) Iii WU OUwk)

IV

·tk

"

This group is sometimes known by the labeJ

Xl (Sek)

IX WO (7Owk).

5. ~ XiAo (Sjew), Li's ·..agw (section 10.2.16) I

"t1W

n·<ew m IV

if Hlk> (Haw) li' Ylk> (Hzw)

.j(i)ew

~ Xilo(Sjew)

-ew

•

Xiao (Sew)

6. . , Yia (Yak), Li's .-a.tw (section 10.2.17)

I....

-ow,

ff Du6 (Oak)

D

-uwk -awl

m

-jak

l}i; W. (lOw') Iii Wil OUwk) ~ Jut (IUewk) ll! YI<> (Y"')

IV

otk

jg Xl (Sek)

Continued on nut page

143

144

4. Traditional research Oil Old CItiM~ rhymillg

Table 4.1, CQlltiJuled Division

Me finoh 7. ~ Moo (Huw), u's .-&18 (section 10.2.10)

~ Roo (Huw) Sl Yli (Ngju)

1·/lW m

-jv

I

I¥. WQ (7Uwt), u's ··uk (section 10.2.11) -JIWi I¥. Wa OUwk)

II UI

-zwi -jowl::

8.

9. I

•

11

Jut (Kzwk) ZM (fsyowlc)

f!!, Yli (Ngjo), U's .-ag (section 10.2.4)

mMIi(Mu)

-101

1w)" lII.jo -j> II

I:1i Yu (Ngj.)

Jlh.. (Mz)

-j.,

10.

Jlh.. (Mz) f!!, Yli (Ngjo)

"Du6

(Oak), u's .-GI: (seam 10.2.5)

I II

1w)a.t 1w)""

•

""" (DU)

III

-j(w)ak

•

Ykl (Yak)

-j
~ XI (Sp)

Ja Mb (Md)

II. ~ Gt (Ka), u's·-ar (.scclioo 10.13) I

1w)a

11k Gt(Ka)

II III

-(w)ze

'"

-j(w~ -jz

Continued on flUl page

Mio (Mz) X ZhI(Tsye) Jf,J Mio (M~)

4.2. The fradiJioMl aNJiysia---a rruxkrn versibn

145

Table 4.1, continlUd Division

Me finals 12.

QiiyUn rhyme

::R ZhT (Tsye), U's *-ig (section 10.2.7) -it Iii (K£i)

II III

·(w)£i

-j(wXi)~

::R ZhI(Tsye)

IV

1w)<j

•

The label

QI_1I

-it Ii! (ki) is also used for this group. jJ XI (Set), U's *.iJ: (section 10.2.8)

13.

II

-(wJtt

III

.j(w)(i)d:.

IV

-(w)
~ MAl (Md)

it XI (Sjek) £Il XI (Sek)

Hli Zht (TsyiJl, Li's *.jd (section 10.1.8) The distinction between this group and the iti wei group was first proposed by Wang Li, 14.

and has been accepted by most scholars. According to W4ng Li, this group includes the

fonowing finals:

~ lie (K£Jl

II III

-(j)ij

IV

-(w)<j

.ej

»Ii ZhJ (Tsyij) JI!f QI (O",j)

In Chapter 10, I propose that some of the words whK:h Wc1ng Ll assigned 10 the H~ Zht group (Li's *-id) should be assigned instead to Wei (ti's *-~. See section 10.1.8 for

m:

discussion.

IS.

Jl. Zhl (Tsyit) ,U's *-il (section 10.1.6)

II

-(w)El

III

-(j)(w)it

IV

-(w)et

ConlinlU!d on nat page

~ Xi! (HEI) ~ Zhl (Tsyit)

WI Xi~ (Set)

146 4. Traditional research on Old Chinese rhyndng

Table 4.1, COnlinued Division

MC finals

Qily"" myme

16. ~ Wli (Mjij), Li's ·-~d (section 10.1.8) This group was first proposed by W4ng Ll (1937). According to him, it includes the following finals: I

-(w)oj

II III

-wej -j(w)ij

·wij

iii! lUi (Xoj). iJi. ",' (Xwo)) \1f !;e (KE))

m

ftli

Wei (Mjij) Zhl (fsy;j)

In Chapter 10, I will argue lhat this group also includes some words with the kJUk6u finals -ij, -ej, and -ej. 17. ~ WU (Mjut), U's ·_~t (section 10.1.7)

I II III

IV The label

-(w)o/ -{w)El

~ Me) (MwOl)

mXis (HEl)

-jil

if! Ql (Xjit)

-jul -(w)il

~ Wu. (Mjut)

-el

Jl Zhl (fsyit) WI Xie (Set)

Wi Shu (Zywit) is sometimes used for this group. 18.

f.R n (fsjcjn), Li's .-od(h) (section 10.1.2)

I

-(w)aju

II

-(w)zjU

III

-(w)ejJl -j(w)ojJl

IV

-j(wXi~jH .(w~jH

~ TAi (ThajH)

::R: GuAi (KwzjH)

W

qlJsMng of lit (Kej) Fei (PjojH) ~ n (fsjejH) qwheng of Of (Dzej)

g

JIf

This group includes only qushing words; it includes the words of several Gudngyun rhymes which occur only in qilsMng, with no counterpans in the other tones. COnlinued on nexl page

4.2. The trat!ilioMl aMlysiJ---a modern version

Table 4./, continued Division

MCfuWs 19.

I n

if yilt (Ngjwoc), Li's

-(w)
-(141)11:1

.., III

-j(W)ol

IV

-j(wXi)et -(w)e' 20.

I

-op

II III IV

-ep

~p

.j(i)
IV

The

label. n

-jop ~p

l!l Ht(H'P)

W X~ (Hzp) 1:'l Oil (Hep)

~ n(Yep) Jh~ (N"",,)

Z F< (Bjop) to ne (Jbep)

(Yep) is abo used for this groop.

COIIJmULd on nat page

10.3.4)

:= H~ (Hap), u's .-op (sectim 10.32)

•..,

-j..,

P

'!IO Tie (Jbep)

-Ep

III

MO (Mal) ~ X~ (Ha) 1\ X~ (HEl) jJ V" (Ngjwol) xue (Sjel) M x~ (Set) '"

~ H~ (Hop) ~ QiA (Hep) iii QI (f"'ip)

I...

II

(Sll'dion 10.1.2)

mor (fship), Li's··~p (section

-(j)ip

21.

.o(lJ

147

148

4. Traditional

r~s~(U'ch

0,. Old c~u rlrymHlg

Tabk 4.1 , COfltin.uhl

Me finals

Division

;l Tin (Dam), U's --G/l'l: (section 10.3.1)

22.

-em

I

II·...

·em III

-j(i)em

.j...

·;Om IV

~ Tian (Them)

-em 23.

fI QJn (Tshim), Li's --11m (section 10.3.3)

I -om lI·em III

:;: Tan (Dom)

-jUWftg

llG X;An (IWn) fI QJn (Tshim) !if:! DOng (Thwng)

-<m

~ r.an (Them)

-(jpm

IV

il Un (Dam) tti Xi.ln (Hzm) Ii lGM (IWn) II Yin (Yr.m) II Yin (Ngjom) R. Fin (Bjorn)

24. ~:l.hfng (Tsying), u's -.l1ftg (seclion 102.3)

ft Dtng (Tong) ttl GOng (K£ng)

I

.(w)oftg

II

1w)oog

m

-ing

#. Zheng (Tsying)

-pamg

•

25.

Dong (Tuwng)

:1i- Dong (Towng), u's -'I1f1gw (section 10.2.15) -oW1lg :1i- DOng (Town&)

I II

-rwftg

III

-jUWftg

IT Jiang (Kzwng)

!it! DOng (Thwng)

The label ~ ZhOng (Trjuwng) is also used ror this group. COfltiflued OftllUl pog~

4.2. TM rradiJiDMl flllQ/ysis--a modern wrsWII

Tabk 4J, COIIIUtuui Division

Me 6na1s 26. • DOng (Tuwng),U's

QiiyWt myme --1Ulg

(section 10.2.12)

Dong (Tuwng)

J

-JIWrlg

•

n m

-l>o'lIg

U Jiang (Krwng)

-jowlCg

•

ZhOng (Tsyowng)

27. ~ YAng (yang), u's --ang (section 10.2.6)

I

-(w)IDo.

)g TOn. (l>.mg)

U

-{W)Dlg

8!: Geng (Kr:ng)

ill

-j(w,"" -j(w)_

28. II m

-£JIg

-j(wXi~ng

IV.... 29.

-{w).£II

m

-<JXw)in

-{w~n 30.

Jt Wtn (Mjun), U's

~

G", (Kzng)

11 QI', (T-g) t1J Shin (Sf'EIl)

Jt Zhen (Tsyin) $t Xilln (Sen) --;111

(section 10.1.5)

-(w)on

1ll Htn (Hon), .fl Hlin (Hwon)

-{w}Dt

t1J Shin (5l'£11)

-fill

-jUII -(w)ill

IV

.tJt: Geng (KEng) ttl Qlng (Tshjeng)

J( Zhen (Tsyin), Li's --ill (section 10.1.4)

II

I II III

~ GU, (Kzng)

tJt: Geng (KEng), u's --ing (section 10.2.9)

-j(w)_

IV

11M YOng (Yong)

-ell

.m YIn (7Jin)

Jt W~n (MjlUl)

;n; Zhen (Tsyin) 7t XiAn (Sen)

The labcI ~ Zhun (Tsywin) is also used for" this group. Cot1J~d 011 IfU1 page

149

150 4. Traditional re~arch on OIdChiMse rhywng

Table 4.1, conlitwed Division

Me finals

Qiiyw.. rhyme

31. 7G Yuan (Ngjwon), Li's .-an (so::tion IO.1.1) I II III

~ H,"(Han)

-(w)an -(w)a:n

aM Shan (Sncn)

-(w)E:Il

L1J

.j(w)on

7G V"'" (Ngjwoo) fiIJ x;,. (S"o) $I; x;,. (S"')

-j(w)(j)en IV

-(w)en

Shan (Sn:n)

4.3. The development of the traditional analysis In this section we sketch the history of the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming by briefly examining lhe work of lhe major figures of traditional phonology who investigated Old Chinese rhyming. We begin by studying lhe early theories of rhyming which preceded them. 4.3.1. The xiiyun ('harmoni7Jng rhymes') theory In spite of changes in pronunciation, some of lhe Shijlng poems still rhyme in modern pronunciation, and have rhymed throughout the course of the Tdo yoo t!:7i:), for exhistory of Chinese. In Ode 6 (2hOu ndn ample, the rhyme words still rhyme in modem Mandarin:

mm:

stanza 1: 1ft huii I ~ jid stanza 2: 'Jr shE / ~ shi stanza 3: • zhen / A. ren In other cases, it is clear from the structure of the poem which words were originally intended as rhymes, but some of the rhymes no longer work. An example is Ode 8 (2Mu ndn F6uyl ~r:g; translation adapted from KarIgreo 1974):

mm:

43. The dewloprMnJ ofthe Iraditional analysis

**'i<11I liJg*Z **'i<11I

*

liJ;;;flz

cdi CtU f6u yl b6 ydn CAl zhr cdi cd; f6u yl b6 yan Y()u

::ff hjuwx

**'i<11I liJ;;;nlz **'i<11I

cdi cdi f6u yl

zhe

b6 yan DUO zhr

Ishojx

nl twa!

cdi ctU f6u yl

liJ;;;~z

b6

**'i<11I liJ;;;t;!iZ **'i<11I

cdi cdi f6u yl

liJ;;;l3z

lSI

ydn LUO zhi

b6 ydnJIE zhe

~Iwat

Ui !eel

cdi cdi f6u yl bO ydn Xlt 'hf

/.1 het

Colorful99 is the plantain, we GATHER it; colorful is me plantain, we HOLD it. Colorful is me plantain, we PICK it; colorful is me plantain, we PLUCK it. Colorful is the plantain, we TAKE [IT} IN OUR HELD-UP FLAPS;

colorful is the plantain, we TAKE IT IN OUR roCKED-UP

FLAPs. Here me second and mird stanzas still rhyme perfectly:

stanza 2: stanza 3:

nl d",; I ~ I",; Hi jii I m: xii

The structure of the poem makes it clear that me rhyme words of the first stanza must be stanza I:

'*

cdi I ::ff you.

These words occupy me same positions in stanza 1 as the rhyme words do in stanzas 2 and 3; in fact, except for the words in these positions, the three cdi < IshojX 'gather, pluck' and tf you < stanzas are identical. But hjuwx 'have, hold' do not rhyme in either modern or Middle Chinese pronunciation, and probably have not rhymed in most dialects since before the H~ dynasty.100 In poems like this, which have a very tight and repetitive structure, the rhyme words are easy to identify in spite of pronunciation changes which spoil the rhyme for later readers. Chinese readers of the ShIjing have doubtless noticed examples like this since early times, but it was not immediately obvious to them that Old Chinese pronunciation was systematically different from their own. Gradual

'*

152 4.

TraditiofI(Jlre~arch

an Old Chine~ rhyming

changes in pronunciation, more easily noticed in a language written alphabetically, were concealed by the relative stability of the Chinese script. One early way of dealing with the apparent failure of some ShljTng rhyme words to rhyme properly was simply to change one's pronunciation of the rhyme words when reciting the odes, in order to force them to rhyme. A famous example is Ode 28.3 (B~iflng j~m: Ydn ydn ~~), where the following three words are used as rhymes:

if yfn < am 'sound'

mndn < nom 'south'

JL\ xfn < sim 'heart' Although if yrn < am and It) xfn < sim rhymed in Middle Chinese and still rhyme today, by the Northern and Southern dynasties period (420589)-probably earlier in some dialects-m nan < nom did not rhyme with them. tOl Shen Zhong ttJI, who wrote a sixth-century work: on the Shijfng, is quoted in the JfngdiiIn Shlwtn as giving the tanqie spelling "P.1U& nai lin an", Le. nojX + lim = nim, for here, in order to "harmonize the lines [xit jil M.l'I!Jl". This practice of adjusting the pronunciation of rhyme words so thai they rhyme in conlemporary pronunciation has come to be called xiiyun lJt l'ffi 'hannonizing the rhymes'. It flourished in the SOng dynasty; for example, Zhii Xi *~'s version of the Shfjfng, called Shf jt zhudn ~~fi [Collected commentaries on the Shijfng], indicates a greal many xiiyUn pronunciations. In the case of Ode 8.1, cited above, Zhii Xi annotates the rhyme words as follows:

m

*

cdi < lshojx 'to pick:, pluck:': Zhii Xi says "xie cI 1U fln lJt JltRiBt [harmonized as tshjex + lijX)".l02 This is probably inlended to represent a "hannonized" pronunciation like [ts"i], in shifng tone.

1J you < hjuwx 'to have, hold':

Zltii Xi says "xie yu)l f3.n lJtr:f:.ic.Bt [hannonized as hjux + .ta]"; this probably represenls a harmonized pronunciation [i] or possibly [wi] (shifng tone).

In Ode 28.3, Zhii Xi follows the pronunciation suggested by Shen Zhong,

though he spells it differently:

mndn < nom 'south':

Zhii Xi says "xie nf xin tan lJtfbll)& [harmonized as nrij + sim]"; this probably represents a pronunciation [nim], rhyming with if yfn < 7fm and JL\ xfn < sim. Apparendy, wherever the words which Zhii Xi took: as rhymes failed to rhyme in contemporary pronunciation, he included a xiiyiln notation of this

kind. It seems reasonable to conclude that in Zho Xl's time there was a practice of employing such pronunciations when reciting the Odes aloud. In itself, the practice of using xiiyl1n pronunciations was not necessarily intended to represent the original Old Chinese pronunciations of the rhyme words; perhaps it was merely a device to make the ShIjlng sound better when read aloud. But it is usually assumed that the users of xiiyun pronunciations believed that the same adjustments in pronunciation were used in Old Chinese times also. This theory of Old Chinese pronunciation and rhyming runs into obvious difficulties. As critics have pointed out, Zhil Xi was apparently not troubled by giving several different xieyUn pronunciations for the same word in different places; for example. in Ode 17 (SMa ndn ~ Xlng /u lT8), he gives two different xitylln pronunciations for different occurrences of It jill 'family': kuwk in stanza 2 and kuwng in

m:

stanza 3. 103

The Mlng scholar Yilng Sh~n I!iltii (1488--1559) argued that the various xiiyiUt pronunciations of a single character were used in ancient times to distinguish different meanings of a word. 104 But it is hard to see how Old Orinese language or poetry could work if the pronunciations of words were subject to such capricious variation. D6ng T6n~ quotes the comments of the Mlng scholar liao H6ng ~~ (1540-1620):

In this way, "east" can also be pronounced "west", "south" can also be pronounced "nonh", "up" can also be pronounced "down", "front" can also be pronounced "back"; characters have no correct readings, and the Odes have no correct characters. (Quoted in DOOg T6ngM 1968: 238; my translation) The other early approach to the problem of "unharmonious" rhymes was simply to assume that ancient rhyming standards were looser than contemporary ones. LU Deming, the author of the JrngdilJn shl~n, rejected Sh!n ZhOng's reading of ndn. < nom as nim in Ode 28.3, saying, "The ancients rhymed loosely; one needn't trouble to change the words."l0~ Neither the xityan approach nor LU Deming's theory of "loose rhyming" n:cognized that the pronunciation of Otinese had changed in any fundamental way since Old Otinese times; it remained for later scholars to achieve this insight.

m

154

4. Traditional r~~arch on Old Chine~ rhyming

4.3.2. WU YO (ca. 1100-1154) Several scholars of the Song dynasty wrote on the problem of ancient rhymes. The best-known, and the only one whose works survive today, is WU YU Rfit. 106 His YiM bil [Rhyme supplement] arranged words in nine large rhyme classes (though the classes are not explicitly listed) and, using xieyun-like fdnqie spellings, specified ancient pronunciations for them. For example, since tI jiang < ka:wng 'Yangtze' rhymed in Old Chinese with words in MC -uwng, WU Yli gave it afdnqie spelling "iiSU W gil h6ng qic" (Le. ku + huwng = kuwng), which in modem Mandarin would be gong. On the face of it, this seems very similar to the xiiyun theory described above. However, while xiiyun readings were usually devised ad hoc to account for the rhyming of particular passages in the Shijfng, Wli Yli investigated Old Chinese rhyming more systematically to see which Middle Chinese categories typically rhymed with which. But he failed to do this in a consistent way, and many words appear in more than one category for no apparent reason. This confusion results in part from the inclusion of rhymes from a very long chronological period, all the way from Shijfng times to Northern SOng-for which Wii YU was criticized by later scholars.

iii.

4.3.3. Chen Vi (1541-1617) The Mfng scholar Chen 01 ~m:107 is generally credited with making the first real progress towards a modem understanding of Old Chinese rhyming and of subsequent sound change. In his work Mao Shf gil yIn kiJo =6wt5 ifl2. [Investigation of the ancient rhymes of the Mao ShI] (1606), he argued that the ancients did not freely change the pronunciations of words in order to make them rhyme; rather, they rhymed according to their ordinary pronunciations, which were, however, different from the modem ones. His description of sound change is often quoted: In time, there is ancient and modem; in space, there is south and north.

Characters undergo changes, and sounds undergo shifts; this is an inevitable tendency. Therefore, when one reads ancient works with modem pronunciation, the result is unavoidably strange and irritating, and does not fit 108 In Mao ShI gil yIn ktJo, Chen 01 proposed ancient pronunciations which fit the pattern of Old Chinese rhyming; though these resemble the earlier xii-

4.3. TM tU\If!lopmelll of 1M tradilional analysis

155

yl1n pronunciations, he showed that nonnally it is only necessary to reconstruct a single pronunciation in each case. For example, he said that (108)

*= cdi < tshojx 'to pick, to pluck'

was anciently pronounced like (109)

ilt cf < rshjex 'clear';

possibly this indicates a pronunciation like [tshj)] or [ts"i] (shiing tone). For Chen Dl, this is not a variant pronunciation employed ad hoc to create a good rhyme; it is simply the original pronunciation of the word. This was a significant advance over the earlier xiiyun theory.loo 4.3.4. Gil YlInwii (1613-1682)

Gu YAnwu D~JEtllO

was a scholar of late Mfng and early Qi"ng, famous for his resistance to the Manchu conquerors and his refusal to serve the new dynasty in official capacity. Attributing the fall of the Ming dynasty partly to the influence of Nco-Confucianist philosophy, he advocated a more objective and original approach to classical scholarship which became known as the Hdnxut pm ll:!i!mf 'Han learning school' because of its admiration of Han-dynasty scholars and their methods (as opposed to the then orthodox Nco-Confucianist Songxut pdi *~i1if 'Song learning school'). Although known for his accomplishments in many areas, Gu YAnwu is possibly best known for his phonological research, found in his Yin xut wu: shU ff~1i. [Five books on phonology], printed in 1667, comprising the following works:

- Yin lun ff~ [On sounds] - Shi bin yin ~

w::$:if [Original sounds of the Shl]

Yi yin ~ff [Sounds of the fljing]

- Tdng ylln zheng ~6:iE [Corrections to the Tdng yl1n] - GU: yfn biiIo iiff;& [Table of ancient sounds] In his GU: yin bido, Gu YAnwu identified ten rhyme groups for Old Chinese, defined in tenns of the rhymes of the GOOngyun (see Table 4.2). The b'eatment of nlshing rhymes is, however, different from that in the GOOngyan; while the GOOngyun associates rUshing rhymes like" ZhI (Tsyik) with the corresponding ydngshing (nasal-final) rhyme ~ Zheng (Tsying), Gu YAnwu included Qi ZhfTsyik in the same Old Chinese category with

156 4. T,odilibnoJ n~arc.h O/l Old C1WIeserhymillg Tabk 4.2. Gu ytlnwii's Old Chinese mymegroups Group

Contents

:!l DOng (Li's --lUIg) ~ DOng (Li's --~/lgw) 2

X 1JlT

m

and.fi

1JlT and

Xl (Li's --ig and --Il) 2111 (Li's --id and --it)

2m and III lllf (U's --~g and -·n) itt Wei and til Wu (U's --» and -on) 1il n and 1.J yua (Li's --ad and --
4

'!!!. Y(i and if Du6 (Li's --
.5

6 7

8

9 10

and.

ii Xiao YlIo (Li's --
::»: Ge (Li's --ar) JIM ytlng (Li's --ang) tJf: Geng (Lj's --iJlg) ~ zneng (Li's --;)/lg) fi om and fit QI (Li's -.;)m and --~) ~ Tin and

tt Ht (Li's ---am and --Dp)

:z.

the ylnshing (vocalic-coda) rhyme Zhl (Tsyi). The association of nlshlng rhymes with yfnshlng rhymes is based upon SJujlng rhymes mixing Middle Chinese rllshlng and yfnshtng words, such as [he following sequence from Ode 192.10:

G/Il
,! zdi < lsojfl 'load' tt yl < liu'think'

Gu Yinwu included all three of lhese words in his Group 2 (see Table 4.2). The connection of 5 yl < iH with nlsllLng is also supponed by the fact that it is phonetic in (and surely cognate wilh)

4.3. The aewlopmelll of 1M Iraditional analysis

(110)

157

til: yl < 1ft 'to remember'.

The exception to this pattern is Gu's Group 10, in which nlsheng words with the coda -p are associated with ydngshlng words in om, as in the GuangyUn.11 I Gil Yllnwil's rhyme groups are summarized in Table 4.2. In this table, for each of Gu Ycmwu's groups, I list the corresponding traditional rhyme groups according to ZhOu ZOm6's list (see Table 4.1 above), with Li Fang-kuei's reconstructions for reference. As Table 4.2 shows, quite a number of distinctions remained for later scholars to discover. But Gil Yllnwil had already clearly identified several of the rhyme groups of what later became the standard analysis. His careful and objective research became a model for his successors. 4.3.5. Jiang Y6ng (1681-1762) Jiang Y6ng iI:* 112 was a founder of the Wan xuepdi lIJCeM or 'A.nhui school' of classical studies. Unlike some of the Qing phonologists, he was adept at rhyme-table phonology (dengymue ~M:~). His works on phonology include

- Guyun biaozhi1n. i!illiU~~ [Standard for ancient rhymes] - Ylnxue bidn wei 11f.m~ [Fine distinctions in phonetics] - Slshlng Qleyiln bido 1!Y~Willl~ [Four-tone Qleyiln table] Jiang YiSng's evaluation of Gil Yanwil's phonological research is often quoted: "His accomplishments in researching antiquity [kdo gu ~i!i] were many; his accomplishments in discriminating sounds [sMn yin ifif] were shallow."l13 Jiang Y6ng discovered four major distinctions which Gu. Yanwii had overlooked (see Table 4.3): 1. He divided Gu Yllnwu's Group 4 (words ending in on) into his Groups 4 and 5. JiAng Yoog's Group 4 can be thought of as the high-vowel pornon of Gu Yanwu's Group 4, and corresponds to the 1i Then and X Wen groups of the standard analysis (Li's *-in and *-an). Jiang Y6ng's Group 5, the low-vowel ponion of Gu Yanwu's Group 4, corresponds to the 7G Yuan group (Li's *-an). 2. Similarly, Jiang Y6ng divided Gu Ylinwu's Group 10 (words in final-m) into a high-vowel group and a low-vowel group: Jiang Y6ng's Group 12 corresponds to the ff Q"m group in the later analysis (U's *-am); his Group 13 corresponds to the ~ Tin group (U's *-am).

ISS

4.

TradiliottQ/reuarclioIiOldC~rllymillg

Table43. Jiang Yllng's O&d Olinc:se rhyme ~ (non-nhlll",)

group

...,.

I

1

. . Dong (Li's --WIg) ~ DOn. (Ii's '.,,,.,.)

2

2 (ylnshlfl8)

X

Jiang Y6ng's

Gu Yinwll's Conten~

Hli

2JlJ (Li's --ig) 2JlJ (Lj's -.id)

~ ZhJ (Lj's --;Jg)

itt wei (Li's --~ ~ n (Li's--6II)

3

part of 3 (ywlting)

.... flry'(U' U s-og )

4

4 (high-vowel part)

1{ 2Jlen (Li's --ill)

,

4 Oow-vowel part)

7G Yulln (Li's --an)

6

pan of 5 (yrnsltlllg)

1f Xiao (Lj's --ogw)

7

6

•

::»: Ge (Li's --or)

7

; ; Yang (Lj's --ang)

•

U Ofng (Lj's --ing)

9

ll2Jleng (U's --;JIIg)

pans of 3 and 5 (yiltsklng)

~ H6u (Lj's --"8)

9

10 II

>c W~n (U's --;JII)

l!:tiJ YOu (Li's -.;Jgw) 12

10 (high.vowel part)

tI: Qin (Li's --;Jm)

13

10 (low-vowel pan)

!i Tin (Li's --am)

3. Jilng Yi5ng also recognized the distinction between the !!!. Yu group (Li's ··ag) and the ~ H6u group (Li's ·-ug) within Gil YlinwU's Group 3; the former goes in Ji!ng Y6ng's Group 3, the latter in his Group 11. 4. Finally, Ji!ng Y6ng discovered the distinction in Gu YanwU's Group 5 between the 1f XiAo group (U's ··agw) and the If;Iff YOu group (Li's ··~gw), which he included in his Groups 6 and II respectively. Though he discovered these four distinctions, Ji!ng Yi5ng's Group 11 includes both the ~ H6u group (Li's ··ug) and the DII YOu group (Li's

43. TM tXWlop""Ul D/IM t,aditioNJl DlIDlym

159

*·~gw};

this was a step backward from Gu YinWli, who had assigned the fonner to his Group 3 (with the fl!. Yli group, U's *-ag) and the Janer to his Group 5 (with the ~ Xilia group, U's *-agw). The result is that Jiang Y6ng recognized thirteen groups (10 plus 4 minus 1) where Gu Yinwi1 had recognized only ten. Also, unlike Gu YinwiJ, JiAng Yoog set up eight additional categories for nlshlng words. 114 His thineen non·rllshlng groups are summarized in Table 4.3. JiAng Y6ng's eight rllshlng groups are parallel to the eight nasal-coda groups listed in Table 4.3 (Groups 1,4,5,8,9, 10, 12, and 13).

The additional rhyme. distinctions proposed by Jilng Yoog are now universally recognized as correct. How did Gu YinwiJ overlook them? I pointed out in section 4.1 that it is easy to spot Old Chinese rhymes that would not have been allowed in Middle Chinese; but Old Chinese rhyme distinctions among words which did rhyme in Middle Otinese are easily overlooked. In other words, splits are easier to discover than mergers. The problem was exacerbated by the Qing scholm' tendency to think of Gudngytln rhymes as the natural units of analysis. Consider, for example, Gu Yinwu's Group 3, which includes words with the Middle Chinese finals -u, -jUt and -uw (among others). Gu Y4nwu would have noticed that in the Shijfng. MC ·u rhymes with -jUt and -ju rhymes with -uw. For example. tit etl < du rhymes with ~ fU < pju in 193.48. and.l); qu < khju rhymes with ~ Mu < huw in 54.IA. So it was quite natural to assign MC -u, ·ju. and ·uw to the same rhyme group. What Gu. Yinwu overlooked. and Jiling Y6ng discovered, was that the words in MC -ju which rhyme with -u are not the same as the words in -ju which rhyme with -uw; in the previous example, ~fu < pju and ~ qa < khju do not rhyme with each other in Old OUnese. even though they have the same final in Middle Chinese. Middle Otinese -ju represents the merger of finals from two different Old Chinese rhyme groups, and this merger led Gu Yinwu astray. The other distinctions which Jilng Y6ng added to Gu YinwiJ's system had similarly been obscured by mergers. In Gu Yinw\i's Group 4 (words ending in ·n), Ji!ng Y6ng discovered that the words in MC -en could be divided into two groups that did not rhyme with each other, making it possible to divide the whole group into two parts. The same is true of words in MC -em in Gu Yinwu's Group 10, and words in -ew in Gu Yitnwu's Group 5. The gradual refinement of the Qing scholm' analysis of Old Chinese rhyming was a process of discovering more and more such distinctions, as we shall see.

160

4.

TrodirioM1r'-fLordloIlOldC~,1tymiIIg

4.3.6. Dulo YilcAl (1735-1815) The next major figure after Jiang Y6ng was Dub Yucti &:n:M. llS In 1700, at the age of 25, he passed the provincial examinations and moved to Beijing to take the metropOlitan examinations; it was there that he read the phonological works of Gu Yinwu and became interested in phonology. Though unsuccessful in the examinations, he remained in Beijing and met Dlti Zh~n (see below) there in 1763. Although Dlti Zhcn was older, and Duan Yucti eventually became his disciple, DuAn Yuc4i's major phonological discoveries apparently preceded those of Dli ~n, whose phonological works were written late in his life. 116 In addition to discovering additional Old Chinese phonological distinctions, Duan Yuc:1i made major contributions to the study of the ShuOwln jilzl. His major phonological works are the following:

Be:

- Liu shU yIn yUn biM ~ilif.f!g~ [Phonological table of the six character types] (preface dated 1777) • Shw5wln jilzl zhu ast)cM¥~tl [Annotations on the Shuowln jilzlJ (1807) DUM YUcl.i's major contributions to research on rhyming may be sununarized as follows: 1. He ex.uacted the Z Zhi and US Zhf groups (Li's --ag and --at) and the X ZhT and ii Xi groups (Li's --ig and --it) from Group 2 of Gu Yanwu and Jiang Y6ng's analysis.

2. He recognized ~ H6u (Li's --ug) as a separate group (his Group 4); Gu ya.nwii had combined this group with !!!. Yii (Li's --og), while Jiang Y6ng combined it with iii YOu (Lj's -.agw).1 J7 3. Finally, he discovered the distinction between. Zhen (Li's --in) and X Wen (Li's -·an) (his Groups 12 and 13), which had hitherto been assigned to the same group (Jilng Y6ng's Group 4, part of Gu Yinwu's Group 4).118 The result is a system of seventeen rhyme groups, which are grouped in six. larger categories because of phonetic similarity and occasional irregular rhymes. DUM YUcti's rhyme groups are summarized in Table 4.4. Though the connection berween Old Chinese rhyming and xieshing series had been noticed for some time,119 it was DuAn Yucti who explicitly stated the principle that characters with the same phonetic element must be in the same rhyme group:

43. TM!hwloprMflIo/tMtraditionalonalysis

161

Table 4.4. DuAn Yidi.'s Old Chincserbyme groups

Catego
Group

I

I

2

2

3

Conl
2. 2ltT and Qi 2ltf (U's ._;lg and ·-;lk) 1f XiAoand • no (U's --agwand .-akw) I!i YOU and iI Jtre (Li's .-;lgw and ··0Ikw) I!i WQ (Li's ·-uk)

3

4

4

~ H6u (Li's ·-ug)

5

f!!. Yu and if Du6(Li's .-ag and ·-ak)

•

~ Zheng (Li's ·-"ng)

7

mQin mQi

8

~ TAn and

9

!it! Dong (U's ·-Wlg)

and

(Li's ··;lm and •• ;lp)

i!I H6 (U's·-am and .-ap)

~ Dong (Lj's ·';lngW)

5

•

10

liM YAng (Li's .-ong)

II

mGeng (Li's ·.ing)

12

A

13

)( W6n (Li's ·-;In)

14

7G YuAn (Li's ·-an)

l5

Zhen and

fi 2ltl (Li's ·-in and ··il)

HlJ ZliI (Li's ·.id) Mwei and tl1 Wi:! (Li's ··;ldand ·-;11) fjl n and ~

Yue (Li's·-ad and ·-at)

I.

X ZhI and mXI (Li's ·-ig and ·-it)

17

~ Ge (Ii's --or)

One phonetic element can harmonize [i.e. serve as phonetic element in] ten thousand characters; but the ten thousand characters must be in the same rhyme group. Characters with the same phonetic element must be in the same rhyme group.l20 OuAR Yuclii applied this principle in his Shuowen jilzl zhu to assign each word to one of his seventeen rhyme groups, whether it occurred as a rhyme word in Old Chinese poetry or not.

162 4. rraditionalreMarchonOfdChiMMrhyming

DuAn Yuc!i's contribution was thus not limited to the discovery of several new rhyming distinctions; by relating rhyme groups systematically to the writing system, he tied phonology and paleography together. In his study of the ShuO~n. he also pioneered in the study of semantic change. pointing out many cases where words had changed meanings since classical times. He was rightly one of the most influential of the Qing phonologists. 4.3.7. O:\i Zhen (1724-1777) OM Zhen .~12) was a student of li!ng Y6ng (also of AnhuT province); he was older than DUM YiiciU by some twelve years, and DuAn YuciU fonnally regarded him as his teacher, but as we have seen, Di'ti acknowledged borrowing a number of ideas from the younger Dui'tn. His students also included K6ng Gullngsen 122 and Wang NiAnsiin (see below), and he was a friend of the phonologist Qi
_II.,

- Shing Iti biAb WD.;& [Table of sound categories] (printed in 1777 shortly before Oi'ti's death) - Shing y,)n kdo ~6~ [Investigation of sounds and rhymes] (printed after his death)

Though Di'ti Zhen recognized some of the distinctions discovered by Ouan Yiicai, his system of rhyme categories is somewhat different. In his Sheng yl1n kdo, OM Zh~n recognized twenty-five rhyme groups, grouped into nine categories [Lei D.]; they are listed in Table 4.5, with Di'ti ZhCn's names for them (in both modem and Middle Chinese pronunciation) and their equivalents in the later standard analysis. Table 4.5 shows that DM Zh~n had a greater concern for phonological pattern than most of his contemporaries. Like his teacher Ji!ng Y6ng, Oai Zhen set up separate rt2shing categories, putting him in the shlnyfn pdi [sound-discriminating school] rather than the kdogl1 pdi [antiquityinvestigating school]. The names of his rhyme groups are most interesting: instead of using Guangyl1n ·rhymes as names, he chose words beginning

43.

TM.de~lopmerlloflh4tradilionaJanalysis 163

Tabk 4.5. Dl.i :znb1's Old Chinese rhyme groups:

em",u, 1

1: pij£
3, 2

4:

.it Wl1<7u iii E d'k II Ying < ling

5: @YT<7i 6:

3

1:

f! Yl
8: $Ou
1M Wl1 < luwk

4

10: ~ Yang < ljang 11: 7( Yao< ljaw 12: ~ Yuf
5

13: ~ Ying < ljicng 14: 15,

6

16:

tt Wi (ki)l JZ: E
§i YIn < ljin

11: «YI <1jij 18:

7

8

9

Z. Y1 < lit

164

4. Traditional r~seQTch 011 Old ChiMse rhyrtUIIg

with the Middle Chinese glottal-stop initial 7- (with one exception, in Group 25). His nine categories typically include a nasal-coda group along with the corresponding yitIJhlng and nlrhlng groups, though there are occasional exceptions. Dli Zh~n's attention to phonological parallelism both helped and hindered his analysis. He recognized that ~ n and J:J Yue (Li's *-adh and *-at) were parallel to the nasal-final 7G YUM (Li's *-on), and created separate groups for them (his Groups 20 and 21, contrasting with 17 and 18). Here, concern for parallelism led him beyond DuAn Yiicti, who included these two groups in his Group 15 along with HIJ ZhI, iti Wei, and ~ WU (Li's *·id, *-~d, and *-~l), even though he recognized the parallel nasal-final group 7G Yuan (Li's *-an) as an independent group. But the same attention to parallelism led Dli mn to reject Dum Yucw's discovery of the distinc· tion between Jt Zhen (Li's *-in) and )( Wfn (Li's *·~n), because the parallel distinction between 1m Zhi (Li's *-id) and ?It Wei (Li's *-ad) had not yet been discovered. 4.3.8. K6ng GuAngsln (1752-1786)

K6ng Gu1ngsen :n1l:fl 125 lived only thiny·four years. His major phono[Sound categories of the Shi). logical work was Shr shing Mi Unlike his teacher Dli Zh~n, K6ng GuAngsen set up no separate rilsheng categories; possibly influenced by his own northern dialect, he believed that rllrhing was a southern phenomenon not present in Old Chinese times. Like Dli ~n, however, he paid special attention to the symmetry of his rhyme categories, setting up eighteen categories: nine labeled yIn ~ (that is, having vocalic codas) and nine labeled ydng ~ (that is, having nasal codas). These are summarized in Table 4.6 with the corresponding groups of the later analysis. As with Dli Zh~n, K6ng Gu!ngsen's search for synunetry led 10 both good and bad consequences for his analysis. K6ng Gu!ngsen's primary contribution was to discover the distinction between !l Dong (Li's *-ung) and ~ DOng (Li's *-.mgw)-K6ng's ydngshtng categories 5 and 6--which is parallel to the distinction between ~ H6u (U's *-ug) and !'!til YOu (Li's *-~gw), the corresponding yItlJMng categories. Also, although the overall parallelism of the categories which K6ng Guitngstn labeled as yIn and yang had been noticed before, Kling apparently coined the tenn yIn-ydng duizhutfn J,lIliiJfft 'interchange of yIn and ydng' to describe occasional contacts between them. For example, the character

Hom

43. The developmelU of the rraditional analysis Tabk 4.6. Koog GuAng.<;en's Okl Chinese myme groups

Group

Contents

Y6ngshlng groups: I: 7G Yuan

2,

T DIng

7G

yuan (Li's .-an)

fJf: Gblg (Li's ·-ing)

" II' ""'n

1{ 7Mn (Li's ',in)

4: ~ Y!ng

;j YAng (Li's .-ang)

!$! Dong

]f;l Dong (Li's ·'UIIg)

5,

X Wtn (Li's ·-.m)

6, ~ Dong

~ DOng (Lj's ·-.mgw)

" If Qin

if: Qin (Li's ·-OIm)

8: ~ZMng

9,

li!nn

11 ZMng (Lj's ··OIng) ~ Tan (Lj's .-am)

Yimhlng groups:

" lIt G. 2, X Zhl

" nll Zhl

:ft ~ (Lj's .-ar) X ZhI and mXI (Li's ·-ig and ·-ik) na ZhI and ri Zhl (Li's ·-id and ·-it) ttl Wei and ~ WU (Li's ·-Old and ·-011) ~

4:

f!!. Y6

5'

~ "6.

lti' YOu " 11i X;>o g, Z Zhl

6:

9:

.g. He

n and

~ Yllt (Li's·-ad and ·-ot)

f!!. Y6 and. Du6 (Lj's .-og and .-aA:) ~ H6u and Ii WQ (Li's ._ug and ··uk) I!fi YOu and 111 Jue (Li's ··018'" and ·-OI,lw) W Xi!o and ~ no (Li's .-agw and .-akw) 2. Zhland .m Zhi (Lj's ·-OIg and ··OI,t)

mQI (Lj's ··OIp)

~ He (Li's ._ap)

(111) ~si
is the phonetic element in the character (112) ~ deng < tongx 'step of a stair',

165

166

4. T,tub'tWftDl '~U(lTcJr 011 Old CIrUr#-f'- ,hyming

The former is in the 2. Zhl group (U's •• ~g), the latter in the • Z'.hfng group (Li's ·-~ng); the first is Group 8 of K6ng Gu!ng~n's yfnshlng groups, and the second is Group 8 of his ydngshlng groups. Thus the phe· nomenon of yfn·ydng duizhudn refers to a class of systematic exceptions to DuRn Yucw's principle "t6ng sheng bl t6ng bu [same phonetic, same rhyme group]". However,like DAi Zh~n, K6ng Gulngsen ignored some rhyme distinctions in order to make his system of categories more orderly. For example, in his ydngsheng Group 3 he combined. Zhfn and )( Wfn (Li's ··jn and ··~n), as DAi Zh~n did, even though DuRn YUCW had. discovered that they were distinct; and in his yfnshlng Groups 3 and 9, he combined groups that were distinguished by his teacher DAi Zhen. Moreover, the parallelism is not per· fect: the relationship between ydngshlng Group 7 (Li's ··OJm) and yfnshlng Group 7 (U's ·-agw and ··akw) is not parallel to that between ydngshlng Group 9 (Li's ··am) and yfnshlng Group 9 (Li's •. ~p and .-ap). 4.3.9. Wang NillnsOn (1744-1832) Wang NiAnsiin I~D;J26 was a student of DAi Zh~n, as we have seen, According to a letter he wrote to JiAng Yougllo, Wing NiAnsjjn set up a system of twenty·one rhyme categories on his own after studying the works of Gu Ylinwu and Jiang YOOg; it was only later that he saw the writings of DuAn YUcii and discovered that he had apparently duplicated Duln's discoveries independently.l27 (We will see below that according to Dulln Yucw, the same discoveries were independently made a third time by JiAng youglo.) Wing NiAnsjjn's major phonological works were the following:

. Moo ShI qiuljlng Child gil yiln pll '6~lU~!lllfi5llilllf

[Manual of ancient rhymes from the Moo SM. the various classics, and the Chl1cf), also known by the title Gl1 yun pl1 ~fiU. [Manual of ancient rhymes]

- Yiln pllllilllf [Manual of rllymes] . H~ yUrl pu

..g.mm [Manual of combined rhymes]

None of these were published during Wang NiAnsiin's lifetime. The Mao SM qUn jing Chikf yun pl1 is included in GiioyOu Wdng shl y{ shU iJ.ii6x

4J. The deWlopwtelll of the Iraditional analysis

167

Tabk 4.7. W!ng Nilnsiln'sOId Olincse mymcgroups

Group

Coments

lI! DOng (U', .....) ~ DOag (Lj's '-~gw) 2, ~Zhen.

If Q!n

. . Zheng ((.i's '-~S)

4, ~ TOn

fI Qfn (Lj's ":HII) it Un (Lj's '-am)

" IIIi YOn.

; ; YAng (Lj's '-ans)

6:

vt= Geng

vt= Geng (Li's '.iIlS)

7,

1( Zhf.

. . Zhen (Lj's '-ill)

3,

8, ~ 2M.

X

9: 7G YaWl

7Ii. YuAn (Li's '-an)

-

H>. II: 12,

ljj; Ge

X Zhl :?ti Zhl

Wtn (U's "~II)

*: Ge (U's '-or) X Zhl and mXl (lj's '.is ard '-it) • Zhl (li's '-il) and part of lbe qJlshlllS portion of ZhI (U's '-id)

m

m

lbe remainder of ZhI (Lj's '.id) It Wei and ~ WI) (li's '-<Jd and '-~I)

..,

~n

f.ilnand ~ Y~(Lj's'-adand'-dl)

15,

l!I H6

~ Ht(li's '-op)

16,

III Q!

mQ!

17,

Z Zh1

L

(U', '.",)

Zhl and

as

ZJ\I (Lj's '-~s and '-~k)

P

Dull (Li's '-
18: ~, YU

~, YU and

19, ~ H"

~ H6u and Ii WD (Lj's "11.8 and '-14k)

2l>.

II!I Yo.

21, ~ X"'"

ItiI YOU and ~ Jut (Lj's '-~8W and ,.~.tw) ~ Xiao

and.

no(Li's '-
~ill. [posthumous writings of the W4nfsclan of Gaoy6uj (preface dated 1925), collecled by Lu6 Zhe.yu JllliiEE.1 The Yd. pd and ylln pd are

m

unpublished manuscripts, formerly owned by Lu6

~nyu

and now said to

168 4. Traditional ruearch on Old ChiMu rhyming

be in the collection of Beijing University.l29 Wang NiAnsfin is also known for Du shu zd zM ~.ft;z [Miscellaneous notes from reading] (printed 1812-1831), containing annotations on various classical texts, and Gudngyd sha zhing [Annotations and evidence on the Gudngyd).130 Wang Niansun's original twenty-one rhyme groups are listed in Table 4.7, with the corresponding groups of ZhOu ZUm6's list. The major differences between this analysis and the modern version presented in Table 4.1, other than occasional differences in labels, are as follows:

.-.mm

1. In the tradition of the kdogu pdi [antiquity-investigating school], Wang Niansiin did not set up separate ru.shlng groups, but included ru.sheng words in the corresponding yfnshlng groups (e.g. he included U's *-ak and *-ag in the same group).

2. The other major difference is the existence of the group ~ Zhl. This group includes the ru.shing words which Li Fang-kuei reconstructed with *·it, along with a few qu.sheng words having strong xieshlng connections with *-it words. For example, the word (113) ~zhi
1m sf < sijH 'four', U's *sjidh

(116) ~ Qi < khjijH 'to abandon', Li's *khjidh

(117)

mhui < hwejH 'kind, good', U's *gwidh

According to Wang U's proposed distinction between H~ Zhi and iia Wei (Li's *-id and *.tJd), these three words, and others like them, should be included in the front-vowel nlJ Zhi group as U's reconstruction implies (Wang Li 1937 [l980J' 130-34).

When consulting the works of Karlgren, it is imponant to llOI:e that, unlike most other modem scholars, he seems to have followed Wling Nilnsun consistently on these points, and never accepted Wing U's discovery. Thus he reconstructed ~ zhl < tsyijH as -jiid, in his Group XI (which corresponds to the qwhlng portion of Wling Niansun's ~ Zhl group), but he reconstructed the other three words above as -sixi, *k'jed, and *g'iwad respectively, in his Group VI (which corresponds largely to the qilshlng portion of WAng Nilnsun's 1m Zhi group). Similarly, in non-qilshlng words he failed to distinguish Wtng U's Zhi and i:ti: Wfi; his *·ar com:· sponds to both --id and --~ in Li's system. (This problem is discussed in DlOfe detail in section 10.1.8.)

na

3. Fmally, in his original system of twenty-one rhyme groups, Wling NibsOn did not recognize the distinction between !l OOng (Li's --ung) and ~ Dong (Li's -·,mgw), discovered by K6ng Gu3.ngsen. However, in his late manuscript Ht yun pil, he accepted this distinction, resulting in a system of twenty-two groups. 132 In WAng Nilnsiin's analysis (and the almost identical analysis of Jiling Y6ugao, described below) the development of the Qing schol.m' Old Chinese rhyme analysis reached its culmination. It is especially noteworthy that Wling NiAnsiin and Iilrng Y6ugao appear to have arrived at almost identical conclusions independently of each other, and even independently of Duln yucti. Modem scholars have relied especially on the work of these two scholars, with very little modification, in devising reconstruction schemes for Old Chinese. Many of the discrepancies between the reconstructions of Karlgren on the one hand and Dllng T6ngh6 and Li Fang·kuei on the other result from the fact that Karlgren followed Wling Nilnsiin especially closely. 4.3.10. JiAng Y6ugAo (d. 1851) Jilng Yoogao Ulfi6 133 , having read the works of Gu YAnwu and Jilng Y6ng, but apparently working independently of later scholan, came up with his own list of twenty Old Chinese rhyme groups, expanding it to twentyone groups after accepting K6ng GuAngstn's distinction between !l Dong (Li's -·ung) and ~ DOng (Li's *-.mgw). In a preface to Jilrng Y6ugao's ShIjTng yllndu ~I<¥lil" [Rhymes of lb. Shfjrngl. DUM Yilc4i says:

In the spring of this year [1812], Mr. Jiling nnsAn [Y6ugao] of She xiln sent me a manuscript on phonology. I know he had not seen the works

170 4. Traditiol'llJl research on Old ClUMse rhyming

Table 4.8. JiAng YOugOO's Old Chinese mymegroups Group 1,

2:

Z ZhI riff YOu

COnlenls

2. ZhT and ft Zhf (Li's ._~g and ••~.t) ftIg

YOu and ~ Jut (Lj's *':1gw and *-:1kw)

3, ~ Xiao

1l Xiaoand • Yae (Li's *-agw and *-akw)

4: ~ H6u

~ H6u and ~ Wii (Lj's

f!!, Yli lJX Ge

.'"g and ··uk)

J!< Zh1 a, nli Zh1

f!!. Yli and ~ Du6 (U's *-ag and *-a.k) *: Ge (Lj's .-ar) X Zhi and jJ XI (Li's *-ig and .-iI;) RIj Zhl and It Zhl (Li's *·id and *.iI)

9, ~n

~ n and

10: 7G Yuan

7G Yuan (Lj's *-an)

II:

X Wen

12:

1(: Zhen

X Wcn (U's *-~,,) A 2".Mn (U's *-iIl)

13:

.tit Geng 1% Y"'a

5:

6,

7,

14,

15: . . DOng 16:

q:r ZhOng

17: ~Zheng

m: Wei and ~ Wu (Li's *-~ and ·_~t) Jj Y~ (Lj's ·-atiand *-at)

.u Geng (Lj's *-i"g) JIM YAng (Lj's *-a"g) !it! DOng (Li's *-ung) ~ DOng (Li's *-~"gw)

Ii Zheng (Lj's *.~"g)

la, !l!Qln

m

19: ~ Tlin

~ Tan (Li's *-am)

20,

'f;1i YO

21,

mQt

Q"m (U's *-;nn)

~

He (U's *-ap)

fa or (Li's *-~p)

of Dai [Zhen] and K6ng [Gu1ngsen], but he held views which coincided with theirs; I marveled greatly at the fineness of his study. This autumn, in the ninth month, he visited me at ZhTyUM, brought out the work he had written, and asked me to write a preface for it. I looked carefully at his book, and found it fine and deep, profound and

4.4. Discussion and iJlterpretalwn

171

meticulous. Now Gil [Y4nwiJ]. K6ng [Gulngsen] and I are united in investigating antiquity [kdo gill, while Jilng [Yang] and Oli [Z~n} at the same time discriminate sounds [shin yfn]; but [Jilng] nnsln [Yoo· glo} has attained profound rcsullS in both areas on his own. l34 Aside from occasional differences in the characters chosen as labels, Jilng YoogAo's rhyme categories are the same as those of Wing NiAnsiin, except for W4ng's ~ Zhl category, which is included as pan of the 1m' ZhT cate· gory in Jilng YoogAo's system. Thus.. after the inclusion of Kong Gulngsfn's distinction between" DOng (U's ··ung) and ~ DOng (Li's ··~ngw), Jilng Y6ugAo has a total of twenty-one groups, compared with twenty-two in the final version of Wing NiAnsiin's system. Jilng Y6ugAo's rhyme groups are listed in Table 4.8. Except for the lack of Wling U's distinction between ij~ Zhl and tti: Wei, and the lack of separate calegories for nlsheng words, this system is the same as the "modem" version of the Qing rhyme categories introduced in section 4.2. Jii\ng Y6ugAo was especially careful in specifying the relationship between Old and Middle Chinese categories, which is perhaps the reason for OuAn Yucai's comment that he "attained profound resullS" in both investigating antiquity (kdo glI) and in discriminating sounds (shin yin).

4.4. Discussion and interpretation The traditional analysis of Old Otinese rhyming exemplified by the work of WB.ng NiAnsUn and Jiang Y6ugao was a major intellectual achievement, but

if we examine ilS history, we also find clues to its limitations. As we have seen, it was easy for Chinese readers to notice cases where Old Chinese rhyme groups had split, because in such cases words which originally rhymed no longer rhymed in modem pronunciation. Such cases gave the impression that, in the words of Lu DemIng, "the ancients rhymed loosely" (see section 4.3.1 above). Since the Gudngyl2n specified a very fine-grained system of 206 rhyme categories, it was underslandable that. lacking a more convenient notalion, the traditional phonologists would take Gudngyun rhymes as appropriate units for analyzing Old Chinese rhyming. At first they observed that in Old Chinese poetry, such-and·such a Guangyun rhyme appeared to be used interchangeably with such-and-such another. It was only gradually that lhey discovered more and more cases where words in the same Guangyun rhyme had to be assigned to different Old Otinese rhyme categories: For example, Gu Ylinwu discovered that the .If.J

172 4. TraditiOMI research. on Old C~se rh.yming

Ma (Ma:) rhyme had two different origins (his Groups 3 and 6). Similarly, Jiang Y6ng's identification of 7G Yulln (his Group 5, Li's *-an) as a separate group involved recognizing that the words of the Gudngyl1n's Jt Xian (Sen) and L1J Shan (Sren) rhymes had more than one origin. As more such cases were discovered, it became possible to make a more fine-grained analysis of Old Chinese rhyming. Thus we observe a tendency for the number of recognized Old Chinese rhyme categories to increase over time: Chen 01 recognized nine categories. Gu Ylinwii ten, Jiang Y6ng thirteen, Duan Yiic:li seventeen, Jiang Y6ugao twenty-one, and Wl1ng Niansun (eventually) twenty-two. Although more and more Gudngyl1n rhymes were recognized as having more than one origin, the tendency to think in terms of GudngytJn rhymes remained very strong, as shown by the practice of using GudngyUn rhyme names as labels for Old Chinese rhyme groups. Most of the categories rec· ognized by the Qrng phonologists are related rather directly to some Guangyl1n rhyme; usually, the label of the group is a Gu4ngyun rhyme which comes exclusively from that group. Thus the Gu4ngyl1n rhyme L Zhi (Tsyi) is used as a label for the L Zhi group (Li's *-<1g) because all the words in the L Zhi (Tsyi) rhyme come from this group; similarly, 7G Yuan is used as a label for the 7G Yulin group (Li's *-an) because all the words in the 7G Yuan (Ngjwon) rhyme come from that group. Or consider the three Gudngyl1n rhymes 1f. Zhi (Tsye), n~ Zhi (Tsyij), and L Zhi (Tsyi). They have merged completely in most modem dialects; they are adjacent to each other in the Gudngyl1n, and are "t6ngy6ng" or interchangeable in regulated verse. Any Chinese living after the Tang dynasty might reasonably assume that this three-way distinction is arbitrary and artificial. Duan Yudi discovered that this distinction reflects a three-way distinction in Old Chinese rhyming, and his discovery was apparendy duplicated independently by Wang Niansun and Jiang Y6ugAo. But making this discovery did not require them to abandon the assumption that Old Chinese rhyme groups were reflected more or less directly in the Gudngyun. This unconscious assumption continued to constrain their analysis, even as they discovered more and more complexities in the relationship between Old and Middle Chinese. A closely related limitation of traditional phonology was, of course, the lack of a convenient phonetic notation. I have been refening to traditional Old Chinese rhyme groups by giving bOlh their traditional labels and their reconstructions in Li Fang-kuei's system. By now the reader will probably appreciate that the latter is a much more convenient notation than the

4.4. Discussion aN1 inIerpretatio"

173

former. Pan of the relationship among *.~g, *·~k, and *·~ng. for example, is conveniently expressed by the use of a common vowel symbol *~. (If we know elementary phonetics we also recognize that the coda is a velar in each case, though on this point our Western-style notation is sti.lliess than ideal.) If we bring in the three additional groups *-og, *-at, and *·ang, it is easy to see them as part of a two-dimensional structure which connects them, based on contrasts of height in the vowel and manner of articulation in the cOOa: *.~g

*.~k.

*·~ng

*-ag

*-at

*·ang

In this notation, each row and column has a common symbol. By contrast, the traditional character labels provide no such structural clues:

2IB ....

The QIng phonologists were aware of such structural relations, and had terms for some of them The tenus yTn, ydng, and ro, for example, correspond to the horizontal dimension of the structure above, which represents the manner of articulation of the coda. But in the absence of a convenient analytical notation, recognizing such structural relationships was a rather subde matter, and we have seen that the Qing scholars did not always identify them consistently. A funha limitation on traditional phonology will be discussed in Otapter 9, namely the reliance on the analysis of the Chinese script given in the SJwbwinjilzl, which is affected by post-ShIJing sound changes. Traditional research in Old Chinese rhyming did not stop with Wang Niansun and JiAng YoogAo, but the analysis had gone almost as far as it could within the limitations of traditional methods. (Moreover, in the latter pan of the nineteenth century, China's best minds may have been preoccupied with other problems.) Hu:1ng Kin M-ort (1886-1935), a student of Zhang BlngHn (1868-1936), explored the distributional patterns of finals with initial consonants, and came up with ideas which anticipate some of the hypotheses to be presented here; but he failed to synthesize these ideas with the discoveries of previous investigators about rhyming. Viewing traditional phonology in historical perspective, and noting the constraints within which it worked, we can admire the work of the Qing phonologists and still not be surprised that it requires revision. The next

.mG

174

4. T,Dditiottal nY-tJTel! tHI Old C ~ rJcymiflg

several chapters formulate the hypotheses which are the basis of the revisions I propose.

Chapter 5 The Old Chinese syllahle: an overview

In Otaptcrs S through 8. I present the major hypotheses embodied in the reconstruction system I propose for Old Qtinese. lbe discussion in subsequent chapters will be clearer if we begin with an overview of the basic syllable structure which will be assu"."..d for Old Chinese. and the elements which can occur in each structural position. Chapters 6. 7. and 8 discuss the basic hypotheses of the reconstruction system in more detail, using this

syllable structure as a framework. The tenns pre-initial. initial, medial, main vowel. coda, and post-coda will be used to identify structural positions within an Old OUnese syllable. For example. consider the following hem: (118) ~ [chiJn] < sr£1lX < *sngrjanJ 'breed. bear' 135

In this example, I call *s- the pre-initial and *ng the initial; the pre-initial and initial together may be called the "initial portion" of the syllable, of which the initial may be regarded as the head. The remainder of the syllable is its final, consisting of mediaJs ··rj-. the main vowel *-a-, the coda *-n-. and the post-<XXla *-1 (assumed to be the source of Middle Cbinese sMng· shlng). Each of these positions in syllable structure is briefly discussed in the remainder of this chapter.

5.1. Pre-initials In the pre-initial position, I reconstruct the elements *h *5· *fi-, and *N-. The pre-initial *s- forms clusters of the type *sl-, *sm-, etc. with the fol· lowing initial. I reconstruct it to account for graphic and morphological relationships; for example, I reconstruct OC *sm- in (119)

II sdng < sang < *smang

'mourning, burial' also sang < sangH <

*smangs 'to lose' because of the probable graphic and morphological relationshi ps l36 to (120)

t: wdng < mjang < *mj(Jllg 'not have, not exist; die'.

176 5. The Old ChiMse syllable: an. overview

Clusten; with *5- are later lost through simplification (for example, *sm- > S-, as here). I write capital *S- in those occasional cases where *s-elusters appear to metathesize to form affricates, such as (121) jR quan < dzjwen < *SgWjan 'spring'. A word like ~ quan < dzjwen could also be reconsnucted as *dzjon, but as Jaxontov pointed out (1960b: 106), this word rhymes consistently as *-an (see Appendix C), so 1 reconstruct it as *SgWjan, where the labiove1ar *gW_

accounts for the Middle Chinese hiMu final -jwen. This capital *S- is a purely diacritic notation for those cases of *s- which appear to induce metathesis; the conditions for these metatheses are not yet clear. The pre-initial * fj- may precede voiceless initials, producing a voiced reflex in Middle Chinese: e.g. *lip- > MC b-. I reconstruct *fj- in order to account for morphological relationships between forms with voiced and voiceless initials, e.g. in cases like (122)

J& bdi < b:ejH < *liprats 'to be defeated',

which is clearly related to (123)

J& bdi
(A capital *H- may be used as a typable equivalent for *fj-.) NO[ all Middle Chinese voiced initials necessarily come from clusters with *fj-, however; MC b- can also reflect OC *b-. The pre-initial *N- is a nasalizing element which pnxluces a nasal reflex in Middle Chinese, e.g. *Nk- > MC ng- ([I)]). Like pre-initial *s-, *N- is reconstructed to account for graphic or morphological relationships. In most cases, words with Middle Chinese nasal initials occur in xiesheng series with other nasal·initial words (or words where we would reconstruct the corresponding voiceless nasal *Jun-, *hn-, or *hng-; see below). In these cases it is best to reconstruct simple nasals *m-, *n-, *ng-, and *ngW _. But when nasal initials are in xiesheng series with oral stops, we may reconstruct clusters with *N-. For example, (124)

7[j

yutfn < ngjwon < *Nkjon 'head; supreme; great'

is phonetic in, and possibly cognate to, (125) j{;l guiin

< kwan < */wn 'cap'.

(The Shuowen says that 7G yuan 'head' is both a phonetic and a semantic element in the graph iff gutin 'cap'; see Ding Fub~o 1928-1932 [1976];

5.2. lnirinls

177

3357.) Not all Middle Chinese nasals have this origin, however; e.g. MC ng. can also reflect simple *ng· (a digraph for [1]1).

5.2. Initials The initials reconstructed for Old Chinese are summarized in Table 5.1. 137 Tabid.J. Old Chinese initial consonants 'p-

',-

*ph*/h-

'b'd-

'm-

'.-

'hm, M-

,~

"',*j-

,~-

'k*.l:;w_ ,~

*/sh*kh*kwh_

*dz· 'g*gW_

'x-

'lI-

',*lIg*ngW_

*hng*hngw•

*hw'hJ-

'''''.-,',-

'f"'-

To make the notation fully typable, one may substitute *kw· for *kw _ etc., and an apostrophe *'. for the glottal stop initial *7-. These initials will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 6; for now it will be sufficient to note a number of important differences between this set of initials and the initials of Middle Chinese: - There is a separate set of labiovelar and labiolaryngeal initials *kw _, *kwh_, etc., distinct from *k·, *kh·, etc. - Both *r· and *J. are reconsuucled. W - The resonants *m- '*n· *ng'ng _ *r- *l- *w- and *;- have a cor· " ""J responding voiceless series *hm-, *hn-, *hng-, *hngW _, *hr-, *hl-, *hw-, and *hj-. (These may be interpreted as IPA [Il}], [I)], [g], etc.)

- There are no distinct palatal or retroflex obstruents as there are in Middle Chinese. The remaining syllable positions-the medial, main vowel, coda, and postCOda-comprise the final of the syllable.

5.3. Medial. The medial elements reconstructed are ··r-, •.j-, and (marginally) *-/-; the combinations -·rj- and ·-Ij- are also assumed. Medial ··r- is reconstructed

in Middle Chinese division-I] syllables. and in syllables with Middle Chinese retroflex initials; this reconstruction, which we may call the ,,·,.·hypolhesis", is due to Jaxontov (though he reconstructed */ instead of *r, see Jaxontov 196Oa. 1963). An example of *-r- in division n is the following:

(126) §jidn < b:m < -kram 'see; inspect'. In some cases, I assume that an original voiced consonant was lost before *-r-; in such cases, the Middle Chinese reflex is initial /-: (127) ~ ldn < Jam < -g-ram 'indigo'.

The initial velar is confinned by Prolo-Tai ·gram (tone A2; see Li Fangkuei 1977: 231). The *r-hypolhesis accounts for the frequent occurrence of such I-initial words in the same xiisheng series with division-II words, as here, where I;. ·kram is phonetic in ~ ·g-ram. Medial *-j. is reconstructed in Middle Chinese division-Ill syllables (those written in my notation with -j- or -i- or both); in this respect the present system is similar to Karlgren's (though Karlgren wrote ._j- where I write .-j.). Unlike Karlgren, however, I recognize this •.j. as the factor condi· tioning the development of palatal initials from original dentals--and in some cases from original velars as well. The following examples illustrate the development of Middle Chinese palatals from Old Chinese dentals and velars: (128)

II: zhf < tsyik. < ·'jik. 'to weave'

(129) ~ h < nye < ·ngje 'child, son' This basic theory of division·m finals and palatalization was first outlined by'PuUeyblank (1962), though he has proposed a prosoclic feature of some kind rather than the segment ._j- as the conditioning factor. By contraSt, Karlgren reconstructed the Middle Chinese palatal affricates lsy· etc. as palatal stops ·i-, and did not recognize the development of palatals from velars at all. TIle combination ·-rj- is reconstructed in division·IIJ syllables with retroflex initials, and also in most division·m cMngniiI finals. This laner idea was also originally proposed (in slightly different form) by Pulleyblank

53. MediaJs

179

(1962); we may call it the "*rj-hypothesis". Thus I reconstruct *-rj- in the following items: (130)

1:. sMng < srlDtg < srjzng < *srjeng 'be Ixrrn, live'

(131) • bidn
W: ludn < lwan < *b-ron 'harness bells'.

(The initial labial in fa ludn is confirmed by the Thai phruan < *br- 'neck bells (for domestic animals)'; see Bodman 1980: 74.) The reconstruction of *-r- in division-ill finals accounts nicely for cases such as " bidn where division-lli finals occur in the same xMsMng series with Middle Chinese initial/-, and with division-II words, as in (133)

mmdn < m;cn < *mron 'Southern barbarians'.

It appears to be necessary to reconstruct *-/- as well as *-r- in medial position in order to account for some phonetic series, though the theory of medial *-/- is not as well-developed as that of medial *-r-, and it is often difficult to reconstruct medial *-/- with confidence. Unlike the other medials, *-/- seems to have had little effect on the development of the following final, and from a diachronic point of view it might be more convenient to regard it as part of the initial. This question is discussed further in Chapter 6. Conspicuously absent from this set of medial elements are Karlgren's "stronE vocalic *·i-", which he reconstructed in division-IV finals, and the rounded medial *-w-, which he reconstructed to account for Middle Chinese -woo Abandoning these two medials involves two hypotheses which are crucial to my reconstruction system: the "front-vowel hypothesis" and the "rounded-vowel hypothesis" respectively. Briefly, the front-vowel hypothesis assumes that Old Chinese had no "strong vocalic" medial *-i-; in the division-lV syllables where Karlgren reconstructed *-i-, I generally reconstruct a front main vowel *-i- or *-einstead, with no medial (see the section 5.4 below},138 as in these ex.amples: (134) ~ jidn < ken < *kin 'hard, solid, strong' (Karlgren *kien) (135) ,Ijij jian < ken < *ken ·shoulder'. (Karlgren *kian) The syllables *kin and *ken merged as MC ken through the process I call hi > mid, discussed in Chapter 7.

ISO 5. 1M Old CIUM.K syttable:

all

overvi<w

1be rounded-vowel hypothesis, due to Jaxontov (196Ob), assumes that Old Chinese had no freely-occurring medial ·-w-, and that Middle Chinese medial -w- reflects either a labialized initial such as ·kw - or a rounded main vowel ·0 or ·u. Thus a syllable like MC kwan might reflect either ·It!"an or ·A:on; but since I do not reconstruct labialized acute (coronal) initials like ./w_ for Old Chinese, syllables like Me twan, with -w· after an acute initial, must be reconstructed as ·,on; reconstructions like·twan or ·,wan are ruled out. In such cases, MC -w- results from a process I call rounding diphthongization which applied to rounded vowels before acute codas (·0> ·wa and ·u > ·wi). The front-vowel hypothesis and the roundedvowel hypothesis are discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.

5.4. Main vowels 1be core element and only obligatory portion of the final is the main vowel, chosen from the six vowels listed in Table 5.2. Table 5.2. Old Chinese main vowels

"

'I

"

'.

'0 '0

(A plus sign .+ may be used as a typable equivalent for *;.) In terms of distinctive features, these vowels may be specified by the three features [± high], L± back], and L± round]; in addition, I will consider ·a to be redundantly [+ low]. This feature analysis is summarized in Table 5.3.

5.5. CodastJNipost-codas

181

Talk 53. Feawre analysis of Old Chinese main vowels ""wei

[± '"&h)

[± backl

'j

+

"

+

+

+

+

'.

[± round)

[± low) (-) (-)

+

"

(-) (-)

'0

+

'0

+

+

(-)

(+)

By rne Middle Chinese stage, mis vowel system had undergone radical changes, conditioned especially by elements in me initial and medial positions.

5.5. Codas and post-codas The main vowel of an Old Chinese syllable may be followed by one of the codas listed in Table 5.4. Table 5.4. Old Chinese codas

··k

'., -oM'

'

..

-o~

--p

--m

'The cooa *owk could also be written as *okM'. This element is structurally isolated, there being no corresponding *_wng. 139 It is also Quite possible that Old Chinese also had the codas *o[ or *-r or born, but these are difficult to reconstruct from Ql.inese evidence alone. Absent from this list of codas are the final voiced stops --g, *·d, --b which Karlgren reconstructed in certain ylnshlng words in order to explain rhymes and xibhing contacts with rllshing words. (Li Fang-kuei reconstructed a coda *ogw as well.) My reasons for rejecting these final voiced stops are discussed in Chapter 8, but I will briefly summarize them here. For one thing, final voiced stops seem typologically odd for a language like Old

182 5. TM Old C ~ ryllable:

011

overview

Chinese; final voicing contrasts are somewhat unusual even in European languages, and vinuaJly unknown in Chinese and typOlogically similar languages. Mor-eover, if final voiced stops are reconstructed as freely as in some systems, there is little or no room left for open syllables or syllables ending in glides, which also looks typologically odd. More importantly, however, other hypotheses (such as the hypothesis that q-ushLng reflects earlier syllable-final *·s) appear to account better for the phenomena which final voiced stops were originally intended to explain. The codas in Table 5.4 may be followed by one of the following postcodas, whose Middle O1inese reflexes are tonal: I. *·s, the source of Middle O1inese q-ushing

2. *-7, the source of Middle Chinese shdngsheng. I assume that any type of coda could be followed by one of these poslcodas. Like the pre-initials, they often served as derivational elements, though we need not assume that they had such a function in every case. A final *-s caused a preceding voiceless stop to be lost, as in the following example: (l36) ~ ~ < 7al < *7al 'bad', also read wJ2 < 1uH < *7ales 'to dislike'

If we assume that stops were also lost before *7, it is possible for Middle

Chinese shiJ.ngshing words 10 reflect Old Chinese syllables with voiceless stop codas. This allows us to recognize a single root *p(j)ik in the following items: (137)

AIll < bjuwx < "fipji(k)J'carry on the back'

(138) ~t hii <pok < "pik '(back side:) north' (139) (l40)

'If ~i
Note that although the post-eodas *·7 and *-s are the sources of Middle Chinese shiJ.ngshing and q-usheng respectively, their distribution in Old Chinese is different from the distribution of the Middle Chinese lones. In Middle Chinese, there are no tonal distinctions within the category of rushing (slop-final) syllables; this is what makes it possible to regard nlshing as a fourth tonal category. But in Old Chinese as reconstructed here, the post-codas *·7 and *·s OCCl!r after all codas, including voiceless stops. Another way to put it is that, in Old Otinese, the distinction of ping, shiJ.ng,

5.6. TM syllable/rom OldChifW!se to Middle Chineu

183

and qu crosscuts the distinction between rushing and non-rilsheng, as shown in Table 5.5. Table 5.5. From Old Chinese post-codas to Middle Chinese tones

"",,-coda

non'rWhillg

·_[zero] > p{IlglnJ:

.-i> -oj

·-ik> -01

·-7> shifng:

·-i7> -ojX

··ik7> -njX

·-s> qu:

·-is> -njH

··iks> -njH

5.6. The syllable from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese We can summarize the phonological developments from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese by examining the fate of the elements in each position of the Old Chinese syllable: 1. The pre-initial position was lost entirely as the pre-initial elements merged with the following initials to form single initial consonants, e.g. (141) (142)

.1& bc)j < ba:jH < *fiprats 'to be defeated' III sang <sang < *smang 'mourning, burial'.

2. The initial consonants of Old Chinese were influenced by both the preceding pre-initials (as described above) and the following medials; for example, dentals developed into palatals when followed by *.j. and into retroflex stops when followed by *-r-; they remained as dentals only in syllables without medials. This development is illustrated by the following examples from a single xjeshing series: (143)

III tuan < dwan < *don «

(144)

.w: zhuiin < tsywen < *tjon 'alone; exclusively'

*nton 7) 'round'

(145) "zhuan < tr}wenX < *trjollJ 'turn round'

Another change in initials was that the labial features of the labiovelar and labiolaryngeal initials like *kw - were reanalyzed as a medial -W-, merging with the -w- which arose from the diphthongization of rounded vowels before acute codas: thus (146)

-g gUlln < kwan < *kwan 'official'

184 5. TM Old Chinesuyllable:

4ft

overview

merged with (147)

XI guall < kwan < ·kell 'cap'.

3. In medial position, the medial ._j- apparently underwent little phonological change (although it is possible that its phonetic nature changed). Original medial ·-r- was lost after grave initials; I call this change After acute initials, ··r- seems to have remained as a feature of retroflexion in the initial. l40 Finally, -w- was added to the medial system through the reanaJy· sis of the labialized initials (mentioned above) and through the diphthongizarion of rounded vowels in certain finals.

·,-loss.

4. The vowel system of Old Chinese underwent rather substantial changes conditioned by other elements of the syllable, especially the medial and the coda. The change rounding diphthongization has already been mentioned. Another far-reaching change was hi > mid, which lowered high vowels to mid height when not preceded by ._j-. For example, ·i lowered to ·e in

(148) ~ jidn < ken < *kin 'hard, solid, strong', which thus merged with (149)

R!J jidll < ken < ·kell 'shoulder'.

But after ._j-, the high/mid distinction remained, as in (ISO) ~\ bl
which remained distinct from (151)

2: bit < pjiel (IV) < ·pjel'turtle'.

Another set of vowel changes was conditioned by medial ·-r-. J assume that before medial ·-r- was lost, it affected the quality of the following vowel through a change 1 call ·r..color. For example, I assume that Ii -kram 'see; inspect' became [mm] as a result of·r-color. At first. the [reI in this fonn was probably JUSI an allophone of fa!; but after medial .-r- was lost, [a] and [eel became phonologically distinct. In this way, medial ·-r- in division-U syllables ultimalely gave rise 10 the distinctive Middle Chinese vowels of division n, which J write as -~ and -£-. The same change .r-color was also responsible in part for the developmenl of Ihe chOngnill distinction. In most cases (following Pulleyblank 1962: 111-14), J reconstruct division-m changnill syllables wilh the medial ·-rjfollowed by either a front or a back vowel; the contrasting division-IV ch6l1gnill finals are reconstrucled with medial • .j- followed by a front vowel. The following examples illustrate these developmenls:

5.6.

T~

syllable/rom Old C1UM~ 10 MUJdk Chinese

185

(152) ~ min <min (III) < *mrjin 'austere, stem' (153)

JK min < min (III) < *mrjin 'kind or precious stone'

(154) ~ min < mjin (IV) < *mjin 'people'

5. The codas appear to bave remained relatively stable, except for the loss of stops berore the post-eodas *·s and *·1, as in ~ wu < 1uH < *1aks 'hate' and 1\ ftl < bjuwx < *fipji(k)7 'carry on the back' (see above). In a few cases, dissimilations also operated to change codas, as in this example, which shows MC -ng < OC *·m: (155) JI/lng
6. The post-eodas *·1and *·s, which are responsible for the tonal contrasts of Middle Chinese, may perhaps be regarded as shirting from segmental to suprasegrnental status by the Middle Chinese period (though it is by no means clear that these contrasts involved pitch alone even for Middle Chinese). Chapters 6, 7, and 8 discuss these proposals about the structure and development or the Old Chinese syllable in more detail.

Chapter 6 The Old Chinese syllable: initial consonants Old Chinese initial consonants are more difficult to reconstruct than Old Chinese finals. because we have less evidence about them. The Shijing rhymes. which tell us much about main vowels and codas. tell us nothing

about initial consonants. We must therefore rely primarily on the initials of Middle Chinese and on the evidence from the writing system. Our basic stt'8tegy is to project the Middle Chinese initials backwards in time in a way which is consistent with the graphic evidence. Some additional evidence can be gleaned from apparent morphological patterns. For example. as mentioned in the previous chapter. it is reasonable to reconstruct initial *sm- rather than simple ·s- in

sang < sang < ·smang 'mourning, funeral', also read sdng < sangH < ·smangs 'to lose'.

(156) •

because it is likely (0 be related to (157)

C wdng < mjarlg < *mjang 'be gone'.

Even though our understanding of Old Chinese morphology is still shallow, such connections often reveal much about the Old Chinese system of initial consonants. There is also comparative evidence concerning Old Chinese initials which bas still not been fully utilized. The initial consonants reconstructed for Proto-MIn, the ancestor of the modem Min dialects (Bodman 1969: 344; Norman 1974) are rather different from those of Middle Chinese, and should eventually be accounted for in an Old Chinese reconstruction. though the present study makes no attempt to do so. Early Chinese loan wOlds in other languages. such as those of the Miao-Yao group (also called "HmongMien"), may also provide additional evidence about Old Chinese initials. Comparison with Tibelo-Bunnan can also be expected to clarify some problems. For all these reasons, the reconstruction of Old Chinese initials offered here must be regarded as provisional. 141 Section 6.1 below deals with simple initials and their reflexes (including reflexes conditioned by a following "·r- or ".j-); complex initial clusters are discussed in section 6.2.

188

6.

TIwOIdC1tiIl6~syllabk:

iltirinlr::oll$OlJDlllS

6,1, Simple initials In this section, simple initials are discussed in groups according to their position of aniculatioo_ 1be manner of aniculation of Old Otinese initials is reconstructed entirely on the basis of Middle Chinese, since the other kinds of evidence used in this study provide no infonnation about this problem. 6.1.1. Labial inilials I reconstruct five labial initials for Old Chinese; except for the voiceless nasal *hm-, which becomes EMC X-, they remain essentially unchanged in Early Middle Chinese:

*p- > p*ph- > ph*b- > b*m- > m*hm· >x(w)Examples of these developments are given below.

*p- > p-: (158)

f'-

bi1
(159) ~ bl < p"k < 'p"k 'wall'

*ph- > ph-: (160)

(161)

r& pO
*b- > b-:

(162)

(163)

JIll ping < bong < 'bing 'friend' 8 bdi < bg:Jc < *brak 'while'

6.1. SimpldnitWls

189

*m· > m.; (164)

(165)

II! mO < mo.t < 'mit 'India ink' ~ rna; < mEk. < *mrik 'wheat'

*hm· > x(w)-: I reconstruct *hm· for MC x- when it occurs in xiuhlng series with MC m-: (166)

Jli'< hii <.tok < 'hmik 'black'

(161)

fEi hJl < xwot < *hmul'careless; sudden'

(168)

I4t xld < xjwiel (IV) < *hmjel 'destroy'

Compare the following graphically (and in some cases etymologically) related examples with MC m- < *m-: (169)

mmO < mok < *mik 'ink'

(170) mwd<mjut<*mjw'don't'

(171)

5: m.i~ < mjiel (IV) < *mjet 'annihilate'

The change of *hm- to x(w)· probably occurred during HAn times (Coblin 1983: 66-67); it is not clear why *hm- sometimes shows up as x· (as in *hmik > .tok), sometimes asxw· (as in the other examples). From a phonological point of view, the labial initials are generally pre· served unchanged in Early Middle Chinese, but they probably developed palatalized allophones when followed by *.j. or *·rj·. Where necessary, I will indicate these allophones by writing p(j)-, ph(jJ., etc. The evidence for these allophones is the tendency for labial·initial syllables with and without medial *.j. to be spelled with different sets of fdt1Qit initial spellers. For example, words with the palatalized initial p(j)- tend to have initial fdt1Qit spellers which also have the initial P(j)- rather than plain p-. I assume that in Late Middle Ql.inese, the palatalized labials developed into labiodentals if the main vowel was [+ back]. 142 Using Pulleyblank's reconstruction of Late Middle Chinese, we have the following developments before Early Middle Chinese back vowels:

m

'pj- > EMCp(j)- > LMCf'phj- > EMCphlj)- > LMCf*b- > EMC b(j). > LMCj1j_143 *m- > EMC m(j). > LMC II-

190

6. TM Old ChUtae syllable: Wli4J C01lSO#tOlllS

Note that the distinction of aspiration between EMC p- and ph- was lost when these became labiodentals in Late Middle Chinese. The following examples illustrate these developments; Late Middle Chinese forms follow the system of PuUeyblank (1984).

ex; *pj- > EMCp(j)- > LMCp- before EMCfront vowels: (172) ~J:. bti < LMC pi < EMC pi} (Ill) < 'pr}i} 'sad'

(173) pj brng < LMC piair)' < EMC pjlDlgx < ·prjang7 'cyclical sign (3rd heavenly stem)' (174)

If bIn < LMCpjin < EMCpjin (rY) < ·pjin 'guest'

oc 'p}. > EMCp{j)· > LMC/- before EMC back vowels: (175) '1~ fti < LMCfji < EMCp}i} < 'p}i} 'is no" (176)

15 fang

< LMC IOOng < EMC pjang < *pjang 'square; quaner,

region'

ex; ·phj- > EMCphlj)- > LMCp'- before EMC front vowels: (177) ~ p( < LMC p'jit < EMCphjir (IV) < ·phjit 'correspond to, peer'

(178)

Ill' pii < LMC p'i < EMC phi} (UO < 'phr}i 'foetus'

ex; ·phi· > EMCphU)- > LMC/- before EMC back vowels: (179) Ulan < LMCfaan < EMCphion < *phian 'ovenurn'

(180) i1j~ < LMCjuil' < EMCph}uH < 'ph}olrs 'hasten to'

ex; *bj- > EMC b(j). > LMC pli· before EMC fronl vowels: (181) ~pido < LMCplijiaw < EMC bjiew (IV) < *biew 'gourd'

(182)

#

bidn < LMC pliian' < EMC bjenH (Ill) < *brjotu 'cap'

6.1.

Simp/~initiafs

191

OC *bj· > EMCblj)· > LMCj7j· before EMC back vowels: (183)

Il btl < LMCJfiuwk < EMC bjuwk. < *bjik. 'dominate, subdue'

(184) ~fii < LMCj7jjiaj' < EMC bjojH< *bjolS 'to bark' DC *mj· > EMC mlj). > LMC m· before EMC front vowels:

(185) • ml< LMC mjit< EMCmjic(JV) < *mjic'honey' (186)

I9J m(ng < LMC miajl) < EMC mj;mg < *mrjang 'bright'

OC *mj- > EMC m(j)- > LMC v- before EMC back vowels: (187) ~ wu < LMC vue < EMC mjuc < *mjuc 'ming' (188)

C

wdng < LMC vadl) < EMC mjang < *mjang 'be gone'

It should be noted mat mere is a systematic set of exceptions to the sound change labiodentalization, where EMC m- failed to become LMC labiodental v- as expected. In my notation for Early Middle Chinese, the exceptional syllables all include the sequence mjuw-. One way to account for me failure of labiodentalization to occur in this environment is to assume a minor sound change of EMC mjuw- to muw- before labiodentalization occurred; and th~ is independent evidence of such a sound change. l44 (189) ~ mOu < LMCnQW <muw< EMCmjuw < *mji 'to plan'

(190) • ming - meng < LMC ~1J(') < muwng(H) < EMC mjuwng(/I) < *mjing(s) 'to dream' (191)

13 mU < LMC ~k. < muwk. < EMC mjuwk. < *mjuk 'eye'

6.1.2. Dental initials The Old Chinese dental initials are *c', *ch·, *d-, *n-, and *hn·. Their development between Old and Middle Chinese was influenced by the following medial: when no medial followed, they remained essentially unchanged (except that *hn- became th-); when *-j- followed, they became palatals; and when *-r- followed, they became retroflex.

192 6. TM OM CI&iuse syflobk: inilitJJ C01lSOM1llS

6.1.2.1. Dentals with tkntal rejiues When no medial followed, dental initials developed as below:

·t- > t·th- > th·d- > d· *n- > n·hn- > tho The following final became division·J or division·IV in Early Middle Chinese. Examples are listed below. OC ·t- > t-:

(192) ~ duO < ta < ·taj 'many' (193)

Ili didn < tmIX < ·tem7'dot, point'

ex: ·th· > th-: (194) (195)

Mt tuI < thwoj < ·tJwj 'push' !R tan < thanH < ·thans 'charcoal'

ex: ·d- > d-: (196)

JI lido < dew < ·diw 'to rune, adjust'

(197) ~ dao < dawN < ·dawks 'sorry, sad'

(198)

tlnan < nan <·nan 'difficult'

(199) ~ ntng < (nong] < *ni 'a kind of bear; able' (in the sense of 'bear', also read MC noj, the regular reflex of DC ·nO. 145 (200) ~ nian < flen < ·nin 'year'

6.1. Simple initials

193

I reconstruct ·hn- for MC th- in xiishLng series with MC no:

(201)

ill Uln < rhan < '/mon 'for<shore'

(202)

1m ttli < thojH < ·hnis 'bearing, manner'

Compare the graphically related II "nan and ~ ·ni, cited above. 6.1.2.2. DenIals with palatal reftaes When followed by medial ._j- (without ·-r-), the denmIs developed into Middle Chinese palatals followed by division-ill finals:

·tj- > tsy·thj- > tsyh*dj- > dzy·nj- > ny·hnj- > syOC ·tj- > IS)'<

(203) (204)

ffi zhi < tsyzR < 'rjAb 'a kind of mulberry tree' .IJ zMu < tsyuw < ·tjiw 'circle; everywhere; place and

dynasty

name'

OC ·thj- > IS)'h-: (205)

M: chuD < IS)'hak < ·thjawlc. 'indulgent, gentle'

(206) i!j eM < tsyheJc< ·,hjaj7 'gzea,' DC *dj- > dzy-: (207) 1fJ.. cheng < dzyeng < *djeng 'to achieve, complete' (208) . . shdn < dzyenH < *djans 'hand over to another' Recall (from section 2.3.6) that Karlgren reconstructed an Ancient Chinese voiced palatal fricative f- for the Early Middle Chinese initial which I write

194 6.

T~

Old Chi~s~ sylfabk: initial COflSOfllJll1S

as dzy-. One argument for writing dzy- instead of Karlgren's t- is that words in EMC dzy- often have xiesheng connections with Old Chinese dental stops such as *t-. This suggests the reconstruction *dj-, and a development of *dj- to an affricate dzy- seems rather natural. For example, the phonetic elements of the last two characters above are reconstructed with initial *t-: (209)

T

dIng < teng < *teng 'cyclical character (4th heavenly stem)'

(210) .. dan < tan < *tan 'single' OC *nj- > ny-:

(211) (212) (213)

ro rU < nyo < *nja 'like, as' A ren < nyjn < *njjn 'person' Et: lr < nyiX < *nji7 'ear'

OC *hnj- > sy-: I reconstruct *hnj- for MC sy- in xieshing series with Me n-, nr-, or ny-, as in the following examples.

iii she < syep < *hnjep 'grasp, gather up' (The phonetic is dIf nie < nrjep < *nrjep ·promise'.) (215) ftB. shU < syoH < *hnjas 'generous, indulgent' (The phonetic is !4J *nja 'like, as'.) (214)

6.1.23. Dentals with retroflex reflexes

Dentals followed by *-r- or *-rj- developed into retroflex stops; the following final is division-n (in the case of *-r-) or division-ill (in the case of *-rj-) in Middle Chinese: *tr- > tr*thr- > trh*dr- > dr*nr- > nr*hnr- > trh-

6.1. Simple i1Urials

195

The Middle Chinese forms are probably best regarded as unit phonemes rather than clusters; the ·r· is simply a typable notation for a feature of retroflexion in the initial. For reasons whicb are unclear, there are many examples of dentals followed by the combination ·-rj-, but ~latively few clear examples of dentals with ··r- but no •.j ..

oc ·Ir- > Ir-: (217)

r.i zM < Irde < ·Irek 'blame, punish' ti: zhJ < trijll < ·trjits 'cause to arrive, send'

(218)

R zha < trjo < ·trja 'pig'

(216)

DC ·Ihr· > Irh-: (219)

iii cMo < Irhjew < ·Ihrjaw 'excel'

(220) ~ chin < trhinH < ·Ihrjins 'fever'

DC -dr· > dr·: (221)

ill zhu6 < drirWk < -drok 'muddy'

(222) ~ zM < drjoH < *drjaJcs 'chopsticks'

(223)

G zhiJ < drjuH < *drjos 'stop'

OC *nr- > nr·: (224)

Y:. nu < nrjox < -nrja?'female'

(225)

mniil < nrjuwx < *nrju7'to tic, knot'

OC *hnr- > trh-: I reconSb'Uct *hnr- for cases of MC trh- in phonetic series with MC n·, nr-, or ny-, as in these examples: (226)

lJ& chf < lrhix < *wji? 'shame'

196 6. TM Old ChiM~ syllable: initial C01l.SOIItJ/Its

(The phonetic is ~ *nji7 'ear'.)

(227)

H: chOu < trhjuwx < *hnrju7 'cyclical sign (2nd earthly branch)'

(This is phonetic in

m*nrju7'to tie, knot'.)

6.1.3. Nonnasal resonants

6.1.3.1. Old Chinese *1- and *hlThe reconstruction of Old Chinese *1- and *hl- is due to Pulleyblank, who observed that the phonetic series where Karlgren had reconstructed Old Chinese dentals can be divided into two distinct types. One type has Middle Chinese initials from the following set:

t-

th-

d-

tsy-

tsyh-

dzy-

tr-

trh-

dr-

Such series can be reconstructed with dental stop initials, as in section 6.1.2 above:

'r-

*th·

'd-

*tj-

*thj-

*dj-

*tr-

*thr-

'dr-

The following words are an example of such a xiesheng series: (228) ~ dang < tang < *tang 'rank with, match, face' (229)

it tdng < thang < *thang

(230)

:i: tang < dang < *dang 'hall, apanment'

'sound of a drum'

(231) ~ zMng < tsyangx < *tjang7'palm of the hand' (232) ~ chang < dzyang < *djang 'lower garment' (233)

mcMng < tsyhangx < *thjang7 'despondent'

(234) ~ ching < dr;eng < *drang 'serve as support for' (235)

Ii: cheng < trh;eng <·*thrang 'look straight at, stare'

6.1. Simple imtials

197

But there is another type of xiesheng series which typically has Middle Otinese initials from the following set:

th-

d-

sy-

zy-

s-

z-

trh-

dr-

y-

It is characteristic of this second type of series that they generally lack words in MC t- or tr-, while they commonly include words in MC sy- or yo. t follow Pulleyblank's proposal to reconSb'Uct such series with initial *1- and *hI_. l46 Note that, in this formulation, MC 1- reflects not DC *1- but rather OC *r- or clusters with *r-. The following examples illustrate a xiisheng series of this type (see Bodman 1980: 103-4 for Tibeto-Burman cognates): (236)

til

cuD

< thwar < *hlor 'take off (clothes)' (also read MC dwar <

*lot) (237)

>l. duJ < dwajH < *lots 'glad'

(238) ~ shoo < sywet < *hljot 'speak, explain' (239)

-m yue < ywet < *ljot 'pleased, glad'

As these examples illustrate, in such xiisheng series we can reconstruct

*1- > d*hl- > th*lj- > y'hI'!J- > sy-.

It is less clear how to reconstruct the other Middle Chinese initials So, Z-, dr-, trh-, and zy- which commonly occur in such series. As we shall see below (section 6.2.3.1), resonants generally seem to be lost after *s-, so we can reconstruct *sl- > S-, as in (240) fj xil1 < sjuw < *sljiw 'arrange, repair'.

Compare, in the same xiesheng series, (241) ~ tido < dew < *liw 'branch, shoot' (242)

it df < dek < *liwk 'cleanse'

(243) 1$ [You]
198 6. The Old ChiMU syllable: initial COtUONl1Its

Me z· and zy. in such phonetic series are somewhat harder to account for. They could represent the effect of the voicing pre-initial *Ii· on *sl- and *hlj- respectively (see section 6.2.1 below):

*/isl- > */is- > z*/ihlj- > *fisy- > zy-.

The notation *lihl- is somewhat clumsy, but its meaning should be clear: it is the voiceless lateral *hl- preceded by the voicing pre-initial */i-. But the reconstruction of.*/i here is rather speculative; it is also possible that zy- is simply a dialect variant of MC y- < *lj-. Provisionally, I will simply use the notations z- < *zl- and zy- < *Lj·, as in the following examples: (244) ~ xu < zjoX < *zlja7 'walls running north and south at sides of the

hall (of a palace)' (245)

ff

[shU] < zyox < *Lja7 'to relOOve'

As for dr- and trh-, which not infrequently occur in *1-type xitsheng series, the analogy to the dental initials suggests that they should be reconstructed as *lr- and *h/r- respectively: (246) ~ zhOu < drjuwH < *Irjus 'helmet' (247)

fEb chOu < trhjuw < *h/rju 'take out, pull out'

Compare the following words from the same xieshlng series: (248) (249)

EB you
In a word reconstructed. with *lr-, the *1- accounts for the occurrence of the word in an *1-type xieshlng series, and the *-r- accounts for the Middle Chinese retroflex initial. Reconstructing *1 and *r together may seem rather odd; but note that Written Tibetan has the initial combination rl- (as in r/ung 'breeze, wind', rlabs 'wave, billow. flood '). Note also that in general, Old Chinese clusters of the fonn *Cr· (where C represents an arbitrary consonant) very likely reflect a merger of Sino-Tibetan *rC- and *Cr-. For example, Coblin (1986) reconstructs Sino-Tibetan **rtjakw 'pound/beat' to connect Tibetan rdug-pa 'to strike against' with

(250) ~ zM < trjuwk < *trjuk. 'to pound, beat (sc. earth into hard walls), build' (Li's *trjakw).. He also reconstructs Sino-Tibetan **trjit 'slip' in order to connect Tibetan •dred-pa 'to slip, slide, glide' with

6.1. Simple initials

(251) •

199

zhl< trijIl <·trjits 'to slip'.

It is even possible that Old Chinese still had both ·rC· (with ·r in the pre· initial position) and ·Cr-, but that we can no longer recover the distinction because of their later merger. (We might be tempted to reconsttuet ·rC· in cases where the ·r seems to serve a morphological function, to keep it outside the root. Similarly, "medial" .j may in some cases represent a prefixed element; see Chapter 7 below.) Given these considerations, it does not seem unreasonable to retain the reconstructions *Ir- (possibly reflecting earlier ·Ir- and *-rl-) and *-hlr- (possibly reflecting earlier ·hl-r- and ·r-hl-).

6.13.2. Old Chinese ·r-, ·C-r-, and ·hrI reconstruct OC ·r- and related initials as follows:

·r- > y-

·g-r- > 1·b-r- > 1·hr- > th·hrj- > trhj-

·r-

ln earlier publications, I wrote OC in initial position as one source of Middle Chinese initial 1-. However, in a good many cases, Me I- seems to correspond in other languages to initial clusters with ·r, not to simple initial ·r-. An example is (252)

fa ludn < lwan < ·b-ron 'horse bells'.

Compare Thai phruan (tone A2) 'neck bells (for domestic animals)', reconstructed for Proto-Tai with the initial cluster ·br- (Bodman 1980: 74). In the same xiishlng series we have

(253)

Wbidn
where, according to the ·rj-hypothesis, medial ·-rj- must be reconstructed in any case to account for the division-III cMngniil final -jenH. Thus both the Too evidence and the Chinese xiisMng evidence point to a cluster consisting of a labial plus .-r-. Following Bodman (1980: 74), I reconstruct such clusters as *g-r- and ·b-r-, and assume provisionally that Me I- always reflects a cluster of this type. Where the preceding consonant cannot be identified, I write *C·r-. I assume that plain initial *r- became MC y-, a development which accounts for the presence of words with the initial y- in xiishlng series which involve

200

6. TN! Old C~ syllabk: iniliDl COfUOffIJII/S

ex: *r. 147

*g+ and *b-r· is simply a notational device to distinguish these combinations from ordinary *8r· and *br·, which have The hyphen in

other reflexes, as in (254)

r

xid
(255) ~ q{ng
iii pang < b~ng < *brong 'huge'

(257)

:# bidn < bjt:rtJl (llI) < *brjons 'cap'

The exact nature of the distinction between these hyphenated and non· hyphenated clusters remains to be determined. One possibility is that the clusters I write as *gr- and *br· are actually */ikr. and *fipr-. This problem may also be related to the additional manners of aniculation found in the Min dialects (Nonnan 1974). Another possibility is that what I write as *grand *br- were actually *rg- and *rb-. For the present, though, I retain the somewhat artificial hyphen notation.

(258) ~ yll
division-UI chOngniu final). Another case of initial*r- is (259)

g

yan < yem < *r(j)am 'salt'.

This item has the same phonetic as E: *g-ram 'indigo' (see below); com· pare Tibetan rgyam-lShwa 'a kind of rock salt', possibly reflecting earlier *ryam, with rty· < *'1. as proposed by Li Fang-kuei {l959).148 Finally, consider (260)

m: ydo < yak < *rawA: 'medicine;

10 cure'

with phonetic ~ yul < ng.ewk < *ngrawA: 'music', also read M < 10k < *g-rawA: 'joy'.

Here C stands for an arbirrary (but probably voiced) consonant. We have already cited the following examples:

6.1.

(261) (262) (263)

Simpf~

initials

201

J!f lwin < lwan < *b-ron 'harness beUs' t*: III < Iwil < *b-rjUl 'law, rule' :B: Idn < lam < *g-ram 'indigo'

With this last item compare Thai khroam 'indigo', Proto-Tai *gr- (Li 1m: 231). In the same xiishlng series we have t;. jidn < lezm < *tram 'inspect', where, by the *r-hypothesis, medial *-r- must be reconslrUcted in any case to account for the division-D final .
1£ It < lip < *g-rjilup 'to stand'

(It is uncertain whether [0 reconstruct the vowel as *i or *u; see section 10.3.4 below.) Compare Jiarong ka-rjap 'to stand' (B00man 1980: 85). In the same xMshlng series we have (265)

itz. ql < khip (lll) < 'khrjip "0 weep'.

Compare Tibetan khrab-khrab 'weeper', Thulung khrap 'weep', Jinghpaw khrdp 'weep', cited by Bodman (1980: 85). Another example of *g-r- is (266) is( lidng < ljang < *g·rjang 'chilly, cold'.

In the same xiishlng series we have Jj( jfng < lej;mg < *lujang 'capital', where the cluster *-rj- must be reconstructed to account for the final .j;mg. With ~ liAng compare Tibetan grang-ba 'cold, cool'. In the foUowing case, there is evidence of a consonant before the OC *r, but conflicting evidence about what it might be. In such cases I simply write *C·r·: (267) 1:::.lia < /juwle < *C-rjuk 'six' With this example Bodman (1980: 73) compares Tibetan drug, Lepcha tilr6lc, Jinghpaw ler"?, Proto-Lolo-Burmese *Ckrole or *d-luok, Thai xok < Proto-Tai *xr- (Li 1977: 233), all with the meaning 'six'.

OC *hr- > tho: In a few items, MC rh- and trh- occur in xieshlng series with MC initiall-; I reconSlrUct these items with the initial *hr.;

(268) G If < ,hejX < 'hrlj? 'body' Compare ~ If < lejx < *C·rij7 'propriety, rite' with the same phonetic.

J6i tif < that < *Mal 'otter' The phonetic is'lf ldi < lajH < *C-rats 'depend on, rely on'. (269)

DC *hrj· > trh-: (270)

It chi < trhik < *hrjik

tJ

II < lik. < *C-rjik. 'force' on the right. which may be a phonetic element) 'to correct' (Also written with

(271) •• chi < trhje < *hrjaj 'demon' (Cf. • l( < Ije < ·C-rjaj 'depan', with the same phonetic.)

Since DC *j is reconstructed in medial and final position, it is reasonable 10 expect to find it in initial position as well, and reasonable to assume that its Middle C1linese reflex is yo. I reconstruct DC *j- for cases of MC y- where there seems to be no reason to reconstruct *Ij- or *r-. Consider the following item: (272)

i1ff y6u
The other words in this xihhLng series (number 1080 in Karlgren 1957) are also read yuw in Middle C1linese; there are no cases of initial d- or th· as would be expected in a typical *I-series_ MC y- also occurs in xi/shlng series with Middle OJ.inese dental sibilanls. I reconstruct this as *j. also, assuming (provisionally) that *j- and the denial sibilants were phonetically similar enough to occur in the same xi/sheng series. 149 Thus I reconstruct (273) lj" you
as the phonetic in ~ jill < tsjuwx < *lSjU? 'spirits, wine'. However, there are many unsolved problems in the reconstruction of MC YO. For example, comparative evidence suggests that lj" y6u may have had initial *r- (compare Tibetan ru-rna 'curdled milk used as a fennent', Jinghpaw ru. 'native beer or whiskey', Bodman 1980: 93), so perhaps we should reconstruct it as *rju? Similarly, I use *hj- as a default reconstruction for MC sy. where there is no evidence for *hJj-, *hnj·, or some other reconstruction, e.g. in (274) ~ shOu < syuwx < *hju?'hand'.

6.1. Simple iIlitia/s 203

Occasional cases of MC zy- in phonetic series with MC y- and sy- might represent *fjhj- (> fisy- > zy-), where *fj- is the pre-initial which voices a following initial; e.g. (275) .. ytng < ying < *jing 'a fly' (276)

UK sMng < zying < */ihjing 'string, cord'

With. *jing 'fly' compare Burmese yang 'fly, insect', Kanauri yang; Coblin (1986: 82) reconstructs Sino-Tibetan **y;mg. The reconstructions of *j-, *hj-, and *fjhj- are especially tentative, being based largely on scanty graphic evidence; the crucial eltamples which would suppon a different reconstruction may be missing by chance alone. Some additional source of evidence or method of argument will probably be necessary before funher progress is made on these initials. 6.1.4. Dental sibilants

The same dental sibilants are reconstructed for Old Chinese as for Middle Otinese. When followed by no medial, or by medial *-j-, they remained unchanged. When followed by medial *-r-, they generally became retroflex affricates and fricatives:

*ts- > IS*tsh- > Ish*dz- > dz*s- > s*z- > z-

*tsr- > tsr*IShr- > Isrh*du- > du*sr- > tsh- - sr*u- > zr-

(1be assumed development *sr- > tsh- is an eltception to the general pattern of retroflex reflexes; it is discussed further below.) Examples of these developments are given below.

OC *IS- > ts-: (277)

mzu < ISUX < *tsa7'grandfather, ancestor'

(278)

lr.i jidn < IsjenH < *tsjens 'arrow'

(279) ,I.E zu < *tsjowk < *tsjok 'foot'

204 6. TM Old C1ti~se syllabk: ittiliDJ COfLfONUllS

(280) (281)

itt zhwlng < tsrjang < -urjang 'dignified, grave' IJi' zhuO < Im"wk < ·"r(i)ok 'grasp; hold in the hand'

Since -j- was widely lost after retroflex initials even as early as Early Middle Chinese, it is often difficult to determine whether -.j. should be reconSD"Uctod after retroflex initials in examples such as this. and I will put the -j in parentheses, as here. 'The Qitylln has no syllables of the form -TSrjowng or -TSrjowk (Ll R6ng 1956: 7); and we can probably assume that -TSrjong and ·TSrjok lost their --j-, merging with original -TSrong and -TSrok as TSra::wng and TSrz:wk respectively.

DC ·Ish- > Ish-: (282)

HI cui) < rshwal < -rshol 'pinch with the fingers'

(283)

t-. qing < Ishjeng < -tshjeng 'clear, pure, bright'

DC ·Ishr· > tsrh-: (284)

(285) (286) (287)

:m ehiJ. < tsrhjo < -uhrja 'begin, beginning' II: chua; < tsrhw;ejH < -uhr(j)Ors 'bite, eat' E elwiJng < urhjong < -uhrjong 'boil, tumor' \I chudng < rsrhz:wng < -uhr(j)ong 'window'

DC -dz- > dz-: (288)

'-i edn < dzan < ·dzan 'kill, cruel'

(289)

i'£ za; < dzojx < ·dzil'be at'

(290)

rru qidn < dun < -dzen 'before'

DC ·dzr- > dzr-: (291) ~ eM;
6.1. Simple inidafs

205

DC *s- > s-: (293)

=

sdn < [sam] < *swn 'three'

For the reconstruction of *-wn here, see section 10.3.3 below. (294)

$t xian < sen < *sin 'first'

(295) ~ sf < sijx < *sjij7'die' Compare Tibeto-Bunnan *siy = *say 'to die' (Benedict 1972: 55); see also Baxter (1985) on the Sino-Tibetan vowel correspondences involved.

OC *sr- > tsh-: This development seems to occur when no medial *-j- follows. Perhaps the *r of *sr- loses its voicing under assimilation with the *s, becoming *hr-, then follows the regular development of *hr- to become *th-; finally, the initial cluster *sth- melathesizes to tsh-. The development can be summarized as follows (with hyphens added for clarity):

*sr- > *s-hr- > *s-th- > tsh(This development was proposed in Baxter 1983b.) The combination *srj-, however, becomes MC sr-. I reconstruct OC *sr- (rather than *tsh-) in the following four items because of the parallelism with the four items with MC sr- < *srj- cited below. (296) ~ - ~ cdi < tshojx < *sri(k)7'gather, pluck' (297) ~ - ~ cdi < tshojx < *sri(k)7'colorful' (298) ~ The graph

mcil < tshu < *sra 'gross, coarse,tSO

mprobably postdates the change *sr- > tsh-.

(299) .. qing < rsheng < *sreng 'green or blue'

Compare Tibeto-Bunnan *s-ril) - s-rar; = fril) (Benedict 1972: 85).

ex:: *srj- > sr-: The last four examples above should be compared with the following four: (300) lise < srik < *srjik 'to reap, harvest' (301)

'is se - shiJi < srik < *srjik 'color, countenance'

2Q'i

6. TIK Old CIJiMSe ryllobk: iniliaJ COfUOfIQIIlS

(302)

R sha < srjo < ·srja 'wide apan; loose; coarse'

(303)

1::. sheng < sr(j);r;ng < ·srjeng 'to live, be born, fresh'

oc ·z- > z-: (304) (305)

iiJ cf < zi < ·zj; 'utterance, word. expression' if xidng < zjang < ·z(lJjang 'scrutinize fully, explain details'

(306) ~ xidng < zjangx < ·zjangJ'elephant'

Middle Chinese has initial z- only before division-III finals. Perhaps original ·z- merged with ·dz- except before ._j-. OC ·zr- > zr-:

(307) ~sl
R [ll] < zri < ·zrj; 'spittle (of a dragon)'

Middle Chinese zr- is rare, apparently limited to the two syllables aoove, and the reconstruction ·zr- is thus somewhat problematic. By the time of the GudngyUn.
6.1.5. Velars and laryngeals The velars and laryngea1s reconstructed for Old Chinese are ·Ic-. ·kh-, *g-. ·ng-, ·hng-, ·7-, ·x-, and ./i-. When no medial followed, they remained essentially unchanged in Middle Chinese, except that the voiceless nasal ·hng- became X-, and *g- became a voiced fricative (perhaps phonetically [fi] or [yl) which I write as Me h-:

·Ic- > k·kh- > kh.g- > h-

."g- > "g·hng· >x·

6.1.

Simpl~

initials 207

> J. *x- >x· *Ii- > h*J~

When followed by medial *-j-. the velars, like the labials, probably devel· oped palatalized allophones, which are indicated in the fdnqM spellings of the QityWi. In this environment, *g. did not change to MC h- but remained a stop. In some cases, Old Chinese velars developed further into Middle Chinese palatals tsy-, tsyh-, etc., but the conditions for this development are not altogether clear. I will cite examples with Middle Chinese velar reflexes first, and then discuss the problem of the palatal reflexes and their origins.

6.1.5.1. Old Chinese velars with velar reflexes, and laryngeals OC *k- > k·: (309)

i\I!i gao < kaw < 'kow 'tall, high'

(310) . . jiting < kjang < *k{l)jang 'ginger' (311) ~ jido - jld < ka:wk < *krok 'hom, comer' (312) tIjidng < ka:wng < *krong 'Yangtze river'

OC *kh· > kh·: (313)

15 ki1 < khux < *khal'bitter'

Compare Tibetan khiJ-ba, Bunnese kM 'bitter', Tibeto-Bunnan *ka (Benedict 1972: 18). (314)

OJ kl < khax < *khiJjl'can, able, may'

(315)

if, ql < khiJ« 'kh(r)jil'rise'

(316) ~ qi < khejH < *khets 'script notches' (317)

6'L ql < khip < *khrjip 'to weep'

OC *g- > h-: (318) (319)

7iiJ hi < hiJ < *gaj'(Yellow) river' it Mng < huwng < *gong 'pink' (later, 'red'; see Baxter 1983a)

208 6. TM Old Chinese syllable:

ittilial COMOflOll/S

(320) J; .lid < hz < ·gra 'flaw, blemish'

ex:. .gj- > gj-: (321) ~ q(ng < gjZl'lg < *grjang 'whale' (322)

!Jl qu < gjo < 'g(r)ja 'canal'

(323) Iliijui < gjwol- gjw < 'gjo/w'dig out (earth)'

OC *ng- > ng-: (324)

.g wu < ngu < ·nga 'I'

Compare Tibetan nga, Bunnese nga, Tibeto-Bunnan ·1)a 'I' (Benedict 1972: 93). (325)

1i

wu < ngux < ·nga? 'five'

Compare Tibetan Inga, Bunnese ngd, Tibeto-Bunnan ·1-1)ll- ·b-1)a 'five' (Benedict 1972: 31). (326)

f!/.yu
Compare Tibetan nya, Burmese ngd, Tibeto-Burman ·1JYa 'fish' (Benedict 1972: 47). (327) ~ ydo < ngew< ·ngew 'high; name of emperor Yio' (328) ~ nUl < ngjaJc < ·ng(r)jawk. 'cruel, oppress, maluea(' (329)

:Ii yil < ngjowk < 'ng(r)jok 'jade'

OC ·hng- > x-:

I reconstruct MC x- as ·hng- when it occurs in phonetic series with Me ng-, unless there is evidence for reconstructing. hngW - instead. (330) ~ hu < .lUX < ·hnga? 'river bank'

(331) ~ xu <xjoX < ·hng(r)ja7'approve; allow' The phonetic in these two items is earthly stem)'. . (332)

If wu < ngux < ·nga7 'cyclical sign (7th

&m .lid <xjak < ·hng(r)jawk. 'to ridicule, to jest'

6.1. Simple illitiois 209

The phonetic is ~ *ng(r)jawk 'cruel, oppress' (possibly from the same rool). (333)

Mxl <xje (III) < *hng(r)jaj 'sacrificial victim'

In the same xi/shing series we find" yl < ngje (ill) < *ng(r)jaj 'decorum'. OC *J- > J-:

(334) ~ dn < Jan < *Jan 'peace' (335) ;!: yfng < Jj<eng < *7rjang 'flower, blossom' (336)

J!

00 < JawH < *1uks 'southwest comer of a house; inside area' (also read yu < 7juwk < *7(r)juk 'cove in the bank of a slream')

(337) ~ di < JojH < *Jirs 'to love; to grudge' OC *x- >x-:

(338) ~ xii <xjor < *xjar 'to cease, to rest' (339)

6: xfn < xjin < *xjin 'rejoice'

There is some question whether it is necessary to reconstruct a voiced counterpart to DC *x-, such as *y- or */i-, as an additional source of MC h-. Although Li Fang-kuei attempted to reconstruct aU cases of Middle Chinese h- (and h(j)-) as DC *g- or *gw-, Ting Pang-hsin (1977-1978) showed that this was inadequate, and proposed reconstructing * y- and * yw- in addition. His *yw- corresponds to my *w-; it accounts for the vast majority of cases of Middle Chinese hj-, since hj- occurs mostly in htlWu syllables (those with a rounded medial or main vowel). But there remain a few cases of MC hjin kiiiJuJu syllables, and in such cases 1 reconstruct */ij-. For example: (340)

;m [ydn] < hjen (Ill) < */irjan 'final particle'.

This character is also read 7jen (or 7jon I51 ) according to the Middle Chinese sources, but the tradition is that it should be read as hjen when it is a final particle. We cannot reconstruct this syllable with initial *g-, because *grjan would give MC gjen, nm hjen. On the other hand, if we reconstruct it with zero initial, as *jan or *rjan, we would expect MC yen. It is probably not an accident that this irregularity occurs in a fonn which was very likely stressless; perhaps hjen arose as a stressless alternate to the other reading of

210 6. The Old ClUfIQe sylWbk: initial COItSONW.J the character. 1jen (III) < *1rjan. Because *Jj- is rather marginal, its SlaWS is questionable, but I will include it for completeness. If DC *g- and *Jj- contrasted in syllables with medial*-j· (i.e., in divisionill words), we would expect to find a parallel contrast in syllables without medial *.j•. U R6ng (1965 [1982]) proposed that such a contrast be recognized to account for certain initial contrasts in Mln dialects which are not reflected in Middle Otinese; for example, he cites the following minimal pair (the Old Chinese reconsuuetions an: mine): gloss:

oc:

Me: Mandarin: Ft1zhOu: Xiamen: Ot!ozhOu:

If.

II

'thick' '8(r)o7 huwx 1&Ou

'after' '5(r)o7 huwx Mu au 6 au 6 au 4

tau 6 tau 6 tau 4

In Nonnan's reconstruction of Proto-Min initials, /!f. has initial *-g and if has initial *zero. This is funher evidence for reconstructing a corresponding contrast between *Jj- and *g- in Old Chinese. 152

6.1.5.2. Old Chinese vdars wirh paJaral rejlexes In a number of cases, Middle Chinese palalal initials occur in xieshing series with Middle Chinese velars. An example is (341)

$J zhi < rsyejH 'cut out (clothes, etc); institution; regulate'

which is phonetic in (342)

IIlI [zhiJI53 djejH (Ill) 'mad (dog)' (also written ~).

Karlgren reconstructed these words as *;jad and *kiad respectively, appar· entty assuming that .;- and *,t. were phonetically similar enough to be in the same xilsheng series. D6ng T6ngh~ solved the problem by reconstructing a set of palatal initials *t- etc., which became try- etc. in Middle Chinese, but were phonetically similar enough to the regular velars *k- etc. to occur in the same xilshlng series with them (1944 [1948]: 15-17). Rather Ihan complicating the Old Chinese initial system in this way, it would clearly be preferable. if possible, to 'treat the Middle Chinese palatals as regular re8exes of the ordinary vclars in certain environments. This problem still

6.1. Sjmple iIlitials 211

has no fully adequate solution, however. The clearest pattern seems to be that first identified by Pulleyblank: (1962: 98-107): stated in terms of the present reconsuuction, velan develop into palatals when followed by ••j. plus a front vowel. 1 will call this change velar palatalization. This resuhs in the following developments before front vowels *i and *e:

*kj· > '$)1*khj- > tsyh*gj- > dzy*ngj· > ny*hngj- >51Middle Chinese palatals are teCQnstructed as Old OUnese velars when xiisheng and other evidence points to a velar initial, and when there is evidence of a front vowel. Examples of these developments are cited below.

oc: *ki- > tsy- before front vowels: (343)

:1<:, tt zhI< rsye< 'kje 'branch'

This is phonetic in (344)

a. it < gja (IIJ) < *grje7'slcill, ability'.

100 zhi < rsyejll < ·kjelS 'cut out (clothes, etc); institution; regulate'

This is phonetic in 1M [zhi] < kjejN On) < *ujelS 'mad (dog)', where the *-rj- both blocks palatalization and produces the division-m chOngniiI final -jei/l (see below). (345) ~ zhf < tsyijX < *kjij7'fine-tasting (food, wine)' This is phonetic in fI qf < khejX < */chij? 'bow the head to the ground' (Karlgreo 1957, item 552i).

DC ./chj- > rsyh- before front vowels: (346)

51 cM < tsyhel < *khjet 'to trail, drag' (also read IsyheiH < *Jehje,s, which would give modem chi).

OC *gj- > dzy- before front vowels: (347)

+ shf < dzyip < ·gjip 'len'

212 6.

T~

Old ChiMU syllable: inilial COfUOIUlJIlS

This may be phonetic in 1ft xU < kp < *gip - *gep 'in hannony. together', also written ti, and in :t jt < ajJl < *kips or *ups 'caIculaIe'; see section

10.3.4. (348) . . sM < dzyijH < *gjijs 'enjoy' (349) "sMn < dzyinX < *gjinl'kidney'

(350) Ci chin < dzyin < *gjin 'slave. servant' (This is ultimately the phonetic in ~ jiiIn < un < *kin 'hard, solid, strong'). OC *ngj· > ny- before front vowels:

(351) ~

re < nyet < *ngjet 'hot'

The velar initial is supported by g, yt < ngjiejll (IV) < *ngJels 'to sow, plant, cultivate; art' in the same xilshlng series. (The capital *J here is merely a notation indicating that the expected palatalization of the velar fails to occur, for reasons that are unclear, see below. I54 ) (352) ~ 1,- < nye < *ngje 'child, son' This is the phonetic element in, and probably related to, ~ nf < ngej < *nge 'young and weak'. (353) 1I,-do < nyew < *ngjew 'to wind round' The phonetic is ~ ydo < ngew < *ngew 'high; name of emperor Y~o'.

DC *hngj- > sy- before front vowels: (354) "sM < syejH < *hngjets 'force'

Compare ~ *ngjet 'hot' above.

mshiio < syew< *hngjew 'bum' Compare m*ngjew 'to wind round' above.

(355)

OC *xj- > sy. before front vowels: I reconstruct *xj- for Me sy- in xilshlng series with velar initials when there , is evidence of a front vowel: . (356)

lIf sMu < .syuw < *xjiw 'calch, take, collect, receive'

6.1. Simpldllitials 213

Compare the front-vowel word in the same xieshtng series.

llll jillo < kewH < *kiw(k)s 'call out, shout'

6.153. Velar palatalization blocked by *-rjThe medial combination *-rj-, which is reconstructed in most division-ill chOngniu syllables, appears to block velar palatalization. ('This. too, was first proposed by Pulleyblank [1962: 104].) Here are some examples, some of them cited earlier: (357) (358)

!t. jt < gjex (ITI) < *grje7 ·skill. ability' lIlJ - ~ {,hi] < kjejH (In) < '!
(359) ~ qf < gij (Ill) < *grjij 'old' (360)

!! qf < glj (ill) < *grjlj 'dorsal fin of a fish'

In these examples, the medial *-rj- accounts simultaneously for the failure of the velar initial to palatalize and for the division-ill cMngniu final. However, medial *-rj- does not explain all cases where velars fail to become palatals, for velars sometimes occur in division-IV cMngniit syllables where I reconstruct *-j- without *-r-, e.g. (361)

!i yt < ngjiejH (IV) < *ngJers 'plant, cultivate; skill'

(362)

a jf < kjit (IV) < *kJit 'auspicious'

Pulleyblank reconstructed medial *-J- (*-lS- in his original system) in some such items, as an additional element which blocked palatalization (1962: 118-19). However, there is little independent evidence for *-J- in these items. As in the examples just cited, I will use the arbitrary notation of writing the medial *-j- as a capital *-J- in those cases where velar palatalization fails to apply as expected. This is not to be taken seriously as pan of the reconstruction system; it is only a notation for a problem which remains to be solved.

6.15.4. Velar palatalization before back vowels There are also cases of apparent palatalization of velars where a front vowel does not appear to be involved. I have no explanation for such cases at present, but I call attention to those velars which palatalize unexpectedly by capitalizing them. Thus I write

214 6. TM Old Clti~ syllable: initial cOM(HIDIIU

1ft chi < tsyhd < *XHjlok 're
(364)

:$ eM < rsyha: < *KHjA

'chariot'

The literary reading of this character isja < kjo < *k(r)ja. 1SS

¥f clul < tsyhoX < *HNGjal'pestle' The phonetic is q: WII < ngux < *ngal'cyclical sign (7th eanh1y stem)'. (365)

Li Fang-kuei proposed reconstructing clusters of the fonn *Krj- as the source of velars which became palatals in examples such as those just ciled (1976 [1980]: 92). This makes W. 'red', Li's *khrjiak., an attractive cognate to Tibetan khrag 'blood' .156 Although U's proposal seems to work well for this example, I see several problems with it. First, it fails to account for the fact that the preponderance of cases of velar palatalization seem (0 involve front vowels, the panem discovered by Pulleyblank. Second, for medial *-r- to condition palatalization seems somewhat unnatwal, and at odds with ilS effeclS elsewhere in the system, where it usually produces retroflexion. Finally, there is little direct evidence for *-r- in syllables affected by velar palatalization; by contrast, there is abundant evidence for *-r- in divisionm ehOngnii1 syllables (see section 7.3.2), so it seems better to use *-rjclusters to account for the ehOngniiI distinctions, which are otherwise not adequately accounted for in U's system. 1S7 Note further that one of U's arguments for his *Krj- hypothesis was that this filled a gap in the distribution of *-rj-, since in his system *-rj- is otherwise reconstructed only after acute initials, to account for Middle Chinese retroflex initials; but his proposal sti11leaves no cases of *-rj- after labial initials (except the marginal *brj-J marked with a question mark; see Li 1976 [1980]: 86). In the system proposed here, *·rj- is fully distributed after all types of initials. 6.1.6. Labiovelars and labiolaryngeals Labiovelars and labiolaryngeals are reconstructed according to the roundedvowel hypothesis as one source of Middle Chinese medial -w·. They are also reconstructed in some cases for other reasonS-IO explain xi/sheng relationships or other phenomena. The initials in question, wilh their usual Middle Chinese reflexes, are as follows:

6.1. Simpfeinitials

215

*kW _ > k(w)*kwh_ > kh(w)*gW_ > g(w)- before *j, h(w)- elsewhere *ngW_ > ng(w)*hngW->x(w)*7'141_ > Jtw)*hw- >x(w)*w- > h(w)-

The following examples illustrate these developments.

OC *kw _ > k(w)-: (366) }]lguiJ
BIl. gil < ku < *kwa 'fatherless, orphan'

MC ku could reflect either OC */ca or *kwa, which merged; in BIl. gil, I reconstruct *kwa to account for the xieshing relationship with JJl *kwra 'melon' . (368) . . guT < kwij (m) < *kWrji 'tortoise' (369) ~ ju.e < kwet < *kWet 'to open; decide'

(370)

7t gOOng < kwang < *tWang 'light, bright'

DC *kwh_ > kh(w)-:

(371)

In kuO < khwak < *kwhak 'wide, large, ample'

(372) ~ - ~ kOO < khwz < *kwhra 'boast'

(373)

mkuf < khjwie (IV) < *kWhje 'to peep'

(374)

7\. qudn < khwenX < *tWhilen7 'dog'

Compare Tibeto-Burman *kwiy - *~y 'dog' (Benedict 1972: 44). My reCOnStruction system requires either *i or *e as the main vowel, but there is little evidence within Chinese which would help us choose between them.

OC *gW_ > g(w)- before *j, h(w)- elsewhere: (375) ~ hu < hu < *gWa 'fox'

216

6. The Old Ch;'I~U syllabl~: itillinl COft.fONlJl1.r

The phonetic is 1ll *tWra 'melon'. Compare Tibeto-Bunnan *gwa 'fox' (Benedict 1972: 34). (376)

AI tuf < gwij (llI) < *gWrju 'cheek. bone, bones of the face'

Compare Lepcha ld-gryu 'cheek.' (cited by Bodman 1980: 167). The Middle Chinese final results from dissimilation processes described in section 10.2.13 below. We could reconstruct lit huang < hwang 'yellow' as *gWang, but if it is cognate to :1'ti gUllng < twang < ·f'·'ang 'light', then perhaps it should be reconstructed as ./ikwang . Its Middle Chinese homonym ~ huang < hwang 'august, sovereign' probably reflects .wang rather than .gWang, since its phonetic is I wang < hjwang < .wjang; see below. Since *gW_ and ·w· merged as MC h(w)- except before .j (that is, except before division-UI finals), the two initials are sometimes difficult to distinguish. Xi/sheng series offer little help, because both *w- and ""g'N_ can appear in xiisheng series with stops like ""t w• and ""kwh_. In some cases 1 will write ""(gr-, a nolation meaning """gw. or ""w-".

OC *ng W_> ng(w)-: (377) ;fl:, i < ngwa < *ngWaj 'move, change, false'

(378) ~ wdi < ngwaju < ""ngWals 'outside' (379) ~ wu < ngu < ""ngWa 'shout; name of a state' Though MC ngu could reflect either ""ngWa or ""nga, we can reconstruct ""ngW _ here because of the xieshlng connection with the following word, which can only reflect ""ng W _: (380)

Si yu
Note that non-labialized ""ng(rHa would give MC ngjo (as in ngju (see section 10.2.4).

rh.

'fish'), not

OC ""hng W_>x(w)-: Good examples of this initial are few, but we may reconstruct it in the following: (381)

J't huO < xwaJl < ""hngWajs 'property, goods, ware'

(382) .ft, hua <xwzH < ""hngWraj(s) 'transform; reform; change'

6.1. Simpldnitiab 217

Compare, in the samexieshlng series,

ail: *ngWaj 'move', cited above.

OC *1". >
(383) ~ yuiin < .?wen < *?Win 'abyss; deep' (384)

tI wifng < 1jwangx < *?WjangJ 'bent, crooked; depraved, unjust'

OC *hw- > x(w)-: (385) •

huii <xwz< *hwra 'flower'

This word is later written ::tE, and the character" is now used mostly for the related fonn hud < hwz < *wra (or perhaps *fjhwra) 'flowery' .158 (386)

1fII. xld - xii <xwet < *hwit 'blood'

Compare Tibeto-Bunnan *s-hwiy - *s-hwy (Benedict 1972: 51). (387) (388)

if xuiin <xjwien OV) < *hwjen 'nimble, smart' .5t. xiong <xjwtDIg < *hwrjang 'older brother'

oc *w- > h(w)- - yw-: OC *w- usually becomes MC h(w)-, as in (390)

1\. xui < hwet < ·wit 'cave, pit' I wang < hjwang < *wjang 'king'

(391)

T yu < hju < *w(r)ja 'to go'

(389)

Compare Tibeto-Burman *s-wa 'to go' (Benedict 1972: 167n). (392) j;ij yu < hjUX < *w(rJja7 'rain' Compare Burmese TWa, Tibeto-Burman *r·wa 'rain' (Benedict 1972: 109). (393)

if: yUn < hjun < *wjin 'cloud'

Before front vowels, however, ·wj- becomes MC yw.: (394) (395)

it y(ng
(396) ~ yu < ywit < *wjit 'go awry, perverse'

218 6. TM Old Chiuu syllabk: initial COflSONU!lS

(With the last compare tI ju < kjwit < ·k;'4'jit 'orange', with the same phonetic element.) The development of ·wj- to yw- before front vowels is analogous to the palatalization of velars in the same environment; but ordinary labiovelars like .k;'4'. do not seem to be affected.

6.2. Initial clusters 6.2.1. Voicing alternations and pre-initial

.fj-

As mentioned earlier, I reconstruct a pre-initial element· fj. (following Pulleyblank 1973b) which has the effect of voicing an initial stop. This preinitial *fi- is provisionally reconstructed in those Middle Chinese voicedinitial fonns which seem to be morphologically related to forms with Middle Orinese voiceless initials. A great many such examples were collected by Karlgren (1933). In some of the clearest examples, the pre-initial .fj. added to a transitive verb appean to make it intransitive or passive:

(397) ~ jitln < UrtU < ·uns 'to see' ~

(398)

- mxidn < henH < ·fjkens 'to appear'

1& bdi < pa:jll < ·prats 'to defeat' 1& bodi < ba:jH < *fjprats 'to be defeated'

t! [Wi]
use, but voiced initials in intntnsitive or passive use, is mentioned in the preface to Lu Deming's lfngdi4n shlwen (583 [1975]: 3). This issue is also mentioned by Yin ZhitUI in Yan shl jid xun: Yin cf pidn (Zhau ZUm6 1943 [1966J: 425-26). In other cases, the semantic effect of *fj- is less clear, but the existence of some such morphological process seems beyond daub!: (400)

WJ zhtJo < trjew < *trjaw 'morning' fJJ chao < drjew < *fjtrjaw '(morning ceremony:) audience; go to the court or

lM' chao < drjew < ·fitrjaw 'morning tide'

court;

6.2. Initial clusters 219

(401)

fl' bti
(402)

1m jidn < kEn < *uen 'interval, interstice, space between' M.ridn < hen < ·likren '(interstice in time:) leis~'

(403)

If [duan] < twanX < *ton? 'cut off;

decide; resolute' (also dluln <

twanH < *ton(7js)

(404)

If duan < dwanX < *fiton? 'cut off; decide; resolute' fIT zhe < rsyer < ·rjar 'to break, to bend' fIT she < dzyer < ·firjar 'to bend'

(405) ~jjd < IcEp < ·uep 'be on both sides of; press between; tweezers' ~.ria < hE:p < ·fikrep 'narrow'

Note that ·Ii- can also be rtConstructed before aspirated initials

account for alternations between Middle Chinese aspirated and voiced initials: (406)

(407)

to

dII qu < kJojowk < 'kJo(r)jok 'bend, bent' 116 -lij ju < gjowk < ·fikh(r)jok 'compressed, bent, curved (body)' # cdng < rsJumg < ·rsMng (or ·srang?) 'store-room, granary' M cang < dzang < ·firsMng (or ·fisrang?) 'to hide, to store, storeroom'

(408) ~ qlng < tshjeng < ·tshjeng 'clear'

(409)

q qlng < dz~ng < ·fitshjeng 'clear sky' fti: cM < rrhjer < ·rhrjer 'remove, take away', also read [chi] < drjer < ·/irhrjer

(410) •

qf < ts~j < ·tshij 'consort, wife'

,. q{ < dzej < ·fitshij 'unifonn, equal, be equal with' As noted aoove, it is also possible that we should use .Ii- to account for cenai.n initials which may have arisen through secondary voicing, e.g. zy- < ·Lj-, which perhaps represents .fihlj-, and z· < .z[-, which perhaps represents ·/isl-, in xitshlng series of the .[- type (section 6.1.3 above). It is intriguing to note that at least some cases of Me zy- < .Lj- correspond to the Proto-MJn "softened" voiced initial ·-di reconstructed by Norman, e.g.

220 6. TIu! Old CIUII~U ryllobk: illitU1J t:DII.roM1IIS

(411) I} chudn < Z)'Wt!'n < -Ljon (or -fjhljon1) 'boal', Proto-MIn initial *-dl(Norman 1986: 381) (412)

5

silt < ryet < -Ljat (or -fjhljat?) 'tongue', Proto-Min initial *-dl (Norman 1986: 383).

Nonnan (1986) proposes that these "softened" stops of Proto-MIn may re· fleel earlier prenasalization or other pre·initial elements; the hypothesis is based in pan on shared vocabulary with prenasaJization in Yao (Mien) Ian· guages. Another possible case of .fj. corresponding to Proto-MIn softened initials is

ft chang < drjang < *fjtrjang 'long', Proto-MIn --d. where I reconstruct ex:: *fjt· because of the probable cognate

(413)

1i zMng < trjangx < *rrjangl'grow tall; increase; elder'. Against these examples.. however, we find that B1 'clear sky', which (414)

I re· construct as -fjtshjeng because of its likely relation to ~ ·uhjeng 'clear', is reconstructed with Proto-Min unsoftened, unaspirated *dz· (Nonnan 1986: 380). This example also seems to conflict with Pulleyblank's proposal (1973b) that the Proto-Min voiced aspirates *bh. *dh. etc. can be recon· structed as -/iph. -lith. etc.; by this hypothesis we would expect Proto-Min ·dzh instead of *dz in 11ft *fjuhjeng. Note also that 1i *litrjang gives a softened *-d. not the *d which Pulleyblank's proposals predicts; but Pulleyblank did not attempt to account for the softened Stops. I have reconstructed *fj. before voiceless initials only, but Bodman has proposed that the same pre-initial might be reconstructed before voiced initials also, to account for Proto-MIn voiced aspiration: ex:: *b· and *fibwould give Proto-Min *b- and *bh- respectively, but would merge in Middle Chinese as b· (1980: 56). I know of no counterexamples to this, but the example 1ft suggests that Proto-MIn voiced unaspirates probably had other origins as well. Othen have suggested that some of the complexity of Proto-MIn initials arose through dialecl mixture (e.g. Sagan 1984). Clearly, the question of how to accommodate Min dialect data into a reconstruction of Old Chinese is a complex one which must await further research, and for this reason this aspect of my reconstruction must be regarded as provisional.

6.2. Initial cfllS~rs

6.2.2. The pre-initial

221

.N·

I reconstruct a pre-initial *N- before a stop in forms which have Middle Chinese nasal initials m-, n-, or ng-, but which show either xiesheng connections or morphological relationships (or both) with stop-initial forms. This was proposed for the Proto-Sino-Tibetan level by Chang & Chang (19771978; see also Chang & Chang 1976, 1977). Benedict (1976b: 185-87, 1987: 40-44) proposes pre-gloualized stops at the Archaic Chinese (Le. Old Chinese) level to account for the same phenomena, e.g. *?p-, *?b- > Me m_. 159 An example of such an item is the following: (415)

:= ml < mjit (IV) < *Npjit 'to wipe a vessel clean'-so glossed in ShuOwen (Ding Fub.!o 1928-1932 [1976]: 2126), though not found in pre-Qfn texts

Here I reconstruct *Np- because of the xi/sheng connection with 12'\ bi < pjir < *pjir 'necessarily, certainly, must'. Chang and Chang compare *Npjir with Tibetan 'phyid-pa (also 'phyi-ba) 'to wipe, to blot out', where they interpret the Tibetan' a-chung prefix as representing prenasalization also (1977-1978: 167; this example cited also in Benedict 1976b: 186). Some other possible cases of pre-initial*N- are listed below:

=.

(416)

w: wu < mjuX < *Np{rJia7 'martial, military'.

This is phonetic in

mtfil < pjuH < *p(r)jas 'tax, to tax'.

iii nian < nrjenx < *Ntrjen7'trample' The phonetic is iii zMn < trjenx < ·"jen? 'roll over, unfold, open'. (417)

(418) 7G yuan < ngjwon < *Nkjon 'head; principal, supreme; great' According to the ShuOwen (DIng Fub3.o 1928-1932 [1976]: 3357), this is both phonetic and signific in (419) j($ goon < .twan < ·Icon 'cap' (also read goon < kwanH < ·Icons 'to put on a cap') I reconstruct *-on here because words in this series rhyme consistently as ·-on; for iiI glldn itself, see Ode 147.IA. The following item, which rhymes as *-on in Dqe 261.6A, could be from the same root: (420) ~ wdn < hwan < ·gon or *!ikon 'to build ready, to complete' (possibly 'to cap of!'?)

222 6.

TIreOldC~syllabU: iltitiDJ~oll$OftOlll.r

These may be compared with Tibetan mgo 'head', and also the possibly related mgon-po 'protector, patron; principal, master, lord; tutelar god'. For a Chinese fonn without final ·n, compare (421)

a lOu < khuwH < ·khos 'to rob; robber; invader; bandit',

where 7't; ·/ikon may be the phonetic (though the ShuOwin does not say so;

see Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976J: 1358). Another possible case of ·Nt- is (422)

iff ydn < ngen < ·Nun '(grind:) thoroughly examine'.

The rest of this xitshing series has initial stops, e.g. (423)

ill jilln < Un < ·Un 'pig or boar 3 years old'.

Note that in the above ex.amples I have reconstructed ·N- before voiceless unaspirated stops only; it is possible, of ~ that this element occurred before other types of initials as well, but so far we lack the evidence to distinguish them. Since the choice between reconstructing ·Np-, ·Nt-, or ·Nt- and reconstructing ·m-, ·n-, or ·ng- is based on scant evidence, it is possible that the choice has been made wrongly in some cases; further comparative work is needed to clarify this matter.

6.2.3. Clusters with

·s·s-

Old Chinese clusters with pre-initial have been reconstructed for various purposes by different investigators. As with other problems involving initials, my proposed solutions are somewhat tentative. We may divide ·s-elusters into those involving resonants and those involving stops.

6.23.1. Old Chinese ·s- clusters with resonants Already in Karlgren's reconstruction there are a few ·s-clusters, reconstructed in order to account for MC s- or sr· in xibhing series with resonant initials. This type of MC ·s-cluster is well supported by the xiisheng evidence, and may be reconstructed with confidence. An ex.ample is (424)

5:.m < sjoH < ·snjas

'raw silk, floss', Karlgren's ·snio (Karlgren

1957, item 94u).

m

The phonetic is n1 < nyo < .nja 'resemble. like, as if', Karlgren's ·riio (Karlgren 1957, item 94g).

6.2. lnitiol clU$lers

223

In general, it appears that resonants simply dropped after pre-initial *s-. However, Pulleyblank cites examples which suggest a development *sn- > tsh_;I60 for example, old forms of the character -=F qidn 'thousand' appear to have A *njin > nyin > rin 'person' as phonetic. In oracle-bone script, the character -=F qidn is simply the character A ren with a line through the bottom (mo Mfng 1980: 373):

There are similar graphs for two thousand, three thousand, etc., with two or three added lines instead of just one (see the comments of Shang ChengzuQ ftl£iii1= in his Yfnxu winzlleibian £2'm:X~Jjm:, quoted in Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976J: 952-53):

This leads us to reconstruct (425)

=f qidn < tshen < *snin 'thousand',

parallel to (426)

A

ren < nyin < *njin 'person'.

We may assume that the *n of *sn- became voiceless *hn under the in8uence of the preceding *s, then developed normally to th, becoming MC rsh- by metathesis with the *s-:

*sn- > s-hn- > s-th- > tshHowever, several examples seem to show that the combination *snj- results in a simple MC S-, as in the example ~ xU 'raw silk, floss', above, so I reCOnstruct

*sn- > tsh*snj- > S-. I have argued (Baxter 1983b) for a similar development of *sr-:

224 6. TMOldChiMses,flabk:

iniJialCOItSOIIQ1IlS

·sr- > ISh·srj- > srThe development of Me ISh- from ·sr· is parallel to that from ·sn·:

·sr- > s-hr- > s-th- > ISh(Examples of this development have already been given in section 6.1.4 above, under the discussion of initial ·s-.) Resonants other than ·n and *r, however, seem to be lost consistently after .s-; we can summarize the developments as follows: ·sm- >s-

·sn- > s- before .j, ISh- elsewhere ·sng- > s· ·sngW _ > s(w)·sr- > sr- before .j, ISh- elsewhere

·sw- >s(w)Presumably, the voicing Jm-initial ·Ii- could also precede these, giving the com:sponding voiced reflexes. Note that JaxOniOV (196Oa, 1963) reconsuucts clusters of ·s- plus resonants where I reconstruct voiceless nasals (reconstructing ·sm- > x- where I reconstruct ·hm- > x·, for example). This proposal is not easily reconciled wilh the presenl reconstruction unless we add wild cards to the game by creating two kinds of *s-, or two kinds of juncture, or the like. It is possible that the voiceless nasals did indeed originale as ·s- clusteB at some stage, but for the Old Chinese stage, my reconstructions ·sm- > s· etc. seem 10 be a more natural interpretation of the xiishlng evidence. EJtamples of ·s-clusters with resonants are given below_

ex:: ·sm- > so: (427)

1.X xii < sw;t < ·smj;t 'cyclical sign (11th eanhly stem)'

As pointed out by Li Fang-kuei (1945), Ihis is probably Ihe phonetic element in the following eJtamples. 161 (428) ~ xue < xjwiet (IV) < ·hmjet 'eJttinguish' (429)

ti m;~ < mjiet (rV) < *mjet 'drown, desuuy'

6.2. lnilial clwters 225

These words probably reflect the same root. Note that here, the front vowels *i and *e appear together in the same xibheng series. This happens occasionally, and there are similarly occasional contacts between *u and *0. The example ~ *smang 'mourning, funeral', *smangs 'to lose' was cited above as probably related to t: *mjang 'be gone'.

OC *sng· > s-: We should probably reconstruct *sng- in (430)

ti:

sa < su < *snga 'to gather into sheaves' (Karlgren 1957, item 67.).

The ShuQwen says that the phonetic in this character is ·"II(r)}a '6sh' (Ding FlibAn 1928-1932 [1976]: 3125). Another possible case of *sng· is

m. yu < ngjo <

(431) ~ xie < set < *snget 'wedge, piece of wood between the teeth of a corpse' . This is Bcx1man's reconstruction (1980: 69), based on the following likely cognate in the same xiesMng series: (432)

Ii nit < nget < *nget 'gnaw, crunch in the teeth'

But this series has mostly initial k- and kh-, so perhaps Ii should be *Nket; I( might then be *sket, which corresponds to U's reconstruction, *skiat (Li

1976 [1980]: 90). OC*sn->tsh·-s-:

In addition to ~ *snjas 'raw silk, floss' and

=f

*snin 'thousand', cited

above, we may cite (433)

.r; su( < swij < *snjuj 'to comfort'.

In the same series we have t;: nli < nwojx < *nuj7 'hungry, starve' (K.dgren 1957, item 354d).

OC *sl- > s-: Middle Chinese s- is commonly found in xitsMng series of the *1- type, and in this case I reconstruct *sl- > s-:

226 6. TIfe Old ChiMsuyllabk: iflitioJ CO#lSOllO.1llS

(434)

iI xf < sd: < ·sld: 'tin'

(435) J; [el] < sjeH < ·sljeks 'give, gift' The phonetic in these examples is lJ, yl < yet < *Ijek also readyl
'to

change, exchange',

(436) fj xia < sjuw < *sljiw 'adorn; arrange, repair; cultivate'. In the same xMshing series we have ~ IWo < tkw < *liw 'a kind of tree; branch, shoot'.

oc *sw- > s(w)-: (437)

'ttl xu < swit < *swjil 'solicitude, pity, sorrow, anxiety'

The phonetic is (438)

rfiI. xId -

xii <xwel < "'hwil 'blocxl'.

'I sui < Sjwe.jH < *swjat(s) 'year, harvest'

This rhymes as *-aIS (Odes 72.3A, 3OO.5C) Of' *·at (Odes 154.18, 245.7C) in the ShIjfng, showing that the Me -w- must originate in the initial portion of the syllable, rather than in a rounded main vowel. The ShuOwln says the phonetic of ~ sui is ~ *smjil, but this is based on a corruption of the earlier character; in bronze inscriptions, the phonetic is ~ yId < hjwol < *wjat 'a kind of axe'. It is also found with the phonetic Jj yId < ngjwol < *ngWjal (or possibly *Nwjal?) 'moon, month' (ZhOu F3gio et al. 1974a, item 0166.) The character a*swjal is phonetic in (439)

IB Jw1 < xwajH < *hwats 'rusl1ing of wings'

which also rhymes as *-ats (Odes 252.7A, 252.8A). Similarly, we have (440)

iii .rOOn < sjwen < *swjan 'spread, diffuse, everywhere-reaching, allembracing'

which consistently rhymes as *-an (Odes 250.2A, 259.18, 262.4A), not *-on; the MC ·w- must therefore be attributed to the initial. This xilsheng series (number 164 in Karlgren 1957) includes Middle' Chinese fricative initials, but no stops, supporting the reconstruction of *w- or *hw-, e.g. (441)

ffi hudn < hwan < *wan

'pillar, martial-looking'

(442) f:B yudn < hjwon < *wjan 'wall' (443) lift. [xudn] <.rjwonx< *hwjanl'brilliant, illustrious'

6.2. ItUtial clusters 227

This whole series rhymes consistently as .-an. 163 In lhe following item we seem to have ·fisw- > z(w)-: (444)

til xun < zwin < ·fiswjin 'ten days'

This rhymes as ·-in in lhe Shfjfng (Ode 257.18), so lhe Me -w- must be attributed to lhe initial portion of the syllable rather than to a main vowel. This character is phonetic in im [xun] < xwen < ·hwin 'far away'. Note: the combination ·sj-, though superficially analogous to *sw-, is actually different in structure, because .j can function as a medial while ·w cannot. I regard the *s- of ·sj- as occupying the initial slot rather than the pre-initial, so this combination is included under the discussion of *s- as a simple initial, in section 6.1.4 above.

6232. Old Chinese ·s- clusters with stops The main issue in reconstructing clusters of

·s- plus stop is whether the

reflexes of such clusters were affricates ts-, tsr-, etc. or fricatives S-, sr-, and sy-. There is some xitsheng evidence in favor of the latter, especially for the development ·sCr- > sr-: (445) ~ se < srit < ·sprjit 'lute'

The phonetic is

Jt\ bi
Anolher probable case of ·sp- is (446) ~ [/udn] < srwiI:ll/-l- srjwenH < ·sprjons 'twins'.

I reconstruct ·sp- here because of the labial initials elsewhere in this xlisheng series, e.g. (447)

W: ludn < lwan < ·b-ron 'harness bells',

(448) ~ bidn < pjenll < .prjons 'change'. This 9: ·sprjons may be related to (449) ~ shuiing < srlI:Wng < *sCrljJong 'a pair'. (Possibly this doublet reflects a dialect where final *·n and ·-ng merged.) Since I reconstruct Middle Chinese initial 1- as .C-r-, MC sr- in xiishing series with 1- is probably best reconstructed as a cluster .sCr- in which the COnsonant *C is lost, rather than as simple .sr-:

228 6. TM Old CJtiflUe syllabk: initial COfU(HIQII1S

(450) •

sJu1 < srjUX < ·skrjoKl'to count, calculate' (also read shA < srjUH

< ·skrjo(k)s 'number'). The coda *k is suggested by the reading

(451) •

shut> < sr;r;wk < *skrlj)ok 'a number of times, frequently'.

The following word is probably also from the same root:

(452)

11 [/u:] < IjuJI < ·g-rjo1cs 'frequently, constantly, to repeat'

The velar element of the initial cluster in this xiisheng series is supponed by the character

(453)

g

ju < kjuH < */crjo(k)s 'sandal, shoe',

Another case of *sCr- is (454)

iii sa < srEiX -

srjex < ·sCrje7 'sprinkle', also read MC srEiH l64 srjeH < *sCrjes.

The phonetic is Jill < leju < *C-res 'a pair, number; well-proportioned; elegant, beautiful'. By analogy to the developments ·sp- > s- and *sk- > S-, we would expect to find *sl- > s- also, but clear examples are difficult to find. Li Fang-kuei reconstructed *st- > s- (1976 [1980]: 88-89), but most of the examples he gave are in *1- type phonetic series, and I reconstruct them with *sl-. An example, cited above, is

(455)

a.; [ell < sje.J/ < ·sljeJcs 'give, gift' (Li's *stjigh).

On the basis of a Tibetan comparison, Bodman (1980: 57) suggests that we have ·st· > s- in (456)

mxidng < sjangu < ·sjangs « ·stjangs7) 'appearance, quality'.

Compare Tibetan stangs 'manner, style'. But it is hard to find support for the development ·Sl- > s- within Chinese itself. There are. however, a number of examples where MC sy- occurs in phonetic series with OC ·1-; I provisionally reconstruct ·slj- > sy- in such cases. (TIle development of a pataJal in this case, as opposed to ·skj- and ·spj-, could be explained if the simplification of initial ·s- clusters occurred after the palatalization of dentals before *-j-.) Here are some examples:

M= shI < syi < *stji 'song, poem' The original phonetic appears to be 2. zhI < tsyi < ·Iji 'to go' (Ding Fu~o (457)

1928-1932 [1976]: 968),

6.2. Initial cfustus

(458)

229

=8 sha < syo < *stja 'write'

The phonetic in earlier fonus of the character is iliary particle'.

it zhl < tsy~l< *tjAl'aux-

(459) ~ shi < syit < *stjjt 'house, hall' The phonetic is ~ zht < tsyijH < *tjits 'arrive'. (460)

Jr shang < syangx< *stjang7'to award'

Compare Ii dang < tang < *tang 'match, equal', with the same phonetic element. In addition to these cases where *s- clusters appear to yield fricatives so, &y-, or sr-, Bodman, Pulleyblank, and others have proposed that Middle Chinese affricate initials of types TS- and TSr· sometimes developed by metathesis from Old Chinese clusters of the form *sT-. In some cases it appears that we should also reconstruct clusters of the form *sP- and *sK-, which first assimilated to *sT- and then rnetathesized, like original *sT-, to MC TS- or (when medial *-r- is present) TSr-. I will accept these proposals provisionally, but to distinguish these cases from those where *sC- simplifies to MC SO, sr-, or sy-, I will write capital *S- for the variety of *s- which appears to metathesize with a following stop, giving an affricate initial in Middle Chinese. Whether ordinary *s- and this "metathesizing *5-" are originally different elements, or reflect different treatments of the same element in different dialects, is not yet clear. Some examples where MC TS· and TSr- seem to reflect earlier *s-c1usters are cited by Bodman (1969, 1980), including the following: (461)

lP

Zit < tswot < *tsut < *Stut 'soldier; group of men or families or

states' Karlgren points out that in the seal script (xido zhuan Ij,.] represented in the Shuiiwtn, the character lP is "7/i. garment with a stroke on the skirt" (Karlgren 1957, item 490a). Bodman connects this word with Tibetan sdud 'folds of a garment', related to the verb sdud-pa 'to collect, gather, draw together'; the Chinese glosses for $. zu seem derivable from this basic meaning of "to gather". (The meaning "soldier" may derive from the meaning "group or gathering of men".) As it happens, there is also a homophonous Tibetan verb sdud-pa meaning 'to close, conclude, terminate' Which may be compared with the other reading of lP. namely (462) $. zu < ISwit < *tsjut < *Stjut 'finish; die; utterly'.

230 6. The Old ChineH syllable: iflilitll COfLJo1UJllJs

Such examples do not of course prove that the *sr- cluster was still present at the Old Chinese stage; the assumed metathesis could have occurred earlier. It is true that some evidence from xieshtng series and word families appears to support the reconstruction of *sr· clusters at the Old Chinese stage; for example, Pulleyblank (1962: 134) cites (463)

11 dAi < 10jH < *ti(k)s? 'carry on the head',

in which the ShuOwen (DIng Fubl10 1928-1932 [1976]: 1142) says the phonetic is (464) ,

zdi < tsoj < *lsi « *Sli1) 'to hurt, damage'.

Another example is (465)

.w. [cui] < dzwoj < *dzuj «

*Sduj?) 'high, rocky',

which appears to have as phonetic (466)

1£ zhuf < tsywlj < *tjuj 'a kind of dove',

The significance of these examples is somewhat questionable, however, and deserves to be reexamined. For example, in the case of. 'carry on the head', the Shuiiwen cites an "ancient script [gtiwen l!iX]" form in which the phonetic is not" but appears to be (467)

-t yl
bronze which forms seem to indicate that the original fonn of • was its component (468) ~ yl
Paleographers are divided on the interpretation of these graphs; some see this as the original graph for (469)

R yl
but the more convincing view seems to be that it is a depiction of a person holding up his anus to balance an object being carried on the head-the original graph for ~ dt)j 'to carry on the head' (see Ding FuMo 1928-1932

6.2. lnititJ1 clus/us 231

[1976]: 1141--43 and ZMu FAglio et aI. 1974a., item 0330, especially the quotations from Yling ShUdi taUHi). This evidence suggests that the connection with '"1 may be due to a late graphic confusion, not an *SIcluster in '"1. (The connection of It dai < tojH with words in initial *1suggests that we should reconstruct it as *k-Wcs; for clusters of this type see section 6.2.4 below.) Similarly, it is by no means clear that it zhui < tsywij 'a kind of dove' is phonetic in W: [cw1 < dzwoj 'high, rocky'. In the ShuOwt!n, the character ... appears at the end of the section for the radical L1.J shlin 'mountain', and seems to have been added by the Tling-time editor Xu Xuan t*~.165 The text used by his brother Xu Kli t*1i seems to have originally lacked a separate entry for -lE, and Xu K~i treats it as a vulgar variant of ii, for which, however, the pronunciation given is not dzwoj but twoj. Moreover, the character V sheng neither version says that it zhur is phonetic in 'phonetic' is an emendation by DUM Yucai (see Ding Fub~o 1928-1932 [1976]: 4111,4121.) These examples illustrate that the graphic evidence for DlCtathesizing *S- clusters at the Old Chinese stage as a source of Middle Olinese affricates is rather weak:, and funher paleographic research on this question is needed. There remains, however, a certain amount of evidence from initial alternations in pairs of words which may be morphologically related; Bodman cites the following examples.

m;

iW. cui < Ishwoj < *tshuj « *Slhuj1) 'to urge, repress' This could be related to ft tuI < thwoj < *thuj 'to push'. (471) -lE [cuI] < dzwoj < *dzuj « *Sduj?) 'high, rocky' (470)

This could be related to ~1t dul < dwojx < *duj7 'high, precipitous' (Karlgren 1957, item 575b'). (472) 1{ ze < tsra < *lsrU)ek « *Strek?) 'to demand payment; require; to exact; to blame, reprove' This could be related to &:i zhe < tra < *trek 'blame, punish' (also read dra < *fitrek). To account for such phenomena, then, I tentatively reconstruct the following cluster developments:

*St- > lS*Slh- > tsh*Sd- > dz-

232 6. Tit#! Old ChilU!M; syllab"-: initial COflSONlII1S

·Slr· > lSr·Slhr- > lSrh·Stir· > dzr· An example which could reftect·Sg""- > dz(w)- was cited earlier.

(473) ~ qudn < dzjwen < ·Sg""jan? 'source, spring' This could explain why mis word is hiM" in Middle Chinese even though it rhymes consistently as ·-an in Old Olinese (see Appendix C). Bom Benedict (1976b: 182ff.) and Bodman (1980: 58--68) also assume mal the Middle Olinese gutturals 7· and x- sometimes reflect earlier ·sk· and ·skh· respectively. (Benedict writes these as "prefixial" ·s-A:· and ·s·kh- 10 distinguish them from clusters ·sk- and ·skh-, which have orner reflexes in his system.) Though the comparative evidence for this is substantial, I will assume (following Bodman) that such reconstructions, if correct, belong 10 some pre-Old Chinese stage, since there is lillie direct evidence for them in Old Chinese itself. 6.2.4. Clusters with ./ Bodman (1980: 108-13, 143-45, 168-71) reconstructs ·1-c1usters of two types for Proto-Chinese (a stage intermediate between Proto-Sino-Tibetan and Old Chinese). In one type, written ··KI-, medial " I behaves like medial ·r, producing division-II (and division-III cMngniU) vocalism; in the other type. written with a hyphen as ··K-I-, the vocalism appears to be unaffected by the medial ·1, but there are distinctive initial reflexes. Since it is the initial part of the syllable which is affected, I discuss such clusters here rather than in the next chapter on medials. I provisionally reconstruct

·k-I- > t·kh-l- > th·g-I- > do. Possibly we also have the following clusters:

·p·l· > t·ph-I- > th*b-I- > dI will assume that Bodman's "'i·clusters of the flI"St type had already merged with .r-clusters by the Old Chinese period. But there is some evidence that ·/-clusters of the second type were still present in Old Chinese. For these

6.2. Initial dUSk'S

233

clusters I will retain Boelman's notation *k-I-, *kh-I-, etc., with a hyphen, so as to avoid confusion with his Proto-Otinese **kl-, **khJ-, etc. A number of these *K~/- words are found in Proto-Yao or Proto-Miao-Yao (Purnell 1970), in possible borrowings from (or loans to) Old Chinese. A good example is (474)

tt ldo < daw < .g.Jaw 'peach'; compare Proto-Yao ·klaau 3, ProtoMiao-Yao *glaau 3 A 'peach'.

Bodman also cites the following item, with Austroasiatic cognatespossibly a botlowing in one direction or the other. (475) j! diJn < lam < ·k-Iam 'carry on the shoulder'; compare Khmu1 klam, Proto-Wa ·k1om 'carry on the shoulder' Compare . . ydn < yem < ·ljam 'eaves', in the same xiishlng series. This series also includes Middle Chinese palatal initials (e.g. the phonetic itself, 111 zhdn < lsyem < ·Kjam? 'garrulous'). This suggests that clusters of the type ·Ie-J- and "unexpected" velar palataliution (indicated here by the capital ·K; see section 6.1.5.4 above) may be related phenomena. It seems likely that *K-I- clusters plus *-j- gave retroflex stops: (476)

R

chang < drjang < *g·ljang 'intestines' (Karlgren 1957, item 72Oy); compare Proto-Yao *k1aang 2 'intestines'

Compare, in the same xiishlng series, ItA ydng < yang < ·Ijang 'light, brightness; the sun'. The following example seems to have a TIbetan cognate: (477) ~ zhOng < lrjuwng < *k-Ijung 'middle'; compare Tibetan gzhung < ·g-lyUllg 'middle, spinal marrow, kernel, pith'.

The Bdi hiI tong ]1

BllEilUI, an Eastern HAn work including a number of

sound glosses (quoted in Coblin 1983: 156, no. 55) records an example of ~ used as a sound gloss for (478)

1:f gong < kjuwng < *k(r)jung 'palace, dwelling'.

This could indicate a late survival of the velar initial in ~ zhOng.o Bodman cites the following as a possible example of the type *p.J. > T-: (479) 1ij tdo < daw < *b-Iu 'kiln, pottery' The phonetic, according to the Shuawln (DIng FilMa 1928-1932 [1976]: 2242), is f:! bOO < p:tW < *p,u 'wrap, bundle; contain'. The ShUl5w1n also

234 6. TM Old Chinese :ryffable: inilial CO/'lSonafllS

says thaI in the "Shl pian ~~" (Le., the Shl 2Mu pian ~1li~1~,

1Jl tao

is pronounced like (480)

ffi lou < pjuwx < *p(r)ju7 'earthenware; earthenware vessel'

For more examples and discussion. see Bodman (1980: 108-13), from which these examples are taken.

Chapter 7 The Old Chinese syllable: medials and main vowels An adequate reconstruction of the Old Chinese vowel system must account for roth the finals of Middle Chinese and the rhyming distinctions of Old OJinese. We wish to see whether it is possible to account for this evidence in a way which is consistent with the assumptions made so far. It will be useful at this point to summarize these assumptions:

1. Old Chinese rhyming distinctions are to be explained phonologically; that is, although later Chinese poetry sometimes shows artificial, nonphonological rhyming distinctions. Old Chinese poetry does not. This point was argued in Chapter 3. 2. There was no medial *·w- in Old Chinese: Middle Chinese -w- reflects either (1) an Old Chinese labiovelar or labiolaryngeal initial of the type *[(W- or (2) an Old Chinese rounded main vowel which became a diphthong. This is the "rounded-vowel hypothesis", due to Jaxonlav, intnxiuced briefly in Chapter 5. 3. There was no "strong vocalic" medial *-i- contrasting with *-j-: the Middle Chinese division-IV finals (where Karlgren and others have reeon* SttUcted medial *-i-) had no front medial in either Middle Chinese or Old Chinese; rather. they are generally to be reconstructed with front main vowels. This is the "front-vowel hypothesis", also introduced in Chapter 5. 4. Division-II finals are to be reconstructed with medial *·r*. This is the "*r-hypothesis", due to Jaxontov.

S. Division-ill finals are to be reconstructed with *-j- or *-rj-, the combina· tion **rj- being used to account for contrasts among Middle Chinese division-In finals within a single Old Chinese rhyme group, such as the COntrast between division-III chOngniu finals and others. This is the "'rj-hypothesis", due to Pulleyblank. The present chapter develops a reconstruction of Old Chinese medials and main vowels which is consistent with these assumptions and which can llCcouni for the finals of Middle Chinese. Later, in Chapter 10, I will test the predictions of this reconstruction against the rhymes of the Shfjlng. As OUtlined in Chapter 5, my reconstruction uses six main vowels, which may

236 7. The Old ChiM~ syllable: mediols aIId main \lOl4If!:ls be precc:dcd by mcdials *-r- or *-j- or both. In section 7.1,

we will examine

the development of Old Chinese finals which have no medial *-r- or *-j-. These finals became the division-I and division-IV finals of Middle Orinese; from them it is possible to see the structure of the Old Chinese vowel system without the sometimes confusing influence of medial *-r- and *-j-. In this section I will develop the rounded-vowel hypothesis and the fromvowel hypothesis in more detail. Section 7.2 examines the reconstruction of finals with medial *-r-. which became the Middle Chinese division-II finals. Section 7.3 examines the reconstruction of finals with medials *.j. and *-rj-, which became the Middle Chinese division-m finals. Each section will also examine the major sound changes which affected the development of the set of finals under discussion. Some of these changes may be formulaled and even dated with some confidence; others are more speculative and awail further research. The changes mentioned are summarized in Appendix A. Although problems relating specifically to the reconstruction of Old Chinese codas are treated in Chapter 8, some of that discussion is necessarily anticipated in this chaptet, since the codas affected the development of the main vowels and vice versa.

7.1. Syllables without medials: divisions I and IV 7.1.1. The rounded-vowel hypothesis

7./././. Distributional evidena The rounded-vowel hypothesis-that Old Cbinese had no freely occurring med.ial*-w-was first articulated by Iuontov (196Ob).167 It is suggested by the disbibution of MC -W-, which occurs freely after velar and laryngeal initials, but has a much more limited distribution after acute initials. (For convenience, I will continue to use the traditional tenninology and refer 10 finals or syllables wilh medial -w- as /rekOu 'closed mouth', and those without as klJikml 'open mouth'.) For example. Middle Chinese has the following /reMu finals with the coda ·ng, all of which, without exception. are resbicted to velar and laryngeal initials: 168 division I: -wang. -wong division II: -W£l1g, -w<mg

7.1. Syllables without fMdials: divisions I and IV 237

division ill: ·jwang, ·jwcmg, -jwEng, -wing division IV: -weng That is, mere are Middle Chinese syllables like Jcwang and kwong, but none like twang or twong. An attractive way to account for mis pattern is to assume mat Old Chinese had labiovelar and labiolaryngeal initials "'k w _, *tWh-, etc., but no medial "'-w- otherwise; then there would be no Old Otinese source for me non-occurring syllables like MC twang and twong. However, while Middle Chinese has no twang or twong, it does have syllables like twan and twon. Acute initials occur wim me following hiMu finals in ·n: division I: -won, -wan division II: -WZtl, -wen division m: -win, -jwen

Some examples are (481)

'-tl dan < twon 'solid, thick'

(482) ~ dudn < twan 'end, tip, point' (483) • (484)

chan < Isyhwin 'spring'

:w zhudn < tsywen 'alone; entirely, exclusively'

There are some interesting restrictions, however. The division-IV final -wen is still resuicted to velar and laryngeal initials; in fact, none of me divisionIV hikOu finals (mose wim vocalism -we-) occur with acute initials. Anomer interesting resuiction is mat Middle Chinese -w· after acute initials seems to occur only in syllables which are reconstructed with acute codas in Old Chinese (in my system, *-n, *-1, or *-J)' These distributional facts suggest mat MC -w- after acute initials devel· oped through me diphthongization of rounded main vowels before acute codas: -wan < *-on, -won < *-un, -woj < *-uj, etc. This not only accounts for me restricted distribution of MC -w-; it also fills a gap in the distribution of Old Chinese rounded vowels, which are otherwise not reconstructed before acute codas. Following Jaxontov, I reconstruct two rounded vowels ill" and *0 in Old Chinese, which underwent a process of rounding diph~ lbongization (*u > wi, *0> wa) before acute codas. Thus I reconstruct the four examples just cited as below:

ft dUn < twon < *tun 'solid, thick' ~ dUdn < twan < *ton 'end, tip, point'

238

7. TM Old Chi,,~u syllabl~: _dilJls tutd fItallt

¥

~l.,

chan < tsyhwin < *thjun 'spring'

• zhudn < Lsywen < ·tjon 'alone; entirely, exclusively' 7.1.1.2. Xitsheng evidenct

The rounded-vowel hypothesis is supponed by occasional xUshLng connections between words with acute codas and words with codas of other types. Jaxontov cited the following examples: (485)

ii;l tou < khuwH < *khfr)os 'to rob; robber; invader; bandit'

The Shoowin treats this as a semantic compound of X pO 'to strike' and jG 'completely' (Ding FIlMo 1928-1932 [1976): 1358), but this seems strained; it is likely that ~ weln is phonetic: l69

wan

(486)

7ii wan < hwan < ·gon or ·/ikon 'to build ready, to complete; solid'

If so, then the *0 of ji! *khfr)os supports the reconstruction of *0 in jG *gon - ·/ikon. On the basis of its Middle Chinese reading alone. jG wan < hwan could reflect either a syllable like *gWan or one like *gon, but in fact ~ wdn and other words in this series do rhyme as .-on, e.g., in Ode 261.6A. (See also the discussion of the initials in this and related words in section 6.2.2 above.) Another of Jaxontov's examples is (487) i'ido
wen < ?won < *.?un 'kind'.

This sUPIX>rtS the reconstruction of *ou in words with the phonetic in fact, such words do rhyme as *-un; an example is (489)

:It; and

11 yUn < JiunH < *Jiuns 'hate, anger',

which rhymes as ·-un in Ode 237.8B. Jaxontov also cites the interesting binome (490)

IBJIIl

[tfng]tudn < thenX-thwanX < .thenl-thonl 'footprints of deer' (first character also read thengX in this meaning).

This expression occurs in qrle 156.2. Both characters of the expression have Middle Chinese readings with th~ coda -n, but phonetic elements with the coda ong. I reconstruct the phonetic elements as follows:

7.1. Sylfables without rMdials: divisions 1 and IV

(491)

T dIng < teng < *teng 'cyclical character (4th heavenly stem)'

(492)

i! tdng < duwng < *dong

239

'boy, young man'

Such contacts between -n and -ng are not uncommon. Now according to the rounded·vowel hypothesis, the second syllable II!I tudn < thwanX must be reconstructed as *thon?, with rounded *0, to account for the medial -w- in Middle Chinese. This reconstruction is supported by the *0 in the phonetic element I *dong. Moreover, according to the frontvowel hypothesis, the first syllable IB.J MC thenX must be reconstructed with ·e, so the full expression is HIJIIi *then(g)?-thon7. When reconstructed this way, this expression falls naturally into a large class of binomes in which both syllables are identical except that the first syllable has *e while the second has *0. 170 Another such *e/*o binome is (493)

ti.. zhdnzhuan < trjenx-trjwenx < *trjen?-trjon?'toss and tum'.

In addition to Jaxontov's examples, we may also cite the following: (494) ~ duan < rwan)( < *ton? 'short' According to the Shuiiwen (Ding FubAo 1928-1932 [l976J: 2260), the phonetic in this character is (495) R dOu < duwH < *dos 'kind of food vessel'. This supports the reconstruction of *0 in

mton?'short'.

More complex is the case of (496) ~ zui < tswajH < tswats < *tsots 'collect, accumulate; to the highest degree' . The Xi30 Xu version of the Shuijwin (Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 3368) says that this is a phonetic compound, with phonetic element (497)

1& qii < tshjux < *tshjo? 'take'.

There are also a number of cases where i& zui is glossed by the following WOrd, which could be a sound gloss or an etymologically related form: (498) ~ jll < dzjUX - dzjuH < *dzjo? - *dzjos 'collect, bring together, store' This evidence suppons the reconstruction of .0 in l& zul, as the roundedvowel hypothesis requires. Although IN zui itself does not rhyme in the ShIjlng, it is phonetic in (499)

11 cuD < 'shwat < *'shot 'small cap',

240 7.

T~OldCltinesesyffabk:

medialsfJJ'ldmaill\lOWels

which rhymes as *-ot in Ode 225.2A. In all these cases, though the coda alternations are irregular, the matching vowels lend support to the rounded-vowel hypothesis. The major suppon for the rounded·vowel hypothesis, however, comes from the rhyme evidence. The basic rhyme evidence was already presented by Jaxontov (l960b), and it will be examined. funher in Chapter 10.

7.1.2. The rront.vowel hypothesis The front·vowel hypothesis concerns mainly the division-IV finals of Middle Chinese, and requires that they be reconstructed with a zero medial in Old Chinese. This means that I reject the "strong vocalic" medial -i- reconstructed by Karlgren in these finals for both Ancient (i.e., Middle) and Archaic (i.e., Old) Chinese. I will discuss Karlgren's Ancient reconstruc· tion first.

7.1.2.1. Medial·i· in Karlgren's Ancient ChiN!se The "strong vocalic" medial·j· began as Karlgren's solution to the problem of distinguishing division·rn and division-IV finals of Middle Chinese, in words such as these: (500)

fLll xidn < sjen 'immonaI' (division un

(SOl)

7t xidn < sen 'first' (division IV)

The vast majority of available evidence from dialects and Chinese loan words in other languages shows no distinction whatever between MC ·jen and ~n. Furthermore, most Chinese dialects show a prevocalic glide for both finals (as in the Mandarin final ·ian (·iEn]). Karlgren reasoned that both finals must originally have had some kind of high front glide; he reconsU'UCted

·10n for MC -jen (division UO ·ien for Me -en (division IV). The choice of a "stronger" medial in division·IV finals was suggested by certain contrasts which appear in Sino-Korean after guttural initials, such as the following: (502) ~ qidn < khjen 'exceed; to err, error' (Karlgren's k'iiin), Sino· Korean lean I

7.1. Syllables without mMials: divisions 1 and TV

(503)

241

:if

qiiin < khen 'pull, drag, lead' (Karlgren's k'ien), Sino-Korean kyon

Sino-Korean lean and ky.m are the transcriptions of Kono RokurO (19641967 [1979]); Karlgren wrote them as ken and kien respectively. Karlgren reasoned that in Sino-Korean, the consistent distinction after gutturals: ill ken: IV kien must neces· sarily indicate that the Anc[ient] Chin[ese] "medial i" was stronger in the laner, and we have to reconstruct a short, subordinated consonantic i in the former, a longer, vocalic i in the laner ... (1954: 248) Karlgren also reconstructed different main vowels in the two finals: ii in tb xiiln < sjen 'immortal' (Karlgren's sjiin) and e in ;t xii2n < sen 'first' (Karlgren's sien). That the vowels had to be different follows from his assumption (which few would accept today) that different Qityt1n rhymes must be reconstructed with different main vowels. Since il1I Xian (Sjen) and 9G Xian (Sen) are distinct rhymes in the QieyiUl, Karlgren reconstructed Ibcm with different main vowels, just as he reconstructed a "darker" d in the !byrne .18 Tang (Dang), but a "lighter" a in IfM Yang (Yang), because they Ire separate rhymes. There is no evidence for these distinctions, other than Karlgren's assumptions about the methods of the Qieyt1n authors; and llUdies of Early Middle Chinese rhyming (e.g. Zhou ZUm6 1963 [1966]; Ll R6ng 1961-1962 [1982]) show that even authors who otherwise rhymed very strictly did not observe these distinctions. Though Karlgren believed he had recovered many of the phonetic minutiae of Middle Chinese pronunciation, he paid little attention to the distribution or overall pattern of the elements he reconstructed, and from a modem point of view his reconstructions look rather suspicious. His ii occurs only after the medial and his e occurs only with the medial-i-: the combinations i4 and 1e do not occur, and neither d nor e occurs by itself, without a preceding medial. As a result of this multiple redundancy in his reconstruction, not only are ii and e in complementary distribution, but either the "weak consonantal" -1- or the "strong vocalic" -i· could be omitted withoUlloss of con· bast, even if we replaced Karlgren 's ii and e with a single symbol.

+,

7./.2.2. An alternative: zero medial in Division IV A more satisfactory solution to the problem of reconstructing division-IV finals emerges when we examine the distribution of initials and finals in Middle Chinese-that is, when we see which initials can occur with which

242 7. TM Old ChiMse syllable: medials and mtJin l,IQwds

finals. Thefdnqil spellings of the Qitylln show that division-III finals like -jen can occur after a wide variety of initials, including retroflex and palatal initials, and with the "yodised" or palatalized allophones of grave initials (see Chapter 2). Division-IV finals like -en, on the other hand, are disttibutionaHy indistinguishable from the division-I finals, since both occur only after the nineteen "simple" initials which show no signs of palatalization or retroflexion. I?} It is later sound changes, reflected both in the rhyme tables and in modem reflexes, which make division-IV finals such as -en seem closer to division-Ill finals such as -jen and less like division-I finals such as -an. We can account for the similar distribution of division-I and division-IV finals by reconstructing simple vowels, without front medials, in both. This was apparently first proposed by Arisaka (1937-1939 [1957]), who rejected Karlgren's -ie- in division IV and reconstructed plain -e- instead. At first glance, the proposal to write division-IV finals like -en without medials seems difficult to reconcile with the Sino-Korean evidence which led Karlgren to his reconstruction of strong medial -i-: why would SinoKorean represent division-III -jen as -an, but division-IV -en as -yan? In examining this evidence Karlgren was handicapped by his failure to distinguish the so-called chOngniu finals -jen (III) and -jien (IV) (see discussion in section 2.4.1.4). The Sino-Korean correspondences are actually Sino-Korean -an = MC -jen (Ill) Sino-Korean -yan = MC -en and -jien (IV). As Arisaka pointed out, these Sino-Korean fonns probably indicate that the Middle Chinese finals which I write as -en and -jien had merged by the time of these Sino-Korean oorrowings. This merger is also reflected in the fdfli/ie spellings of Humn's Yfqie jfng yfnyl, which date from the eighth century (see section 2.2.1 above). The merger evidently took the fonn of the insertion of a high front glide before the vowel e. According to Kono, in fact, the main stratum of Sino-Korean pronunciation agrees quite closely with the phonological system of Hullin (1964-1967 [1979]: 506; see also Kono's comments in Arisaka 1962: 74). Thus the glide represented in Sino-Korean is due to a post-Qilyun sound change, and cannot be taken as evidence for a similar glide in the language of the Qieyun. The merger of division-IV finals like -en with division-IV cMngniiJ finals like -jien also explains why both were placed in the same row of the rhyme tables in the first place. The·rhyme tables, on which Karlgren relied heavily in reconstructing the language of the Qieyun, are more representative of Late Middle Chinese than of Early Middle Chinese. Thus in this case

7.1. Syllables wi/how mediDJs: divisions 1 tJIId N

243

Karlgren was misled not only by his failure to distinguish the chdngnitI finals, but also by his failure to take into account the differences between Early Middle Otinese and Late Middle Chinese. 7.1.23. Medial*-i- in Old Chinese. and alternative recorutruetioIU

Karlgren projected the medial-i- of his Ancient Olinese rcconsuuetion back to Archaic Chinese. Let us continue to use MC -en (Karlgren's ·ien) as an example. As we saw in Chapter 4. the Qing-dynasty phonologists discovered that the final -en had at least three different origins, coming from the Old Chinese. Zhln, 7G Yul1n, and 3t Wtn groups of the traditional analysis. Karlgren accordingly reconstructed these three sources of MC ~n: ·ien (my ·en) < *·ien in the ~ Zhfn group ·ien (my -en) < ··ian in the J1j Yul1n group ·ien (my ·en) < *·i;m in the 3t Wtn group From the point of view of Karlgren's reconstruction, then, Archaic Chinese -·ien remained unchanged in Middle Chinese, while the vowels of *·ian and --~n changed to e under the influence of the "strong" medial .j.. This con· trasts with the effect of the "weak" medial *-i-, which induced less drastic changes, or no change at all, in a following vowel: -jl. (my -Wi.) < '-jl. (the. Zhen group) -jiin (my -j<.) < "-jan (the 7G Yuin group) -pn (my -jin) < *·i~n (the 3t Wtn group)

All this seems quite consistent with Karlgren's idea that ·i- was strong and .j- was weak. Notice, however, that there is a fundamental phonological difference between the -i- of Karlgren's Ancient Qlinese and the *·i· of his Archaic Chinese. His Ancient Chinese -i- was phonologically redundant and unnecessary. as we have seen; but in Karlgren's Archaic Chinese, there _ contrasts like ··ian:1:- ··ian:1:- *·an and *·i~n:1:- *-ian:1:- *-~n. Of course, if we reject the reconstruction of ·i- in Middle Olinese. the case for reconstructing such a medial in Old Chinese is considerably weakened; 10 have original ··ien••·ian. and .·ian merge as MC -en is somewhat more aWkward than having them merge as ·;en. Nevertheless. later researchen laave been reluctant to abandon Karlgren's .-i- (or some equivalent notation) in reconstructing division-IV finals. There is a good reason for this: lOme such medial is necessary in order to reconcile the traditional Old Otinese rhyme categories with the diversity of finals in Middle Chinese.

244

7. TM Old CJti.MR syUabIe: mediDls twl Mil "o'O'I4't:ls

We can illustrate this by examining the finals traditionally assigned to the 7U Yulin rhyme group. Excluding hiMu finals, this group includes words with the following seven Middle Chinese finals: division I: -an division II: -ZtI,·£11 division ill: -jon, -~n, -jien division IV: ·en Since in historical phonology we generally do not reconstruct unconditioned splits, each of these seven finals must be assigned a separate origin in our Old Orinese reconstruction. However, if we adopt the traditional assumption that all these finals rhymed with each other in Old Chinese, then all seven must be reconstructed so that their main vowels and codas are similar---even identical, if we accept the phonemic identity hypothesis (that syllables which regularly rhyme must have identical main vowels and codas). One possibility would be simply to reconstruct a single main vowel and seven different possibilities for the preceding medial position. ZhOu Flgio's reconstruction (ZhOu Flg!o et at. 1974b: xi) is such a system: I

II

Me

ZhOu FIg""

-an -a::n

'-an

-Ell

III

IV

-jon jen jien -en

·-ran ··rian ·-jan ·-ian

' -)Ian ..

·-ean

Notice, however, that this system involves four distinct choices for front medials: •.j., ·-i-, *-ji-, and *-e-, which seems rather implausible. The system of finals reconstructed by Pulleyblank (1977-1978) also accounts for all the distinctions above, without apparent violation of the phonemic identity hypothesis. This is accomplished by reconstructing a prosodic distinction between "type-A" syllables (indicated by an acute accent over the vowel) and "type·B" syllables (indicated by a grave accent). Pulleyblank originally believed that this distinction was one of vowel length (1962); later he described it as involving stress on different moras of the syllable (1977-1978). (Wh.atever the nature of this distinction, it was pre· sumably irrelevant to rhyming.) Generally speaking, type--B syllables arc those where Karlgren reconstructed *.j-, and I reconstruct -.j-. For

7.J. Syffablu without media/s: divisioflS J and TV

24.5

example, type-A *-dn corresponds to my *-an, and type·B *-dn to my *-jan. Moving this distinction from the medial slot to the prosodic level avoids the crowding of elements in medial position that we find in ZhOu F3gao's reo construction. Pulleyblank handles the remaining distinctions by assuming elements written as raised *j, *r, and *rj, representing "features of the initial and/or final consonants that gave rise to j-, r- or combined rj- umlauts" (1977-1978: 184). Thus Pulleyblank reconstructs

I

11 III

IV

Me

Pulleyblank

·an .... ·en -jon -jen ·jen (111) ·jien (IV) -en

*-an *·'an *-'ian *-dn (grave initials) *-dn (acute initials) *-'dn, *-,idn (grave initials) *Jdn (grave initials) *Jan

(A full account of how the surrounding consonants produce these "umlauts" bas not yet been published. l72 ) Most researchers, however, have accounted for the finals of the 7[j Yulin group (and analogous problems in other groups) by either assuming that diffen:nt main vowels could rhyme with each other, or by overlooking one or more Middle Chinese distinctions. or both. Karlgren did both, reconstrUcting three varieties of *a ("broad" *12, long *a, and short *d), and overlooking the chOngniu distinction between ·jen (Ill) and -jien (IV):

I

11 ill IV

Me

Karlgren

·an

....

·-tin ·-an

·en -jon -jen, -jien ·en

<.
··ian ··jan ··ian

D6ng T6nghe accounted for all the necessary distinctions. but allowed four varieties of *0 (written • .1, ·a, *4, and .d in D6ng T6ngh~ 1944 [1948]) to rhyme with each other:

246

7. TM Old Chi~u syllablt:: medials and main vowels

I

II ill

IV

MC

DOngT6nghe

-an -ren -en ·jon ·jen -jien -en

·-an ··an ·-an ··iiJn *-ian ·-ian ·-itin

Li Fang-kuei, by using the medials ., and .j, and by allowing simple vowels like *a to rhyme with diphthongs like *ia and *ua, accounted for almost all the distinctions, except that there are only two sources (·-jan and ··jian) for the three finals -jon, ..jen, and ·jien (Li 1971 [1980]: 54--56):173

I II

Me

Li Fang-kuei

-an -ren

··an ·-ran ··rian ··jan ·-jan, -jian ·-jian ·-ian

-En

ill

IV

-jon -jen -jien -en

WMg U's reconSU'llcrion (1980b) is consistent with the phonemic identity hypothesis, but fails to account for all the necessary distinctions. He reconstructed three different front medials: ·e (in division ll), .i (in division III), and .y (in division IV). but failed to distinguish between -;en and -en in division II, or among ·jon, ·jen, and -jien in division ill:

I II

rn IV

MC

W<1ng Ll

-an

··an ·-ean ·-ian ··yan

·en ·jon, -jen; -jien -en -<:en,

These various systems show the difficulties of reconstructing a plausiblelooking system of medials and vowels which is consistent with both the phonemic identity hypothesis and the traditional rhyme categories.

7.1. Syllableswilhoutmedials: divisioflSlandlV 247

7.1 .2.4. Distinguishing *-an and *-en

If it is difficult to devise a natural-looking system which is consistent with both the phonemic identity hypothesis and the traditional rhyme categories. the reason may be that the traditional rhyme categories are wrong. The arguments against medial -i- in Middle Chinese strongly suggest that there may have been no such medial in Old Chinese either. and that division-I -an and division-IV -en simply had different main vowels all along. If the traditional 7G Yuan category includes both *-an and *-en, this would explain the proliferation of finals in this category. This is the solution I propose (following similar proposals in Bodman 1971). My reconstruction is as below: I Il

Me

Baxter

-an

*-an *·ran *-ren *·jan *-rjan, *-rjen *·jen *-en

-a:n

-en ill

IV

-jon -jen -jien -en

(These are the developments after grave initials. where all the contrasts are present.) This aCCOUR(S for all seven 7G Yuan group finals listed above. Note that -jen (ill) has two sources: *-rjan and *·rjen. This reconstruction exemplifies the front-vowel hypothesis, which we may state this way: Contrasts between front and back vowels in Middle Chinese, when not attributable to the influence of medials *-r- and *.j., are to be reconstructed as front/back contrasts in Old Chinese also.

In particular, this hypothesis generally requires that division-IV finals be reCOnstructed with OC *i or *e. (The only exception is syllables affected by the change *;~fronting; see below.) Front *i or *e is also to be reconstructed in those division-II or division-ill finals which regularly rhyme or have xMsheng contacts with division-IV finals. If Old Chinese rhyming was based on phonemic identity, then the words I reconstruct with *-an and the words I reconstruct with *-en should not regu· larly rhyme with each other. We will see in Chapter 10 that this is indeed the case, and that this reconstruction is supponed by xieshing evidence as well. 174

2A8

7.

TIu!OldCiriu.fi!~ffabh:

medialstvtdfl'fllillvowe13

7.1.3. The six.vowel system To show how the assumptions listed at the beginning of this chaptet lead us to reconstruct a six-vowel system for Old Qtinese, let us begin by examining the Middle Qinese division-I and division-IV finals with the coda -n. These are the so-called "simple" finals which, by the rounded-vowel hypothesis and the front-vowel hypothesis, must be reconstructed without medials in Old Chinese. Middle Chinese has six division-I and division-IV finals ending in -n, listed below with their Qitylln rhymes: Hin (Han)

-an, -wan

•

-on, -won

11 Hen (Hon), ;t Hun (Hwon)

·en, -wen

$t Xiln (Sen)

Let us first review what traditional Chinese phonology has to say about the Old Chinese origins of these finals. We will begin by considering only the JciJjluJu finals -an, -on, and -en-thai is, those without MC -w-. According to the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming (summarized in section 4.2 above),

*"

1. Middle Chinese -an (lhe Hill rhyme) comes only from the 7G Yuan rhyme group (U's *-an); I reconstruct it as OC *-an. An example is

-=F glln < kan < *Jean ·shield'. Middle Chinese -on (the lll! Hen myrne) comes only from

(504)

2. lhe rhyme group (U's *-;;m); I reconstruct il as *·;n. An example is (505)

:>t Wen

mgen < Icon < *kill 'root'.

3. Middle Chinese -en (lhe $t Xiln rhyme) has three different origins: - the J( Zhen group (Li's *-jll) - the 7G Yuill group (Li's *-an) - the)( Wen group (Li's *--'11) Examples of MC -en from each of these three groups are ciled below. MC

-en from the • Zhen ~up

Words such as the following rhyme repeatedly in the ShIjfllg with such. Zhen-group words as.A. rln < nyin 'person':

7.1. Syllables wi/hoUl medials: divisions 1 and N

249

(506) 7( tidn < then 'heaven, sky'

(507)

mtidn < den 'field'

(S08) fJl!jilln < ken 'hanl, solid, strong'

Karlgren (and Dlmg T6ngh6) reconstructed such words with the final *-ien; in U's system they have ·-in; I also reconstruct them with ·-in. MC -en from the

]lj

Yuan group

1beword (SO')} ~ jidn < ken 'shoulder' (used in Ode 97.1 as a loan character for ~ jidn < ken 'pig or boar three years old')

rhymes in Ode 97.1 with words traditionally assigned to the ]lj Yuan-group words, such as]l" xudn < zjwen 'agile' (also read hudn < hwzn 'return'). In such cases, both Karlgren and U reconstruct MC -en as ··ian; I reconsuuct it as ·-en. Other words in -en traditionally assigned to the ]lj Yuan group include these: (SIO) Jtjidn < kenH < "'kens 'see' (Sll) • - ~ ydn < lenH < "'lens 'feast' MC -en from the

X

W6n group

The word (SI2)

$t xitln < senH 'to precede' (derived from $t xitin < sen 'first')

rhymes in Ode 197.6A with the plaster'. Similarly,

X

W6n-group word

il

jtn < ginH 'to

(S13) J$: [tidn}115 < denX 'cease, cause to cease; extinguish, ruin, destroy' rhymes in Ode 237.8A with the X W6n-group word J.R yun < hwinX 'to fall'. In these cases, Karlgren and Li reconstruct Me -en as "'-ian; I reconstruct MC -en < "'-in, as explained below. (It will turn out to be significant that the good examples of Me -en from the X W6n group all have acute initials; there are no clear examples of grave-initial syllables like Ken, Kwen, or Pen

from the :$I: Wen group.)

250 7. The Old Chin~u syllabl~: rrudials aNI main vo~/s

If we incorporate [his threefold origin of MC -en in our system, [hen it

appears that we must account for at least the following five possibilities: I. -an from [he 7G Yuan group (Karlgren's *-an, U's *-an)

2. -on from the)c Wen group (Karlgren's *-;m, Li's *-an)

3. -en from the A Zhen group (Karlgren's *-ien, U's *-in) 4. -en from the 7G Yuan group (Karlgren's *-ian, U's *·ian)

5. -en from the)c Wen group (Karlgren's *-ian, Li's *-ian) Now let us consider [he hiMu finals -wan, -won, and -wen, and see how the rounded-vowel hypothesis applies to them. The Middle Chinese final -wen occurs only with velar and laryngeal initials; that is, there are Middle Chinese syllables like Kwen but none like Twen, and no Pwen distinct from Pen. This means that we can account for the -w- of -wen in every case by reconstructing a labialized initial *KW-. Moreover, all clear cases of -wen come from [he A Zhen or 7G Yuan rhme groups; [here are no clear cases of -wen from the )c Wen rhyme group. 76 However, [he -w- in MC -wan and -won cannot always be attributed to an Old Chinese labialized initials *K""-, since -wan and ·won occur in syllables like ~ duan < twan 'end, tip, point' or ~ dUn < lWOn 'solid, thick', where no labialized initial can be reconstructed. Therefore, as we saw earlier, we must reconstruct -wan < *-on and -won < *-un in words like these: (514) !iit\j duan < twan < *ton 'end, tip, point' (515) ~i dun < twon < *tun 'solid, thick' Traditionally, ~ *ton is assigned to the 7G Yujn group along with words [hat I reconstruct with *-an, and ~i *tun is assigned to the )c Wen group along with words that I reconstruct with *-in. But if the phonemic identity hypothesis holds for Old Chinese, then *-on should not rhyme with *-an, and *-un should not rhyme with *-in. The rounded vowel hypothesis thus predicts the existence of rhyming distinctions not recognized in the tradi· tional analysis. Jaxontov (1960b) argued convincingly that these predictions are correct, and we will confinn this in Chapter 10. When these two additional finals required by the rounded-vowel hypothesis are added, it would appear that we now have seven finals for which dif· ferent main vowels need to be reconstructed: 1. -an from the 7G Yujn gToup

2. -wan from the 7G Yuan group

7.1. Syllabkswi/lIolUmMiols: diviswftSlandlV

251

3. -on from the X Wtn group 4. ·won from the

X Wtn group

S. ·(wJ
7. ·en from the

X Wtn group

However, we can reduce the number of required main vowels to six if we take into account the fact that MC -on and -en in the X Wl!n group (items 3 and 7 in the list above) are in complementary distribution. As we observed above, the only clear examples of MC ·en from the X Wl!n group (number 7 above) have acutc initials; convernely, the only clear examples of MC ~n from the X Wl!n group (number 3 above) have grave initials. ln This fact allows us to reconstruct *-in in both cases:

(~I6) mgin
1be split of *; into MC.o()· and ·e· can be attributed to a change *;-fronting, which caused ·i to become fronted in syllables where both initial and coda were acute. This would front *s;n to *sin. Subsequently, *kin and *sin < ·s;n were lowered to MC ken [kAn] and sen [sen] respectively by a change I call hi > mid, which lowered original high vowels to mid height in syllables without medial *.j_.178 Thus a system of six vowels is sufficient to account for the Middle Chinese division·} and division-IV finals ending in ·n, and for all the Old Chinese rhyming distinctions recognized for these finals in me traditional analysis (plus others which the uaditional analysis overlooked). The reflexes of the Old Chinese simple finals in *·n after velar, laryngeal, and acute initials are IUmmarized in Table 7.1. As usual, I use *K· as a cover symbol for any (nonJabialized) velar or laryngeal initial, and *T· for any acute initial. Table 7.1. Old Chinese simple finals in ..... aftcor 'K· and 'T· initials initial

,.

.~

'..jll

,.""

'-an

'-an

'K-

'T·

The devclopment of these syllable types can be sununarized as follows.

252

7. The Old Clti~ ~Uabk:

~diaLrtutd malll

vowels

I. Division-I finals reflect OC *(+ back] vowels; pure division-IV finals reflect OC *(- back] finals (except in syllables like *Tin, whose original back vowel was fronted by *i-fronting). 2. The rounded vowels *u and *0 diphthongized before acute consonants, so that original *-un and *-on became MC -won and -wan respectively. (I call this change rounding diphthongization.) It was this change which promoted *w from a feature of the initial (as in Old Chinese) to a fullfledged medial element (as in Middle Ql.inese). 3. Old Chinese *-in and *-en merged as MC -en in syllables without medial *-j-. 1 account for this (and a whole series of panlUel sound changes) by assuming the change hi > mid, which caused high vowels to become mid (i.e. (- high] but still (-low]) when not preceded by medial *-j-. The same change lowered *-in to MC -on ([AnD.

Let us turn now to the developments after labial and labialized initials *Pand */(W-. As Y. R. Chao showed (1941), MC -w- is not contrastive after labial initials. Nevertheless, Shi}lng rhyming shows that we must reconstruct both rounded and unrounded main vowels after labial initials. By Middle Chinese times, this Old Chinese rounding contrast had been lost after labial and labialized initials through a change I call *w-neutralization. For example, the word (518) ~ ben
r, min < mwon < ·min 'gate, door'

rhymes as *-in (Odes 4O.1A, 93.1A, 199.1A, and 261.4C); but in Middle Chinese they have the same final -won. I assume that ·w-neutratization applied as follows. We would expect an original *Pun to become ·Pwin by rounding diphthongization. So the original contrast ·Pun "# ·Pin became a contrast ·Pwin '#. *Pin. Then *..neutralization caused ·Pwin and ·Pin to merge, becoming MC Pwon. Similarly, original ·Pon changed to .Pwan by rounding diphthongization, and then ·Pwan and ·Pan merged as MC Pan. It is not clear in every case whether ·w-neutralization involved the insertion of phonetic (w] or its deletion, but in any case the contrast was lost. Syllables with labialized initials are similar. I reconstruct both *!(Wan and ·Kan as sources of MC Kwan.. The choice between ·K""'an or ·Kan must be detennined in each case from rhyme and xieshlng evidence: a MC Kwan rhyming with MC Tan < .Tan will be reconstructed as ·!(Wan, while a Me

7.1. Syllabks without ~diaJs: division.s I and IV 253

Kwan rhyming with Me Twan < *Ton will be reconstructed as *Kon. Similarly, I reconstruct MC Kwon as *Kun or *K""in depending on the rhyme evidence. It is unclear whether we should reconstruct *K· or *!(W. or both before rounded vowels; as a matter of notation, I write plain *K· before rounded vowels unless there is some reason to choose *!(W•. The development of plain finals in *·n after labial and labialized initials is summarized in Table 7.2. Table 7.2. Old Chirese simple finals in --/I after -p. and -t;W. initials

initial

--in

--'n

'-~

'",

'""

'",

'P-

P,.

Pwon

Pwo,

P,.

Po,

P~

K"",

Kwo,

(Kwon?)

Kwen

Kwan

(Kwan?)

,""-

We have found, then, that a system of six Old Chinese vowels is sufficient to accoum for the Middle Chinese division-I and division-lV syllables in -no We arrived at this six-vowel system by combining the rhyming distinctions discovered by the Qing phonologists with a kind of imemal reconstruction based on the distribution of phonological elements in Middle Chinese. This I)'stem suggests the existence of rhyme distinctions not included in the uaditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming, such as the distinctions among *-t'n, *·an, and *-on (in the traditional 7G Yuan group) and between *-in and *·un (in the traditional )( Wen group); but as Chapter 10 shows, the predicted distinctions do indeed exist. Unless we assume that these distinctions were made for other, nonphonological reasons (which, as I argued in Chapter 3, seems most unlikely in the Old Chinese period), the rhymes are IIrong evidence in favor of this vowel system. We will see that the same six-vowel system is adequate for other types of syllables as well.

7.1.4. Comparison with Li Fang-kuei's reconstruction It may be useful to compare this vowel system with the widely-known system of Li Fang-kuei, which closely follows the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming presented in section 4.2 above. Although Li's system is sometimes described as a four-vowel system, with vowels *i, *u, *a, and *0, it also includes diphthongs *;a, *ja, and *00 which correspond structurally to the vowels of my system----a total of seven elements in all. Of these seven elements, all but ·u are reconstructed before the coda *-n. U's

254

7.

T~

Old CJritWt! syllabll!: medWls aIfd maill 'I'Owels

reconstruction, as it applies to division-I and division-IV syllables ending in ·n, is summariz.cd in Table 7.3. 119 Table 7J. Reflexes of simple finals in ·-11 in Li Fang-kuei's reconsuuclion initial

'.

'->.

'.

,~

,.

'K-

K"

Ko.

K"

K..

K"

'T-

T"

T...

T"

T..

T"

'P-

P" KW<.

P... K...

(P~II'!)

P.. K...

P" KW<.

'K"-

-~

-~

(KWOl?)

-"",

'-uan

For these syllables, the major differences between Li's system and that proposed here are lhe following: 1. Li reconstructed *-ian where I reconstruct *·en; the reason for the diphthongal reconstruction is that the traditional analysis claims that this final rhymes with *-an. However, as we shall see in Chapter 10, *·en and *-an were actually distinct rhymes.

2. U reconstructed *-uan after acute initials in syllables where I reconstruct *-on; as with *·ian, the reason for the diphthong is that the traditional analysis includes this final in the 7G Yuin group, along with *·an. Note, however, that I also reconstruct *-on after *K- and *p. initials, while U's ·-uan occurs only exceptionally after such initials.

3. Li's system does not recognize the distinctions made in my system berwccn

·Pin and ·Pun (both = U's ·P1n) ·Pan and ·Pon (both = Li's ·Pan) */(Win and *Kun (both = Li's *Kw:m) */(Wan and ·Kon (both = U's *Kwan). These distinctions are recognized in my system to account for ShIjlng rhyming. 4. In the traditional X W6n group, Li reconstructed MC -en as *·hm, and followed Karlgren in assuming (incorrectly, I believe) that this final could occur after grave as well as acute initials. He also reconstructed a single source *-~n for both Me and MC -won. (1ltis is possible in his system only because he does not recognize the rhyming distinction berween *·in

-on

7.J. Syllables withow media/so' divisions J 0J'Id IV 255

and "'-un.) In my system, it is MC -on and -en which have a conunon origin "'-in, and "'-un is reconstructed, distinct from "'-in, to account for Shijing rhyming distinctions overlooked in the traditional analysis. Thus the essential difference between the vowel system reconstructed here and the system reconstructed by Li is that my system departs from the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming-for example, reconstructing three different rhymes, "'-en, "'-an, and "'·on, within the traditional 7G Yuan group, and two rhymes "'-in and "'·un within the traditional )( Wen group. In earlier work (Baxter 1977, 1980b), before 1 had reexamined the traditional rhyme analysis, the discrepancies between my reconstruction and the uaditional Old Chinese rhyme categories led me to believe that something like Li's system was appropriate for the language of the ShIjlng. I supposed that the six-vowel system, suggested by the phonological pattern of Middle Olinese, represented an early stage ancestral to both the Shfjing language and the language of the Qit)lun. The Shijing language, in this conception, was supposed to have undergone cenain changes (e.g. "'-en> "'-jan, ""on > --wan, and "'-un> *-win ) which brought its rhyming into conformity with the traditional rhyme categories. This would imply that the ShIjing was probably not the direct ancestor of Middle Chinese, for not all of these dtanges would have been inherited by Middle Chinese. For example, while me changes "'-on> *-wan and "'-un> "'-win are reflected in Middle Chinese (this is rounding diphthongization), there is no Middle Chinese evidence for a diphthongization "'-en> "'-ian or "'-jan. This is a line of argument similar to that proposed by Chang & Chang (1972), who distinguish ProtoQinese (the ancestor of all varieties of Chinese) from the language of the ShIjlng, and assume that the Shfjing language underwent certain changes not inherited by the Qieyun. However, examining the ShIjIng rhymes themselves shows that most of the disagreements between the six-vowel system and the traditional rhyme catelOries reflect flaws in the traditional analysis, not dialect features in the ShIjlng. It may well be true that the language of the ShIjlng was affected by lOme changes not reflected in the QieyiUJ. (For example, 1 will suggest below that original "'·ing usually became "'-in in the Shijing but "'-eng in Middle Chinese.) But on the whole, the Shijlng language seems quite close to the ancestor of Middle Chinese, even if it is not identical with it. As Li pointed out (1983: 396), it is possible to get by with even fewer Old Chinese vowels if one reconstructs more complex medials (as proposed by 2Jlou Hgao 1969, 1970, with three main vowels) or a more complex system of codas (as in the system proposed by Pulleyblank 1963, 1977-1978, with

256

7. TM OIdClUnae syUobk:

~diaLrand mDilt ~ls

two main vowels). Since I assume that both the main vowel and the coda

affect rhyming, there is no way to decide, a priori, whether to attribute rhyming distinctions to the main vowel or the coda For example, I reconstruct the traditional "" Yang and !if;! D6ng rhyme groups as ·-ang and ·-ong respectively, atuibuting the distinction to the main vowel; but Pulleyblank (1977-1978: 2(4) reconstructs them as .-aJ] and .-G1)w, atuibuting the distinction to the coda. TIle decision between these competing reconstructions cannot be made on the basis of rhyme evidence, since both account for this evidence equally well; rather, it must be based on other evidence, or on methodological considerations. In this case, I would argue that a two-vowel system such as Pulleyblank's, while not impossible, is too unusual to be our first choice in reconstructing Old Olinese. Systems which replace vowel distinctions with medial distinctions, on the other hand, will leave some Old Otinese rhyming distinctions unaccounted for (unless we assume that medials affected rhyming). For example, if *-an and *-on are reconstructed instead as *-an and *-wan, then the rhyming distinction between them is unexplained. ISO

7.1.5. Main vowels before other codas The discussion so far has been limited to syllables with the coda ··n, since these illustrate the full complexity of the Old Chinese vowel system. The same six-vowel system is also adequate to account for the division-I and division-IV syllables with codas of other types. Syllables with the codas *-1 and ._j are largely parallel to those with -·n. Syllables with codas of other types involve fewer contrasts than those with ·-n, and are easily accounted for by the six·vowel system. As an example, I will briefly sketch the reconstruction of the simple finals in -·ng. More detailed discussion of these and other finals may be found in Otapter 10. Middle Chinese has a total of eight division-I and division·IV finals ending in -ng (the finals in ·k are parallel): finals

rhyme

-uwng -owng -ang ·wang -eng -weng -ong -wong

~ DOng (Tuwng) ~ Dong (Towng) ~ Tang (Dang)

Yf. Qing (Tsheng) ~ [)lng (Tong)

7.1. Syllables witheul medials: divisions I and N

257

The hikOu finals -wang, ·weng, and -wong are limited to velar and laryngeal initials, so in these cases medial ·w· can be traced to Old Chinese initials of the type .f('N., as in the following examples:

(520)

iii guang < kwangx < ·kwang7'wide, broad'

(521) ~ UicJng] < khwengx < ·r",Jheng7 'unlined hemp garment' (522)

.IJt gong < kwong < ·kwing '(upper) ann'

The five kiJikOu finals which remain are easily accounted for with the sixvowel system. The unrounded vowels develop more or less as they do before ·-n: the change hi > mid lowers the high vowels *i and .; to mid height (unless preceded by ._j-), and ·e and ·0 arc unchanged. There was probably an additional final ·-ing, whose development probably varied according to dialect, with ·-ing > ·-;n > -en in some dialects and ·-ing > ~ng in others:

·-ing > -en - -eng ·-eng > -eng ··ing > ·ong ([Al)]) ·-ang > ·ang (Examples of these developments may be found in Chapter 10.) The rounded vowels ·u and ·0, which became diphthongs ·wi and ·wo before acute codas, appear to have undergone a different diphthongization process before velars, though the phonetic details are unclear and may have varied with dialect:

·-ung > -owng ·-ong > ·uwng As noted in Chapter 2, the placement of the Middle Chinese finals ·uwng and -owng at the beginning of the Q~yun suggests that such syllables had a coda -wng distinct from -ng at that time. It is likely that in this environment, the original rounded vowel had become a diphthong with -w- as the second element (rather than the first element, as in syllables with acute codas): (523) ~ dOng < rowng < ·rung 'winter'

J! dOng < ruwng < .rong 'east' Paratlel changes ·-u > -aw and .-0 > (524)

and ·-0: (525)

a goo < kaw < .ku 'big drum'

-uw affected open syllables in ·-u

(526)

N

tou < duw < ·do 'throw'

Though the phonetic details are unclear. I will use the label ··u(K) > .aw(K) for the change which caused ·-u and ·-ung to become MC -ow and -owng respectively. (This suggests that perhaps -owng should be interpreted as /awg/, as in Pulleyblank 1984). Similarly, I use the label ·-o(K) > ·-uw(K) for the change which caused and ·-ong to become MC -uw and -uwng. (Note that both these changes are restricted to syllables without medial ._j-. With medial ._j-, the developments are different: OC ·_jung > MC -juwng, OC ·_ju > MC -juw, OC ·-jong > MC -jowng, and DC ·_jo > MC -ju.) Thus the simple finals in ·-ng may be reconsttucted as follows:

·-0

·-ing > -{w)en - -{w)eng ·-ing > -(w)ong ·-UIIg > -owng ·-eng> -(w)eng ··ang > -{w)ang ·-ong > -uwng Having shown how the proposed six-vowel system accounts for the finals of divisions I and IV, reconsttucted wilhout medials, we may proceed to or ._j- or both. those reconstructed with medial

·-r-

7.2. SyUables with medial *·r·; division n In the transcription system used here for Middle Chinese, division-II finals are those whose main vowels are written as -<e- or -eo, and which lack a preceding -j- or _yo. In the QilyUn, words with these finals are mostly assigned to separate rhymes by themselves, which we may call division-II rhymes (see section 2.4.1.3 above). In addition, there are two rhymes which include both division-II and division-III finals: Jf,t: Ma. (Mz), with Ihe Middle Chinese finals -Z, -wz, and -jtt, and JR Geng (Kzng), with the Middle Otinese finals -i1:11g, -wzng, -jzng, and -jw;r:ng. The Qieyun's placement of division-II finals in rhymes by themselves agrees with the rhyming of the time: although the data are few and there are some exceptions, there is a tendency in rhyming of the Suf dynasty (581-618) and the latter pan of the Nonhem and Southern dynasties period (420-581) for most division-II finals to rhyme separately. lSI For example, the zdn 1f 'envoi' verses at the end of each chapter of the Wen .ITn diM lOng X4).ft~ of Liu Xie I!tlI (approximately 465-532) follow the categories of the Qiiyun rather closely (see ZhOu ZUm6 1963 [1966]:

72. Syllables with medial "·r·; division II

259

466-69}; there are several rhyme sequences involving division-n finals only, such as the following in chapter 40:

-tt biio < pa:w 'embrace' 31. [ydo] < ha:w 'hexagram' 3Cjjdo < ka:w 'meet' tf! pdo < ba:w 'gourd'

The separate rhyming of division·ll finals in Early Middle Chinese conU'asts strongly with the rhyming pattern of Old Chinese, where the divisionD finals do not constitute separate rhyme categories. The following rhyme sequence from Ode 53.1 (Yang ftng IISJI.: Gdn mao T~), where division-I -aw rhymes with division-II -a:w, is typical:

r& m&J < maw 'pennon of ox-tails' ~ jido < ka:w 'suburbs'

In general, the words with division-II finals seem to have split off as separate rhyme categories around the beginning of the Li1ng ~ dynasty (A.D. 502-57) (Juhll974; Ting Pang-hsin 1975: 258). A satisfactory reconstruction of Chinese phonological history should account for these facts.

In the present reconstruction system, division-II finals are reconstructed with medial ·-r-. The development of these finals into distinct Middle OUnese rhymes may be attributed to two sound changes: a change which 1 call·r-eolor, which changed the quality of vowels after medial *-r·, and a change .r~loss by which medial ·-r· was lost after grave initials. (After ICUte initials, medial .-r- remained as a feature of retroflexion.) As long as remained, the vowel features introduced by ·r-color were medial largely predictable, and thus allophonic; but after the conditioning factor was lost, they became contrastive, giving rise to new vowel phonemes. 'lbese new phonemic distinctions led to distinctions in rhyming. If we date ·""Ioss at approximately A.D. 500, then, we can account for the tendency of division-ll rhymes to rhyme separately from that point on. Even though separate division-II rhymes did not appear until about the ~th century A.D., .r-color probably occurred considerably earlier, because lD. SOme cases it did cause words to shift from one rhyme category to Ibother at an earlier period. For example, at least by the Wei-nn period (A.D. 220--420), original .·rin no longer rhymed with original .-in. but

·-r-

·-r.

260 7. TN Old Chittue syUaJk: medWs eutd MaUl 'I/l1'IWls

rather with original *-en; similarly, original --ring no longer rhymed with original --ing, but rather with original --eng (Ting Pang-hsin 1975: 244 46). This suggests that we should date -r-color no later than Eastern HAn, even though in most cases it did not affect rhyming unti1later, when ·,..Ioss caused the features introduced by -r--color to become distinctive. The change *r-color seems to have made a following vowel front and lax (Le. [- back] and [- tense]). The fronting effect is seen in the rhyming shifts just mentioned. and also in the Middle Cbinese division-n finals, which are probably best reconsttueted with front vowels: my -s:- and _e_. 182 Now if the only effect of medial ·-r- had been to front the following vowel, then after *-r· was lost., syUables like -kren would simply have merged with original -ken; but this did not happen, for the fonowing items remain distinct: (527)

if jidn < ken < ·ken 'shoulder'

(528) rB~ jitln < ken < ·kren 'between' Though lhese have merged in Mandarin, they were distinct in Middle Chinese, and are still distinct in many modem dialects (e.g. Cantonese i!I gtn and I'd] gdan). For Middle Olinese, the best reconsttuetion is probably ~ Ikenl with tense ,.; and /k£nI with a lax M. It seems likely that ·r-color applied only to unrounded vowels; where original rounded vowels are affected, it is probably because they have become diphthongized, either through rounding diphtbongization or *-u(K) > .aw(K). For example, we can account for the development of

r.,

(529)

gp mdo < mzwX < ·mru7'cyclical sign (4th eanhly branch)',

if we assume that *·u(K) > *4w(K) preceded ·r-color: ·mru > mraw > mzw. Similarly, ·r-color affected (530)

II gudn < kwletl < ·kron 'barrier'

because rounding diphthongization applied first: ·luon > krwan > kw.rn. (Evidently the medial·w· of b-wan did not obstruct the process of ·r
.-0

(531)

mgin < ton < ·kin 'root'

72.

S1/lableswilh~diaJ*-r-: divisiollll

261

IIjic'Jn < ken < ·trill 'distress'

JI jic'J1I < UII < ·UII 'shoulder' M jidn < ten < ·tren 'between' 'F giJll < w < BW 'shield' "li,jidn < Un < ·lcran 'adultery' sound changes affecting these syllables ~ summarized in Table 7.4. fJbk 7.4. Development of sdeclCd words in *-11

III

III

oft

r.,

-kill

*krill

*kell

*!Ten

[tAn] [tAn]

[t"n] [law] [1aEn]

{
...

/ben! [1
to.

[law]

[1
"'on! kL•

1-] /ben!

...

[1
In Old Chinese, as the reconstructions imply,

• gtn < ·kin rhymed with

mjic'Jn < ·krin,

R jjc'Jn < ·un rhymed with M ·kren, and

,=. gc'Jn <·ian rhymed with lijjc'Jn < ·kran. But by the W~i-nn period, this system had been affected by the changes ·r· ClDIor and hi > mid. Although ·r-color had already introduced new phonetic segments [£] and [z], in this environment they were probably IUophones of lei and Ia! respectively, conditioned by the presence of medial "". Thus the effect of ·r-color on original ·tun and ·kran was at this Rage phonetic, not phonological. But ·r-color (along with hi > mid) caused original ·krin to merge with original .kren as [mn], involving a phonological change from /*krin/ to /kren/. This analysis agrees well with W~i-Jln rhyming. Trng Pang-hsin, in his study of W~i·nn rhyming (1975), gtn < ·kin to his ;fA Hun group; U jUln < ·krin, jic'Jn < ·ken, assigns and r~ jidn < ·kren to his 7G Yu4n group; and gan < ·lean and ~ ji4n < ·kran to his Hill group. As Table 7.4 shows, this pattern is explained by the changes ·r-coIor and hi > mid if we assume that ~i-nn rhyming was based on phonemic (not phonetic) identity.

:m.

*

,=.

m-

262

7. TM Old ChiMM syllabk:

~dUJ1s aNi Main

vowels

The effect of -r-loss on the W~i-nn system was to make [e] and [~] phonologically distinct from [el and [al; if rhyming continued to be based on phonemic identity, this would explain why W~i-nn -·ren and -·ran became the separate division-II rhymes -en and -8'1 of Early Middle Chinese. By Late Middle Chinese, EMC k£11 and kJm had merged (as LMC kjaan in Pulleyblank's system), but were still distinct from EMC ken (LMC kjian), as they still are in many modem dialects (cf. Cantonese r~, ~ gdan, 1if g/n).183 Indeed, there is evidence that EMC -en and .;en had merged much earlier in some dialects; details are given in section 10.1.1.

a,

7.2.2. Evidence for the -,-hypothesis The essentials of the theory of division·1J syllables outlined above, which we may calJ the *-,- hYJXtthesis, originate with Jaxontov's proposal to reconstruct *.J- in division II (1960a). This proposal was adopted by Pulleyblank, who repons having independently arrived at the same idea (1962: 110). Later Pulleyblank substituted *-,- for his earlier *-J., as 1 do. Li Fang-lruei also reconstructed *-r- in division-ll syllables. Jaxontov's original proposal was based on the fact that (1) the contrast between division-D vowels and other vowels does not appear after Middle Chinese initial J(apart from a few irregular forms), and (2) many division-ll words appear in xieshlng series with words in Middle Chinese initiall-. (Recall that in my system MC initial J- reflects DC *C-,-.) Reconstructing *-,- in division-D finals provides a unified explanation of these phenomena. It is also significant, of course, that the Middle Chinese retroflex initials TS,· and T,-, whose retroflexion I attribute to medial •.'., are regularly placed in division II of the rhyme tables, while plain TS- and T- are not. (Tr- occurs in division m as well.) By contrast, Karlgren had reconstructed distinctive division-ll vowels in both Archaic (Old) and Ancient (Middle) Chinese. For example, Karlgren reconstructed the six items above as follows:

mgln < Iron < *kjn, Karlgren's *an lfljidn
m

rs'

There are several disadvantages to Karlgren's approach:

7.2.

Syllabfeswilh~dia1·-r-:

divisibnfl

263

- It requires us to reconstruct a rather complex, asymmetrical, and

unnatural·looking vowel system for Old Chinese. • It requires us to assume that distinct Old Chinese vowels could rhyme with each other (e.g. his *kan rhymes with his *ken, and his *kdn rhymes with his */wn). • It fails to explain why, having rhymed with each other in Old

Chinese, these vowels no longer rhymed with each other in Middle Chinese. · It fails to account for the frequent xilsheng connections between

division-ll finals and I-initial syllables. The examples listed below illustrate the xiesheng connections between Middle Chinese division-ll and I-initial words which originally suggested dte *r·hypothesis: 1. As we have seen, the character (537) ~jidn < b:m < *lcram 'see, look at; inspect'

is phonetic in (538) ~ /dn < lam < *g-ram 'indigo' (cf. Thai khraam, tone A2 < ProtoTai *gram, Li 1977: 231). Karlgren reconstructed these as *gMm and *klam respectively, making no connection between the division·ll vocalism and the cluster indicated by the x:iishlng evidence. In my system, the *r-dusters account for both the xie'hing connection and the Middle Chinese reflexes. (For the notation *g-r· and its interpretation, see section 6.1.3.2 above.)

2. Similarly, the character (S39)

Ja ludn < lwan < *b-ron 'bells on horse's trapping'

is phonetic in (540)

If man < m~ < *mron 'Southern barbarian',

Where the *r-hypothesis requires medial *-r- in order to account for the division-Il final. (With ludn compare Thai phruan, tone A2 'neck bells (for domestic animals)', cited in Bodman 1980: 74.) (In the same series we find also bidn < pjenll (Ill) < *prjons 'change', where the *rj-hypothesis n:quires medial *-rj- in order to account for the division-ill chOngniiJ final; see section 7.3.2 below.)

m:

m:

264

7. TM Old CIUMM syllable.: medials and main l'OWels

3. The character (541) ~ lill < ijUWH -ijiw// -lew < *g·r(j)iw(s) 'whistling of the wind' is phonetic in the division-n word (542)

.I! jido < koew < *kriw 'glue',

where medial*-r- is required by the *r-hypothesis. 4. The character (543) ~ III < luwk < *b-rok 'to carve wood' is phonetic in (and possibly etymologically related to) the division-ll word (544)

llil />do - bii < pzwk < 'prok 'cut, flay, pee!',

5. The character (545)

11! 11 < lix < *C·rj;7 'village'

is phonetic in the division-ll word (546)

if mai < 1TI£j < *mr; 'to bury'.

6. The character (547) ~ jitlng < koewngH < *krungs 'descend', also read xiGng < hoewng < *fikrung 'submit', where medial *-r· is required by the *r-hypothesis, is phonetic in the i-initial word (548)

iii lOng < ljuwng < *g-rjung 'high; ample; eminent'.

7. The character (549) ft~ lOng < Ijowng < *C-rjong 'dragon' is phonetic in the division-ll word (550)

.Ii1 pang < boewng < *brong 'huge'.

8. The character (551)

JJP mao < moewX < *mruJ'cyclical sign (4th eanhly branch)',

where medial *-r- is required to account for the division-II final, is phonetiC in the I-initial word (552) WIJ lill < ijuwx < *C-rju7 'willow'. 9. The character

7.2. Syllables with ~dUJl .-r.: divisiollll

(553)

26S

"Ii! 1/ < let < 'g-ut 'ttipod with hollow legs'

is phonetic in (and used as a loan character for) the division-Il word (554)

MI gt dEk < ·tret 'obstruct. ",parate'.

10. The chanlcter (555) _Ii < lak. < ·g-rawk 'joy, rejoice in'

also has the division-Il reading (S56) . , yld < nga::wk < ·ngrawle « *NgrawkJ) 'music'.

In aU these cases, the *r-hypothesis allows a unified explanation of the Middle Chinese and graphic evidence. l84 Such a solution is clearly to be peferred to one like Karlgren's, which does not relate the graphic evidence mlhe Middle Chinese vocalism. 18S Evidence for medial *·r- can also be found in sound glosses or variant textual readings which originate from a time when medial *-r- was still pescnt. For example, consider the following entry from the Shu6w~n:

It!: 1St!!: ~t!!. M.*,1i'¥. -S&Wt!!.

"'fil1f~.

wdn: t yi; jiMg yi. c6ng sf. gui1n shing. yf yut xiOO yl. dU roo jf buln. (Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 5842)

1be entry may be roughly translated as follows: 186

*

It! wtl. [MC lw=x]: 'evil; dark n:d'. The radical is sf 'silk'; the phonetic is 1i' gU
.aa

The word w4n < Jwznx has a division-Il final; based on its Middle Otinese reading alone, we could reconsttuct it as either *JWran?or *?ron? Since the word does not rhyme in the ShIjTng or other Old Chinese poetry, it is difficult to decide between these two reconstructions without other evidence. What is of interest is the ShuOwln's indication of pronunciation: the ltatement that the word is 'read like "chicken's egg'... It is difficult to know whether II jf < leej 'chicken' is pan of the indicated pronunciation or not, but in any case, it is clear that the I·initial word

(557) ~ ludn < lwanx < *g-ron? 'egg'

is part of the indicated pronunciation--providing suppon for medial *-r- in • wdn < 7wa:nx. 187 The usual development of unrounded vowels in combination with *r can be summarized as follows:

266 7. TM Old ChiMU s,fJabk: medi4lJ twi maill vowels

:~~ } ~ or<

[e]

·ra

[z]

~

As we have seen, MC ·e· and ·z· eventually merged, and in some syllable types they have merged already in the QityiUt. They do not contrast before ·w, for example; we would expect to have -EW < ··riw, but if there ever was an -EW it has merged with ·ZKt, as illustrated by these two examples: (558)

Ii! jido < k.rw < ·kriw 'glue'

(559) ~ jido < k.rw < ·kraw 'suburbs' In a few cases we find .8:- when .£. would be expected, or vice versa: for example. ·Prtn became MC Kwzn rather than the expected Kw£tJ:

(560)

Ji h.uQn < hwa:n < .wren (or .gWrtn) 'ring'.

On the other hand, ·J(WraJc becomes Kwd rather than the expected Kwa*: (561)

II huO < hwd < ·wraJc (or .gWraJc) 'to catch'

These facts can be attributed to minor sound changes which were phonologically regular but affected only a few syllables. As noted earlier, ·r-color generally seems to affect original ·ru and ·ro only when some diphthongization process has occurred. For example, ·-u(K) > -aw(K) applies in (562)

e biJo
(563) ~ xld < hzwk < ·grawk < ·gruk (or .1iJuuJ:.?) 'to learn' (564) ~ jiQng < k:ewngH < ·krawngH < ·krungs 'to descend'.

similar process seems to have applied to .·rong and ·-rok, but not 10 ··ro; ·-0 and ··ro apparently merged as MC -uw (similarly, ··oks and ··roks apparently merged as ·uwu): A

(565) iIjidng < kZKtng < ·krong '(Yangtze) river'

(566)

fIJ jiilo -

jui < k_k < *krok 'hom'

(567) ~ qld < kha::wk < ·khrok 'hollow shell, hollow'

Since this latter has medial .·r·, perhaps we have .r in the phonetic compound (568) ~ g{}u < kuwu < ·k(r)oks 'draw a bow to the full'.

7.2.

Syllabl~3

willi medial·-r-: divisilJn If 267

Before acute codas, *ru and *ro generally diphthongize to *rwi and *rwa: (569)

fi: gudn < kw£IJ < *krwin < *luun 'blue or green sash; kombu; head kerchief (also read lun < Iwin < *C-rjun 'cord; to twist')

(570)

IPJ guiJn < kw<m < *krwan < *kron 'barrier'

The development of syllables like *Pron and *Prot is more complelt. If rounding diphthongization preceded w-neutralization (the change which made -w- nondistinctive after labials), then we would eltpect *Pron > Prwan > Pran > P~. This would account for the development of (571)

If man < m<en < *mron 'Southern barbarian'.

But the following eltample seems to show a development *Prol > Pel: (572)

tR bd < bet < *brot 'puD OUl', also read bei < bajll < *bots 'thinned out (as a forest, some trees having been pulled up)'.

(The *0 is supported by rhymes of the second reading *bots > bajH in Odes 237.8e and 241.3A.) This might reflect a dialect in which the vowel of ·Prot, instead of diphthongizing to *wa, simply lost its rounding, giving ·PrAl> Pret > Pel. But the Qityun has no syllable b<el (SMo R6ngfen 1982: 151), so perhaps original b<et and bel have simply fallen together. 7.1.3. Division-ll syllables with initials of type TSrAlthough the majority of words with division-II finals may be reconstructed with medial *-r- only, at least some division-II words with retroflelt sibilant initials (Me Isr-, ISrh-, etc.) are to be reconstructed with *-rj-. The *-j- was eventually lost after initials of this type through the change I call TSrj- > TSr-. (This change was discussed briefly in section 2.3.6 above.) An example is (573)

1: sheng <sr<eng <srjzng < *srjeng 'live, be born'

There is some vacillation in the representation of syllables like this in our Middle Chinese sources. For example, the [dn.qit spelling for the Qityun is

1:

sheng in

i'Ji)j>:Jit sud jfng[dn, i.e. sr(joX) + kljzng) = srj~g.

The use of the final speller Jj( jfng < kjreng clearly indicates a pronunciation Irja:ng. The spelling in the GudngyUn, however, indicates -reng:

268 7. TM Old Clti~ syllable: wu:dioJ.s tw1 main 'i'OWt:ls i'Ii~1}] suO glng qii. i.e. sr(joX) + k( a:ng) = sra:ng

Even in the QityJ2n, there is a ql2sMng pronunciation for ~ whose f4nqii spelling indicates -a:ngn, not ·jzngn:

i'liil!&: suO ging f4n = srjox + kzngH = sra:ngH

We find many other similar alternations between division·lll and division-II finals, as in (574)

:m cI - eM - cluli < tsrhje - tsrhei -

tsrhej < ·tshrjaj 'distinction; to

select'. Here I suspect that the readings tsrhE.i and tsrhE.j result from the application of the change TSrj- > TSr- to an original tsrhje in two dialects with slightly different pronunciations of Me ·je. Note that the reading cI < tsrhje, apparently unaffected by TSrj- > TSr-, is still preserved in modern Mandarin, but chiefly in the expression clncf < tsrhim-tsrhje 'of varying lengths', which occurs in Ode I; its pronunciation reflects the reading tradition of the ShI;lng preserved in the Jfngdi4n shlwin and (more relevant to modem pronunciation, perhaps) in ZhiJ Xi's Shfjf zhuan *JUW. I88 Such vacillations probably indicate that the change TSrj- > TSr- was in progress during the Middle Chinese period; the division-ill spellings represent synchronic variation, or conservative dialects. or fdnqie spellings preserved from an earlier period, or all of these. As a result of TSrj· > TSr-, the retroflex TSr· initials and the palatal TSy· initials eventually fell into complementary distribution, and by Late Middle Chinese they merged. DOng T6ngh6 (1944 [1948]: ~21) also noticed the common alternation of division-ll and division-ill finals after TSr-type initials, but his explanation was the reverse of the one just outlined: he assumed that these words belonged originally to division II (reconstructed with distinctive Old Chinese vowels in his system), and that the division-III fonns were later developments. He further attributed the development of retroflex sibilant initials to the influence of the distinctive division-II vowels. Translated into my framework, this amounts to proposing a change TSr- > TSrj- rather than TSrj- > TSr-. I see two main difficulties with D6ng T6ngM's approach. First, the philological evidence indicates that the change was in the other direction: the division-ill forms are preseived only in the classical reading tradition. while it is the division-D forms which have survived in modem speech. This is

#:m

illustrated by ~ cI - eM - eMi above. The same is mle of 1:. sheng in modem dialects; although Mandarin sheng could reflect either srj;eng or srzng, the Cantonese reading soong indicates sra:ng rather than srjamg. The second difficulty with OOng's approach is that it fails to explain the final -;eng in 1:. sheng. which rhymes in the traditional Geng group of Old Chinese (my *-eng, U's *-ing). The final-;mg usually comes from the , . Yang group (*-ang); the Middle Chinese reading sneng for 1:. has generally been regarded as irregular (Karlgren 1957, item 812.; Li 1971 [1980]: 69). But we can account for the reading sr;mg once we recognize that the final *-rjeng of the JJt: Geng group regularly gives MC -j;eng. (This is discussed further in section 7.3.1.3 below; see also section 10.2.9.) Thus OC *srjeng regularly gives MC srja:ng. which then becomes sra:ng by TSrj> TSr-. But if we assume that 1:. sheng originally had no medial *-j-. then the final -<eng is unexplained. Although some division-II words with TSr- initials originally had medial *-j-, we need not assume that all of them did; I will assume that division·II syllables with MC TSr- initials might reflect either *TSr· or *TSrj-.

m

7.3. Syllables witb medial *-j. and *·1·: division ill So far, we have discussed the division-I and division-IV finals (reconstructed without medials) and the division·II finals (reconstructed with medial *-r-). It remains to discuss the division-ill finals, which I reconstruct with medials *-j- and *_rj_.189 The major challenge in reconstructing the division-ill finals is that there are so many of them: of over a hundred finals attested in the Qieyun, more than half belong to division 111. 190 In each

case, we must decide what combinations of Old Chinese medials and main vowels to reconstruct.

7.3.1. Division-ill finals and their Old Chinese origins If we examine division-m finals in terms of the traditional analysis of Old Chinese myming, we find that a single rhyme group may include as few as one division-ID final (as in the • Dong group) or as many as six (as in the 7C Yu{n group). In the following sections I will discuss representative rhyme groups, moving from simple to more complex cases in order to develop a reconstruction system for division-ID finals.

270 7. The Old ChiMse syllabk: medials tutd tffDiIt \IOl4o'els

73.1.1. Th"!¥. D6ng group ('-oog) The only Middle Chinese division-III final from the • ·jowng, as in

Dong group is

(575) fj chOng < lsyhowng < *lhjong 'assaulting engine, knocker'. However, even lhough there is only one division-ill final from this group in Middle Chinese, we must reconstruct bolh *·jong and *-rjong in Old Chi· nese in order to account for the contrast between Middle Chinese palalal initials, as in the last example, and relrOflex initials, as in (576)

Ii: chOng < drjowng < *drjong 'double' (also read zhOng < drjowngx < *drjongl'even more', zhOng < drjowngH < *drjongs 'heavy').

There is :c;bhLng evidence lhat lhis *-rjong occurred after grave initials as weU, as in

JI gong < kjowng < *krjong 'respect' whose phonetic is U lOng < ljowng < *C-rjong 'dJagon'.

(5n)

The character U gong is now used chiefly as a surname, but in early script it was used also in the sense of ilS homonyms 'to furnish' and fi 'to respect' (the latter also being the name of a Western 2'1l0u king; see Ding Flib{o 1928-1932 [1976): 1140). This suggests that both *-jong and *·rjong originally occurred after grave initials, but had merged by Middle Chinese times. (This is consislenl with the view that *r·color did nOI affect rounded vowels; see section 7.2.1 above.) Thus we can reconstruct Ihe finals of the. Dong group as follows:

m

*--ong > ·uwng (division I) *-rong > -zwng (division 11) *·jong, *-rjong > -jowng (division 1II) 73.12. TheI!J!Ydnggroup(··ang) Other traditional rhyme groups show a more complex set of division-III reflexes. For example, the ~ Yang group includes the following finals: I

n ill

-ang -a;ng -jang -ja;ng

-wang -wreng -jwtJ1Jg -jw;mg

73.

Syllabl~s wilh

nudiaJ ._j- Olld ._rj-: division III

271

The finals with -w- occur only after velar and laryngeal initials, so they can be accounted for by reconstructing Old Chinese initials of type *r-, and we need not discuss them separately. Note that in this group there are finals of division I, but no finals of division IV, indicating that we should reconstruct this group with a back vowel. The division-I and division-II finals are easily reconstructed according to the hypotheses outlined so far: I

IT

-ang -<eng

< *-ang < *-rang

But in division m, we have two contrasting finals -jang and -j<eng, as in the following items: (578)

mJiang < kjang 'boundary'

(579) Jj( jfng < kja:ng 'hill, capital city' Though these words no longer rhyme in Middle or Mooern Chinese, they both clearly rhyme as *·ang in Old Chinese. (For example, they rhyme with each other in Ode 241.6.) It seems natural to reconstruct MC -jang as OC *-jang, but how should we reconstruct MC -ja::ng? Karlgren reconstructed MC -ja::ng as *-ilJng, with a short *lJ (as opposed to MC -jang < *-iang with a long *a). This requires assuming a contrast of vowel length which did not affect rhyming. Li Fang-kuei reconstructed MC -jreng as *-jiang, but this is suspect from a distributional point of view, because *-iang does not occur by itself in his system, but only after medial *-j-. The solution I propose is to reconstruct Jjt jfng < kjlDlg as *lujang. The jfng is phonetic in reconstruction with *-r- is supported by the fact that

*

(580) ~ liang < liang < *g-rjang 'cool, cold'.

*

in the ~ Geng (Kceng) rhyme, along Note also that the Qieyun places with division-II words in -<eng which I have already reconstructed as *-rang. If we assume that *r-color applied in syllables both with and without *-j-, then we can account for the Middle Chinese reflex kjreng < *krjang without assuming any additional changes: *r fronted a following *a to MC -ole- in both *·rang and *-rjang. We must reconstruct a final *-rjang after acute initials in any case to account for words like the following: (581)

mshudng < srjang < *srjang 'hoarfrost'

(582) ~ zluing < trjang < *trjang 'to draw the bow'

272 7. TheOldClUneusyllobfr:

nudiaJsandmai,.~fs

*"

Note, however, that while the vowel of OC *-rjang is fronted after grave kja:ng < *krjang), the original back vowel remains after initials (as in acute initials; perhaps this is because the *r was already analyzed as a feature of the initial in syllables like *srjang and *lrjang at the time *rcolor applied. Similarly, the original vowel remains in syllables like *g-rjang, possibly because the initial *g. had already disappeared, and *r was in initial position when *r-eolor applied. As with the division-ll words which show xibhing contacts with initial 1-, the reconstruction Jcjimg < *Jcrjang simultaneously accounts for both the Middle Chinese vowel .s:- and the xiishlng evidence; by contrast, Karlgren jfng as *kljdng (Karlgren 1957, item 755a), with both */ reconstructed (to account for the xiishtng connection with i~ lidng) and shon *.1 (to account for the Middle Chinese final -ja:ng). Similarly, U's reconstruction would be *kljiang (1971 [1980): 60--61]). In the reconstruction proposed here, a single element accounts for both phenomena. Let us consider a similar contrasting pair with a labial initial:

*"

(583) ~/dng < pjangx < *pjangl 'imitate'

(584)

P9 blng < pjiDIgx < *prjangl'cyclical sign (3rd heavenly stem)'

Note that {!t Idng, which retained the original back vowel in Middle Chinese, later developed a labiooental initial 1-, while P9 blng, whose vowel was fronted by *r, did not. This fits well with the theory of labiooentalization proposed by Y. R. Chao (1941), in which labial initials became labiodental before MC -j- followed by a back vowel (see section 6.1.1). In this case, too, the reconstruction of *·rjang is supponed by evidence from the writing system. In early script, P9 blng looks like

which, when doubled to

becomes the early form of (585)

mlidng < ljangx < *b-rjangl 'a pair'.

(See ZhOu FAglio et al. 1974a: items 1037, 1038, and 1846.)

7.3.

Syllabl~$

wirh mbliaJ ._j- and ._tj-: division III 273

The pattern we find in the M; Yling group can be extended to other backvowel rhyme groups of Old Chinese which include more than one divisionfinal. For example, in the traditional ~ Zhfng rhyme group (*-ing), we find contrasts like the following:

m

(586) '65[ing
pairs: (588) 1§ lou < pjuwX < *pji7'be not, be wrong' (589)

± pf < phij (!II) < *plvji 'great, grand'

(590) l§ftl < pjuwk < *pjik 'good fortune' (591)

ii. bi < pik < *prjik 'to urge, press'

Except for the rounding due to rounding assimilation, the development of *-jing and *-rjing is parallel to that of *-jang and *-rjang: when only me· dial *-j- is present, the Middle Chinese reflex has a back vowel, which conditions labiodentalization of labial initials; but the combination *·rjfronts the main vowel and prevents labiodentalization from occurring. In support of the reconstruction Ping < *Prjing, consider the following pair of undoubtedly related words: (592) bj(: bing
'274

7. 71w. Old C~ syllabk: medWs 0IId maill ~Is

73.13. The.tJI: Oing group (·-eng) When we tum to a front-vowel rhyme group like JA: Geng (--eng), we similarly find two division-ill finals (again omitting the finals with medial • W-, which occur only with velar and laryngeal initials): IJ

ill IV

-£I1g -j(i)eng -j;r,ng -eng

(Recall that in my Middle Chinese notation, the final -jeng is written as -jieng after grave initials to indicate that it is placed in division rv of the rhyme tables; see .section 2.4.1.4 above.) The following pair illustrates the contrast between -jieng and -j:r:n.g in this rhyme group: (594) ~ mfng < mjieng 'name' (595) ~ mfng < mj;r,ng 'cry of birds; sound of animals generally' Both clearly rhyme as ·-eng in the ShIjfng (for example, see Ode 106.2A for ~ mfng < mjieng, and 96.IA for II mfng < mjzng). Since MC -j<eng usually comes from the Iftj Yling (·-ong) rhyme group, words like l!fJ mfng < mjzng in the JA: Gcng group have commonly been regarded as irregular. J91 There are, however, a good number of words in MC -jzng in the jJj: Geng group, including such common words as lJZ. pfng < bjamg 'level, even' and Ii jfng < lejz:ng 'to be afraid'. By analogy to the development -j;eng < ·-rjang in the ~ Yo1ng group, I reconstruct also -j:r:n.g < .-rjeng in the Geng group. In suppon of the reconstruction with ·rj we may cite the word

m:

(596)

iilr ming < mjamgu < ·mrjeng(s) < .mrjing(s) 'command'

which is interchangeable in early script with (597) fj /lng < ljengll < ·C-rjeng(s) < ·C-rjing(s) 'convnand'.

(Here ·-eng may be from earlier ·-ing; see sections 7.1.5 and 10.1.4.) Thus, in grave-initial syllables, the finals of the Vf: Geng group developed as below: ·-eng > MC -eng ·-reng > Me -£I1g ·-jeng> MC -jieng ·-rjeng > MC -jzng

7.3. SyflabkswithmediDJ--j-aNl--rj-: division III

275

It is somewhat surprising that *-rjeng and *-reng should have different Middle Chinese vowels; this means that. in order to account for the Qieyun system, -r~coIor must be formulated so as to appl~ slightly differently de· pending upon whether medial *-j- is present or not. 92 The development of acute-initial syllables differs slightly from that of grave-initial syllables. We appear to have --rjeng > .j;eng after initials of the *TS- type, as after grave initials. As noted earlier, this reconsttuction, along with the change TSrj~ > TSr-, will account for the Middle Chinese development of (598)

1:. sheng < sra:ng < srj<eng < *srjeng 'live, be born',

which has commonly been treated as irregular in previous reconsttuctions. But syllables of the form *Trjeng become Trjeng in the Qieyun, not the Trja:ng which might be expected: (599)

.fl [zMn] < trjeng < *trjeng 'to divine'.

Middle Chinese dialects probably varied in their treatment of details of this kind, and it is possible that the Qieyun's treatment of these finals does not accurately represent any single dialect The fM YMg and fA: Geng groups are typical back-vowel and front-vowel groups respectively: ;i Yang includes division-I finals (-ang and -wang) but no division·IV finals, and me lJI: Geng group includes division-IV finals (-eng and -weng) but no division-I finals. Each group has two division-m finals (excluding finals with -w-), or!e reconstructed with *-j- and one with *-rj-. From a Middle Chinese point of view, we can illustrate the development of grave-initial syllables in the Yang and lJI: Geng groups as shown in Table 7.5.

m

Tabk 75. Old Chinese finals in --ang and --eng (after grave initials)

m

Me

Yang group (--(mg)

--ang > --rang> --jang> --,jang>

I

" III

IV

lJI: Gtng group (--eng)

-4"

."",. -~.

-jang -jB:llg -jieng

-<'.

< --,eng

< --rjeflg < -·jeng < --eng

276 7. T1J.e Old ClUnue syfJabk: medi.als and maiJI \IOwels

Note that medial ·-r· had a fronting effect in both ··rang and ··rjang, which eventually merged with ·-reng (in Late Middle Otinesc) and ·-rjeng (aln:ady in Early Middle Chinese) respectively. Medial ·-r- must also have contributed some other feature or features (perhaps [- tense]), since after ·r· loss, division-II -eng < .-reng remained distinct from division-IV -eng < ·.-eng, and division·m -jzng < ··rjeng remained distinct from division-IV ·jieng < ·-jeng. The precise effect of ·-r· in division-ill syllables is discussed further in section 7.3.3 below.

73.1.4. The JG Yudn group (·-an, ·-en, ·--on) The basic panem of the I[A Yang and U Geng groups may be extended to yet more complex cases, such as the 7G YUM group. The traditional 7G YUM group includes the following Middle Chinese finals: I

n m IV

-an, -wan -<en, -WZIl

-en, -wen ·jon, ·jwon -jen, -jwen ·jien, ·jwien .-en, -wen

The complexity of this group is directly related to the fact that it contains both division-I finals (.-an, ·wan) and division-IV finals (-en, ·wen); it is as if a back-vowel group like AI Yang and a front·vowel group like M: Geng have been combined. 193 I have already shown that, according to the frontvowel hypothesis and the ·r-hypothesis, we must reconstruct

·-an >-an ·.-en > -en ·-ran> -ZIl (> LMC -{j)aan) ··ren >·en (> LMC -{j)aan). (TIle 7G Yu4n group also includes words with finals in ·-on, as we have seen, but these are irrelevant to the present discussion, and I will ignore them here.) These are directly analogous to the corresponding developments in the ~ Y4ng and M: Geng groups:

7.3. Syllables with mediaJ --j- and --rj-: division III

2TI

·-ang > ·ang ·-eng > ·eng '-rang> -lDIg (> LMC -U)aaiq) ·-reng > -eng (> LMC -(j)aajIJ) The division-III finals of the 7G Yu.1n group also correspond directly to sin -ng: 7G Ymm -jon -jen -jien

Illil Y,",g and VI Geng -jang -j;zng -jjeng

Me -jon and -jang are alike in that both probably had back main vowels in Early Middle Chinese, and roth triggered labiodentalization of labial initials III Late Middle Chinese: compare (600) &fdn < LMCfaan' < EMC pjOnK < "pjant'turn around' (601) Gifdng < LMC/adIJ' < EMCpjangx < *pjangt'imitate'.

'Middle Chinese -jen and -jien, like -ja:ng and -jieng, probably had front 'VOwels, and did not trigger labiodentalization. But -jen and -ja:ng were placed in division m of the rhyme tables, while -jien and -jieng were placed ia division IV. By analogy to the reconstructions of the ISM Yang and U Geng groups, we may reconstruct the division-Ill finals of the 7G Yuan poop as follows: ·-jan > MC -jon (cf. ·-jang > MC -jang) ·-jen> MC -jien (cf. *-jeng > MC -jieng) "-rjan> MC -jen (cf. ·-rjang > MC -ja:ng) ·-rjen > MC -jen (cf. ·-rjeng > MC -jJ?1lg) From a Middle Chinese point of view, these developments can be summarized as shown in Table 7.6. The parallelism with the IfM Yoing and U Geng groups is apparent if one compares Table 7.6 with Table 7.5. There are, to be sure, some differences between the 7G Yu.1n group on the one hand and the Ifhi Yoing and U Geng groups on the other. The main VOWel of -jon (which was probably [jAn]) underwent a change "a-raising, lpecific to syllables with acute codas: while MC -jang < ·-jang still rhymed Yrith MC -ang < ·-ang, Me -jon [jAn] < *-jan did not rhyme with MC -an < --jan, but rather with MC -on (An] < *_;'1.1 94 Also, -jon, unlike -jang, OCcurs only with grave initials. This is because original .-jan was fronted to

Took 7.6. Old Chinese finals in

'-4/1

and '-ell

Me

oc '-(JII finals '.." >

I

.."

'-rl2ll >

U

-""

'-jan > '-rj1211 >

UI

-jail

OC '-ell finals

-~

-jien

< ''''~II < '-jell

-
< '-ell

-~II

IV

-jen in acute-initial syllables by the change acule fronting, illustrated by the foUowing pair. (602) ~ ydn < ngjon < *ngjan 'word'

(603)

?& rdn < nyen < *njan 'thus'

Another difference is that MC -jen and -jien, unlike -jzng and -jieng, are placed in the same QityUn rhyme: idJ Xian (Sjen). MC -jen and -jien are thus an example of the cMngnil1 distinctions, described in section 2.4.1.4 above. (The synchronic and diachronic analysis of these distinctions is discussed further in section 7.3.3 below.) However, the parallels between -ja:ng and -jjeng on the one hand and chOngnil1 finals like -jen and -jien on the other are clear, and the proposed reconstruction accounts for the parallels. 73./5. The ~ Xjdi;) group (*-aw, *-ew) We may complete our survey of division-III finals in representative rhyme groups by examining the 1f Xi3.o group. This group is parallel in many ways to the 7G Yulin group; it includes the following Middle Chinese finals: I

-ow

n

-leW

III

-jew -jiew

IV

-eM'

Like 7G Yuill, this group includes both a division-. final (-aw) and a division-IV final (~w); this indicates that both front and back vowels are

73. Syllables with fMdiol "-j- and "-rj-: divWolI1IJ

279

involved, and we will see in Chapter 10 thal the rhyme data generally bear this out I reconstruct *·aw >-aw *·ew > -ew. But note that in divisions n and ill we have fewer Middle Chinese finals in this group than in the J1j Yu~ group. In division n, there is only a single final -.:ew, where the ]'(I Yuan group had both ·ren < *·ran and -£II < *-ren. Perhaps there was originally a final -ew < *-rew, but if so it has already merged as . .:ew, just as ·ren and -En eventually merged in Late Middle Qinese. Similarly, there are only two division-III finals in this group: -jew and -jiew, a cMngniu pair which contrast only after grave initials. What is missing is a labiodentalizing final parallel to MC -jon < *-jan and -jang < *-jang. We might expect a syllable like original *Pjaw to develop a labiodental initial in Late Middle Chinese, but this does not happen (with the result that modern Mandarin lacks syllables likefdo). I will assume that original*-jaw merged with *-rjaw and *-rjew as division-ID ·jew, so that we have the pattern shown in Table 7.7. Tobk 7.7. Old Chinese finals in "-aw and ..~

Me

OC"-aw finals "-aw> "-raw> "-(r)jaw >

I II III IV

oc ·~finals

~

-zw

<·-r~

-j~w

< ·.rfrw

.jj~

<

-<W

"-j~w <,,""i!'W

We would find a similar situation in the 7G YuAn group if -jon had merged Vt'ith -jen before the development of labiodental initials. In fact, after IlOnlabial initials, ·jon and -jen did eventually merge; this is indicated by the ninth-century fdnqi~ of HuUfn's Y{qj~ jIng yfnyt, and by the treatment of these finals in the rhyme tables. There are several other rhyme groups where back-vowel finals with *-j- and *·rj- had merged or partially merged already in Early Middle Chinese. For example, *·jaj and *·rjaj merged as Mc -je; *Kji and *Krji merged as MC Ki; *Kjing and *Krjing merged as MC King; and *Kjik and *Krjik merged as MC Kik.

280

7. The Old Cltiuu syllalk: 1ffIedilJUtJNlmailtYOWtls

7.3.2. The *Ij-hypothesis The rhyme groups just discussed illustrate the reconstruction of *-j- and *-rj- in division-rn finals in my reconsuuction. This approach to the effects of medial *-r- in division-III syllables, which we may call the *rjhypothesis, is adapted from Pulleyblank (1962: 111-14). We may summarize this approach as foUows: Contrasts among Middle Chinese division-ill syllables whose predecessors rhymed with each other in Old Chinese are often due to the contrast of *-j- and *-rj-. In particular, - labiodentalizing finals (including the independent division-UI finals) generally reflect DC *-j- plus back vowets;19S - division-IV chOngniiI finals reflect DC *-j- plus front vowels; - division-ill chOngniiI finals reflect OC *-rj- plus back or front vowels (or, in some cases, *-j- plus an original back vowel which was fronted by some other process). As Pulleyblank pointed out (1%2: 111-13), there is often xUsheng evidence to suppon the presence of *r in division-ill cMngniiI words. I have *lcrjang as phonetic in ~ *g-rjang. Here are already cited the use of some other examples:

*"

1. The division-ill chOngniu word (604)

Wbitln < pjenH (ill) < *prjons "change'

has as phonetic the I-initial word (605)

s.u luan < lwan < *b-ron "bells on horse's trapping'.

2. The I-initial word (606)

t* III < Iwit < *b-rjUl'!aw, role'

has the same phonetic as the division-Ill cMngniu. word (607)

iii: br
These two fonns could well be from the same root, both being perhaps semantic extensions of a root meaning "to draw a Iinc".I96

3. The I-initial word

(608) $I. II < lip < *g-rjip 'to stand'

is phonetic in the division-ill cMngniiI word

(609)

liL

ql < khip (llI) < 'khrjip

"0

weep' (cf_ TibelaJl throb-throb "

weeper, one who weeps'). Suppon for the -rj-hypothesis can also be found in early sound glosses and character substitutions. For example, Coblin (1983: 232, gloss 119) quotes • gloss from the commentary on Hu4jn4nzll!twH' by Goo YOU ~lll (ft_ A.D. 1~219) in which the division-rn chOngniil word

iii Van]
(610)

(611)

fa tUn < twin < *g-rjun

'cord; to twist'.

Note that this latter also has the division-ll reading (612)

fa guan <.twa < *Jcrun 'blue or green sash; kombu; kerchief'.198

To take another example, the division-III cMngniiI word (613)

HI min < min (llI) < *mrjun 'line, suing'

occurs in Ode 24.3, in the line

IU~fflti wii sryrmln 'Of silk is the line'

where it rhymes as *-un. Both the tryd and the Mio commentary gloss min < *mrjun here as

at

(614) falUn < lwin < *g·rjun 'cord; to twist'.

(Perhaps the use of *g·rjun to gloss *mrjun indicates that the "disappearing -g-" of *g-rjun had already disappeared by the time of this gloss.) Moreover, .. min occurs in the line

1!!ftiz~ yetn m(n zhf sf 'one strings it with silk' in Ode 256.9, which is closely paralleled by the line

1!!fIaZMl yetn lUn zhf shing 'I twisted the line for him'

282 7.

T~

Old ChiMse syllable: medials aJtd main rowels

in Ode 226.3, where we have ~ lun < Iwin in place of the division·rn ii mIn < min. These associations support the reconstruction of *·rj· (and the rounded vowel *u) in ti min < min < *mrjun 'line, string', and suggest, moreover, that this word and ti lun < lwin < *g-rjun 'twist a cord' were both derived from the same root. As with medial *-r-, the effects of medial *·rj- can be attributed to the change *r·color, by which medial *·r- contributed certain features to the following segments, and *r-Ioss, by which these features became distinctive when medial *-r- was lost. The exact fonnulation of these processes depends, however, on how the cMngniil distinctions of Middle Chinese are analyzed synchronically. This is the subject of the following section.

7.3.3. The nature of the Middle Chinese ch6ngniiJ. distinctions The cMngnii1 distinctions, such as that mentioned above between -jen and -jien, are a long-standing puzzle in Chinese historical phonology, for they have left few traces in modem dialects. (As noted in Chapter 2, the distinction in my Middle Chinese notation between -j- and ·ji- is merely for convenience, and is not intended as a serious synchronic analysis.) I believe the answer to this problem probably lies in specifying more precisely the characteristics of the various dialects at the time of the Qityan; it seems likely that the Qityan's treannent of such syllables is a compromise between two or more varieties of Early Middle Chinese. A detailed consideration of such matters is beyond the scope of this book, and I will not attempt a definite answer here. Nevertheless, since the analysis of this distinction in Middle Chinese obviously bears on the reconstruction of Old Chinese, I will discuss here some of the proposed solutions and their implications for Old Chinese reconstruction. As mentioned in section 2.4.1.4, there are some scholars who regard the cMngniil distinctions as anificial archaisms in the Qityun, and thus do nol mark them in their Middle Chinese reconstructions. While it is quite possible that some varieties of Early Middle Chinese failed to make these distinctions, they persist in the Late Middle Chinese rhyme tables and other later sources, and leave traces in Sino-Korean and Sino-Vieblamese, and in the Japanese man'yogana script; it is most unlikely that they were entirely artificial. Among those scholars who .recognize the cMngniu distinctions, there are two major points of view about how they should be interpreted: some attribule the distinction to the medial, and some to the main vowel. The

73. Syllableswithmedial--j-O/ld--rj-: divisionl/1

283

medial approach was taken by Arisaka Hideyo (1937-1939 [1957]) and Klino RokurQ (1939), who made lhe first serious attempt to reconstruct the cMngnU1. distinctions. They proposed to account for the cMngniiI doublets by reconstructing two distinct Middle Chinese medials corresponding to Karlgren's "weak consonantal-j-" (my -j-): a palatal medial-j- in divisionIV chOngniiI. words like {f bUln < bjjenH 'comfortable, convenient', and a DORpalatal medial -1- in division-llI chOngnjfj words like #: bian < bjenH "eap'.199 This way of accounting for the chOngniu doublets appears to have many advantages. As we saw in section 7.1.2.1, division-IV cMngnju words with velar initials show u~n Sino-Korean with medial -y-, but division-TIl chOngnju words do not: (615)

(616)

if qian < khjjenX (IV) 'send', Sino-Korean Icy,m, Arisaka's khidn: 1tt qilin < khjen (III) 'exceed', Sino-Korean kan, Arisaka's khlan

One can account for these Sino-Korean reflexes by saying that Sino-Korean peserved palatal -j- but ignored nonpalatal -1-. Also, in Sino-Vietnamese, labial initials usually show up as dentals before division-IV cMngnjl1 finals, but as labials elsewhere: (617)

W mIn < mjin (IV) 'people', Sino-Vietnamese ddn, Arisaka's mjen

(618) 1& mIn < min (llI) 'precious stone', Sino-Vietnamese man, Arisaka's mien (The consonant written d- in Vietnamese is now pronounced [z] or [j], depending on dialect.) One can account for the Sino-Vietnamese pronunciations by saying that labials became dentals before palatal -i- but not before IlOnpalatal -i-. And of course, attributing the cMngnjil distinction to the medial rather than the main vowel accounts nicely for the fact that divisionand division-IV chOngniiI. words are placed in the same Qiiydn rhymes; we usually assume that all syllables in the same Qjeydn rhyme share the lame main vowel, but it is not uncommon for a single rhyme to contain Syllables with different medials. This evidence seems to favor interpreting the cMngnjil distinctions as a distinction in the Middle Chinese medial. However, it is clear from the Old Chinese evidence that main-vowel distinctions must also have been inVOlved, at least in the origins of the cMngnjl1 distinction, whatever the synChronic nature of the distinction was in Middle Chinese. The finals -je and .j~ will serve as an example. In non-ch6ngniil syllables, MC -je can originate in either the IJt Ge group or the X ZhI group of the traditional

m

analysis. For example, the following are homonyms in Middle Chinese, but rhymed differently in Old Chinese:

(619) (620)

it!! chi < drje< "'rjaj'pool, pond' (ljj: Ge group, rhymes as "-aj) Ii eM < drje < -lrje 'a kind of flute' (1i ZJiI group, rhymes as -·e)

But Chinese scholars at least as early as Zh4ng BIngHn (1869-1936) noticed that among grave-initial syllables, the division·IV ehdngniil final -jie comes only from the front-vowel 1i Zhi group, and that division·llI ehOngniu words in -je come mostly from the back-vowel tx ~ group. A typical example is the following contrast:

(621) ". bil
.Ii\! bel < pjle OV) < "pje 'low, humble' cSt Zhi group)

The situation in the " Zhen (Tsyin) rhyme is similar. In non-ehOngniiI words, MC -in can originate in either the front· vowel • Zhen group (--in) or in the back-vowel )( Wen group (-·;n or -·un), but the division-IV cMngniiJ final -jin comes only from the front-vowel A Zhfn group. Such apparent agreement between the chOngniil distinctions and the Old Chinese rhyme groups led Zhing BIngHn to the conclusion that the cMngniil distinctions were an archaism, preserving traces of Old Chinese distinctions long lost from actual speech. The fact that the cMngniil distinctions are related to main-vowel distinctions in Old Chinese suggests that main-vowel distinctions may have been involved in Middle Chinese as well. OOng T6nghe (1948a [1974]) and Zh6u FAglio (l948a [1968]) took the main-vowel approach in their early papers on the eMngnUl problem; their reconstructions of Jfi:, min < min and 8! min < mjin are listed below, together with Arisaka's, for comparison:

MC Arisaka DOng T6nghe ZhOu FlgAo

III

l~

mjin mien mien miln

min mIen miln miln

There are advantages and disadvantages to both the medial approach and the main-vowel approach. Clearly, the medial approach is easier to reconcile with the fact that division-ffi and division-IV chdngniu syllables are assigned to the same Qiiy&1n'rhymes; supporters of the main-vowel solution must explain why the Qityu.n authors, who give the impression of being very meticulous in making rhyming distinctions, would have assigned

7.3. Syllables wilh IMdlaJ ._j- and ._Jj-: di..,ision 1Il 285

syllables with different main vowels to the same rhyme. The medial solution also seems to fit the Sino-Korean and Sino-Vietnamese evidence well. But the medial solution also requires us to assume a rather unusuallooking contrast between two unrounded medials -1- and -[-, and the Old Chinese evidence makes it clear that vowel distinctions were involved at some stage. Note also that the finals -jzng (division III) and -jieng (division IV), which are analogous in many ways to the true chOngnill distinctions, are in fact assigned to different Q~yun rhymes. Perhaps in some dialects the true chOngnill distinctions took a similar fonn. It is quite possible that both the medial solution and the main-vowel solution are correct, but for different dialects or different time periods. As it turns out, either type of solution is easily derivable from the reconstruction proposed here, with minor alterations of the phonological changes assumed. To illustrate this, let us consider two analyses of the Middle Chinese finals listed in Table 7.8: analysis I, a main-vowel analysis. and analysis 2, a medial analysis like Arisaka's: Table 7.8. Two analyses of sek:clCd finals in -n

Me -DO

-m

-jon -jen -jien

-en

analysis I

analysis 2

OC origins

1-1£01 I-V>! 1-;'0/

1-1£01 1-<0/ I-IAn! I-jon! I-jen/ l-eo/

·-rafl ··rtfl

1-'pI

l-jV>! 1-<0/

·-jan ·-rjan, ·-rjefl ·-frfl

'-en

Analysis I may be derived from my Old Chinese reconstruction by using the changes *r-color, *a-raising, and *r-Ioss. We may formulate *r-color as follows:

v --+ [- back]. [-lensel! rlj!_In other words, the main vowel of syllables with medial *-r- becomes front and lax. For the syllables under consideration, this formulation will work

equally well for division-II and division-III finals; after *r or *rj, original *a will be changed to [re] (which we may regard as redundantly [- tense]), and original *e will be changed to [E].201 At this point, [.e] and [E] can still be regarded as allophones of Ial and leI respectively, conditioned by the presence of medial *-r-.

286 7. TM Old Chi~ syllable: medUlfsand main vowels

The change ·a-raising is responsible for the raising of original ··jan to ·jon UAn] and for the merger of ·-rjan and ·-r~n; it raises low vowels to mid height between *j and a coronal (i.e., acute) coda:

V .... [-Iow]/i_[+ coronal] The effect of this change is to raise [a] to [A] and [et] to Ie].

Finally, *r-l058 is simply the loss of medial *-r-; but as a result. let] and [e], which had been merely allophones of Ia/ and lei respectively, become phonologically distinctive. The operation of these changes is shown in Table 7.9. Table 7.9. [)cvdoprnent or selected finals in on: analysis 1 (main-vowel analysis) --jan

-,-rolor:

-a-raising:

t- ran

t_,jan

[-1'20]

l-r~nJ

(-jAn]

-,·klss:

--jeri

--,en

--,jen

[·ren]

[-rjen]

1...1

[-jen)

--en

r-Ij£n] [-~n]

1-;"1

result:

l-jA",

/-sr.n/

l-jvV

I-j
1-<0/

l-jvV

l-e",

Me:

-;0.

-."

-~n

-jien

-m

-jeri

-en

The same changes may be used to derive analysis 2, except that in this case -r-eolor need not include the feature [- tense1 for syllables with medial ._j-. That is, in this analysis, [el and [e] need not be distinguished in division-ill syllables. However, this feature is still necessary to derive the division-ll final -£n; 1 will keep the original fonnulation of the rule, and assume that the tenseness distinction is simply lost in division-ill finals at a later date. by a change we may labelje > je. In addition, we must assume that a change of -j-backing causes -j- to become [+ back] (Le. [ID in either of two environments: after -r or before back: vowels. The developments under this analysis are then as shown in Table 7.10. A similar analysis can be extended also to derive an Arisaka-style medial analysis of the other cMngniil finals. Perhaps further research on Middle Chinese and its varieties will clarify which type of analysis of the ch6ngni/1 distinction is to be preferred, but it seems unlikely that the choice of analysis will invalidate the Old Chinese reconstruction system presented here.

73. SyllabkswithfMdiaJ--j-and--rj-: divisionlll

287

Toble 7JO. Development of sekclCd finals in -n: analysis 2 (medial analysis) --jail

-,-color: -.-raisinl:

'-"",

--rjall

(-rzn]

[-<jzn)

[-JAn]

-,..Ioss:

--rUt

--rjOt

(-T'EIl]

[-.;onl

.~

[-.;onl

[-jAn)

j£.)o je: -J-backiDg:

--jbt

[-rjen]

[-.;on)

(-IJenJ

[-<1<"1

[-zn]

[-len]

...we

1-""01

'-zn!

1-100/

I-jcn/

Me:

-;0.

-""

-jen

-jiefl

[-wJ

[-}en)

I-wl -en

1-100/

1-<01

-jefl

-<"

7.3.4. The origin and phonetic nature or *-jThe existence of the feature I write as *-i- is beyond Question. but its phonetic nature is open to debate. I have written it as a high front glide -i-, basically identical to Karlgren's *j. However, there are several reasons to hesitate before accepting this reconstruction: 1. When Chinese characters are used to transcribe foreign words in ancient texts, words with -i- are often used for foreign words with no high front

Ilide, e.g. (623) ~ /6 < biUl for 'Buddha' (624)

AflJlJJiHt JiilmCI"'sh! < kiuw-ma-Ia-dryip for

'Kumirajiva'

2. Chinese words with -i- often appear to have Tibeto-Burman cognates without -i-, as in the following examples: (625) ~ lidng < Jiang < *g-'iang 'cool' (compare Tibetan grang-ba 'cold,

cool') (626) :ft.iiiI < kjuwx < *kW jul 'nine' (compare Tibetan dgu 'nine') (627) ]I: i, < nyix < *niil'ear' (compare Tibetan rna-ba 'ear')

3. Syllables with and without medial *-i- seem to occur freely in the same phonetic series. For example, the character (628) >?< yu < [Yo] < 'liaJ 'I, we' is phonetic in

288 7. The Old Chinese syllable: medials and main WJ1Wls (629)

if! fu < du < °la 'road',

At first glance. at least, it seems odd that the creator'S of the Qrinese script should have regarded a syllable-internal segment to be ~levant in judging phonetic similarity. 4. The projX)nion of division-Ill syllables in Middle Otinese is Quite high: according to Shlo R6ngfCn's statistics (1982: 137), more than half of the syllables of the Q~yUn (1871 out of 3603) have division-Ill finals. It seems odd to find a high front medial with such distributional prominence; the numbers suggest thai the characteristic feature of division ill may originally have been some more basic prosodic feature, or that it may have had more than one origin. Largely because of these considerations. a number of altemative rcconsuuctions of the division-ill finals have been proposed for the Old Chinese stage. PuUeyblank at first rcconsttueted division-ill finals with distinctively long vowels (1962); later (1973: 118-19) he rcconsttueted a distinction between syllables with suess on the second mora (type A, indicated by an acute accent over the vowel) and those with stress on the first mora (type B, indicated by a grave accent over the vowel), assuming that type B developed a high vocalic segment -i-, -;-, or -u- before the main vowel in Early Middle Chinese. Lorenz G. L6fflcr (1966) projX)sed reconstructing a schwa prefix in division-llJ syllables, which affected the vocalism and then dropped out. This suggestion is based on a similar process observed in the TibetoBurman language Mru. Jaxontov (1965: 32) suggests a similar development of -j- from a voiced stop prefix. In a recent paper, Pejros and Swostin (1984) reconstruct division-ill syllables with a distinctively short vowel in Old Chineso--just the opposite of Pulleyblank's earlier proposal.202 Rather than doing away with ._j- entirely, Bodman (1980) proposes that there was a distinction at the Proto-Chinese level between "primary yod", which is cognate to Tibcto-Bunnan .y, and "secondary yod", which arose secondarily within Chinese from some other feature. He adopts Pulleyblank's grave accent as a notation for syllables with secondary yod (without committing himself to Pulleyblank's account of lhe phonetic process involved). Thus at the Proto-Chinese stage, Bodman proposes lWO elementS: (I) .y, responsible for primary yod (wriuen .y, Tibeto-Bunnan style, 10 distinguish it from the later *J) and (2) type-B syllable type, indicated by a grave acceOl, and responsible for secondary yod. However, this distinction between primary and secondary yod is based largely on comparison of Chinese with Tibeto-Bunnan; il is difficult to find

.;1-

7.3.

Syllabl~s

with medial ._j- and ._rj-: division III 289

convincing evidence for it at the Old Chinese level-that is. on the basis of Chinese evidence alone. To be sure, there are problems which an extra ux:dial distinction could be used to solve. For example. if we assumed that .K- palatalized to TSy- before primary yod but not before secondary yod (or the other way around), we could have an ainight account of the palatalizaDon of velars, whose exact conditions are now unclear (see section 6.1.5). The fact that DC *-j- often seems to serve a morphological function might help us distinguish between primary and secondary yod; perhaps primary yod was used as a morphological element, while secondary yod was not (or vice versa). But without a more principled way of distinguishing primary pd secondary yod in Old Chinese, these proposals would be little more than Id hoc nClations for problems which remain unsolved. I am therefore reluc· lint to add this extra wild card to the game, and will stick to a single *-j-. Its earlier origins must remain a topic for future research. As for the phonetic nature of the element I write as *-j-, I find that the wguments against reconstructing it as a high front glide are really not very tttong. The transcription evidence is complex and open to various interpre1Itions. To take the transcription of KummJlva's name as an example, perJIaps kjuw was simply the closest available equivalent in the relevant fourthcentury Chinese dialect to the foreign /CU. Indeed, if our reconstruction of the change hi > mid is correct, then by the end of the H~ period, high 'tOWels had generally lowered to mid height except after and the only syllables which retained high vowels were those with *.j.. (The Middle Qtinese syllables I transcribe as ku and kuw may have had mid or even low vowels at the time.) Thus if one wanted to match the high vowel of the foreign ~Iable ku, there may have been no choice but to use a syllable Ytith -j•. Pulleyblank's own theory that velar initials had uvular allophones in typeA syllables (those without our *-j-; see Pulleyblank 1965, 1984: 167-68) provides another possible explanation for such transcriptions. which is consistent with the reconstruction of *.j. as a high front glide. If, say, i'11 gou < bw was phonetically [quw], with a uvular initial, then ~ jia < kjuw [kjuw] lrith a velar initial might well have been preferred to transcribe a foreign \'dar-initial syllable, in spite of its medial [j]. These arguments should be SUfficient to show that the transcription evidence does not rule out the reconstruction of *-j- at the Old Chinese stage. 204 The lack of clear Tibeto-Bunnan correspondences for *.j. is also insuffi· ciem reason to reject its reconstruction as a high front glide in Old Chinese. The ultimate Sino-Tibetan source of Old Chinese *-j--whatever its

*+.

290 7.

T~

Old Chine~ syffab/~: mediols and maillllOW~1s

phonetic nature may have been at the Sino-TIbetan stagc>-may simply have been lost in Tibeto-Bunnan languages; or *-j- as a morphological element may have been an Old Chinese innovation. Similarly, although the high proportion of division-ill syllables in Middle Chinese is curious, it suggests litde in itself about how to reconstruct them. If we look at the phonological changes conditioned by what I write as *-j-, we find that reconstructing it as a high front glide actually works fairly welL It seems quite natural that a high front glide should provide the condition for palatalization of dentals and velan, and for the development of palatalized allophones of initial consonants. The other major- change conditioned by *-j- is hi > mid, which lowered high vowels to mid height except when preceded by *-j-. Here, too, it seems natural that a high glide would cause a following high vowel to remain high. Of course, arguments based on the naturalness of sound changes are, strictly speaking, relevant only for the perioo when the sound changes took place. Both the palatalizations and the lowering process just mentioned probably took place during the H~n perioo, so at most they provide evidence that the element in question was a high front glide in HAn times. BUI there is al present liltle evidence for reconsU'Ucting this element as anything but *.j. in Old Chinese as well.

Chapter 8 The Old Chinese syllable: codas and post-codas The present chapter examines the coda and post-coda positions of the Old Otinese syllable. As summarized in Chapter 5, I reconstruct the following dements in coda position: "[zero]

"-k

*-ng

*-j

"-I

"-n

"-w

··wk "-p

"-m

Absent from this list are final voiced stops *-g, *-d, etc., reconstructed by Karlgren and others in order to account for relationships of various kinds between Middle Chinese nlshing words (those ending in voiceless stops) and yfnshlng words (those ending in vowels or semivowels). In the systems of Karlgren and Li Fang-kuei. for example. final *-g is reconstructed in yfnshlng words which appear to show rhyme or xi/sheng connections with words ending in Me -t. I will argue below (section 8.3) that a voicing contrast in coda position is unexpected in a language like Old Chinese. and that such rilshlng-yfnsheng relationships should be accounted for by oilier means: rather than reconstructing such ylnshlng words with a *.g which uniformly disappears, I will reconstruct a coda *·k as in the related nlsheng words, but assume that this *·k was lost under certain conditions (especially before the post.-eodas *·s and *.7). But many words which others recon· struct with *-g actually show little or no connection with rilsheng words, and these I reconstruct as open syllables. Also missing from the list of codas are final liquids *./ and *·r; generally, the *·r coda of other systems corresponds to my *.j. Comparison with Tibeto-Bunnan suggests that there may have been codas like *·r or *./ or both at an earlier stage, but it is difficult to find direct evidence for them within Chinese. (This issue is discussed funher in section 8.1 below.) In the post-coda position I reconstruct two elements, *·7and *·s, which are responsible for the developmenl of the Middle Chinese shling and qu tones respectively. The fact that Middle Chinese rilshing syllables exhibit no tonal contrasts can be attributed to sound changes which caused voiceless

stops to be lost before lhese post-codas. This hypothesis also accounts for the great majority of nlshlng-yfnshLng contacts. Section 8.1 discusses the codas of Old 0Unese; section 8.2 discusses the post-eodas and the question of tonal categories in Old Olinese. Section 8.3 is devoted specifically to the question of whether Old Chinese had final voiced stops-an issue that involves both codas and post..codas.

8.1. The codas of Old Chinese 8.1.1. Codas ·zero, ·1. and

··w

8./././. The zero coda Unlike some Old Chinese reconstructions, the present system assumes a full set of vocalic-final syllables. All vowels appear in syllable-final position, except possibly for *i:

('.1)

.oi

··e

··u '·0

··a Though there seems to be no final ·-i, there is a final ·-ij. On the other hand, final .ou does occur, but there is no contrasting ·-uw. The system would be more symmetrical if we reconstructed. either *-i and *-u or *-ij and *ouw; but the present reconstruction seems to allow a simpler formulation of subsequent sound changes than either of these more symmetrical systems, and I retain it for the present.205 Other systems typically have final *-g (or in the case of Li Fang-kuei, sometimes *-gw) where my system has a zero coda (though Karlgren has .-0 for my .oa and ·-u for my .-0). By way of illustration, I list below the five zero..<:oda finals, as they develop without medial or ._j-, with the corresponding finals in the systems of Karlgren and Li, and their Middle Chinese reflexes:

.-r-

8.1. The codas of Old ChiMS~

Baxter

Karlgren

Li

Me

*-i *-u *-e *-0 *·a

*-tlg *-og *-ieg *·u *-0

*-tlg *-agw *-ig *-ug *-ag

-oj -aw -ej -uw -u

293

Note that original *-; and *-e acquire a coda -j (by the process I call *jIDsertion), and original *-u and *-0 acquire a coda -w through diphthongization (*·u(K) > *-aw(K) and *-o(K) > ·uw(K».

8.1.1.2. Thecoda*-j The coda *.j is reconstructed after all main vowels, though the evidence for • final *·ej is not clear:

"-IJ..

*-ij

*-uj *-oj

r"-ej)

*·aj

My coda *-j generally corresponds to Karlgren's *-r and to Li's *-r or *-d. 1bc simple finals in *-j are listed below, with the corresponding reconSmJclions in Karlgren's and Li's systems, and Middle Chinese refiexes: 206 Baxter

Karlgren

Li

MC

*-ij *-ij *-uj *-oj *-aj

*-iar *-ar/*-iar *-wtlr *-wt2(r) *-d(r)

*-id *·adj*·iad. *-ad. *-(u)ar *·ar

-ej -oj/·ej -woj -wa -a

Generally, the coda *-j remained in Middle Chinese, but original *-aj became a monophthong (by *-aj monophthongization), probably in Han times (when original *-aj and *-raj came to rhyme with *-ra). The same change affected *-waj < *·oj, showing that *-aj monophthongization oteurred after rounding diphthongization: (630) ljJ; ge < W < "wj 'sing'

(631) ~ zuO < dzwax < *dzwajJ< *dzoj7 'to sit'

In previous reconstructions, the traditional ~ Ge rhyme group has gene· rally been reconstructed with either an *-r coda or an open syllable.

··ar,

Karlgren reconstructed roth .--d and the lattcT being restricted to words which have contacts with words in ·--dn; D6ng T6nght reconstructed ·-d; Li reconstructed ·-ar. In the present system, I reconstruct .--aj and ·-oj (and tentatively ··ej) in this rhyme group. There is actually little evidence within Chinese for a coda ·-r in words with these finals, and the reconstruction with ._j fits rather well with colloquial items in MIn and certain other dialects which seem to have escaped the effects of .-aj monophtbongiza~ lion. The ••j coda is also preserved in some early loan words from O1inese in other languages. Some examples are listed below.2m (Numerals after Chinese dialect fonns indicate tone classes.) (632)

we duO < daX < ·lajl 'rudder, helm', Fiizhoo ruai 6, ChooyMg rai 4. Vietnamese Mi.

ftJ

(633)

mO < rna < ·rnaj 'to grind', Fiizhou muai2. Vietnamese nuli, Korean may (Martin & Chang 1967, s.v.)208

(634)

tI

g~ < leaH < ·kiJjs 'individual', CMoyling ktli 2, Wfnzhou kiJi 5. V;etnamese ZhuAng (L6ngzhOu ~lffl dialect) k4:i 5.

em.

(635) ~ [wO) < ngax < ·ngaj1 '1', Fiizhoo l}lLli 3. Meixi~n (Hakka) tpi 2; compare Tibeto--Bunnan *ngay 'I' (636) (637) (638)

(639)

tft t < flga < ·ngaj ·silkwonn'. Vietnamese ngdi If po < phaH < ·phajs 'to breaJc', Fiizh6U phuai 5, Milo Y:!.o (XIng'" Jl!3i: dialec.)phai 5 IJ!i /XI < paX < 'paj7'lame', FUzhilu poi 3, MbxiAn (Hilla) pai Z ii bO < pall < ·pajs 'to winnow' (also read bO < pax < *paj1), Fuzhou puai 5, WenzhOu pai 5; compare Tibeto-Bunnan *pwa·y 'husks, shavings'.

Words with the coda ._j sometimes show contacts of various kinds with words in ·-n. Karlgren's choice of the coda ·-r in such words was intended to account for these contacts (1954: 300-301). However, these contactS may be accounted for equally well, and possibly better. by reconstructing ._j. Confusion of original •.j and ··n could easily occur through the denasalization of final *·n. Some such process has affected modem WU dialects such as Siizhou, where earlier -aj and -an (including -an from MC ·am) have merged as a front vowel: (640)

*

1m 'come'. SuzhOu [Ie] < LMC {aj < EMC laj

(641) ~ I4n 'blue', SuzhOu [Ie] < Ian < LMC lam < EMC lam.

8.1. TM cooouf Old Chinese

295

So far as I know, no one has suggested that this merger requires us to reconsttUct ~ ldi with a final *-r in some earlier stage of SiizhOu pronunciation; the merger can be accounted for by assuming pnx:esses of denasalization and monophthongization. A similar denasalization process appears to have affected some dialects of HAn time and perhaps earlier dialects as well. Many of the contacts between *.j and *-n in early texts probably reflect such dialects. One especially well-documented case is the eastern dialect spoken in and near the Sh!n· dOng peninsula, for which we have the following examples (Lu6 & ZhOu 1958: 73-75): 1. The character (642)

1K yi< 7jij < *7jij 'gannent'

is frequently used to write (643)

oW yin < ?jin < *?jin 'dynastic name'.

(This is true even in ZhOu-dynasty bronze inscriptions; see ZhOu Ftigiio et aL 1974a, item 1125.) For example, the ZMng yang 1=fJ..w section of the L{ jl 11&G has the line

1!1X« yi r6ng yi 'destroy the great Yin (dynasty)',

where a paraUelline in the Kong gao Dl ~ section of the Shiljfng has $ yrn instead of «yr. Concerning the ZhOng yong passage, the Han commentator Zheng Xu
296

8. TN-. Old ChiM.~ S111ab~: codas and post-eoda.r

2. In his commentary on Ode 231, ~ng Xu4n notes that in the vicinity of Qi ,. and LU • (also an ancient state in modem ShiMOn g), the pmnuncia~ lion of

(644)

!l XilJlI < sjtll < ·sjtll 'fresh'

was near to that of

(645)

lUi sf < sje < ·sje. usually 'this'.

Similarly, the Shlmtng says that in QIng . . and XIl tJ; (Eastern Han provinces in SMndOng and somewhat 10 the south of it), (646) •

xiifn < sjenx < ·sjen7 'scab'

was pronounced like

(647)

W [xf) < sjex < ·sje7'to move towards',

(Me sjenx could ref\ect either ·sjan7 or ·sjen7, bm the reconsO"UCtion with ·e in these (W() words is supported by the fact that !¥, in the reading xidn < sjenx, rhymes-exceptionally-as ··e in Ode 43.1.) In these front-vowel syllables, it would appear that the c<XIa ·-n has simply been dropped, not replaced with *-j.

3. Finally, RIl Chlln

mw:, an annotator of the Hdll shil fl. who lived in

*

the Three Kingdoms period (third century A.D.), says that in the colloquial speech of Ihe Ch~n ~ and $bng area, just west and southwest of the Sh!ndong peninsula,

(648)

ffl

hunn < hwan < ·wan 'pillar-like'

was pronounced like (649) ~ hi < hwa < ·gwaj < ·goj 'hannonious'.

We may compare this statement with the following rhyme sequence from Ode 137.2, where *-an rhymes with ·-aj. Ode 137 is from the Chinflng Jl8!. section, traditionally regarded as originating in this same geographical

area: ~ eM < tsrhei < ·tshrjaj 'choose' Jjj! yudn < ngjwon < ·ng""jan. '(proper name)' Jf,f md < mle < .mraj 'hemp' ~ p6suo < ba-sa < ·baj-saj 'dance'

These examples give us good reason to believe that at least in HAn times, and possibly much earlier as well, certain eastern dialects had some

8./. TM codas of Old ChiMS~ 297

nonnasal coda where other dialects had ·-n. In some cases ••j appears to be substituted for .on, while in other cases perhaps .on is simply dropped; lIle details are, of course, difficult to reconstruct with confidence. This same dialect feature is found repeatedly in Eastern Hln sound glosses (see Coblin 1983: 89-92). These cases are easily explained as a substitution of ._j for .on or a simple loss of .on; they are not in themselves a sufficient reason to reconstruct a coda ··r for Old Otinese.209 Incidentally, though Tibeto-Burman comparisons suggest that Proto-SinoTibetan may have had liquid codas like .or or .o[ or bodl, they offer little IUppon for an Old Chinese coda ··r as reconstructed in the systems of Karlgren or U. In many cases, in fact, OC ••j as I reconstruct it corresponds to Tibeto-Burman ._y (Tibeto-Burman forms are from Benedict 1972 and Coblin 1986): (650)

n yf < ye < ·Jjaj 'transfer, move; change, alter', Tibeto-Burman .Jay (tone ·B) 'change'

(651) (652)

7f sf < sijX < ·sjij7'die', Tibeto-Bunnan .stly (tone ·A)21O

mbf < pjijx - pjijH < ·pjij7 - ·pjijs 'ancestress', Tibeto-Burman

.p:ly (tone ·B) 'grandmother'

(653) • gu6 < kwax < ·kwaj7or ·kojl'bee, wasp', Tibeto-Burman .*way (tone ·B) 'bee' (654) • gud - [wo]211 < kwz < .Jcwraj or .leroj 'snail', Tibeto-Bunnan ·leroy (tone ·A) 'shellfish, shell' (655) ~ duO < ta < ·raj 'much, many', -8 chI < tsyhex < ·thjaj7 'great, large', Tibeto-Bwman ray (tone .A) 'big; very'212 (656)

Ii lxJ -

bO < paX - pall < ·paj7Js 'to winnow, sift', Tibeto-Burman

·pwa·y 'husks, shavings' 8.1.J 3. The coda .oW

The coda .ow occurs after ·i, .e, and .a only; so far, I see no need to reconstruct it after the other vowels. My ·-w corresponds to U's ·_gw, and to Karlgren's ._g after his rounded vowels; it remained unchanged in Middle Chinese:

298

8.

TheOfdChiM~syllablt::

codasandpost-codas

Baxter

Karlgren

Li

Me

*-iw

*-iog *·iog *-og

*-iagw *·iagw *-agw

-ew -ew

'-ew *·aw

-ow

8.1.2. Nasal codas *·m, *·n, and *-ng The nasal codas are fairly stable between Old Chinese and the Middle Chinese of the QiiyUn, although, as we have seen, at each stage there were probably dialects where final nasals underwent some degree of denasaliza· tion. I reconstruct *·m after all six main vowels, though later mergers have made some of the distinctions difficult to recover; the arguments for the existence of these distinctions are made in detail in section 10.3: *-im *-em

'-wn

*-;m

*·om

'-am These finals correspond as follows to the reconstructions of Karlgren and Li: Baxter

Karlgren

Li

MC

*-im *·;m

*-iam *-am *·am *·iam *-am '-/lm

*-iam *·am *-am *-iam *·am

-em -om -am -em -am

'-am

-am

'-wn *-em *-om

'-am

The coda *-m remains in Middle Chinese except when affected by labial dissimilation, as in (657) mfing
The precise conditions of this dissimilation are not clear, for in other cases, the coda *-m remained, as in the following item, which is phonetic in fing 'wind':

m.

(658) RId. < bjom < 'b(r)jom 'all'. From an early date there were probably dialects where final *-m had changed to *~ng more generally. In HAn times, according to Lu6 & ZhOu (1958: 52), original *-m sometimes rhymed as *·ng in the poetry of Siml XiAngnl j'J.\1lffjllO, Wang B.o Iilt, and Yang Xi6ng mit, all Western

8.1. TMcodaso[OldChiMst

299

tun writers from the ShU Jij area (modem SIchuAn). In the ShIjIng,

too, the confusion of *-m and *-ng may be a western dialect feature. Rhymes mix· ina: *·m and *.ng appear, for instance, in Ode 128, in the Qfn fing tcetion, and in Ode 154 of the Bfn fing section; Q!n and IDn were both in roodem ShianxI province, in the northwest The distribution and reconstruction of syllables with the codas *·n and .-lIg were discussed in Chapter 7. These codas likewise remain largely unchanged in Middle Chinese, though there is some confusion between them after front vowels ·i and ·e. As we shall see in Otapter 10, the word

lim

(659)

.!is.

lib" ming < mjz.ngH < ·mrjeng(s) < ·mrjing(s) 'command'

and other words in this phonetic series rhyme as ·-in in the ShIjlng, but have the coda ·ng in Middle Chinese; I accouni for this by assuming that the rele· vant Shfjfng rhymes were affected by a change *-ing > *-in not inherited by die Q;eyiUt system (where *·ing merged instead with *-eng). There are also cases where Middle Chinese has -n, bUI comparative evidence suggests arlier *-ng: (660)

Iii xln < sin < *sjin «

*sjing?) 'firewood, brushwood'

Compare Tibetan sying 'wood', Tibeto-Burman *si1} (Benedict 1972: 55; Olblin 1986: 162). Similarly, there is frequent confusion between *-en and *-eng, as in (661)

It h.u4n < hwa:n < *wren or .gWren

'tum round, reh1m', also read qiOng < gjwieng < *g'""jeng 'scared. alone and helpless'

Such confusions become common in Han times. For example, Coblin (1983: 2(6) quotes a loangraph gloss of~ng Xuan's (no. 210 in Coblin's a), which says that in a certain passage in the U ji, (662)

M: shan < dzyenH < *gjens 'repair, put in order,2t4

yu'"

is "l
._p, *-r, *~k, and *·wk

When not followed by post-codas *·s or *-7, the codas *-p, *-r, and *-/c remained relatively stable from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese. The finals Ytith these codas are largely parallel to those with *-m, *·n, and *-ng as listed above. However, it is difficult to find clear cases of dissimilation of

300

8. The Old CIUMR syllable: codas and post-eodas

final *-p to *·k parallel to the dissimilation of *-m to *-ng in .II fing < pjuwng < *p(r)jilum 'wind,.216 As with the nasals *·n and *-ng, there is occasional confusion between the parallel stop codas *-t and *·k, especially after front vowels As an example of confusion between *~t and *-d, consider Ode 261.2, where the Mfo text has the following rhyme sequence:

• mit < ~t < *~t 'covering' 1B t < 1£k < *~d 'pan ora yoke' The Middle Chinese reading ~t for . . is that of the Qitylln, and is supponed by the structure of the character, for its phonetic is (664) ~ mie < met < *met 'to destroy, have no',

which must be related to

iii mif < mjiet (IV) < *mjet 'to annihilate, destroy'. But here, 1ft mie rhymes with *~ek; in fact, the Jfngdidn shiwln gives the Middle Chinese reading mek (with met as an alternative) for iii. Other

(665)

versions of the Shfjfng, preserved in quotations in other ancient works, have instead of • the character (666)

fS mi < met < *Npek 'covering on carriage'

which fits the rhyme better;217 the phonetic of this character clearly indicates *-d: (667)

Gf

bi < pjid < *pjet 'ruler, prince', also read bi < bjiet < *fipjek. 'law, rule', bl < bd < *lipet 'inner coffin' (this latter meaning perhaps related to

ri -

~ 'covering').

Probably the version of the text with eft: originated in a dialect where *·et and *·ek had merged. 218 We also find contacts between MC ·it and ·it, which could reflect different dialect treatments of an original OC *-jik. For example, (668)

!!l1 jf < tsik < *lsjile 'approach'

rhymes consistently as *·it in the Shfjfng (Odes 89.2A, 99.1 A, 250.60), and is phonetic in

fm jil < ISet < *lsit < *tsile 'knot,joint in plants'. It is possible that the reading !!l1 lsile preserves the original cexta, while W

(669)

uel represents a dialect shift (such as that represented in the Shfjfng) where original *-ile shifted to ··il, parallel to the dialect shift of ··ing to ·-in.

8.1.

T~codasofOldChjfle$e

301

Notice that MC -it and -et often correspond to Tibeto-Burman *-ik, as in the word If MC lSet itself (cf. Tibeto-Burman *lSik 'joint, section'), and other words in the same xiishing series. The following examples are from Coblin

(1986: SO. 108),219 (670)

.m if < tsit < *lSiit < *lSiik 'masonry'; cf. Tibetan rtsig-pa 'to build, to wall up; a wall, masonry'

The same character is also used for the following word: (671)

.m jf < tsir < *tsjit < *lSjik 'coaled pan of a burning torch; to bum or scorch earth which is to be placed around a coffin as grave lining'; cf. Tibetan 'tshig-pa 'to bum, destroy by fire; to glow (of the evening sky); to be in rut; to be inflamed, feverish'

This strongly suggests that there were Old Chinese finals *-ing and *-ik which shifted to *·in and *·it in some dialects (including, apparently, one or more dialects represented in the Shijing). Middle Chinese readings frequently show the same shifts, but in a few cases like f!f1 if < tsik, perhaps the original velar coda is preserved. 8.1.3.1. The coda *-wk

I reconstruct OC *-wk only after *i, *e, and *a. The corresponding finals in Karlgren's and Li's systems, and in Middle Chinese, are as follows: Baxter

Karlgren

Li

Me

*-iwk *·ewk *·awk

*·i6k *-iok *-ok

*-iakw *-iakw *-akw

-ek -ek -ak - -owk - ·uwk

The usual development is that *·wk simplifies to -k---except that *·awk sometimes becomes -owk or -uwk rather than the expected oak. Structurally, the coda *-wk is somewhat isolated: although there is a parallel coda *-w, there is no corresponding nasal coda *-wng. The distribution of *·wk is parallel to that of *-w, and *-wk shows contacts of various kinds with *-w; for example, *-w and *-wk are not infrequently found in the same phonetic series, as in the following examples: (672) I§ tido < dew < *liw 'extend; branch, twig',

(673) ~ df < dek < *liwk 'to clean'.

302 8. TMOIdChiuusyllabk: CodasWPOSI-codas

Perhaps such examples simply show that *-w and *-wle were considered similar enough to allow xilshLng contacts. However, in some cases it might be desirable to analyze -·wi as *-w plus some post-eoda, possibly having a morphological function. In an earlier paper (Baxter 198Ob: 16-17), I proposed that the Middle Qtinese coda ·Ie in words like this may have developed from a glottal stop -7 in post-«lda position. Such an element would enable us to relate the following two words: (674) ~ qido < gjew (OI) < *Jjk(r)jaw 'high, rising aloft' (675)

IIi jui

< gjak < *Jjk(r)jawk 'lifting the feet high, strong-looking (horses etc.); conceited', also read kjewx < *1e(r)jaw7 'martial'

Both these words are probably related to (676) ~ gdo < leaw < *kaw 'high, taU'. In the present reconstruction, however, it will not do to reconstruct MC -k < *-7, since I reconstruct *-7 as the source of MC shdngshblg; so I now reconstruct -·wle for my earlier *·w7, at least for the Old Chinese stage.

8.2. Post-codas and the development of tones 8.2.1. The Old Chinese origins of tones It is not necessary to assume thai Old Chinese had tones simply because later stages of Chinese have tones. Recent research on the origin of tones in various languages demonstrates that tones frequently arise through the loss of consonantal distinctions (Matisoff 1973). Typically, tones arise from pitch differences which begin as predictable concomitants of consonantal distinctions; for example, initial voiced consonants may be accompanied by lowered pitch, and final glottal stops by raised pitch. If these consonantal distinctions are lost, the associated fealUres of pitch may become distinctive. Such processes have been documented for a variety of languages in the growing bOOy of literature on tonogenesis (a tenn coined by MatisofD. The development of high and low tone registers through the loss of initial voicing distinctions is common and well known in Chinese and other Asian languages. The development of the Middle Chinese rilshing syllables in Mandarin shows that the loss of final consonants can also produce tonal effects. Tibetan has both tonal dialects (such as the speech of Lhasa) and nontonal ones (such as the Arodo dialects); the tone systems of dialects such

8.2. Po.u·codas and 1M ~fopment

of tones 303

as that of Lhasa can be shown to be innovations which developed through the loss of consonant distinctions (see HI1 TAn 1980, 1982). Since tones can arise from nontonal distinctions and need not be inherited, tonality, like other typological characteristics, cannot be used as a defining characteristic of a language family. Languages like Vietnamese and Thai, traditionally assigned to the Sino-Tibetan family because of their tones, are now widely believed to be unrelated to Sino-Tibetan. In Southeast Asia, tone has evidently spread as an areal feature among unrelated languages, just as clicks in southern Africa have spread from the Khoisan languages Bushman and Hottentot to Bantu languages like Zulu and Xhosa (Crabb 1988: 772). Just as we cannot conclude that Vietnamese and Thai are SinoTIbetan because they are tonal, so we cannot conclude that Old Chinese was tonal because it was Sino-Tibetan. Nevertheless, the Middle Chinese tonal distinctions must have come from some distinctions of Old Chinese, whether tonal or not. The phonetic nature of the Old Chinese features ancestral to tone is discussed in more detail in sections 8.2.2 and 8.2.3; in this section I will use the tenns "tonal distinctions" and "tonal categories" somewhat loosely to refer to the Old Chinese distinctions or categories which may have become tonal only later. 8.2.1.1. Traditional views o/tones and their origin

The traditional tenns for the four tones of Middle Chinese (ping Sfl 'even' or
a:*':J

SjZ plng < bja:ng
'*

304

8.

TheOldCJtjrtesesyU~:

codastJltdpost-eodas

It is quite likely that these tenns were intended as descriptive as well as illustrative; perhaps pingshLng ('even tone' or 'level tone') was level in pitch, and shi1n.gshLng ('up tone' or 'rising tone') was high or rising. It is widely assumed that qllshing ('departing tone') was falling, and that oohLng ('entering tone'), the tone of syllables with a final voiceless stop. was abrupt or checked. But it is difficult to infer precise phonetic values from the traditional names, and in any case, the descriptions may have applied to some dialects but not others. The development of ideas aoout Old Chinese tonal categories parallels the development of ideas aoout rhyme categories outlined in Chapter 4. lust as early investigators got the impression that Old OIinese rhyming was very loose and permissive, so they also noticed cases where different Middle Chinese tonal categories rhymed with each other in the ShijIng, and concluded that Old Chinese poetry paid little attention to tonal distinctions. Chtn Di of the Ming dynasty stated in his Moo ShI gil yIn k40 (see section 4.3.3) that "the ancients did not distinguish the four tones.... The theory of the four tones arose in later ages" (quoted in DOng T6nght 1968: 305). He did not necessarily mean that the four tones did not exist at aU-perhaps only that they were not consistently distinguished in poc:try.221 Similar views were held by Gil Yanwu in early Qing (see section 4.3.4). who said that in Old Chinese times, "the ancients strong all four tones together".222 It is true that Shijing rhyming sometimes deviates from Middle Chinese tone categories. but it cannot be said to ignore tone categories entirely. Jiling Y6ng (see section 4.3.5), after careful research in Old Chinese rhymes, arrived at the following summary of the tone patterns he found:

RUshing is closest to qilsheng, and they often rhyme with each other in the Sm. Rhymes [of oohtng] with sMngshlng are also occasionally found. Rhymes [of nlshLng] with plngshlng are fewest; because they are distant from each other, they are not hannonious. Although rusheng rhymes with other categories, it still retains its own sound. When Gu [Yanwu] says that rllsheng can always shift to ping, shang, or qu, this is a great error. (Gllyan bi40zhUn, judn 4, quoted by Zh6u Zilm61941 [1966J: 36.) The relatively frequent contacts between rilsheng and qllsheng syllables mentioned by Jilng Y6ng led some scholars to conclude that Old Chinese lacked the qllshlng-nlshtng distinction entirely. Duttn Yucti (see section 4.3.6) believed that Old Chihese had ping, sMng, and ru, but not quo KOng Gulngsen favored another of the logical possibilities-that Old Chinese had ping, shang, and qu, but not nl.223

8.2. POSI-Codas 0Itd the developmttl( if (OMS

305

DuAn Yucli's tone theory would appear to suggest that qilshlng and nl· JlIlng words of Middle Chinese rhymed freely with each other in Old Chi· oese. One way to test this theory would be to apply the methods of OtaptCT 3 10 the traditional ~ Yu~ and ~ n rhyme groups, which include rilshLng and qilshLng words respectively. (U Fang·kuei reconstructed ~ Y~ with --at and ~ n with *-adh; in my system, ~ Vue includes --at. --~t. and *-cr, while f.it n includes *·au, *·~u, and *-015.) H DuAn YOCii was right, Iben these two groups should rhyme freely with each other. The only difficulty with testing this hypothesis is that there is some overlap between the two rhyme groups: for example, the character ~ is traditionally read in nlshlng as yid < ywel < *ljot in Ode 14.2, but in qilshlng as ,Iud < sywejH < -hijors in Ode 16.3. If we assign words to j) Vue or f}. n .x:ording to the reading tradition represented in the Jlngdi4n shlwin and the myme books, then the methods of Chapter 3 show that it is highly im· probable that the observed degree of rhyming separation could have occurred by chance.224 However, this procedure may involve some cmu· larily, since the reading tradition may have assigned some of the rarer Slt/jing rhyme words to j) Vue or §l n according to their rhyming behavior in the ShIjing (see the discussion in section 3.2.7.2). A more carefullest would be to use only more common words whose tone category can be established independently of the Shijing rhymes; but I have not done such a test. Jiang Yooglo (see section 4.3.10) arrived at a view of Old Chinese tone caaegories which is widely held today: 'The ancients actually did have four 1OOeS., but the tones they read were not the same as [those of] the men of Iuer times:,225 (Wang NiAnsiin independently arrived at a similar conclusion.) That is, the same basic tonal classes can be identified in Old Chinese u in Middle Chinese, but some words have shifted from one class to

_er.

The existence of long ShIjlng rhyme sequences from a single Middle Chiaese tone category demonstrates that there is considerable continuity in Ional classes between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese. Examples were cited in a careful study by Xil Xie ;Jl§!, a friend of Jiang Y6ugao's (YU Nliy6ng 1985: 15); for example, Ode l77.6A has a sequence of seven IhiJngshlng rhyme words; in Ode 108.1A we find a sequence of five quIMng rhyme words. But at least as early as Chen D1, it was recognized that IOmetimes a word of one Middle Chinese tone category rhymes consistently in Old Otinese as if it belonged to a different tone category. Here are some examples:

306 8. TM Old CItiMSt! syllabk: codas alId posf-codas

I. The word (677)

M [xii] < k£j 'together, strong'

has only the pfngshlng reading k£j in the Qityun, but it rhymes consistently as shdngshlng in the ShIjfng (Odes 110.38, 169.4C, 170.5A, and 220.18). 2. Traditionally, the character 7 has two readings: apfngshing reading (678)

7

yu
and a shiingshlng reading (679)

7

yu
8Ul in the ShIllng, this character rhymes as shdngshing, flO( pfngshlng, even when it means "I, me" (Odes 141.28, ISS.2A, 192.9A, 201.1A, 204. lA, and 258.4A).226 When a word with one tone in Middle Chinese rhymes repeatedly and consistently as if it had another tone in Old Chinese, we can reconstruct the Old Chinese tone category on the basis of the Old Chinese rhymes, and assume that some irregular process has intervened. In other cases there may be only one or two ShIllng rhymes to go by, or the ShIllng rhymes may be inconsistent. For example, the word

(680) ~ yun < hwinx < *wrjin(l) 'to fall' rhymes with a shdngshing word, as expected, in Ode 237.8A, but with a pfngshLng word in Ode S8.4A. In such cases we can only add parentheses or other marlcs of equivocation to our reconstructions. Origins of tonal irregularities II is not surprising that our Middle Chinese sources do not always give reliable information about the tonal categories of Old Olinese. This situation may be compared with the development of tones between Middle Chinese and modem dialects, where we find similar irregularities. The mechanisms involved in these later irregularities may give us some insight into the mechanisms which produced tonal discrepancies between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese. It often happens that Middle Chinese sources indicate readings in tWO different tones for related meanings of a single character, but only one of the readings survives in modem Mandarin. For example, the Middle Olinese sources give two readings for the character ~;

8.2. Post-wdas and 'N ~Iopmefllo/lOrlLf 307

(681)

?I shLn < syim < *hJjim 'deep'; syimH< *hJjims 'depth,2Z1

We would expect to find Mandarin pfngsheng sllln < syim and qUshlng sllln < syimH, but only the pfngshlng reading shin has survived; the earlier tDOI'Phological distinction has been leveled away. Sometimes both fonns survive, but only in the reading tradition. For example, the character (682)

tJ xing < ha:ng < *grang 'to go, to act'

is also traditionally read (683)

a xing < hlVlgH < *grangs 'action, behavior'.

But this reading is obsolescent; the 1979 edition of efMi gives the reading xing for the second meaning also, and listsnng only as an "old reading". The leveling of such words is partly graphic, of course, there being a tendency to give each single character a single pronunciation, no matter what its meanings ate. This tendency can be seen in modem Mandarin also when synchronically unrelated morphemes are written with the same character: I. The character ~ is traditionally read as fourth-tone ydn « lenJ/) when it means "swallow", but first-tone rdn « len) as the name of the ancient state in the vicinity of modem Beijing. But the name of Beijing's V!nJing University is now commonly pronounced YdnJTng. even by people who "know

better". 2. The character lJf is traditionally read as fourth-tone jl « tsejH) in the meaning "to aid", but third-tone 11 « tsejX) as the name of a river in SMndOng. But the city name Jlnin in Shandoog is now commonly pronounced JlnJJn.

mm

3. In standard Mandarin, the chancter f.l is read as third-tone jid « k~) when it means "false, fake", andjid « IczJI) when it means ''vacation''. But many speakers pronounce standard fdng jid &l fl 'to go on vacation' as /t}ngjid, andjidqi JiM 'vacation-time' asjidqr.Z11i These kinds of leveling, both morphological and graphic, doubtless began well before the Middle Chinese period, and there must have been some Variants which did not make it even as far as the Middle Chinese rhyme books. in a few cases, as we shall see below, the ShIjfng rhymes can help us rtconstruct some of these lost forms. In any case, it should not be surprising 10 find occasional disagreements between Old Chinese and Middle Qrinese lone categories.

308 8. TN! Old CJUM2 syl1tJbk: codas tuUi post-codM

8.2.2. The origin of qushing (departing tone) 8.2.2.1. The ·-s hypothesis (Haudrieoun)

I adopt the theory of qllsMng origins originally proposed by Andre Haudricourt (1954a [1972]). Haudricourt noted that among early Chinese loan words in Vietnamese (borrowed before the main wave of SinoVietnamese borrowing which took place in Ting), words with Middle O1inese qilshing usually have either the hOi tone (marked with a stroke resembling a small glottal stop) or the nga tone (marked with a tilde) in Vietnamese. (By contrast, qilshtng words in the later Sino-Vietnamese stratum regularly have either the sde tone, marked with an acute accent, or the n~ng tone, marked with an under-dot.) Here are some examples of qu.sheng words borrowed into Vietnamese with the hOi tone: (684) i~ gud < *wEill 'prognosticate with yarrow stalks; divination figures', Vietnamese qui 'classifier for divinations, prophecies, horoscopes' (Sino-Vietnamese quai 'trigram') (685)

3'F ji~ < k£jH 'mustard.', Vietnamese edi 'cabbage, greens'

(686) ~ IU < IhuH 'rabbit, hare', Vietnamese thO 'rabbit, hare' (SinoVietnamese 1M) Early loan words with the ngai tone include the following: (687) ~ zhU < drjoH 'chopsticks', Vietnamese dua (Sino-Vietnamese tr{l) (688) $ii mao < mawl/ < ·mus < ·mub 'hat', Vietnamese mu (SinoVietnamese ~) The distinction between hOi and nga is assumed to be one of register: syllables with original voiceless initials went to the high-register hOi tone, and syllables with original voiced initials went to the low-register flgii tone. 229 Haudricourt further observed that in words of Mon·Khmer origin (assumed to be native in Vietnamese), the hOi and flga tones generally correspond to a final -h in other Man-Khmer languages, which in tum reflects earlier -s or -I. Here are some of his examples, with additional data added from Gregerson and Thomas (1976).230 These examples show the hOi tone: Vietnamese My, Man qxih, RO'ngao lupdih, Chrau pdh, Bahnar IUpO'h 'seven'

8.2. Post-codas and the ~/opfMnt

of tones

309

Vietnamese chi 'cleave', RO'ngao klah, PadSh klah 'divide', Chrau chreh 'split' Vietnamese toi, RO'ngao toih 'garlic' Vietnamese va; 'cloth', RO'ngao Iwpeih, Chrau paih, Bahnar Iwpa;h 'cotton', cf. Sanskrit luupasa 'couon,.231 With the nga tone: Vietnamese f7lU6i, Chrau moih, Bahnar moih 'mosquito'. Vietnamese miU, Mon muh, 'nose' Vietnamese rl, Mon ruh, Mnong ries, RO'ngao rfh, Chrau diyeih, Bahnar TO'h 'root'. Haudricoun concluded that -h from earlier *-s may have been the origin of qwheng in Cbinese as well, and that at the time of the borrowing, the Chinese tones had perhaps not yet arisen. Pulleyblank also adopted this 1beory of ql1shing, and has found evidence for the proposed *-s in Chinese nnscriptions of foreign words, as we shall see below. Following Haudricoun's hypothesis, I reconstruct Middle Chinese qllsheng syllables with a post·coda which can occur after codas of all typesvocalic, nasal, and voiceless stop. For example:

·-s

·-as> -uH ·-angs

> -angH

·-aJcs > ·uH As these examples show, voiceless stop codas are lost before ·-s. I assume 1bese developments: ·_ps> *-/s > ·_js > ·jH ·-IS> *-js > -jH ·-ks> ·-s > -H ·-wks> -ws > -wH

Let us examine in more detail the sound changes which effected these developments.

The earliest change is *·ps > ••IS, which is reflected already in Shijing rhymes; this means that final ·_ps probably cannot be reliably reconstructed

310 8.

TheOIdClti~S111olk:

codasandptJSl-Codas

from rhyme evidence. but only from xiishlng characters or morphological relationships with words in plain --p. For example, we find the following sequence in Ode 257.l3A:

&I sui < zwijH < -zjuts 'path' Diii < /wijll < -C-rjUllps 'good' It duJ < twojH < -Jc-/ups 'respond' iW zul < tswijll < *tsjuts 'drunk' if bli < bwojll < -buts 'silly' Here I reconstruct (689)

It dul < rwojH < -t-/ups 'to respond, answer'

with --ps because of its probable etymological connection with the synonymous (690) ~ d6 < lOp < 'k-/up 'to respond',

which is often used as a gloss for it. 232 But some of the other rhyme words in this sequence probably had original *-ts. For example, the word off ~i < bwojll < -buts 'silly' also has an apparently synonymous reading b6 < bwot < *but (Karlgren 1957, item 49Id). The word (691) ~

iii < /wijll < *C-rjwlps

could be reconstructed with either *-1$ or *-PS; if it is the latter, then perhaps we have a consistent *-ups rhyme in Ode 255.3A (Dd yd 1::.ft: Ddng ii): ~

iii < lwljH < *C-rjutlps 'good' 11 dui < drwijn < *g-ljups 'ill-will'

It dui < twojH < *Jc-/ups 'resJX>nd'

P3 nei < nwojll < *nups 'inside'

The absence of *-1lIs words in this rhyme might indicate that it is of early origin, predating the *·ps > *.ts shift. In fact. according to Qu Wann (I983a: 512), this ode (a justification of the ovenhrow of the Sh1ng) probably dates from early ZMu, while Ode 257 (where *·ws and *-ups appear to be mixed) is probably from early Eastern ZhOu (1983a: 522). This raises the possibility that the change *-ps > *-Is affected the Shfjfng language some time in Western Zhou:. too late to affect Ode 255, but early enough to affect Ode 257.

82. Po.st-codtuandthedaeloPflUfllo{lOMS

311

One of the advantages of Haudricourt's theory of qllshLng is that the merger of ·_ps with ·-ts can be formulated as an assimilation, while in other systems it is phonetically unmotivared. Karlgren has ··b and .-d for our --ps and ··ts, but in such a system there is no explanation for why ·-b and -.jJ merge while •.p and ··1 do not.

Final cluster simpliticatioo 1be next ptocess affecting qIlshLng words is what we may call final duster _plification: stop a:xJas are lost before ·-s, leaving cenain features be· bind as scmivowels:

*-ts > ··js *-b > *·s *owls> *-ws As a result of this change, qilshlng finals which originally had stop codas merged with those originally having vocalic codas; that is, *.k.s merged with original *-s, ·-ts merged with original ··js, and so on. For example, I reoonstruet ··ks in the noun (692)

5

yl < aN < *'l(r)jik.s 'think; thought, intention',

because of its obvious morphological and graphic connections with the verb (693)

I! yl < aA: < *'l(r)jiA: 'to remember' .233

On the other hand, I reconstruct no *-k coda in (694)

*

zl < dziJ/ < *fjtsji(7)s 'to breed, nurture, love, cherish'

because of its probable etymOlogical relationship to (695)

T zT < tsix < *tsji7'child'.

Compare also

S

cl < dzi < fitsji 'loving, kind' and Tibetan mdza' -00 'to love (as friends or kinsmen)', cited by Coblin (1986: 107). By Middle Chi· Dese times, as a result of final cluster simplification, both ti *7j(r)iks and • *fjlsji(1)s have the same final·iH. Final cluster simplification also seems to be reflected in at least some ShIjlng rhyming, though it is possible that the change occurred in several 1Iq>s, only some of which were complete in ShIjlng times. In Ode 124.4A, for example, we have the rhyme sequence

312 8. TMOldCJeillues,liabI4: codtu4l&llposl4:odas

?l yi < yJl:H < *(lJjA-ks 'nighl'

mju < kjo < *k(r)ja(s) 'aOOde' Here mjil is used as a noun; me full line is IIT~Ji5 guryu q(JO 'I shall join him in his ABODE'. The parallel stanza 124.5 also has a noun in mis position: fH~:§!: guIyuqlsuJ 'I shall join him in his CHAMBER'.

m

The rhyme of jil wim qilrMng Ii yi
(696)

m*k(r)jas 'abode, dwelling, position',

not preserved in the rhyme books, derived from me verb

mju < 1jo < *1(r)ja 'to stay at, remain, dwell'. (A nominal sense of mju also appears to rhyme as qilrhlng in Ode 114.IB.) Here mere seems to be no reason to reconstruct a *1 in the coda position of m*k(r)ja(s). But there is clearly a *t in me olher rhyme word, (697)

(698)

lJ1: yt
which must be related to (699)

'9 xI < zjek. < *z(1)jAk 'evening'.

m

*k(r)jas and ~ *(l)jAks rhyme in lhis ode suggests that The fact mat final cluster simplification had already applied by mis time, and had simplified *·ks to *-5. It is likely, however, mat final cluster simplification took place in several stages. While me ShIJlng shows evidence mat *-Ics had already changed to *'5, evidently .-au, at least, was still distinct from *-oj$", indeed. me change *·'5 > *-js evidently occurred after *-oj monophthongizalion--otherwise we would expect a development *-als > *-ajs > Me ·aJI.234 The mergers involved in final cluster simplification sometimes make it difficult to decide whemer or not to reconstruct a stop in coda position. Rhymes are little help, as we have seen; xilrheng characters are not always a reliable guide eimer, since some of them may have been created after final

8.2. Post-codas and fhe development o/tones

313

duster simplification took place. In some such cases we are forced to use an equivocal reconsU'Uction with parentheses or the like.

Qushing formation

The final change affecting the post-coda *.$ may be called qushing formation. Haudricourt suggested that the first step, in Chinese as in MonKhmer, was a change of final *-s to -h, followed eventually by a loss of the final -h and its replacement by a falling tone. The falling tone would originally be a predictable concomitant of the final -h, resulting from the relaxation of the vocal bands in anticipation of the glottal fricative -h. This relaxation would have lowered the fundamental frequency of preceding voiced sounds; after the loss of -h, this lowering of pitch would become distinctive. I will use the tenn qushing formation for this whole process, without attempting to date its parts separately. It is not even certain that the process was complete by the time of the Qilyun. It is certainly plausible, however, that the development of distinctive pitch contours in one or more prestigious varieties of Chinese was the linguistic stimulus leading to the poetic use of tone alternations, which reached its height in Tang poetry. Evidence for final *-s Haudricourt's original argument for a final *-s in qUsheng was of course rather indirect, involving a typological analogy with Mon-Khmer. But Pulleyblank and others have turned up more direct evidence for this reconstruction. In early Chinese transcriptions and borrowings of foreign words. qilsheng words were often used to transcribe foreign syllables in final -so Here are some of Pulleyblank's eltamples (1962: 217-18): (700)

l8lmsR B61unnai < pa-la-najH for Sanskrit Vdro1}QSf 'Benares'

(701)

Jiilft

lwtj < 7a-ngjwijH and

:*IIf

ydngkui < 7jang-gwjjH,

Tocharian B anlcwa$ 'asafoetida' (702) ~~itP£ Ejjd'trzhiJ < 7a-kja-nyiH-tra: for Alalni~!ha (703)

Mfi Dalai < tu-lajH for Ta/as (name of a river)

(704) It.~ Duinul < rwojH-ma:x for Tsushjma < Tusima (name of an island)

, 314 8. TMOldClWtuesylJabk: codoslJlldposr-codas In subsequent studies (1973a, 1984), Pulleyblank aTgUes that there were probably dialects which retained a final -$ from original *.1$ as late as the early pan of the sixth century. Pulleyblank connects this with the four Qitylln rhymes ~ n; (ThajH), l\'l n (TsjejH), QuAi (Kw",jH), and Ili Ri (PjojH) which occur only in qilshlng, without counterparts in p(ng or shdng tones. TIle existence of these all-ql1shtng rhymes is not, however, a good argument in itself for the late persistence of final *-s. because they may be accounted for entirely by .-oj monophthongization. When *-LI changed to -jh as part of final cluster simplification, most finals in original *-ts merged with corresponding finals in --js. which then aligned them with corresponding pfngshlng and shdngshlng finals in original ._j and --j1. For example. in the word

:R:

(705) § Koii < 7jwijH < *1jujs < *7juu 'mugwon (Anemisia absinthum)'. I reconstruct *-ts because the word also has a Middle Chinese reading ?jut < ·?jut with final ··r (no difference in meaning known). When fi * ?juts was affected by final cluster simplification, it merged with the qllrhlng reading of

mwei < JjwijH < *?juj(s) 'to fear, be afraid; be fearsome. majestic'. Thus roth ~ *?jU/s and -m *7jujs merged as MC ?jwijll, the qUsheng syl(706)

lable parallel to pfngshlng

iii wii < ?jwij < *?juj 'to overawe, terrorize'. (iii wei and mwei roth represent a single root, with (707)

both pfngshlng and qllrheng readings; by tradition, the pfngshtng reading has become attached to ii wei and the qllrhlng reading to 8l wli.) Thus.ii wli and N wei were both placed in the Qieyun's W~i (MjijH) rhyme, the qUsheng rhyme corresponding 10 the pfngsMng Wei (Mjij) rhyme where we find

*=

i& wei.

m

But in the dialects ancestral to Middle Otinese, *-aj monophlhongization had already changed original *·aj to ··a before *·ats became *-ajs; as a result, there was then no original qllsheng *-ajs for *-ars to merge with, and no parallel *·aj or *·aj7 in ptngsheng and shiingsheng; thus the final *·ajll remained isolated in qUsheng. Similarly, original *-raj became MC -JI:. (by *-aj monophlhongizalion, *r-color, and *r.loss); when *-rats subsequently became MC -/?jll, there was no parallel -zj and -zjX in plngsMng or shiingshlng. For similar reasons, -jejll < *-{r)jau and -jojll < *-jau had no corresponding finals in pfngshLng or sMngshlng, because original *-(rJiaj had become Me -je. The isolation of the qUshlng-only rhymes of the

8.2.

Posl·codasandIMdeYe~lItcftoru:5

3tS

QityWz is thus explained by the independently nc:cdc:d change • .aj monophdtoIIgization, and appears to be irrelevant to the question of when *-s c1ipppeam!. 82.22. QU,sheng ·-s as a dLrivarionaJ morphLme As we have seen, the classical reading tradition often preserves several different pronunciations for a single character, and for some words different readings are associated with slightly different meanings. For example, in section 6.2.1 we found cases where voiced-initial fonns were used for iDU1U'lsitive or passive senses of a verb, and voiceless-initial fonns for transitive or active senses. By far the most common such derivational process involves a distinction between qllshing and non-qllrhLng forms of a root; by Haudricoun's *-s hypothesis, these represent forms with and without an *-s JUftix. Sometimes both forms are written with the same character, but in odter cases separate characters have developed. This *-s suffix seems to bave a variety of derivational functions, the most common of which is to make a noun from a verb, as in these examples, based on Downer (1959): (708)

(709)

(710)

if chudn < drjwen < *drjon 'to transmit' it zhudn < drjwenJi < *drjons 'a record' if yan < ngen < ·ngen 'to grind' 1IJl ydn < ngenH < *ngens 'inkstone' I! m6 < ma < *maj 'to grind' II! mO < mtJJI < *majs 'grindstone'

Particularly interesting are the alternations of nlshing and qwhing, which show the operation of final cluster simplificalion: (711) ~ jj~ < UI < *kil « *kik) 'to tie'23S

(712)

II jl < IrejH < ·kits « *kib) 'knot in hair, chignon' Wi nd < nop < *nup 'to bring in' I1i nii < nwoj/l < *nuts < *nups 'inside'

(13) •

z~ < Isr£k < *lSrlj)ek 'to exact, demand payment'

{I zMi < Ure-;II < *lSrlj)eks 'debt'

(714)

'J [cl] < tshjck < *tshjck 'to prick, slab' ,J ct < tshjtJI < *lShjeks 'thorn'

(715) ~ se - sdi < sok. < ·sik 'to block'

• sdi < SO}H < ·sib 'border, frontier' 016)

msu < sjuwlc < ·sjuk '10 stay overnight' mxi" < sjUM/II < ·sjub 'celestial "mansion" (in which the moon is found on successive nights)'

Another common pattern is for the *-s suffix to fonn a denominal verb: (717)

if gulln < kwan < ·Icon 'cap' j(i gudn < *wan/{ < -Icons 'to cap (manhood ceremony)'

(118)

(719)

(720)

:&. yf < 1jij < *1jij 'clothing' -:ti. yl < 1jijll < *1jijs 'to wear, to clothe' ifi yll
The reader is referred to ZhOu Zilm6 (1946 [1966)) and Downer (1959) for ~ extensive analysis of lhese derivational patterns. The antiquity of this derivational process was doubted by the Qing scholars, who suspected that many such readings, if not all, were created by teachers of the classics in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. It is quite possible that some derived forms may have been created in this way by analogy to others, but as Downer points out. it is most implausible that the whole phenomenon is anificial (1959: 264). In some cases there seem to be traces of this derivational process in the rhymes of the ShIjlng, even for words where the Middle Chinese sources give only a single reading. The cases cited above where nominal sense of ~ jil rhyme as qilshlng are an example of this kind. Another possible example is the word (721)

'If hIJi < hajH 'hann'.

Middle Chinese sources indicate that this word is to be read as qwhing hajfl when it means "harm", whether as a noun or a verb. It is also read in

8.2. Post·codilS and tM tkvdOptnefll of IOMS

317

rUshing as he < Mt, but only as an interrogative pronoun "what", also

written (722)

.m he < hat < ·gat 'what'.

But the line

~lIjiiJ* wO dIl hi hili 'Why am I alone harmed?', where !f htli seems to be a verb meaning "to suffer harm", occurs twice in similar passages in the Shijing (Odes 202.5 and 204.3), and in both cases it rhymes with words in *-al, not *-ats. On the other hand, the line :f~~1!i b~xidyou

hOi 'There is sure to be harm',

!J htli seems to be a noun (the object of fti

you 'to have, to exist'), also occurs twice in the Shijing (Odes 39.38 and 44.2A), and it seems to rhyme as *-ats in both cases.236 This suggests that 5 originally had two radings: a rwhing reading in *·al representing the verb "to suffer harm", and a qilshlng reading in *-als representing the derived noun "harm". Moreover, if htli is surely from the same root as where

(723) W1J ge < kat < *kat 'to injure', so perhaps we have the following derivational paradigm, only imperfectly preserved in the Middle Chinese reading tradition:

IlJ ·kat 'to injure, to harm' (transitive verb) 5 *Rlcal'to suffer harm or injury' (intransitive verb) W *fikats 'harm, injury' (noun) As Pulleyblank: has suggested (l973b), since -s serves a similar derivational function in Tibetan, the Old Chinese *·s suffix could well be inherited from Proto-Sino-Tibetan. We should note, however, that not all cases of the post·coda *·s are necessarily suffixes; in some cases it may be part of the root, as possibly in (724)

=ir < nyijH < ·njijs 'two' (cf. Tibetan gnyis).

8.2.23. DialeclS wilh early loss of*-s? Although QwMng words and rwMng words generally rhyme separately in the ShIjing, they do rhyme with each other occasionally, and this phenomenon requires some explanation. A cenain number of the apparent rhyme contacts of this kind proba~ result from textual corruptions, oc leveling away of old derived forms. 1 However, it is also possible that in some dialects the *-s of clusters like *-IS and *-/cs was simply lost, before the regular final cluster simplification process had a chance to occur. Such early loss of *·s would cause *·ts to merge with *.,, *-/cs with *-k. and so fanh. It might also explain the occasional occurrence of final ., in xiLsheng series with *.p and *·ps, as in (725)

fIi nt < nwol < *nut (perhaps a dialect fann

from < *nUlS < *nups)

'slow of speech'.

In this case the dialectal loss of *-s might have followed the earlier process *·pI> *·ls. leaving *-1 as the reflex of original --pl. (Alternatively, the chancter ifi for·nut might have been created after the phonetic element R *nups had already changed to *nuts). There is a variety of evidence that such dialects may have existed. For one thing, the disttibution of QIlsMng-rwMng rhyme contacts in the Shijing is not unifonn: they seem to occur mainly in the Xido y4 and Dd yd sections (Odes 161-234 and 235-65 respectively), and are rare in the Guo /tng

(Odes 1-160), the Ul song (Odes 297-3(0), and the Siulng song (Odes 301-5).238 It is possible to interpret this pattern either chronologically or geographically. The Xioo yd and Dd yd. where the most mixed rhymes occur, are considered older (generally speaking) than the GuO fing, the Li1 song, and the Shang song, where qwhlng-rwheng contacts are rare. 239 But a geographical interpretation is also possible, for the main cultural and p0litical centers in early times were in the west, and moved to the east later. This suggests the hypothesis that mergers of qilshLng with rUshing, JX>ssibly through early loss of *-1 in final clusters, were characteristic of western dialects spoken in the core cultural area of the Western Zhau dynasty. There is additional evidence from later periods which could be relevant to this hypothesis. In his preface to the Q~un, Lti Fiym states that "In Qfn • and l..1>ng II, qilshlng becomes ru". Qfn and l..1>ng are ancient terlllS foc areas of the northwest part of Otina proper, corresponding roughly to modem ShbnxI and Gllnsu.· ZMo Zh~ndu6 (1962: 469) cites several other comments from Middle Olinese sources which seem to refer to the same

8.2. Post·codasandthetkvelopmefl1o{lOMS 319 phenomenon. In Xminylng's Yfqii jfng yfnyl (see section 2.2.1.3) we find the following note:

ll1li1 jido[kU
The Tongs. win 'l!!l1tx says: small children playing is called ~1e ka:wx-kwajH [or ka:wxtw~jH]. Nowadays, within the pass [guAnzhOng i.e. in the central plain of ShlanxT] it is pronounced ~~J ka:wx-kwa::t; this is an

1JJq:r,

error. From lhe early Tang work KuiJng mid thing su @;;JiEii:t [Correcting errors and rectifying vulgarisms] by Yan Shigu

MliIiiS:

Jt!

[bl < bjiejH (IV) 'to die, to kiU'] means "to assault". Its sound is the same as ~ [bjiejHJ] .... Nowadays, west of the pass, ~ is vulgarly pronounced with the sound of R [bek].241

From Hullin's Ylqie jing yinyl: [wiifd < mju·bjuWH]: The second characler in the WI1 !R pronunciation is ~fdR. [b(ju) + (kJiuwII = bjuwH]; in the Qfn ~ pronunciation il is ~ ~ & [b(juwng) + (m)juwk = bjuwk].

1I:tl

Another form which mighl reflecl a dialect merger of qdsheng and nlshing is (726) . . [bn

< bjiju < *bjil(s) 'uose',

where lhe Middle Chinese fonn would lead us lo expect Mandarin bl, with fourth tone. The unaspiraled initial b- in Mandarin second tone can regularly reflect only an earlier rUshing fonn such as MC bjit, since voicedinitial plngshing words (lhe only olher source of the Mandarin second tone) regularly have aspirale initials. Several dialecls which preserve rUshing have rUshing in this morpheme. 8.2.3. The origin of shangshing (high or rising tone)

823.1. The ·-1 hypothesis The existence of an Old Chinese category corresponding to Middle Chinese shiJ.ngshing has long been recognized. Consider, for example, the following sequence of seven shiJ.ngsheng rhyme words from the L ZhI group, in Ode 117.6A:

320 8. ~

td: ~

~

!f ~ ~

TM;OfdCItj~syllab~:

codasandpost-eodas

xf<xix<·x(r)ji?'rejoice' [zhl] < trhiX < ·thrji? 'blessings' jiiJ < kjuwx < ·1J:Wji?'long time' y6u < hjuwx < ·wji? 'friend' If < l;x < ·C-rji?'carp' yf < hiX < ·fjji?'(partic1e)' y6u < hjuwx < ·wji1'friend'

I follow PulJeyblank: (1962: 225-27) and Mei Tsu-lin (1970) in reconstructing a glottal stop ·-1 in post-coda position as the origin of Middle Otinese sJulngsheng; we may call this the ..·-1 hypothesis". Like Haudricourt's ··s hypothesis, it is suggested by the development of tones in Viet· namese. Just as the Vietnamese hOi and ngii tones in native Mon·Khmer words can be traced to an earlier final -h, so the Vietnamese sdc and fl{lng tones (marked by an acute accent and an under·dot respectively) correspond to a glottal stop in Mon-Khmer languages. Mei Tsu-lin (1970: 95) cites the following eumples from Haudricourt (1954b [1972]: 158): Vietnamese cd. IChmu ka1, Riang ka7 'fish' Vietnamese ld. Khmu hlal, Riang la7 'leaf' Vietnamese eM, Khmu s07, Riang s07 'dog' Vietnamese g{JO, Khmu nnJw7, Riang ko1'rice' In early Chinese loan words in Vietnamese (as opposed to the later stratum of Sino-Vietnamese loans), it is these sdc and 1UJ11g tones which correspond to Chinese sJulngsheng. In the sdc tone. we have

(727) ~ juibt < k~nX < ·lujon1'to roll, roll over, turn over', Vietnamese cuOn 'to roll, to carry away' (Sino-Vietnamese quyln) (728) ~ jln < lcimX < ·lc(rJiim1'bnx:ade', Vietnamese g6m (Sino-Vietnamese cl1m) (729)

ii 6u < nguwx < ·ng(r)o1'!otus root',

Vietnamese ng6 (Sino-Viet-

namese ngau) In the m;mg tone, we have

(730) ;I bu < bux < ·ba1'register'. Vietnamese b{l 'register, accounl book' (Sino-Vietnamese b~) (731)

ill shl < dzy;x < ·dji1'mlU'ket. marketplace', Vietnamese ch{T (SinoVietnamese til!)

I

8.2. Posl-coda.r t1IId lhe ~/opment of to~s 321

These correspondences would be accounted for if we assumed that early QUnese final glottal stop was borrowed as a final glonal stop in early VietJllllDCse. Moreover, there is other evidence to support the reconstruction of • glottal stop, including evidence from modern Chinese dialects (see section 8.2.3.2 below). In earlier studies, I used a colon *: (borrowed from Karlgren's Ancient Orinese) as an arbitrary notation for the Old Chinese source of shiIngshlng. I assumed that it may have been some kind of glottal feature, but took an agnostic view as to its exact phonetic nature. Pan of the reason for this was that I earlier reconstructed *-w7 as a source of MC -k (see section 8.1.3 above). But in the present system I have removed this notational conflict by reconstructing a cooa *-wk, and I follow the now widely adopted reeon· sauction of shiIngshlng as a final glottal stop. The final glottal must be reconstructed after both vocalic and nasal cooas:

('732)

:::r zf
(733)

mzM < tsyijx < *kjij7'to point'

(734) (735)

('736)

.!F ziio < fsawX < *!Saw7 'early' &. fdn < pjonx < *pjan7 'tum around' If: jfng < kj
We should probably assume that *-7 originally could be followed by the

derivational suffix *·s, though *·15 probably changed early to *-s; the two do not seem to be distinguished in Shljing rhyming:

f/37) llJ'Mc<xowx<*xu7'good' ~ MiJ <xawH < *xu(7)s 'to love' (738) ~ ZuO < dzwax < *dzwajx < *dzop'to sit'

mzuO < dzwaH < *dzwajs < *dzoj(7)s 'seat' (739) ;ft zhOng < Isyowngx < *tjong7 'seed'

tI zhOng < tsyowngH < *fjong(7)s 'to sow' I will write *-(7)s in such cases, since the reconstruction of *7 before *-s is based on morphological analogy only, and not supported by rhyme evidence as far as I know. In section 8.2.3.3 below I discuss the possibility that *7 might also have OCcurred after oral stops in combinations like .·k7ete., with subsequent loss of the stop: *·Ie?> *-7. If so, this raises the possibility that there could have

322

S. The Old ChinuesyUabk: codastutdpost-codos

been final clusters as complex as *.k1.r; but 1 know of no cases where it is actually necessary to reconstruct lhis. If a typable form of the Old Chinese reconstrUction is desired, an apostrophe .' or a .q may be substituted for the symbol *7.

82.32_ Evidence/or *·1 Mei Tsu·lin (1970) found considerable evidence for the ··?bypothesis within Chinese itself. There are in fact modem Chinese dialects which have a final glottal stop in words which are slulngsheng in Middle Chinese; the dialects cited by Mei are WenzhOu ~fti in mjilng, generally assigned to the WU group, and four MIn dialects: Pllchl!ng iililJi£ and JiAny4ng lfllOi in northwestern Fujitm, and Dlng'!n ~3t and Wenchang X~ on H!inan island. These dialects contain a number of early features not preserved in Middle Chinese; the glottal stop in sMngsMng is probably such a feature. The reconstruction of a final glottal stop in sMngshtng also accounts nicely for the fact that early Buddhist sources found by Mei describe the shiing tone as higb and short. Also, shi1ngshing syllables are often used to transcribe Sanskrit short vowels. This shortness is a natural concomitant of the final glottal stop; rUshing syllables are often similarly short in modem dialects which have a final glottal stop in nlsheng. As for pitch, as Haudricoon pointed out with reference to Vietnamese (l954b [1972]: 159]), the vocal bands must be tightened to produce a glottal stop, and if this tightening begins while the vocal bands are still vibrating, the pitch will rise. A similar process was proposed by Matisoff (1970) to explain the origin of the Lahu high-rising tone. Of course, once consonantal features have been replaced by features of pitch, the pitch can continue to change; Mandarin tone three, the main reflex of the shi1ng tone, is actually a low tone (low rising in prepausaJ position). The ·-?hypothesis might also explain occasional Shfjlng rhymes between sMngsheng words and words in final ·-k, as in the following sequence in Ode 249.1A:

T

zT < lSiX < ·tsji?'son' i! de < tok < ·tik 'vinue'

Such rhymes might reflect a dialect where final .-k had merged with ··7 or vice versa; such a change is, of course, r,uite natural. But such rhymes could also simply be hedge rhymes, or places where the text or the reading tradition is faulty.

82.

Posl-CodasaNit~tkvelopml!nloftoMs 323

Finally, Pulleyblank cited a number of cases where Chinese sMngshlng words may have been used to represent a foreign Ie in borrowings and transcriptions (1962: 226-27); an example is the word for "lion", apparently bOiiowed from Tocharian: (740) .~ shrzi < srij-rsiX < *srjij-rsji7 'lion', Tocharlan A $ecake. Tocharlan B sWik.

8233. Old Chinese *-7 after oral scops? There are some morphological and xieshlng relationships between shdngshlng words and rUshing words which suggest that perhaps we should reconstruct OC *-7 after oral stops *-p, *-t, *-k, and *-wle. Possibly this *-7 was a derivational suffix analogous to the qwheng suffix *-s. The example

it!u < bjuwx < */ipji(Ie)7 'carry on the back', possibly related to ::ft. ~i < pole < *pile '(back side:)

(741)

north' and 'If ~i < pwojH < *pile(s) 'the back, posterior pan', was cited in section 5.5 above. Another example is (742)

ff y&u < hjuwX < *wji7«

*wjik7?) 'there is; possess',

possibly related to (743) ~ hub < hwole < *wile 'some; sometimes, perhaps'.242 In section 6.2.3.1 above, in support of the development *sr- > tsh-, I also cited the following case of parallel etymological relationships between homonyms:

(744)

*:, il cdi < tshojx < *sri(Ie)7'gather, pluck'

:tI st < srile < *srjile 'farming, husbandry; to reap, harvest' (745)

*:, W3 cdi < tshojx < *sri(Ie)7 'color, pigment' ~ st < srile < *srjile 'color, appearance, countenance, mien'

The following word is listed as qilshtng in the rhyme books, but seems to rhyme as sMngshing in Ode 9O.3A; in 255.5A it rhymes with a sMngshing WOrd. and a rUsMng word: (746) IIij: hut < xwojH < *hmi(Ie)7(s) 'dark, obscure'.

II is probably cognate to (747) ~ hei <xole < *hmik 'black'.

324 8. TheOfdCIWtuuyllabk: codasaJ1dpost-eodas

Examples of xiishLng relationships between sMngshing and nlsheng include (748) g:xii < sj;r;X < *sjA(k)7'to disburden. relieve', whose phonetic is (749) .Ii} xl < sjck < *sjAk 'shoe, slipper'. Likewise the phonetic of (750) ~ hdo < hawK < ·sulk)7'vas,' is (751) ~ gdo < kowH < *kuJcs, also read gil < .towk< *bA; 'to teU, repon'. The rhymes between shdngsheng and r,)shing words mentioned above, while they could be simply hedge rhymes or rhymes from a dialect where *·k had become *·7, might in some cases reflect characters with alternations between *-k and *-k7which have not survived in the reading tradition. For example, (752)

1e sl < ziX < ·zjik(7) 'sacrifice'

sometimes rhymes as shdngshLng (e.g. four times in Ode 245; also Odes 282.10, 300.3B). but sometimes as rllshing (Odes 209.4B. 212.4B. and 281.1C). This pattern could reflect dialect differences, but it is also possible that the word originally had both sh4ngshing and nlsMng fonns, and that the rllshlng fonn was not preserved in Middle Chinese. If ··7 was originally a derivational suffix like *-s, this would also explain other cases which do not involve rllshing, such as (753) ~ zh4ng < ITjangx < ·crjang7'to grow up; elder', which seems to be related to these fonns: (754) ~ zhiIng < trjang < *trjang 'to make long, suctch' (755) ~ chang
83. Karlgren'sfinal WJiced stop hypo/hens

325

8.3. Karlgren's final voiced stop hypothesis Having reviewed the details of the coda and post-coda systems I reconstruct for Old Chinese, I now turn to a more detailed examination of the final voiced stop hypothesis-Karlgren's proposal that Old Chinese had a series of final voiced stops --b, -·d, and -.g, parallel to voiceless --p, *-t, and *-k. (Li also added -·gw, parallel to his __ kw.)243 According to Karlgren's poposal, the final voiceless stops remained in Middle Chinese, but the final voiced stops were lost or vocalized, as in the following examples: (756) fijf 'to reach the end', MC giA: < Karlgren's -g'j<1k, U's *gj<1k (157)

(758) (759)

:1t qf '(grammatical particle)', MC gi < Karlgren's -g'j<1g, U's -gj<1g fa jie 'to tie', MC ker < Karlgren's *kiet, Li's *kir ¥ jl'hair-knot, chignon', Me kejfl < Karlgren's -kied, U's -kidh

(760) ~ hi 'to thatch, to cover', Me hap < Karlgren's -g' {ZP, U's *gap (161)

If gili 'cover', MC Jwjfl < Karlgren's -/eM < *Mb, U's *lcabh.

1be purpose of reconstructing final voiced stops is to account for contacts of various kinds between Middle Chinese rUsheng words and the yfnsheng words, which in a vowel or semivowel in Middle Chinese; for example, the nUlling fa jie 'to tie' and the qilsheng '!' ji 'knot, chignon' have the same phonetic element (6 jf < kjir 'auspicious'), and appear to be etymologically related to each other as well. As we have seen, these connections are accounted for differently in the present reconstruction system; for example, tfi jie and @ ji are related by reconstructing an *-s suffix in the latter. But since the final voiced stop hypothesis has been so widely accepted, I will examine it here and give my reasons for rejecting it. It will be useful to begin with a brief sketch of how this hypothesis developed.

8.3,1, The development of the final voiced stop hypothesis To my knowledge, the first suggestion that Old Chinese had final voiced stops appears in Karlgren's Analytic dictionary (1923 [1973]). Karlgren proposed this reconstruction in order to explain why some yfnsheng words (Words ending in a vowel or glide in Middle Chinese) rhyme or have xieIMng connections with rusheng words. Karlgren cited the following examples: (762)

'F zhQ < dzrreH 'in a moment, suddenly' (my -dzraks),

326 8.

(763) (764) {765}

T~

Old Chi/lUe ~lIabk: codas and posl·codas

IlF zoo < dzak 'yeSlezday' (my "dzak) 112 bl < bjiejH (IV) 'worn ou~ shabby' (my "bjers), V pie
In other cases, a single character has both yfnshing and n)s~ng readings:

(766)

ill jut < k
(my *.tn.k), also read jUlo < k
*kruks).

Karlgren further observed that in such cases, it is a rule that holds good in nine cases out of ten that the member which has lost its final consonant has got the k'U $~ng (qlbhlng], the falling tone. (1923 [1973): 28) Observing that voiced consonants in initial position tended to depress the pitch of the initial part of the syllable (giving rise to low-register tones), Karlgren reasoned that a voiced consonant in final position could depress the pitch of the final part, producing a falling tone. He proposed final stops *·d, *-g, and *-b (the last more reluctantly, since there were fewer clear examples). Karlgren observed that the elements in question might have been voiced fricatives instead of voiced stops, but saw no reason to assume that they weze (KazIgzen 1923 [1973J: 27-30).244 At this time, Karlgren was already aware of some aspects of traditional Chinese phonology, for he mentions the "tradition among Chinese philologists that the falling tone is the youngest Olinese tone" (1923 [1973]: 28), but he shows no familiarity with the traditional rhyme categories for Old Chinese; or perhaps he knew them but did not yet take them seriously.245 At this stage, then, his proposals on Old Chinese were not based on traditional scholarship. but on Middle Chinese readings and xi/sheng series alone, and he proposed final voiced stops only when there was xiisheng evidence to support them. For example, in series 685 of the Analytic dictionary, the entry for (767)

t8 p
includes the annotation "< -g", indicating that the word originally had a final *.g, because of the final -k in the phonetic (768)

e bdi < baic 'white'.

But there is no such annotation in the entry for (769) 11.

wu < ngux 'five'

83. Karlgren' s final voiced slOP

hypot~sis

327

(series 1280), because there are no nlrheng words in this series. Similarly, in series 1069, the entty for (170)

iJ qi < IshejH 'masonry; to pave'

contains the annotation "< -d" because the phonetic element W ends in -I: (171)

W qil- qM < Ishel 'to cut'

But there is no such annotation in series 1215 under (772)

fa ql < khejX 'to bow the head',

because there are no rilsheng words in this series. Similarly, in series 203 be writes "< .g" in the entty for (173) ~ yi < aH 'thought, idea', since some words with this phonetic have final ok, including the cognate verb

074)

m: yi < 2ft 'to remember'.

But no final*·g is suggested in (75)

Jt qf < gi 'his, her, its, their, that',

since this series contains no rUshing words. In his later work (such as Karlgren 1933), Karlgren retained the distinction P() < phBH, with made in the Analylic dictionary between words like diJect rUsheng connections (which he therefore reconstructed with *-g), and words like :Ii wll < ngUX, without such connections (which he therefore reconstructed with open syllables). In other cases, however, he dropped the distinction between words with direct rUshing connections and those without: thus at this later stage, :!: yl < aH and Jt ql < gi were reconstructed as ··i~g and *g'1ag respectively (see Karlgren 1957, items 957a and 952a), both with final *-g, even though only the first shows xi/sheng connections .nth ok. Karlgren's decision to reconstruct final *.g in words like Jt qf < gi, even Ibough there is no xiesheng evidence to support it, is probably influenced by ShIjing rhymes: Although the word Jt qf itself has no direct xiesheng conQCctions with rUshing words, it can be linked to rilsheng words indirectly through a chain of rhymes and xiesheng connections. For example, ~ (Used as a particle, with the reading jf < rhymes in Ode 109.1B-2B with

fa

to

(76) ~ sf < si < *sj; 'to think',

Which in turn rhymes repeatedly (Odes 30.2A, 33.3A, 66.tA, 91.2A) with

328 8.

T~OIdCJUJl~usyllabh:

codoso.Nlpnsl-eodas

(177) ~ laj < loj < *C-ri(k) 'to come; wheat', which rhymes with nlslteng words in Odes 168.1A, 203.4A, 242.2A, and 263_6A; moreover, ~ ldi is phonetic in and (in its meaning "wheat'') etymologically related to (178) ~ mdi < m£ic < *mrik 'wheat'_ It is this indirect chain of relationships which connects jt q( with words in final·k, and is held to justify its reconstruction with a final *-g_ Chinese scholars such as Li Fang-kuei (1931) and DOng T6nght (1944 [1948J) noted mat it is difficult to make a clear separation in ShljTng rhym· ing between words where Karlgren reconstructed open syllables and words where he reconstructed final voiced stops. For example, the open-syllable word

(179)

Ii< IIi

< ljox 'multilUde; younger men of the family' (Karlgren:

*gllo) rhymes in Ode 290.1 C with the rUslteng word (780)

is b6 < pid: < 'praJc 'eldest' (Karlgren:

'ptlJ:).

Li and DOng therefore preferred to reconstruct Karlgren's *-0 and *·dg as *-dg in all cases. This was also more consistent wim me traditional rhyme categories, since Karlgren's *-0 and ·-dg both belong to the traditional ~. Yli group. Similarly, they rejected Karlgren's distinction between *-ug, which shows connections with rUshing *·uk. and the open-syllable final *-u; both of these belong to the traditional ~ H6u group. As a result of their critique, these distinctions proposed by Karlgren are now not widely accepted. In examining the final voiced stop hypothesis. there are actually two issues which need to be kept distinct:

1. Which words actually had significant connections with rUshing words? 2. What should be reconstructed to account for such connections? On the second question, I will argue below that reconstructing a final voicing distinction to account for rUshing connections was a bad choice; but on the first question, I believe Karlgren was on the right track in the Analytic dictionary, and that he was correct to distinguish *-0 from *·dg and *·u from ··ug. Let us consider this question first.

8J. KorJgren' s finol vo;ud SlOp lI'jpotheJis 329

1.3.2. Direct and indirect contacts with rUsMng According to the final voiced stop hypothesis, final voiced stops are rccon.-ucted to account for connections with the final voiceless stops of n1shblg syllables. A central issue in applying such a hypothesis is, what counts as a aeal connection with ru.shbtg? In the case of a word like (781)

I'I! I~ < /UJI'road, way' (Karlgren's 0gl4g, my Og_raks)

the connections are

direct and obvious; the character's phonetic is the ro-

IMngword (782) '!} gt < W 'each', (Karlgren's 0klfJk, my oW),246

and If! //2 itself could well be from the same root as the nlsllLng word (783)

t3 gI < /c;de 'come to, go 10' (Karlgren's */t./ak, my *krak).

But in the case of a word like (784) '£. wll < ngux 'five' (Karlgren's *flgO, my *nga1), where Li Fang-kuei and D6ng T6ngh6 also reconstructed a coda *-g, the connection with rUshing is much less direct-we might say, spurious. 1'bere are no ru.sllLng words with 1i. wll as phonetic, nor does '£. wll appear 10 be etymologically related to any rUsIILng words, nor does it ever rhyme with nlrhLng words. At most, a chain of relationships can be built conDCCting it to nlrhing words indirectly, as we did with ;Jt q( in the previous section. (For example. 1i wll rhymes in Ode 53.28 with 7 yll < yoK Olive'; this character 7, as a first-person pronoun, rhymes in Odes 141.2B IIId 258.4A wilh Ii g~ < kuH '",ganl', Ifi g~ mymes in Odes 200.2A and 2S8.6A with ~ ma < muH 'late'; and ~ mU also has the rUshing reading 0I
B rhymes with C at time 12 (or in dialecl Y) does not allow us to conclude that

330 8.

TMOldC~.fY"tJble:

codasaNlpos'-codas

A rbymes with C.

The ShljTng poems were composed over the course of several centuries, and we have already seen examples of probable dialect differences among them. /11 and Eo treats this corpus as a ReconsU'Ucting the same final in single static system and ignores phonological variation within the text. 247 Thus I believe that Karlgrcn was correct to distinguish .-0 from .-dg, even though I do not accept the particular phonetic values he rcconsU'Ucted. In other cases, such as words rcconsU'Ucted with ··;/1, Karlgrcn too overlooked the distinction between words with direct and obvious nlsMng con~ ncctions and those whose connections with nlrhlng words arc distant and indirect; but the distinction is still there. Again, the connection between

m

wu

(785) ;@:yl< 7rH < ·7(r)jiks 'think; thought, intention, will' and the ntrheng word (786)

myl < 7fk < ·7(r)jik 'remember'

m

is undeniable; ~ yl < 7fJ1 is phonetic in yl < ,lfk and surely cognate to iI, and it rhymes as rllsMng in Ode 192.IOA (where it is used as a verb, and is probably best regarded as a loan character for ~ yl < 7ft). But the nlshing connections of Jt q( < gi arc much less direct, as we saw above. In this panicular case, we can probably pinpoint the place in the chain of connections where transitivity fails. It is the word (787) ~ ldi < (oj 'to come; wheat', which clearly rhymes with both rUsheng and non-rUshing words in the Shfjingo Now it is clear that:3R: tai must have had a final.-k at one time, for its rUshing connections arc as clear as those of ~ yl < 7fH (see section 8.3.1 above). But it is significant that ~ tai rhymes with nlshing words only in the earlier parts of the Shljlng-tile XiiIo y4 (Odes l68.IA and 203.4A) and the Do y6 (Odes 242.2A, 263.6A)----nevcr in the generally late:r GuO fing (Odes 3O.2A, 33.3A, 66.IA, 82.3A, 91.2A). This distribution is striking, and suggests tila! this common verb may have lost its final ··k by some irregular process between the time represented by the earlier pans of the Shijing and the time represented by the later ones. To assume that it must have had a single value throughout the entire ShIjlng is to ignore such patterns. To sum up: Some Middle Chinese ylnsheng words have clear and obvious connections with nlshing words--etymological connections" xiishlng relationships, and rhymes. Others can be connected with nlsneng words only through a chain of intennediate connections. The significance of such

83. Ktulgrett' s ftIIlJl voiced stop hypothesis 331

iDdirect connections is questionable. since the different links in the chain may represent different dialects and different time periods. An adequate ft:COOsttuction of Old Chinese should distinguish the direct (and probably valid) connections from the indirect (and probably spurious) ones. In 1923, Karlgren distinguished the two types by reconstructing final voiced stops only in words with direct rwhing connections. Some of these distinctions ft:main in the final version of his Archaic reconstruction. But scholars who followed the traditional rhyme categories more closely (such as Li Fang· bci and D6ng T6nght) rejected these distinctions; for them. if some words d a rhyme group showed rUshing connections, then the rest of the words in die group were reconstructed as if they also had such connections. In these cues. my reconstruction makes the same distinctions that Karlgren made (Ihough not necessarily in exactly the same words): rhyme group

ito Y'u ""

Li *-ag

~H6u

ill W.i

'-ad

Iffi Zhi

Karlgren

{ '-u { { {

Baxter

'-0

'-0

*·dg

'-a/cs '-0

*-ug

'-oks

*-;r

*.'j

'-ad

*.'1$

*-iar

*·ij

*-ied

*-its

But I carry this distinction funher than Karlgren did, for in other rhyme IIOUps Karlgren's later system fails to distinguish direct from indirect nlIIItng connections. The finals involved all have *.g in Karlgren's system: rhyme group

Li

Karlgren

Baxter

*.;

{ { '-aw { *-,ks

Il!I You

'-u

*-og

'-uks

'It Xi!o

*-og

*-awlcs

332 R. T1tI!OfdC1IiN.uqllabl4: codasandpost-codas

XZhi

.. { '

··~Ics

We have answered. in a general way, the first question posed above: Which words actually had rUshing connections? Now we tum to the second question: how these connections should be accounted for in the reconstruction system. 8.3.3. Arguments against final voiced slops The first objection to the reconstruction of final voiced stops can be simply stated: Old Chinese was probably not the type of language where one would expect to find final voiced stops. Karlgren's original decision to reconstruct final voiced stops was clearly influenced by his experience with European languages. as the following passage from the Analytic dictionary shows. Having concluded that words like ttl pd < pha:R had "lost explosives", he says: What then has been the exact nature of these lost explosives? Already the fact that Anc{ient) OJin[ese] possessed -p, -t, om, ·n, -ng but not ·b -d .g suggest these laner. And this seems so much the more natural as the experience from other languages shows that the mediae {i.e. voiced stops] more easily fall than the tenues. To cite my own language again, there are many Swedish dialects where bed > be bUI bet> bit. It is therefore likely that it is a final g and a final d we have to expect in words like 'F. Ilill. (Karlgren 1923 [1973]: 28) Now J do not object in general to Karlgren's looking in European languages for ideas on how to reconstruct Old Chinese; cross-linguistic comparison is our major basis for evaluating the naluralness of a putative sound change. However, in making such comparisons one must be aware of dif· ferences in language type: what is natural for languages of one type is nol necessarily natural for languages of another. Final voiced obstruenls are a phenomenon which seems 10 vary with language type. Though final voiced obstruents are found in English and Swedish, they are not especially common even in European languages. They tend to arise from voiced medial consonants which become final through the loss of a final vowel: e.g. English food < Old EnglishjOda, red < Old English read < Proto-Gennanic ·raudhaz, Frenchfroitk [frwad] 'cold (f. sg.)' < Latinfrigida. Once having arisen, they are commonly lost again through a process of final devoicing

83. Karl8ren' s final voiced stop hypo'hesis

333

(as in German and Russian); where they are preserved. it is probably due in part to analogical pressure from suffixed forms where the obstruent retains iIs voicing because it is nonfinal: red

redder reddesr Yiddish offen an example of the importance of analogical forces in mainllining final voicing; in Yiddish it appears that final voicing in obstrUents was lost and then restored analogically in morphemes which preserved the 'IOicing before a suffix (Sapir 1915 [1949]). To summarize: In European languages, final voiced obstrUents tend to lrise through the loss of final (unstressed) vowels. and there is a natural IeDdency for them to be lost through final devoicing; where they persist. it is probably due in part to analogical pressure from suffixed forms (derivational or inflectional) where the voicing is preserved. Neither final unstressed vowels nor suffixes are common in Chinese or typologically similar lanpages, where monosyllables predominate and derivational and inflectional lUffixes are rather few. These facts probably explain the scan:ity of final voiced stops in East and Southeast Asia at the present time. Of course, ....pages can change typologically in the course of their history, and we Uve no guanmtee that Old Chinese was typologically like modem varieties of Chinese. As reconstructed here, it is typologically more similar to Wrinen Tibetan: still largely monosyllabic, wilh little or no inflection. but with more derivational morphology and more complex syllable structure Iban we find in modem Olinese dialects. 248 Thus, while I would not argue 1bat final voiced obstruents are actually impossible in a Sino-Tibetan lanIUlge, it seems unlikely that Old Chinese was the type of language where &oa1 voiced obstruents are most likely to occur. An additional problem with some reconstructions which adopt the final \IOiced stop hypothesis is that they allow no open syllables, or almost none, IDd this, too, seems typologically odd. Wng T6nghe's reconstruction has Open syllables in one rhyme group only (in the ~ Ge group. where he reCOnstructed .-d), and Li Fang-kuei's has none at all. Supporters of Old OLinese open syllables cannot resist pointing out that Old Chinese poetry teems to lose some of its grandeur when pronounced with the final voiced SlOps assumed in a reconstruction like D6ng T6nghe's or U's. Consider the following solemn phrase from Ode 265.7, transcribed first in modem Mandarin and Middle Chinese:

334 8. The Old Chinese $Jtft:Jbk: codasandpoSI-codas

&~ 'I" !?i lit wahii. di uli! MC: 7u-xu t0j lSoj! 'Oh, alas!' In my Old Otinese reconstruction, these interjections, probably replcscnting sighs, still have vocalic codas:

*?a-xa tij lSi! In Li's reconstruction, however, they are all closed syllables:

*·ag-hag .;N1 ts~g! Admittedly, however, this is not a very powerful argument, since we are illequipped to judge what would sound solemn to a speaker of Old Chinese and what would sound comical. Final voiced consonants also complicate the attempt to account for fusion words such as (788) af; zM < tsyo < ·tja '(panicle)', traditionally regarded as a fusion of

zm < tsyi < *Iji '(3rd person object pronoun)'

(789) L

wilh the preposition (790) ~

yu < tjo < *1ja 'in, on, from'.

A derivation

*tji + *Jja > *tja looks more plausible than u's *tj~g

+ *jag > ·tjag.

The generalization of final voiced stops to whole traditional rhyme groups also becomes something of an embarrassment in Sino-Tibetan comparison, for Chinese words commonly reconstructed with voiced stops often correspond to Tibeto-Bunnan fonns without final stops. Here are some ex.amples (with Tibeto-Bunnan forms from Benedict 1972): (791) H

wu < ngu < *nga 'I', Tibeto-Bunnan *rp, Karlgren *ngo, Li *ngag

(792)!!!. yu. < ngjo < *ng(r)ja 'fish', Tibeto-Bunnan *qya, Karlgren *ngio, Li *ngjag

1

83. Karlgren'sjiNJlvoicedstophypothesis

335

(193) JU hU < hu < *gWa 'fox', Tibeto-Bunnan *gwa, Karlgren *g'wo, Li *gwag (194) =f yu < hju < *w(r)ja 'to go', Tibeto-Bunnan *s-wa, Karlgren *g1o, Li *gwjag (19S)

tf:. nill < ngjuw < *ngWji 'ox, bull, cow', Tibeto-Bunnan *J]WiI, Karlgren *ngiug, Li *ngwjag

(196) ~ jiil < kjuw < *k(r)ju 'pigeon; name of various birds', TibetoBunnan *kuw 'pigeon', Karlgren *k16g, Li *kjagw (797)

x, a

zhr < tsye < *kje 'branch, separate; branch of a tree', Tibetan 'gye-ba I gyes 'to be divided. separate; to part', 'gyed-pa I bgyes I bkye 'to divide' (cited in Coblin 1986: 66), Karlgren *'i11g, Li *krjig

(198)11 sdo < saw < *saw 'fat of swine or dog', Tibeto·Bunnan *sa'w

'fat', Karlgren *sog, Li *sagw (799) ~ do < ngaw < *ngaw 'fry, roast', Tibeto-Bunnan *r-ngaw, Karlgren *ngog, Li *ngagw 1bese comparisons do not in themselves prove that the fonns with final voiced stops are wrong, of course; there is no guarantee that the phonological correspondences between Old Chinese and Tibeto-Burman will be simple. [f there were good reasons within Chinese to reconstruct the final voiced stops, we would have to live with them, no matter how difficult they make life for the Sino-Tibetanist. Benedict (1948) noticed the problem (though it is less severe with Karlgren's Archaic Chinese reconstruction than with U's, as these examples show) and proposed that *-g and *-d had developed from Sino-Tibetan offglides *-w and *-y; Coblin (1986), following Li's system for Old Chinese, reconstructs Sino-Tibetan **-y, which becomes DC *.g and generally disappears in Tibeto-Bunnan. (Similarly, Coblin's Sino-Tibetan **-yw becomes DC *·gw, Tibeto-Bwrnan *-w.) But none of the examples cited above have genuine, direct connections with rllsheng words; the only justification for reconstructing them with final voiced stops is that they belong to the same traditional rhyme groups as other words which do have such connections. Moreover, these final voiced stops must be gotten rid of within Chinese too, in order to derive the forms of Middle Chinese. Reconstructing Old Chinese without final voiced stops not only simplifies Sino-Tibetan comparison; it also fits the Chinese evidence better. Finally. Karlgren's original proposal in Analytic dictionary to reconstruct final voiced stops had the advantage that it accounted for both the loss of

336 8.

T~OIdCJUMSesyfJablc:

CodastJlldPOSI-codas

final stops and me development of a special tone; but later versions of the final voiced stop hypothesis are weaker because they must assume tone distinctions independently of final voicing. In Li's system, for example, it appears to be a coincidence that *·ad occurs only in qllrhlng. or that qushing words often have clear and obvious rtlshing connections, while words in other tones can usually be connected with nlshing only indirectly. In the present reconstruction, these are not accidents; the same features which account for sMng and qll tones are also held responsible for the loss of stops in coda position.

8.3.4. Accounting for rUshing contacts Since the purpose of reconstructing final voiced stops was to account for contacts with rwhing words, let us see how well we can account for such contacts in the system I propose. What contacts with rUshing need to be accounted for, and how do we account for them? Let us recall Karlgren's statement, quoted earlier, about xiesheng series involving rtlshing and non· rwhlng words: It is a role that holds good in nine cases out of ten that the member which has lost its final consonant has got the "'U png [qwhlng], the falling tone. (1923 [1973]: 28)

Recall also Jilng Yling's summary of the connections of nlsheng with the other tones:

Rtlshlng is closest to qllrhlng, and they often rhyme with each other in the ShI. Rhymes [of rllrheng] with sMngshing are also occasionally found. Rhymes [of nlshlng] with pfngshing are fewest; because they are distant from each other, they are not harmonious. (quoted above, section 8.2.1.1) These statements correctly summarize the actual evidence about rUshing contacts: the vast majority of non-rUshing words involved are qllshing; there ace occasional cases involving sMngsheng words, and only very rarely cases with pfngshlng words. The rtlshlng·qtlshing alternations are successfully accounted for by Haudricoun's *·s hypothesis, as we have seen. Connections of rUshing with shdngshlng are fewer, and it is notewonhy that they almost always involve syllables in *-k or *-wk. The phonetic similarity of *·k and the final glottal stop *·lis probably sufficient to account for many

83. Karlgreft' s final voiced stop hypothesis

337

such connections. However, some could result from the loss of original *-k before a post-coda *·7which had a morphological function. This leaves a small residue of pfngshing words which seem to have rushing connections, and are as yet unaccounted for. Let me outline several mechanisms which might explain the existence of such fonns. The most common pfngshlng item with rilshing connections is ~ tai < loj "to come'. whose character is said to be a picture of the wheat plant: (800)

*

ldi < loj 'to come; wheat'

It must surely be related to the usual word for wheat, which has a final*-k: (SOt) ~ rnai < md < *mrik 'wheat'.

"* "*

We have also seen above that /di rhymes occasionally with rUshing words (Odes 168.1A, 203.4A, 242.2A, 263.6A). These rhymes are all from theXii10 yd or DO. yd parts of the Odes, however, which are generally earlier /di never rhymes with rUshing words. than the Gue fing section, where The character itself, and its rhymes in the older parts of the ShIjTng, would best be accounted for by a reconstruction *C-rik; but the rhymes in the newer pans, and the Middle Chinese reading loj, would fit better with a reconstruction ·C-ri. without the final *·k. Is it plausible that Ldi might have lost its final *·k through some irregular process? One possible mechanism for such a change might be the restressing of an unstressed variant which lost its *·k. Such a phenomenon is illustrated by the development of the English third-person singular neuter pronoun it. which irregularly lost the initial h· of Old English hit. Many English pronouns have unstressed variants in which the original initial h· is dropped:

*

he him her

stressed

unstressed

Ihi] [hlm] Ih..j

Ii] [lm] I..]

The irregular fonn i' in place of the expected hit is assumed to be an analogical extension of the unstressed form [It] to stressed position (Pyles 1982: l20-21). Similarly, perhaps ·C-rjk had an unstressed variant *C·rf \Vilhout final *·k. which was extended by analogy to stressed position, replacing the original fonn. 249 Another possible process by which final stops might have been lost is analogy based on qilsheng fonns in which stops were lost through final duster simplification. For example, the word Jdi also has a qilshlng reading

*

338. 8. TM Old ClJinae syl1abk: codas and pOSt-codas

(802) ~ ldi < lojn < ·C-ri(t)s 'to present', possibly originating as a causative ("to cause to come''). Before final cluster simplification, the relationship of ·C-riks 'to present' to ·C-rit 'to come' would have been transparent. But after final duster simplification, the forms became ·C-ris and *C-rik. At this point, a fonn ·C·ri might have been created by back-formation from ·C·ris < ·C-riis, especially if there was already an unstressed fonn without the .-1. Such a process of analogy from qwhlng forms might well explain other cases of apparent plngshing. rilshlng contacts also. Similar analogies within the writing system might well explain other cases where rUshing words furnish the phonetic elements for plngshlng words or vice ve~a. For example, consider the words with the phonetic (803)

l1::. zhl < rsyix < ·rji1'foot; to stop' (Karlgren 1957, item 96la).

A good many words in this phonetic series are plngshLng words, such as the following examples: (804) (805)

!'¥ chf < dri < *drji 'to gmsp, hold' If\¥ shl < dzyi < ·dji(?) 'time' (sometimes seems to rhyme as slulng· shing, e.g. in Ode 170.6A)

(806)

at sJu.- < syi < ·srji 'poem, ode'

There are also qilshLng words such as (807) ~ zhl < rsyiH < ·rjis 'aim, goal; will, purpose', and the single rilshing word (808)

ffl

[rtl < dot < ·dik 'bull; male animal; single, an only one; only'.

How can we account for this rwhing word in the same xilsheng series with plngshlng words such as }tj eM and ~ shI unless we reconstrUct a final Stop in the pfngshlng words? One possibility is that l1::. zhl < .rjil is the link, its glottal stop being similar enough to *-.t that it could be used as a phonetic in words with .-.t. but weak enough that it could be used as phonetic in words with open syllables. However, a more interesting possibility is that the character ffl re was created after final clusler simplification had already made rushlngyfnshlng connections common in the writing system. The character ffl tt does not seem to occur in early inscriptions; the first example cited by Gio Mfng (1980: 188) is from the Warring States period (475-221 B.C.). Anolher graph found as a variant of ~~ tt may be older.

83.

K(Jrlgr~fI·s/utalWJi.uds(op"ypotMsis

339

(809) 111 [ull < dok < *dik ',;ngle' In this case, the phonetic is the rw:hing word ][ zhl < *drik < *drjik tsuaight, right'. This series (number 919 in Karlgren 1957) shows a coda •.l consistently. 010 Ming also records a character 11 in oracle bone inscriptions (1980: 189), with phonetic (810)

Ai

zhI < Isyik < *rjik 'stick to, adhere'? (meaning uncertain; see Karlgren 1957, item 9200).

This xiishLng series also consistently shows *k in coda position. I conjecture that !1ft and may be earlier fonns than :ffl, and more representative of early ZhOu phonology. Once final cluster simplification had changed *·ks to *·s, there would have been ample precedent among characIa'S already in use for allowing xiishlng connections between *·;s and *.;1:, IS in these examples:

m

(811) !!yl < ZH < *)\'r)ji, « *)\'rliiks) 'though,', (812) • yi < 1fk < *1(rJiik 'to remember', (813) •

zM < trill < *Irjis « *rrjiks) 'to place, set, arrange',

(814) ][ zhf
By analogy with such cases, a character :ffl: *dik would not seem out of place in xUshlng series with R!;:: *rjis. This in turn would connect it indi~ rectJy to plngshlng words like ~ chl < *drji 'to grasp' or ~ shl < *dji(7) 'time'. The patterns of phonetic similarity found in late xiishlng characters like ~ [Ill < *dik were most likely influenced by the patterns found in characters already in use; and this could result in xiishlng connections Which are not necessarily representative of the earliest stages of Zhau phonology. CWe will return to this point in Chapter 9.) Thus the final *-k in ~ rl < dok does DOl, by itself, entitle us to reconstruct a final velar coda elsewhere in the series. Given the possibility of such alternate ex-planations of occasional xiLsheng and rhyming contacts between pfngshlng words and rUshing words, the relatively small number of such items does not justify reconstructing final stops in pfngshlng items across the board.

340 8.

TMOldCIti~~l/obIL:

codasandpos,-codm

8.4. Comparison with other systems In order to facilitate comparison with the coda and post-coda systems of

other reconstructions, I summarize in Table 8.1 the correspondences of my sySlem with those of Pulleyblanlc (1977-1978), Wing Ll (1982), Kadgren (1954), and Li Fang-kuei (1971 [1980n. The uaditional rhyme category labels are also included, and the Middle Chinese reflex of each final is listed after my reconstruction. In each case only division-J finals are included (or division-IV finals if there is no division-{ final). Each uaditional rhyme group is listed in Table 8.1, but not aU possible combinations of vowel and coda are represented. For- example, I reconstruct ·-an, ·-en, and ·-012 in the uaditional 7C YuAn group, but only ·-an is included in Table 8.1. since the focus here is on codas and post-codas ramer than on main vowels. The reader is referred to Chapter 10 for more detailed reconstructions of each group. As Table 8.1 shows, the present system of codas and post-eodas is closest in structure to PuUeyblank's, almough the phonetic values reconstructed are rather different; his system makes the same distinctions between direct (genuine) ru.sheng connections and indirect (spurious) ones. Wllng Ll also makes this distinction, but he makes no distinction between rUshing and nlrheng-related qilshLng, reconstructing final voiceless stops for both; thus his ·-ak corresponds to the ·-ales and ··ak of my system (and Pulleyblank's). As noted earlier in this chapter, in some cases Karlgren distinguishes between direct and indirect rUshing connections, but in other cases he does not. U's system most closely follows the traditional rhyme analysis, which consistently treats a whole rhyme category as Tllsheng-related (reconstructed with final voiced stop) if any of its members are.

8.4. COmparisoll with Olher systems

341

Tobie 8.1. Codas and JlOSI..codas in various reconstruction sySlemS Pulleyblank

Baxttt

t.;

> -oj

+•.,y

'-m

WingLl

'-jk

--iIIg

> -ok > -ong

'-'"

+'''1)

+'''111

'-.

>-aw

'--

'-u

) '-,k

w

+·~k

llIZhf

+-~ng

~Zheng

) '-6g

'.~gw

I!l!I YOu

'-Ok

'·.,kw

~M

'-ong

','ngw

~DOng

)'-og

'-ogw

~XiAo

'-0'

'-ckw

mYllo

) '-ug

ijiiH6u

'-uk

'-uk

Iii! Wo

'-ung

ll! DOng

+-.,k , •.,ng

) '-uk

>-owk

'·x

'-MOg

> -owng

,-.,t/"

'-(u)'m

>-aw

'-0.

'-6

>-awH

'-aq,

>-ok

'-aq

>-~

'-aw

'-0

2ZhT

+.~ws

'-
..... ........ ......

+'.,g

) '-,g

> -ojJl

>-awH

Group

'-,

+.;u

'-ok.<

U

Karlgrcn

) '-6k

'-0

'-,

."'"

> ·UWJI

'.aJr.ws

'-
>·uwk

'.aJr.w

'-e.g

> -uWIII

'-m/"

'-ollg

'-ung

'-0

>-u

'-or

'-0

'-0

'"",

>-UH

'-oks

'-ok

>-ok > -ang

'-ok '-"'1

'-ang

> -ej

'·aj

'-yt:

> -ejJl

'-acs

>~k

'-0,

> -eng

'-op

....g .~

'-as '-d '-
CONituud on lIut fXJle

'.ug

)'-ok

'-ag

)'-ok

'-'"

'.Qng

'-ok '.ang

f!!, Yu ~D"6

~ YOng

} '·ieg

'·ig

"1i Zhi

'-iek +-ienl

'.iJ:

£IlXl

'-ing

VI= Geng

) '-y,k '·yellg

) '-og

342 8. The Old Chinese syllabk: codasandposH:odM Tabk 8./. colll~d

Pullcyblank

B""1e<

·

..

.'}

*-ils

>~j >~jH

*-~j

W4ngLl *-yej

Karlgren *-i~r

} '
n~Zhl

··il

•.
'I!lz'" It''''n

}'.od

~Wti

*-~t

·-~I ·-~n

~w"

··KtJ

*·xs } *-yet

·-it

>~I

··K

*·in

>~.

*-~fl

·-yen

·-un

..

>-oj

·-~f

•.~j

*·~r

·-iu

>-ojH

*·ns

··od

·-;1

••
> .", > ."•

*'~I

)'."

*.~,.

'-oj

> ..

...,

·-~n

._~,.

'-oj

·-O(r)

·."u

> -ajH

'-au

'-oJ

'-an

> .., > ...

'''''

*-~s

> -ojH

*-~s

'.>p

>-op >-om

'.>p

'-Cp'

> -ajH

'-Cp'

.....

>-cp

'-cp

·

.'}

•

'."" '-cp

,...,

'-an

Group

Li

··jet

)'..,.

....

•

.'..,.

lttoe

'..,.

JI Y",

'-an

ltY"",

··~b

··x,1J

(> ~ Wei)

._~p

'.>p

·-~M

·-~M

ml); ll! l);n

'-lW

'-<>bh

(> ~ n)

'-GP

'-cp

.....

,gMt

'-M

.....

'-G'

} '.>p

'.""

.....

·-~M

} '-cp

.....

)( W'"

'-am

~n

~Tan

Chapter 9 The script and text of the ShflTng 1be reconstruction system outlined in Chapters 5 through 8 is based largely 00 hypotheses suggested by the phonological pattern of Middle Chinese. For example, the rounded-vowel hypothesis was suggested by the limited distribution of Me -w-; the front-vowel hypothesis was suggested by the disaibutional similarity of division-l and division-IV finals. It remains to determine whelher these hYJXltheses are supported by the other two main kinds of evidence on Old Chinese phonology: the xjesheng characters and dle Shljing rhymes. This chapler examines some of the issues which arise in using these other kinds of evidence. The xiesheng characters are useful in reconstruction because, like rhymes, lite)' are based on a relation of phonological similarity. In order for the character for one word to be used as the phonetic element in the character for another, the two words must bear a cenain phonological relation to each other. Let us call this phonological relation, however it is defined, "xieshing similarity". The major points of our discussion of xitshing characters will be (1) that the relation of xieshing similarity can be assumed only for the time and place at which the xiesheng character was created, and (2) that standards for xiesheng similarity changed over time as sound changes affected the pronunciations of characters already in use. Xiesheng charac~ Iers created in early Zhau tell us about early Zhau phonology, but later zUsheng characters often reflect later phonology and later notions of xieShlng similarity. Whenever possible, we should use xiesheng characters contemporary with the linguistic stage we are reconstructing. Dunn Yucai's Slatemem "same phonetic, same rhyme group [t6ng sheng bi t6ng bU IPJ@ ~Im$]" cannot be applied blindly to characters which originated at differCIIt times. Similar care must be used in approaching the text of the ShfJTng. We use the Shfjing and its rhymes to reconstruct Old Chinese because of a wellfOUnded belief that it was composed in Western and early Eastern Zhau. But the Shfjing as we find it today is not simply an early ZhOu document, Ibd its script is not the script of early ZhOu. Both the text itself and the ICript in which it is written evolved until more or less standardized in the late Han dynasty. and have not ceased to evolve even now. Without attenlion to the textual problems of the Shfjing, we risk anachronistically basing

344

9. TM script aM lUI '?fIM Shl}lng

conclusions about Old Chinese on features of the text which arose as late as Han times. A thorough account of either the problems of Chinese paleography or the textual study of the Shfjfng would lake us far beyond the scope of this book. which aims only at presenting a new reconstruction system for Old Chinese. It has not been possible to review the paleographical evidence for each reconstructed word. nor has it been possible to review all the textual problems relevant to interpreting the ShIJ1ng rhyme evidence. My comments on these topics. in this chapter and in Chapter 10, are essentially anecdotal. However. the discussion will illustrate the important connections among phonology. paleography, and textual history.

9.1. Stages in the development of the Chinese script As background for the discussion of using xieshlng character5 as evidence in reconstruction. I will give in this section a basic outline of the develop+ ment of the Chinese script down to time of the ShuO~njilzl.250 Some Chinese neolithic pottery bears marks which have sometimes been described as writing or proto-writing. While the status of these ponery marks is an interesting question,251 the earliest examples of Chinese written texts in the usual sense are the so-called oracle rone inscriptions (jitIgiJ wen EJI ftx 'shell and bone writing'). These inscriptions, discovered at the end of the nineteenth century, consist of inscribed animal bones and turtle shells used in divination in the late Shang dynasty. The divination process consisted of heating a specially prepared shell or bone until it cracked, and interpreting the cr.l.cks as answers to questions being posed. The date of Ihe divination, the content of the question, the interpretation of the answer, and sometimes a record of the actual outcome were recorded on the shell or bone itself. Since the ShAng royal house apparently used this method of divination on a daily basis for guidance in a great variety of matters, these texts give priceless historical information about late Shang history and society. (For example. the lists of royal ancestors which appear in oraclebone inscriptions verified the essential correctness of the Sh!ng genealogy preserved in the early Han Shfji ~aG [Historical recordsl of Sirm Qian 6J .~i!.) The script of the oracle-bone inscriptions, while perhaps somewhat specialized for its purpose and not necessarily typical of SMng writing in general, is clearly a mature writing system, already bearing lhe essential characteristics of the later Chinese script which evolved from it. Unfortunately for linguistic purposes, the content of the inscriptions is limited to

9./. Stages i" the tUvt!lopme"t of the Chi~se script 345

matters which arose in the context of divination; there are no known examples of rhymed poetry, or even of narrative in the usual sense. While the majority of commonly-occurring characters can be read and understood, we have little to go on at present in reconstructing their phonology. It is for this reason that we define Old Chinese, intended to be the earliest stage of phonology recoverable from Chinese evidence, as the language of a somewhat later date. 252 From the middle and late Shang period we also have inscriptions on ceremonial bronze vessels used in ancestral sacrifices. The earliest inscriptions are quite short, typically recording little more than the name of the family or individual associated with the vessel. By late Shang, somewhat longer inscriptions begin to appear, but none are longer than about fifty characters. While the practice of oracle-bone divination died out soon after the conquest of the Shang by the Zhau (eleventh century B.C.). the practice of producing inscribed bronze vessels continued and flourished under the Zhiiu. Vessels were typically cast in commemoration of some honor bestowed upon a member of one's family (such as being rewarded by the Zhau king for meritorious service). and were used thereafter in the family's ancestral sacrifices. A typical inscription might include the date (sometimes including the day. month. phase of the moon. and year of the Zhau king's reign). a description of the event being commemorated. and a record of the Icing's gifts. As time passed. these descriptions became more and more elaborate. sometimes including descriptions of the award ceremony. records of what was said by the parties present, and so forth. Since the exchange of property was recorded, the vessels doubtless functioned as a kind of legal document of ownership as well as a narrative of significant events. The longest inscriptions are around five hundred characters. and are similar in style and content to portions of the Shiljing [Book of Documents]. There are also passages reminiscent of parts of the Shfjfng, including passages which rhyme. Oearly. early Zhou bronze vessels are of great value for historical phonology; they are primary sources, without the usual problems of textual transmission, and they can often be dated and placed rather precisely. A number of authors have investigated rhymed passages in such vessels. 253 Unfortunately. the total corpus of rhymes on bronze inscriptions is still quite small compared to the Shijfng, and the rhyme groups which occur most frequently are those whose reconstruction is least controversial.254 Since rhymed passages in bronze inscriptions are often embedded within

346 9.

T~

script and lUl oft~ ShJjlng

otherwise unrhymed texts, in many cases it is also difficult to identify intended rhymes with certainty. Written materials from the Warring States period (475-221 B.C.) give the impression of greater diversity in script styles than materials from earlier times. This could simply reflect limitations in our samples of earlier writing, but this impression of diversity agrees with the traditional view of this period as one of political and cultural decentralization. Suong moves towards unification and standardization accompanied the Qfn conquest in 221 B.C., when the script of the state of Qfu was established as the standard throughout China. Later Chinese writing is essentially descended from the script established at this time. The traditional view of this process is described in Xu Shen's postface to the Shuowenjilzl: Afterwards [Le. after the time of Confucius) the feudal lords suove for power, and were not ruled by the king. They despised the rites and music as harmful to themselves, and abandoned uaditional institutions, dividing themselves into seven states. Agricultural land was surveyed in acres of different sizes; vehicles and roads used axles of different lengths; rules and decrees followed different legal principles; garments and hats were of differeDl cuts; spoken language varied in sound, and written language varied in shape. When the emperor Qfn ShThuang proposed to first combined world into one, the minister LJ Si unify them [i.e. the various scripts], discarding all those which were inconsistent with [the script of'] Qin. [U] Si composed the Cdng lie pian :B'Mi1li; the Director of the Central Livery Office [zhOngchlfuling '1'Jl!-Jf.f~1 Zhao Gao mill; oomposed the Ywln II pilin ~ltH::i; the Grand Astrologer [laishfllng *~~l Humu flng iVJWm composed the B6 xut pidn IS~1li.2S5 They started from the "large seal" script fda zhuiJn ;;\:i\\'J of the Scribe Zhou IShl Zhi>u 110 IliJ.256 modifying and simplifying it; this is what is called the "small seal" script [xido zhuan ,J\¥l At this time, Qin burned up the classical writings, wiped out the old institutions, sent out officials and soldiers, and mobilized border garrisons and corvee labor, official prisons, taxes, and obligations abounded. At that time the clerical script [llshii Ui!fl first appeared, to make writing easier and more concise. As a result, the old script [guwen ~:>C] died out. (Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 6729, my uanslation).

*JJr

The /ishii or clerical script which began to develop in Q[n times conlinued its development in the Han dynasty; from it developed, in late Han and early Wei, the kdishii. 'standard script' which remained the standard until

me

9.2. XiCshfng CNuacurs aNi lheir inltrprttalian

347

die adoption of simplified characters in recent years, and remains in use

lOday.

The ShuOwenjilzl of Xil Shen ~m (A.D. 58--147) is basically a dictionary of the xUfo zhudn or (small) seal script of Qin, written at a time when

this script was already archaic. The ShuOwin groups characters under 540 btlsMu a6tt (signifies or "radicals''), and analyzes their struClUre. It also

includes some characters described as ZMu wen itiX 'the script of ZhOu' C1l gulVin ~X 'old script'. This last term probably refers to characters in use before the Qln standardization of the script; compared to the characters found in early Zhau bronze inscriptions and oracle bones, however, they may actually be rather late.

9.2. Xi/sheng characters and their interpretation b has been traditional in reconstructing Old Cllinese phonology to use the script of the classics, and of the Shuewin jilzi. as evidence about Old Otinesc>-in effect, using the script of HAn (or at the earliest. Qin) to reconSD'UCt the pronunciation of early Zhau. When genuine Zhau forms are not available, this may be the best we can do. But the discussion in the previous section should have made it clear that this procedure is anachronistic, for we know that the script of early Zhau, as we find it in bronze inscriptions, was often quite different from the kaisha of the present classical texts. Even before the flourishing of Chinese paleography in the present century, traditional Chinese scholars were aware that these differences existed, and called anention to cases where older characters had fallen out of use and been replaced by others.257 Such changes have usually been regarded as purely graphic simplifications, however, their phonological implications have been widely overlooked (as noted by Barnard 1978). A more precise model of Old Qrinese phonology and of the changes which transformed it shows that many changes in the script reflected phonological dlanges. In reconstructing Old Chinese, therefore. we must use xiishing c:haracters with care and due attention to their evolution; wherever possible, we should use xiesheng characters contemporary with the linguistic stage we are reconstructing. At the same time, if changes in the script reflect Changes in phonology, then the script of early Chinese documents is a largely untapped reservoir of information about phonological variation and change during and after the Old Chinese period. Further research may make h possible to associate features of script with particular time periods or

348

9. TlrLuriptandtutojtheShIJlng

geographical areas, which in turn may make it possible to date and place early documents from phonological evidence. Xi~sheng characters can be used in reconstructing pronunciation because, like rhymes, they are based on a relationship of phonetic similarity. In order to use this evidence, we must make assumptions about the phonetic relationship among character'S in the same xi~shlng series, just as we muSt make assumptions about rhyme in order to use rhymes as evidence (see discussion in Chapter 3). In terms of our analysis of the Old Chinese syllable, most xMsheng characters seem to foUow the foUowing principle of phonetic similarity: Principle of xitrhing similarity: In order to be written with the same phonetic element, words must normally have identical main vowels and codas, and their initial conscmanlS must have the same position of articulation. (Additionally, nasal and obstruent initials are generally kept separate.) Otherwise, pr~initial, medial, and post-eoda elements, and the manner of articulation of the initial, may differ. This statement can serve as a general guide for using xiesheng characters as evidence. For example, we reconstruct a velar initial in

(815)

:I<: ,hr < 1.1)'« 'kje 'branch'

because this character is phonetic in (816)

fiji < gjex (nI) < *grje7 'ability, talent'.

Our assumptions require us to reconstruct a velar in X zhr if we reconstruct a velar in it. ji. On the other hand, we freely reconstruct medial *-r-, a voiced initial, and the sh4ngsheng post-coda *7in fi ji, but not in X zhf. The statement above is, however, only an approximate summary of the habits of many scribes over many centuries, who must have differed in the saictness of the standards of xi~shing similarity they applied. Though identity of the main vowel usually seems to be required, we sometimes find xiesheng contacts between *i and *e, or between *u and *0. Thus

(817)

BG xu < swit < *smjil 'cyclical character (11th eanhly branch)'

I

with the vowel *i, is probably the phonetic in the *e word (818) A!G: xld < xjwiel (IV) < *hmjel 'destroy', which in tum is phonetic in tJte more common (and doubtless related) fonn (819) • mit < mjiel (IV) < *mjel'destroy'.

9.2. Xiesheng characters and their mlerpreuuiofl

349

(Both jt xui < xjwjet and ~ mjt < mjiet must be reconstructed with *e because of their Middle Chinese division-rV cMngnju finals.) Moreover, the principle of xjesheng similarity stated above must be quali~ tied in two ways. First, the phonetic similarity referred to can be inferred only for the time and place at which the xjesheng character was actually created. A xiesheng character which first appears, say, in the late Waning States perioo is evidence aoout late Warring States phonology, not about Old Chinese phonology. Second, the standards for xjishing similarity were probably relaxed somewhat as sound changes disturbed the relations of similarity among xiisheng characters already in use. A vowel change, for example, could bring it about that a character already in use had a different main vowel from its phonetic element. By analogy, the same differences were probably tolerated in newly created characters. Consider the first point first. Through sound changes, originally dissimilar words may have become similar enough to be written with the same phonetic element. At the same time, words originally written with the same phonetic element may have become so dissimilar that later generations did not understand their xiesheng relationship. This probably created a pressure for such characters to be replaced with phonologically more transparent ones. Since Han times, at least down to the implementation of simplified characters, these pressures for change have been rather successfully resisted; but from early Zhau through Han the writing system was probably more fluid. I will illustrate this with examples of the effects on the script of two sound changes. The first is the change *-ps > *-Is, mentioned in section 8.2.2.1, which took place quite early-early enough to affect Shijfng rhyming. The original *-ps is recoverable in such words partly because xjeshing characters based on the original similarity of *-p and *-ps still survive, as in (820) ~ nei < nwojH < *nuis < *nups 'inside' (Karlgren *nw<1b, Li *n<Jbh), Which is phonetic in (821) ~

nQ

< rwp < *nup 'send in, bring in' (Karlgren *n3p, Li *f13p).

What is not generally recognized is that this sound change led in many cases to the creation of new xitsMng characters with phonetics in *-1 or *·ts rather . . than *.p. On the basis of these late characters some words which Origtnally had labial codas have been anachronistically reconstructed with final dentals. Here are three examples:

.

350 9. TMscrip/and/ulo[IMShJjlng

I. The character (822) 'ffi1fti
has the phonetic

(823) gfd < pjot < *pjat 'send fonh'. On the basis of the xlbhlng character .§'i, fe; 'abandon' has generally been reconstructed with a final dental (Karlgren *pjwiJd, Li *pjadh). BUI in bronze inscriptions, this word is written with the character ~, which is an old fonnof (824) r!!d
For example, the phrase wu!e; z~n mlng :MtRI*~ 'do not abandon my charge' occurs in the Shijing (Ode 261.1), with the modem 'character §l fei. But an almost identical phrase "mifl*4>''' occurs repeatedly in various bronze inscriptions, with if instead of R[ii (Zhau Hgao et al. 1974a, item 1297). The use of if .pjap as a loan graph for Iei shows that we should reconstruct .§1 fei < pjajH < *pjats < *pjaps, not *pjats, for Old Chinese times. However, once *pjaps became *pjats by the change ··ps > *·Is, if .pjap would have seemed less suitable as a loan character for ·pjats. and g fa < ·pjat became a suitable phonetic. The reconstruction with a dental coda is correct for the period after the change ··ps > ··/s, when the character .§1 was created, but it is not correct for the Old Chinese period. 2. The character (825) ~ [cui]258 < dzwljH 'gather, collect' is written with the phonetic (826) ~ Ztl < tswot < *15ut 'soldier', also read Ztl < l$Wit < *tsjul 'finish'. It has therefore generally been reconstructed with a dental cOOa: Karlgren reconstructed ·dz' jwad. BUI ~ cui is probably JUSt the *s-suffixed fonn of the synonymous word (827)

m- fii jf < dzip < *dzjup 'gather, collecl'

which is often used in early commentaries as a gloss for ~ cui (Wling Li 1982: 594-96). The phonological and semantic similarity strongly SUlgests that we should reconstruct ~ [cui] < dzwijH < *dzjuts < *dzjups.25 The character Zl5", whose phonetic originally represented syllables with the coda .-t, reflects the phonology of Chinese after the change .·ps > ••15, and cannot be taken as representative of Old Chinese phonology_

9.2. Xiesheng charact~rs and /heir jnt~rpr~taJion

3S I

3. The character (828)

II jl < gijH (Ill) 'arrive, attain; together with, and'

is written with the phonetic (829)

ret jl < kjijH < *kjits 'finish, complete'

which is usually reconstructed with a dental coda. 260 On this basis, II jl has usually been reconstructed with a dental coda also: Karlgren reconstructed *g'ied. But I suspect this is an *s-suffix form of the synonymous form (830)

&. jf < gip (ill) < *g(r)jip 'come to, reach; and, when'.

Thus we should reconstruct ret jI' < gij/-l < *grjirs < *grjips. Again, the reconstruction with a final dental is not wrong for the time when the xieshlng character D jt was created, but it reflects the phonology of that time, not the phonology of Old Chinese. The second change I would like to use as an example is the denasalization of initial voiceless nasals: *hm- >x(w)*hn- > th*hng- >x*hng w • >xw-

Let us consider first the change *hm- > x(w)-. We are able LO reconstruct *hJn· because some characters which were pronounced with initial x· in Middle Chinese still have xiesheng contacts with initial m-, as in (831) ~ hei <xok < *hmik 'black', which is phonetic in (and probably also related to) (832) ~ mQ < mok < *mik 'india ink'. After the change *hm- > x(w)-, the original similarity of *m- and *hm- in such words was replaced by the more distant relationship of *m· and *x-, so that there would have been a pressure for more rational phonetic elements. A character like iI mO for "ink" probably survived such pressures in part because the phonetic R« hei 'black' functioned as a semantic element also. (We can explain the survival of M'i nd 'send in, bring in', with phonetic ~ Ill; 'inside', the same way.) But in other cases, the pressure to replace old xilsheng characters with more transparent ones won out. For example, the "<>nl

352 9. The script aIId tu1 0/ 1M ShIJing

(833)

lft [hull <xwojX 'to present, assign; valuables, dowry'

has in its present fonn the phonetic (834)

tr you < hjuwx < *wji? 'to have, to hold'.

In modem or even Middle Chinese pronunciation, this xiishlng relationship is not very transparent either, but these wonts belonged to the same rhyme group as late as the Eastern HAn period (Lu6 & ZhOu 1958: 175). Based on this xi/sheng relationship, we would reasonably reconstruct lft as *hwi7. Note that tr *wji? and lfj *hwi?differ only in the medial (*-j- versus zero) and the manner of articulation of the initial (voiced *w- versus voiceless *hw·), so they fit the principle of xiishtng similarity stated above. And this is essentially how Afi hul has been reconstructed in the past, allowing for differences in reconstruction systems: Karlgren reconstructed *XW~g (1957, item 995z), and Li Fang-kuei *hWCIgx (1971 [1980): 38). But according to Zheng XU
Au

(835)

1fi hur < xwojx < *hmi7, usual meaning 'regret, repent',

which is reconstructed with *Jvn- because of its phonetic (836)

:fi ml; < mwojx < *mi? 'every'.

If the "old script" version cited by Zheng Xuiln was sufficiently old to reflect the distinction between *hm· and *hw·, then these foons suggest that in Old Chinese, .Iff hul may have been not *hwi?but *hmi?(Schuessler 1987: 257). The reconstruction *hwi? is probably correct for the time when the character Mf was created, after *hm- had merged with *hw-, but it is anachronistic to base an Old Chinese reconstruction on the nxxlem character.

2. Another example reflecting the same change is the character (837)

rdf win < mjun < *mjun 'to hear'.

This character consists of ~ ir 'ear' plus the phonetic element (838)

r, min < mwon < ·min 'gate, door'.

Notice that I reconstruct r~ *min and ru1 ·mjun with different main vowels; this is done on the basis of Shijing rhyming (see section 10.1.5). Thus this pair apparently violates the principle of xiisheng similarity which was stated above. .

9.2. Xitsheng C1wrOCltrS and t~ir inltrprelalion

353

ril

But is probably a relatively late character. The Shuijwen (Ding Fl1bito 1928-1932 [1976]: 5356) mentions a gilwen character III for 00, consisting of:EJ: lr 'ear' plus the phonetic (839) ~ han < xwon < *hmun 'dark, benighted, stupid'.

In fact, the character 1m is not known before the Warring States period; instead, bronze inscriptions show either characters similar to III or a pietagram of a person kneeling next to a large ear (see Zh5u Fiigao et a1. 1974a, item 1509; Gao Mfng 1980: 136). This pictogram is also found in oracle bones: 261

In Old Chinese, ~ *hmun would have been acceptable as a phonetic to write *mjun 'hear'; but it may have been considered less suitable after the change of *hm- to X-. Moreover, by the time of this change, the changes rounding diphthongization and *w-neutralization had probably also *m(w)in < *min 'gate' was now a suitable phonetic for occurred, so that *mj(w)in < *mjun 'hear', and a new phonetic compound was formed. Duan Yuc!i's principle "same phonetic, same rhyme group" holds good, but in this case it applies not to Old Chinese but to a somewhat later period. The practice of writing the element ~ hUn with ~ men on lOP instead of El:; shi was probably also a response to lale sound changes, including the change *hm- > X-. In words like

r,

(840)

rn,

mm(n <min (lI1) < *mrjun 'string,line',

the original *mrjun had probably become *mrjwin (rounding diphthongization) > *mrj(w)in (w-neutralization) > *mrjin (*r-color), so thai (841) ~ m(n < mjin (IV) < *mjin 'people'

m

\Vas felt to be a bener phonetic for min than was ~ hun. The scribes of the time would not have known that ~ min < *mjin and ii min < *mrjun had had different main vowels in Old Chinese. The second qualification of the principle of xitshing similarity is that requirements for similarity were probably weakened as sound changes affected the pronunciations of characters already in use. Although there was lOme pressure to replace older, less transparent xiisheng characters with

354 9. TMscriprandlalo!IMShIJ1np;

more rational ones, the weight of tradition often counteracted this pressure, so that the writing system accumulated more and more "imperfect" xiisheng connections. When newer xiishlng charactClS were created, the analogy of older xibhlng charactClS still in use probably influenced the standards for xiisheng similarity. For example. although in early times xiisheng characters and their phonetic elements usually had identical main vowels, VOwel changes sometimes disrupted this identity. The following words originally had the same main vowel: (842) (843)

H can
(The latter rhymes as *-an in Odes 158.2A and l65.3A.) But by late Han, at least, acute fronting (and possibly *a+raising) had changed the vowel of U jian to *e, so that *a and *e now occurred in the same phonetic series. Such cases may have provided a precedent for allowing alternations between ·a and *e in subsequently created xieshing characters. A possible example of this is (844)

It xian < senJ-I < *s(k)ens 'sleet'.

I reconstruct *-en here because of the Middle Chinese division-IV final -en; II: xidn also rhymes as *-ens in Ode 217.3B. But the phonetic in the current character is (845)

M: san < sanx < *sanl'scattered'. also read scln < sanJl < *san(l)s 'to disperse',

which must be reconstructed with *·an. Thus we apparently have *-an and *-en in the same phonetic series, something that probably would not have been allowed in Old Chinese limes. But the character II may be of late origin; the Shutiwen (Ding Fliblo 1928-1932 [19761: 5184) records an alter· nate character Jr, with phonetic

(846) J!jian .s-, which would have made J! *kens seem unsuitable as a phonetic for *sens; and the existence of *aJe alternations in existing xiishing series would have made M" *san7an acceptable phonetic. As these observations show, xieshing connections, while providing valuable evidence when used carefully, cannot be used mechanically and uncriti-

n.

9.3. TheleXlo!lheShIJlng 355

cally. The xiesheng relationships described in the Shuawen jilzl still reflect Old Chinese phonology in many cases, for tradition kept many early etaaraeters in use; but some of the characters are of late origin, and reflect Old Chinese phonology only through the mirror of later sound changes.

9.3. The text of the Shf]Tng The textual history of the Shfjing is extremely complex, and a detailed lCCOunt of it is beyond the scope of this study. This section deals briefly with the present form of the ShIjing, and with its origin and transmission, focusing on those topics which are most relevant to the use of the ShIjing as phonological evidence.

'.3.1. The present form of the Shfjfng The ShIjfng as we have it today consists of 305 poems ranging in length &om eighteen characters (Ode 268) to 492 characters (Ode 300; see W<1ng U 1980b: 41). The book as a whole is divided into the following major IleCtions: 262 •

1. The GuO fing film 'airs of the states', comprising 160 poems '(Odes 1-160). These are generally regarded as folk songs collected from disparate geographic areas of the Zhou kingdom. 2. The Xido ytf tJ'B 'lesser Yd' odes, comprising seventy-four poems (Odes 161-234). The significance of the term Yd (MC ngle?) is debated; it is widely taken to be a loan character for Xia ... (MC h:rx < *gra?), assumed to be a geographical tenn referring to the district under direct royal control in Western Zhou times. These poems are generally assumed to be a product of the royal Zhou court. In content and style, however, Ihere is some overlap between the Goofeng and the Xiiio ytf sections. 3. The Da yd 7:. ft 'greater Yd' odes, comprising thirty-one poems (Odes 235~5). These are regarded as dynastic hymns originating in Weslern Zh6u times, some of them recording legends about early ZhOu hislory. 4. The ZMu song ~~ 'ZhOu hymns of praise', comprising thirty-one poems (Odes 266-96). This section, also apparently dating from Weslern Zh6u, includes relatively brief hymns in praise of Heaven and the Zhou ancestors. Several of these hymns are unrhymed.

356 9. Tk script and tat of (M ShIjing

5. The Li1 song ;ft.t:l 'Lli hymns of praise', comprising four poems (Odes 297-300). Although called song 'hymns of praise' like the previous section, these poems resemble the poems of the GuO fing and Yd sections rather than those of the ZMu song. They are agreed to be rather late, originating in the state of Ui (roughly, the southern part of modern ShlindOng) in the seventh century B.C. 6. The ShiJng song 'iSiilt 'Shang hymns of praise', comprising five poems (Odes 301-5). These too are rather late, representing not the Shiing dynaslY whose which was conquered by the Zh6u. but the later state of Song ruling house was descended from the rulers of ShAng. These poems probably date from the seventh century D.C.

*,

As the above description suggests, the poems of the SJujing represent a variety of rimes and places. They are also heterogeneous in fonn and style. In the Gu6 fing section, we find anonymous lyrical love songs, wedding hymns, laments for husbands gone to war. The Xido yd has such poems 100, but there we also find poems of political content referring to contemporary historical events and naming names (including, in some cases, the name of the poet). Differences in content are also re8ected in form. One typical form in the GuO jlng consists of two or three stanzas which are almost identical repetitions of each other, except for the words which rhyme. 263 In contrast with this tight structure, the political poems of the Xido yd often consist of more loosely-connected eight·line stanzas.264 Nevenheless, except for some of the poems in the 2Mu song section, all the poems rhyme, and almost all are divided into stanzas. Ancient Chinese sources record a number of traditions about the origin of the Shijing. According to the Hdn shU Yiwen zhi ll.i5X~,265 in early times there was a government official who collected songs as a kind of public opinion poll. and the Shij7ng was gathered in this way: The Documents (Le. the Shdngshu rl(JiI or Shujing ilW] say: "Poetry [~ shf < ·slji] speaks (g ydn] of aspirations [;5 zhi < ·,jis];266 songs (:It gt] chant the words." Thus a sorrowful or joyful heart is moved, and emi[S the sound of singing and chanting. Reciting the words is called "poetry" [~ sht], and chanting the sounds is called "singing" [~ge].267 In ancient times there was an official who colcdi sht]; by this means, the ruler surveyed customs lected poetry and habits, learned of his .accomplishments and failures, and examined and corrected himself. Confucius chose from all the poetry of Zh6u

['* *

93.

.IJ, going back to Yin

~ (i.e. Shang

is.i"]

T~

ltxt Oflhe ShiJing

357

and forward to Lli 3,305

poems in all. The fact that (this collection] survived the Qfn inlact is because it was sung from memory. not preserved only on bamboo and silk. When the HAn II arose, Shen $ of Lli made glosses for the ShI, and commen· wies wefe made by Yuan Gu f8:1e1 ofQ! ~ and Han Sheng f¥1=. of Yan~. In some cases they followed [stories from] the ChUnqiu ~ ,*, and adopted various interpretations; but they all mistook the original meaning. Though they did not get it right, the school of Ui came closest. These three schools were each assigned to educational officials (~'§' xue guan]. There was also the learning of Mao, which claimed to be descended from ZI Xia 8l (a disciple of Confucius]; but was not this school was favored by King Xian £ti of Hejian officiallyestablished.

:r

liiJra',

The four Han schools of Shijfng study mentioned here are conventionally called the Ui Shf, the Qf Shi, the Han Shf, and the Mao Shf. Each school evidently had not only its own version of the text, but also its own accompanying tradition of interpretation. The Lu, Qf. and Han schools, collectively called the "three schools of the Shf [sanjia Shf =%~]", were dominant for most of the Han period, but the Mao school eventually won out: the present-day version of the Shfjing is the Mao Shf. The other versions are extant only in fragments, though the Han Shi survived to the Tang dynasty. and is frequently quoted in the Jfngdidn shiwen. The other versions are known only from quotations in other ancient texts, and from a few stone in· scriptions. The Mao school's traditions of interpretation are preserved in the Mao Shf gil xun zhuan =6~Gi'iwll{w. which includes glosses on difficult Words and passages. The late Han commentator Zheng Xuan 15:Z: (127-200) wrote further commentary, sometimes disagreeing with the Mao interpretation. In addition to these traditionally known versions of the ShfjTng, fragments of a previously unknown version of the Shfjfng were recently found in a Han tomb at Shuiinggi1dui ~'2i"ii. Fuyang ~~ county, Anhul province (see Anhui SMng Wenwu Gongzub Oul et a!. 1978; Wenwu Jll Gu Wenxian Y4njiUshl et al. 1984; H\i Pfngsheng & Han Zlqiang 1984). For our understanding of the present state of the ShfjTng texi. the comment that the Shfjfng "survived the Qfn complete ... because it was sung from IIItmory, not preserved only on bamboo and silk" is of particular importance. This refers to the well-known "burning of the books" by the emperor Qfn ShIhuang. 268 Whatever the actual nature of the Qfn conflagration, the

358 9.

T~

script twf lUI of 1M ShIJrng

transmission of many classical texts was definitely interrupted, and scholars of Han times were preoccupied with the problem of reconstructing the classical texts which had been lost. From historical fact, and from the present slate of the ShI}Tng text, we can draw the following conclusions: 1. The ShIjing text was transmitted from earlier times in both oral and written fonn: it was not only "preserved on bamboo and silk", but also memorized and recited by students under the direction of their teachers. Perhaps the written versions of the text served chiefly as aids to memorization; the primary fonn of the text was nm any written version, but the version one learned from one's teacher. One possible reason for the oral emphasis is that skill in quoting the ShIjTng when speaking in public was an imponant aspect of rhetorical skill. 2. Those who learned and transmitted the Shfjing leamed and transmitted also traditions about the meanings of difficult words and passages, but there were many passages that, though faithfully memorized and passed on, were poorly understood. Otherwise, there would have been no need for the copious glosses provided by the Han schools. and their interpretations would not be so divergent In HAn times, the Sh1jfng was already an ancient and very difficult book.

9.3.2. "Pronunciation errors" in the Shfjfng If we compare the Ml10 ShI with surviving fragments of other versions of the text, we find interesting confinnation of the oral nature of the transmission of the text, for a number of the differences can be attributed to slight variations in pronunciation of an only partly understood text. Ogawa (1960 L1977]) cites a number of interesting differences between the M:io text and surviving fragments of the so-called Xipfng stone classics (Xipfng shfjing .SJl::O~). carved and set up in Luoytng in A.D. 175 (the founh year of the Xipfng reign period):269

I. In Ode 35.3, the M:io version has the line l'J
'My person is not liked'. (I take

IJD yld

here to be equivalent to the homophonous liked'.) The stone classics version has

myut 'happy,

93. Thetwo/theShIJing

359

fJ(4":;r;1lll wO')Tn buyue 'I am now not liked'.

1bat is, the stone classics version has (847) 4)Tn < kim < *k(r)jilum < *k(r)jim 'now'270 where the M~o version has

fJ gong < kjuwng < *k(r)jung 'person, body'. Karlgren prefers the reading with 4" ifn (Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964]. gloss

(848)

97), but Ogawa argues that 4 jfn resulls from the assimilation of the final .·ng of ~ gong to the initial *p- of:lf' bU < *pji (1960 [1977]; 13-14). 2. In Ode 197.2, the Mlio version has the line

t!IllI1*lX

jid me; yong tan 'I can only steal a moment's sleep, and long I am sighing'

1be expression f;:m;: jid mei is taken to mean "borrow sleep"; Karlgren cites the statement of the Eastern Hl\n commentator Wling Yl I:ia that this means "to sleep without removing cap and sash" (Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 594).271 But in the Xiping stone classics, the first two characters are

J
(See Ogawa 1960 [1977]: 15-16.) Leaving aside the somewhat vexing question of what this might mean (iajitin usually means "supervise"), let us examine the reconstructed pronunciations of these two words. The Mlio version is

flJQ1: jid mei < k~ mjijlf < *kralmjirs, while the stone classic version is

~~ jiiin mei < k;rm mjijH < *kram mjits. Assuming that the Mao version is the better one (since it at least makes sense), it appears that the stone classic version has assimilated the final aIottal stop of II *kralto the initial*m· of the following syllable-a natural Substitution in oral recitation, especially if the meaning of the text, being obscure, did not interfere with the natural tendencies of the mouth. 2n

360 9.

T~ .~c,.ipllVld

11!I1 ill IN: ShTjlng

It is hard to imagine variants like mese arising in a text through copying errors; the character ~ jIn does not, and probably did not, resemble the character fJ gong. Ramer, these variants must have arisen through oral transmission of the text: a student imperfectly imitates his teacher's pronunciation (perhaps influenced by his own dialect) and passes the error on to his own students. If the student understands what the text means, his understanding will act as a constraint on changes in pronunciation; such changes are most likely to occur in poorly understood passages, where pronunciation is unconstrained by any knowledge of the meaning of the text (just as American children often come up with novel versions of the Pledge of Allegiance). Zheng Xuan called attention to many errors of this kind, calling them WL~ sheng zhIwu 'pronunciation errors,.273 As for the written text, all the versions of the Shl have large numbers of socalled 'H~~ jidjie zi 'loan characters'. The term "loan character" is sometimes applied to the conventional use of me character for one word to write another word of identical or similar pronunciation (such as Idi 'kind of wheat' for ldi 'to come'); but in the classical texts there are many so-called loan characters which probably arose because some scribe did not know or understand the word he was writing; he simply chose a character to match the sound of a recited or memorized ten For example, in Ode 41.3, the Wo version has the line

*

*

m~ll1JJl[ xii shOu tOng jii 'I will hold your hand and go with you in your carriage'. The last character is (849) •

jii < kjo < ·k(r)ja 'vehicle'.

But me FUyIDlg Shl (Hu P£ngsheng & Han ZiqitIDg 1988: 6, fragment 5045) has instead the character (850) ~ jii < kjo < *k(r)ja 'reside',

so that the line would mean "hold hands and live together". Whichever is the better reading, a scribe at some point substituted one character pronounced *k(r)ja for another, because they were homonyms. Like xiishlng characters, substitutions of this kind reflect the phonology of the time and place of their origin, not necessarily the phonology of Old Chinese. A text variant which illustrates this plint is the following line from Ode 249.1:

9.3. Tht' tat of/he ShJ)log 361

fHUli' ji4lt jan zf 'Greatly happy be the 1<mI'. The first word is

(851) fiji4
• word belonging to the traditional ~. YU rhyme group (my *-a). But where tbis line is Quoted in the ZhOng yOng J=f=r ii, instead of II jill < *kra7 we have (852)

II jilJ < be < *kraj 'good, fine, excellent',

• word of the traditional ~ Gf rhyme group. These syllables were quite distinct in Old Chinese; the confusion between them reflects the Hl\n-time merger of syllables like *Kra with syUables like *Kraj, which had happened by the Eastern HAn period (Lu6 & ZhOu 1958: 13-14). It is not clear which reading is the original one, but in either case, this example illustrates how Hln phonology could affect the text of the ShIJlng.

9.3.3. "Pronunciation errors" affecting rhyme words Since we wish to use the Shijfng rhymes as evidence on Old Chinese phonology, we should be aware that late text changes of this kind can sometimes obscure the original rhyme pattern. I will close this chapter with two examples of this.

9.33.1. jf,fi jiln 'Jotuslorcmd' in OdQ 95.1 and 145.2

Tbe character 1.5 jidn occurs in Odes 95.1 and 145.2. In both cases it is a rhyme word, but in Ode 145.2 it rhymes with words which, according to the front~vowel hypothesis, must be reconsuucted with *-en; while in Ode 95.1 it rhymes with a word which cannot be reconsuucted with *-en. Consider first Ode 145.2, which reads as follows (translation from Karlgren 1974: 92): bfz~

zhr bli

you pu yu JIAN you mli yl rln slwlJ dd qil QUAN

rJj *kren

9. TM script and ~X1 of the ShIJlng

362

wtl nu!i wu wei zhOng xin yUiln YUAN ffi *fNjen By the shore of that marsh there are sedges and LOTUS FRUITS; there is a certain beautiful person, grandly large and HANDSOME; waking and sleeping, I know not what to do, in the core of my heart I am GRIEVED.

*

lillllHlll/;l A::."tft'lft

The rhyme words are as follows:

jlJj jilin < ken- ka:n 'lotus' (or 'orchid') tl:f quan < gjwen (III) 'handsome' 'tfi yUiln < 7jwien (IV) 'grieved' There is disagreement about both the meaning and the pronunciation of M jilin here. The M~o commentary glosses it as III Jan < Jan 'orchid'; but Zheng Xu~n says that the character jilin "ought to be" )l lidn < len 'lotus fruit'. As the translation above shows, Karlgren (1942-1946 [1964], gloss 352) followed Ztteng Xuan's interpretation, which is well-supponed by the fact that both the other two stanzas mention the lotus plant in the corresponding place (fpj he < ha 'lotus' in stanza I, 'ilfi handan < homXdornx. 'lotus flower' in stanza 3). As for the pronunciation, the Guiingyun gives the pronunciation ken. This fits well with Zheng Xuan's interpretation, for ken regularly represents DC *kren. So, following Zheng Xuan, we can reconstruct

rm

(853)

1m jilin < kEn < *kren 'lotus fruit',

which must be from the same root as the modern form (854) ~ Jidn < Jen < *g-ren 'lotus fruit,.274

Both Me len and (assuming it is regular) ken must reflect DC *-en, according to my reconstruction. We reconstruct a "disappearing *g-" in 11 because of this connection with 1m *kren. 275 Zheng Xulin's interpretation is also in good phonological agreemem wit~ my reconstruction of the other rhyme words in this stanza. The word ,"" yuan must be reconstructed with *-en because it has the division-IV cMngniu final -jwien: (855)

ffi yUiln < 7jwien (IV) < *fNjen 'grieved'.

The word« quan 'handsome' is also to be reconstructed with *-en: (856)

:ff quan < gjwen (Ill) < *gWrjen 'handsome'

9.3. The text olthe ShTjlng 363

Me gjwen could also reflect *gWrjan or *grjon, but this word, written as U, rhymes as *-en also in 103.2A.276 Now let us tum to Ode 95.1 (translation from Karlgren 1974: 61):

li'llllli

nill!ilI!-I}

±1ll3{ nl!ii!li-l}

ZMnyil Wi' fanghwJnHUANxf

ilI!°hwans

shlyil na fang bing JIAN xf

i!li °kran

The [ZMn] and the W!i (streams) are just now AMPLY -A..OWING; knights and girls are just holding [nAN] plants in their hands.

Here Mao glosses 1m jian just as in Ode 145.2-with the word (857)

Sift Mn < [an < *g-ran 'orchid'.

(In this word, the disappearing *g- is reconstnlcted because of velar-initial words elsewhere in this xiesheng series, such as ~ jidn < k<enH < *kran!fs)

'remonstrate'.) The Jfngdidn Shlwen here assigns i!3 jian the fdnqje spel· ling tiMEt. i.e. k(UX) + ng(<en.) = klDl, which would regularly reflect Old O1inese *kran. 277 In this case, the Mao interpretation is not questioned by Zheng Xuan, and is probably correct; this rhyme sequence is a regular rhyme in *-an. Middle Chinese k<en., if regular, would reflect OC *kran. The other rhyme word (858) ~ huiJn < xwanH 'amply-flowing'

could reflect either *hwans or *xons, but the same character rhymes as *-an in Ode 287 (although with a different meaning), and in any case it cannot !eflect *-en, since it has a division-I 6nal. 278 Upon inspection, then, the interpretation of i!3 jilin as 'lotus' *g-ren in Ode 145.2 and 'orchid' *g-ran in Ode 95.1 fits well with my reconstnlction system, which requires that we reconstnlct *-en in Ode 145.2 and *-an in Ode 95.1. How, then, did these two originally different words come to be Written with the same character? Quite possibly the confusion is simply paphic in this case: i!3 jidn in Ode 95.1 could be a copying error for tal Mil. But it is also true that syllables like *Kran and *Kren must have merged rather early in some dialects. Yan ZhItuI, one of the Qieyun authors, criticizes Guo PU (276-324) for saying that ~ jidn < krenH < *kranJfs) was pronounced like fa' jilin < k£n < *kren, and elsewhere mentions confusion of h£p and hrep as a northern dialect feature (ZhOu ZUm6 1943 [1966]: 413, 417). Perhaps *Kran and *Kren had merged even earlier

364 9. TMScriplmtdlUltJ{tlv.ShIjIng

than GuO PU's time in some dialects; if so, this could explain why Mio took 1.3 jidn to mean "orchid" in hom Ode 95.1 and Ode 145.2.279

93.3.2.

&. f1n

'revert' and ~ biIDi 'change' in Ode 1063

The second example of a textual change affecting rhyme words in....ol....es Ode 106.3. In the MAo ShI, this stanza reads as follows:

llilll!!:!i~ irllltel!~ l!UU~~ 9HU:lt~ 11!I9i:1ii ~ I;!.l'lll ~

yfj~ WAN xf qfng ydng WAN xi wu zt XUAN xf shlztGUANXf sl shl FAN xl ylyaLUAN xl

!i "b-rjonJ tel! "]jon?

~ "sjon(7)s :It "*ons Iii "pjanJ Il"C-rons

1..o! How HANDSOME, the clear forehead how BEAlITIRJL; when dancing he is in COUNTINO; when shooting he PIERCES (the target); his four arrows (REVERT:) come (one after the other) so as to prevent (DtSORDER:) violation of the rules. (The uanslation is adapted from Karlgren 1974.) In his Glosses on the Book of odes (1942-1946 [1964J, gloss 268), KarlgT
it [/udn] < Ijwen)( < ·b-rjonJ 'handsome'

93. TMleXlo!I!l£ShIJ'ing 365

(860)

ilL ludn < lwanH < "'C-rons 'disorder'

2. The word (861)

ii! [wan] < 7jwonx < "'YjonY'beautiful'

rhymes as "'-on also in Ode 94.1A, and internally in Odes 102.3A and

IS1.4C. 3. The word

(862)

ii xudn < sjwenx < "'sjonl usually:

'choose', but here read sjwenH < "'sjon(l)s 'count', probably related to .. sudn < swanx - swanN < "'sons 'count'

rbymes as "'-on in Ode 26.3. 4. Finally, the word (863)

:it gudn < kwanH < "'kons 'pierce'

rbymes as "'·on in Ode 199.7. ]t is possible that the sequence should be split into a three-word sMngsiting sequence and a three-word qilsheng sequence; this question is largely im:levant to the present one. To Ietum to the disputed word: The phonetic of ~ bian indicates that it is also to be reconstructed with "'·on:

!i bidn < pjenH < "'prjons 'to change' The phonetic in this character (found also in 'i [Judn] < "'b-rjonlabove) is (864)

(865)

fa loon < lwan < "'b-ron 'harness bells'.

Words written with this phonetic rhyme consistently as "'-on. in the Shlj7ng: • luOn < l}wen)( < "'b·rjonl 'beautiful' in Odes 42.2A, 102.3A, l5L4C, and here; • loon. < lwan < *b-ron. 'emaciated' in Ode 147.1A; and man <m.!en < "'mron 'Southern barbarian' in Ode 261.6A. Though the phonetic compound ~ does not occur in bronze inscriptions, IS far as I know, it does occur in the Zhangu6;a1S!l inscription ZU Chu Wen IIHl.x, dating from the late founh century B.C. (Xu Zhongshu 1980: 123; Gao Ming 1980: 82). In fact, it is likely that ~ bidn < *prjons 'change' is t:ognate to

m

\I. ludn < lwanH < "'C·rons 'disorder'. The word &. fdn, on the other hand, rhymes elsewhere as *-an,280 and is

(866)

10 be reconstructed

366 9.

TMscriptDNi~of/J.ShIJtng

(867) &/dn
With the rounded-vowel hypothesis, it is no longer "undecidable which version best repr[esents] the orig[inal] Shi"', in Karlgren's words: the H:m ShI reading ~ bidn makes the sequence a regular *-on sequence, while the ~o ShI reading &. Idn makes an irregular rhyme mixing *-on and *-6n. How could such a reading have arisen? By HAn times, *prjons had probably become *prjwlJllS (rounding dipbtbongization) > *prjans (*16'neutralization). Thus the distinction between *-on and *-an had been lost, and &Idn < *pjan?'reven' may have seemed as good a rhyme as ~ bidn, and may have been substituted through an error in oral transmission. Moreover, the meaning of the line was too unclear to prevent such a substitution.

*'

9333. Conclusion

Examples such as those just given show that the present ShIjTng text cannot be treated as a simple Zhou-dynasty text; we must be prepared to find contamination from later scripts and phonological systems. In the words of the late Qing scholar Yli Yu~ lfirtl, Holding a rook transmitted and printed today and treating it as the ttue version of the ancients is like hearing people say that bamboo shoots are good to eat, and going home and cooking one's bed mat. 281

Chapter 10 New rhyme categories for Old Chinese In this chapter, the Old Chinese reconstruction system outlined in Chapters

S through 8 is described in greater detail by showing how it applies to each of the traditional rhyme groups. Where the present system conflicts with the traditional rhyme groups, the evidence for revising the traditional groups is summarized. It will be convenient to group the traditional categories

according to their codas: section 10.1 examines categories with acute codas; section 10.2 examines categories with zero, velar, or labiovelar codas; and section 10.3 examines categories with labial codas. Section 10.4

snmmarizes the results. For each of the traditional rhyme groups, I will first list the Middle Chinese

finals assigned to each group according to the traditional analysis, and discuss how the hypotheses of my reconstruction system apply to the group. For example, if division-I and division-IV finals contrast in the same group, then according to the front~vowel hypothesis, they must be reconstructed with different main vowels; and if they had different main vowels, there may be a rhyming distinction between them which was not recognized in the traditional analysis, Similarly, if kdikiJu finals (wimout MC -w-) and ~Mu finals (with MC -w-) contrast, and if me -w- cannot be attributed to a labialized initial *KW-, then according to the rounded-vowel hypothesis, they must be reconstructed with different main vowels; and if they had different main vowels, there may be a rhyming distinction between them which was not recognized in the traditional analysis, For groups where such additional rhyming distinctions are predicted, me next step is to test statistically whether the predicted rhyming distinctions actually exist This is done by using the procedures developed in Chapter 3, The basic procedure is to test the rhyming of words whose vowels can be reconstructed on the basis of their Middle Chinese pronunciation alone; I call SUch words "phonologically unambiguous", For example, within the traditional 7G Yuan group, there are some words whose vowels can only be reCOnstructed with *-en in my system, and others which cannot be reconstructed with *-en. We wish to test this reconstruction by delennining whether the words which must be reconstructed with *-en do or do not rhyme regularly with the words which cannot be reconstructed with *-en. If the *·en words and the non-*-en words rhyme with each other significantly

368 /0. NavrhyfM. auegorie.s/orOld CJtiNse

less often than would be expected by chance, then the rhyming distinction between them is confirmed-for phonologically unambiguous words. The reason for limiting the statistical tests to phonologically unambiguous words is to avoid the circularity of assigning words to categories according to the rhyme evidence, and then using the rhyme evidence to "prove" the correctness of the categories. In a panicular sample of rhymes, two groups of words might show few or no rhyme contacts purely by chance, not because of any phonological distinction between the two groups. If we tested our hypotheses by using words reconstructed purely on the basis of their rhyme behavior, without other supporting evidence, we would risk setting up spurious rhyme distinctions in such cases.282 [f the predicted distinction is confirmed for phonologically unambiguous words, the next step is to reconstruCt as best we can the phonologically ambiguous words-those which cannot be reconstructed from their Middle Chinese pronunciation alone. It is at this stag~aftcr the statistical tests have been don~that we use rhyme evidence to choose among possible reconstructions: if a word which could be reconstructed with either *-en or ·-an rhymes consistently and repeatedly with unambiguous ·-en words, then we reconstruct it with ·-en also. Similarly, phonologically ambiguous words can often be reconstructed on the basis of xiesheng evidence, provided that the xieshlng characters involved are sufficiently old. If the phonologically ambiguous words can be reconstructed in a more or less consistent way, this gives us additional confidence that the reconstruction is an adequate one. At this point. we getuttle help from statistics; the overall adequacy of a reconstruction depends on so many considerations thai it would be difficult to test them Slatistically. In order to save space, I will not discuss the phonologically ambiguous words ex.haustively. However, for traditional groups which I claim should be divided. I include a list of the rhyme sequences assigned to each category, and a list of those rhyme sequences which appear irregular, with occasional notes on cases where a textual problem or a character substitution seems to be involved. (Not all such irregularities can be accounted for, of course; there is simply too much we do not understand about the text.) Similarly, although I include reconstructions of all the Shfjfng rhyme words in Appendix C, many of these reconstructions, especially those of rare or phonologically unusual words, are underdetennined by the available evidence. and many of the reconstructed fonus include parenlhesized elementS or a choice of elements. .

10. New rhyme categories/or OUi Chinese

369

Where my reconstruction is consistent with the traditional analysis (as in the reconstruction of the traditional !l Dong group, which corresponds exactly to my -·ong), I omit discussion of the group's Shljfng rhymes unless there is some special point to be made. However, a full list of the rhyme sequences of the Shljfng is found in Appendix B, and the rhyme occurrences of each word are listed in Appendix C. At the risk of removing the element of suspense, I will summarize here the results of this chapter's analyses. The predictions of the rounded-vowel hypothesis and the front-vowel hypothesis are generally confirmed. The evidence is clearest in the more frequently used rhyme groups such as 7G Yum or )( Wen. In the less frequently used rhyme groups, there is sometimes too little data for statistical analysis to be conclusive. To take an extreme example, words of the traditional He group, which I reconstruct with --ap, --op, and *-ep, are used in only five Shljfng rhyme sequences (34.1A,60.2A, 167.4C, 260.7A, and 304.7A), and all the words involved are probably to be reconstructed with *-ap. Obviously, if *·op and *·ep are not used as rhymes in the Shfjfng, the ShIjTng rhymes by themselves offer no support for reconstructing these finals. Rather, these reconstructions rest on other evidence and assumptions, including one assumption which is crucial: that all the rhyme groups belong to a single phonological system and draw on the same set of phonological elements. Even if we found that what I reconstruct as *-ap and --ep rhymed freely with each other, we should be reluctant to change the reconstruction of the latter to *-iap, with Karlgren's "strong vocalic" medial *-i-, unless there was support for this *·i· in other rhyme groups also. Although we examine each rhyme group separately, their reconstructions cannot be regarded as mutually independent; our assumption must be that they are manifestations of a single phonological system, and the analysis of one rhyme group must depend in some ways on the analysis of the others. In revising the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming, 1 will name rhyme categories by simply giving the reconstruction of their main vowel and coda: thus I divide the traditional 7G Yum group into three groups Which I call --an, --on, and --en. Just as the traditional rhyme groups include words with different tones, so my --an category should be underSlOOd to include words in *-an, --an7, and *-allS. I also include rilshengttlated qUsheng words in the corresponding rUshing group; for example, I Ileat rUshing words in *-ik and qUsheng words in --iks as parts of a single &roup, for which I use the label "*-ik(s)". It is sometimes difficult to

=:

370

10. Nrw rJryrru ClJJegoriesjor Old ClriMse

distinguish final .·ks from final =tly placed.283

··s, however. so some words may be incor.

10.1. Syllables witb acute codas The reconstruction of finals with the coda ·-n has already been discussed in some detail in Chapter 7; and finals with the other acute codas ··t and *.,j are largely parallel. It remains to summarize the reconsuuctions and test them against the rhyme evidence. I will begin with the 7G YUM group and the parallel groups Y.I Yu~, ~ n, and *: Ge. then move on to the Zhen and X Wen groups and the groups parallel to them.

ti

10.1.1. The traditional 7G Yuan group The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional 7G YUM group are listed in Table 10.1. This and other similar tables in this chapter list finals by division (I, 11, ill, or TV; see section 2.4), giving my Middle Chinese transcription, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese reconstruction, and the Qieytln rhyme of each final traditionally included in the group, along with any necessary comments. (Karlgren's Ancient Chinese is included for readers who wish to consult this chapter without first assimilating my Middle Chinese transcription system, described in Chapter 2.) The "comments" column indicates whether the finals are restricted to certain initials. The comment "Cm pan)" identifies Middle Chinese finals which are also found in rhyme groups other than the one under discussion. Table 10./. Middle Chinese finals of the tradilional 7G Yl.Ilin group

I U III IV

MC

AC(Karlg=)

Qiiyrbr rbyme

1w)on

-(u)tin

'/l( H" (H..)

-(w)zn

-(w)an

-en

-an

-j(w)on

-1(w)on

-j(wXi)en

.j(w)rin

-(w)en

-i(w)en

fIN ShAn (Sra:n) t1f Shan (Srnn)

7G YuAn (N&iwon) itIJ X;'" ('jon) $\; X;'" (Sen)

",,"',""u (in part) grnve only (in pan)

10.1. Syllabkswithacutecodas 371

As we saw in Chapter 7, kiJikiJu and hekiJu finals contrast after acute inidais in this group, so according to the rounded-vowel hypothesis, we must reconstruct both *-an and *-on: (868) . . dan < tan < *tan 'single, unit' (869) ~ dui1n. < twan < *ton 'tip, end'

The division-I final -an and the division-IV final ·en also contrast: (870)

-=f gan < kan < *kan 'shield'

(871)

.w jilin < ken < *ken 'shoulder'

This means that, according to the front-vowel hypothesis, we must also reconstruct *-en in this group, contrasting with *-an. The proposed reconstructions of finals with Old Chinese *-an, *·en, and *-on are summarized in the tables of the following sections, along with the oorresponding finals in the systems of Karlgren (1954), Li Fang-kuei (1971 [1980]), and PuUeyblank (1977-1978) for comparison.284

/O.J.J.J. The reconstruction o/the *-an group

In syllables with nonlabialized initials. *·an developed as shown in Table 10.2 below.285 Tabk 10.2. Development of ·-an after nooJabialized initials Baxter

initial type

Me

Karlgren

U

Pu1Ieyblank

'-an ··ran ·-jan

all all

-an

'.an

'~n

'-an

'-an

·-ran ··jan ·-jan ·-jian ·-rjan

·-rjan

...""Ie" ..."

""Ie

.. " -jon .jtn -jen (Ill) ·jtn

. n 'jd

·-ian

••jan

._jan

•.ran

'-an '-an

••ran •.ran

In syllables with initial *TSr-, we have a special development due to the ebange TSrj- > TSr- (section 7.2.3): *TSrjan > *TSrjen > TSren, as in (872)

Jl [cMn] < srenx < srjenX < *sngrjan7 'breed, bear',

'Nhose phonetic is (873) i'f$ yan < ngjenH (ill) < *ngrjans 'adorned, talented, fine'.

312

10. New rhYrM caugol'ks!or Old Chinese

The fact that Me -£II can reflect *·rjan as well as *-ren (see below) is one reason why the original distinction between *-an and *~en has been Overlooked in previous analyses. Syllables with labialized initials are parallel, but have hiM" finals in Middle Olinese., as shown in Table 10.3. Tabk IOJ. Devdopnent of·-a/I after labj,ljwi initials

Me O""an ·l(Wran ·l(Wjan ·KWrjan

PuJleyblank OK""" ·Kwran ·Kwjan ·Kwjion

K"""

Kw,," Kjwon K~nOn)

Additional examples of *-an

(876)

Y: dn < Jan < *Jan 'peace' J! kuiJn < khwan < *kwJum 'vast, generous' 6: yefn < ng;en < *ngran 'face, countenance'

(877)

JI ydn < ngimH < *ngrans 'wild goose'

(878)

g

(874)

(875)

ydn < ngjan < *ngjan 'speak. word'

(879) ffi..fiJn < pjonX < ·pjan? 'reve='

(880)

iii xudn <xjwon < *hwjan 'forget'

(881) L&yudn
(882)

d! qiefn
(883)

m. qilJn < khjen (III) < *khrjan 'exceed, err, fail'

(884) ~ yudn < hjwenH (III) < *wrjans 'a beauty' (885)

f!I eMn < drjen < *drjan

(886)

tl.J

(887)

mydn
'farmyard'

shan < $r£ll < *srjan 'mountain'

10.1. Syllables wi/h acuu codas 373

10.1 ,12. The reconstruction of the *-en group After nonlabialized initials, *-en developed as shown in Table 10.4,286 In syllables with initial *TSr-, we probably have *TSrjen > TSren by TSrj~ > 1'5r·, as above. Syllables with labialized initials are largely parallel, but have htktJu finals in Middle Chinese, as shown in Table 10.5. TtJblt 10.4. DevelQImetit of • -en after nonlabialized initials

MC

Baxter

initial type

··en ·-ren ·-jen

oil oil

....e

·-rjen

....e

-~n

"'"Ie

.jen

Karlgren

'

~,

-~

"''''''

-jkn (IV) -jen (ffi)

. ·-dn ·-ian ·-ian ·-ian ··ian -,,",

U

Pulleyblank

·-ian ·-rian ·-jion ·.jon ' -J""' .. ·.rjan

·jdn .fj6n ·jdn ·-lj)dn ._rU)dn ••rU)dn

Tabk 10.5. DevelQImetit of ··en after labialized initials Baxle<

MC

Karlgren

e;

Pulleyblank

·gwen ·KWren ·l(Wjen ·KWrjen

K.., Kwzn Kjwien (IV) Kjwen (ffi)

·Kiwon 'K_ ·Kiw(Jn ·Kjwan

·Kwian ·Kwran ·Kwji(Jn *Kwjion

·XWjdn ·KWrjdn ·gwjtln ·KWrU)dn

By analogy to the development MC -en < *-ren in kiiiktJu syllables, we would expect to find MC KWEn < *K""'ren; but in fact, we find Kwa:n instead, as in (888)

Ii hudn < hwretl < *wren 'ring',

which rhymes as *-en (Ode 103.2A). (The phonetic ~ generally indicates ··en or *-eng; see section 10.1.1.6 below.) The development *[(Wren > ~w<en is probably related to the more general confusion of *-ran and *-ren m some dialects. 11lis confusion is another reason it has been difficult to disentangle OC *·en from *-an and *-on.

374 10. New rhym~

cal~goriesfor OldChines~

Additional examples of *-en (889) ~ jilin < ken < *ken 'shoulder' (890) j! jian < kenH < *kens 'to see' (891)

rs' jilin < ken < ·kren 'between'

(892)

I¥.I xidn < hen < ·Skren '(interstice in time:) leisure'

(893) {i xuiin < xjwien (IV) < ·hwjen 'nimble, sman' (894)

i:i xudn < zjwen < ·/iswjen 'agile'

10.1.13. The reconstruction o/the ·-on group

Syllables with DC ·-on developed as shown in Table 10.6. Tab/~

10.6. Development of *oOn after nonlabial initials

Baxter

initial type

*-on *-ron *-jon

,11 "1

*-rjon

Me ·w~

·w"" -jwon

grnvo acute grnve

·jwen (III)

""Ie

-j~n

·j~n

Karlgren

Li

PuUeyblank

*owOn *-wan *-iwdn *-iwan *-iwan *-iwan

*-(u)an *-r(u)an *-j(u)an *·juan *ojian *-rjuan

*_wJn *.Twan *_wdn *_wdn *_Twdn *_Twdn

In syllables with labial initials, the -w- of the finals in Table 10.6 is lost, or at least becomes nondistinctive, through ·w-neutralization.

Examples of *oon (895) (896) (897) (898) (899)

mt duan < lWOnH < ·tons 'hammer' 7t! guiin < /cwon < ·kon 'cap' H guiin < /cwzn < ·kron 'barrier, frontier gate' iJ [xIin] <xjwon < ·xjon 'ocarina' IIR yuan < ngjwonJl -< ·ngjons 'long for, wish'

(900) §i! [yuan] < 7jwonX < *7jon7 'resent'

10./. Syllables with a€ute codas

(901)

375

18: xudn < sjwotX < *sjonl'oount'

(902) "[Julin] < Jjwtnx < *b-rjon1'beautiful, handsome' (903) «ju4n < kjw
10.1 .1.4. The rhyming of*·an, *-en, and *·on

As the tables above show, it is sometimes possible to determine from Middle Chinese readings alone whether a word should be reconstructed with -411, -·en, or *-on. For example, within the 7G Yutn group, according to my reconstruction, the division-rv finals ·en and -wen and the division-IV dtOngniil finals ·jien and -jwien can reflect only --en, never --an or --on; on lite other hand, a syllable like Kjon can reflect only *Kjan. Thus these syllables are phonologically unambiguous. In other cases, a given syllable can be reconstructed in more than one way. For example, MC lsyen could represent either ·'jan or -'jen (which merged by acute fronting); MC kjwon could represent either *kjon or -kWjan (which merged by rounding diphtbongization). Syllables like this are "phonologically ambiguous". In some cases, we can eliminate one reconstruction for a syllable, even though we cannot decide between the other two on Middle Chinese evidence alone. For example, MC kjwon might be reconstructed with either -·an (-kWjan) or *-on (-kjon), but it cannot be reconstructed with --en. To test the predictions of this reconstruction of the 7G Yujn group, I will fint test whether there is a rhyming distinction between words which must be reconstructed with --en and those which cannot be reconstructed with --en; then I will do the same for *-on. The actual step-by-step calculations are omined, but follow the methods set fonh in Chapter 3.

The rhyming of *-en According to the reconstruction proposed above, we may identify phonologically unambiguous cases of --en and non-*-en words according to the fOllowing criteria. Among words of the 7G YuAn group, 1. MC -en, -wen, ·jien, and -jwien must reflect ·-en.

376 10. New rhy~ cQugones!or Old ChiM,u

2. MC ·an, ·wan, ·jon, and -jwon must reflect *-an or *-on, and thus are non·*-en. 3. MC -ween and -jwen after acute initials (except for TS·, TSr·, and y_287) must reflect *-on and are thus non-*-en. All other syllables are phonologically ambiguous.288 For statistical purposes. then, we will examine only the syllables which are phonologically unambiguous by these criteria. Thus a four·word rhyme sequence consisting of two unambiguous syllables and two ambiguous syllables will count for statistical purposes as a sequence of length two; sequences which consist of one unambiguous syllable and one or more ambiguous syllables will nOI count al all. We will also consider rhymes of different tone categories separalely, since the frequency of different types of finals differs from tone to tone (see section 3.2). To test the significance of any rhyming separation between phonologically unambiguous *-en words and non·*·en words, we must first estimale Ihe relative frequencies of such words as rhymes. The occurrences of unambiguous *-en and non-*-en syllables in Shl]lng rhymes are labulaled by lone category in Table 10.7.289 For each tone category, I use these occurrences to estimate P[*-enl, the relative probability that an unambiguous ·-en word will be chosen as a rhyme word, and p{non-·-enl, the relative probability that an unambiguous non·*-en word will be chosen. (Since we are considering only unambiguous words, p{*-en] + P[non-··en] = 1.) Procedures for estimating the accuracy of these estimates of p{··en] and p{non···en] were discussed in section 3.2.5; 10 avoid obsttueting the flow of the argument, I will relegate this issue to parentheses and footnotes.

qu

ping *·~n

tokens non-*-tn Iokens total tokens P[*-~nl

P[non.*-tnJ

3

73 76 0.0395 0.9605

o 35 35

o

1.000

6

45 51

0.118 0.882

(By the binomial method of .section 3.2.5.1, the 0.94 confidence interval for P[··en] in pfngsheng extends from 0.013 to 0.092; the 0.95 confidence interval for Pl··en] in qllshtng is from 0.039 to 0.196.)

10.1. SylftWf~s with acu.t~ codas

377

We will now examine the rhyme sequences involving unambiguous words 10 see whether they exhibit a significant separation between *-en words and oon·*-en words. These sequences are tabulated in Table 10.8 by tone and length of sequence.290 TtIbl~

10.8. Rhyme seqLJ:nces involving unambiguous

tone

"'""""'" length

ping

,hAng

.,

2 3 4 2 5 2 3 5

lOla1 ""1=

13 7 1 9 1 8 3 1

··~n

·~n

and

non-·~n

non-·-~n

words

mixed

1 1

7 2

0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0

0

1

1

0 0 0 0

12 7 1

9 1

Note that there is only one sequence in the sample where unambiguous *·en and non-*-en words are mixed (it is Ode 58.6A). Note also that in three parts of the sample (two-word pfngsheng sequences, two-word qushlng sequences, and three·word qilsheng sequences), not only are all the mymes unmixed, but there is one unmixed sequence from the less frequent ··en group. This means that we can apply the more precise method described in section 3.2.6. The methods of Chapter 3 may be used to compute a combined result for all parts of the sample: the probability that such a great degree of separation between unambiguous *·en and non-*-en words would be found by chance is

p = 0.000002. (l'his figure does not exceed 0.<XXXXJ8 for any values of P[*-en] within the confidence intervals established above.) Since this is much smaller than our criterion value of P = 0.05, this result strongly supports the front-vowel bypothesis for this group. Let us now turn to the rhyming distinction between *-on and non·*-on words.

378

10. New rhyme categorUsfor Old Chine~

The rhyming of *-on In this section we test the prediction, based on the rounded-vowel hypothe-

sis, that the words I reconstruct with *-on rhyme separately from those I reconstruct with *-on or *·en. Within the 7G Yuan group, DC *-on words can be unambiguously distinguished from non-*-on words by the following criteria: I. All acute·initial syllables with hikOu finals must be *-on (except

words with initials TS-, TSr-, or yo). 2. All JujiktJu syllables must be non-*-on, except for syllables with labial initials (where -w- may have been lost through *w·neutrali· zation).

3. Syllables with the finals ·en, ·jien, -wen, and -jwien must be *-en and thus are noo·*-on. The rhyme occurrences of unambiguous *-on aod non-*-on words are tabulated in Table to.9. 291 Table 109. Rhyme occurrences or unambiguous ·-on and non-· -on words p{ng ·-on tokens non··-on tokens lOIaI token, p(·-onJ P[non··-onJ

3

77 80 0.0375 0.9625

'Mng 5

13 18 0.278 0.722

qu 3

47 50 0.060

0.940

The Shtjlng rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-on and non-*-on words are tabulated in Table 10.10 by tone group and length of sequence. 292 As the data in Table to.to show, there are no sequences at all which mix unambiguous *-on words with unambiguous non-*-on words. Moreover, in the two-word sequences of both pfngsheng and qilshlng, there are unmixed rhymes involving the less frequent *-on words, which makes it possible to use the formula of section 3.2.6. Combining the calculations for all parts of the sample, we get a probability of P = 0.000076 thal so greal a degree of separation between *-on and non·*-on would occur by chance. (This value does not exceed 0.00012 anywhere within lhe confi·

10.1. Syllables with acute codo.s TtIble 10.10. Rhyme sequences involving unambiguous "",<>en«

ton,

Ion'"

2

ping

3 4 5 sh4ng

qu

10'"

""''''''''S 14 4 2

·-011

'."n

and 001I-·-011 words

non-·oOli

I

13 4 2

2

0 0 0 0 0

I I

6 2 2 3

9

I

4

4

I

0 0

379

1 1

2 8 4 1

mixed

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

dcnce intervals established above for P[*-on].) Since this is less than our aiterion value of 0.05, we must reject the null hypothesis that unambiguous *-on words and unambiguous non-·-on words rhyme freely with each other. These calculations confirm that in phonologically unambiguous syllables, *-an, ·-en, and ·-on are distinguished in rhyming. We now tum to the re· construction of ambiguous syllables. Phonologically ambiguous words

1be next stage of our analysis is to detennine whether phonologically ambiguous syllables can be assigned to ··an, ·-on, or ··en in a manner consistent with both their rhyming behavior and the xiisheng evidence. In general, the answer is yes, although there are some irregularities. Some words can be reconstructed through xiishing connections with unambiguous words. For example, (906)

8ft zhtln < rsyen '(particle)'

COUld represent either ·rjan or ·'jen (since these merged by acute fronting), but its phonetic is an unambiguous .-an word: (9(Y7)

Pf dan < ran < ·tan 'cinnabar'

m

The word zhiin also rhymes with .-an words in Ode 125.lB-3B. Thus we can reasonably reconstruct it as .,jan rather than ·tjen. Similarly, the Middle Chinese pronunciation of (9()8)

lljidn < dzjenx 'tread, trample'

380 10. Nrw rhyme calegorUsfor Old ChiMSf!

could represent either ·
1'& ran < nyen 'be like it; bum'

could represent either ·njan or ·njen, and the modem graph is no help in deciding between them; according to the ShutJwin (Irmg Fub!o 1928-1932 ran < nyen 'dog meat', which is also [1976]: 4454), the phonetic is phonologically ambiguous (Ding Fublo 1928-1932 [1976]: 4454, 1811). But in earlier script, the phonetic element is the unambiguous ·-an word

m:

(911)

U

nan < nan < ·nan 'difficult',

(see ZhOu F~gl\o et al. 1974a, item 1324), which decides in favor of the reconstruction 1'& ·njan(7).293 This also fits the rhyme evidence, for 1& rdn rhymes consistently as *·an (Odes 125.18-38, 223.2A, 254.1 A). As we saw in Chapter 9, some xibMng characters have probably been influenced by the very sound changes (especially acute fronting and/or ·r· color) which made certain Middle Chinese syllables phonologically am· biguous; for this reason, the xiisheng connections of such characters are no longer a reliable guide to their Old Chinese pronunciation. Where words reconstructed with different vowels are written with the same phonetic ele· ment, we often find that the characters involved are of late origin. Generally, the older the xiisheng characters, the better they fit our reconstruction. When xiishlng and rhyme evidence is plentiful and consistent, we can reconstruct phonologically ambiguous words with confidence; on the other hand, words which rhyme only once or twice, and which have equivocal xieshtng connections, are reconstructed with less certainty. We encounter some irregular rhymes, but not more than are found between the traditional rhyme groups; and some of the apparent rhyme irregularities can be attributed to late changes in the ShI]Tng text. In order to show that the three-way distinction of ··an, .-on, and *-en can be extended consistently to phonologically ambiguous syllables, I list the regular rhyme sequences of each group below. (The full listing of each

10.1.

Syllabl~swilh

(U;uk codas

381

sequence may be found in Appendix B.) This is followed by notes on problems involving text and script, and a discussion of irregular rhyme sequences.

10.1.15. Rhyme sequences in *·80, *-en, and *-on

The following rhyme sequences involve words in *-an but not *-en or *-on: 34.3A, 39.3A, 39.4A, 47.3A, 54.2A, 55.1B-2B, 56.1A, 69.1A, 76.3A, 78.3B, 80.3A, 82.1A, 86.IA, 89.1A, 95.1A, 112.IA, I24.3A, 125.1B-3B, 127.3A, 137.2A, 139.3A, 153.1A-3A, 158.2A, 164.3A, 165.3A, 169.3B, 171.2A, 177.5A, 184.1B-28, 189.1A, 197.8A, 200.4A, 203.3A, 209.4A, 215.3A, 219.IA, 220.3A, 223.1A, 223.2A, 228.1A, 229.1A, 231.28, 241.5A, 241.6C, 241.8A, 244.4A, 250.2A, 250.3A, 250.58, 250.6C, 253.5A, 254.1A, 254.2A, 254.7A, 254.8D, 256.7A, 256.128, 259.18, 259.7A, 262.4A, 263.5A, 274.18, 287.18, and 305.6A. The following sequences involve *-en words but not *-an or *-on words: 43.1A, 97.1A, 103.2A, 111.1A, 145.2A, 217.3B, and 298.3A. The following sequences involve *-on words but not *-an or *-en words: 26.38, 42.2A, 94.1A, 102.3A, 102.38, l06.3A, 106.38, 128.3A, 147.1A, 151.4C, 199.7A, 201.3A, 250.6A, and 261.6A. Four rhyme sequences seem to show irregular rhyming among *-an, *-en, and *-on; they are 58.2A, 58.6A, 75.1B-3B, and 253.5B. These are discussed in section 10.1.7 below.

10.1.1.6. Additional notes I include here comments on words which show irregular rhymes and XiiIhlng connections (at least in their modem fOnDS), and comments on the Shljfng text which are relevant to the interpretation of the rhyme evidence.

The ~ gUlln series

1be phonetic -g probably originally represented *J(Wan, but in characters of late origin it can also represent *Kon. Such characters probably originated liter rounding diphthongization.

I. ~ guan < Icwanx rhymes as *kon7in the meaning "flute" or "tube" (Ode

42.2A), but as *k. wan7 in the meaning "exhausted" (Ode 254.1A, also

382

10.

N""rlry~t:tJlqDrinlorOtdCJtiMM

written ~ in Ode 169.38). Note that *toIl1'ftute, tube' is also written ~ (DIng Fl1blo 1928-1932 [1976]: 1928), where the phonetic element 5t; implies *-on (see section 7.1.1.2). Perhaps the character ~ is older than ~ with this meaning. 294 2.

M [gudn] < kwanH 'lodging house; to lodge' rhymes with *·an in Ode

75.18-38, but as *~n in Ode 25O.6A. Since Ode 250 is clearly earlier in date than Ode 75, I take the rhyme in Ode 250 to be regular, and reconstruCt

!Ii *tons.

Note also that this word is written in bronze inscriptions as with the phonetic

B.

(912) ~ [wdn] < ?jwon}« "1jonl, which normally implies *_on. 295 This would indicate that it is the sequence in Ode 75.18-38 which is irregular.

3. Note also that in the foUowing example, a word with a labiovelar initial (*XW·) is irregularly used as phonetic in a word with a velar initial (·K·): (913)

1f jidn < kzn < *kran 'a kind of rush'

The phonetics

a: and ~

Judging by the ShIjrng rhymes (sec Appendix C), the phonetic • -an in these two words:

5

represems

(914) ~ yuan
Ji hu4n < hwa:n. < *wren 'ring' (Ode 103.2A)

(917)

mxu/Jn
a as

(918) ~ qjong < gjwieng < *gWjeng 'alone and helpless' (Ode 119.2A; also written tJ in 192.3. 192.13, and ~, a variant reading in Odes 119 and 192). I have no explanation for this at present, but I suspect that the Shufjwen is in error. Perhaps original fi (indicaring *·an) and JI (indicating *-en) have somehow become confused: The use of It for- both --en and *-eng reflects a dialect confusion of *-en and *-eng which may be rather late; perhaps the graph. (with a regular *-eng phonetic) is older.

10.1.

Syllab/~s

with acut~ codas 383

Another piece of evidence for a front vowel in the ~ series is that the Mlw~gduI versions of UJozr(chapter 26) have (919)

JIg huanguan < hwa::n-kwan < *wren-kwan

where the current version has

(920) ~. ronggudn < hjwzng-kwanH < *wrjeng-kwans

«

*wrjeng-

Icons?),

which is usually interpreted as "imperial palace" (see Zhou ZUm6 1984: 88). The clear front vowel in ~ rong < "'wrjeng supports the reconstruction of -e in Ii hudn < *wren. Probably the two versions of the text reflect a confusion of *·n and *-ng because of the preceding front vowel "'e, or assimila· don to the following *kw _, or both. Phonetics

1J1 and 7G

The word (921) ~ yuan < ngjwon < *ngWjan 'plain, highland' rhymes repeatedly and consistently as *-an, but

Ii yudn < ngjwOnH < *ngjons 'to long for, wish', which contains 1J1 yuan as phonetic element, rhymes as *-on.\' (Ode 94.1A, and also three times in the YIJlng).296 The graph ii may be late; on the Warring States vessel Zhongshan W~g rang Dmg !=p LllI1ih"'rI and other

(922)

related vessels, this word is written as

-here the phonetic is the regular "'-on word (923) 7G yuan < ngjwon < "'Nkjon 'head, principal'. (See Gao Mfng 1980: 157.)

3lW

10.

Nr:wr/ryfl'leCQ1~lorksforOIdClriMu

Phonetics

roll and M

Probably, r~ originally represented .Kren (which would regularly become Me KEn), and M represented ·Kran (which would regularly become Me Kzn), but syllables of these types merged early in some dialects, and the [WO phonetics are widely confused. The confusion may be partly graphic as well. The word rs1 jitln itself rhymes as ·-en: (924)

rm - rdl jidn < ken

< -kren 'between', middle' (Odes 97.1A,

1l1.lA).

The expression (925)

r.1M xidn.titln < !r£Jl-!r£Jl 'slowly,leisuttly',

which rhymes as ·-en in Ode III.IA, seems to be a reduplicated form of (926)

1m - r.c, xidn < hEn < ·likren '(interstice in time:) leisure',

which is presumably related to rs~ jitln < ·kren 'he[Wcen' (see Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 844). But the character M xidn rhymes as ·-an when it means "to restrain, train" (·gran or ·likran; Odes 127.3A and 177.5A) and in the reduplicated expression MM xidnxidn 'huge' (Odes 241.8A,305.6A). This last is probably cognate to (927)

MM jidnjidn < unX·unX < ·kran7-kran7 'great'

which also rhymes as ··an (Ode 274.1B) in spite of its phonetic. It was pointed OUI in Chapter 9 that the character Bfi jidn < kEn - kren is used to write (928) Mldn < Jan < ·g-ran 'orchid'

in Ode 95.1, where it rhymes as .-an, but it is used for (929) ;I: lien < Jen < ·g-ren 'lotus fruit' in Ode 145.2A, where it rhymes as ·~n (see Karlgren 1942-194611964]. gloss 352).297 The charaet:er ~ lidn < len < ·g-ren is of laIc origin; ils phonetic (930)

it li6n < ljen < ·C-rjan 'go one after another'

rhymes as -·an, nOI --en, as does (931)

bf li6n < ljen < ·C-rjan 'be dripping continuously'.

1

10.1. Syllables with acute codo.s

385

The use of :i! *C-rjan as phonetic for *g·ren 'lotus fruit' in the modem script reflects the fronting of *a in *C-rjan through acute fronting (or perhaps -r-color, which may be a related process). The phonetic

!/i:

The character !/i: has *-on in its usual meaning and reading: (932)

!/i: jui1n < kjwenX < *krjonJ 'to roll' (rhymes as *-on in Ode 26.3B).

But it rhymes as *-en in the reading (933)

!/i: - •

Qudn < gjwen (ill) < *gWrjen 'handsome' (Odes 103.2A and

145.2A). This word may be related [0 (934) -{ftxudn <xjwien (IV) < *hwjen 'nimble, smart'.

The confusion of *Krjon with *Prjen results from rounding diphthongIzaUon and *r-color. I conjecture that the use of !/i: to write Quan < .gWrjen 'handsome' may date from the period after these sound changes; earlier, the word may have been written some other way, perhaps with the phonetic '!;I. Miscellaneous individual words

1. The word (935) ~ Quan < dzjwen < *SgWjan 'source, spring'

is a hiMu word with an acute initial, but it rhymes consistently as *-on, as pointed out by Jaxontov (l960b: 106, 1970: 57), suggesting that the hiMu -w- here reflects an initial cluster which included a labiovelar. 2. The word (936)

!¥ xidn < sjenx < *sjenJ 'rare, few'

~ymes with *-ej in Ode 43.1A, probably indicating that it is *-en. with dialect confusion of final *-n and *-j (see section 8.1.1). 3. The word (937)

1& zMn < trjenx < *trjen7 'roll over, unfold'

llecms to have *-en; note the apparent *efo binome

(938) _ . . zhiJnzhu4n < trjenx-ujwenx < -ujen7-trjon7'toss and tum'. But in its only ShIllng rhyme (Ode 47.3A), ever, it is here a loan for (939)

Ii zMn rhymes as --an.

How-

II zMn < rrjenx -trjenH < -trjan(7)s 'bare, undecorated (robe)'

with the unambiguous

--an phonetic

(940) :.: dan < ranx < -tan7'sincerity, uuth'. (See Xilng Xi 1986: 625-26.) The substitution of lJjf -trjen? for Ii *trjan(7)s probably occurred after the original *a had been fronted by acute fronting or -r-color. 4. The word

Ii xiiln < senH < -s(k)ens 'sleet' is unambiguously --en because of its Me final

(941)

-en, and it rhymes as ·-en (Ode 217.3B). The phonetic in the modem character, however, must be reconsuucted with --an: (942)

M: sdn < sanx < ·san? 'dispersed', also read scm < sanH < ·san(?)s 'to disperse'.

However, as JX>inted out in Chapter 9, the modem character Ii probably JX>stdates the change acute (ronting, which created many precedents for allowing --en and ·-an in the samexi~shlng series. The Shu6~n preserves a character Jl whose phonetic is the unambiguous *-en word (943)

R. jiiJn < kenH < ·uns 'see', also read xidn < henJl < *liuns 'appear' (= !li!).

5. The character (944) ~ ydn < ?enH < -lens 'feast'

bas ·-en, in spite of its graphic resemblance to these words in ··an: (945) ~ an < Jan < ·?an 'peaceful' (946) ~ ydn
10.1. Syllables with acute codas 387

however, use 1i an as a sound gloss for ~ ydn < *7ens; see Ding F6blk> 1928-1932 [1976]: 3230.)

6. The original phonetic of (947)

H goon < kwa:n < *kron 'barrier'

is said to be (948) 9~ guan < kwren.H < *krons 'hair tuft',

which itself is said to be an old form of (949)

J1 Juan < lwanX < *C-ron7 'egg' .298

These connections support the reconstruction of *-on in the following probable *elo binome found in Ode 218: (950) rB~g jlanguan

Sij goon.

Note also

< k£n-kwren < *kren-kron 'sound of a chariot's

linchpin' See Karlgren (1942-1946 (1964]: 148) for some other interpretations of this

expression. 7. The expression (951)

ilt! qitlnquan < khjienx-khjwonx < *khjen7-khjon7 'to cling to, adhere to (1)' (meaning uncertain)

rhymes with *-an in Ode 253.58, but probably we should nevertheless reconstruct it as *khjen7-khjon7 and consider this rhyme irregular, for iiltl qidnqutln has all the marks of an *elo binome. This interpretation is also consistent with the fact that the phonetic :ff juan < *krjon7 'to roll' genenlly appears to indicate rounded *-on. Ode 102.3B

Ode 102.38 appears to mix *-on and *-en, but the word in *-en (Sf. jidn) 'Was probably not originally intended as a rhyme. In the present version, the stanza reads WAN xl LUAN xl

ii! *7jon?, iW *b-rjon? 9~ *krons

zong jido Gum xl wei jf jidn xl

(J/. 'kens)

til ~r BIAN x[

#- *brjons

388

10_ Nf!WrlrytN!cau,orieslorOIdCltiMse

How BEAlJTIFUL, how HANDSOME! The CHILDHOOD HAIR-TUFTS in two tied horns! When you see him after a while, all of a sudden he will be wearing the CAP OF MANHOOD.

(The translation is from Karlgren 1974: 67.) The word ~ jiJ1n in the lIlinl line has often heeD taJcen to be a rhyme; if so, this sequence would mix ·-en

and ·-on. But the Jlngdidn shlwin preserves also a version of lIle text in which lIle third line above reads

*~.l<.;Z wti jfjidn zhI with ;Z zhI instead of ~ rl at the end of the line. This suggests that the line did not originally rhyme (as is common with the third line of a stanza); il was probably taJcen to be an intended rhyme after the vowels of (952) 9~ guan < kwa:nH < -!
(953)

#- bidn < bjenJl (llI) < ·brjons 'cap'

had become front by ·r.-color; then ;Z zhI was changed to ~ xl the rhyming lines.

(0

match

Ode 106.38 The word

(954) OCfdn < pjonX < ·pjan7 'tum around' rhymes consistently as ··an, except in Ode 106.3B, where it rhymes as ·-ons. However, as pointed out in Chapter 9, lIle Han ShI, instead of &fdn,

has (955) ~ bidn < pjenH < ·prjons 'to change', and with this reading, lIle sequence is a regular .-on sequence. The substitution of &/dn presumably occurred after rounding diphthongization.

/0./. Syllabks with acute codas 389

10.1 .1.7. Irregular r~ conracts among ·-an, ·-en, and ·-on 1bere remain four rhyme sequences in the ShIJTng which seem to show irregular rbyming among ··an, ·-on, and ··en. They are Odes 58.2A, 58.6A, 15.18-38, and 253.5B. In Ode 58.2A. the expression (956) tlRjUgudn < pjuwk-kwa::n < ·pjuk-kron (meaning unclear)

rhymes with *-an. There are various explanations of what this expression might mean; some regard it as a place name, others as a personal name. This is the only case where gudn rhymes in the ShIjfng, and we could simply reconstruct it as *kwran rather than *kron on the basis of this rhyme; but the weight of other evidence seems to favor the reconstruction *kron (at least if IJJ gudn has its usual meaning here). As we saw above, Duan Yiic!i ugued that me phonetic of II gudn was ultimately ~ ludn < IWQnX <

a

-C·ron7. Ode S8.6A appears to mix *-an. ·-on. and *-en. Odes 75.1 B-38 and 2j3.58 appear to mix *-an and *-on. It is curious that two of the irregular tequences occur in the same poem, Ode 58 (Wli fing ~Jj,: Ming tJi;). 1bis poem is unusual from a literary point of view because of its long perDJa1 narrative, and is probably rather late. At any rate, both Odes 58 and 15 are probably from Eastern Zhou (Gao Heng 1980: 7-8; QU WanlT 1983a: 133). The same cannot be said of Ode 253. which is probably from the Western Zhou period. In the whole Shfjing, then, *-an and *-on rhyme with each other perhaps four times, and only one rhyme sequence (Ode 58.6A) mixes *-an, *-en. IDd *-on. 11.1.2. Tbe traditional

J'I Vue and l\'! Jl groups

The Middle Chinese finals included in the uaditional jf Yu~ group are Baed in Table 10.11; those of the traditional ~ n group, which are largely PIhllel, are listed in Table 10.12. ID the version of the traditional analysis described in Chapter 4, rUshing IIOups and non-rUshing groups are given distinct labels, so the rusMng J.I y~ group is considered distinct from the ~ n group, which includes quIItlng words only. Thus jf Vue includes rUsheng words like 7)

Bt luO < lhwal < *hlol 'to take off, let loose'.

'90 /0. N_,.Iry_cousorinforOldClliMse Tobk 10.1 1. MiddleChinese 6naIs of the traditional

J3 yilt group

MC

AC (Kad_)

QityUn rhyme

I

-{w)
-{il)dl

D

-{w)r<

-{w)
*IW

-(w)«

-(w)dl

Mb(Mal) JGi (Ha:t) Jl!i JGi (&I)

-j(w)ot

-j(w)a

jJ V'" (Ngjwo<)

-j(w)(j~t

-j(w)dl

~ Xue(Sjet)

-{wjet

-i(w~,

fi!l "" (Set)

III

IV

oornmcnu

(m,..,) grave only (in pan)

Table 10.12. Middle Chinese finabofthe traditional ~ n group

I

MC

AC (Karlgren)

QiiyWl rhyme

comments

-{w)ajH

-{w)di

~ n; (ThajH)

no corresponding ping or

sMngrhymes II

III

-{w)zjH

-{w)ai-

)Ie Gum (Kwa:jH)

-(w)£jH

-{w)di-

if Gum (K~jH)

no conespooding ping or sMltg rhymes rm pan) qwhlflg of I§' lie

-j(M/Jojn

-jfw)oi-

n Fei (pjojn)

(Kej) no corresponding ping or sh4ng rhymes; grave only

-j(WXj~jH

-j(w)di.

~ n (rsjejH)

no corresponding ping or

.sMng rhymes IV

-{W)ejH

-i(w)ei.

" n (rsejH)

(in part) qllshLfig of •

Qi

(DreJ)

while lite qasheng reading of the same character (probably anolher fonn of the same root) is assigned to the ~ n group:

(958)

.m tul < thwajH < *Mots 'easy,leisurely'.

In my reconstruction, these differ only in the post-coda ··s; their phonological relationship is analogous to the relationship between the pfngshtng and qilshlng readings of (959)

.Ill

sf - st < si(H) < *sji(s) 'to think; thought' (originally perhaps

verbal*sji, nominal*sjis),

10.1. SyllableswilhacUkcodas

391

which are assigned to a single traditional group (L Zhi). Since my proposed groups include words with different post-codas, I will treat *-at and --ats as part of a single group which I will call *-a1(s); similarly, there is an -..e1(s) group and a *-ot(s) group. In the new system of rhyme categories proposed here, then, the three groups *-tU(s), *-et(s), and *-ot(s) replace the twO groups ..ij Yu~ and ~ n of the traditional analysis. However, *-t and --IS are generally distinguished in rhyming, so in doing statistical analysis, I will separate rUshing *-at from qUshtng *-ats, just as, in non-rUshing groups like 7G Yu&t, I separate p(ngshing *·an, sh4ngshlng *-an7, and qusiting *-ans for statistical pwposes. Since both the ..ij Yu~ group and the ~ n group show contrasts between bJiMu and MkiJu finals after acute initials (e.g. Tat'F- Twat, TajH 'F- TwajH), and between division-I and division-IV finals (e.g. -at'F- -et, -ajH"# -ejH), we must set up a three-way contrast, as in the 7G Yuan group: *-at 'F- *-et 'F--01 and *-ats 'F- *·ets 'F- *·ots. The reconstructions are summarized in the following sections.

10.1.2.1. The reconstruction of the *-at(s) group Fmals in *-at (rUshing) Syllables in *-at with nonlabialized initials developed as shown in Table 10.13; the developments after labialized initials, which are parallel, are shown in Table 10.14.299 Tab~ 10.13. Development of ·-at after nonlabia]jzed initials

B"Ie<

initial type

'-at ··rat ·_jat

01' 01'

·-rjal

... " acute ... " acute

Me

Karlgren

U

Pulleyblank

-at

··at

'-a,

'-4,

.",

'·wat ·_jilt ._jar '-jat -.jar

·-rat ·_jal ••jot ··jial ·-rjot

-jot .jet -jet (Ill) ·jet

.fat

'-4, '-4,

. fat . fat

392

10_

N~ ,.lry~ catego~sfo"

Old Chinese

Table lOJ4. DeYclopmc:nI of --QI afIeI" 1abia1izt.d initials BaxIU

MC

Kut....

Li

PulIeybIank

'KW",

K"", Kw..

'K""" 'K"",

'K"",

-J(WdJ -J(W,.dt

Xjwot Kjwet (Ill)

-XPwJl -Xiwat

-J(W,at -J(WjoJ -J(W,.jat

-Xwr'at -XwjaJ -Kwjiat

'KW", -J(W,.dJ

In syllables with initial *TSr-, we probably have *TSrjar > *TSrjer > TSr£t by the change TSrj- > TSr-, as in

(960) t~ slul < sr£l « *srjer) < *srjar 'to kill', also read shai < srejN « *srjets) < -srjats 'diminish, reduce'. Finals in --alS (qllfhlng)

are quite parallel to the finals in --arlisted above. The developments after nonlabialized initials are shown in Table 10.15. (We may assume *TSrjalS > TSrjejll > TSrejH by TSrj- > TSr-.) The parallel developments after labialized initials are shown in Table 10.16. The finals in --alS

Table 10.15. Development of --ats after nonlabialized initials

Baxter

initial type

MC

'-at,

~I

--Tats --jats

~I

-ajH -JtjH -jojn ·jejH

--,jats

....acwe'" ....acwe'"

.~jH

-jejn

'-ad

.-

-·ifJd

--jadJI

--jod

-.jadJt

--lad --ifJd

-·jiDdJI

Karlgren

Li

'-&1

(III)

--,Ddh

-.

• jadJ<

Pulleyblank

'-
........",

--'dts

--'dIs

--'00

Table 10.16. Development of --
MC

""'I....

Li

Pullcyblank

-K""ots -J(WTatS -J(WjOls -J(Wrjats

KlItIOjJl Kwzjll KjwojJl KJ-jH(ltI)

'Kw&J ·K..,}

'K_

-K""dls -K""rdts -K""dts -J(Wrdts

-Xiwdd -Xiwod

-Kwrodh -Xwjodh -Kwjiodh

10.1. Syllables with a£ute codiJs

Additional examples of *·ar(s)

ffi lid < tal < *Ial 'be grieving' (962) is kl < khat < 'khat 'thirsty' (961)

(963)

mhun < hwal < *gWal'life; keep alive'

(964) ~ mO < mal < *mal '00 feed grain to horses' (965)

it xiii < hlel < *grat 'linch-pin'

(966) ~fd
i!! yut < hjwol< *wjal'go beyond, U'ansgress'

(912) ~ di < ngajH < *ngals 'white-haired, aged' (973) (914)

'i!f Iuli < hajH < 'Jikat(s) '(suffer) harm'

"*

dtl- dQi < dajH < *lats 'big'

(915) :S1- wdi < ngwajH < *ngWats 'outside' (916)

til: bdi < b~jH < *fjprals 'be defeated'

(977)

II eMi < IrhrejH < *hrjats 'scorpion' iI rniJi < mrejH < *mrals 'walk, move along'

(978) (979)

(980)

iffi shi < dzyejH < *djats 'to go, pass' t!! shi < syejH < *hljals < *hljaps 'generation, age'

(981) ~ sui < SjwejH < *swjar(s) 'year; Jupiter' (982) ~ wei < hjwejH (Ill) < *wrjals 'to defend; guard' (983)

fJ

[zhl] < IsyejH < *Ijals 'shining'

393

394

10. New rhynu caugorUsfor Old Chinese

/0./.2.2. The reconsrruction o/rhe *-et(s) group

Finals in ··er (rUshing) Syllables in ·-er with nonlabialized initials developed as shown in Table 10.17. (Probably we should assume ·TSrjer > TSrer by TSrj- > TSr-, as with ·TSrjar.) The parallel developments after labialized initials are shown in Table 10.18. Note that I assume *f(Wrer > Kwa::t rather than the Kwer which would be expected; this is parallel to ·!(Wren > Kwren above, and ·f(Wrers > KwrejH, mentioned below. Table 10.17. Development or *-et afler nonlabialized initials Baxter

initial type

MC

Karlgren

Li

Pulleyblank

*·et *-ret *-jtl

wi wi

-" -a

.me

-jiet (IV) -jel -jet (1m -jet

*·iat '-
*-wt *·rial *-jial *-jat *.jiat *.rjaI

*)dl *Jjal *)dl

*.rjtl

"'"Ie grn« "'"Ie

*-~>rJt

*.r(l)dl *.r(l)dt

Tablt 10.18. Development or *-et after labialized initials Baxter

MC

*KWtl *KWrtl *J(Wjet *KWrjel

KW
Kw,," Kjwiel (IV) Kjwet (III)

Karl_

Li

Pulleyblank

*KiwaJ *Kwat *Kjwat *Kjwat

*Kwwl *Kwrat *Kwjiat *Kwjiat

*KWjdt *Kw,al *KWjdl *XWrlj)dl

Finals in ·-ers (QUshing) The finals in ·-ers are parallel to those in .-et. After nonlabialized initials, ·-ers developed as shown in Table 10.19. (l also assume ·TSrjers > TSrejH by TSrj- > TSr-.) The parallel developments after labialized initials are shown in Table 10.20.

/0./. Syllablu with Ol:UU codas

395

rtlbk /0./9. De\'elopmenl of '~IS after nonlabia1jml initials

IlaxIU

initial type

MC

'-
011

~jH

'-r~1S

01'

-
"""-

....

'·UJd

'-j~u

gr.o••

-jiejH (IV) -~jJf

'.r~1S

"'''''' gr.o••

'-jDd '-jod

-jejJf(lII)

'·lad

-~jJf

'-jpd

"''''''

Li

PuUcyblank

'-iodh '-riodJI , -ft··adJt

,jdlS '_rj6Js ,jdts '4)pls

.... "

'J

'-jiodJl '-rjadh

'-'t!)du '-'t!)dlS

TlIbIe /020. Development of '~IS after labialized initials BoxlU

MC

Karl_

e;

Pulleyblank

t](WelS 'J(WrelS 't<.Wjm

KwejH KWtl:jH

'Kiwad 'Kwad 'Kiwad 'Kiwad

'Kwindh 'Kwradh 'Kwjiadh 'Kwjiadh

'J(Wjt1tS 'J(Wrt11$ '/(Wjdls 'KWrlj)tjIS

Kjwi~j1J

(IV) Kj~jH (III)

'J(Wrj~1S

Just as OC *J(Nren becomes Me Kwzn, and *J(Wrel becomes Kwa:t, rather than the KW£JI and KW£I that might be expected, so OC *J(Wrels becomes Me KwzjH, not Kw£jH; an example is (984) ~ kuai < khwil:jH < *J:whrets 'cheerful',

with phonetic (985)

:R: jui < !weI < *J:wel 'archer's thimble'.

Additional examples of *-et(s) (986)

IY hul <xwejH < *hwels 'small, tiny'

(981) •

zMi < ISr£jH < *Isrlj)ers 'to suffer, hurt'

<988} ~ mii < mjier (IV) < *mjer 'extinguish, desuoy' <989} ~ xld < xjwiel (IV) < *hmjet 'extinguish, destroy' (99()) ~ re

(991)

< nyel < *ngjel 'hot'

tit eM < rrhjel < *Ihrjel 'to understand, penetrate' (also read drjel < */irhrjel).

396 10. New rhy~ cate/(oms!or Old ChiMse

10.1.23. The recorutnu:tion ofthL ·-o1(s) group Finals in ··ot (nbhing) The development of ·-01 after nonlabial initials is summarized in Table 10.21 below. Tobk 1021. Development or·-ot after nonJabial initials Buler

initial type

Me

Karl...,.

U

PuUeyblank

'-ot

01' 01'

-""" -WEt

' -W
·-(ll)al

'0'" OC." ... oc.""

.jwol

·.jwal ··jwat ·.jwat

··r(Il)<Jt ·_j(u)<Jt ·_jual ·.jial ·-rjuat

••wdt ••rwdl ._Wdt ._wdl ••rwdl ._rwdl

··rOI ·_jol ·-rjol

·lwel .j-wel (Ill) .j-wel

'-""" ·.jwdt

Syllables with labial initials .p- are parallel, except that in such syllables medial-w· is lost or becomes nondistinctive through ·w~neutralizalion. It appears that -WEI (or, after labials, ·s) is the regular reflex of ·-rot, as in

tR bd < bEl < ·brol'pull out'. The character ti occurs as a rhyme in parallel ~sages in Odes 237.8C and (992)

Note that this develop241.3A, where it rhymes with words in ·-ou. ment ·-rol > -wEI is not parallel to the development of finals in ·-n, for ·-ron seems to become MC -(w)cm, not ·(w)£n, as in

(993) •

mdn <m
Finals in ·-ou (Qwhlng) The development of ·-ots after nonlabial initials is summarized in Table 10.22; it is parallel to that of ·-01. As with the ·-ot finals, syllables with initial .p- are parallel, but -w- is lost or becomes nondistinctive through ·w-neulralization. Here, too, it appears that the regular reflex of ·-rots is not -wzjH but -wejH (or after .p- initials, -EjH); for example, the word (994)

n bdi
10.1. Syllables with acute codas

397

Tabk 1022. Development of • -ots after nonlabial inilials Baxler

initial type

Me

Karlgren

Li

Pulleyblank

·-ots

01' 01'

-wajH -wejH -jwojH -jwtjH -jwejH (Ill) .jwtjH

'-w&l

·-(u)adh ·_r(u)adh ·-j(u)odh

••wats ··r'Wdls ._wdts ._wdls ·_r'Wdts ·_r'Wdts

·-FOlS

·_jols ·-rjots

. ""'..

""' "'"Ie "'"Ie

'-wad ' -j-w&l ' -j-wad

·-jwad ··jwad

-) '·.jiadh -""""

·-rjuodh

rhymes as *-ots in Ode 16.3A (though it may here be a loan for some form of the root in tR bd < *brots 'pull out'). Additional examples of *-ot(s) (995)

18- IuD < lwat < *C-rot 'gather, pluck'

(996)

tI duD < twat < *rot 'to pick, gather'

(997) '1f!:fd < pjol < 'pjol 'hail' (998)

Jl jid < kjwot < *kjot 'fem'

(999) ~ shuD < sywet < *hIjot 'explain, excuse' (1000) ~ yLd < ywet < *ljot 'delight in, pleased'

(1001) ~ xui < sjwet < *sjot 'snow' (1002) tI [chub] < trjwet < *trjot 'grieved'

(1003) >l. dul < dwajH < *lots 'open a passage through, clear' (1004) l1f\!ei < bjojH < *bjots 'to bark'

(1005) IIJ: hul < xjwojH < *xjots 'to pant' (1006) ~ shul < sywejH < *hIjors 'scarf' 10.1.2.4. The rhyming o!*-at(s), *-et(s), and *-ot(s)

For words which can be reconstructed unambiguously, there is sufficient evidence to support the existence of a three-way distinction among *-at(s). "-et(s). and *-ot(s). There is also a tendency for *-et(s) to rhyme with "-it(s) and for *-ot(s) to rhyme with *-ul(s); this fact also tends to suppan

398

10. Newrlty_caugorUS/OTOldChi_

me three-way distinction proposed here. However, phonologically ambiguous words in these groups are often difficult to reconstruct wim confidence. This is because of the small size of the sample and because of textual difficulties: a number of the rhyme words are written differently in different versions of the text, and their interpretations are often doubtful. The discussion below will touch on some of mese problems. The rhyming of *-et(s) We may assign syllables of the ~ Vue group to *-et and non-*·et groups by the following criteria: I. MC .et, ·wet, ·jiet, and ·jwiet can reflect only *-et. 2. MC -al, -wat, -jot, and -jwol can reflect only *-at or *-ot, and are thus non·*-et. 3. After most acute initials, MC -jwel and -wet unambiguously reflect *·ot, and thus must be non-*.er, but the -w- of syllables like TSjwet or TSrw£1 could be due to a cluster of metathesizing *S- with a labialized initial f(W-, and such syllables must be considered am· biguous. The criteria for *.e1S and non-*.ets are parallel: I. MC -ejfl, -wejfl, -jiejll, and -jwiejfl can reflect only *·ets. 2. MC -ajN, -wajfl, ·jojll, and -jwojll can reflect only *-alS or *-ors, and are thus non-*-els. 3. After most acute initials, MC -jwejH and -w£ju unambiguously reflect *-OIS, and thus must be non-*-els; but syllables with initial TS(r)- will be considered ambiguous. Recall (from section 8.2.2.1) that since OC *-ps merged early with ··IS, i[ is impossible to distinguish original *-ps from ·-IS on the basis of Middle Chinese alone, and in fact *-ps rhymes with ·-IS in the ShIlIng, at least some of the time. This means mat *-ps and ·-IS can be distinguished only on [he basis of graphic and etymological connections between *-ps and *-p. II will do no harm in mis section to include the ·_ps words among the *-IS words; this just means that me rhymes we are analyzing are somewhat later than Old Chinese as defined in Otapter 1. If the rhymes of this stage confirm the front-vowel and rounded-vowel hypotheses, then these hypotheses are

10.1. Syllables with QCute codas

399

probably also valid for the stage before the change *·ps > *·Is. I will discuss the distinction *·ps 'F- *·ts funher in section 10.3. Let us analyze the rhyme ClCCUITences of *·el and non·*·et words first. and Ibm tum to words in *·ets, which present special problems. There are five rhyme occurrences of unambiguous *-el words and sixty·six occurrences of unambiguous non·*·el words in the Shijing, a total of seventy-one in all; Ibus we make the following estimates:

Plo·et] = 5f/1 = 0.070 Plnon o·et] = 66fl1 = 0.930 (1be 0.95 confidence interval for P[*·etl, calculated by the binomial method, extends from Inl =0.014 to 9nl =0.127.) The rhyme sequences which involve unambiguous *·el and non·*-t'l words are tabulated in Table

10.23. 301

r . . . 10.23. Rhyme sequences involving wwnbiguous *-et and non·*-et words

mixed

o

2

16

I

I'

3

4

4

o

,

t

6

I

0 0 0

o

I I

o

Note that the two-word sequences in Table 10.23 include no mixed se· quences, and one unmixed sequence in the less common group *-et, so the lpecial method of section 3.2.6 is applicable. There are four unmixed fourword sequences, which are fully consistent with the front-vowel hypothesis but add little statistical weight, since they are all from the more common 1IOn·*·et words. Finally, there are two mixed sequences of lengths five and Iix respectively; both are in Ode 304 (304.2A and 304.6A), and in roth CUes, the only *·et word is (007) it jii < citet < *dzet 'restrain, govern',

"'Uch rhymes nowhere else in the Shfjfng. I have no explanation for these mixed sequences at present, but it should be noted that Ode 304 (Shdng IOog illi~: eMngld ~~) is probably among the latest in the Shljfng; QU U (1983a: 616) dates it to the time of Duke XiAng II of SOng Le. 37 D.C. At any rate, these rhymes mean that both Ps and P 6 are equal

*,

"one.

400

10. New rhyme catego,us!or Old Chinese

Applying the method of section 3.2.6, we arrive at the following P value for the rilsheng sequences tabulated in Table 10.23:

P = 0.0056 (This value does not exceed 0.<X>69 for any value of P[*·el] in the 0.95 confidence interval) This is a significant result, since it is well below the crirerion level of 0.05. I will not attempt a statistical analysis of unambiguous *·els words, because it is difficult to identify such words with cenamty; most could also be reconstructed as *-ils. (Me -ejH and ·wejH, for example, can reflect either *-ets or *-its, which merged by hi > mid.) I think *·els is probably the beSt reconstruction in (1008) ~ II < lejH < *C-rels 'evil',

but others have generally assigned this word to the Jrn Zhi or fl Zhl groups, implying a reconstruction *·its in my system. One reason for the uncer· tainty is that ~ II rhymes with both *-el(s) and *-il(s) words in the ShIjing. (For example, it rhymes with. mil < mjiel (IV) < -mjel 'destroy' in 194.2A, but with ~ jf < dzil < *dzjil 'sickness' in 256.1B.) In fact, rhyme and xiesheng contacts between --el(s) and -·il(s) are rather common. Generally, when doing statistical analysis, I omit rhymes such as these, which involve more than one traditional rhyme category (e.g., rhymes of *-el(s) with *-il(s) or more than one tone category (e.g., rhymes of qushing *-els with rilsheng *-el). However, patterns of irregularity can be useful evidence in themselves. It is most revealing that the words of the traditional }f and ~ groups which rhyme with words in *·il(s) are precisely those which I reconstruct with *·et(s), not those in *-al(s) or *·o1(s). This suggests a confusion between *-el(s) and *-il(s) in certain early dialects, or in xiesheng practice, or both, and is indirect evidence that *-er(s) was a separate category from *-al(s) and *-OI(S). (There is a parallel tendency for *-OI(S) to be confused with *-Ul(S), as we will see below.) Irregular rhymes with *·jl(s) are one way of identifying or confirming likely cases of *-er(s). To summarize: our tests have confinned a significant rhyming distinction between unambiguous *-el and non·*·er words. The data are too few for a statistical test of unambiguous *·ets and non·*·ets words; however, there are good reasons to believe in this distinction also.

Yue

n

lO.J. Syllables with QCUle codas 401

The rhyming of *..,t(s) We can identify *.." and 000-*-01 words by the following criteria: I. Acute-initial hlMu syllables in the traditional ~ Yu~ group are unambiguously *-01 except for those with TS- or TSr- initials, whose rounding could originate in a cluster of the fonn *Sf<W(r)-. 2. All klJik6u syllables are non-*-ol, except for syllables with labial initials (where -w- may have been lost through *w-neutralization). 3. Syllables with the finals -el, -weI, -jiet, or -;wiet are unambiguously *-et and thus must be non-*-ol.

The criteria for *-ots and non-*-ors words are parallel in part: I. Acute-initial hiMu syllables in the traditional f.il n group are unambiguously *-ors. except those with TS- and TSr- initials, as above. 2. KlJik6u syllables are non-*-ols, except for syllables with labial initials. Saictly speaking, syllables with the finals -ejH, -wejH. -jiejH. and -jwiejH from the ~ n group should be unambiguously *-ets and thus non-*-ots. But in fact, there are no Shfjlng rhyme words in -jiejH or -jwiejH. and it is unclear which words in -ejH and -wejH should be assigned to the ~ n poop; some might reflect *-irs instead of *-ets. In any case, no words in -{w)ejH rhyme with unambiguous *-ors words, and for statistical purposes it will do no harm to exclude these doubtful words from the non-*-ols group. Tbe occurrences of unambiguous *-ot(s) and non-*-ol(s) words, so defined, f t summarized in Table 10.24.

rU (.-OI) ·-oI(s) tokens

non.. -ot(s) IOkCfl.!I

9 48

total tokens

57

p[·-ot(s)] P(non .-ot(.I')]

0.158 0.842

qU (·-ou)

9

45 54 0.167 0.833

O'he 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-Ol] in nlshing extends from 0.070 to 0.246; the 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-ors] in qllshlng extends from 0.074 100.259.)

The Shljlng rhyme sequences which involve unambiguous *·ot(s) and non-*·ot(s) words are tabulated in Table 10.25 by tone group and length of sequence. 302 Table /0.25. Rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-or(s) and non-*-ot(s) words

U>Ca!

""" nJ (*-ot)

"""""" ""... """""'" 2 12

qu (*-ots)

3 6 2 3 4

2 1 II

1 1

*-ot(s)

3 0 0 2 0 0

non-*-or(s)

9 2 1 9 1 1

mixed

0 0 0 0 0 0

Note that there are no rhymes at aU which mix unambiguous *-OI(S) and noo·*-ot(s) words; moreover, the two-word sequences in both rUshing and qllsMng include unmixed sequences from the less common *·ot(s) group. If we use the method of section 3.2.6, the combined result for the whole sample summarized in Table 10.25 is 303 p = 0.000104.

(This figure does not exceed O.lXXJ34 for any values of P(*-ot] and P(*-orsl in the confidence intervals given above.) Once again we have a significant result, since P is well below the 0.05 level. The separation of *-ot(s) and non-*·ot(s) among phonologically unambiguous words is thus clearly established, supporting the rounded-vowel hypothesis. 10./.25. Rhyme sequences in *-at(s}, *·et(s), and *-o(s)

The following ShIjlng rhyme sequences involve *-at or *·ats: 16.IA, 16.2A, 31.5A (wiIh ·..,t(s)1), 34.IB, 39.3B, ".2A, 57.4A, 62.1A, 63.2A, 66.2A, 72.1A, 72.3A, 91.3A" 99.2A, 102.2B, 111.2A, 114.2B, 137.3A, 140.2A (wiIh .·ot(s)1), 149.1A, 154.IB, 167.2C, 182.2A, 192.8A (with .·er(s)1), 195.5B, 202.5A, 203.7B, 204.3A, 216.3A, 218.IA, 224.2B (with ··er(s)1), 225.4A, 229.5A, 245.2A, 245.7C, 252.7A, 252.8A, 253.4A, 254.2B, 255.8A, 256.6A, 260.3B, 264.IB (wiIh • ..l(s)1), 265.6A, 287.IB (with *-an), 290. IE, 299.18 (with -·ot(s)?), 3OO.5C. 304.2A (with -·et(s)), and 304.6A (with *-et(s). *-ot(s)?).

10.1. Syllables with at::uJe codas 403

Of these sequences, 304.2A and 304.6A were mentioned above as appar· ently genuine cases of *-o1(s) rhyming with *·e1(s), involving the word it jU < dzer 'restrain, govern'. Ode 299.1B is probably a genuine example of *-al(s) rhyming with *-ot(s). The other apparent irregularities, which may result from late character substitutions, are discussed below. The following Shfjlng rhyme sequences involve *-er or *-ers: 192.8A (with *-ir(s), *·or(s)?), 193.8C (with *·ir(s», 194.2A, 197.4A (with *-ir(s», 22O.1C (with ··it(s), 222.2B (with ··it(s), 224.2B (with ··at(s)?), 241.2B (with *-ejs?), 257.5A (with *-ir(s»), 264.18 (with ·-ir(s), *-at(s)?), 304.2A (with ··at), 304.6A (with ··at). As noted above, the rhymes of *-at(s) with *-et(s) in 304.2A and 304.6A may be genuine. The other apparent contacts of *·er(s) with *-ot(s) will be discussed in the notes below. The rhymes between *-ef(s) and *-i,(s), while irregular, do not conflict with the front-vowel hypothesis; indeed, they support it

The following Shljlng rhyme sequences involve *-or or *-ors: 8.2A, 14.2A, 16.3A, 23.3A, 31.4A, 31.5A (with ··al(s)?), 58.30, 140.2A (with '-aI(S)?), 150.3A, 151.1A (with '·ut(s), 151.4A (with ··ut(s), 168.2B (with "UI(S), 225.2A, 237.8C, 241.3A, 245.4C (with ··ut(s), 264.2B, 299.lB (with *-at(s)?), and 304.6A (with *-ef(s), *-ar(s)?). Note the tendency for *-ot(s) to rhyme with *·ut(s), parallel to the tendency for ·-er(s) to rhyme with *-it(s). The remaining apparent irregularities are discussed in the notes below. 10./.2.6. Addirional notes

The phonetic element 71J Theword (1009) ~~ lit < ljer < ·C-rjat 'brilliant. illustrious'

is phonologically ambiguous; Me ljet could represent either *C-rjat or

*C-rje,. But ?!~ lit rhymes n=peated.ly and consistently as *-at (see Appendix C), and in bronze inscriptions it is written with the phonetic (1010)

lOU Id < lal < 'C·ral.

The original meaning of the graph ;:U itself is uncertain 11. 1974a, item 803). On the orner hand, the word

(see ZhOu Fligao et

404 10. Ne'W rhyme CiJUloms!or Old Chitte$e

(lOll) M Jl < IjejH < ·C-rjeu?

'8

kind of tree',

which has Jl'J as phonetic, seems to have a front vowel in 241.2B, where it rhymes with (1012) II yl < 7ejH < ·7elijs 'cover', probably a loan for (1013) JI: yt < 7ejH < ·7fts 'dead trees' which is the reading of the Htn Shl (Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 822). Both II and Jf must be reconstructed with a front vowel because or their Middle Qlinese reading 7ejH, but the passage is obscwe.

JIll and !i! II These words are difficult to interpret and sometimes confused with each other, but the ·-ats/·-ets distinction can perhaps help to unravel their meanings. The character JIll < IjejH rhymes as ··ats in some cases and ·-eIS in others. It rhymes as ·-au in the basic meaning (1014) JIll < ljejH < *C·rjats 'to drag or trail something along and have it scraped or wetted' (Schuessler 1987: 374-75) (see Odes 34.1B, 63.2A, 225.4A). In Ode 264.1B, however, it rhymes with ··el(s) and ·-it(s):

mhut < hwejH < ·wels 'kind' JIll < IjejH < ? 'evil'

. . zhai < ISrc.jH < ·lsrlj'jeU 'suffer' ~j( < dzil < ·dzjil 'injure' ~ jit < lcC.jH < *kreu 'limit, moderation'

Here, however,

JK II is usually glossed as "cruelty, evil";

line:

~tt*JI Jiang cr da iJ '(Heaven) sends down this great EVIL'.

In this meaning, it is probab!y 8 loan for the ·-ers word (l015) ~ II < lejH < *C-rers 'evil'.

it occurs in this

10.1. Syllables with acUIt codo.s 405

In fact, in Ode 191.5, the same line occurs in a similar passage, also rhyming with *-ets and *-its, with the character ~

n instead of .1M n:

IIUt:i<:lJi'

Jiang cr dtJ r.J Finally, the word

11 Jl also rhymes as *-ats in Ode 253.4A, in the line

i
'and so make the evil and WICKED ONES careful' b is clear from parallel passages in the other stanzas that the expression M; • cMu /l must refer in some way to evil people, but the exact meaning is much disputed. According to our reconstruction, however, it should not be a loan for ~ /l ·C-rets 'evil', since 1M Jl here rhymes as *-ots, not *·ets. I conjecture that perhaps 11 /l stands for (1016)

11 eMi < trha:jH < *C-hrjots 'scorpion',

which would regularly rhyme as *-ots (as in Ode 225.4A). The phmse M; • cMu would then mean "evil scorpions" or perhaps "many scorpions".

n

The phonetic ~ jt Generally, the phonetic ~ jt indicates *-ets, and I reconstruct *·ets in

(1017). zhai < tsrejH < *tsrU)ets 'to suffer, hurt', which rhymes as *·ets in 264.1B (see above). But the same character rhymes as *·Ots in 224.28. The context is the sentence

..bWiltla MlIH!\:m

sluing dl sMn d
Karlgren (1974: 178) translates this as follows:

God on high is very changeable, do not HURT yourself on him. This follows the interpretation of Mao, who glossed . . zMi as "suffer [bing It]". However, if we take the phonetic ~ to represent *·et(s), this would Jtquire us to assume that *·ets rhymes with *-Ots; the rhyme words are

ill qt < JchjejH < *Jchrjots • zhai < tsrejH
406

10. N_rhyrMaut'gnriu!orOldClUNse

The inteJpletation of ZMng Xu4n is preferable from a phonological point

of view: he glossed III zMi here as (1018) ti jii < tsjep < *tsjap

'connect, come in contact'.

As Du~n Yuc4i pointed out (Dlng FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 6516), this means that ZMng XUM took .. zMi here as a loan for (1019) ~jl < tsjejH < *tsjats < *tsjaps 'conjunction, connection'. In spite of its presumably late phonetic fjl jl, ~ jl must be lhe *s-suffixed jii < *tsjap 'connect'. By the time of the ShilTng. *tsjaps form of would have become *tsjats by *·pI > *·IS, and would make a good ·-ars

m.

m

rhyme, as it does here. Neilher fi jii nor Ri jl rhyme otherwise in the Shi}Tng. but lhe reconstruction wilh *-ap (rather than *-ep) is supported by rhymes in olher texts. 304 With Zh~ng Xuan's interpretation, the line would mean God on high is very changeable, do not COME IN CONTACT with him.

This makes a good semantic parallel wilh the parallel passage in the first stanza:

1: i1'i tHe

Illll3ll1li

shang dI shin d
wu z1 NI yan

God on high is very changeable,

do not BRING YOURSELF TOO NEAR him. Karlgren preferred Mllo's interpretation because it does not require altering lhe traditional text, and because he judged the parallelism between the stanzas to be "sufficiently good" (Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 725), but Zh~ng Xuan's interpretation seems better both phonologically and semantically. Again. while ~ jl < tsjejH < *tsjets normally indicates *-et(s). we have *-at(s) in (1020) ~ cdi

But

< tshajH < *srars 'steppe (7); name of a state'.

:M is a late character; in bronze inscriptions, this word is wrinen as

10.1. Syllables with acute codas 407

(ZhOU PAglia et a1 1974a, item 0398), which is listed in the ,lIwIn form for

Shufj~n

as a

(1021) ~ sluJ < srEt < srjet < *srjat 'kill'.

The phonetic it yl Words with the phonetic yl itself is (1022) iA -

fA. yl seem to be consistently *·et(s).

The word

l7t

Ii yl < ngjiejH (IV) < ·ngJets 'to sow, plant, cultivate',

which by semantic extension became (1023) Ii yl < ngjiejH (IV) < ·ngJets 'art; method, rule'.

The capital*J here indicates that the expected palatalization ofvelars before *j plus from vowel fails to occur. The front vowel is confirmed. however, by the palatalizations in these two words in the same xiisheng series: (1024) ~ shl < syejJi < *hngjets 'Corce, influence' (1025) ~

re < nyet < *ngjet 'hot'

The latter also rhymes with *·it(s) in Ode 257.5A. The phonetic Ffi fa

The phonetic mgenerally represents finals with a rounded vowel, as in (1026) mfa < pjut < *pjuJ 'knee covers'. The Middle Chinese final of this word implies *·jut (or *-jil); it rhymes in Ode l51.1A with *-ot(s). Another case of *·Ol(S) or *·ut(s) with this phonetic is (1027) ~~

[peiTJtO < bajll-bajH < 'bats-bots 'streamer, flutter',

408

10. N_ rhynu! r:Dugoria!or Old ChiMu

which rhymes as -·Ut(S} in 168.28 and 245.4C, though its Middle Otinese pronunciation implies -·ots (or -·ats). However, what must be the same word rhymes as *·at{s) in Ode 299.1 B, written as (1028)

aa [peiP
'Stteamef,

flutter'.

Here the phonetic would indicate --at{s}, and the other rhyme words seem to be -·at(s), but the meaning is clearly "to flutter", so it should probably be understood as a case of *·ot{s) rhyming with -·at{s). (Of course it is not impossible that there may have been two variants, *bots·bots and *bats· batS, both meaning "to flutter".) Nore that Ode 299 is from the LU song section, and is among the latest poems in the ShIjTng; QU Winn dates it after the thirteenth year of the reign of Duke XI {i of LU, who reigned 659-627 B.C_ (Qii W1in1l1983a: 605-7).305 The character D1Ii also rhymes in Ode 304.6A with a long sequence of *·at{s) words (plus the single --et word it jii < dut < -dzet 'restrain, govern'); [Pel] < bajH < ·bots 'sct out' (see below) lit yld < hjwot < -wjat 'axe' ~~ /it < ljet < ·C·rjot'blazing' .i!J hi < hat < */ileat'harm' ;Q. [nit] < ngot < *ngat 'new shoots' it dd < dat < -'at 'prosper' It jii < dzet < *dzet 'restrain' ~fd nal name)' •

Here it is widely agreed that ~ pii is a loan word for

(1029) ~fd
10.1. Syllables with acute codtJs 409

appears to rhyme with *-at(s). This could well be another form of "flutter", and its phonetic element implies *-or(s), so it is probably best taken to be an irregular rhyme. Comparative evidence suggests that some of the words in this series nally had a coda *-p. For example. Bodman (1980: 115) cites

origi~

(1031) 51i Iti < phjojH < *phjots < *phjops 'lung', Chepangpop,

and Proto-Yao *plAp 7 'overgrown', Lepcha a-plOp 'weed', which could be related to the various expressions for "flutter", "luxuriant", etc. A labial coda might explain the inconsistent behavior of words in this series, rhyming sometimes as *-ors and sometimes as *-ars, for it is likely that early dialects differed in their treatment of rounded vowels before labial codas. In some dialects, the vowel of syllables like *Pops may have dissimilated early on to *Paps, later becoming *Pats, while in other dialects the rounded vowel may have remained, giving *Pops > *Pots. A good number of comparisons also suggest the developments *-op > *-ot and *-up > *-ut as well; for example, Bodman compares ifi Iii < pjur < *pjur « *pjup?) 'knee rovers' with Tibetanphub 'shield' (1980: 116).

III kU
~1':'!i'!m

lll'rIVGOl!

sl sheng QIEKUO yil zl cheng SHUO

which Karlgren (1974: 19) translates as In death and life (we are) SEPARATED AND FAR APART; with you I made an AGREEMENT. Here ~ shoo is an unambiguous *-ot word: (1032) ~ shoo < ,rywet < *hljot 'explain. speak. agreement'.

The expression ~ Nt qielcuO appears to be an *elo binome: (1033) '!i'!m qitkuO < khet-khwal < *khet-khot 'separated' (1) This fits well with the other rhyme word ~ shoo < *hljot.

410

10.

N~ rltJIM CtlIegoriu!or Old ChiMse

Though the phonology of ~rAf qiiblJ seems clear, there is considerable doubt about the meaning of this binome. The Wo commenwy takes it to mean "toiling, distressed"; the Hbl ShI interpreted it as "bound together", but Karlgren follows Zhii Xi's interpretation "separated"-the opposite of the Hbl ShI interpretation. I suspect, however, that the H4n ShI's interpretation "bound together" may be correct. Compare the phonologically and semantically similar ·do binome (1034)

iI.fft

qianqu4n < khjienx-khjwonx < ·khjen?-khjon? 'adhere to,

clinging' which occurs in Ode 253.5 (though its meaning too is far from certain; see Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 919). An interpretation "in death and life bound together" seems to make bener sense in context, too; stanza 4 evi· dently depicts a soldier's wife recal.ling their marriage vows (e.g. it includes the phrase m~ xi~ lifo 'to grow old together' which is typical in such contexts, as in Odes 47.1, 58.6, and 82.2). In stanza 5, the rhyming lines are TljHll~

~'I'I:ii5~

xajiLKUOxi ba w6 HUO xi

which Karlgren translates as Oh,hoWFARAWAY, you do not (keep me AUVE ) suppon me. The other rhyme word in this sequence,

(1035)

mhua < hwar < .gWat 'live',

rhymes as ··at in Ode 290. IE, and this xitsheng series generally seems 10 represent ·;;Wat rather than ·Kat. If R1 kuO here is the same word as in stanza 4, then this rhyme seems to mix .-at and *-ot. But I suspect that this sequence was originally regular, and that rI *Jcwhat 'distant' in stanza 5 is unrelated to ~rA1 *khet-JcJwt 'bound together' in stanza 4. After rounding diphthongization-and after the meaning of both expressions became obscure-the same character came to be used for both Jchwar < *khor and khwat < .kwhar. The phonetic The word

t!t shl

10.1. Syllables with acute codas 411

(1036)

'tlt shl < sye}H < *hJjau < *hJjaps 'leaf, generation'

originally had final *-P. for this character is interchangeable in the early script with (1037) !if, yt < yep < */jap 'leaf'.

On the basis of their Middle Chinese readings, both words could be reconsttUcted with either *-ap(s) or *-ep(s), but it is probably better to reconstruct *-ap(s); 'tlt shl rhymes with *·al(s) in 255.8A, and the rhymes of ~ ye are pobably best interpreted as *.ap (34.1A, 6O.2A, 304.7A). Compare also TIbet
myl < ye}H < *ljers < *ljeps? 'toil, fatigue'

which rhymes with *-el(s) in 194.2A, though the text here is unclear (KarIgren 1942-1946 [1964), Sloss 566). When tit shl is used as a phonetic for words in final *·1, it is probably a 1ale substitution for ~, reflecting the change *·ps > *·Is, as in (1040) ffit

- it xit < sjel < *sljat 'leak'.

DC *·at(s), *-et(s), and *·ot(s) in Laoz( II is interesting that the distinctions among *-al(s), *-et(s), and *·{)1(s) seem to be maintained quite regularly in the rhymes of LiJozr. The rhymes of the l..Aoz( from the traditional J.J y ~ and ~ J1 groups are reproduced below (based on lists in Zhii QianzhI 1984: 319). There are four rhymes in *-at(s), found in Chapters 25, 35, 39, and 73:

o..p,,,, 25: *. ck) < dan -

dajH < *lals Ii shl < dzyejH < *djals 35:

0Iap,,,,

IF Mi < hajll < *fikat(s)

:t tdi < thajll < *hJars

Chapter 39: ~ li~ < ljet < -C·rjat

BId
~ jit < gjot < -gjat [li mi~ < mjiet (IV) < -mjet]

lijui
According to the proposed reconsuuetion. the word • mii < *mjet does not make a good rhyme here. But the line in which it occurs is evidently a late insertion; this line does not appear in either of the MlwangduI versions, and is missing in other early versions also (ZhG QilnzhI 1984: 157; MlwangduI Han Mil B6shG Zll&lgii XiAozii 1976: 13). Note that the proposed reconstruction suggests that the line is suspicious, even without this evidence. This illustrates how phonology can illuminate textual history and vice versa. Chapler 73: ~ shiI < sr£l < *srjat ~ huQ < hwat < *gWat

W Juli < hajH < *likat(s)

*

Zhii QilinzhI (1984: 262), following Jiang Y6ugAo, also lisls a rhyme semo < mat < -mal quence 11:2: sdn < SanH < *san(7)s. ill~ < *C·rons. in Chapler 64, but I suspect that no rhyme was intended in this passage. uwzrrhymes in ·-etfs) occur in Chapters 45,58, and 79: Chapter 45: ~ q~ < kitwet - /chjwiet < *kwhlj)et ~ bi < bjiejH (IV) < *bjets

Chapter 58: ~ cM < tsrhEt < *tshrjel ~ qui < khwet - khjwiet < *kwh(j)et

Chapter 79: ~ qi < khejH < *khets it cM < trhjet < ·thrjet

Note that J2 qi < khejH is .unambiguously ·-ets. It cM < trhjet rhymes with -·it in the ShIjfng (Ode 193.8C), a typical example of contact between ·-el(s) and ·-il(s).

10.1. Syllables w;lh acule codas

413

liJozlsbows one rhyme sequence in *-.ot, in O1apter 54:

tit bd < bEt < *brot

mtu6 < thwaJ < *h1ot •

(chu6] < rrjwel < *rrjol

The separate rhyming of *-al(s), *-et(s), and *-ol(s) in LAozl is striking

(X)flfinnation of the existence of these phonological distinctions.

10.1.3. The traditional ~ Ge group

oe

The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional ~ group are listed in Table 10.26. In this group we must reconstruct a contrast between *-aj and *-oj in order 10 account for kJjikOu-MkOu contrasts after acute initials: (1041) (1042)

*Ill:

chl < tsyh<X < *rhjaj] 'great,lilIJ:e' chui < tsyhw< < *rhjoj 'to blow'

The reasons for reconstructing a coda *.j in this group were discussed in Olapler 8 (section 8.1.1.2). TtJble 10.26. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional ;j.t oe group

I 0

m

MC

AC(XM'-)

-(w)a

)fJ M.i(Mz)

,on put)

-j(w)e

-(0" -(w)a -{w)i{

X ZbI(T.,e)

(in part)

-je

.ja

)fJ M.i (Mz)

-(w!>,

QityWt rhyme

lJl: GO (1<.1)

oommen~

em part)

Although parallel in some ways to the 7G YmUt. jJ Yu~. and ~ n groups, Ibe 11t Gf group also shows some significant differences. One such difference is the absence of labiodentalizing finals in this group. The groups previously discussed included the Middle Chinese finals -jon. -jol, and ·jojH Which caused a preceding labial initial to become labiodental (e.g. ~ *pjal > pjol >/d); but there are no such finals in the :fX Ge group. and no syllables from this group developed labiodental initials in Middle Chinese. Another difference is the marginal contrast between the division-m finals -je and -ie, which finds no parallel in the groups previously discussed.

10.

414

N~

r/ryfM caugoriufor Old CIfi/te.K

As usually defined, this group has division· I finals but no division-IV finals, but there is some evidence that there was originally a comrast be· tween ··aj and --ttj. I will return to this question after summarizing the reo constructions of finals with --aj and ·-oj.

10.1.3.1. The reconstruction a/the -·aj group After nonlabialized initials, finals in --oj developed as shown in Table 10.27 below. Tabl~

/0.27. Development of '-oj after nonlabjaJjzed initials

Bn....

initiallype

Me

Karlgren

'-oj '.raj '-jaj

~I

~

~I

·z

'.jAj '-rjaj

... " "'Ole "'"~

... " ",me

-j~

(Ill)

Li

Pulleyblank

'-d(r)

'-or

'-&

,~

'-ra '-j(i)ar

,.-ia.

..

-j(U

,.ral ' ..I ' ..I '-d:l (?)

-j~

'-ia, '-jar

'-jjar

.j~

'.j,a

'.jar ,-(W '-j(i)ar '-rj(i')ar (1) '.()dl

.j~

(III)

-je.

'-ia, ·.jllT

'.

.",

Karlgren anempted to distinguish between an -.,1r group, which showed contacts with 1x>th and -·ar, and an group, which showed no such contacts. We could incorporate this idea in our system by reconstructing --or or -·al in addition to --aj. but 1 prefer to assume that contacts between --on and --oj reflect a denasaJization process in certain dialects (especially eastern ones); this idea was discussed in section 8.1.1.2. Karlgren's coda -·f generally corresponds to *-j in the present system. The existence of the two division-ill finals -jre and -je in this group is an unsolved problem. I will write -·jaj > -jtt and --jAj > -j~ but this is simply a notational device; I suspect that the foons in -jz originate in dialect mix~ or special stress conditions. or both. There are only a few words in -jz in this group, including the interjection

--d"

--a

(1043) ~ jie < tsjz < -tsjAj 'alas' and the particle (1044)

t!l yl < ya:x < 'ljAj '(grammatical particle)',

plus the word

10.1. Syllablt:.r with Q£uJ.e codas 415

(1045) it sM < rya: < ·LjAj 'snake' (also read y( < ye < ·ljaj 'compliant, complacent'). 1lte following example shows alternation of ·je and -ja::

(1046) ~ eM - ehi < /syhieX - rsyhex < */hjAlaj7 'large' (Karlgren 19421946 [1964], gloss 617) Note that the finals ·-jaj and ··rjaj merged after grave initials. This means that ·-jaj and ·-rjaj can no longer be distinguished in this environment; I will write *-(r)jaj to indicate this. This merger is consistent with a longteml general tendency found also in the --an and *-at(s) groups: by Late Middle Olinese, Me Kjon < -Kjan and Me Kjen (III) < *Krjan had also merged (both being placed in division ill of the rhyme tables). But in the .-an and *-at(s) groups, labiodentalization preceded this merger, so that Pjon < ·Pjan did not merge with Pjen (ill) < *Prjan. Evidently the vowel of the final *-jaj was fronted at an early date; I call this change .--oj monopbthongization, since it probably involved a change *-aj > *·re (see Appendix A). As a result of this change, syllables like original *Pjaj no longer had a back vowel, and no longer met the conditions for labiodentali· zation. (Syllables like *Pjoj would already have merged with ·Pjaj by rounding diphthongization and *,.,-neutralization: *Pjoj> -Pjwaj> *f'jaj.) Syllables with labialized initials, which are largely parallel, developed as shown in Table to.28. Tobie 10.28. Development or .-aj aCaer labialized initials

Me ·1(Waj ·1(Wraj ·KW(rJjaj

Pulleyblank ·Xwti(r) ·Xwa(r)

'K_ ·Xwrar

·XwiD, ·Xjwdr ·Xwj(i)ar

Additional examples of -·aj (047) *: gl < ka < *kaj 'sing' (1048) ~ guO < kwa(H) < *kWaj(s) 'transgress; transgression' (1049) ~ bO <pa < *paj 'wave'

416

10. New rhynK C4t~80riulor Old CItiMU

(1050) ~ duO < W < 'wj 'many' (1051)

IJJ jid d", < 'kraj 'add'

(1052) 1~

hue)

(1053) K,J

ma < mz < ·mraj 'hemp'

< xwa:H < ·hngWraj(s) 'transform'

(1054) ~ clUJ - eMi choose; uneven'

cr < tsrhz -

tsrhe; - tsrhje < ·tshr(j)aj 'difference;

The Middle Chinese reading tsrhE; is probably from lSrhje < ·tshrjaj by TSrj- > TSr-.

(I055);;r ql < gj< (III) < 'g(r)jaj 'strange' (1056) ~ wii < hjw< (Ill) < 'w(r)jaj 'do, be' (1057) 8i: pi < bj< (III) < 'b(r)jaj 'skin' (1058) f$ yl < ye< 'Ijaj 'transler'

/0.132. The reconstruction o/the .-oj group As nOled above, we must reconstruct ·-oj as well as *-aj in order to account for contrasts between JciJiMu and hiMu finals after acute initials. I reconstruct the finals in .ooj as shown in Table 10.29. Table /0.29. Development of '-oj after nonlabial initials

B,,'"

inilial type

Me

'-oj '-roj '-joj

.11 011

""" "',.'" """ "'"'"

'-rpj

Karl"""

U

·w. ·wz

'-wa(r)

.j><><(IIIJ .j><><

'-wia, '-jwdr 'owia, 'oiwdT, '-iwar '-wia, '-iwdr '-iD, "iwdT

'-(u)or, 'o~r '-r(lI)or '-j(i)ar, 'opr 'ojuar, 'opr

ojwe (III) .j><><

'.WQ

'-j(i)or, 'oj~r '.rjuar, '-rpr

PuUeyblank

,_wal 'orwdl '_Wdl 'oWdl ,_rwdl ,_rwdl

Syllables with labial initials are parallel, except that -w- is lost or becomes nondistinctive lhrough ...-neutralization. Following DOng T6nght (1944 [1948]: 1(6), Li reconstructed ·-~r in some words which are tradition'ally assigned to the tti: Wei group, even though they have Middle Chinese finals ·(w)a or -j(w~ which ordinarily indicate the ~ Of group. Some of these cases seem to be words in .·oj which sho.....

10.1. Syllableswilh acute codas 417

contacts with the 11i: Wei-group final *-uj (parallel to the contacts between .--of(S) and *-U/(s) mentioned above): (1059):it suO < swa < ·swaj < ·soj (Li's *s.1,.306) 'raincoat made of rushes'

1be Gui!ngyUn gives also the reading swoj, implying a variant pronunciation

·suj. Similarly, there is confusion between ·-oj and ·-uj in characters with the

phonetic'll:: (1060) ~ tuG < thwax < *hnoP 'tranquil, at ease' (1061)

t; sui < swij < ·snjuj 'to pacify, cornion'

These last two examples surely represent the same root, and thus probably bid the same main vowel originally, but *-oj and ·-uj are now difficult to distinguish in the classical reading tradition, and it is difficult to decide between them. In the same xibhlng series we also have (1062) II nii

< nwojX < ·nuj? 'hungry, starve'.

It is also likely that original *-aj and *-ij merged in some dialects, in at least some environments. For example, we find a doublet for "ant": (1063) til yf < ngjex (III) < *ng(r)jajJ 'ant' (1064) t'I1 yf < ngjijX < *ngjijl'ant' (in C/ulcf item 548i).

ftlf;

see Karlgren 1957,

Another doublet is the following pair: (1065) ll!l huf < xjwex (III) < *1un(r)jajJ(?) 'destroy' (1066) ~ hul < xjwijx < */unjij? 'destroy'. Ode 10.3 has tI: huf rhyming with .-ij, though some versions of the text have the character ~ instead (according to the Jfngdfan shlwen, quoted in KiAng Xi" 1986: 178). In this case the original root probably had *-ij, not .-oj; the word */un(r)jaj? - */unjij? 'destroy' is probably cognate to (1067) *. hu6 <xwax < .hmaj?< ./unij? 'fire',

which is originally a *-ij word (see section 10.1.8.2). Given this development, we would expect to find confusions between *-waj < *-oj and .-wij < *-uj also, which could explain some of the apparent contacts between *-oj IUd *-uj. It is curious that these examples of contacts between *-aj and .-ij 1ft aU sMngshlng words.

418

10.

N_,hy""'eat~80rWS/orOldC1tiMsr

Note that contacts of this kind between ·-oj and ·-uj and between ··aj and ·-ij-that is, between the traditional ~ Ge and iti Wei groups--suppon the hypothesis that the same coda (my .-j) is involved in both groups. Other reconstructions sometimes reconstruct these groups with different codas; for example, Li's system has ·-d in ~ Wei, but ·-r in ~ Ge. Additional examples of .-oj (l068);f.D hi < hwa < .gWaj < ·goj 'hannonious' (1069) ~ zuD < dzwax < ·dzoj7 'sit' (1070) M sui < zjwe < ·zljoj 'follow'

10.1.33. The reconstruction of the *-ej group

The pattern of the largely parallel 7G Yu~n, }j Vue, and ~ 11 groups suggests that we should find .~j along with ·-aj and .-oj in the ~ Gt group. If such a final existed, then according 10 the sound changes we have assumed, we would expect it to develop as follows: 1. ·-ej should remain unchanged. becoming Me -ej, merging with original ·-ij (which lowered to -ej by bi > mid) and .-e (which became -ej by ·j-insertion; see section 10.2.7). 2. ·-rej would probably become MC -ej, like .-rej from original *-rij (by hi > mid), or MC -ei, like original ·-re.

3. ··jej after acute initials would probably become MC -je. merging with original ··je and *-jaj. With grave initials we would expect a division-IV chOngnil1 final -jie, since we have *.j- fotlowed by a front vowel.

4. --rjej should be like --jej, except that it will cause retroflexion of acute initials, and should become the division-D'I cMngniu final -je after grave initials. The result is that the reflexes we would predict for -·ej are virtually indistinguishable from those of --e. One clue to possible cases of *-ej, however. is the common alternation of --j with -·n. It was pointed out in Chapter 8 that this alternation might reflect a process of final denasalization in some early dialects, especially the easlern dialects in and near modem Sh!i:ndong. An

10./.

Syllabf~swjlhacut~codas

419

example is the rhyme sequence 137.2A (Chenjeng ~m.: Dong min zhf!en

JIm LtiJ):

~ eM < Isrhei < ·Ishrja} 'choose'

Jjjt yudn < ngjwon < ·ngWjan 'plain' ~ rna < mre < *mraj 'hemp' ~ p6suO < ba-sa < ·baj-sa} 'dance' We also have the testimony of early commentators that speakers in this geographical area pronounced S yfn < ·?jin like ":ti. yf < *?jij (see section 8.1.1.2 for details). By analogy to these cases, we would expect to find contacts between ·-en and ··ej which might be a clue to identifying instances of .--ej. The rhyme sequence 43.1A (Beijeng :iWm: Xfn tdi fJrlt) is probably an example of this:

lit. cl < Ishjex < ·Ishjej? 'bright, shining' ill ml < mjiex (IV) < ·mjej7 'filling' rt xitfn < sjenx < ·sjen? 'rare, special' The state of Bei :ItS was in present-day northern H6nan, just west of ShandOng, so this poem's confusion of *-j and *-n is consistent with the general geographical pattern of this phenomenon. The second stanza of the same ode shows confusion of .-ij and *_in. 307 On the basis of their Middle Chinese finals, lilt cl < Ish}ex and 8i ml < mjiex (IV) look like words of the X ZhI group (our *-e); if mf < mjieX must be reconstructed with a front main vowel, at least, because of its division-IV eh6ngniu final. But the fact that they rhyme here with the 7G Yuan-group word !¥ xidn < s}enx makes them good candidates for reconstruction with ··ej rather than *-e. There are other words besides iff. cr where the phonetic element (071)

Jt cr < tshjex < ·Ishjej? 'this'

stems likely to represent .-ej. Another example is

(072)

-= zi < dzjeH < *dz}e}s 'carcass',

'Mitten ~ in Ode 179.5, where it rhymes irregularly with *-ij (on the text, see XilUlg Xi 1986: 666). Rhyming between *-ij and *-e} would be parallel to the occasional rhymes between *-it(s) and *-el(s). . Another likely case of *-ej is the following word, which Karlgren included UI his *-a, group: (1073) II MC nej - na < *nej - naj 'pickled meat with bones in it' (Karlgren 1957, item 1521).

420

10. New rhyme caJegories!or Old ChiMU

MC na must represent OC -naj, and MC nej could represent earlier *nej. According to the Shuowtn {Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 1798}. this word is an ahemate form of (l074) JDJ ir < nye < *njej 'pickled meat with bones in it'.

In general, then, I reconstruct *-ej in words which have reflexes like *-e, but show rhyme or xibhing contacts with words of the 7G Yu4n group. The only cases of such among ShIjTng rhyme words are fit *!Shjej?, II *mjej?, and ~ (::::: *dzjejs above. 308

=)

ID.1.3.4. The rhyming of*·aj, *-ej, and *·oj I know of no actual examples of rhymes mixing *·aj and *-ej, but since cases of *·ej are rare and difficult to identify with cenainty, we cannot expect to find sufficient data to establish this rhyming distinction statisti· cally. Similarly, lhere are few good examples of *-oj, a number of probable cases of *·oj rhyme with *·uj, and could be reconstructed with *-uj instead. This makes it difficult to test the *-ajt*·oj distinction statistically, since un· ambiguous cases of *·oj are so few. StiU, among the cases of *·oj that are identifiable, there are no crossovers with *-oj at all. I reconstruct the fol· lowing ShJjfng rhyme words with *-oj: (l075) @X chuI < tsyhwe < ·thjoj 'blow' (1076) W hi < hwaH < ·gojs 'respond in singing, join in' (also read hi < hwa < *goj 'harmonious') (1077) I'i [wii] < 7jwe (Ill) < 'ife)}o} 'wither' (1078) l1li [= -",j cuD < tshwaJl < 'tsho}s 'fodder' (Xi~ng Xi 1986: 64) Of these, l!X chuI is a hiMu word with an acute initial, and must be reconstructed with ··oj according to the rounded vowel hypothesis. It rhymes with fa hi in 85.1 B. Now W hi - hi < hwa(H) is phonologically ambigu· ous, but other evidence confirms that it is to be reconstructed with *·oj: it rhymes as .-oj in LiJozT (see below), and it is ultimately the phonetic element in ~ ·7(r)joj.300 The word ~ wli < 1jwe < *7(r)joj is traditionally assigned to the ~ Wei group, not the :ft Ge group, but its Middle Chinese reading 1jwe and its phonetic fD indicate the ::IX G~ group; it rhymes in 20L3A with ··uj and *·on. Finally, normally [cw1 < dzwoj 'to oppress. cut' (implying a reconstruction ·dtuJ), is read CIW < IshwaJl (implying

m.

10.1. Syllabkswithacutecodas 421

*rshojs) in Ode 216.4A, according to the Jfngdidn shlwin. This follows ~ng Xu~, who says that *dzuj here is a loan for

m:

(1079) ~ coo < rshwaH < *rshojs 'fodder'. (Note the phonetic ~ zoo < dzwax < *dzoj7 'to sit'.) It rhymes in 216.4A with fit suI < swij < *snjuj 'pacify, comfort'.3IO Though the ShIjfng rhyming data are skimpy, the distinction between *-aj and *-oj receives further support from the rhymes of Liiozl, which also distinguish *-aj from *·oj without exception. There are eighl iJX Ge-group rbyme sequences in Ldozl, of which six are *-aj and two are *_oj.31l The rbyme sequences in *-aj are as follows: (]lapter 20:

Jii.I e < 7a < *7aj

fii.J hi < ha < *gaj Ouopter 37:

is wei < hjwe (III) < *w(r)jaj

a wei < hjwe (III) < *w(r)jaj

{t hut} <XWa:H < *hngWraj(s) Otapter 44:

oft huO <xwaH < *hngWaj(s) ~ duO < ta < *raj

Ouop'er 57:

a wei < hjwe (ill) < *w(r)jaj

~t. hua <XWa:H < *hngWraj(s)

Ouopter 58:

M huO < hwax < *g""aj7

~ yl < ljex (III) < *7(r)jaj? Ouopter 64: ~ hoo <XWaH < *hng""aj(s) it guO < kwa < *kWaj wii < hjwe (III) < *w(r)jaj

m

'Ibe two sequences in *-oj are as follows:

422

10.

N~

rhynK caugorieslor Old ChiMS~

Chapter 2:

la hi < hwa < *goj

g

suI < zjwe < *zljoj

O1apter 2S.

M. suI < zjwe < *zljoj fP;:: chll1 < rsyhwe < *thjoj Iii < ljwe < *C-rjoj

=:

mhll1 <xjwie (IV) < *hJjoj312

This last four-word sequence is especially imponant evidence for the existence of *-oj as a separate rhyme.

10.1.4. The traditional1{: Zhln group The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional listed in Table 10.30. Tabl~ 1030. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional

Zhen group are

-A lnn group

MC

AC (1<.,,_)

Qiiy
II

-(1'1)01

-(wldn

l1J s... (5",,)

III

-UXw)ill

-jJW)l1l

JJ; Zhtn (T'l'm)

(TSr)in

-;0.

-(w)<en

·i(w)<en

jI Zhen (Tsrin) $I; x;a" (Sen)

IV

tl

(m part) (in part) (in part) TSr- only (in part)

This group includes division-IV finals -(w)en, but no division-J finals, so by the front-vowel hypothesis it is to be reconsuucted with a front vowel: *-in. All contrasts between /u]ilWu and hiMu can be attributed to rounded initials:

(l080) ~ (xun] < swin < *swjin 'consult' (1081) {iJ xun < zwin < */iswjin 'ten-day week; all round' With these compare (1082) ~ (xlln] <;ewen < *hwin 'far away'.

10.1. Syllables with

GClltL

codas 423

A few words assigned to this group have the coda -ng in Middle Chinese; 15 explained in section 8.1.2, I regard these as traces of an original final __Utg, which merged with *-in in some dialects and with -·eng in others. An example is (1083) lftr ming < mj;engH < *mrjeng(s) < *mrjing(s) 'command', which rhymes as *-in in the ShfJTng. Occasionally we seem to have Me ·ing < *.jing; for example, the pronunciation of (1084)

ft ling < ljengH < *C·rjing(s) 'command'

in Ode 100.2 is given as lingH, not ljengH, in the jingditIn shlwin. In most cases. however, it is difficult to reconstruct *·ing with confidence.

10.1.4.1. TM reconstruction oftM ··in group The development of *·in after nonlabialized initials is summarized in Table

10.31 below. TIJIIW 1031. Development or -·in aflCr nonlabialized inilials

Baxltr

...

-·in -·rin -J'" -.rjill

initial type

MC

Karlgren

Li

01'

-"

-.j"

8'3" "ute 8'3" "ute

·jin (IV)

....- ,,

'"

-·~n

-m

.j" ·iII (llI)

·jn

..

-·ri" -.jill --J'" --J'" -·rjill

'il 'il

, -.jin - , 'il

Pulleyblank -'~JI

-.r$JI -'~JI -'~JI

--'~J1 --'~p

The development after labialized initials, which is parallel, is summarized in Table 10.32 below. Ta6k 1032. Development or -·jn after labialized initials Baxlcr

MC

Karlgren

Li

P',1lkyblank

K_,

-Kiwe"

-KWSjI

Kwm

-Kwt"

Kjwin OV) Kwjn 011)

-K~n

·Kwin -Kwrin -Kwjin -Kwjin

-Kiwin

-](Wrip -KWjJl

-Xwrlp

41A

10.

NewdtJ_ctUegomslorOldCIU_s~

The association between front-vowel rhyme groups and the division-IV cMngniu syllables has been known for some time, and, perhaps for this reason, the existence of division-III chOngniu syllables in front-vowel rhyme groups has been widely ignored or treated as irregular. In my system, such syllables are the regular reflexes of syllables with *·rj- fOllowed by front vowels. For example, with *-rjin we have the division-DI won!

(1085) tij yUn < hwin (llI) < *wTjin 'rind of the bamboo'. The medial *·r· is needed here not only to account for the division-III chOngniu final, but also to account for the failure of *w- to palatalize. Compare

(1086) ~ yUn < ywin < ·wjin 'to clear land for cultivation' (also read swin < *swjin and zwin < *fiswjin), which shows the palatalization ·wj- > yw- before front vowels when ·-T- is not present (discussed in section 6.1.6). We may also reconsO'Uct ·-rjin in

(1087)

X yEn < ngin (III) < ·ngTjin (or *NJujin)

'deceitful, insincere',

whose phonetic, according to the Shuowtn (Ding Fublo 1928-1932 [19761: 923), is

(1088)

mchin < dzyin < ·gjin 'servant',

with palatalization of the velar initial. Additional examples of *·jn (1089) ~ man < nen < *njn 'harvest, year' (1090) ~ xudn < hWt:n < .gWin 'dark-colored.'

A Tin < nyin < ·njin 'person' (1092) B! m[n < mjin (IV) < ·mjin 'people' (lOOt)

(1093) ~ jun < Jejwin (IV) < .JeWjin 'well-balanced'

(1094) ~ zhtn < tsyin < ·tjin 'O'Ue, real' (1095) tf zhln < tsrin < *urjin 'hazel'

10.1. Syllables with lJCutecodas 425

10.1.4.2. The reconstruction of·-ing

For finals in ·-ing, I tentatively suggest the developments summarized in

Table 10.33 below. Table 1033. Dc'o'Clopmcnt of ·-iIIg aflU nonlabia l;ze4 initials

._ing

Initial

MC

oil oil

~II

..... ..... "",Ie

·.riJtg '.jillg

- ~ttg

-En --DIg

-jill OV) - -illg - -juIIg OV) ·itt - -iIIg - -jettg ·in (III) - -ing - -ja:ng ·in - -illg - -jellg

OCUle

Syllables with labialized initials would presumably be parallel. Except for the reconstruction of *-ing, my treatment of this group is consistent with the traditional analysis, so I will omit further discussion of its rhyaring.

10.1..5. The traditional

X

Wen group

The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional listed in Table 10.34. Tobk 1034. Middle Chinese 6na1soCthe traditional

I

IV

X Wen group

AC(Karl.,..,)

Q""" mymo

'oo"'''''~

-0.

.,.

lit H'" (Hon)

'x- only (in part) grave only grave only (in pan)

..",

ill

W6n group are

MC

.

o

X

.~.

~ Hun(Hwon)

-(w)
-(w)dn

LlJ ShlIn (Snm)

·jill .jU1l

-i~1I

§i Yin ('lJin)

'iwn

X Wen (Mjun)

'(w)in

-i(w)ln

•

(TSr)in ,(w)en

-i£1l -i(w)en

g

$I;

ZMn (Tsyin) ZMn (Tsrin) Xdn (Se.)

(in pan) TS,· only (in part)

426

10. New rhyme categoriu for Old Chinese

This group includes both the division-I final -on and the division-IV final -en, so at first glance it would appear that we must reconstruct both front and back vowels here. But as was pointed out in section 7.1.3, -on and -en are in complementary distribution in words of this group: the former is limited to grave initials, the latter to acute initials. I assume mat me final -en in words such as (1096) Jt xidn < sen < *sin 'first'

results from the change ·;-fronting followed by hi > mid: ·sin > sin> sen. From vowels in this group are thus a secondary phenomenon, and need not be projected back to Old Chinese. However, this group does show contrasts between JajildJu and MlWu finals after acute initials: (1097) ~ chen < dzyin < *djin 'time' (1098)

U

chUn < dzywin < *djun 'quail'

In accordance with the rounded-vowel hypothesis. I account for this contrast by reconstructing both *-in and *-un in this group. We will see below that this contrast is clearly supp:med by the rhyme evidence. 10./5./. The reconstruction of the *-in group After nonlabialized initials, finals in *-in developed as shown in Table 10.35 below. 313 The development of *-in after labialized initials is summarized in

Table 10.36. Additional examples of *-in (1099)!tB. en

< Jon < *7in 'kind'

(1100) r~ men <mwon < *min 'gate, door'

(1101) Jt xian < sen < *sin 'first' (1102) ~ [tiOn] < denx < *dinJ 'cease, put an end to, destroy' (l103)

mjian < kEn < *krin 'disuess, difficulty'

(1104)

llJ! guiin < kwEn < *kwr.in 'widower'

10.1. Syllabl~s Willi acute codas

427

1111# 1035. Development or • -i1l after" nonlabialized initials

..,'"

initial type

-·iIt

'f(.

·-rilt ·_jilt

·.rji1l

... "'... ..." "'... 'p.

"' ~I

'f(.

.p.

MC

Karlgren

-<>,

......

li

PuDeyblank

'."

·_~11

·-111

·_~11

'4,

~,

·'~11

·'~11

·m

··m

··r(i)~11

.-{j)J1I (?) ·-rS1I

.jilt

·_P1l

·_P1l ·_P1l ••j~1I

·'~11

._ji~"

• .r~1I

··'P1l

·-'~fl

....

.

·_~11

·M

-i1l (DI) ·M

··jm ·-jDl ._jw1

·'~11 ·_~11

1tJb1e 1036. Development or ·-;fl after labialized initials

MC ·XWifl ·KW,i1l ·KWjin ·KW,ji1l

f("", f(wm

KjlUl X"";1I (111)

Li

PulleyblanJc

·Xw:m ·KWDl ·KjW'HI

·X~fl

·KW~fl

·XWT;1I

·J(WrS1I

·Xwj~1I

·Kw~1I

·XiwEII

·Xwji~1I

·J(Wrl1l

(I lOS) l[jln < gjinx < *gjin7'near'

(1106) 3.t ftn
rtJ jfn < kin (Ill) < *krjin 'scarf'

(1110)

JJ ylln < hwinX (Ill) < 'wrjin(7) '10 drop, fall'

(lll1):it p(n < bin (Ill) < *brjin 'poor'

(1112)" chin < drin < ·drjin 'dust' (1113) tl shln

< srin < ·srjin 'numerous'

10.1 .5.2. T~ reconstrucrion of r~ *·un group

The development of ··un after nonlabial initials is summarized in Table 10.37 below.

42S

10. Nnu ,.kyfM ('.lJ1~~for Old ChiMse

Tabk 1037. Development of -·Wl after nonlabiaI initials

""'''' '-un '-"", -·jWl '.rjwt

initial type

Me

Karlgren

Li

Pulleybtank

,II

-won

"W~II

'-~II

~l

-w,,"

'·WDl.

"~II

,.will ,.rwill

t'i~1I

t-j~1I

'·14';;111

",we

.jwt ·will -witt (III)

t'i~1l

'·jwOt

t.jN! "WjUll

t-i~1l

t.,j~1l

t.will 'fl4'jll '·f"Will

...'" ... '" ",we

--

I assume that rounding diphthongization preceded *,-color in words like (1114) ~ guiin < kwen < kwrin < *krun 'head kerchief' (also read /Un < twin < *C·rjun 'twist, twine'; root meaning perhaps "to wrap or twist around"?). The reason is that it seems to be a general rule that *,~or applied only to unrounded vowels. Syllables with labial initials are parallel to those in Table 10.37, except thaI ·w- was lost or became nondistinctive as a result of *w-neutralizalion. An example is (1115)

mmIn < min (III) < ·mrjun 'string, twist'.

This word rhymes as *·un in 24.3A and must be related to the previous example; see discussion in section 7.3.2. As a result of rounding diphthongizalion and *w·neulralizalion, this *mrjun merged with

(1116) r;Q mln -fG min < min(X) (III) < *mrjin(7) 'suffering', which rhymes as ·-in in 155.IA, 206.IA (erroneously written as note below), and 257.4A. Similarly,

1it ql;

see

(1117) 1m win < mjun < ·mjun 'hear' (earlier written with .tj *hmun as phonetic; see Chapter 9 and discussion below) merged with

(1118) X win < mjun < ·mjin 'pattern, culture'. Additional examples of ··un

(1119)

II [kanl < twon < *kun 'elder brother'

(1120) ~ bin
10.1. Syllabfrs wi,h Q€UU codas

429

(1121) PJ tUn < th"W'On < *thu.n 'rumble' (1122) 'E jiJII < kjun < *kjun 'lord' (1123) ill yiJII < 'ljunH < *'ljuns 'hate'

(1124) 1;tfln < bjun < *bjun 'to bum' (1125) ¥ chan < tsyhwin < *thjun 'spring' (1126) III chuAn < [tsyhwen] < *KHjulon 'river' The Middle Chinese form of 111 chUt2n appears to be irregular, as pointed out by Karlgren (1957, item 462a). This item also shows palatalization of a vdar initial in an unexpected environment; hence the reconstruction with

copital *KH·. (1127). jiin < kwin

enn < *krjun 'waterdeer'

(1128) II qiin < khwin (TIl) < *khrjun 'round granary' (1129) tIi Ian < lwin < ·C·rjun 'wheel' 10.1 53. TIlL rhyming of··in and ··un

We may use the following criteria to identify phonologically unambiguous cases of *·in and *·un: I. KdiktJu words are unambiguously *·in, except for words with labial initials.

2. Hi-leOu words with acute initials are unambiguously *·un, except for words with initials of type TS· or TSr·, which could reflect clusters of type *SK*(r)·.

1be rhyme occurrences of unambiguous ··in and *·un words are tabulated in Table 10.38. (The 0.95 confidence interval for p(*·unl in p{ngsheng extends from 6/27 = 0.222 to 15(27 = 0.556. The 0.94 confidence interval for P[··"n] in qilshlng extends from 2fT = 0.286 to 6n = 0.857.) The SlI1jfng rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-un and *·in words are tabulated in Table 10.39 by tone group and length of sequence. 314

430

10. Nr.w ,hy_ alll!lloriufor Old ChiNS#!

.

Tabk 10.38. Rhyme occurrences of wwnbiguous --lUI and --in words

.....

ping --lUllOkens t·in lOkens ICC>! 10k"" P[t-unl p[--inl

27

,,

0.370 0.630

0 1.000

10 17

0

4 3

7 0.571 0.429

Tabk 1039. Rhymescquenccs invol:ving unambiguous --lUI and --in words

""'" plAg

,,,,gth """""" 2 4

q.

sMng

oone 2

ICC>!

""uences

,,

' .." 0 1 0

--in

mixed

0

0 0

,

,

0

The number of rhymes involving phonologically unambiguous words is rather smail; in fact there are none at all in shiIngshLng. But the four-word pfngshing sequence of unambiguous ·-un words (which occurs in Ode I 12.3A) is especially notewonhy. since --un is the less common of the twO groups. Using the methoo of section 3.2.6. we arrive at a value of p = 0.00042

for the whole sample. (This value does not exceed .0042 for any values of p(··un] within the 0.95 confidence interval.) Thus the data from phonologically unambiguous words support the rounded-vowel hypothesis for this group. Most phonologically ambiguous words can be reconsuucted without difficulty on the basis of their rhyming behavior and their xi/sheng connections. The reconsuuctions of panicular rhyme. words may be found in AppendiX C; the Shfjlng rhymes in ··in and ··un are listed in the next section.

10./5.4. Rhyme sequences in ··in and ·-un The following ShIjTng rhyme. Sequences involve ·-in: 5.1A. 4O.1A. 43.2A 58.4A, 93.1A (see item 3 in section 10.1.5.5 below), 104.IA, (with 15S.IA. 169.4C (with ·-ii, ·-iJ). 182.3A (with ··iJ), 192.12B, 197.6A,

·-W.

10.1. Syllables wilh O£ute codas 431

197.6B. 199.1A, 206.1A (with ··.1). 21O.2A. 222.2A (with ··i)). 237.8A. 247.6A. 248.5A (with ··un). 257.4A. 261.4C. 290.1B. and 299.IA (with -.i)). Only one sequence (248.5A) appears to mix --in and --un; it is discussed below. The following Shrjfng rhyme sequences involve --un: 23.IA, 24.3A, 49.1A. 49.2B. 71.3B. 73.2A. 82.3B. !l2.3A. 128.3A (with ··uj. ··on). 190.1A, 209.4A (with *-an), 237.8B, 248.5A (apparently wilh *-in, but see note below), 256.2A, and 258.5A; possibly also 183.IA (wilh *-uj, *-if?), 183.2A (wilh *-uj?), and 269.1B (with *-in, *-eng?). The sequences 183.1A and 183.2A may not be intended to rhyme, and are usually not treated as rhymes. The sequence in 269.18 is aberrant and may also not be intended as a rhyme.

/OJ 55. Additional noles 1. Words with the phonetics A. 1)-. and ~ are generally to be reconstrUCted wilh --in; words wilh the phonetics ~ and III are reconstructed with *-un.

2. I reconstruct *-un in (1130)

IHJ wen < mjun < *mjun 'hear'

and the probably related

(l131) PpEJ ~n < mjunJl < *mjun.s 'ask', even though the modem characters

IiO

and fOj have as phonetic lhe *-in

word (1132) M min < mwon < -min 'gate, door'.

The modem characters probably originated after rounding diphthongizalion and (possibly) *w-neutralization, as pointed out in Chapter 9. 3. I assume an irregular development *·in > *-un in (1133)

"tJ cUn < [dzwon] < *dzin 'be among, exist'.

In spite of ils hiMu final in Middle Chinese, it should probably be reconstruCted with the main vowel*i: :g. cun rhymes as *-in in Ode 93.lA, and in Other Old Chinese rhymes as well. 315 Note that according to the Slwowen, the phonetic element in 7f. cUn is

432

10. New rh.yme cattgoriu!or Old ChiMSf:

(1134)::t cdi < dzoj < -dzi 'material, value, talent' (Ding Fub§.o 1928-1932 [1976]: fRJ7). The regular development would be for *thin to develop a front vowel by -i-fronting, becoming then> qidn. It may have retained its back vowel because of analogy to the possibly related (1135):t£ uli < dzojX < *dzil'be in, exist', which is used as a gloss for :tJ. cUn in the lryd (as :tJ. cUn is used as a gloss for 7f. ,dl). The main vowel did become front, as expected, in words which have ff cun as phonetic, such as (1136) #. jidn < dunN < -dzins 'grass, herb'. But the Jingdiiin shl~n preserves other pronunciations for this word, too, which may ilIusuate the divergence of dialects on this point; in its annotations on the lryd, it has the foUowing note on #. jidn: [pronounced] mIl&: [dzu + tsenH = dzenH]; also swonH = d,wonHJ; [according to] Guo ~~ [PlllJl). IwIlX = dwllX] (Lil Deming 583 [1975J: 411)

mil&: mlR&:

[dzu + [d,u

+

Ting Pang-hsin (1975: 220-21) comments on the peculiar behavior of ff cUn in rhyming of the W~i-Jln period (A.D. 220-420): it rhymes in his ][j YUM category in the W~i period (A.D. 220--265), and shifts to his ;fA Hun category in the nn period (A.D. 265-420). The fOTTner case is consistent with the expected regular reading dun, the latter with Me dzwon (or perhaps dzon = [dun]).

4. The phonetic ~ generally indicates *-un:

(1137). xUn <xjun < *xjun 'to smoke' (Ode 258.5A). It represents *-on in (1138) iJ (xan] < xjwon < *xjon 'ocarina'. However, the reduplicative binome l\. xiinxun < xjun-xjun rhymes with *,jn words in Ode 248.5A. This is in fact the only apparent rhyme contact in the Shljlng between *-jn and *'un (aside from the rhyming of ti clin in 93.1 A; see above). Although Karlgren translates • • xanxun here as "befumed" (Karlgren 1942-1946 (l964l, gloss 894), it is not clear thai this expression is related 10 the primary meaning of • xun, "to smoke"; the

10.1. Syllnbkswithocuucodas 433

,,"0 commentary glosses it as "harmonious and joyful [he yue ~m]". Perhaps the graph ill here results from a lale modification of the texL $. Ode 57.2B is the following rhyme sequence: 316

.. qUln < !ShenH '
The word ~ pdn is traditionally assigned to the X Wen group because of its phonetic:$} fin < ·pjin; if we base our reconstruction on this fact, we would reconstruct it as ·phrins. However, other evidence suggests that we should reconstruct this sequence as a rhyme in ·-ins. Me phenJl could repKSCnt ·phrins or ·phrens as well as ·phrins. It is unclear how we should reconstruct the other word of the sequence, qidn < rshenH: its phonetic ,. suggests ·-eng; the Middle Chinese reading rshenH should reflect either *-4!IIS, ··ins, or ·-ins. But a quotation of this passage in LUnyu ~'ffi: Ba yl J\ It appears to tip the scales in favor of reconstructing ·-ins. The LUnyu version of this passage has an extra line, whose rhyme word is

m

(l139) ~ xudn <xwenJl < .hwins 'ornale, decorated' .317

BoIh me phonetic element of this word and its Middle Olinese reading indicate ·-in. Although the graphic evidence on the other words of lhe se-

quence is conflicting, the pronunciations preserved in the reading tradition are all consistent with a rhyme in ·-in. For this reason, I assign all three words to ··in, the traditional. Zhen group.

6. The word (1140) II chin < drin < ·drjin 'dust'

is usually assigned to the 1( Zhen group, but I reconstruct it with ·-in. Its only ShIjfng rhyme is in 206.IA, where the Mao text has the following thyme sequence:

• chin < drin < ·drjin 'dust" J8; q( < gjie (IV) < ·gle 'suffering'

The word ~ q( is simply glossed as "suffering [blng JFg)". This version of the leXl makes no sense phonologically; there are no other examples in the SltIjfng of either .-in or *·in rhyming with .-e. OM Zhen (cited in Xiang XI 1986: 348) proposed that ~ q( was a scribal error for ~, an abbreviated

l'onn of

(l 141) Ji mfn < min (1]1) < ·mrj;n 'suffering'.

434

10. Nf!IIII rhy~ CDtt:goms/or Old CIJiMU

In spite of its phonetic ~ hUn < *hmun, which makes it look as if it should be reconstructed with *-Uft, 1 reconstruct this with *-in: it rhymes with *-in in 257.4A, and it is also etymOlogically the same word as

(1142) ~ min < minx (ID) < *mrjin(1) 'suffering'.

For example, the phrase

g;fUll!f duO wo gou mIn 'I have seen much distress'

in Ode 257.4 is paralleled by a similar phrase with

00 mIn in Ode 26.4:

MIl!lI'itg; g{}u min jl duO

" have met with suffering in plenty' The phonetic element in JJ mIn is the *-in phonetic X dn < *mjin (Ding Fub30 1928-1932 [1976]: 5340), and funhennore 00 mln rhymes as *-in in Ode 155.IA. (The other rhyme word in 155.1A is a plngsheng word, suggesting that the tone distinction between min < min and 00 mIn < minx is of late origin.) U ~ q( in 206.1 is really 11 - 00 m(n - mIn < *mrjin(1), this suggests that lfI. chen should also be reconstructed with *-in. Although this is the only occurrence of chin as a rhyme word in the Shijfng, it is noteworthy that it also rhymes with *·in words in two rhyme sequences in Ldozr. 318

m:

tm

10.1.6. The traditional

fi Zhl group

The traditional ft Zhl group is the nlshLng group parallel to lhe group. It includes the Middle C1l.inese finals listed in Table 10.40. Tabf~ 10.40. Middle Chinese finals of the b'aditional

II III IV

Jl Zhen

ft ZJ:il group

Me

AC (Karlgren)

QityWl rhyme

comments

-(w)£t

-(w)(1t

J1j Xij (HEI)

-ljXw)it

fi ZJ:il (Tsyil)

(fSr)it

-i(w)tt -jd

-(w)el

-i(w)et

(in pan) (in pan) (in pan) TSr- only (in pan)

.mZJ:il (Tsrit) Ji'l X;t (Set)

10.1. Syllables wilh acute codas 435

These finals are accounted for in my system by reconstructing *-it. I also include in the *-it(5) group qJlsheng words which show rhyming, xiesheng, or etymological connections with *-ir; the evolution of these finals is summarized below. Since original *-its became *-ijs by final cluster simplifi. cation, the distinction between original *-its and *-ijs is difficult to recover in some cases. Like the A Zhen group, the W :ll11 group has division-IV finals but no division-I finals, and all cases of hikOu can be attributed to rounded initials. A few words in this group have a velar coda ·k in Middle Chinese, and in at Jeast some cases it is likely that this -k is original. For example, (1143)

e.n jf < tsik < *tsjik 'approach'

rhymes with *-it words in 89.2A, 99.IA, and 250.60. This character is phonetic in

which may be compared with Tibeto-Burman *tsik 'joint' (Benedict 1972: 27-28). Probably there are other apparent cases of *·;t which are really *-ik, but the distinction is often not recoverable from Chinese data alone.

10.1 .6./. The reconstruction 01 the *-it(s) group After nonlabialized initials, *-it developed as shown in Table 10.41. 319 Table 10.41. Development of *-it after nonlabialized initials

""'~,

initial type

Me

Karlgren

Li

Pulleyblank

*-it ·-rit

all all

·-iel

·-il

*-ic

*-ril

*-'k

--jil

gn",

-
·_~c

--,jil

"'"~

·-jil ·-jil --jil ·.,jil

gn'" "'"~

-il oil -il

010

,:--

r

(1144) iii jie < tset < *tsit < *tsik 'joint or section of bamboo',

- 1 'jL - 1 'jL ·-ill *·ill

--,--

·_~c

*-';k

--'Jc

Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in Table 10.42. The corresponding developments for syllables with *-its, which merged with *-ijs, are summarized in Tables 10.43 and 10.44 (compare Tables 10.55 and 10.56 below).

...--.-, ••

..

II"

436

10, New rh11M. auegoriu!orOJdCItiMse

TobIL 10.42. Development of --il ariel" labialized initials

sax...

MC

IWtgrm

U

Pulleybtank

-Pit -](Writ -](Wjit -](Wrjit

K_t Kw
-K~t

-KWic -](Wrlc

Kjwil (IV) Kwit 011)

-Kjwil -Kiwi'

-Kwit -Kwrit -Kwjit -Kwjit

-](W~c

-](Wric

TobIL 10.41. Devdopment of -oils after nonIabialized initials BUler

initial type

MC

Karl",,_

U

PuUeyblant

--its --rits --jits

all oil "",vn

--Ics -.rlcs

--,jilS

--jed '-iJ --jid --jid -·jLd --jld

--idJI

".le ""," ".le

-ejff -ejH -jijH (IV) -ijll -ijll (ill) -ijll

--ridlt - -J'idh --jidh --jidh - -'J'idh

--~cs --~cs

--'~cs

-.rxs

TabIL 10.44. Development of --its aCter labialized initials

MC -}(WilS -XWrilS -XWjits -KW,jits

KwejH Xweju Xjwijll (IV) K wijll (Ill)

-Ki~d

-Xwid -Xjwld ·Xjwld

Li

Pulleyblank

-KwidJI -Xwridh -Kwjidh -Xwjidh

-XWks -Xwrns ·XW~cs ·Kw,~cs

As in orner front-vowel groups, my reconstruction predicts the ex.istence of both division-Ill and division-IV cMngnitl finals in this group, and there are a number of good examples, including the following pair: (1145) ~ ml < mjir (IV) < *mjir 'honey' (found in Chile( Jl~PJ) (1146)

\! mi < mit (III) < *mrjir «

*Nprjit?) 'dense',

The *r in this last is supported by the synonymous and possibly related word (1147) ~ II < lit < *C-rjit 'dense, compact', Another contrasting pair is the following: (1148) &1- bi
10.1. SyllabkswithOl:Ulaodas 437 (1149) Ie- bl < pit (I'll) < *prjit 'handle, lath', also read bl < pijH (llI) < *prjits. Most reconstructions simply treat such contrasts as irregular (e.g. Li FangJwei 1971 (1980J: 64). 'The evidence bearing on me reconstruction of DC *-ik is scanty, but I tentatively reconstruct me following developments:

*·it> ·d- -el *-(r)jik> -ik - -il. Except for the reconstruction of "'-ik, and me inclusion of qu.sMng words with connections to *·il, which some scholars include in the HlJ ZhI group, my reconstruction does not conflict with the traditional analysis of this group, so I will not discuss its rhyming further. Additional examples of *·il(s)

(1150) f6 ji~ < ut < *kit « *kik?) 'tie'

Compare Tibetan' khyig·pa 'to bind' (Coblin 1986: ISO). (IISI). jt < kejh < *kiu « *kiks7) 'chignon, hair-knot' (1152) Jtn xil- xut < xwet < *hwit 'blood' (1153) Ili xid < her < "'grit 'shrewd' (1154)

a jf < kjit (IV) < *kJit 'auspicious'

(I 155} -

yr < ?jit (IV) < *7jit 'one'

(1156) B rl
The traditional ~ Wu group is the nlsMng counterpart to the

X

Wen &roup. The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in this group are listc:d in Table 10.45.

438

10. NntI rhYIM ClJugOtVS lor Old ChiMK

Took /0.45. MMidle 0Iinese finals of the tnlditional ~ Wii group Me

AC (Karlgren)

I

-(W)ol

-{u)~t

"

-(W)£l

-(w)dl

-jit .jUl

-j~1

III

-(w)it

lV

-j/QI

(TSr)it

-j(W)t1 ,jEt

-(w)et

-i(w)el

QiiyWt rhyme

oo,,"'''''u

i9: Mb(MW<X) lli X~ (H
(in pan)

~ Ql (Xjit)

t7 Wu(Mjut) i!i lJtl (fsyit) .fi lJtl (fsrit) Ii'J x;, (Sel)

grave only grave only

(in pan) (in part) TSr· only (in part) acute only

Just as division·1 -on and division-IV -en are in complementary disuibution in the X Wen group, so -ot and -et are in complementary distribution in the ~ Wu group. Thus this group can be reconstructed with back vowels only; the Middle Chinese front vowels in finals like -et result from secondary developments. Good examples of -et in the ~ Wu group are aClUally not easy to find; an apparent example is the second syllable of (1159)

'I. ulotil < thaw-thet < *thtJw..thit'gluuon',

There are, however, conrrast5 between luliMu and hiMu finals afler acute initials in this group, so we must reconstruct both *-it and *-ur according 10 lhe rounded-vowel hypothesis. The corresponding qllshing finals *-irs and *-uts merged with *-ijs and *-ujs respectively as a result of final cluster simplification; but *-its and *-uts can usually be distinguished from *-ijs and *-ujs on the basis of xitshing connections and likely etymological relationships. I will refer to *-it and *·irs as the *-it(s) group, and to *-ur and *·uts as the *-ur(s) group. Since the ShTj7ng already shows evidence of the merger of *-ps with *-ts, when discussing rhymes I include *-ips in the *-it(s) group and *-ups in the *-w(s) group_ 10./.7./. The reconstruction of the *-it(5) group

Afler nonlabialized initials, finals in *-;t developed as shown in Table 10.46. Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, are shown in Table 10.47,

TtIbk 10.46. Developmcnl or --;t after nonlabialized initials Baxter

initiallYJ)C

--it

'K-

...

'p-

--rit -.j;t

"'011

'K-

'p--,j;l

"'"to gra.,

...

"'

MC

KMlgren

Li

Pulleyblank

'."

-·~t

'-"",

--~t

--$t --Jt

-·Ut

-oUl

-" -jil

'-" -opt

-·'Sf

-jut ·it ·it (Ill) -it

--iKQI

-·r(ip, --jx --jx --ji~1

--:it --':it --':it

--0' -<,

-·Pt -·i£l

--ji~1

--Pt

--,pt

-.p)S1 ('?) --~I --~I

-'

-"r·

TtJbk 10.47. Developmenl or --il after labialized initials

MC

Baxter -K"'it -#(Wril

-Pj;,

K""" K"" KjuJ

-K"'rjit

Kwil (III)

Karlgren

Pulleyblank

Li

-KKQt

-KKQI

'K""

'K"'"

-Kjwx -KiWEt

-Kwpt -Kwp

-K"'Jt -K"'rJl -K"':it -J(tl'rll

The corresponding qilshtng finals in ··its, which merged with ·_ijs, devel· oped as shown in Tables 10.48 and 10.49 (compare Tables 10.57 and 10.58 below). Tabk 10.48. Development or --its afa.er nonlabialized initials Baxter

initiallype

MC

Karlgren

Li

Pullcyblank

-·its

'K-

-Djll -wojll

'->d '-w>d

--$1$

~jll

--w

·ejll -jijll

'-
'->dh '->dh ' ->dh -·r(iPd/r , -J->dh --jgdh

'p--,its -·jits --rjits

"''"'' 011 gra..

"'"to gra.,

"''"''

-ilil

-jjll (III) -jjll

--PtJ

, -j-
-,

-.ji~h

--rjixJh

--Ju

-.p)JtJ (?) -.rJts --:its --:its --':its --':iu

.'

.'•

,

r• {

• • I •

I

440

10. New rhyme cQlegoriesfor Old ClcilteSJe

Tabk 10.49. Development or --its ane..labialized initials

Baxler

Me

Li

Pulleyblank

-KW'ts -/(Writs -f(Wjils -f(Wrjits

KWOjH KWEjH

-K~h

-/(W~ts

-KwndJI ·Xwpdh ·XwjUdlf.

-/(Writs

KjwijH KwijH (DO

-/(W~ts

·f(Writs

Examples of *-it(s) (1160) ~ di < 70)11 < *7its '10 love, lo grudge' (1161) i! di1i < dojH - de)H < *(g-)Uts come forward' (1162)" di < de)H < *lits

« *(g-)lips) 'to come to, reach,

« *Ups) 'wild plum'

Note that in the last two examples we have both Me do)H and de)H from original */ips (or *(g-)/ips). I attribute this to dialect divergence in the application of the change *i-fronting: the reading de)1I probably reflects a dialect in which *;-fronting followed ·_ps > ·-/$, resulting in a development *lips > *Uts > *lits > de)H; the reading do)H would represent a dialecl in which *;-fronting either preceded *-ps > ·-ts or failed to occur at all. For further discussion, see sections 10.1.7.5 and 10.3.4. (1163) II gtli < toj1l < *kits 'to rinse, wash' (1164) ~ mei < mwo)H < *mits 'younger sister' (1165) rR ~i < hjwijH < *w)ils 'to say; call, be called' (1166) ~~ w/i < hwi)H < *wr)irs < *(w)r)ips 'position, standing' The phonology of this last example is puzzling; see discussion below. (1167);t xi <xjijH < *xjits 'to take' (1168) ~ yi
« */)ips) 'Ioil; a shoot'

10./.72. The reconstruction of the *-ut(s) group

Syllables in *-UI with noniabial initials developed as shown in Table 10.50.

10.1. Syflabks with ocuJe codas

441

TIIbk 10.50. DeYCkJpment of t·w af1ec oonlabial initials

Sax'"

initial rype

MC

Ka-l"""

U

PuUeyblank

'-w '-n
01'

-"'" _w"

'-"" t·wer

t·:11

t_WSt tfWSt

-jw ·wit -wit (Ill) ·wit

t·iW:1l t·iW:1t t-iW£t t·iW:1t

t.pl t_j:1l t.ji:1t t_rj:11

t.jW t.rjW

011

... "" "ute

..... "ute

t·~t

t_W~t

t.w~t

t_rwil tJW~1

In syllables with labial initials, the -w- of the finals above was lost or became nondistinctive through ·"'-neutralization; for example, I assume dW

(1169) ii bf ·prjwir (rounding diphthongization) > -prjir (-",-neutralization) > pir (-r-color, -r-Ioss). The qu.shLng syllables in ._U/S (which merged with --ujs) are parallel; they developed as shown in Table 10.51 (compare Table 10.59 below). TGbk 10.51. Development or t_ ws after nonlabial iniLials

Dntu

initial type

MC

Karlgrcn

U

Pulleybtank

'-uu

011 011

-wojH .wejH -jwijH .wijH -wijH (III} ·wijH

'-"'"

'->dh '-rnih • -J->dh t_PtJA t·jWlt t.rjxJJt

t.wS u tfWSu

t_rws t·jws

t_rjUlS

..... ..... "ute "ute

··-"'-"'"" ·-"'" t·wEd -j -j

t-iwEd -j

··""its ··""its t_rw~u

tfWits

As with --Ul, I assume that in labial·initial syllables, -w- was lost or became nondistinctive through -"'-neutralization. Additional examples of DC --ur(s) (1170) ~ hu < xwor < -hmul 'careless, confused' (possibly related to han < xwon < -hmun 'dark. benighted, stupid') (1l7I) it [kul] < hwoju < -gUlS 'energetic; turbulent, violent'

ft

442

10. N_ rhytfU!

aJl~gDriLrlDr

Old ChiMse

(1171) 1'l' bti < bwojH < *buu 'be disorderly, silly'

(1172) li mO < mwot < *mw'make an end, disappear, exhaust' (1173)

JIi ~i < nwojH < *nuts < *nups 'inside'

(1174) ~ tuI < thwojH < *hnuts < *hnups '(go in:) withdraw, retire'

meM < tsyhwit < *thjut 'to come out, go out, go away', also read ehul < tsyhwijH < *thjuzs 'to bring out, send out' (1176) n [dull < drwijH < *g·ljuts < *g·[jups 'to cause resemment' (1175)

(1177) iii fu < pjut < *pjut 'ceremonial apron' (1178) Ut lu < lwit < *b-rjut'row; pitchpipc' (1179) ~ slul < zywit < *Ljut 'proceed, pass on, transmit' (1180) ~ shooi < srwiju < *srjurs 'to lead', also read srwir < *srjur (1181) ~ wl1 < mjut < *mjur 'category; thing' (1182).$. Zll < tswir < *tsjut < *Srjut'finish, end, exhaust' (1183) ~ zui < tswijH < *rsjuts 'drunk' /0./.73. The rhyming of*-it(s) and *-ut(s)

Shijing rhyming shows that *-ir(s) and *-ur(s) are distinguished in phonologically unambiguous syllables, confinning the proposed reconstruction. However, as in the case of the *-ar(s), *-el(s), and *-OI(S) groups, il is oflen difficult to reconstruct phonologically ambiguous fonns with confidence. Some of these problems may be due to textual corruption; others probably represent diverse dialect developments, especially different treatmentS of vowels before original *·ps. We may use the following criteria to identify phonologically unambiguouS cases of *·;r(s) and *-ur(s) in this group: 1. Kdik6u words are unambiguously *·;I(S), except for words with labial initials.

2. Hik6u words with acute initials are unambiguously *·ur(s), except for words with initials of type TS· or TSr·, which could reflect clusters with labiovelars..

The rhyme occurrences of unambiguous *-il(s) and .·ur(s) words are tabulated in Table 10.52 below.320

10.1. Syllables with ac/lU codas

443

TIIIM 10.52. Rhyme occ~nces ofunambiguous '-il(s) and '-Ill(s) words

'-it(s) lOkens '-ut(s) lOkens

"'"" In'''''' P('-it(s)) p(·_ut{s))

nl

."

,

13

1

13

26 0.500 0.500

6

0.167 0.833

The ShIjlng rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-i/(s) and *-u/(s) words are tabulated by tone group and length of sequence in Table 10.53.321 TtIbU 10.53. Rhyme sequences involving wwnbiguous '-it(s) and '·ut(s) words

lODC

nl

q'

""'' ' ' ' ' "'"" 2 2

,

0 3

1

0

........,,

2

0

4

1

0

1

0

••

""gth

"'""""'" 1

'-il(S)

'-Ill(s)

mixed

As Table 10.53 shows, there is no mixing of unambiguous *-Ul(S) and unambiguous *-it(s). Even though me sample is rather small, the rhyming separation is statistically significant: me probability of getting such a result by chance is p = 0.0028.

(This value does not exceed 0.015 anywhere in the 0.95 confidence intervals for P[*-i/] and P[*-ilS].) We may conclude that there is a significant tendency for *-i/(s) and *-Ul(s) to rhyme separately in phonologically unambiguous syllables.

10.1.7.4. Rhyme sequences in *-it(s) and *·UI(S) The following Shfjfng rhyme sequences involve *-i/(s) (irregular sequences are diSCUSSed below): lO.2A (with *-i/(s), 20.3A, 35.6B (with *-uI(s)?), 132.3A (with "U1(S)?), [I78.IC. 2C. 38 (with ··U1(S)?)J, 228.4A, 236.5A. 241.8C (with ··U1(S). 249.48. 251.3A. and 257.68. 1be foUowing ShIjfng rhyme sequences involve *-Ul(S): 29.4A, possibly 35.68 (with *-;r(s)?), 6O.1B-28 (with *-j/(s)1), 65.28 (willi *-i/(s), 132.3A

...

<:" ., I'

~•

444

10. New ,.11,_ categorWl/or Old CItiMU

(with --il(S», 141.2A, 151.1A {with --(Jl{s», 151.4A (with --ops), 168.28 (with --01(s)1), 178.IC, 2C, 38 (with -·ips?), 194.4A (with --o/up), 194.5A, 202.2A, 202.6A, 232.2A, 241.38 (wilh '-ir(s), 241.8C (with '-ir(s), 245.4C (with '-o/(s), 247.58, 255.3A, 257. 13A, and 264.5D.

10.1.75. Additional notes Although no phonologically unambiguous words of this group appear in mixed rhymes, there are a number of irregular sequences involving ambiguous wOlds; while some of these probably result from errors in transmission of the text, others probably involve either imperfect rhymes or phonological differences among dialects. Aside from rhymes between --UI(S) and ·-01(S) (a common phenomenon we have already mentioned), the main types are discussed below. Rhymes mixing *-ut(s) or *-il(s) with ·-il(s) The sequences of this type are 1O.2A, 60.18-28, 65.2B, and 241.38. These arc exceptions to the traditional rhyming analysis as well as to the analysis proposed here, since they involve crossovers between the tntditional ~ WU and ft Zhl groups.322 Nevertheless, we should note that the irregularity in 60.1 B-28 may result from a late change in the text. The Mao version has the following sequence:

Ii sui < zwijU < ·zjulS 'jade insignium' tf: ji < gjwijH (IV) < *gt"'jirs 'hanging down' But the Han version, instead of tf: ji, had (1184) ZJ (cuJ]323 < dzwljU < -dzjUlS (possibly < *dzjups1) 'hanging down' which would rhyme regularly with it *zjurs (see Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], 810ss 191). The other three rhyme sequences, 1O.2A, 65.28 and 241.38. seem to be genuine irregularities. It is noteworthy that Ode 241 contains several irregular rhymes and may have suffered textual corruption.

10.1. Syllablu with ocutt: codas 445

Rhymes mixing *-ir(5) and *-U/(s)

'fl'tere are four rhyme sequences which could represent rhyming between ....I(s) and *·UI(S) as I have reconstructed them, and thus count as potential

evidence against the rounded-vowel hypothesis: they are 35.6B, 132.3A, 178.1C-3C, and 241.8C. The sequence in 241.8C is simply irregular, and I have no further explanation for it. The other cases call for some funher discussion, however. The rhyme words of sequence 35.6B are

tR [kull < hwojH < ·guts 'violent' (line 5) • yl < yijH < ·ljits < ·fjips 'toU' (?) (line 6) II xl < xji)H < ·XjilS 'rest' Oine 8) I reconstruct the first word with *-uts because of its phonetic:

(1185)" gui < kjwijlJ < *lcjUls 'precious, expensive' (cf. Tibetan gus-po 'costly, expensive, dear', gus-pa 'respect. reverence', ciled in Coblin 1986: 121)

It is, of course, possible that the character is of late origin, and that the word was actually *gWits. But in any case, this word is in an odd-numbered line; a glance at the poem will show that if is not necessary to assume that this word is part of the rhyme. The sequence 132.3A is as follows: . . di < dejH < *lips 'wild plum'

ti sui < zwijH < *zjurs 'pear tree' Ii! zui < ISWijH < *tsjUIS 'drunk'

Here there is no doubt that all three words are intended as rhymes. 1 suspect that the irregularity may have something to do with divergent dialect developments of syllables with labial codas. A cooa *.p is reconstructed in tl di because of the phonetic (1186)

*-ill!

diU

< dojlf < *(g-)lip, 'reach to',

which is interchangeable in early writing with the unsuffix.ed form

(1187)

W::

[ttl]
~ Middle Chinese reading tradition preserves several pronunciations for

~ di. The GudngyUi1 gives only the reading dejH. but the Jrngdilin shlwen ~ves also a pronunciation dwojH (attributed to the ZlJ£n ~f*, a character dictionary of the nn period, cited in the note to Ode 24) and a pronunciation

••~' •• f

,•

I

-

dojH for the phrase 1*1* 'perfect' in Ode 26.3 (a loan for D! dili < dojH < ·Ups). The pronunciation tkjJl could represent a dialect where ·"fronting followed the assimilation *·p5 > ··Is: ·/ips > ""tits> -tirs > de}fI. In a dialect where ·i-fronting either preceded ··p5 > *·Is or failed to occur at all, we would have ""lips> ""tits> *lijH > dojH. Finally, the hekou pronunciation dwojH could represent a dialect where back vowels became rounded before labial codas: ""/ips> ·/ups > ""lurs > dwojH. 324 A similar rounding of vowels before labial codas could be responsible for the following exceptional sequence occurring in each stanza of Ode 178:

i{)L Ii < Ii}H < *C-rjips 'to arrive' ~ shuai < Srwil- srwijH < ·srjUl(s) 'to lead'

There is some doubt whether this sequence is a rhyme. but I suspect that it is. The pronunciation ii)1I would imply *C-rj;ps (or conceivably ·C-rjips), but the Jfngdidn shiwen gives an alternate pronunciation lwijH, implying *C-rjups; this could represent a dialect which rounded back vowels before labial codas, deriving *C-rjups from original *C_rjips.325 The influence of such a dialect could also be a factor in the puzzling pronunciation of (1188) ill w~i < hwijH < *(w)rjips (perhaps from a form like *rjups. a dialect form of *rjips1) 'standing, position'. It has long been clear that this word is related to

(1189)

JL

Jl < lip < *C-rjip 'to stand' (cf. Tibeto-Bunnan *g·ryap 'stand',

Benedict 1972: 57), but their exact phonological relationship remains unclear. 326

10.1.8. The trad;tional

BIl Zhl and III We; groups

In an imponam and influential paper (1937), Wing Ll proposed that the traditional rhyme group which Jiang Y6ugao had given the label ft~ ZM should be split into two groups: a Zhi group, reconstructed with a front Wei group, reconstructed with a nonfront vowel.327 This vowel. and a proposal has been generally accepted by later scholars. 328 Generally speaking, Wang's ft~ Zhi group corresponds to my *.jj, and his 11ct W~i group corresponds to my *·ij and *·uj; but since I argue that Wang U did not draw the boundary between ftli Zbi and itt Wei quite correctly, I will discUSS these two traditional groups together.

m:

m

/0./. S,flableswith ocuu codas 447

My reconstruction involves two major mOOi6cations of Wang U's proposal: (I) that some of the words which he assigned to the mi Zhi group .ewally belong in the {ti: Wei group; and (2) that the tti Wei group should be divided into an *-ij group and an *·uj group in accordance with the rounded-vowel hypothesis. 329 Jiang Y6ugAo's original ft~ ZhT ~up included words with the Middle Chinese finals listed in Table 10.54. 30 Toble 1054. Middle Chinese finals of Jiang YOOgio's ft~ ZhT group

MC

AC(Karlgm>J

QiiyWn myme

-oj

-4i

Ill! "ai (Xo,1

-woj

·uqi

(in part) K- only (in part)

D

-(w)ej

-(w)di

(in part)

III

.j(w)ij

-(w~j

-(w)ij

·(w)i

-j(w)e

-(w)~

W';'(I<£j) Wei (Mjij) U~ 21>1 (T,yij) X ZhT(T,y<)

(in part)

-(w)ej

-i(w)ei

• Qi(The,1

(in pan)

I

IV

1f.. Hut (Xwoj) 1*1

rommon~

t

IV -ej, such as the following minimal pair: (1190) :W: kifi < khojx < */chiP 'joyous' (1191) ffI qf < khejx < *khij7 'bow the head' According to the front-vowel hypothesis, this means we must reconstruct a contrast between front and back vowels. This is basically in agreement with WAng U's proposal to split the group into two: generally, it is the frontVOWel words (in ._il) that Wang Ll assigned to the Zhi group, and the b&ck vowel words that he assigned to the ~ Wei group_ It will also turn out to be necessary to reconstruct a rounding contrast for DOnfront vowels, to account for such contrasts as the following:

.m

Jl qr < Ishej < Ishij 'wife'

(1193)

lE cui < Ishwoj < *Ishuj '(place-name)'

, I

grave only

Note that this group includes contrasts between division-I -oj and division-

(1192)

..

Accordingly, I reconstruct ·-ij and *-uj in the traditional tt\ Wei group.33I Wing L1 proposed criteria for distinguishing ftli Zhr from Wei that Ytere based almost entirely on Middle Chinese pronunciation. Among

m:

448

10. NalrhJmLcoJexoml!OrOldChiM2

words from Jiling Yoogao's original ft~ Zhr group, Wling Ll proposed the following:

I. All words with the finals ·(w)ej-the Gudngyun's • rhyme-were assigned to the ZhI group.

rn

Qf (Dzej)

2. All words with the finals -(w)oj or -j(w)ij-the Guifngyun's "8<. HuI (Xwoj), ItS Hlii (Xoj), and 1ti: W~i (Mjij) rhymes-were assigned 10 the Wei group.

m

rn

Zhi (Tsyij) and W Ji~ (KEj) included 3. The Cudngy"n rhymes words from both groups: KtlikiJu words from these rhymes (MC ·UJIj and ·E)) were assigned to the ftl1 ZhI group, and hikiJu words (MC 1.j)wij and -WE)) were assigned to the tti: Wei group. (Excep· tion: words wilh the phonetics ~ guT < Icjwijx (IV) and ~ jl < IcjwijN (IV) were to be assigned to the ftlj Zhi group even though they were MktJu.)332 Wang U used Shijing rhyme evidence to support this proposal: he found that out of somewhat over a hundred ShI)lng rhyme sequences, H~ Zhi and It Wei words, as defined by these criteria, rhymed separately about three· founhs of the time. 333 D6ng T6nghe basically supported Wang U's proposal, but supplemented and revised it on the basis of xibMng evidence. While D6ng accepted cri· teria 1 and 2 above, he proposed modifying criterion 3, arguing that words from the JIlj Zhi (fsyij) and \;'f lie (K£j) rhymes (Me -UXw)ij and -(w)£)) should be assigned 10 one group or the other according to their xitsheng connections, not jusl according to whether they are ktIilcOu or hiMu (l944 [1948J: 67-72). One of the recognized advantages of Wang U's proposal is that il removed a gap in the traditional rhyme analysis. As we have seen, traditional rhyme groups can be grouped into the three categories yfn, yang, and ru depending on their Middle Chinese codas: yfnshLng words have vocalic codas. yangshing words have nasal codas, and rUshing words have voiceless stop codas. There is a general parallelism among the three typeS, so that the yinshing category ~. Yii (OC *·a) corresponds to the ydngshtng calegory ~ Yang (OC *·ang) and the rUshing category & Du6 (OC *-ak). BUI in Jiang Y6ugho's analysis, the single yfnshtng group n~ ZhI corresponded to two different ydngshtng groups: 1( ~n (generally reconstruCled with a front vowel) and X Wen {generally reconstructed with a back vowel). Splitting Ji!ng Y6ugho's nlJ ZhI group as Wang Ll did makes a more sym· metrical system: nlJ Zhi is then the front-vowel yfnshtng group correspond-

10.1. Syllabks with OC~ codas 449

ing to the front-vowel ydngshlng rhyme group A Zhen, and It Wei be· comes the nonfront yfnshlng group corresponding to the nonfront ydngslolng rhyme group X Wen. However, as W4ng U defined these groups, the yfnshlng-ydngshlng paral· leIism is still not complete. It has long been recognized that the Middle Otinese division-IV final -en can come from either the Jt Zhen group (my .·in) or the X W~n group (my ··in):334

(1194) EB tidn < den < ·din 'cultivated land' (1195) Jt :%ian < sen < ·sin 'first'

In my system, the nonfront vowel·; in words like Jt xil'n < ·s;n is fronted by a process of ·;·fronHng; in the systems of Karlgren and Li, Jt xilJn is reconstructed with the final ··i:m, and the fronting is attributed to the influ-

ence of the "strong vocalic" medial·i. Similarly, it is well known that MC -in can come from either Ihe • group or the X W~n group, as in the following minimal contrast:

Zhen

(1196) 1{ zMn < tsyin < *tjin 'real' (1197) II zhln < tsyin < *tjin 'numerous; majestic' This merger is also due to ·;.fronting. If iii ZhI and la Wei =lly an: paralleI.o • Then and X Wen. then just IS -en and -in come from both • Zhen and )( Wen, we would expect -ej and ·ij to come from both n~ ZhT and ~ Wei. But W4ng U's criteria above usign all cases of ·ej and ·ij 10 the 1m Zhi group, and none to the ~ Wei group.335 But there are in fact some words in Me -ej and -ij which rhyme regularly IS ··ij in the Shfjfng, and thus figure prominently in W
na

which W4ng U assigns to the ZhI group because of its Middle Chinese final -ej, rhymes three times in the Shijfng (129.2A, 189.4B, and 304.3A); in III three cases, it rhymes with words which Wang Ll assigns (correctly) to the tti Wei group, so he listed all three sequences as irregular.336 In fact, • jf is a Wei group word too, and these rhymes can be regarded as Jegular. We can reconstruct jf as ./.I;j, parallel to words like $t xidn < ·'in in the :)( Wen group: in both cases, Middle Chinese front vowels develop from original .; by .;.fronting.

m:

=

450 /0.

NewrhymecQugomsforOldC1tiM~

Similarly, Wing U assigned (1199) ~ chi < dnj < *drjij 'delay'

"Ii

"IJ

to the Zhi group by his criterion 3, because it is a JalikOu word of the Zhr (Tsyij) rhyme. But this word should also be reconslrUcted with *·ij, as the ShIjfng rhymes show. I identify nine Shijfng rhyme sequences in which ~ chi appe=. Of these, WAng Lllistcd COUI as irregular (l611.6A, 209.5C, 3OO.IA, and 304.3A); he divided two into shaner sequences so that they conform to his categories (I 54.2C, 167.6A); he argued that iI chf was not intended as a rhyme in one (35.2A); he treated one as a regular R~ Zhi· group rhyme (l38.lA337); and one is not mentioned at all (162.1 A). If we reconSlrUct ~ with *-ij, as chf < drij < *drjij, then it is parallel to )( Wengroup words like ~ chen < dzyin < *djin 'time' or /!I. chin < drin < *drjin 'dust', and all its rhymes become regular. Modifying Wang U's proposal in this way both improves the symmetry of the reconstruction system and reduces the number of apparent irregularities in Shijing rhymes.3 38 Instead of Wang U's criteria. then, I propose the following: 1. Within Jilng Y6ugao's Rtf Zhi group, words with the Middle Chinese finals ·(w)oj or -j(w)ij must reflect *-ij or *-uj, and are assigned to the ~ Wei group. (This is the same as Wang U's criterion 2.) 2. Grave-initial syllables in -(w)ej or ·j(w)ij (IV) must reflect *-ij, and are assigned to the mi Zhr group. 3. Acute-initial words with hiMu finals generally reflect *-uj, and thus are assigned to the Wei group. (Possible exceptions include words with TS- or TSr- initials, which could reflect a cluster of metathesizing *S- with *KW- initials, and words like wii
m:

a

4. All other words in Jilng Yoogao's HI! Zhi group are phonologically ambiguous and must be reconslrUcted on the basis of evidence other than Middle Chinese pronunciation---primarily ShTjing rhymes and xiisheng evidence. The number of words in the last category is rather large, and although many of these words (such as ,. jT and i!:I chi) may be reconstructed with confidence on the basis of their numerous rhymes, others which rhyme leSS often are. less certain. Some of these problems are discussed in the notes section below. The following sections summarize the reconstructions of finals in .-ij, *-ij, and *-uj.

/0.1. Syllables with acute codas

451

10.1 .8.1. The reconstruction o/the *-ij group

After nonlabialized initials, OC *-ij developed as shown in Table 10.55. Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in

Table 10.56. TtIble 10.55. Development of --ij after nonlabialized initials Baxler

initial type

MC

Karlgren

Ii

,-').. ,·n)..

wI wI

-
-·~r

--pr, --iET

-·id --rid --jid

--i~r

--)'w

-...

gn'"

-)1)

"'"to

.,.."

-.rjij

","to

-ej -jij (IV) •ij -ij (III) -ij

'-0-

-.jid -.rjid

--iET --i~r

Pullcyblank

,.- , ' .. -, -, ' -,

- r-J· -.;lj -')

_ r;l' _

r~'

TGbk 1056. Development of -.ij after labialized initials

-l(Wjj -l(Wrij -l(Wjij -l(Wrjij

MC

Karlgren

Li

Pulleyblanlc

Kwej Kw£j Kjwij (IV) Kwij (III)

-Kiw~r

-Kww

-KWET -KiWET -KiWET

-Kwrid -Kwjid ·Kwjid

.I(WJj ·l(Wrij

Examples of *-ij (1200) ~

m( < mej

< *mij 'go astray'

(1201) .11 < [ejX < *C-rij7'rites' (1202) B: tl < thejx < *hrtj7 'body, shape, fonn' (1203) Wjie < lcej < *krij 'complete, all' (1204)

m[xii] < lcej < */uij(7) 'together with'

(1205) jJt bl < pjijX (IV) < *pjij7'deceased mother, ancestress' (1206) ~ chI < tsyhij < *thjij 'owl; sparrow hawk' (1207) ~ kul < gjwij (IV) < *gWjij 'sunflower, mallow' (1208)

mshi < dzyijXlH < *gjij7fs 'see, look'

-KW~j

-l(Wrlj

452

/0. NnI rhYIM caJ~lomsfor Did CIUMM

(1209) ~ sf < sijX < ·sjip'todie'

(1210) II! ml < mii (Ill) < 'mriii (1) 'brink, edge'

Mi shI < srij < ·srjij 'multitude. army; master' (1212) it wii
(1214)"~ ,hc< rsyii < 'kiij'Cal, grease'

(1215) J.liIi

z( <

tsijx < ·tsji}?'a high number'

10./.8.2. TM r~con.structiono/tM ··ij group After nonlabialized initials, DC ··ij developed as shown in Table 10.57. The development of syllables with labialized initials, which is parallel, is shown in Table 10.58. Tabk /057. Devek:Jpmm1 of - -ij afIC'r nonlabializ.ed initials

Balller

,.'J--

-

--rij ... -JIJ --rjij

initial Iype

MC

Karlgren

[j

PuI.Ieyblank

'K· 'p. ""ute oil

-oi

-·~r

·woj

-·w;lr

~j

-·i~r

'.>d '.>d ' ->d --r(iPd ' .J->d -·jW -.jiM

-·il -·il -jil (1) _.r :Sl

-.rji~

_f ~I

' ..,

-ej .jij

....'" ""ute

.ij

-.j(wpr -.jN

""ute

-ij (111) -ij

-ja -·iN

.....

.,

--~l

' .,./ _f~1

Table /058. Development or -.ij ariel" Iabialiud initials

Baxter

MC

-/(Wij -XWrij -Xwjij

Kwoj Xwej Xjwij XWlj (III)

-~rjij

Pulkyblank 'Kw>d

-J(I4ISI

-XwrSl

-Xiw~r

-Xwnd -XwjxJ

-Xiwer

-Kwji~

-J(I4Iril

-XlWr -Xwa

-Xw~1

Some words in Me -a and .j~ are also assigned to this group, especially in sJuIngsheng. I noled in section 10.1.3.2 that there was some confusion be-

10.1.

Syllabf~s

wi/II

acu/~

codas 453

rween *·aj and ··ij in sMngsheng, perhaps a change of ··ijl [0 ·-ajl in sucne dialects, though the exact conditions are not clear. Examples include

(1216) 1< huO <.tWaX < */unij7'fire', which rhymes as ··ij (154.1A-3A, 212.2C>, and the probably related word

(1217) Ia Iwl <xjwa (III) < */unjaj7< */unjij7(?) 'destroy' which has a regular doublet (1218) 1i huf <xjwi}x < ·hm}ip'destroy'. Another likely example of Me -jex < ·-jij7is (1219) ~ lr < nyex < *njijl'near' which rhymes with *·i} in 1O.3A, 169.4C, and possibly 246.2A (where it is written as JR; this rhyme is irregular, however). This phonetic series may contain both *-aj and -·ij words, however; perhaps we should reconsttuct original *·aj in

(1220) Jllr < nyex < ·njajl'you', agreeing with the vowel in (1221) if,{ nI < nyox < *n}al'you'. Additional examples of ·-i}

(1222) 1ll1i < loj < -7ij 'to pity' (1223):W ktli < khojx < *khijl'joyous' (1224) I§f

huf <

hwoj < -wi) 'revolve, swerve'

(1225) Jl qI < rs~j < *Ishij 'wife'

(1226). q{ < du} < ·Hrs(h)ij 'even' (1227) 1<. yf < ljij < *ljij 'garment' (1228);11 y(
(1229) IR!ei < pji) < *p}ij 'to fly' (1230)

SI guI < kjwi} < -kWjij «

*kWjul'!) 'return, go home'

This word is discussed further below. (1231) fb. sf < si} < .sji} 'private'

··

•I

454

10.

N~

rhyme COlegoriujor Old ChiN!st!

(1232) It (well <mjij < *mjij 'small' (1232) ~ wii <mjijX < *mjij7'tail' (1233)!JL jf < lcij (III) < *krjij 'be hungry, starve' (1234)~.E. bli
10./.83.

T~

reconsrruction of I~ *-uj group

After nonlabial initials, *·uj developed as shown in Table 10.59. TabIL 1059. Development of -'"l' after nonlabial initials Bax....

initiallype

Me

Karlgren

Li

Pulleyblank

-·uj -·ruj *·juj

.11

-'WOl'r -·wD"

'.>d

-.wit *.rwil -.wit *_Wit

gnove

·woj -WEj .jwij .wij .wij (III)

"we

-wij

*.rjuj

~l

grave

"we

-·jWN *·jWOl'r *.jWfT *-jWOl'r

··rnJ *.jx1 • 'J'>d *.jj~

*_rw~l

*-rl'xf

*.rw~f

We would expect labial·initial syllables to be parallel, but in fact I know of no examples of syllables like *Puj, *Pruj, *Pjuj, or *Prjuj. It is possible that *-uj originally existed after labials, but dissimilated to *.ij in such syllables in pre·Shijing times. This possibility will be pursued further in section 10.1.8.6 below. 339 Examples of *·uj (1235) tt luI < rhwoj < *rlwj 'push away' (1236) -: lei < lwoj < *C·ruj 'thunder' (1237) jJ zui < dzwojX < *dzuj? 'crime, offense, guilt' (1238) 1m huai < hwej < *gruj 'embrace, yearn' (1239)

*

shuT < sywijX < *h/llJuj7'water'

(The initial consonant of this item is uncenain.) (124O).r£ [suI) < swij < *snjuj 'pacify, comfon'

/0.1. Syllables Wilh Q£ute codas 455

(1241) ~ wei < Jjwi} < *Jjuj 'to overawe, terrorize' (1242)

mwei < Jjwi}H < *Jjujs 'to fear; be awesome'

(1243) if yf < ywij < *I}u} 'to leave, hand down' (1244) iG zhuf < trwi} < *tr}u} 'to pursue'

10.1.8.4. The rhyming of*·ij and *-uj Although I have redrawn the boundary between Wl1ng U's "If Zhi and ~ Wfi groups, I will take the rhyming distinction between them as established, and will not argue for it funher; the revisions I propose merely reduce the Wei which need to be number of irregular contacts between Hli Zhi and recognized. (The interested reader can verify this by comparing the rhyme lists below with those in Wl1ng U 1937 [1980].) Instead, I will focus on the Wei group between *-i} and *-uj. distinction within the The question of whether "·i} and *-u} rhyme separately is largely independent of how one draws the boundary between Hli Zhi and ~ Wei. To emphasize this fact, I will do the statistical analysis of the distinction between *-i} and *·u} using the ~ Wei group as Wl1ng U defined it,340 For words within Wl1ng U's ~ Wei group, then, we can identify unambiguous cases of *·i} and *-u} as follows:

m:

mt

L Words with the kiiikOu finals -oj or except for words with labial initials.

-iii unambiguously reflect

"-i},

2. Acute~initial words with the hekiJu finals -wo} or -wi} unambiguously reflect *-u}, except for words with TS- or TSr- initials (which could reflect *SKW(r)-) and words pronounced ywi} (which could represent OC *wjlj, with palatalization of initial *w-). The rhyme occurrences of unambiguous *-i} words and "-u} words, as defined by these criteria, are summarized in Table 10.60. (The 0.95 confidence interval for P{*-uJl in pfngshlng extends from 0.195 to 0.463. We will not be using P[*-ul1 in shi1ngshtng or QUshlng.) The Shl}Ing rhyme sequences of unambiguous *-u} or *-i} words are sumtnarized in Table 10.61.341

::t ...

c:r'

,"

..., .... ~., .,

••• .,

,.

.,

I'•

Ie

· I

••

•

,

456 10. New rJryf/U! aJUgnrv..f/fN Old CJU"ese Table 10.60. Rhyme oc:currences ol unambiguous ·.ijlnd ··14 words

....

pu.g

'

··uj lOkens

13

··ijlOkens total tokens P(·-uJl

28 41

7 1 8

0.317 0.683

0.875 0.125

PI··i)1

. 0 0 0

Table 10.6/. Rhyme sequences involving unambiguous ·-14 and ·.jjwords

-

"""""" """ ''''''''' """""""

pu.g

2

sMIIg

q'

7

·.uj

·.ij

miJ.ed

3

4

0

looneJ loone]

Since there are no cases in sMngsMng or qilsMng where unambiguous words occur in the same sequences, we will consider the p(ngshing sequences only. The probability that a sample of this size wil1 have no unmixed sequences and at least one *·uj sequence (section 3.2.6) is P = (P["Ul]2 + P['.il]2)7 - (P[··il]2)7 = «0.317)2 + (0.683)2)7 - ((0.683)2)7 = 0.014.

(This figure does not exceed 0.025 for any value of P(*-u}1 in the 0.95 confidence interval.) Thus we may conclude that phonologically unambiguous words show a significant rhyming distinction between *-uj and *-Ij. The full set of ShIJ1ng rhyme words and rhyme sequences in *.1}, *-ij, and *·uj is summarized below.

/0.1.85.

Rhy~ sequences

in *-ij, *-ij, and *-uj

No matter how the boundary between *-ij and *·ij is drawn, there are a considerable number of irregular rhymes which mix them. This sometimes makes it difficullto decide between *·ij and *-ij in reconstructing particular words. A possible source of these irregularities may be !.hat *;-fronting applied differently, or at different times, in different Old Chinese dialects. In some

ID.l. Syllableswirhacutecodas 457

dialects (or in some phonological environments) this change may have oc· curred early enough to affect ShI}Ing rhymes. For example, the word (1245)

mdl < de}X < *dili}? 'younger brother'

clearly rhymes with *·i} in some sequences (l64.1A, 173.3A, 240.2B, 246.2A; r,robably also 35.2B), and with *-i} in others (39.2A, 51.1B, 11O.3B). 42 I suspect that *di}l was the earlier pronunciation, which changed to *·i} within the time period (or in parts of the geographical area) represented by the Shfjfng; and it is noteworthy that the clear cases of di rhyming as *-i} all seem to occur in the Goo fing section. In most cases, the distinction between *-i} and *-u} is clearer, though some inceresting exceptional rhymes will be discussed in the nOles below. di), The following Shf}fng rhymes involve *-i}: 35.10, 39.2A (with 51.1B (with 51'; dl), 52.3, 53.1 (with ··II(S)), 110.3 (with 51'; dl), 119.1B-2B, 153.3B, 170.2B, 170.5A, 179.5A (with '-eJ), 180.4A, 191.3A, 198.6A, 203.IA, 213.1B, 220.1B, 222.5A (with '-elS), 245.7h, 257.3B, 264.3A, 279.1B,290.1G. The following ShI}fng rhymes appear to mix *·i} and *-i}: 57.2A, 133. IA3A, 169.4C, 195.2A, 209.5C, 246.1A, and 254.5A. It should he noted thaI 57.2A is among the fragments found in the Fuyang Shi, and its text there is quite different from the Mao version (H11 Pingsheng & Han Zlqiang 1988: 63-66, fragment 5069); perhaps textual corruption is responsible for the irregularity. The sequences 133.IA-3A occur in odd-numbered lines and are repeated in each stanza; they are not necessarily intended as rhymes. In 209.5C, the only *-i} word is the phonologically ambiguous item

m

m

(1246)

P

shI < syi} < *hl}i} 'corpse, representative of the dead'

which also rhymes in 254.5A, another mixed sequence. It occurs in an oddnumbered line in 209.5C, and may not be intended as a rhyme. If it is not, or if it is reconstructed with *-i} instead of *-i}, then 209.5C becomes regular. The sequence 254.5A could similarly be repaired by changing the reconstruction of the phonologically ambiguous word (1247) ~}t < dze}H < *dzi}s 'angry',

or by excluding it from the rhyme sequence. I have no explanation for the irregular rhyming of 169.4C and 195.2A. The sequences involving *-i} are 2.IB, 2.3A, 1O.IA, IO.3A, 13.3B, 14.3A, 26.5A, 28.IA, 28.2A, 28.3A, 35.1C, 35.2A, 36.1A, 36.2A, 39.2A, 41.2A, 42.2B, 42.3A, 43.2A (with *·in), 51.1B, 5J.2A, 54.2B (with *-;I(s»), 57. lA, 88.4A, 90. lA, l00.2A, 105.2A, IIO.3B, 129.2A, 138.1A, 147.2A, 151.4B,

t

I

t

458 10.

N~

rhyme caJ~8orUsfor Old C1JiM~

154.1A, 154.2A, 154.2C, 154.3A, 156.1B, 156.4B, 159.4A, 16O.1B, 162.1A, 162.2A, 164.1A, 167.1A, 167.2A, 167.3A, 167.5A, 167.6A, 168.6A, 169.2B, 169.2C, 173.3A, 174.1A, 177.1A, 182.3A (with ··in), 189.4B, 191.5C, 193.1B, 200.1A, 204.2A, 204.8A, 208.2A, 212.2C, 212.3A, 212.3B, 221.2B, 222.2A (with '-in), 239.1A, 239.6A, 24O.2B, 246.2A, 250.4A, 252.9C, 257.2A, 259.6A, 26O.8A, 263.6D, 264.6C, 298.2B, 299.1A (with '-jn), JOO.lA, 303.1E (with '-oj), and 304.3A. This list omits those sequences listed above as involving both ··ij and ··ij words, dl appears to rhyme as *-ij. and those sequences in which Shljlng rhyme sequences in *·uj are 3.2A, 4.1A, 30.4A, 4O.3A, 76.18-38, 104.3A, 128.3A (with '-un, '-on), 156.2E, 164.2A, 171.3A, 178.48, 183.2A (with ··un), 194.18, 198.18, 201.2A, 201.3A (with *-oj, *-on), 216.4A (with '-OJ), 254.7C. 258.3A, and 284.1B. The following sequences appear to have words in *-ij rhyming with words in ··uj: 68.1 B-3B, 71.1 A-3A, 92.1A-2A, 10 1.1 A, 101.1 B, 183.1 A, 251.2B, and 284.1C.

m

/0./ .8.6. Stock rhyrru:s as a source a/irregularity If we examine more closely the rhymes which appear to mix *-ij and *·uj, we find some imeresting patterns which may be relevant to the literary history of the text. For one thing, it is striking that the shon list above of rhymes mixing *.jj and *-uj includes three sequences which are repeated in more than one stanza within the same ode (68.18-38, 71.1A-3A, 92.1A-2A). This could be oDe explanation of their apparent irregularity: often, lines which are repeated without change in more than one stanza are not intended as rhymes al all. While rhyme typically functions structurally [0 link together lines wilhin a single stanza., repeated lines link whole stanzas together, and do nOI always rhyme. An example is Ode 69, where each of the three stanzas is six lines long, and the first and third lines are the same in each stanza:

... "" ... "" Tu-Bfll>

zhOngguyOutuI, you

nli pI If,

In the midst of the valley

~ere

are molherwons,

there is a girl who has been (separated:) rejected,

1O.J. SylloblLs with «uu codas 459

Here, iii ruI < Ihwoj < *lhJlj 'motherwon' and . . If < Ije < *C·rjaj 'separate' are not in the same rhyme group, and not generally regarded as an intended rhyme. By analogy to such cases, one might argue that the n:peated lines in 68.1 8-3B, 71.1A-3A, and 92.1A-2A need not be intended IS rhymes. However, it is by no means a constant rule that repeated lines do not rhyme. If we assume that these really are intended as rhymes. then a more inrcresting possibility arises. Lines which are repeated in more than one stanza are also often found in more than one ode. This suggests that they may represent a lxxly of stock or fonnulaic traditional material drawn upon by the poets of the Shi]lng. If such material was passed down by tradition to 1be ShI)Tng poets, it may preserve traces of an earlier phonological system, l1ready archaic in ShIjfng times. The possibility that rhymes may be influenced by such nonphonological factors was discussed in O1apter 3. This may be another explanation for the apparent irregularities found in these passages. Consider, for example, the word

I

t

••

(1248) Ji gui < kjwij < *kWjij 'return (home)'.

The Middle Chinese reading kjwij could represent either *kWjij or *kjuj (or perhaps *kWjuj), but I reconstruct II *k l4ljij because this word, a very common rhyme word in the Shf.Jrng, almost always rhymes as *.ij.343 But in a few cases, it appears to rhyme as *-uj, and some of these cases are repeated lines which may have been passed down from an earlier tradition. mexample, the repeated lines in 68.1 B-38 are

tiUiitilllil i\ J'l'YliU;lil

Iw4i Wi HU,(/ ,ili hi yld yu hudn GUfrili?

t1i. hWEj < *gruj

r;, kjwij

I yearn, I YEARN,

what month shall I RETURN HOME? Note that the word (1249) 1m. hudi < hw£j < *gruj 'yeam' elsewhere rhymes consistently as *_uj.344 Another example is the text of

Ode 101.1: nan sMn cuICU! xiOng hU sui suI

lE. ISWlj < *Sduj fi{ swij < *snjuj

LU dilo yOu dang

Q£zly6uGUl

Jlkjwij

•

460

10.

N~r1rymeCQJeloriesforOldC1JiM.u

~ BSllJ!:


jl yllL GuT ,hI hi ydu HUM ,hI

II kjwij til hw£j < *gruj

Karlgren (1974: 65) translates: The Southern mountain is scraggily HIOH; the male fox has walked SLOWLY (slyly); the road to [LU] is smooth and easy, the young lady of [Qf] WENT by it TO HER NEW HOME; since she has now GONE TO HER NEW HOME, why do you still YEARN for her? Although I separate lOl.1A from 101.18 for statistical purposes (since the rhyme word shifts from the fourth to the third syllable), we can see that they are structurally of a piece, and the same "yeam/return" pair is involved here as in 68.18-3B. I conjecture that at an earlier, pre·ShIJlng stage, II gul may have been */cWjuj, with the final *-uj, which by ShIJlng times had dissimilated 10 *Jc""'jij, the vowel losing its rounding through the influence of the labiovelar initial *Jcw •. (This same dissimilation process could be responsible for the lack of good examples of *·uj after labial initials, mentioned earlier.) But in cenain passages, R guT < */cWjij < *JcWjuj 'return' and huai < *gruj 'yeam' may have continued to be used as a stock rhyme pair, even though they no longer rhymed perfectly in contemporary pronunciation. Given this line of reasoning, we may have pre·ShJjlng *mjuj in

m:

(1250)

a [wei] < mjij < *mjij < **mjuj 'name of an edible fern (Osmunda regalis)' (Schuessler 1987: 637),

which forms what is probably another stock rhyme with ~ guT; in 167.IA3A we have the following repeated lines: cdi wli cdi WEI

fi mjij

yllL guI yue Gut

flj kjwij

We gather the wei plant, we gather the wEI plant, oh, to go home, 10 GO HOME In this case, the rhyme pair remained regular, since both words were affected by the dissimilation. We have what may be a stock phrase if not a stock: rhyme in the exceptional sequence 251.28, where IS guIrhymes with the word

10.1. Syllables with acuu codas 461

(1251)" Iii < /woj < *C-ruj 'pitcher'. Here II guI occurs in the following context: !~IJI'H'l 'f' ~Z tli:Jll

k4itl jan,l min ,hlyau CUI

Jll kjwlj

the joyous and pleasant lord is one to whom the people TURN.

The use of the archaic panicle ~ you (corresponding to later PJT suo1 suggests that this passage may be of early origin. There are similar clues that there may originally have been a rounded di < dejx < *dij7 < *dij7 < **duj7 (?) 'younger brother'. We vowel in have already seen that this word seems to shift from rhyming as *-ij in the older parts of the Shijing to rhyming as *-ij in certain poems of the Goofing section. The older *·ij pronunciation is supported by the apparent rhyming binome

m

(l252):l!i'lI'l k4i[rl] dlwjx-
m

Now the second syllable of this expression is written with the character dt (sometimes with the "heart" radical added), but there is no reason to assume an etymological connection between this and "younger brother". di 'younger brother' and the binome Mid 'joyous and However, pleased' rhyme in 173.3A with each other and with :If kili 'joyous' (possibly some sort of play on words), and this combined with the graphic evidence strongly supports the reconstruction of *-ij in di. But 58 dl also seems to rhyme with *-uj in repeated lines in 71.1A-3A and 92.IA-2A. In Ode 71 we have the following pattern:

sa

:wm

m

• • ~K

·.....

midn midn ge Ih

;!; lwijx < *C-rjuj7

zMng yuan xiong DJ,

lI'l
Long-drawn-out are the ge creepers and the LEI creepers,

·.....

far away indeed I am from my BROTHERS,

·.....

Here the other rhyme word is an unambiguous *-uj word: (1253) It /li < lwijx < *C-rjuj7 'name of a plant; the lli creeper' The pattern is similar in Ode 92, as is the very line in which

mdl appears:

·, ..·

·•

" ••

•

~

•

• I

•

yang zhI SHU!

*

zhOng xi4n xiong 01

mtkjX

sywijX < *h(lJjujl

(Even) stirred WATERS few indeed are we BROTHERS, Here the other rhyme word is (1254)

*

sJwl < sywijx < *h{/Jjuj7'water. river'

*

whose initial is uncertain, but whose final must be *-uj. In the sequence 183.IA, dI may rhyme wilh shuland

m

(1255)" sun < swinX < *sjun7 'hawk, falcon', though this is less certain. If 58 dl was originally *duj7, it is not clear what process might have caused it to lose its rounding; we would expect it to become Me dwojX. But note also the rounded vowel in the probable Tibeto-Bunnan cognate (tone ·8) 'younger brother' (Coblin 1986: 49).

·ooy

10./ .8.7. AddiliontJI fIl)l~S

I. The word (1256) ~ jf < lsejx < ·'sij7 'stately' appears to rhyme as ·-ij7everywherc but in Ode 290.IG. where it rhymes as ··ij7; in this passage, it is usually interpreted as "many, numerous". I conjecture that there were originally two words: .t.sij7 'many', cognate to 1$ zf < t.sijx < ·LSjij7 'large number', and *t.sij7 'stately. even', cognate to , . qf < duj < *dzij (or */it.s(h)ij) 'equal. in line'. The original character for ·tsij7 'many', whatever it may have been, has become confused in Ode 290.IG with II, whose phonetic indicates ·_ij.345 2. The word (1257) ~ xl < sejx < ·sij7'wash', which rhymes with ··;j7and "·in7in Ode 43.2A, is assigned the pronunciation t.shwojx by the JIngdi4n shlwin; this is evidently based on the text of the Hoin SM, which has the chlU1lcter Hi cui < t.shwojX instead (Xilng Xi

10.1.

Sylfabl~s

wirh

acu.t~

codas 463

1986: 385). Such a reading would generally imply *-uj, making this sequence irregular. But the character it§ itself indicates *-ij, since it has the phonetic (1258) ~ xi < sej < *sij 'west'. Moreover, the character (i§ is nonnally considered an alternate fonn of (1259) Bt x( < sejx < *sij7 'wash' whose phonetic

$'e xidn < sen < *sin also indicates the vowel *i.

3. The word (1260) DYi jie < lcej < *krij 'sound of birds chirping or beUs tinkling' is sometimes taken to be related to ~ jii < lcej < *krij(7) 'together', but this identification is doubtful, because the words appear to have different vowels: DW jil rhymes regularly as *-ij (Odes 2.IB, 41.2A, 9O.IA, 168.6A, 208.2A, 252.9C, 260.8A), while \1i }ie and the related il\' ,it appear to rhyme as *-ij(J) (11O.3B, 170.5A, 220.IB, 279.1B; but il\' ,it appears to rhyme as *·ij7in 169.4C).

•

4. I reconstruct (1261)

mkul < gwij (Ill) < *gWrjij 'stun1y'

with *·ij on the basis of rhymes with *-ij (167.5A, 177.IA, 257.2A, 260.8A), even though the phonetic element ~ gut < kjwijX < *"Wjij7 '10th heavenly stem' must be reconstructed with a front vowel because of its division-IV cMngniu final. Note that ~ !r.u{ < gwij has a division-ill final.

S. The modem character (1262) ~~

q{
< *grjij 'great, large, numerous'

appears to have 'F shi < zyijXfH < *sgjij7fs as phonetic, which would suggest a reconstruction ni~ q( < gij (III) < *grjij; but the word rhymes consistently as *-ij (see Odes 13.3B, 154.2C, 168.6A, 212.3A), except for a !byrne in Ode 303.1E with *-aj. 6. Although the phonetic element in (1263)

•

meM < drij 'islet'

generally seems to indicate *-ij (see a;; dl in Ode 191.3A, IJ£ dl in Ode 203.1A), this word rhymes in a long *-ij sequence in Ode 129.2A. I conjecture that it is etymologically the same word as

•

464

10. New rhyme ctJtegorUs!or Old CJUnese

(1264) Ji chi < drij < *drjij 'raised path from the gate to the wall of a palace' whose phonetic indicates *-ij (cf. ~ chi < *drjij 'to tarry, delay' above). appears again in The same phonetic

a:.

(1265) ~ zhi < tsyij < *tjij 'reverence', which rhymes in a long *·ij sequence in 304.3A. But the phonetic compound iii is probably recent; in bronze inscriptions, this word is written as

(Zhou Fllg30 et al. 1974a, item 13). The vowel *; in this word is further supported by the phonetically and semantically similar (1266)

trre zMn < tsyin < *tjin 'majestic'.

This rhymes as *-jin in 5.IA, and is used as a loan character for iii zhl, according to ZhU Junsheng (quoted in Ding F6bi'io 1928-1932 [1976]: 38.) The preceding sections have shown that the rhyme evidence supports the reconstruction of a six-vowel system before acute initials, and that a revision of the traditional rhyme categories is required. To take syllables with the coda *-n as an example, where the traditional analysis identified three rhyme groups (7G Yul1n, A Zhen, and :)( Wen), a reexamination of the rhyme evidence confirms the existence of six rhyme groups, as predicted by the rounded-vowel hypothesis and the front-vowel hypothesis:

*-in *-en

*-in

'-un *-on

*-an We now turn our attention (0 syllables with codas of other types.

10.2. Syllables with zero or back codas 10.2.1. The traditional

Z

Zhi group

The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional Z Zhi group are listed in Table 10.62 below. This group includes division-I finals but no division-

10.2.

IV finals,

S111abl~s

with uro or bod codas 465

no front vowels need to be reconstructed here. There are also ~ hikOu finals with acute initials which would require us to reconstruct rounded vowels. Generally, I reconstruct the finals of the group with *-i. But before summarizing the proposed reconstruction, there are a few problemS which need to be discussed SO

TtIbU 10.62. Middle Chinese finals of the lraditional

I

0

m

L

Zhl group

Me

AC (Katlgren)

Qiiylln rtlyme

comments

-oj -woj -ww

-41

(in part)

-,.

utl Hii (Xoj) "!X. HuI (XwoJ)

-(w}£j

-,

-(w)ai

-,

l1r'ie(K£J) ;Z 2'1>1 (f.,.;)

(in pan)

-P<-

-ii<'

:;t Y60 (IIjow)

.ij

-(i)i (D1)

IIli Zhl (fs,.;D

-wij

-(i)wimn

JI1j Zhl (fsyiD

(ID part) giaveonly (in part)-P- ooly (ID part}-K. only

-u4i

~ H6u(Huw)

(in part) (in patt}-Iabia.ls only

·,,

·••

I

•

• -

(

lOl.J.J. The Pwoj f Puw distinction

The first problem is the conuast of the two division-I finals -wo) and -uw after labial initials in words traditionally assigned to this group. A minimal pair is

(1267) III nul < muwX 'molher'

(1268) 4i mii < mwojx 'each, every'. Karlgren accounted for this distinction by reconstructing *P~g > Puw and ·PMQg > Pwoj (1954: 330). OOng T6ngh~ assumed a length distinction (with the shan vowel marked by a subscript dot): *PuJg > Pwoj, *P!4g > Puw (1944 [1948]: 80-81). Li Fang·kuei left the question open (1971 (1980]: 38). None of these solutions explains why the contrast should be limited to labial-initial syllables. I propose to reconstruct

*Pi > Pwoj ·P(r)o > Puw.

466

10. New rhyme CDugoriu/or Old ChineK

(An *r is included in parentheses because, in syllables with *-0, it is generally impossible to distinguish grave-initial syllables with and without medial*-r-; see section 10.2.10 below.) Thus we have

S- mil < muwX < *m(r)o7 'mother' (1270) 4ij me; < mwojx < *mi7 'each, every'. (1269)

This reconstruction (proposed in Baxter 1977: 291-95, 1980: 24-25) accounts very easily for the Middle Oainese pronunciations of these words: ex: *-(r)o is the usual sourt:e of MC -uw, and *-i > -woj is the development we would expect after labial initials (with -w- insened as a result of ·w-neu· tralinlion). The problem is that the syllables I reconstruct as ·P(r)o regularly rhyme as *-i in the Shijlng (see the rhymes of mil listed in Appendix C), and show xilshtng contacts with words in ·-i (as in the examples just cited). I account for these facts by assuming that *P(r)o merged with *P(r); in some Old Chinese dialects, including some represented in the ShIjing and in xilsheng characters. The dialects directly ancestral to the Middle Otinese of the QityWi were not affected by this change, however, since original ·P(r)o and ·P{r)i remain distinct in the QiiyUn. In Chapter I, I raised the possibility that the language of the ShIjing might not be directly ancestral to the language of the Q~n; Old Chinese, however, was defined as the common ancestor of both. The merger of ·P(r)o with ·P(r)i is an example of an innovation which affected at least some dialects represented in the Shijfng, but not the dialect ancestral to Middle Chinese. In suppon of this proposal, note first that the reconstruction of *P(r)o fills what would otherwise be a gap in the syllable inventory of Old Chinese, for there are no other words which need to be given this reconstruction. We would expect to find syllables like ·P(r)o in the traditional ~ H6u group, along with words like

e

(1271) ~ 6" < nguwx < ·ng(r)o7'mate, counterpan'. But the only labial-initial words with the finals -uw, -uwX, or -uwu which are traditionally assigned to the ~ H6u group have origins other than *P(r)o. According to OOng T6nghf's phonological tables (1944 [l9 48J: 149), the ~ H6u group includes only two syllables of the form Puw, both in qilshing: phuWH and muwH. The syllable phuwH is represented only by a single item: (1272) tf' [PilJ < phuWII < ·ph(r)o1cs 'fall prostrate' (also read pil < phuwk < ·phok. 'rod, stick').346

10.2. Sy/fables wilh uro or bad: codas

467

Now in my system, MC phUWH might reflect either OC *ph(r)os or .ph(r)oks; but here we clearly should reconstruct *ph(r)oks, bom because of the alternate reading phuwk < *phok, and because of me phonetic element (1273)

t-- biJ < puwk < *pok 'to divine (wim shells or bones)'.

As for me words pronounced muwH which OOng T6nghf assigns to the ~ H6u group, these are all to be reconstructed muwH < mjuwH < *m(r)jus; mey reflect a minor sound change mjuw(K) > muw(K) which occurred in the early Middle Chinese period (see KOno Rokuro 1954 [1979]: 253, note 7, and section 10.2.13). The Old Chinese vowel in these words is *u, not .0; they actually belong in the traditional fti You group, not the ~ H6u group. An example is (1274)!! [mao] < muwH « mjuwlI) < *m(r)jus 'to strive', whose phonetic is (1275) ~ [mao] < mjuw < *m(r)ju 'lance', word of the ~ You group (see rhymes in Odes 133.1 Band 19L8B). D6ng T6ngM was apparently unaware of the change mjuw(K) > muw(K), and assigned words like these to ~ H6u because they had the Middle Qrinese final -uwH. Thus there are no syllables of the fonn Puw < *P(r)o in the traditional t!R. H6u group as usually defined. The hypothesis proposed here explains this gap: since *P(r)o rhymed as *-; in the Shf]Tng, the relevant words were included in the ~ Zhi group instead. As we have seen, xiesheng characters also reflect a Shfjlng-type dialect where *P(r)o became *P(r);; according to the Shuijdn, mil < *m(r)oJ 'mother' is phonetic in =Ii mii < *miJ 'each, every'. But there is also xUsheng evidence to suppon the reconstruction of *0 in *m(r)o7. For example, fa *m(r)oJis phonetic in I

a

ro:

(1276)

fli wil < mjux < *m(r)jo7(s) 'to offend, insult, maltreat'

Which rhymes consistently as *-0 in the Shljlng (see 192.2A, 237.9B, 241.8B, 246.6A). Moreover, the graph for mil < *m(r)ol'mother' is regularly used in bronze inscriptions as a loan word for the word now written

a

(1277):W wu < mju < *m(r)jo 'don't'.

••

468

/0. Ntw rltJ~ CJJIt:gorYsjor Old CItiMIe

I reconstruct :W ·m(r)jo because of the xUshlng connection with Ii ·m(r)o7. Previous investigators have generally reconsttucted :W wll as a simple homonym of (1278) 1M wU < mju < ·m(r)ja 'have not', which is sometimes used with the same meaning in classical texts; but the confusion of :fij and 1M seems to be rather late, and Hl:", whether it is ·m(r)o7or ·mil, should not be a good phonetic to write ·m(r)ja in anyone's reconstruction, because of the difference in main vowels. 347 If we reconstruct ·m(r)o7 'mother' and :fij .m(r)jo 'should not', then this problem is removed. The graphic confusion of:W ·m(r)jo 'should not' and 1M. *m(r)ja 'have not' reflects the change • .,ja > .jo, which eventually led to the merger ofOC ·P(r)ja and ·P(r)jo as MCPju. Another curious bit of evidence comes from the expression

a

(1279) ME$. bTngblng < pengX·puwngx < ·peng7-pong7 'scabbard ornaments' , which appears in Odes 213.2 and 250.2. 348 Note that the second syllable must be reconsttucted ·pongl, with the main vowel ·0, in order to account for its Middle Chinese pronunciation. In the ZUO zhudn (year 2 of Duke HUIDl ffl), the same expression appears, written as ft1f3, where the second character has the phonetic g. The pronunciation and meaning of this g are obscure, but it is traditionally assigned to the ZhY rhyme group, and it is the phonetic element in several words of that group which I reconstruct with ·P(r)o, e.g.

:z.

(1280) $I pOu < phJlwx < ·ph(r)ol 'cleave, cut open' (I281) ffl pIi. < phuwx - puwx < 'p(hXr)o(k)7'to bea~ crush'. Dulo Yilcii (quoted in Diog Fublo 1928-1932 [1976]: 2148) also pointed out a rhyme sequence in the Y1J1ng (55.4) which suggests that this character and its derivatives belong to the ~ H6u group (his Group 4) rather than the ;2 Zhi group (his Group 1):

in bu < buwx -

phuwx < ·b(r)ol- ·ph(r)o7'screen' 1.} dOu < ruwx < *107 'dipper' ;t zM < IsyUX < ·tjol 'master' This rhyme sequence evidently represents a dialect unaffected by the change ·P(r)o> ·P(r)i. The rhyme occurs in the so-called line text (ydocf ~l$), which probably dates from early Western ZMu (Qii WAnII 1983b: 309-13).

10.2. Syllableswitlturoorbadcodas 469

"M

All this points to the vowel·o in words with the phonetic g., in agJeement bfngbing are unexplained, but with my proposal The final nasals in die expression seems to be a typical -do binome (like . " zMnzhu4n < trjenX-trjwenx < .trjenl-trjonl'toss and tum' and many others). rmaUy, the following comparisons with TIbetan are suggestive, at least: (1282) fa mil < muwX < ·m(r)ol'mother', TIbetan mo 'female' (1283) ~ mil < muwX < *m(r)ol'Chinese acre', Tibetan rmo 'plow'349 This array of evidence can best be accounted for by reconstructing both .Pi and *P(r)o, and assuming that they developed as expected in Middle OUnese, but that *P(r)o shifted to *P(r)i in certain Old Chinese dialects reflected in the ShIjfng.

102./2. Rounding assimilation The second problem in this group is accounting for the contrast in this

rhyme group between MC -juw and -(w)ij after grave initials. Superficially, !be problem of reconstructing MC -juw in the ~ ZltT group may seem pII'allel to the problem of reconstructing syllables of the fonn Puw, but in &ct MC -juw is the regular reflex of OC *-ji after labial and labiovelar initials, as in the following examples:

fi:. qUl < khjuw < *kWhji 'hill' (1285) tf. niu < ngjuw < *ngWji 'bovine'

(1284)

(1286) ~ qiu < gjuw < _gWj; 'fur gannent' (1287):t yOu < hjuw < ·wji 'guilt, fault, blame' (1288)::f [bLl] -juw I [Iabial] __

Here "[labia1]" includes labials, labiovelars, and labiolaryngeals. This change seems to have occurred in several stages, as Ting Pang-hsin notes (1975: 253-55), Judging from Lu6 & Zh6u (1958: 17-18), syllables with labiovelar or labiolaryngeaJ initials *J(W- had already been affected by the Western Hln pericxl (206 B.C.-AD. 23), but syllables with labial initials (Including ·w-) seem to have been affected only later, around the Three Kingdoms pericxl (A.O. 220-280).350 This same process also affected the

470 10. New rhYrM cOJeRomsfor Old Chine.u

finals *·jiJc and *·jing, as we will see below, but not necessarily all at the same time. Rounding assimilation was blocked by medial *-r-, presumably because the change *r·color fronted vowels after *·r· so that the conditions for rounding assimilation were not met. Here are some examples: (1289) Ii guI < kwij (ill) < *kWrji 'turtle, tortoise'.

(1290)::E pC < phi) (lII) < *phr}i 'great, grand' (1291) !Ii wii < hwijX (Ill) < *wrji7 'a kind of sturgeon'. Thus OC *-ji and *-rji remained distinct in Middle Otinese after *p. and *K""-type initials. However, syllables of the fonn *Kji and *Krj; had evidently merged by Middle Chinese times, so in syllables with *K·type initials, it is impossible to distinguish *-j- from *-rj- on the basis of Middle Chinese readings alone. Sometimes there is other evidence which suggests the presence of *r; for example, in the Bdi hU long yi B!tllft (an Eastern Hln compilation of discussions on classical texts), (1292) 1i! If < Lix < *C·rji7 'to divide fields into sections' is used as a sound gloss for

(1293);c UI] < Icix < *k(r)}i7'leading th=d, n:gulator, to lead', which may indicate that we should reconstruct medial *r in ~ jl. Most of the time, however, *Krji and *Kji are indistinguishable; in such cases I will write *K(r)ji. The change which caused the merger of *-rji and *·ji as Me -i may be called simply *.ji -i(K) ; it also affected syllables with final *-k and *-ng. The exact fonnulation of this change is unclear, and in any case is more a matter of Middle Otinese than Old Chinese phonology.

102.13. The re:construelion ollhe ··i group Except for the issues just mentioned, the reconstruction of this group is relatively straightforward. We may caU it the *-i group; its development is summarized in Table 10.63. I emphasize that the *-j group corresponds only partially 10 the traditional Z Zhf group, panly because I include some of that group in the *-0 group, and panly because I move some words with rUshtng connections to the *·ik(s) group (see section 10.2.2 below).351

10.2. S,llableswithu.roorbockcodas 471

TtJbk 10.61_

Deve~t

oC6na1s in'~

!laxlU

initial type

Me

Karlpe.

J..j

PuUeyblank

'-i

""""""""

-<>j

'-~g

'-~g

'.,..,g

'-~g

'-eg

"~g

'-W£8 ••pg

'-~g

'-Sy ._wS: y (?) ••rs y ,.rwS y '-;;Iy '_W;;Iy ...r;;ly '.;;Iy ,-,w;;I y ,-,w;;I y

'/(W-, 'p-woj unroundc.d• • p- -Ej -wej 'K"'-i 'K"'-, 'p-juw ",.Ie -i -i 'K-wij 'K"''p-ij

'·ri '.ji

'.,- .

""""""""

'.rji

'·PS

'.pg '-jw.ls '-pg

'-j~g '-j~g '-rj~s "-j~s

'-ji;g '-jj~g

:1:

To account for the ccxIa *.j in MC -oj < *.; and .£j < *·ri, 1 assume the change j.insertion. which inserted a coda -j after final mid unrounded vowels:

o ~i

I

[= ~~ ];

'N

- round 1be same change will account for the coda of MC -ej < *-e (see section 10.2.7). Perhaps in some diaJectsj-insertion applied after high vowels also; this could account for the merger in some Middle Chinese dialects of the Qilylln's

Z

Zhi (Tsyi) and D~ Zhi (Tsyij) rhymes.

102.1.4. Additionlll exampl~ of*-i (1294). uli < doj < *u 'tower' (1295) 1m uli < thojJl < *hnis 'apparition, bearing, manner' (1296) tIi mi.; < mwoj < *m; 'Prunus mume' (1297) 1fI [hull < xwojx < *hwi] < *hm;] 'to present, assign; valuables,

dowry'

1:1: mai < mej < *mr; 'to bury' (1299) 3:i cMi < dzr£j < *dzr; 'wolf' (1298)

(1300)::Q: ir < nyiX < *nj;7 'car' (1301) JJ& chi < trhix < *hnrji7 'shame'

••

'...... '"

,

L

.-1'-'e .,.. ..

--

472

/0. New rhytM ctJugorUs!or Old CIJiM~

(1302) T z( < uiX < *rsji7 'child' (1303) (Ajiil < kjuwx < *kWji7'long time'

(1304) lmfil < bjuwX < *bjil'wife, lady, woman' (1305) it mOu < (muw <) mjuw < *mji 'to plan, counsel' (1306) ft JT < ki. < *Ic(r}ji 'winnowing basket' (1307) {f: shf < sriX < *srji7'send, employ, cause'

to.2.2. The tradItional

!oil Zhf group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the . . Zh( group are listed in Table 10.64. Table /0.64. Middle Chinese finals of the Illlditional ~ Zhi group Me

AC (Karlgren)

Qilylln rhyme

",nu"",~

I

-(w)ok.

u

-M"

-{w!,*

-{w!,*

III Dt(Tot) !I!' MOi{Md)

(in part)

III

-(w)a

-j(wpk.

.juwt

-;..t

!oil Zhl (T.,,;k) 1M Wu(7Uwk)

{in part) tpaveonly

This group is largely parallel to the previous one; I reconstruct it with *-it. There are no rounding contrasts after acute initials; the hlMu finals in the table above occur only after guttural initials. Generally, no division-IV finals are included in this group, but Karlgren (1954: 326) included the word (1308) Jt..n1 <.rwek < *hwik 'burst, cleave (said of egg shells)'.

rue

ji This is an ex.tremely rare character (known only from a passage in the ~iG section of the U jt iU2); its pronunciation probably represents a dialect development of the final *·ik, which generally seems to have merged with *·ir, as in (1309)

iS1 ji~ < tset < *tsit < *tsik 'knot, joint in plants', cf. Tibeto-Bunnan *lSi! 'joint'.

(This problem was discussed in Chapter 8 and section 10.1.6.) I will as· sume that there was an original *-ik which usually merged with *·it, but

102.

Sylfabl~swirhzeroorbackcodas

473

sometimes shows up in Middle Chinese as ·ik < *-jik and -ek < *-ik. Rounding assimilation applied to ·-jik as it did to *-]i. Wilhout medial --r-, the final *·jik was rounded to MC -juwk after rounded initials: (1310) ?MjU
(1311)!i yu < 7juwk < *JWjik 'be luxuriant' (1312)

tx mil < mjuwk < *mjik 'pasture; herdsman'352

However, rounding assimilation is blocked by medial *-r-: (1313):Ii yu < hwik < *wrjik 'boundary, territory' In suppon of the reconstruction of *-r· in such cases, consider the following possible etymological relationships: (1314)

.

,'

{Ii br < pit < *prjik 'to crowd; encroach upon; press upon; adjoin, be near to'

..

iii bI < pik < *prjik 'to urge, press; close'

""•

For fJ Il, Vietnamese has the early loan sU'c 'force', where initial ssuggests an early cluster *Cr· (Mei & Nonnan 1971: 102); compare SinoVietnamese Jt;t'c. (1315)

..

fJ U < /ik < *C-rjik 'sinew; strength, force, power'

t1J

Ie < Jok < *C-rik 'space between the fingers (where divination sticks were insened)' ~iJ Ie < Jok < *C-rik 'vein or duct in soil; fraction'

ifil Ie < 10k < *C-rik 'to split according to the veins (sc. stone)' i:t.J Ie < 10k - /ik < *C-r(j)ik 'a tenth' ~ pi < pek - phik 'split, cut open' < *prjk - ·phrjik ;~ pi < phik < *phrjik 'cleave, divide' (also read III < phjuWH < *phjiks 'a kind of headdress')

With the last two items, compare Tibetan phrag 'intermediate space, interstice, interval'. As with the previous group, with unrounded *K-type initials it is usually impossible to recover the distinction between *Kjik and *Krjik, and we mUst often write *K(r)jik; this is because of the change *-ji(K) > .i(K). However, as in the Zhi group, in some cases we can find evidence for reconstructing *-rj- with confidence. For example. I reconstruct *-rj- in

.:z.

,

..,

....•• .. ,

.

I' II

474

10.

N~ rhy~

caugorits/orOfd ChiMse

(1316) U jf < kik < ·krjik 'jujube; thorns'. There are two bits of evidence for ··r· here: I. The SluJOwtn (u-mg Fublo 192&-1932 [1976]: 5679) says lha! "read like [du rub "'fil" lhe following word:

ft jl is

(1317) fJ.ji < kj,,* < ''''jot 'halberd', which must be reconstructed with ·-rj- according to the present system (see section 10.2.5 below). At the time of the SJwOwtn. the medial ·-r- should still have been present. Also, Zh~ng ZhOng ~1tt (died A.D. 83), an Eastern Han commentator. said in his commentary to the ZhOu IT .Ild II that U ji < ·krjik should be read as ~ jT < ·krjak (cited in Coblin 1983: 152. item 133). 2. In Ode 189.4, where

U jf is a rhyme word, the Han Shrhas instead

(1318) fJJ II < lik < ·C-rjik 'corner',

which is also evidence for the reconstruction of ··r· in U jf. The same character is also found for U jf (evidently with the ordinary meaning "thorns") in the MlwangduT UJoz( (A version, chapter 30).353 Since ·-itl and ·-its merged with .-iland ·-is as a result of final cluster simplification, it is sometimes difficult to decide whether or not to reconstruct a coda .-4:: in sMngshlng and qilshlng words. Generally, I reconstruct ··itl and ·-its in words which rhyme. with or show obvious morphological relationships to words in ·-it. [n doubtful cases, I put the ·k in parentheses. JO.2.2.J. Th£ reconstrucrion of rh£ ·-ik(s) group The development of ·-it after nonlabialized initials is summarized in Table 10.65. Syllables with labialized initials, which are largely parallel, developed as shown in Table 10.66. As we have seen, these developments are accounted for by the same changes listed above for the .-i group, except of course that ·j.insertion does not apply. Syllables in .-ik7 or ·-its lost their ·k (by final cluster simplification) and then developed like original ··i7and ·-is respectively.

10.2. Syt/ables wit u;ro or bod codas 475

r" 10M. Development of .-6t after" noolabiaJjz«! init.ial.s sax",

initial type

MC

·-ik

, -,ik

all all

.". -d

·-jii

U. . . ._

-ik

'p-

·juwk.

·.rjik

",ule 'K-

'p-

"""'-" ' ... •.pa

U

Pulleyblank

'-"

·-$k

._pt

,-J

·-~k

.-rpk. ..j* ·-juk

.f~k

'-d

.f~

·-j,,1

··~k

...

-j

..

-ik -ik -ik

··~k

' -J'

._¢

•.rjJc ·-{rpk (?)

r.& 10M. Development of •. &1 after" labiaJjmt initials

MC ·J(Wik ·J(WrU: .J(Wjjj; ·J(Wrjik.

K....

·KWO'Jc ·Kwd.

Kwd KjllWk

·Kpa

Kwit

·K~

Li

PuJleyblanlc

·KWO'k ·Kwrn ·Kwj"k. ·Kwji*

·rSlc. ·KWrSk. ·Kw~lc.

·XWrJk.

h was pointed out in OJ.apter 8 that final ··k was evidently lost by some analogical process in (1319) ~ 1m < Joj < ·C-ri < ·C-rik 'wheat; come', which is phonetic in, and must be related to, (1320) ~ mai < mek. < ·mrik 'wheat'. 10.2.22. Additional aampla of·-ik(s) (1321) Jl U < khok < .khik 'overcome' (322) lIj; di < tot < ',it 'virtue'

(1323) ~ hii <mk < ·}unik 'black' (1324)

lSI guO < kwok < ·kwik 'state'

(l325):!Ti ge < kEk. < ·krik 'to change; hide of an animal' (1326) 1Qji~ < k£jH < .krik(s) 'guard against. admonish' (1321) ItS guO < twd < ·t.Wrik 'cut-off ears (or heads) of slain enemies'

476

10. N_ rhy_ r:Gugoriesfor Old CIUJv#

(1328) ~t bli
(1329) 'ff bti
(1330)" zM < ttyi! < ·tjik 'to weave' (1331) f! yl < lIk < 'llr!iik 'one hundred thousand'

(1332) ~fU < pjuwk < ·pjik 'benefit, favor, good fortune' (1333) iI ftl < pjuwH < .pj;!cs 'rich' (1334)

ll£ yll < hwik < 'wrjik 'boundary, territory'

10.2.3. The traditional

1i ZMng group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the :-. Zheng group are listed in Table 10.67. Table 10.67. Middle Chinese finals or the b"aditional ~ Zheng group

J tt III

Me

AC (Karlgren)

Qiiyoln "',me

com"""~

-(w)oflg

-(wplIg

-(w)£ng

-(w)mg

~ Deog(Tong) tIt G
(m port)

-(w)iflg

'i(wPflg

.juwflg

-jung

Jl! DOng (Tuwng)

(m port)

~ Zhfng (fsying) &lave only

This group is parallel to the previous two; I reconstruct it with ·-;ng. Rounding assimilation operated here also, as in these examples: (1335) ~ gong < kjuwng < ·kWjing '(archer's) bow' (1336) ~ ming

« muwng(H» < mjuwng(H) < ·mji.g(s) '
[The last item is affected also by the minor change mjuw(K) > muw(K).} But rounding assimilation is blocked by medial ·-r-. Especially clear evidence for medial *·r- comes from this pair of related words: (1337) ~ bing
Both won:ls occur together in an interesting passage in Ode 154.8 (Binjlng 1liii1§)" Qr yw! -lo JI),

/0.2. SyUableswilh uro or bod codas 417

::'2 B R~j<jlj<jl

~r zhfrl zuO br.g CH()NG-CH()NG SM zhfrl nlJy.LlNG YIN.

=:2 B lI'H'N~

In the days of the second, we cut out the ice, (it sounds) [·C.UUNC..c.UUNC];

In the days of the third we take it into the IeE.HOUSE. (The translation is adapted from Karlgren 1974: 99.)

As with the previous two groups, ··jing and ·-rjing have merged after unrounded gunurals, and we often have to write *K(r)jing, as in (1339) ft xIng <xing < *x(r)jing 'lift, raise'. /023.1. The reconstruction of the ··iog group

The reconsuuction of --ing in syllables with nonlabialized initials is summarized in Table 10.68 below.

T" /0.68.

DeveJopmc:ntof *-ing after nonIabialiud initials

Bax",

initial type

*-ing *.ring *-j;ng

all all

""""'""'"

'p. *.rjiltg

"'""' 'K·

MC

.....",.

.ing -jliWng

-jng

...

.iIIg

.

'p.

Karl....

U

PulIeyblant.

--~ng

*-~ng

-.£IIg

*.~ng

*·i~ng

--j~ng

-oi1) *.rS 1J -.;i1J

'j;ln •

*-j~ng

-.w~1J

*-i~ng

-"png

*J~1)

*'png *-png

*.j~ng

--t~t}

*-jgng

-.rw;i1J

•

Syllables with labializHl initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in

Table 10.69. Tobie /0.69. De~klpment of --ing after JabiaJi71'.d initials

MC -/(Wing -Pring -/(Wjiltg *1(Wrjing

PuUeyblank

Kwong KW£IIg Kjuwng K....

O>

KwS

*K~ng

*Kmng

-KwE1tg -KjjUlg

*Kw~ng

*/(writ)

*Kwj~ng

*1(W;i1J

-K~ng

*Kwji~ng

-1(W~1J

-

1J

478

10. Nnt>rhynucQJe.goriu!orOldChiMg

The MC final ·wing is a theoretical possibility in syllables like *X:Wrjing, but no such syllable actually occurs in the Qitylln.

102.3.2. Additional examples of*·ing (1340) Jt ding < tong < *ting 'ascend' (134I);m bing <pong < *ping 'collapse' (1342) ~ IWng <xwong < *hming 'to die; buzzing sound' (1343) IJE gong < Kwong < .k.wing 'upper ann' (1344) &I bing
(1345)

*

Mng < hW£IIg < .gWring 'great'

(1346) 1m shtng < syinglJ < ·hljings 'conquer' (1347) ~ zhlng < tsying < ·tjing 'to steam' (1348) tit (xiong] < hjuwng < ·wjing 'male of birds and small animals' The initial consonant of tit xiOng has developed irregularly. The fricative initial in Early Middle Chinese words with hj- was generally lost by Late Middle Otinese, so we would expect Early Middle Otinese hjuwng to become Mandarin yong (and then possibly rong, by the minor sound change discussed in Chapter I). But the placement of this word in the Yunjlng indicates that tit xiOng still had a fricative initial in Late Middle Chinese, which accounts for the initial x· (~.] in tTKXiem Mandarin.

10.2.4. The traditional ~. Yli group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the !!!. Yli group are listed in Table 10.70. In this group, -w· is not contrastive after acute initials, so there is no need to reconstruct a rounding contrast. There are division-I finals but no division-IV finals, so I reconstruct a back vowel *-a, but no front vowels. The major problem in this group is accounting for the contrast between .jo and -j~.

102.

Syflobi~swiJhu,oo,bod,codJJs

TIIIM /0.70. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional

m_

!f!. Yli group

MC

AC (Karl"",,)

Q""'"

I D

-"

-wo

III Mu(M.)

1w»:

1w)a

(m part)

m

·jo .jz

·iwo

lfhU(Mz) f!!. Yli (Ngjo)

(in part}-acute only

.ju

-iu

Jfti M' (Mz) I.lil YO (NKi.)

-ja

102.4./. The -jo I

-j~

479

oom"",,~

(in part)-grave only

contrast

The contrast between MC -jo and -jz in this group occurs only with Middle Orinese palatal and dental sibilant initials (though in the relevant words, some of these reflect original velar initials). Karlgren and Li reconstructed distinct finals to account for the contnlSt

Me

Karlgren

Li

-jo

·_jo ••j,d

·-jag ·-jiag

-jz

Karlgren's solution requires distinct vowels ·0 and ·d to rhyme with each 0Iber; Li's is suspect because there is a ._jiag in his system but no ·-jag. Also, neither solution explains why the final which is the source of -jz should occur only after a restricted set of initials. In my system. contrasting division-m finals are usually handled by reconsuucting a medial contnlSt ._j- versus ·-rj-; but this option is not available in this case because .-rj- would produce a retroflex initial, but neither -jo nor -jz is restricted to retroflex initials. There is a parallel problem in the ·~s) group, as we will see in the next section. I suspect that this contrast arose as a result of dialect mixture. but for the present I maintain the distinction in my reconstruction, writing DC *-jA as the SOurce of MC -jz and ·-ja as the source of MC -jo (and -jul. (Similarly, I write ··jAk > -jelc and .-jAb > ·ja:J-1 in the *-ak(s) group; see section 10.2.5 below.) The capital ·A is simply a device to mark an unsolved problem; I claim no phonetic characteristics for it different from *0. Probably, however, both MC -jz and -jo reflect original .-ja. The -jz final can be attributed to a sound change *-:J.4.(kJ fronting. which fronted original

• <

, .-

It

·r

--•

480 10. N_ ,II,f1U! auqoriLSjM Old ClWtese

*-ja in certain acute·initial syllables. The precise conditions fOT *·jA(k) fronting must have varied from dialect to dialect Our Middle Chinese sources sometimes preserve one reading, sometimes the other, sometimes both. Here are some further facts bearing on this problem:

1. The idea that -ja: and -jo in this group have a common origin is supported by the fact that a number of words have readings with both finals. For example, the GudngyiUz records both tsyO and tsyle as pronunciations for the character ;lzhU when used as a surname. Similarly, it lists the pronunciations yo and dry;r; for the surname ~ Ya; under the entry fOT the dzya: reading, it says, "it comes from Njnching jun ~ U" (modern JiD-ngxT). Different pronunciations of the same surname seem especially likely to represent different dialects. Also, the reading tradition preserves two readings for the following item, which occurs in Ode 7.1:

m

(1349).11 jil- jii. < tsja:- tsjo < ·tsjA - *tsja 'rabbit net'. 2. Among the contrasting words pronounced ya: and yo, there is a strong tendency for the words in yo to be written with the phonetics __, 7, and ~, which I would reconst:ruet with initial *1·, while words in y;r; mostly have the phonetic (1350) ~ yd < nga: < *ngra 'tooth, tusk.'.3 54 Perhaps words in y. with this phonetic have y- < ·r- (section 6.1.3.2), e.g. (1351) $ y~ < ya: < ·rA 'place-name' (lN$ Langy~ < lang-y;r;< ·C-rangrA, in modem ShMdong).355 This pattern suggests that the conuast between y;r; and yo may in some cases be conditioned by differences in Old Chinese initials. Notice also the differ· ent finals in the two pronunciations of . . chi, whose precise relationship is unclear: (1352) Jl! ja < kjo < *k(r)ja 'vehicle'

(1353)" chL < tsyha: < *KHjA 'vehicle' The palatalization and front vowel of the second reading evidently occurred early enough to be reflected in the Shimlng, which says that in ancient times . . was pronounced like ~ (iii. < kjo < ·k(r)ja 'to reside'), but "nowadays" like ~ sM < syz:H < .h/jAb 'lodging house') (quoted in Ding Fub3.o 1928-1932 [1976]: 6398).'56 3. Some of the cases of -j;,e are in words which may originally have had a coda ... ·k. In these cases, *-jA(k) fronting may have begun while the "'·k

102. Syllableswilh uro or bad axJas 481

was still present, and may have followed somewhat different conditions than Ibe fronting of simple *-ja. Some examples are (1354) ~ sill < syteX < *hJjA(k)7 'to put away, let ofT, leave; bestow, grant' which is probably related to the following:

(1355)" shl < syek < *h/jAk 'unloose; dissolve; loose, leave, let go' (1356) ii. shi < syrR < *hJjA1cs 'to reduce a penalty, to pardon, let off' (1357) ti shi < zyldl < *LjAks 'shoot with bow; archer'

Another example (which could be related to the examples just mentioned, if we reconstruct it with *sl-) is

(1358) ~ xii < sjllX < *s(I}jAk7 'to disburden, relieve' whose phonetic is

(1359)

mxl < sjd < *sjAk 'shoe, slipper; large'.

Cases such as these, then, fall under our *-ak(s) group, not the *-a group; see the following section for a discussion of *.jA(k) fronting in that group.

10:1..4:1.. The reconslTUCtWn of the *-a group 1be reconsuuetion of the *-a group is sununarized in Table 10.71 below. Table 10.71. Development or finals in

-00

Bax'tr

initiallypt

Me

KNI_

Li

PulIeyblank

.~

unround
-.-.

'-0

'~g

'-wo

.~g

'-d

--rag --rag --jag --jag --jiJJg --rjag --jag --jag

'-dy -_Wdy -.rdy

-](W., -p-

-·ra -.ja

unround
-jo

'-"'"

some acute?

-jll -jE

-.j,d

-,KW., -p-

-jo -jo .jll

--jp --jp --jwo

-J(W., -p.

' -J :' --rja

-e -we

"'." 'K-

--jp

--i1WJ

_.rwdy

'-dy '-dy --d:y('!) -.rdy

'-dy -_Wdy

The above developments are accounted for by the changes *-jA(k) frontInC, *1a > 10, *r-ooIor, *-Q > -u, and *r·loss. N(){e that as a result of *-Q > ... syllables like *Ka and *ra merged as Me Ku; we must assume that

482

10. New rhJ~ cQltgoriu/nr Old Chinese

*K""u was at some point reanalyzed as Ku. OC *Ka and *J(Wa are often distinguishable, however, on the basis of division-IT or division-ID wOrds in the same :rib~ng series. Thus I reconstruct a labiovelar initial in (1360) J1 hu < hu < *gWa 'fox' (cf. Tibeto-Bunnan *gMla 'fox'; see Benedict 1972: 34, note III)

because a labiovelar initial is required in its phonetic: (1361)

m. guiJ < kwz < *k.wra 'muskmelon'

But I reconstruct nonlabialized *ga in

(1362)

til Iul < hu < 'ga 'lake',

which in Middle Chinese is a homonym of Jll hJl < *gWa 'fox'. This is because in the case of M *ga, xibhin.g evidence indicates plain *K-, not *KM'., for we find in the same xitJhlng series (1363)

mjii < kjo < *k(r)ja 'reside',

which must be reconstructed with nonlabialized *k-; OC *XW(rJja would give not MC Kjo but MC Kju, as in (1364)

mqu < gju < *gW(r)ja 'a kind of lance'.

Note also that *·rja is not normally distinguishable from *·ja after grave initials. (After acute initials.. the *r remains as a feature of renoflexion.) If we assume that *-ja > ·jo preceded *r-color, then the merger of *-rja and *·ja can be accounted for by the general principle that *,-coIor did not apply to rounded vowels. Thus Middle Chinese readings provide no clues to the presence or absence of *-r· in syllables like Kja, Kju, or Pju. How· ever, there is good xiishlng evidence for medial *-r- in some cases. An example is (1365)

g

jll < kjox < *krjaJ 'round basket',

which has as phonetic

/u < /jox < *g-rjal'backbone' :5 /u < *g-rjal, Coblin (1986: 138) compares Tibetan gra-ma, for

(1366) :5

With which he gives the foUowing gloss:

the awn, bristles or the ears of cereals (which often have a symmetrical anangement); the bones or skeleton of a fish (which has the appearance of layered symmetrical bristles); a lattice, trellis, frame Another example where we may reconsbllct *-r- is

102.

SJlJabl~~ willi Uffl or hod: codas

483

(1367)'" fa
(1368). [/ti] < Ijo < ·C·rja 'hut; inn; to lodge'. But we have no guarantee lhat all such ·r's will be indicated in lhe xitsheng Mries, so in doubtful cases I write ·-(r)ja.

(1369).g wu < ngu < ·nga 'I' Compare Tibeto-Burrnan .JP, tone·A (Coblin 1986: %).

(1370) 1i wa < ngux < ·ngal'five'

Compare Tibeto-Burman ·l-JP, tone·B (Coblin 1986: SO). (1371) 'is bl
Compare Tibeto-Burman ·ka, tone·B (Coblin 1986: 44). (1372) ~ jid < k'" < Okra 'family' (l373).~ m4 <mZX < ·mral'horsc'

(1374) 1J gud < twzx < *kwral'single, resourceless, alone' (1375) T yll < hj. < °w(r)ja '10 go'

Compare Tibeto-Burman ·s-wa. tone·A (Coblin )986: 86). (1376)

myll < hj"" < °w(r)ja?'''';n'

Compare Tibeto-Burman .r-wa, tone.A (Coblin 1986: 122). (1377) 11: wu <mju < ·m(r)ja 'have not'

(1378) Ii qu < gju < .gW(rJia 'street, course' (1379)~. yu < ngjo < ·ng(rJia 'fish'

Compare Tibeto-Bunnan .ngya, tone.B (Coblin 1986: 80). (1380) a¥ xu <xjox < .hng(r)jal'permit'

4&4

10. New rhyme CQt~8omsfor Old CIti_H

10.2.5. The traditional. 006 group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the " listed in Table 10.72. Table 10.72. Middle Chinese 6nalsofthe traditional

Me

Du6 group

are

if DOO group oommcnu

J

-(w)ok

-(w)Ok

n

.(w).d::

-(w)rJk

III

.j(w)ak

'i(w)ak

-j(w).d::

-i(w)ok.

.jd.

.jMc

•

"""([)ok)

ffi M.(M~k) III Yllo (Yak) ffi M.(M~k)

ii Xl (Sjok)

(in pan) (in pan) (in part)--acute only

The finals with -w· appear only after guttural initials, so there is no need [0 reconstruct rounded vowels in this group. Karlgren assigned a few words in Me -ek to this group, reconstructing them with the final *-iak; I reconstruct them with *·ek, in the traditional £g Xi group. An example is

(1381). mJ < mek < *mek 'cover'_ Karlgren reconstructed this as *miak rather than *midc (our .mek) because of the phonetic (1382):J;: mO < nuJk < *mak 'there is not'. But what seems to be the same word ml < mek appears as a rhyme in the Moio version of Ode 261.2, written as (1383)

n mil < met < ·met 'covering'.

As we saw in section 8.1.3, although the phonetic of this character would indicate .·et, the other rhyme words in the sequence have *·ek. and the word is wrinen in other versions of the ShTjing with characters which would indicate *·ek. Thus I assign this word to the *·ek group; the character we find in the MAo Shf reflects dialect confusion of *·et and *·ek (see section 8.1.3). Thus, for the traditional" Du6 group, there is no need to reconstruct any vowel other than 'a. A few words from the traditional" Du6 group also appear in the Qie· YUn's ~ M?U (Mek) rhyme, most notably

10.2.

SJIttJb/~s

willi uro or back. codas

485

(1384) II hut) < hwd: < ·wrak 'to catch. take. hil, succeed'.

A Middle Chinese reading hwd would normally indicate ·-eJc or ·-iJc, but both the xilshlng evidence and the ShIjrng rhymes indicate that S huQ had 1be final • .ak. The reading hwd probably results from the common confusion between Me -£- and -S>-. (Recall that ·/(Wren unexpectedly becomes MC Kwzn, merging with */(Wran, instead of the refle:t KW£1l that would be expected.)

102.5.1. TM -jak I-jek contrast PIrallel to the -jo I-jz contrast in the .-a group, we find a contrast between MC -jak and ·jd in the • .ak group after acute initials. In this case, 100, I will assume that the front final ·jeJc results from the change ••jA(k) front· .... and that contrasts result from dialect mixture or other factors. There are fewer such conb'asts in the ·-ale group than in the *·a group; in Ihe *-ale POOP. ·-jA(k) fronting seems to affect almost all acute-initial syllables acept those beginning with *n· or 1- < *C+. But to be consistent with my aoattion for the *--0 group, I will write ·-jAk as the source of MC -jeJc, and e-jAJa as the source ofMC -jzH in this group. We have, for e:tample. (1385) #. chi < tsyhet < *KHjAt ',..j'357

(l386) :0 shi < dzyet < *djAt 'stone, rock'

(1387) fit ji~ < rsjlVl- rsjeJc < ·rsjAJc(s) 'loan. borrow' (1388)

Jf& xl < zjeJc < *zljAJc 'mat'

(1389)

R eM < rsyheJc < *rhjAIc '8 measure, to measure'

The rasheng component of *-jA(k) fronting evidently did not affect the colloquial sb'a(Um of the MIn dialects; selected colloquial Min reflexes for 1bese four items are listed in Table 10.73 (data from Norman 1969. with minor changes in notation). The MIn reflexes shown in Table 10.73 are those that usually conespond to Middle Otinese -jale < OC ··jak. No such forms in -i07 are found correSponding to Middle Chinese ·jd < *-jeJc. This shows that the merger of e·/AJc with ·-jeJc which is reflected in Middle Chinese did not happen in the COlloqUial layer of MIn. The preservation in Mln dialects of the distinction between DC *·jAk and *-jd, which was lost in the Qi~ylln. is one of a Damber of reasons for believing that the Min dialects cannOt be descended from Middle Chinese, but must have broken off at an earlier pericxt

486

10. New rhyrrv CDlegoriu/or Old ChiNU

TabkJO.73. Colloquial MIn rellexesofOC ._jA!

i..

:0

ill

JfO

DC

·djA!

·lljAJ:

·/hiM

Me


FoW>ou

.rio18 uio18

·tsjAk /Sjd tsio17 tsio17

lje! uio18 uio18

tsyld /S1Uo17 /Shio17

XiAmtn

A passage in the Ydn shl jill xlln (see Chapter 2) mentions that in the Yunj£ by LU nng, a pre~Qjtyj)n rhyme book mentioned in the QMyj)n preface but now lost, the word (1390):0 shl < dzy.k < *djAk 'Slone, rock' was put in a different rhyme from (1391) ~ yi < 7jid < -ljd 'to add, increase'. (See ZhOu ZUm6 1943 [1966]: 420.) LU nng lived in the nn dynasty (A.D. 265-420), and was a native of ShandOng (Zhou ZUrn6 1963 [1966]: 436). His rhyme book evidently represented a dialect where, as in colloquial Mln, --jAIc had not merged with -·jd. In the Qityun itself, although --jAIc merged with --jd, ·-jAb remained distinct from --jds: ·-jAks regularly becomes -j~, while .-jeks becomes -jell. Thus we have -j~ < --jAb in (1392) ~ zhi < lSyek. -lsyZlJ < -,jAk(s) 'roast, broil' (1393)'~ sM < zyu:R < *LjAks 'shoot with bow; archer', also read yteU <

*ljAks, zyelc < ·LjAk., yd < *JjAk.

but -jdJ < --jds in the following words: (1394),i; yi
10.2. Syllables with uro or bad: codas 487

/02.52. The development of*·rjak '(be Middle Chinese final ~ja:k in this group is reconstructed as ··rjak; the

fronting of the vowel is attributed to the change *r-eolor. As outlined in (]Ulpter 7, ·r~lor can be formulated as a fronting and laxing of vowels after medial ··r-. In most cases, these effects were subphonemic until the .~r· which conditioned them was lost (·,-Ioss), probably around A.D. 500. The development of ··rjalc after acute initials is not clear; there seems to be vacillation among MC TSr(j)s:Jc, TSr(j)Ek, TSrjak, and even TSr;ewk. (The fact that TSrj- was merging with TSr· in Middle Chinese times makes these especially difficult to sort out.) For example, we have MC -;ewk in (1397) ~ shutJ < sr~k < ·sngrlj)ak?58 'north; the first day of the m<X>n'. We also have

(1398)~ suO < sak < ·sak 'rope; to search', also read srjiCk - srek <

·srjak_ The situation is clearer in the parallel ·-ang group, where ·TSrjang became MC TSrjang, not TSrja:ng (see section 10.2.6 below).

/02.53. The reconstruction of the ·-ak(s) group

The development of ·-ak after nonlabialized initials is summarized in Table 10.74 below. TtJbk 10.74. Developmenl of·-at after nonlabialized initials

Bax",

initial type

Me

'-ok ·-rak. • -j'ak • -j'Ak ·-rjak.

011 011 011

-ok -ft -jok -jt! ·jaic/.jak (1) -jtd

"'"~

"'~

,",VO

Karlgren

.... .-.it

._jak ••j4J: ·-jakJ·-j4k ._jak

Li

'-ak ··rak. ._jak. • -j"iak. ·-rj(i)a! ._jiak.

Pul1eyblank

....

••rdk • ...k

·jdk . Iat

.-,dk

Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in

Table 10.75. As a result of final cluster simplification, finals in .-aks developed like those in original .-as.

488

10. New rhymt:

'alego~sfor

Old ChiM6e

Table 10.75. Dettlopmem of --at afl(:r labialiud initials

Ba.uer

Me

Karl""",

U

Pu1Ieyblank

'I<"..

K.... Kwd:-Xwd: Kjwa! Kjwd:

·XwiJi; 'K.... -Kiwai -Xjwtlk

·K.... ·Xwrai ·Xwjai ·Kwjiai

'1<"4>

-J("'rai .J("'jak ·J("'rjok

·J("'rtH

'1<"4> ·J("'rdlc

102.5.4. Additional examples o/.-ak(s) (1399) ~ (1400)

e < laic < 'II1lalc 'evil', also read wil < 7uH < ·lab 'hate'

li: du6

< dak < *lak 'to measure', also read dil < duH < *Iales 'a measure'

ff ZuD < tsalc < 'II1tsalc 'to act', also read lSuH < ·tsab (1402) 11 mil < muH < ·maJcs 'tomb' (1401)

(1403)

a btli
(1404) t8 pd
'8 k< < khid; < 'khrak 'guest' (1406) iF zM < tsra:J/ < ·tsraks 'commit treachery' (1407) 13 led < ljak < ·g·rja¥: 'sharpen, define'

(1405)

(1408) Ilijui < gjak < 'gjak 'lOngue'

(1409) .j~
(1411) fIJ qui < khjak < 'khjak 'decline, ",fusc' (1412) III [xl) < khjid; < 'khrjak 'coa= dollchos cloth' (1413) i2! ni < ngja* < * ngrjalc 'to go against' (1414) l'1 bi
(1415) lIjui < kjwalc < ·kWjalc 'seize'

10.2. Syffables with uro or bad: codas 489

10.2.6. The traditionalllJj Yang group

Tbe Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the listed in Table 10.76.

H1

Yang group are

TIIbk 10.76. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional ;; Yifng group

MC

AC (Karlgren)

Qk!yiln rhyme

I

-{w)ang

-(w)dng

~TOng_g)

D

-{w)zng

-(w)ong

m

-j(w)ang

-ilw)ang

-j(w)ZIIg

-l(w)oflg

Comments

~ G'.g (Kzog)

' " YOng (Y",g) Geng (Kzng)

B'!

(in part)

like the ~, YU and • Du6 groups, this group has division-I finals but no division-IV finals, and shows no kiiiIWuJMlWu contrasts after acute initials. Itean be reconstructed with *-ong. 10.2.6.1. The reconstruction of the *-ang group In syllables with nonlabialized initials, *-ang developed as shown in Table 10.77 below. Tabk 10.77. Developmetll of -.ang after nonlabialized initials

Bn'"

initial type

MC

Karlgren

U

PuUeyblank

--ong -.rang -.jang --rjang

oil oil

-ang -"'g

"-ang

"-d.

01'

-jang ·jOllg ·jZllg

-.ang --dng --1011g -.jang

"',Ie ..."

-.j4ng

--rang --jang -.rjang -.jiang

-.ral}

"'-fdl} "-fdl}

Note that while the vowel *a was fronted in syllables like -Krjang > Me Kjceng, it remained back in acute-initial syllables like *TSrjang > Me TSrjang. Perhaps we have a phenomenon like that observed by Schane in the history of French vowel nasalization (Schane 1971). French vowel nasalization apparently occurred in three steps: (1) the nasalization of all vowels before nasal consonants; (2) the loss of nasal consonants in some

490

/0. NewrhymecQlegones!orOldChine3e

environments; and (3) the denasalization of vowels before those nasals which remained. The result was that nasalization remained only in those positions where it was phonologically distinctive (because the following nasal was lost), but was lost in those positions where it was predictable {because the (oUowing nasal was still there). In the same way. evidently the effects of ·r-color remained in those environments where medial ··r· was lost (as in MC Kjomg < ·Krjang), but failed to persist in those environments where the ··r- was still present as a feature of retroflexion on the initial (as in MC TSrjang < *TSrjang). SyUables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in

Table 10.78. Table 10.78. Development or·-aJ18 after labialized initials

Ilax,,,,

Me

Karl_

Li

Pulleyblank

·j(Wang ·Kwrang .j(Wjan.g ·j(Wrjang

K ....g KWZIIg Kjwaltg KjwZllg

·Kwdng ·Kwd1lg ·Kjwang ·Kjwdng

°Kwa". ·Kwrang ·Kwjatlg ·Kwjiollg

·j(WdfJ ·KwrdfJ

·j(WdfJ ·j(WrdfJ

102.62. Examples of'-ang (1416) S cang < chang < ·/juhang (or ·/israng'!) 'to conceal, store', also read rong < changJl < ·fizshangs or ·/israngs 'a store, ueasure' (1417)]'{; gUllng < kwang < 'kWang '!>righ,'

(l418):m huiJng < xwang < ·hmang 'waste' (1419) !I! gtng < k;rng < ·krang 'to change' (1420) ~ meng < m;rngJl < ·mrangs 'eldest sibling' (1421) (1422)

n gong < kwJDIg < *kwrang 'a kind of drinking vessel'

a rang < nyangH < ·njangs 'to yield'

(1423) D xillng < sjang < ·snjang '10 rise' (1424) I wdng < hjwang < ·wjan$ 'king'; also read wang < hjwangH < ·wjangs 'to be king' (1425) 15 Illng < pjang < ·pjang 'square'

10.2. Syllab/eswilh zero or back codas 491

426)

*

yong < hjwtmgx < *wrjang7 'forever'

427) I!1J ming < mjltng < *mrjang 'bright'

lis last is probably cognate to

428) jl!; liang < IjangH < ·C-rjangs 'Ught'.

429) ~ /idng < ljang < ·,-rjang 'cold'

xnpare Tibeto-Burman ·graJ) 'cold' (Benedict 1972: 39).

00)::;jt jfng < kja::ng < -trjang 'hill, capital city'

HI) Ii shudng < srjang < ·srjang 'hoarfrost'

432) P3 bfng < pj;rngx < ·prjangl'3rd heavenly stem'

.,

n3) Pfj liang < Ijangx < *b·rjang?'pair'

.2.7. The traditional

,-

X ZhI group

e Middle O1inese finals included in the traditional Table 10.79.

.,., ->

"X Zlll group are listed

-<: "

~I

!Irk 10.79. Middle Chinese finals of lbe tradilionalX Zh1 group

Me

AC (KarIgrcn)

-{w)Ei

-(w)ai

·j(wKi)e

-(wJil

.(w)ej

·i(w)ei

Q""'" myme

oom"",,~

li Jil (1(,'';) X lJ>I cr'Y') J!II Q! (llioJ)

(in part) (in pan)

his group includes division-IV finals but no division-I finals, indicating It it should be reconstructed with a front vowel; I reconstruct it with --e. ere is no need to reconstruct a rounded vowel, since helWu finals appear lhis group only after guttural initials. 12.7.1. TIu! reconstruction oftlu! *-e group syllables with nonlabialized initials, DC *-e developed as shown in Table 80 below.

--

10. New rlIY~ aue,oriesfor Old C1riM.u

492

Table 10.80. Development of·-e aftc:r nonlabialiud initials Baxter

initial type

MC

Karlgren

U

PuUeyblank.

'

~l

..j

·-itg

all

-£i

.....

·-ig '·rig

••jlg

'.jig '.jig '·jig '.rjig

, '-OJ '-OJ -, -,

.

'·re '-je

..... ..... ac...

'-rje

acute

-jie (IV) oj< oj< (lII)

-je

'·il,

'.jig •.jlg

.-dj , -ro·

, rd· , rd·

With retroflex initials we also find MC TSrcJ < TSrje by TSrj- > TSr-. Syllables with labialized initials, which are puallel, developed as shown in Table 10.81. Table 10.81. Development of·~ after labialized initials BnlU

MC

Karl.,.."

U

Pulleyblank.

'/(W,

K'tlIej KWEi Kjwie (IV)

'Kitwg ·KlIIIig 'Kiwig 'Kiwig

'Kwig 'Kwrig 'Kwjig 'Kwjig

'J(Wdj 'K""rdj 'J(Wdj 'K'IlIrdj

'/(Wre 'J(Wje 'f("Irje

Kjw< (lII)

MC Kjwe (lIn < *J(Wrje is a theoretical possibility. but I know of no actual examples.

The change j-insertion Note that the changej·insertion inserted a coda -j after original *-e, causing it to merge with ·ej < *·ij. This is probably the same process which caused original*-; to merge with original ··ij as MC -oj (see section 10.2.1); it can be fonnulated as the insertion of a coda .j after final mid unrounded vowels. It is unclear whether or notj-insertion applied to original ··re and ··je. In the Qitylln, MC -i'; < .-re is kept separate from MC .i'j (which represents original .-rij, .·rij, and -·r;). But in dialects where }insertion applied to -·re, we would expect a development ··re > [rel (·r-color) > rrej] (j. insertion) > MC -£j. This probably did happen in some dialects. judging from the fact that modem reflexes often show a merger of MC .£; and .£j, as in these examples:

/0.2. SyfJable! with uro or bod: codas 493

(1434)" pdi < be; < ·bre 'signboard' (1435) jf pm < bej < ·br;j 'push; push away'

But the modem reflexes of MC Ke; < ·Kre are inconsistent; sometimes MC .Ke; merged with Me Kej, sometimes with MC Ka;. For example, (1436) Wjit < Ire; < ·tTe 'street'

bas merged with

(1437) ~ jie < /c£j < °krij 'all',

but (1438) i!jid < /c£i < °kre 'good',

though a homonym of Wjit according to the QiiyiUt, has merged with

.

...,

(1439) is< jid d", < Okra 'family', Readings like ft jid < i.e; may reflect dialects where division-IT -E- had lowered to -s;- before application of j-insertion. Another possibility is that ·r-coIor operated differently in these dialects, so that ·e became MC -s;-, DOt MC ·e-, after ·r. In either case, the mid vowel required for j-insertion was not present. It is interesting that syllables like MC Kwe; < ·K"'re seem 10 take the latter path, merging with Kwa: rather than with Kwej:

(1440) f~ gull < kwe;H < */cwres 'prognosticate; hexagram'.

m

ChOngniil finals -jie (IV) and -je (Ill) As with other front-vowel groups, this group includes words with divisioncMngmil finals that are often ignored or treated as irregular in other reconsttuctions. In my system these are the regular reflexes of ·-rje after grave initials, as in

(1441)

W Wi
contrasting with

(442)'" bti
-. f" .

.'.' ;l

'J

This suggests that in some dialects ··re- may have regularly become [~] after [w)-the same development that we find in words like hudn < Irwltn < ·wren 'ring', with -Wlm instead of the expected -wen (see section 10.1.1 above).

m

"

.'

)l

;J

494

10. N~rhy_coug~forOldCltifttH

We also find a division-ill cMngniil final in

(1443) ttjl < gja (III) < 'grj<7'ability, talent', whose phonetic (1444) X

- to: ,hi < rsy< < 'kj< 'branch',

shows regular palatalization of ·lcj· before a front vowel. In palatalization was blocked by me medial··r·.

tt ·grje7, this

10.2.72. Additional examples of·-e (1445)" xI < hwej - xjwie (IV) < ·we - ·hwje 'spike of hom or bone for opening knots' (1446) ~

nf < ngej

< ·nge 'young and weak'

(1447) B}T < k<j < ok< 'chicken'

(1448) tiE tf < dej <·de 'to take up' (1449) ~ guI < *:wej < *kwe 'jade tablet' (1450) fi jj~ < k£ix < ·lue7'to unloose, take off' (1451) ji nuli < meiX < ·mre7'buy' (1452) ~

er < nye < ·ngje 'child'

(1453) ~ shl < dzyex < ·dje7 'mis' (1454) ~ q[ < Ichjia (IV) < ·We7 'stand on tiptoe' (1455)

mguI < Icjw~ (IV) < ·IcWje 'compass'

(1456) 1aJ zhI < vje < ·tr~ 'know'

10.2.8. The lraditional

mXI group m

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the XI group are listed in Table 10.82. Like the X ZhT group, to which it is parallel, mis group includes divisionIV finals but no division-l finals. and hikiJu finals occur only after guttural initials. I rt:Construct it with···elc.

10.2. Syllables with uro or bod; codas 495

Table 10.82. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional

£; XI group

MC

AC (Karlgren)

QiiyiUI rllyme

D

~w)d<

-(w)&

1i! Mlli (Ma)

m

-j(wXi)d:

-j(w)a!

if )(J (Sjd)

-j(w)d

-j(w)rJk.

Ja Mb(Mzk)

-{w)d:

-i(w)tt

IV

comments (in part) (in part) (in part)

Sl )(J (Scl<)

102.8.1. The reconstruction of the *-ek(s) group In syllables willI nonlabialized initials, DC *-ek developed as shown in

Table 10.83 below. T~

10.83. Development of*-d afternonlabialized initials

""'Ie<

initial type

MC

KorlS"'"

'~k

01' 01'

~

•. -u
--ret

•-J·u

·-rjet

-tt

""''' """'"

""''' """'"

-jiLk (IV) -jd: -jd (III) -jd:

...-, . ,

U

PuUeyblank

...

--riA:. - -J'ik

·-jii

--jik - -'J'ik

--'tic

'-<1, ·-de .Ide .Jde

We probably also have Me TSrek < *TSrjek by lhe change TSrj- > TSr•. Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in

Table 10.84. T/Jbk 10.84. Development of --ek after labialized initials

B""1e<

MC

Korlgren

U

Pulkyblank

'K"u

K""k Kwtt Kjwid: (IV)

-Kiwd: -Kwtk ·Kiwlk -Kiwlt

·Kwik ·KwriA:. -Kwjik -Kwjit

·Kwtic ·Prtk

·Prek *Pjek ·Prjek

Kjwd(lII)

'K"d< -Prlk

496

10. New rhyme caJeRo~sfor Old ChitlieK

MC KjwrJc < *J(Wrjek. is a theoretical possibility, but 1 know of no actual examples. Finals in *-eks developed like those in *·es, with which they merged as a result of final duster simplification. The Middle Chinese finals -jid and -ja:t are not cMngniiJ. finals in the strict sense, since they are in different QilyUn rhymes XI (Sjek) and ~ Mb (Mzk) respectively-but they pattern like the chOngniu finals in that -jiet is placed in division IV of the rhyme tables, while -ja:t is placed in division m. Words in this group with the final -jid have usually been regarded as exceptional. but in my system they are the regular reflexes of *-rjek. Examples include

a

(1457) fl jf < gj
3Z: *kje indicates the vowel *e.

Another example is the

(1458) lSl!!l [xljqu < khj,,*-khjowk < 'kJvjek-khi'Jjok 'crooked walking'. This expression is also written WIIlf, with W [xl] < khj
10.2.8.2. Additional examples o!·-ek(s) (1459) '" jT < kek < 'kek 'to beat; strike' (1460). jl < kejH < *keks « *kiks1) 'to tie', also read xl < hejH < *fikeks « *Iikiks1) This last item could be related to fli jii < ket < *kit < *kik 'to lie', and/or It jl < kejH < ·keks « *kiks1) 'continue'. Cf. Tibetan 'khyig·pa 'to bind'

(Coblin 1986: ISO). (1461) ii xl < sek < *slek 'tin' (1462) 1W dl < tejH < *teks 'sovereign' (1463)

e jli < !wek < */c.""d 'shrike'

(1464) 14L5" 11 < let < *C-rek 'a !rind of ritual vessel'

10.2. Syliabluw;lh uro or bal:k codas 497

This last item is )5honetic in the division-II word

J!!! gl < kEk < *krek 'obstruct'. (1466) IIiX mai < mek < ·mrek 'vein' (1467) if - If [hUll] < hwek < ·wrek 'delineate. mark off'

(1465)

We would expect MC hwek to become Mandarin hue); the reading hua probably comes from the related form (1468) II hUll < hWEiH < ·wreks 'picture'. 1 suspect that the nlshing fonn hwEk < ·wrek was originally verbal, and the qa)shlng fonn hWEiH < *wreks nominal (as still in Cantonese: waahk wa 'to draw a picture'). In Mandarin. the qilshlng fonn hUll < hWEiH < *wreks has evidently been generalized to serve both functions. (1469)

ah yl
(1470)

alI yl < yeH < *Jjeks 'easy'

(1471) !£ yl < Jjiek (IV) < *?jek 'increase'

JI

..,-

.'

....-

.-

(1472) ~ pi < phjiek (IV) < *phjek 'oblique; depraved' (1473) j;! bl < bjieH (IV) < *bjeks 'go away from; avoid' (1474)

R yl < ywek < ·wjek 'war expedition'

In modern pronunciation, this word has lost irs medial -W-, as nm infrequently happens before front vowels; Karlgren (1957, item 851a) failed to see that R yl was htluJu in Middle Chinese, and reconstructed it erroneously as Ancient Chinese iiik < *dilk. Karlgren's error was pointed out by D6ngT6nghe (1944 [1948]: 91).

(1475) it ze < ISrek < *rsrlj)ek 'hold responsible' (1476)

mzhai < (srEiH < ·rsr(j)eks 'debt'

10.2.9. The traditional 14 Geng group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the M Geng group are listed in Table 10.85. 1 reconstruct this group with *-eng, parallel to *-e in the X Zhi group and ·-ek in the XI group.

m

.,

.-

498

10.

N~ rhyme

cOlegorUsfor Old Chinese

Table 10.85. Middle Chinese finals of the lnIditional

mGeng group

MC

AC_l

QityWo d>yme

oommmu

II

1w)oog

1w)oog

[mpen)

m

-j(wXi)ellg -j(w)eg

-j(w)dllg -j(w)ong

tJt Geng (K£ng) ill QIng (T"'jong) !>I! Geng (Kzng)

~w)ellg

-i(w)ellg

'" Qt"g (T"""8l

IV

[UI pan)

102.9.1. The reconsrruction a/the *-eng group In syllables with nonlabializc:d initials, DC *-eng developed as shown in Table 10.86 below. Table 10.86. De\'Clopmenl of --ellg after nonlabialized initials

Outer

initial type

--ellg -.rf!IlS --jellg

011 011

--rjellg

...,. acwe ...,. TTS-

MC

Karlgren

Li

PuUeyblank

..ft.

--~lIg

--illg --rillg --jillg -.jillg --jillg --rjillg --r(j)iJtS

'''p

-"'.

-j~lIs

(IV)

-jellS -jcg (III) ·jellS -(j)eg

--lIlS --illlg -·lillg --lillg --lillg --jillg

-.rap

'''p '''p

-.rdJl

__rdJl _.rdp

Middle Chinese sources vacillate between TSrj;mg and TSrJDtg as the reflex of *TSrjeng; the reading TSrJDtg shows the effects of the change TSrj- > TSr-. Syllables with labialized initials, which are parallel, developed as shown in Table 10.87. As with the previous group, MC -jieng and -jJDIg are nol chOngniu finals in the suictest sense, since they are in different Qityun rhymes-Tn Qing (fshjeng) and Geng (Ka:ng) respectively-but -jieng is put in division IV of the rhyme tables, while -jreng is put in division m, and in other respects they are parallel to the true cMngniil finals. And as with the Zhi and Xl groups, the division-Ill words in -j;eng have often been unaccounted for in other reconstructions. In my system they are the regular reflexes of *-rjeng, as in

m:

m

:x

10.2.

Syflabl~s

with uro or bock. codas 499

TMIM JO.87. DevdopmentoC·-DIg aficrJabi.a1izcd initials Bax'"

'K"""

·1C""rettg ./(I'IJjotg ·/(I'IJrjotg

Me

1WIgm>

Li

Pulleyblant

K..... Kw"" KjwWogQV)

·Kilw:Itg ·Kwlllg ·Kjwlllg ·Kjwillg

·Kwing ·KwriItg ·KwjUig ·Kwjillg

·J(Wdfl ·K."'rdp ·J(Wdfl ·K."'rdfl

KjwDtg(lU)

(1477) .jfng < kja:ng (UI) < *krjeng 'be scared, attentive'

(1478) IlIJ jrng < kjlDlg (m) < *krjeng 'thoms, briar' (1479) stZ p(ng < bja:ng (llI) < ·brjeng 'level, even, just' (1480) . . mlng < mja:ng (Ill) < ·mrjeng 'to sing, make sounds (of animals and musical instruments)' (Schuessler 1987: 422)

This last contrasts with (but could be related to) (1481) ~ ming < mjieng (IV) < ·mjeng 'narne'. Pahaps . . ·mrjeng 'to make sound' is related to one or both of the follow· ing two items: (1482) If; Ung < leng < ·C-reng 'small bell. banner bell' (1483)

m. sheng < sra:ng < srja:ng < *srjeng 'reed-organ'

Another example of a division-m cMngniiJ final is (1484). rong < hwja:ng (Ill) < ·WTjeng 'flowering, prosperity', which contrasts with (1485) A y(ng
Here ·wj- is normally palatalized to yw. before front vowels, but this pala· taljzation is blocked by medial

··T·.

102.92. Additional uamples of.-eng (1486)" qfng < tsheng < ·sTeng 'blue or green' (for the initial, see section 6.1.4 above) (1487) h"~ dlng < tengx < .rengl'tripod' (1488) ~ [zMn] < rTjeng < *trjeng 'to test, tty out'

500

10. New rhyme calegoriu/or Old ChiM~

(1489) ~ yfng < hwtng < ·M'(!ng 'danle, confuse, delude' (1490) U gtng < kEng < ·lcreng 'to plough' (1491) i! btng
[zhtng]r6ng < dzr£1lg-hw£1lg < ·dueng-wreng 'high, precipi-

tous'

(1493) 1£ ching < dzyeng < ·djeng 'to achieve, complete' (1494) '@shing < syeng < ·xjeng 'sound' (1495) ~ qlng < khengH < ·khengs 'musical stone' (1496) 1.1. qfng < khjwieng (IV) < .k:tlllhjeng 'slanting' (1497) 1:: shLng < sra:ng < srj;mg < ·srjeng 'live, be alive'

10.2.10. The traditional

Ii< Roo group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the ~ H6u group

are

listed in Table 10.88. Table 10.88. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional ~ HcSu group MC

I

1II

.-

-}'" .jww

AC(Ka
Qitylln myme

.,"

~ H6u(Huw)

-j",

·iiw

!iii Vii (Ngju)

~ Y6u (Hj..,)

commen~

(in pan) (in part)--TSr- only

Since this group has division-I finals but no division-IV finals. it is to be reconstructed with a back vowel; I reconstruct it as .-0. There are no contrasts between kdiluJu and hiMu at all. Labial-initial words of the fonn ·P(r)o, which we would expect to find in this group. evidently underwent a change to ·P(r)i in some dialects. including those represented in Shljlng rhyming. They are therefore usually included in the traditional ;2 Zhr group. rather than here. The change ·P(r)o> ·p(r); is not reflected in Middle Chinese. however: (1498) H} mu < muwX < ·mir)o7'rnother' (See discussion in section 10.2.1.)

102. Syllable! wiJh uro or bacA: coda!

501

This group is unusual that it lacks a division-I] final. I account for this (and for other related facts) by assuming that the change *r-rolor, which was ultimately responsible for the development of independent division-I] rbymes. did not apply to rounded vowels. If an original rounded vowel lost ill rounding before ·r-coIor took place, then it was affected. as in

(1499)' man < mtm < ·mrwan < ·mron 'southern barbarian'. But if no such diphthongization took place, the vowel was apparently unaffected, with the result that it is usually impossible to distinguish *-0 from .-ro or *-jo from ··rjo in syllables with grave initials. 359 In grave-initial syUables in ·-ro or .-rjo. the medial *-r- was lost by ·r-I055, but had no iDftuence on the following vowel. Occasionally, however, we have evidence enabling us to reconstruct ·-r- in words of this group. Here are some e:umples:

···

1. The word (1m) gja
IbouJd probably be reconsuueted with medial .-r-, since it is written with me phonetic (lSOI) ilia < Iju < *C·rjo 'drag, trail'. 2. Clusters can also be reconstructed in a large number of related fonns meaning "bent" or "crooked", as in (1502) (1503)

Ili .

jl;jjl gou/au < kuw-Iuw < *k(r)o-C·ro (1) 'hunchbacked' jUl~ < kju-Iju < *k(r)jo-C-rjo 'hunchbacked'

Possibly these are twcrsyllable extensions of syllables like *kro or *lujo. nom these forms we should probably infer that there was a cluster in the

basic root (lS04) -ii] gou < kuw < .luo 'hook, hooked'.360 3. For the expression (1505) lti:. biMu < bjiejH-IuwH < *bjets-C-ros 'damaged and leaking' (?)

&om the Yijlng (48.2), the MAwangduT version reads (l506»)ti:-ii] bi gou < bjieju-kuw < *bjers·kro (meaning uncenain). (See Zh6u ZUm6 1984: 89.) This probably indicates a medial*-r- in~. In light of the MAwangdui text, perhaps we should compare this with the following expression, which occ\m in Ode 104:

,,

S02 10.

N~

rhyme COlegorit!s!or Old ClJinese

(1507) Jli:l'1i bl g6u < bjiejH·/wwX < ·bjers·k(r)ol'bunl fishtrap'

4. Finally, the expression

(1508)

11m xi~Ju:)u < heiH·huwH < ·gres·gros 'carefree and happy'

seems to be a typical ·elo binome, where we must reconsttuet -·r· in the first syllable because of its division-U final; since such binomes normally have the same medials in both parts, we should probably infer that there was a medial *·r· in the second syllable also.

102.10.1.

T~

reconstruction oft~ *-0 group

The development of DC *-0 is summarized in Table 10.89. Table /0.89. Devdopmentof·-o !lax...

initiallype

Me

·-(r)o

~I

-~

·_jo ·_,jo

~I

"'.te

.,.""

-ju -jll(w) oj"

"""' .. ._ju

·-1" ·-1u

Ii

Pulleyblank

.-148

,.".,

._jug ._,jug ._jug

'-dw

·.rdw ·-(')Ow (1)

The details of how DC *-(r)o and ··(r)jo became MC ·uw and -ju are unclear; for now, I will refer to the changes involved simply as ·-o(K) > -uw(K) and *.,jo > -ju. Note that .-0 and .·jo, which rhymed with each other in Old Cllinese, ceased to rhyme by Middle Chinese times. According to Ting Pang-hsin (1975: 239), this shift had occurred by the Wei-nn period. We often find MC TSrjuw < .TSrjo instead of the expected TSrju. An example is (1509) II zMu < dzrjuwH < *dzrjos 'fast-running'.

102.102. Additional examples 0/*-0 (151O)

t2: t6u < duw <·do 'to throw'

(1511) D /cOu < khuwx < *kh{r)o7'mouth' (1512) " OU < nguwx < ·ng(r)o7 'mate, counterpan'

10.2. Syllables Wilh uro or back codas 503

(1513) ~ lOu < khuwH < *kh(r)os 'rob; robber' (1514) ~ ZOU < rsuwx < *rso(k)7 'run' (possibly related to *tsjok 'foot') (1515)

it

(1516)

m: qa < khju < *kh(r)jo 'section, sort'

IE. zu < rsjowk <

[shU] < dzyu < *djo 'a kind of lance'

(1517) iU yu
(1519) Jfx: qil < tshjux < *rshjol 'take' (1520) ~ [chill < rSTh}u < *rshrjo 'hay, fodder' (1521) -II

ru < nyu < *njo 'scholar, literatus'

(1522) ~ xu < sju < *snjo 'tarry, wait'

10.2.11. The traditionalHii wo group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the I¥. Wfi group, the nhheng counterpart to the ~ H6u group, are listed in Table 10.90. Tabk /0.90. Middle Chinese finals of the lraditionalHii Wi! group

I D DI

MC

AC (Ka
Qit!ylln rhyme

-uwk -""k

-uk

Hii Wi! (7Uwk)

-dk -jwok

~Jot(Kzwk)

-jowl

comments

(in part)

11 ZM (Tsyowk)

Like the previous group, this group has a division-I final but no division·JV final, and can be reconsbUcted with a back vowel; I reconSbUct it as *-ok. There are no lulikOulhtkiJu contrasts. Unlike the ~ H6u group, however, the Ii Wii group does have an independent division·II final; we will see below that them DOng group does also. This probably indicates that the change *-o(K) > -uw(K) applied differently to velar-coda syllables in *-ok and *-ong than to open syllables in *-0. Perhaps syllables in *-ok and *·ong had an unrounded main vowel by the time *r-oolor applied. while the vowel of syllables in open *-0 was

504

10.

N~rhy~categoriuforOldChinese

still rounded, so that *r-color did not affect them. (Note that this could be an indirect argumem for the reconstruction of the ~ H6u group with open syllables.) The phonetic details are obscure and probably dialect-dependent, but at any rale *·rok ultimately became MC ·leWk. Note, however, lhat *·jok and ··rjok apparently merged after grave initials, since finals with *.j. were not affected by the change *-o(K) > -uw(K) at all. 102./1.1. The reconstruction of the

·~ok(s)

group

Old Chinese *·ok developed as shown in Table 10.91. OC ··oks developed like original *·os, with which it merged as a result of final cluster simplification. Since *·roks is evidently nol distinguished from ··oks in Middle Chinese, this suggests that final cluster simplification had already occurred by the time the change *-o(K) > ·uw(K). Table 10.91. Developmentof'-o,t Baxter

inilia1lype

Me

.~,

all all all

-- .. ..

'·rok '·jok '.rjok

....ve acute

·u""

·jowk .jowlc ·jowlc

Karlgren

'

...

'·Uk -j-

-.juJ: '.juJ:

Li

'

...

.....w

-J-

.....w

'-"'-' '.juJ: '.rjuJ:

102./ / 2. Examples of*·ok (1523) 1m: zll < dzuwk < *dzok 'clan' (1524) (1525)

mwu < 7uwk< *7ok 'house'

*

Pulleyblank

mil < muwk < ·mok 'wood'

I'- biJ < puwk < *pok 'divine by turtle shell or rone' (1527) ¥i nOu < nuwH < *noks 'hoe' (1526)

(1528) M jido - jEd < kltWk < *krok 'horn, corner' (1529) ili zhu6 < dra:wk < *drok 'muddy' (1530) tl:~ biio - b6 <pa:wk < *prok 'cut up. flay, peel'

,.rakw '.{'.." Uw (?) ,.rdkw

JO.2.

Syllabl~s

with uro or bod: codas 50S

Note that the phonetic here is the possibly related

(1531) ~ III < luwk < *C-rok 'carve wood'. In the following item. we should probably ~struet *-r- because of the binome iBlUJ [xl]qu < kltjzt-kltjowk < *khrjd-kh(r)jok 'crooked walking', which must have *-r- in the first syllable (see section 10.2.8): (1532) il!l qQ < I:hjowk < */:h(r)jok 'crooked' (1533) 3i: ya < ngjowk < *ng(r)jok 'jade'

(1534) 1E zli. < rsjowk < *tsjok 'foot' (1535) ~!:Ja < phjuH < *ph(rJioks 'hasten to'

(1536). nl < nyowk < *njok 'disgrace'

IO.l.U. The traditional. Dong group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the listed in Table 10.92.

mDOng group are

Table 1092. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional. DOng group

Me I

......

•

n

.EWft8

iI R

.jaw,.g

DOng (Tuwng) J;a"g (KEwng) lbOng (T.yowng)

[m pan)

This group is the ydngshing group parallel to the rUshing .Ii Wij group above. As with that group, we are unable to distinguish ··jong from ·-rjong after grave initials in most cases. One case where we have evidence for ··rjong is

(1537) ~ gong < kjowng < ·ujong 'respect', the name of a Western ZhOu king, written in bronze inscriptions with the character

506 10. New rllyN clJugo~sforOld ChiMse

whose phonetic is (1538)

n lOng < ljowng < ·C-rjong 'dragon'.

(See Zh6u FAgaO et at. 1974a, item 321.)

10.2.12./. The uconstruction oftM .-ong group

DC ·-ong developed as shown in Table to.93. Tabk 1093. Dcvelopmentof·oOng Baxter

initial type

Me

·oOflg ·-rol'lg ·_jong ·.rjol'lg

all all all

-uwI'Ig -ZM!ng -jowflg -jowng -jowng

8'3'"

..we

Karlgren

U

Pulleyblank

·'lUIg ·-lUJg ·_jUflg ._jung

·-lUIg ··rung ._jUJ18 ._jJUlg -.rjJUtg

.-d1Jw ••rQI}w .-dI}w .-()dI}w ('!) -.rd1Jw

._jung

/02./22. Examp/a of'-ong (1539):§J! dQng < tuwng < ·tong 'east' (1540) I gong < kuwng < ·kong 'work' (1541) iii ping < buwng < ·bong 'luxuriant'

(1542)

n bang
(1543) i't feng
n. chOng < trhjowngX < ·hrjongl'favor'

10.2. Syllables with zero or bad codas

YJ7

(1546)" chOng < drjowng < ·drjong 'double' (1547) Ii chOng < rsyJwwng < ·rhjong 'assaulting engine'

10.2.13. The traditional

llI!l YOu group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the 6tif You group are listed in Table 10.94. This group has contrasts between division-] and division-IV finals, as in tbe following minimal pair. (15048) II sac < saw 'move, shake, disturb' (15049) it xido < sew 'artemisia; whistling' According to the front-vowel hypothesis, this means thal we must recon.-oct roth front and back: vowels in this group. I reconstruct -aw < ·-u and

-ew< ·-iw. TIlIbk 10.94. Middle Chinese finals of the traditional

I D

m IV

6tif YOu group

MC

AC(Karlpen)

Qityoln "',me

....

....

""""""IS

_ _ (Haw)

-uw

-,u

(in pan) (in part)-Iabials only (in part)

--

-au

-juw

-au

·wij -jiw

-fNi

-<W

-iLll -iell

~ H6u(Huw) ~ YOo(Hzw) ~ Yoo (Hjuw)

Illi Zhr (1""';)) III YOU (1Jiw) •

XiOo (Sew)

(in pan) (in part)--gutwrals ooly

graveooly (m pon)

There is also a contrast between the two division-I finals -aw and -uw: (1550) If! pdo < /Jaw 'long robe' (1551) R pOu < buw 'collect, assemble'

1be final

-uw occurs in only a few words of this group. We could account

.-u

lor this distinction by setting up a contrast between and .-iw. but] have Dot been able to find suppon for such a contrast in ShIjfng rhyming. I have solution to this problem at present; as a plmly notational device. I will "rite capital ·-U as the source of -uw in this group. Jk)

However, muw in this group does not necessarily represent -mU, but may result from a different process, namely a minor change mjuw(K) > muw(K) which evidently affected Early Middle Olinese. By removing the medial-iwhich was part of the conditions for labiodentalization, this minor change prevented the labiodentalization of m- before finals where other labials became labiodentals. An example is (1552) iirl [mao] < mJlWH < miuwH < ·mrjus 'barter, exchange' where medial (1553)

·-r- is suggested by the phonetic

yp nuIo < ma:wX < 'mru7 'cyclical sign (4th earthly bnulch)'.

Another example is (1554) ~ [mdo] < muw < mjuw < ·m(r)ju 'lance'.

mao

as MC mjuw, but the The GuiIngyl1n gives the pronunciation of ~ Jlngdidn shiwtn, in its note on Ode 79.2, gives the pronunciation muw, reflecting the change mjuw(K) > muw(K). (The same change also affected cases of mjuw(K) which came from DC ·mji(K) by rounding assimilation; see section 10.2.1.) The presence of a few words of the fonn Pju in the iii YOu group where we would expect Pjuw is probably due to the influence of nonhero dialects which had Pju corresp:>nding to southern Pjuw. Hullin's Yfqii iing yinyi gives readings of both types, but describes the Pjuw readings as representing "the pronunciation of WU ~ and Chli !i" (quoted in KOno RokurO 1954 [1979]: 253.)

102.13./. The reconstruction of the

·-u group

The development of DC ··u is summarized in Table 10.95. 361 To account for the development of .-u and .-ru, we must assume a change I call ·-u(K) > --aw(K), which changed original .-u to a diphthong when there was no medial --j- in the syllable. This change caused original *-u and ·-ru to merge with original .-aw and .-raw respectively; it must have preceded .r-color, since we have the division-II final-~ < .-raw < *-ru in such words as the following: (1555) t!! biJo < pzw < ·praw < ·pru 'wrap up, bundle up' Since ·r-color apparently did not affect rounded vowels, it would not have affected original .pru unless .-u(X) > --aw(X) had. already taken place firSt.

10.2. Syllables witlt uro or bad:. codas 509 r-'10.95. Developmentof··.u

Sax'"

initial type

'-w

all

'-~

all all

'-u

-p.?

._j.u ·-rj.u

""'.....

--

'-6,

Ii

PuIIeyblonk

._~gw

-·Sw

•. ~gw

•• r~

-.j~gw

-·;;Iw

-j.uw -j.uw

';0 ';0 ';0

·-rj~gw

._r~

·-j~8w

··;;1141

Kwij (Ill)

··iW~8

--ji~gw

-.r;;lw

.... -"'"

,, ,

'-<\I

-juw

"''''"' -K-, .p'K"-

Me

In syllables with medial *-j-, which were unaffected by *-u(K) > .aw(K), *N:OIor generally seems to have had no effect; although we can sometimes infer the presence of *·r- from other evidence, *-ju and *·rju generally merged after grave initials. For example, we probably have a medial*-r- in (lS56)

*

qiu < gjuw < *grju


seek'.

for the Mia text of the ShIifng int.eJpiets (lSS7) ~ lill < ljuw < *C-rjuw 'to flow'

ill Ode 1 as :;J< qiu 'to seek'. This is probably a sound gloss, if not a suggestion that ~ liu was an error for ~ qiu. Bodman (1967: 34) quotes a ZhuAng fonn Jdau for "ball" which could represent an early borrowing of (1.5.58) ~ qiu < gjuw < *grju
tIL gw < kwijx (lII) < 'kW rjw7 'wheel-axleends'.

b was Li. Fang-lruei who proposed that a labiovelar initial was responsible for the unusual development of syllables like this (e.g. Li 1971 [1980]: 42). I account for it by assuming that before *r-coIor, such syUables underwent a process I will call rounding dissimilation which removed the feature of JOUnding from the main vowel. changing *K"'rju to *K"'rji. In effect, these words then shifted from the *-u group (traditional !!:tit You) to the *-i group (traditional Z Zhl), and thereafter developed just like such *.j group words IS

(tS60) • guI < kwij

(TIn < *!Wrji
1be loss of rounding in the main vowel made these syllables eligible for *r. (GIor, which fronted the main vowel, eventually producing the Middle Qinese division-ill chOngnHl final -wij.

Rounding dissimilation can be formulated simply as u -+ j I K"(r)j_.

We can assume that it affected syllables without *-r- as well, such as

pernaps (1561) it. jiiJ < kjuwx < *kW ju7 'nine', used as phonetic in ~ *,r""rju7'wheel-axJe ends'. But the effects of rounding dissimilation in such syllables as *JcWji < *kWju were soon undone by a reverse change rounding assimilation, which must be assumed independently to account for the rounding of the main vowel in eenain words of the 2. ZhI group, such as (1562)

tJ:: niu < ngjuw < *ngWj; 'ox'.

(See discussion in section 10.2.1.) Rounding assimilation, however, was blocked by medial (or perhaps by the feature of frontness which medial *-r- had added to the main vowel). This rather confusing series of changes can be summarized by showing the effects of rounding dissimilation, .M:OIor, and rounding assimilation on four syllables: two from the *-u group and two from the *-; group, one with *-r- and one without in each case. The developments are summarized in Table 10.96.

·-r-

Table 10.96. Effects or roundinl dissimilalioa, .,-coIor, and rouDdiol assimilation

:f1.

fA

DC

'lWjut

'lW,jut

roundiol dissimilatioD

'f""ji1

'lW,ji1

'r'-"

'"

'ng*}i

'lWjut

Me

J:jIlWx

'lW,ji

'lW,ji

'J:w,ji1

roundiol usimilatioa

Ii

'lIg wjw

mjX(IllJ

.gjuw

mj(IllJ

The result of these three changes was that the two syllables with medial *-r· developed alike, and the two syllables without medial *-,- developed alike, the original difference of main vowel being lost.

10.2. Syffobl~s with zero or back codas

511

Additional examples of ··u

(1563)" bdo <pawx< 'pu7'pnx:ious' (1564) 1;1: cdo < "hawx < ',,1w7 'grass' (1565) iii dOn < dowx < 'lu7'w,y'

(1566)"" hdo <xawX < 'xu7'good'

(1567)

ta rao < rhaw < ·hlu 'swell up'

(1568) :R pOu < buw < ·bU 'collect, assemble' (1569)

'* mao

< mll:W < ·mru 'a kind of grass'

(lS70) II cMu < dzyuw < ·Gju 'counterpan' (1511) lit chOu < tsylwwx < 'thju7'ugly' (1572) ~ chOu < tsyhuwH < 'KHjus 'smeU' (1S73) IijiiJ < lsjuwX < ·ujuJ'wine'

(1514) ill: [mao) < muwH < (mjuwH <) 'm(r)ju1(s) 'flourishing' (1S7S) DC; [wtl] < muwH < (mjuwH <) ·m(r)jus '5th heavenly stem'

(lS76}:tt. mil < muwx < (mjuwx <) ·m(r)ju7 'male animal' (1577) tI shOu < syuwx < 'hlju7 'head'

(lS78) iHi zMu < CJ)'uw < ·rju 'island in a river' (lS79) fIlJ IiiJ < /juwx < ·C·rju7'willow' (1580) 4H nill < ",juwX < '",ju7'prive,'

(lSSI) 1! guT < k:wijX (Ill) < ·f""rju7'vessel' (1582) i!: kui
The development of OC ··iw is summarized in Table 10.97.362

•

512 10. NewrhymecQugoriesforOJdClriMse Talk JO!J7.

De~lopmcntoC*-iw

Ilu..,

initial type

Me

KId_

u

*·iw *·riw *-jiw

all all

..,.

-<W

*.~g

*-j~gw

·j~w

*-f7gw

gr'"

-jiw -jllW -jiw -jllW

••rSw *jlw *-o$w *hw *_rlw

*-rjiw

...."'''''"" "'''''

''/6..,.• '/6• '/6• '/6• •

*-j~gw

•

*-j~gw

•

*-j~gw

•

*-rj~gw

PuIIeybIank

I assume that ·_;w and ··riw became -.ew and -rew by the change hi > mid, which lowered high vowels to mid height in syllables without •.j- (see section 7.1.3). The final -rew < --riw eventually merged with original --raw and --raw < --ru as division-II MC -zw. If --rew and ··raw were parallel to ·-ren and ·-ran, we would expect to find two division-ll finals, with a final -ew alongside -~, just as we have -u alongside -a:n; but if there was such a distinction, it was evidently lost by the time of the Q~yun. After acute initials, original ·_j;w changed to -juw, at least in the dialect represented in the QiqiUt: 363 (1583)

'*

qiil < rshjuw < ·uhj;w 'autumn'.

1M zM" < tJyuw < ·tjiw 'encircle' Note that the phonetic MJ zM" generally indicates --;w, as in

(1584)

(1585) GF.J lido < dew < ·diw 'tune, adjust'

A change ·-jiw(k) > .juw(k) is quite natural; it essentially involves a shift of syllabicity.364 As a result of this change, the distinction between *-jiw and *-ju in acute-initial syUab1es is lost in Middle Chinese, and must be reconstructed from rhyme and xi/shing evidence. After grave initials, however, the front vowel of ··jiw was generally preserved in at least one of the phonological systems underlying the QieJUn, though there is often vacillation in the Middle Chinese sources. Thus the GlUlngyiUt gives the reading kjuw for (1586) 1.1 jill < kjiw - kjuw < *k(r)jiw 'to twist',

but gives the reading kjiw for its alternate fonn~. Similarly, the GudngyiUt gives both kjiwand kj"w, along with k
which may be from the same root as 1.1 *k(r)jiw 'to twist'.

102. Syllableswithuroorbaclc.codas 513

It is often difficult to decide whether to reconstruct MC -jiw as *-jiw or .·rjiw. MC -jiw is placed in division IV of the rhyme tables (as the ·ji· combination of my Middle Orinese notation indicates), which usually seems 10 reflect DC *-j- plus a front vowel, without medial *·r-. But many cases ofMC -jiw show clear indications of medial *-r-. An example is (1588)

*'

jia < kjiw < *krjiw 'down-eurving'

whose phonetic is (1589) II lid < IjuwH < *C-rjiws 'whistling of the wind'. The reconstruction of a front vowel in this series is supponed by the division-IV word (1590)

¥

lido < lewx < *C-riw7'Polygonum plant'.

III the same xiesheng series we have also (t59t) ~ mid < mjiwH < *mrjiws 'lie. error'. Many of the words in this series seem to represent a root meaning "twist" or "wind". (The meaning "lie, error" of r.J mid is probably a metaphorical extension of "twisted"; compare English wring and wrong.) We also have the rhyming binome (1592) MJ~ cMumOu < drjuw-mjiw < *drjiw-mrjiw 'be tied round' (Odes 118.1 and 155.2) I suspect that this root is related to the following Tibetan word family. with OC *-w corresponding to Tibetan *-1 (see Bodman 1980: 75-79): 'gril-ba 'be twisted or wrapped round' sgril·ba 'to wind or wrap round; to roll, wrap, or wind up' 'dril-ba 'to be turned. roUed round, twisted into' 'khril·ba 'to wind or coil round. to embrace, to clasp round' 'khyil-ba 'to wind, to twist'.

At any rate, because of the clear evidence for *-r- in some words of the form MC Kjiw, I reconstruct Kjiw < *K(r)jiw. In a syllable like *Kjiw, VtithOllt *-r·, we would nonnally expect the velar initial to palatalize, which appe~tohavehappenedin

(1593)

qx shOu < syuw < *xjiw 'gather up, collect',

.514 10. New rhJIM CQugoriu/orOld Clrineu

whose phonetic, according 1361), is (l594)

'0 the ShuOwt. (ITmg Folblo 1!IU-1932 [1976J:

4 jiu < kjiw < ·k(rJjiw 'to twist',

But since we often find exceptions to our theory of palatalization, I am hesitant to reconstruct ··r· automatically in all cases where palatalization does not occur. Additional examples of ··iw Generally, ·-iw is to be reconstrUCted in those words of this group which have xilshing connections to Me ·t:w or -jiw, and which rhyme with unambiguous ·-iw words in the ShI)Tng. This includes xitshtng characters with the phonetics ~ /iil, fX qiu, 4 jia, ~ zMu, If yOu, and suo For example, I reconstruct

.m

(1595) II jUlo < ka:w < ·kriw 'glue' (rhymes as ·-iw in Odes 90.2A, 22g.3A) (1596)

'*

qiu < tshjuw < ·uhjiw 'autumn' (rhymes as ·-iwin Ode n.2A)

(1597)" chOu < trhjuw < ·hrjiw 'improve, cure' (rhymes as ··iw in Odes 9O.2A,264.1C). The word (I 59g) 1.lll eMu

< dTjuw 'night gown' (1)

appears from its phonetic to be an .-iw word, but it rhymes with *-u in the M10 version of Ode 21.28. However, other versions of the text read

(1599). chOu
II

has a regular

(1600) A (nido] < ttwX < *tiw7 'bird'

(1601) fJ tido < dew < *liw 'extending branches' (1602) Fa tido < dew < *diw 'to tune, adjust'

I!I!I you < 7ji",x) < 'lfr)ji",7) 'dark, black' (1604) I! bi40
(1603)

.-u

phonetic.

10.2. Syllables with uro or bad: codas 515

(1605)

tJJ you < JiiwH < *7(r)jiws 'young'

10.2.133. The rhyming of*-iw and *-u

In an earlier paper (Baxter 1986b), I examined the rhyming distinction be· tween *-iw and *-u using a chi-square analysis; here I reexamine the problem using the newer techniques developed in Chapter 3. According to the reconstructions above, within the tit You group, unambiguous cases of *-iw and *-u can be identified by the following criteria: 1. Syllables in Me -aw, -uw. and -u, and grave-initial syllables in MC -juw, -ju, and -wij, unambiguously reflect *-u. 2. Syllables in MC -ew or -jiw unambiguously reflect *-iw. The occurrences of unambiguous *-iw and *-u words in the Shfjfng are tabulated in Table 10.98. (The 0.96 confidence interval for P[*-iw] in plngsheng extends from 6185 = 0.071 to 18/85 =0.212. In shdngshing, the 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-iw] extends from 1/96 = 0.010 to 8/96 = 0.083. We will not be using PI*-iw] in qilshing.) Table 10.98. Rhyme occ:urreoc.es or unambiguous ·-iw and *-u words p[ng

*-iw tokens *-u tokens total tokens P[*-iw] p[·-u]

12 73

85 0.141 0.859

,Iulng

4 92

96 0.042 0.958

q' 1

30 31 0.032

0.968

The Shfjlng rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-iw and *-u words are tabulated in Table 10.99 by tone group and length of sequence.365 We see immediately from Table 10.99 that there are two mixed sequences inp(ngshlng. I believe these are artificial; they both involve the word (1606) ~ qiu < gjiw 'long and cwved', ",hich is an unambiguous *-iw word according to the criteria above because of its final -jiw; but this word rhymes with *-u words. and not with *-iw 1VOtds. in both of its Shfjfng rhyme occurrences. I conjecture that one word

516

10. NN'

Table 10.99.

''''1M calegDri.e:sfor Old CItiMse

Rhyme~

"'I""""

involving unambiguous ·-iwand ·-Iol words loCal

..

lOne

ten...

"'I""""

·-iw

'

p~g

2

17

I

3 4

3 3

2

25

3

S 3

0 0 2 0 0

14 3 3 23 S 3

'Mng

4

q.

mixed

2 0 0 0 0 0

loonel

has been mistaken for another here. Nevertheless, to avoid circularity, I treat it as an *-iw word when performing the statistical tests. Notice that in shtlngshlng, there are no mixed sequences involving phonologically unambiguous words, bUI there are two sequences involving unambiguous "'-iw words; thus we may use the method of section 3.2.6. The result is a probability of P = 0.000394 thai the observed degree of separation would occur by chance under the null hypothesis. (P does not exceed 0.002 for any values of Pf*·iw] within the 0.95 confidence intervals.) The rhyming distinction is thus confirmed for phonologically unambiguous words.

102.13.4. Rhyme sequences in "'-iw and "'-u The following sequences in the ShIjlng involve words in "'-iw (cases apparently mixing "'·iw and "'-u are discussed separately below. and are thus omitted from this liSl): 69.2A (with ··iwk(s), n.2A, 9O.2A. 117.18-2B. 137.3B. 143.IA (with '·ew), 153.2B, 154.4A (with '·ew), 155.4A (with '-ew), 179.5B (with '-ong?), 179.7A, 228.3A, 264.1C, 289.IA, and 291.1C (with "'-~) Note the tendency for *-iw and "'·ew to be confused in rhyming; this is similar to the confusion of "'-it and ... ·et found earlier (section 10.1.2). The following ShIjfng rhyme sequences involve *-u (sequences apparently mixing *·jw and *·u are discussed below): l.1A, 1.2A, 7.2B, 9.1A, 21.2B. 23.IB, 26.IA. 29.2A (wilh .·uts), 31.4B, 34.2B, 35.4A, 35.5A, 39.4B. 46.1A, 54.IB, 59.4A. 64.IB. 64.2B, 64.3B, 65.IC, 65.2C. 65.3C, 67.2A (with ··aw). 702A (with ··uk), 75.2A, n.2A, 78.3A. 79.3A (with ··uk),

10.2. SyUabluwithuroorbackcodas 517

BI.2A, 82.2B, 82.3C, 97.2A, 105.4A (,.;th ··aw), 114.3B, 115.2A, 120.2A, 123.1B-2B (,.;th "W), 123.2A, 127.1A, 128.2A, 133.IB, 135.2A, 136.3A, 143.2A, 154.6B, 154.70, 154.8B, 157.3A, 164.2B, 165.2B, 166.6B, 167.2B, 170.IA, 170.2A, 170.3A, 172.4A, 174.2A, 175.3A, 176.4A, 178.4A, 179.2A, 180.IA, 189.1B, 191.8B, 192.12A (";th '-aw), 193.IA, 193.8B, 194.5B, 195.3A, 197.2A, 197.7A, 2oo.5A, 2oo.6B, 205.6A, 208.3A, 209.6C, 21O.5A, 212.2A, 215.4A (with '-aw), 217.3A, 218.3A, 220.4A (,.;th ··aw), 221.1B, 223.8A (,.;th '-aw), 224.1A-2A, 229.2A, 231.2A-4A, 231.4B, 233.3A, 234.4B, 235.7B, 238.1A (with '-0), 240.3B (with '-aw), 24O.4B, 243.2A, 244.3B, 245.5A, 245.7A, 25O.4B, 252.2A, 253.2A, 255.3B (with ··uks), 256.3B (with '-aw), 256.6B, 257.IA, 257.6D, 259.5B, 260.3A, 261.1B, 262.IA, 262.6A, 263.3A, 263.5B, 264.6B, 265.4A, 282.IC, 282.IG, 283.IB, 286.1A, 291.1D, 292.IA (with '-i), 292.IB, 198.2A, 299.3A, 299.5B, 299.7A, and 304.4A. The following rhyme sequences appear to mix *·iw with *-u: 39.48. 54.IB,59.4A, 1l6.2A, 123.2A, 128.1A , 215.4A, 267.IA, 292.IB, and 299.7A. 10.2.135. Additional not~s

Some of the apparent irregularities in rhyming noted above may result from late character changes or substitutions in the text:

1. The three sequences 215.4A, 292.18, and 299.7A are regular *-u lequences except for the one word U qiu < gjiw < *g(rJiiw (?) 'long and curved'. As mentioned above, the Middle Chinese pronunciation of this word indicates *·iw, but there are no examples of U qiu rhyming with *-iw. Perhaps the reading tradition is in error here, and we should reconIlrUCl *g(r)ju (as suggested by the phonetic element of U) rather than ·g(r)jiw.

2. Similarly, the sequences 39.48 and 54.18 are regular *-u sequences except for the reduplicative (1607) ~~ fyouyou] < yuw-yuw < */jiw·ljiw 'long-brooding (of thoughts); far away; long-trailing (of banners)',

-hose phonetic indicates *·iw. Similarly, the homophonous expression (1608)

1!e youy6u < yuw-yuw < *ljiw-/jiw (?) 'flowing on'

rhymes in 59.4A, otherwise a regular *-u sequence. It is possible that there has been a late chllnleter substitution for some of these items. However, !§ !:: youyOu seems to rhyme regularly with ·-iw in a line-internal rhyme in Ode 179.7A. 3. In Ode 116.2 we have the line

~:t<*1I

su y1 zhJ2 XIV 'white robe and red EMBROIDERY', where

(1609) lI,riu < sjUWH < ·sjiw(k)s 'embroidery'

·-u

m

(and ·-uk). 0 reconstruct ·-iw in xiu rhymes unexpectedly with because of xitsheng evidence; cf. the division-IV" xido < sew < ·siw 'artemisia; whistling'). I conjecture that perhaps iI xia here is a loan for (1610) ft,riu < zjuwH < ·zjus 'sleeve', a regular ·-u word (cf. 120.2A, and a loan use in 245.5A). "White robe with red SLEEVES" would make a good parallel with the first stanza,

~:t<*11

suy1zhU 86 'white robe and red. COLLAR '. 4. Finally, note that 267.1A may well not be intended as a rhyme, since it occurs in a poem of the ZMu song section which otherwise does not rhyme at all, or else rhymes very irregularly. For the remaining irregular sequences (123.2A and 128.1A) I have no explanations to offer. However, it is possible that the change of ·-jiw to -juw occurred early enough to affect ShI}Tng rhyming in some dialects (see Baxter 1986b).

10.2.14. The traditional ~ Jue group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the ~ 1u6 group are listed in Table 10.100. Since this group includes both division-I -ow! and division-IV -et, aecording to the front-vowel hypothesis we must reconstruct it with a front-back contrast. I reconstruct .-uk and .-iwk, parallel to the *-u and ·-iw of the traditional D!i Y6u group.

102. Syllab/eswilhuroorbackcodos

519

Table 10.100. Middle Olinese finals of the traditional ~ JIII5 group

MC

AC (lW1gren)

Qiiy,," "',me

-uo' -dk

IX Wb(7Owk)

n m

-owk -zwk .juwk

IV

-<J.

·iek

I

~ Jot (lO<wk)

(in J"'l) (in part) (in part)

Ilil Xl (S
(in part)

mWii(7Uwt)

-iuk

comments

102.14.1. The reconstruction of the "'·uk(s) group The development of finals in "'·uk is summarized in Table 10.101. Table 10.101. Developmcnlof·-uk

Bax....

initiallype

MC

Karlgren

Li

Pullcyblank

'-uk

oil oil oil

-0....

....

''''

··"kw ·'r7kw ·.(r)j,,1cw

··Skw •.rSkw

'-""

·-(r)juk

-

·juwk

'~

·.1Ok

• ..('~kw

DC "'-uks developed like "'-us (see section 10.2.13 above), with which it merged as a resuh of final cluster simplification. Table 10.101 shows that "'-uk and "'-rule are distinguished in Middle Chinese; I attribute this to the fact that the change "'-u(K) > -aw(K), which applied only to syllables without "'-j., preceded ·r-color: "'-ruk > "'-rawk > MC -zwk. (This suggests that MC -owk should be analyzed as I-awkj < "'·uk, parallel to MC -ow < "'-u.) Some examples: (1611) ¥ljut < ka:wk < "'kruJc 'to awake' (also readjiao < ka:wH < "'kruks)

(1612) • xut < ha::wk < "'likruk 'learn; school; imitate' 'These forms with "'-r- may be compared with (1613) ~ goo < kawll < "'leuks 'announce, inform', also read "'tuk.

gu < /cowk <

However, since ·-u(K) > -aw(K) did not apply to syllables with medial -.j.., ·r-color had no effect on words with the final .-rjuk. As a result, ·-rjuk and ·-juk are generally not distinguishable after grave initials. In

520 10. New rhyme calego,us!or Old ChiMU

some cases, however, we can reconstruct *·rjulc on the basis of evidence other than Middle Chinese, as in (1614) ~ mu < mjuwk < *mrjuk 'concord, harmonious', whose phonetic is (1615) ~ = t:::. /iu -Iu < Ijuwk < *C·rjuJc 'six' Compare Tibeto-Burman *d-ruk 'six' (BenedicI1972: 94). Additional examples of DC *-uk(s) (1616)

=

du < dowk < *duk 'poison'

Compare Tibele>-Burrnan *duk - ruk (Coblin 1986: 120). (1617)

msu < sjuwk < *sjuk 'to stay overnight, lodge'; also read xiil < sjuwH < *sjuks 'positions in the sky (in which the moon is found on successive nights)'

(1618) (1619)

¥'.i - ¥!J ju < kjuwk < *k(r)juk 'exhausted, exhaustive'

mzhU < u-yuwk < *tjulc 'one who prays, invoker'; also read zhOu <

tsyuwH < ·tjuks 'to curse'

(1620) lJl./a
JO.2.14.2. The reconstruction o/the *-iwk(s) group The development of *-iwk is summarized in Table 10.102. Table 10.102" Development of *-iwk

Baxter

initial type

Me

Karlgren

*-iwk *-riwk. *-(r)jiwk

011 011 011

·r'

*·w "k. '", *-j,Ok.

."""'(1)

-juwlc.

...,..., Li

PuUeybJan};::

*.~k.w

*j5k.w *-'5k w *-{')ik w

*-(r)j:H:w

The final -rewk < *-riwk is a"theoretical possibility, but I know of no actual examples.

102. SyllaJieswiJh uro or back codas

521

Original *-iwks developed like *-iws (section 10.2.13). with which it IDCTged as a result of final duster simplification. Note that we must assume a change ··,.,1 > -1 in order to account for the change of *-iwk to MC -ek (see Appendix A). The Middle Chinese coda -wi is probably a separate development, for it often reflects OC *·k rather Iban *-wk. Unlike the ft!g You group. where *-(r)jiw remained distinct from *-(rJiu after grave initials in at least some dialects, *-(r)jiwk seems to have merged completely with *-(rHuk in this group. This means that *-uk and *-iwk can be distinguished in Middle Chinese only in syllables without medials *-r- or ._j-. There are thus relatively few unambiguous cases of *-uk and *·iwk. We can set up the following criteria: 1. All words in this group with MC *-owk are unambiguously *-uk. 2. All words in this group with MC -ek are unambiguously *-iwk. Unfonunately. by these criteria, only one ShIJTng rhyme word can be unambiguously assigned to *-iwk, namely (1621) ill:!: d{ < dek < *liwk 'advance'. To make matters worse, it rhymes only once in the Shljfng (in 257.l1A), and it rhymes there with the unambiguous *-uk word$: du < dowk < *duk ·poison'. For this reason, I am unable to demonstrate a statistically significant rhyming distinction between *-iwk and *-uk in the ShI}Tng; the sample is too small and too irregular. The actual number of contacts between words [ would reconstruct with *-uk and words I would reconstruct with *-iwk is rather small; such mixed rhymes appear only in 154.6A, 188.2A, 207.3A, 247.3B, and 257.1IA. Moreover, some of these may be due to textual problems, and at any rate a number of them involve words or passages that are poorly understood. But this is still a large number out of the two dozen or 80 rhyme sequences involving *-uk and *-iwk words. It is unclear whether the source of the irregularities is textual corruption or dialect mixture, or limply inadequacies in the reconstruction. There are, however, [faces of what I take to be the distinction between *-iwk and *-uk which support the basic correctness of the front-vowel hypothesis. We may begin by noting that the xiishlng series of (l622);Ji shU < syuwk < *stjiwk 'junior' (Karlgren 1957. item 1031) includes a number of words with the divisionIV final -ek < *-iwk, and this phonetic element can generally be taken as a

S22

/0.

N~ rllyrM cat~goriufor

Old C1liMH

sign of .-iwk. The initial consonants in this series are unusually diverse, which makes it even more challenging to reconstruct. Some examples are (1623) ii qf < uhek < ·Sthiwk (1) 'anxiously thoughtful, solicitous'

(1624) 'Bjt < dzd < ·SdiwA: (1) 'repose, quiet' Moreover, in bronze inscriptions, the word ~ shU < ·srjiwk is written with the graph ancestral to (1625)

q; dido < tewH < ·tilewks, also read dJ < teA: < ·lilewk,

whose division-IV final indicates a front vowel (see Karlgren 1957, item 1165), and which rhymes with ·-ew in 149.2A. When we turn to the ShIjTng rhymes, we find other indications of a from vowel in characters with this phonetic. For example, (1626) iii shU < dryuwk < *djiwk 'good'

rhymes in 69.2A and 257.58. The sequence 69.2A is

iIii xiu < sjuw < *sljiw 'dried, withered'

~ xido < sewH < ·siw(k)s 'wail'

IX xido < sewH < *siw(k)s 'wail' iii shU < dzyuwk < *djiwk 'good' The front vowel of It xido < sewN is confirmed by its division-IV final; and •

xiU has the same phonetic as

(1627) ~ tido < ~ < ·Jiw 'branch, twig'. In sequence 257.58 we find rhyming between *-iwk and the ·ile contacts we have found in other groups:

*~k,

parallel to

JiIJ xul < sjaJc < ·s(lJjewk 'scrape, destroy' fi jtd < rsjaJc < ·upk 'status, rank' 'fl

lw zhu6 < dr8:l4'k < ·!rewk 'moisten' iii sha < dzyuwk < ·djiwt 'good' ~ nl < net < *newt 'sink, go under' Each of the other four rhyme words shows evidence of a front vowel. The xMsheng series of ijlJ xul < sjak < .sjewt 'scrape, destroy' generally seerns 10 represent *-ew or *-ewt. fi jui < tsjak < *tsjewt 'status, rank' rhymes with ·-ewt in 38.28 and 220.1F. i; thud < dra:wt < .Irewt 'moisten' is probably cognate to ill d{ < det < .liwt 'wash', and has the division-IV phonetic d{ < det < .lewt 'pheasant feather'. Finally, ~ nl < nek. < ·newt 'sink' is a division-IV word itself.

e

10.2. Syllables with zero or bad; codas 523

Since both the rhyme sequences just discussed involve some irregularities (·-iwk rhyming with ·-iwor with ·-ewk), it is difficult to apply to them the statistical methods devised in Chapter 3; but it should be clear that the clustering of front-vowel fonDS together supports the front-vowel hypothesis, in spite of the irregularities found in other sequences. Additional examples of ·-iwk(s) (1628) if chll < tsyhuwk < ·thjiwk 'start, begin' (1629) il shu < syuwk < *stjiwk 'soybean' (1630)" sll: < sjuwk < ·sjiwk 'solemn' (1631) ~ [zhu1 < trhjuwk < ·hlrjiwk 'Rumex' (1632) U mil < mjuwk < ·mrjiwk 'solemn, dignified' (rhymes as *-iwk in 282.1B) (1633)

mIII < Ijuwk < *C-rjiwk -

·C·rjuk (?) 'quickly or early ripening

grain' Ute phonetic of fJ til: would seem to indicate ·C-rjiwk (see the discussion of the *-iw group above), but an alternate graph has the phonetic ~ = t'\. /ill < Ijuwk < ·C-rjuk (Xiang Xi 1986: 281). In fact, this word rhymes twice in the Shfjlng (154.78 and 300.18), both times with ·-it words rather than with ·-uk or ··iwk. Moreover, in both cases one of the other rhyme words is • mdi < mEk < ·mrik 'wheat'. Perhaps a formula or stock phrase is involved which preserves an older stage of phonology (see discussion in section 10.1.8.6).

10.2.143. Rhyme sequences in ·-uk(s) and ·-iwk(s)

1be following are regular ·-uk(s) sequences, or show contacts between *-uk. an
, •

524 10. New rhy~ cIJugorUsfor Old Chinese

*-iw, *-iwlc(s), and *·ewk. The sequence 282.18 may be another regular *·iwk sequence, but we have too little information on the word f~ nul to be sure. Sometimes a sequence involving qx shOu < *xjiw and II dU < *tuJc is recognized in 267.1A, but this is from the ZhOu stmg section and probably not intended as a rhyme.

10.2.15. The tnulitional ~ Dong group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the ~ Dong group

are

listed in Table 10.103. The ~ Dong group is uaditionally· regarded as the ydngshing group parallel to the yfnshing Ii' YOu group and the nlshing tI Jue group, but unlike those groups it lacks a division-rY final. It is actually parallel only to the back-vowel portions of those groups, that is, to *-u and *-uk, but not to *-iw and *-iwk. which have no corresponding rhyme with a nasal coda. r reconstruct this group with *-ung. Tabk 10.103. Middle OtiflCllC finals of !he traditional ~ DOng group

MC

"''''''''''"

I

-ow...

~ Dong (Towng)

U

-DoIfIg

IT JiAng (Kz-g)

JU

-jltWflg

JI! Dong (Tu-g)

(m pon)

(in p8rt)

10.2./5./. The recon.nTUCrion o/IM --ung group The development of finals in *-ung is summarized in Table 10.104. TabkIO.J04. [)evelopmentof·-1UJ8

Bax""

initiallype

MC

"",,lgren

Li

Pulleybtank

·-UIIg ·-nutg ·-(r)jwtg

oil

-owng -DoIng .j¥wng

·.ong .-9Ig ·-jpn8

·-~ngw

·-nngw

·-i1Jw ·-'i1Jw

• -(r )j~ngw

.-(r~1Jw

011 oil

10.2. Syllablrs witlt uro or bad: codas 525

As with *·u and *·uk, [ assume that the change *-u(K) > *-aw(K) affected -~ung and --rung, but not -·jung or *~rjung. (This suggests that MC ~owng should be analyzed as l~aWl'J/, parallel to MC ·aw < *·u.) The result is that -r-oolor affected *-rung (which became *-rawng > ~~ng), but had no ef~ feet on *-rjung, which had a rounded vowel; thus *-jung and *-rjung appar~ ently merged after grave initials. We have medial*·r· in this example: (1634) ~ jiang < kzwngH < *krungs 'to come down', also read xidng < hrewng < *fikrung 'to submit, surrender' Confirming the

*-r~,

we have in the same series

(1635) ~ 16ng < Ijuwng < *C-rjung 'high, eminent'. Since my reconstruction of this group is consistent with the traditional lD&1ysis, there is no need to discuss its rhyming in detail. The ~ Dong rhyme shows occasional contacts in rhyming with the ~ Qrn group, leading IOl11C scholars to reject the traditional distinction between them. In section 3.3.1, I showed that there is in fact a significant rhyming distinction between the two groups, so they cannot simply be regarded as one. The occasional thyme contacts between them may be relics of an earlier phonological stage, or they could reflect a merger of original *'m and *·ng in some dialects. We will return to this issue when discussing the if Qrn group below (section 10.3.3). Additional examples of *·ung (1636)

*

zong < tsowng < *LSung 'ancestral temple'

(1637) ~ dOng < towng < *tung 'winter' (1638) $l zhOng < tsyuwng < ·tjung 'end' (probably cognate to ~ ·tung 'winter', the end of the year) (1639)

1X r6ng < nyuwng < .njung 'weapon; military'

(1640):* ch6ng < dzrjuwng < *dzrjung 'to pile high' (1641)

zhOng < trjuwng < *k~ljung 'middle'; compare Tibetan gzhung 'middle, midst' (Bodman 1980; 123)

q:.

This last is used in the Eastern Han work Bd; hi1 tOng yl Iound gloss for (1642) 'S gang

8 J1e 11 it

< Icjuwng < *k(r)jung 'house' (Coblin 1983: 156).

as a

.526 10. New rhYI11e calegoriesfor Old ChiM$e

10.2.16. The traditional1t XiIO group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the 1; Xiao group are listed in Table 10.103. Took 10.103. Mickl.1e O1inese finals of the tradilional 1t XiAo group

I II III IY

MC

AC(KM'-)

QiiJ"" mymo

-ow

....

IE H'" (Haw)

-"'"

-j(i)ew

"" -jlJu

-<W

-ieu

oom"",,~

:It Y'" (H....)

(in part) (in part)

lliI X,," (Sew)

(in pan)

WX,," (Sjew)

There are no JcijilcOuJhilcOu contrasts in this group. but there are contrasts between division-I ·aw and division-IV -ew, as in the following minimal pair:

(1643) ~ do < ngaw < *ngaw
Thus, according to the front-vowel hypothesis, we must reconstruct both front and back vowels in this group. I reconstruct *-aw and *-ew. l02.16.J. The reconsrrucrion of rhe *-aw group

The development of finals in *-aw is summarized in Table 10.104. Toole 10.104. Development of·-aw Baxle<

initial type

MC

Karlgren

Li

,-ow

~l

-ow

·-raw ·_jaw

~l

-"'" ·jew (III)

'-og '''g

'-0'"

·-rjaw

..."" "'

... ...v. "'"Ie

-jew .jew (III) .j~

·-10g .'1og ._1og ._1og

·-ragw • _jagw ·-jagw ·-jagw ·-rjagw

Pulleyblanlc

,,,.

••r.1.. '-d • '-d. ._rd..

·-'d..

/0.2. Syllables willi zero or bad codas 527

The finals listed in Table 10.104 remained essentially unchanged in Middle Qrinese except for the influence of medial ·-r· and ._j.. Note mat after pve initials, original *-jaw and --rjaw are indistinguishable in Middle annese, merging as division·rn -jew. (For this reason, I will usually write --(rHaw as the source of Me -jew.) In this respect, the *·aw group is similar to the --oj group (in the traditional :It: Ge group), where --jaj and -·rjaj evidently merged as division-rn -je in Middle Chinese. Moreover, lICither' -je < *·jaj nor -jew < *-jaw induced the labiodentalization of a labial initial in Late Middle Otinese, unlike -jon < *-jan; the result is that modem Mandarin has no syllables like lao. This can be accounted for if we assume dlat some process fronted the main vowel in syllables such as *-jaj and --jaw, for I am working under the assumption that it is medial -j- followed by a back vowel that conditions labiodentalization. However, I leave this question~en for now, as it concerns Middle Chinese more than Old OIinese. Examples of *-aw (1645) or; g/IQ < /caw < "/caw "aU, high' (1646) 7J d/IQ < taw < "taw 'knife'

(l647).:g

mao < maw < -maw 'hair, fur'

(1648) ¥Il dQQ < tawH < *taws 'arrive' (1649) ~ jido < tzw< *traw 'suburbs'

(1650)

mzMo < tsyew < -tjaw 'bright, glorious'

(165 I) iii mi
528

10.

N~

10.2./6.2.

,hJtM ClUt:gomsfor Old CJtiMM

T~

rt!constnu::tion oftM

·..ew group

The development of finals in ··ew is summarized in Table 10.105. Table 10.105. BulU

Developmentor·.~

initial type

Me

'- '" ,. -.,. .11

._,~

••jt:w

._'j~

... ",we ...

.j~ .jew (Ill)

"'ute

.j~

·jiew (IV)

Karl.,..

Ii

Pulleyblank

·-;08

·-iagw ·.,agw

·jtJIt

••jiagw

·jd.

._jDgw ·-jagw ••,jogw

' ._(')d. ··'d.

'''g ··j,08

..j,og

··108

··j,os

•.rd.

...

My assumptions predict that there could be cases of division·m ·jew from OC ·-rjew. but 1 know of no clear examples of this. Note that there are no double division-[J rhymes in this group, like the contrast of -lD'I and ·En in the 7G Yulin group; evidently ··raw and ··rew merge as Me ·zw. By Late Middle Chinese, all the double division·H rhymes appear to have merged, so perhaps this process simply began earlier in this group than in others. Examples of ·-ew (1656) ~ yeW < ngew < ·ngew 'high; name of legendary emperor' (1657) ~ .lido <.lew < ·hngew 'cry with alarm' (1658) fTJ1. jido < kewx < ·k..,? 'brigh" (1659) ~ sMo < 'Y'" < ·hngj.., 'bum' (1660) 'J' xi40 < sjewx < ·s(lJjew7 'small' Words with

'J' xiiJo as phonetic generally have •. ew; cf. also

(1661) ffl qido < tshjewx < ·uhjew7 'grieved' (1662)

VJ pido < phjiew (IV) < ·phjew 'toss about'

Words in this xiishlng series rhyme consistently as ·--ew; see Odes 26.4A, 85.2B, 149.2A, and oomp"'" (1663) l!I! bido < bji..,X (IV) < ·bj..,?'drop'.

10.2. Syllables with zero or bad codas

529

(1664) 'll! ylJo < 7jiew (IV) < '7jew 'waist'

(1665) ~jitlo < tsjew < *rsjew 'roast, bum, scorch' Words with ~ jido as phonetic seem to have *·ew. least the same root, is found in

The same word, or at

(1666) ~ jitlo < tsjew < *tsjew '(of a tortoise shell:) to burn without oracu· lar cracks appearing' (Morohashi 1955-1960, item 48860),

which according to the the original phonetic in

ShuO~n

(Ding Fublo 1928-1932 [1976]: 3126) is

(1667) fX qiu < tshjuw < *tshjiw 'autumn'. This is another example of the common contacts between *-iw and *-ew. 10.2.163. The rhyming of*·aw and *-ew

According to our reconstruction, we can set up the following criteria for identifying unambiguous cases of *·aw and *·ew:

I. MC·aw unambiguously reflects OC *·aw.

2. MC -ew and -jiew (IV) unambiguously reflect OC *·ew. The rhyme occurrences of phonologically unambiguous *-ew and *·aw words are summarized in Table 10.106. Table 10.106. Rhyme occurrences ofunambiguoos·~ and·-aw words

pm.

qu

··ew tokens

t1

4

t

.-aw tokens _lot"",

35

8

t8

46

t2

to

P[·-ew)

0.239 0.761

0.333

0.053

0.667

0.947

P[·-awl

("The 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-ew] in pfngsMng extends from 6/46 = 0.130 to 17/46 = 0.370. The 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-ew] in shiJng.Mng extends from 1/12 = 0.083 to 7/12 = 0.583. We will not be using P(*·ew] in qilshtng.) The Shrjing rhyme sequences involving unambiguous *-aw and *-ew ""Ords are tabulated in Table 10.107 by tone and length of sequence.367

.530 10. New rhy~ cDUgOnLs!or Old Chinese Tabie 10.107. Rhyme sequences involving unambiguous "-awand "-ew words '"'I""""

lOCa1

lOne

1",'"

SOl""""

.U.S

2

11

'q......

3

3 3

2

.....

.-ow

""'
3 0

6 1

2 2

1

2

0

[oonel

There ~ sevenJ mixed sequences of unambiguous words in p(ngshing, and this portion of the sample by itself is not very strong evidence for the front-vowel hypothesis. However, there are no mixed sequences in shilngsheng, and there is one sequence involving only the less frequent *-ew words, so the method of section 3.2.6 applies. When the whole sample is evaluated, we get a probability of p = 0.0488

that such a sample would show this degree of separate rhyming by chance. This is a significant result, since it is under our criterion level of 0.05. However, there are values of P[*-~] for pfngshlng and shilngshlng within the 0.95 confidence intervals for which P is as high as 0.086. Thus, though there is evidence for separate rhyming here. it is somewhat weaker than in most of the other groups. But in any case. the front-vowel hypothesis is supported strongly by the evidence of other groups, and does not rest on the evidence of this one group alone. Rhyme sequences in *-aw and

*-~

The 15" Xilio group includes a large proportion of phonologically ambiguous words, which on the basis of their Middle Chinese readings could be reconstructed with either .·aw or ._~. Those words which rhyme orten can usually be reconstructed on the basis of their rhymes, but the relatively large number of irregular rhymes in this group sometimes makes it difficult to do so with confidence. Some doubtful cases are discussed below. The following rhymes appear to involve *-aw but not *-ew: l.5A (with *."wk(s), 15.1B, 3O.IA (wilh *."wks), 32.1B, 53. lA, 57.3A, 58.5A, 58.5B (with *-awk(s), 61.2A, 64.2A, 65.1B, 67.2A (with *-u), loo.IB, 102.18, 105.4A (wi1h *-u), 109.IA, 113.3B, 127.3B, 143.3A, 146.IA, 153.4A, 168.2A, 179.3A, 181.3A, 186.1A, 192.IIA (with *-awk), 192.12A (with

10.2. Syllabiu with uro or bod coda.!

S31

...J, 193.7A, 202.1A, lO5.5A, [215.4A (with ··u1)), 218.2A, 218.3A (with .·UJ, 220AA (with ··u?, 221.1A-3A, 223.28, 227.1A, 232.1A, 239.5A, 240.3B (with ··u), 250.2B, 254.4A with ·-awk(s), 256.38 (with ··u), 2S6.11A (with ·-awfc(s), 261.5A (with ·-awfc(s)), 290.IF, and 299.2A. The following rhyme sequences involve ··ew but not ·-aw: 26.4A, 143.lA, 149.2A (with ·-ewk(s», 154.4A (with ·-iw), and 155.4A (with

··iw). The following rhymes appear to mix ··aw and ··ew: 79.2A, 142.1A, 146.3A, 161.2A, 210.58, 223.7A, 242.3A, and 254.3A. Some textual notes on these appear in the following section.

102.16.4. Additional notes 1. In Ode 223.8A, ~ mOo < maw 'narne of barbarian group' rhymes with .-w words, but it in its present fonn it has the ··aw phonetic ~ < maw < ·maw 'hair, fur'. However, it is also found written with the ·-u phonetic (mdo] < muw < mjuw < ·m(rJiu 'lance' (Xilng Xi 1986: 291). On the basis of the rhyme and this latter character, we should probably reconstruct • as ·mu, and consider this a regular ··u rhyme.

mao

*"

•l

· ·• •

2. In 192.12A and 218.3A we have apparent rhymes between the ··u word

(1668) ii!ijill < ujuwx < ·uju? 'wine'

and the ··ow word (1669) H [ydol < ha::w < ·graw 'viands'.

In view of these rhymes, we could reconstruct H ydo as *gru(7) instead, but il rhymes as ··aw in IOO.IA. Another possibility is that ii5 jill and G ydo. like ti hum and Q gu!, were a traditional rhyme pair which rhymed at some earlier stage, bUI no longer rhymed perfectly in Shljlng times (see discussion in section 10.1.8.6).

3. In 155.4A, we would normally reconstruct

tt ydo < yew as

.'jaw; it

rhymeS as ·-aw in 65.1 B, in the line

'i',c'1l1l zhOng xfn ydo YAD 'In the core of my hean I am (SHAKEN:) agitated'.

But in 155.4A, tl ydo rhymes with four other front·vowel words, and IIbOreover it is pan of the rhyming binome

,

S32

10.

N~ r1lJrM

calt:gorVsfor Old CItiMSt:

(1670) ill!1f. pidoydo
··ew word (as shown by its division.JV

4. TIle sequence 146.3A may mix ··aw(k)s and

.--ew.b, for the word

(1671) II ydo
5. In 161.2A, the reading tradition indicates a front vowel in (1672)

tt tido < thew < ·h1ew 'be slighting, mean',

while the other four rhyme words are .-ow words. Note, however, that the MOO commentary glosses tt: tido here as (l673) Wf yu
tou < thuw < *hIo 'steal; rude; mean',

This sound gloss of M4o's suggests that the front vowel in fit tido is an error; it seems more likely that ·hlo would be used as a sound gloss for "'hlaw than for "'hlew.

6. Sequence 21O.5B has (1675) l!f lido < lew < *C·n:w 'lard' rhyming with

··aw words; perhaps this is an error for the graphically similar

(1676). gdo < /utw < */utw 'gn:asc', which would fit the context equally well, and makes a regular rhyme. 10.2.17. The traditional. Vio group The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in Ihe • listed in Table 10.108.

Yao group are

10.2.

Syffabl~$

T4IbU lOJOB. Middle Otincsc finals of the traditional •

with uro or back codas 533

¥io group

Me

1

o

m IV

... ..... .... ....

-jol:. ·d

.

.
•

"""(Oak)

~ WO(7Owk) :l'; 1"" (Kzwk) Ii! Y"'{Yak)

£Il Xl (Sek)

(mpan) (in part) (in pan) (in pan) (in part)

1be division-I finals from this group fluctuate among -ale. -owk. and -uwk• • in the following item, for whlch the GudngyUn preserves three different ladings: (1677) ~ III <.rat - xowk -.ruwk < ·,rawk 'blaze, flame'

1bc various readings probably reflect dialect mixture, with different treatments of final··wk. The main development is for ··wk to merge with origi1II1·-k (bya the change ·~w.t > -k) so that we have (1678). l~ < 10k < ·g-rawk 'rejoice' merging with

(1679) It 1U
and (1680) _jl< kek < ·kewk 'dam up and cause to rush up (water)' merging with (1681) !ll!J1 < uk < 'uk ',,,i1«'.

1be reflex ·owk < ··awk could represent a dialect in which thls merger limply did not happen (at least not in this environment). (The final which I transcribe as -owk might be phonologically /-awkl or /_akw I; see the parallel argument for the analysis of Me -owng in section 10.2.15 above.) This group shows contrasts between division-I and division-IV finals, though minimal contrasts are rare; we have a contrast

(1682). Ie < laic < ·g-rawk 'rejoice' (1683) Ill! /I < lek < 'C·rewk 'oak', but note that the first character is the phonetic element in the second. and the ftIro words rhyme in 132.2A.

534

10.

N~rlry~ctUegoriuforOldChiMse

Nevertheless, some xibMng series and some rhyme sequences seem to show front vowels consistently, so J will assume that we have both *-awt and *-ewk in this group.

102.17.1. The reconstruction o/the *-awk(s) group The development of DC *-awk is summarized in Table 10.109. Table 10.109. Oeveklpment of--aw.t

'-01< .".

.- ....

-.jok

--(,)jakw

Bu....

initial type

Me

Xarlg=

'-awl -·raw!

all aU aU

-dJ-owkl-1lWi

.

--(,yawk.

.,",",

-jai

Li

PuUeyblanJc

-·,atw

--'d4

--(')dq

Note that the distinction between *-rjawk and *-jawk leaves no trace in Middle Chinese after grave initials. Original *·awb developed like *·aws (section 10.2.16.1), with which it merged by final duster simplification. Examples of *-awk.(s) (1684) ~ te < talc. < *g·rawk 'rejoice' (1685) ~

yue < nga::wk < *ngrawk 'music', also read as yoo < nga:wH <

*ngrawb 'to entertain' (Jfngdidn shiwen gives this as the pronunciation of ~ in Ode 1.5.) (1686)

m: ydo < yak < *rawk 'medicine'

(1687) II b6 <pal< - powk < 'pawk 'collar' (1688) 1! ~ < ngjak < *ng(r)jawk 'cruel, oppress' (1689)

rm xld < xjak < *hng(r)jawk 'ridicule,jest'

102.172. The reconstruction o/the *-ewk(s) group The development of DC *-eWk is summarized in Table 10.110.

10.2. Syllables wilh uro or bod: codas 535 Table 10.1 10. Development of ·-ewk

Bax'"

initial type

Me

Karlgren

Li

PuUeybianlc

'.",*

011

··iok

·-rewk

~I

."

·-(r)j~k

011

.jaJ.:

._jok

••J4kw ··rakw ·-(rJjakw

.jdq .-'dq ••('Jdq

."""

,~,

Original *-ewks developed like *-ews (section 10.2.16.2), with which it merged by final cluster simplification. Examples of *-ewk(s) (1690) itt jf < kek < *kewk 'dam up and cause to rush up (water)', also read Me kewH < */cewks (1691)

mnl < nek < *newk 'sink', also read nido < newll < "'newks 'urine'

(1692) ji rub < nyak. < *njewk 'weak' (1693)

re dl < lek < *rewk 'mark in a target'

f-J dido < lewH < *tewks 'to fish with a pole' (1695) 1!'J zhu6 < rsyak < *tjewk 'to pour or ladle into a cup' (1696) "J sluUJ < dzyak < *filjewk 'ladle, cup' (1694)

(1697) ill' yui
m- i! dI < de' < *liw' 'flute'.

(1699) kf3 yue < Jjak < "'7(rliewk 'to bind', also read 7jiewH (IV) < "'7jewks

Note the division-IV cMngniu final in the qtlsMng reading, which confirms the front vowel *e. 10.2.173. The rhyming of*-awk and *-ewk

We may identify unambiguous cases of *-awk and *-ewk by these criteria: 1. All words in MC -ak or ·owk from this group unambiguously reflect *-awk. 2. All words in MC -ek from this group unambiguously reflect "'-ewk.

536 10.

NewrhymecaulloriuforOIdChiM~

Unfonunately, these phonologically unambiguous words are too infrequent to allow statistical testing: for example, there are only three occurrences of unambiguous ·-ewk words used as ShIJTng rhymes. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify additional cases of ·-ewk from other evidence, and to see clear indications of a distinction. For example, the word (1700)

m. jtd < ISjak < ·tsjewk 'status, rank'

mymes three times: in Odes 38.28. 220.1F. and 257.58. All three mymes involve words with clear front-vowel connections. By chaining together such words, it is possible to separate ·-owk rbymes from ·-~k rhymes in most cases. The following sequences involve ·-awk words but not ·-ewk words: 1.5A, 30.1A (with ·-aw), 55.3B, 58.5B (with ·-aws), 95.1C-2C, 116.1A, 171.IA, 192.llA (with ··aw1), 198.3B, 228.2A, 254.4, 256.llA (with ·-aw), and 261.5A (with ·-aws). The following sequences involve ·-ewk(s) but not ··awk(s): 38.28, 149.2A (with ··ew). 220. IF. 257.58 (. five·word sequence). The following sequences appear to mix ·-awk(s) and ·-ewk(s): l32.2A, 146.3A, 242.3A, and 259.48. The sequence 132.2A apparently rhymes ~ /l < *C-rewk 'oak' with . , It < *g-rawk 'rejoice', as mentioned above. The remaining irregular sequences all involve phonologically ambiguous words with the phonetic di < ·Iewk which rhyme with ·-awk words. 369

u:

10.3. Syllables with labial codas Syllables with labial codas are generally less frequent than syllables of other types; perhaps this is because some of them were lost early as a result of dissimilatory processes (Bodman 1980: 113-24). Any infrequent group of words tends to occur even less frequently in rhyming, since it is difficult to find rhymes for them, and there is probably also a tendency to loosen the usual rhyming standards for such words. The same is probably true also of the standards for phonetic similarity in xi/sheng series. It is thus not surprising that we are unable to find statistical support for our vowel system among the rhymes of these groups. However, various olher kinds of evidence indicate that the full six-vowel system originally existed before labial codas. (The evidence of qilfhing words which originally had the coda *.p is especially indicative.)

10.3. Syllables with labial codas

537

10.3.1. The lraditiooal ~ nn group The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional listed in Table 10.111.

Sl Tan group are

Tab/I! 10.111. Middle Chinese finals or !he traditional ~ Tan group

I

MC

AC(Ka"gren)

....

.... .... ....

-om 0

."", -~

m IV

-4m

-j(i}tm

-iAm

-jtml -jom

-10m ·1wom

-<m

-il!m

QiLy"" myrne

comments

a;I! T4n (Dam) ll'T4n(Dom) fti Xi4n (Ha:m) Jill( J04n (Hem) II V4n (Yom) Ii V4n (Ngjaom) R, F4n (Bjorn) ~ T;an (Them)

(in part) (in part)

(in pan)

As specified in Table 10.111, this group contains two contrasting division-I finals, ·am and -om, which I reconstruct as OC *-am and *-om, as in the following minimal pair: (1701) If luin < ham < *gam 'elated through wine, tipsy' (1702) iii luin < hom < *gom 'envelop, contain' Karlgren and Li Fang-kuei did not recognize this distinction within the ;t Tin group; instead, they assigned all cases of MC -om to the it QIn group and reconstructed them with *-~m. But DOOg T6ngM found reason to reconstruct two division-I finals in the ~ Tan group, as we shall see below. There are also contrasts in this group between the division-I finals and a division-IV final, which I reconstruct as *-em: (1703) ~ rd. < dam < "lam 'speak' (1704) ffl tidn < dem < *lem 'calm, tranquillity'. Thus I reconstruct a three-way distinction *-am ¢ *-om ¢ *-em in this group, parallel in some ways to *·an '¢ *-on ¢ *-en in the traditional 7G Yu," group. Unfonunately, the Shfjrng data are insufficient to establish these distinc· tions; there are in all no more than ten Shf.Jlng rhyme sequences involving

538

10. New rhyme caugories{or Old Chi/1t~

words of this group. However, there are arguments from other evidence in support of the proposed reconstruction. Some of these were made by OOng T6nght, who proposed a two-way subdivision of the traditional it TAn group. One reason for recognizing both *.-am and *-om in the Tin ~ group is that some words with Me -om rhyme in the ShIjTng wim finals like -jrm which nonnally indicalC me ~ Tin group (see for example the sequence 145.3A). D6ng T6ngbt (1944 [1948):108-12) argued on the basis of ;xitsheng evidence that some words in -om belonged in me ~ Tin group. He found that this group can be divided into two subgroups with different patterns of xjbhlng connections. The first subgroup shows xiblreng contacts among the following three Qieylln rhymes: ~ Tan (Dam), MC -am lti Xian (Ha:m), MC -_ II Y4n (Yem), MC -j(i)em.

The second subgroup shows contacts among me following four rhymes: -- T4n (Dom), Me -om ~ Xian (H£m), MC -Em II nn (Yem), MC -j(i)em ij;i THIn (Them), MC -em He reconstructed the Conner subgroup with *-dm and *-am, the Jatter and *·em. (He made the same argument for syllables subgroup wim in *-p as welL) I reconstruct D6ng's *-dmJ-am group with *·am. It turns out that his *·imJ-em group can be further split into two groups, which I reconstruct as *·om and *-em. It is striking mat in his *-im/.f!m group, DOng cites no examples of xiishlng contacts connecting all four of the QityWl rhymes above: there are contacts among • Tlin (Dom), ~ Xiin (HEm), and 9 Yin (Vern) on the one hand (which reflect my *-om), and contacts among ~ Xian (Hem), II Yan (Yem), and ij;i Tian (Them) on the other (which reflect my *·em), but none which mix ~ Tin (Dom) < *·om and ~ Tiiin (Them) < *-em. Also, from a distributional point of view, it is odd that DOng's medial *.j. should occur before *-l!m but not before *·am. Both these patterns can be explained if we recognize a further split in D6ng's *-Bmr*·em group: me words which show contacts with ~ Tiln ('Them) are to be reconstructed with *·em, and those which show contacts with ~ Tan (Dom) are to be reconstructed with *-om. The details of the reconstruction are summarized below.

*-a-n

10.3. Syllables with labial codas

539

103.1.1. The reconstruction of the *·am group The development ofOC *·am is summarized in Table to.112. Tobie JO.IJ2. Developmentof·.am Box'"

initial type

Me

Ka"_

Li

PuUeyblanlc

'-am

01'

....

'-am

'-am

'-am

·-,am ·-jam

oil

"""Ie 'K.p-

·-,jam

"'"Ie .,.,.

-am

-jem

-jlDlt

-jom -jem -jem (III) - -ja:m'!

'-am ._jam

·-ram

·-'din

••jam ._jam ._jam

'-
.......'- ...._,jam ._jilm -j

•_jam

-p"'"

·_'dm

·jdm (?)

The developments shown in Table 10.112 are largely analogous to lhose of "'·an, though a number of Middle Chinese distinctions are difficult to establish with certainty. MC -jlm1 and -jom are basically in complementary distribution, and -jlm1 and -jem are also difficult to distinguish in the Middle Cbinese sources. It is possible that *-jam and *-rjam had already begun to merge after *K· initials, as -jon < *-jan and -jen (III) < *-rjan eventually did in the 7G Yu~ group. Examples of *-am (1705)

tt glin
(1706). dan < tam < *tam or *k-lam 'to carry on the shoulder'; also read dan < tamJ/ < *tams or *k-lams (1) 'burden'. Compare Austroasiatic fonns such as Khmu1 Ham 'to carry on the shoulder'. cited by Bodman (1980: 112); but see also Written Burmese thf1m, ;JtMm 'carry on shoulder' (Benedict 19700.: 54). (1707)

e: zhdn < tsyem < *tjam 'see, look at'

(1708) ~ /dn < lam < *g-ram 'indigo' (Compare Proto-Tai *gram, Li 1977: 231) (1709) ~ jilin < klm1 < *kram 'supervise' (1710) 9 ydn < yem < *r(j)am 'salt'

540

10.

N~rhymecaJ~loriLsforOfdClliMu

Compare Tibetan rgyam-tslrwa '3 kind of rock salt'}70 (1711) ~ y4n < hj... < ·liljam (1) 'blaze, blazing'

The Middle Chinese initial hj- is unusual here, if not irregular. Li Fang-kuei derives it from ·gwjam, which is possible, but the rest of the xi~shlng series, including words that are probably related, seems to indicate */.: (1712) t~ rd. < dam < ·Iam 'aflame; burning with grief' (Karlgn:n 1957, item 617k). Bodman also cites Written Burmese (1980: 1(0).

~-h/yam

'the coruscation of flame'

103.1.2. The reconstruction ofrhe *-em group The development of OC ··em is summarized in Table 10.113. Table/OJ 13. Development or·--em

au", '~m ··r~m

·-jem ·.rjem

..

initial type

Me

lCa'l"",n

~m

.....

.~

-jem pave (1· only?) -jiem (IV) -jem ""'Ie -jem (Ill) pave

""'Ie

··iam ._jDm ._jdm. ._jIJm ._jam

U

.•,""" .

. "•" " ,

··jam ··jiam ·-rjam ·-jiam

PuUeyblank

·jdm

.....

•.'4m.

.jdm.

·.rdm ·jam (1)

The finals in ·-em remained essentially unchanged in Middle Chinese except for the effects of ·r-color and ·r-loss. We would expect ·-jem to become division-IV -jiem after all grave initials, but for reasons that are unclear, this final occurs only after the glottal stop initial in Middle Chinese. e.g.

(1713). ydn < ljiemJ/ (IV) < ·7jems 'satiate, satisfy'. The only unambiguous *·em word that rhymes in the ShIjlng is

(1714) IIi [didn] < remx < ·rem7 'flaw, defect'; it rhymes in Ode 265.3A with (1715) ~ bidn < pjemx < ·pi-je/am7 'diminish'

103. Syllables with labial codas

541

which might for that reason be reconstructed with --em. However, in the same xiishing series with ~ bkfn we have

(1716) Qfd < bjop < 'bjoJop 'to lack', which is unlikely to have had a front vowel since its initial consonant Iabiodentalizes.

'The phonetic

Ci can generally be taken as an indication of --em:

Ci zhtln < tsyem < ·tjem 'prognosticate' (1718) lUi didn < clemx < 'tem7'dot' (1717)

In the foUowing xiishLng series, we find both velar initials and Me L·; in my Je(:OOstruction system this is unexplained: (1719) *jUln
-um 'combine, at the same time'

(1720) lilian < Ljon < -C-rjem 'angle, angular; modest'

103./3. The reconsrrucrian o/the --om group The development of DC --om is summarized in Table 10.114. TobkIO.I14. Developmentor--om Oaxle<

.....

--rom -.jom

initial type

. ~I

",.Ie

·K·

...

.p-

--rjam

"'·K· .p-

Me

.... -Dn

.jDn .jrm

-;om .~m

.jrm

.;om

""'.,e' '."" ...... -.,iDn

-.jdm -.jwdm -.jon -.jdm -.jwdm

Li

Pulleyblank.

-·3'm •-nom •

-·Sm

-.jam -.jam -.jam -.rjam

-.jam -.jam

-.rdm

...... ...... ......

-.rdln --dni(?) --.dm(?)

At some point between Old Otinese and Middle Chinese, rounding became nondistinctive in vowels before labial codas; whether this took the form of a dissimilation -·om > [-Am] or of an assimilation in the other direction is unclear, and different dialects may have taken different roUles. I call this change labial neutralization. Old Vietnamese loans (which were borrowed from Otinese into Vietnamese before the main Sino-Vietnamese stratum) often have rounded vowels corresponding to Me ·om and ·op, as in the

542

10. Newrlmrv Cillegoriu/orOld ChiMse

foUowmg examples, cited by Wling Ll (1948 [1958]: 371), fOl" whicb special characters were sometimes created in Vietnamese (called chit n6m 'demotic characters' );

IIifi

nom 'demotic, popular (language) [Le. southern, as opposed to Chinese]', from nan < nom < *nim 'south' (compare with Sino· Vietnamese nam); compare also ndm 'southern (of wind)'.

m

Ii Mm

'locker, U'Unk, chest, coffer', from contain' (Sino-Vietnamese ham)

iii

hdn < hom < *gom 'to

'" n~p 'to deliver (criminal), submit (application) to the authorities; to pay (taxes, fine)', from ~ nil < nop < *nup 'bring or send in' (SinoVietnamese 1If'P)

:ft: ~p 'carton, case', from:ft: hi < hop < *gop 'box' The rounded vowels in these early Vietnamese loans suggest that the original Otinese items also had rounded vowels (at least in the dialect which was the source of the loans), irrespective of whether the vowel was rounded in Old Chinese or not; it appears that labial neutralization was an assimilatory process which added rounding to the vowel under the influence of the following labial. According to the sound changes I have assumed. we would expect *·um and *·im to be lowered to *·om and *'N7l respectively by hi > mid; as a resuh of labial neutralization, they would both merge with original *·om as MC -om. The reconstructions of the division·lli finals are tentative. Probably we have *-om - *-um in the phonetic series (1721) Rfdn. < bjom < *brjom 'every, all'; compare proto-Tai *br:xn (Haudricourt 1954. [1972]: 174) which shows numerous indications of medial *-r-. In syllables with unrounded vowels, the medial combination *·rj· blocks labiodentalization, but if the vowel was rounded. then we would expect *·rjom and *-jom to merge. 311 Other examples are (1722) ft: fdn < bjomJl < *brjoms 'Brahma; Sanslcrit, PaU, Indian' (from [ndic brahmd) (1723) 1ft [fdn] < bjom < r/!brjom 'sail' We could also have *·r· in (1724) Mleng
10.3. Syllables with labial codas 543

The dissimilation of final "'-m here is well-known. The vowel in m/lng is unclear, because of the general difficulty of distinguishing "'-im from "'-wn (see section 10.3.3 below); even if the original vowel were "'i, it could have assimilated to "'u by the time ·r-color applied, so that the main vowel was by then rounded and thus not affected. This word could be related to ProtoTai "'d1lJOm A2 'wind' (Li 1977: 125,273); note that Proto-Tai *d1- corresponds to OC *pr· also in (1725)

.U btlo -

be < p;c,vk < *prok 'to cut up, flay, peel, pluck', compare Proto-Tai "'d1:>k D2L 'to skin, to peel', also *p:>k DlL 'to peel' (Li 1977: 62, 125,277).

Additional examples of *·om (1726)

ilia handan < hOmX-domx < *gom?-(g-)lom7 'lotus flower' (rhymes in Ode 145.3A)372

(1727)

ill hdn < *lwm < *gom 'soak, overflow' (rhymes in Ode

198.2A)

(1728) ~ gdn < Iwmx < *kom?'to sense, feel, touch' 10.3.2. The traditional ~ He group This group is the ru.shlng counterpart to the ;l Tan group. The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in this group are listed in Table 10.115. TtJbk 10.115. Middle OJinese finals of the lraditional ~ He group MC I

D

m

...

AC (KMlgren)

QiiyiUI rhyme

.{jp

~ He (Hap)

comments

.go He (Hop)

-op

-4P

-"P

-ap

-q>

.j(j)ep

-dp -jlIp

.jz:p

-iop

-jop

-iWfJp

lI< Y. (N,"",,) Z FO (Bjop)

-
·kp

IfIIj Tie (!bop)

jIjI X~ (H"P) Ii?; Q~ (HEp)

(in part)

~Y'(Yop)

(in part)

544

10. New rhyme CQugomsfor Old CJrmese

The arguments made for splitting the ;t Tlin group apply to this group also, and my reconstructions are panillel: • .-op, .-op, and ._qJ. In this case

there is even less rhyme data: there are only five rhyme sequences from the Jli[ Ht group in the whole of the ShIjT.g (34.1A, OO.2A, 167.4C, 2OO.7A, and 304.7A), and as far as I can teU, all of them should be reconstructed with •.ap. In this group, however, the original vowel distinctions can often be inferred from ·s-suffixed forms in which ·_ps changed early to ·-rs; because of this change, such words evidently escaped labial neutralization, and their original rounding features were preserved. Here are some examples: 313 (1729) 't' huJ < hwajH < ·gwats < ·gots < ·gops 'collect, unite, assemble; jointly; combine' 1 reconstruct this with *-op because, on the one hand, the final developed like ··ors (becoming -WalS by rounding diphthongization and then ·wajH by final cluster simplification and qushing formation); and on the other hand, this character has graphic and probably etymOlogical connections with (173O).g. hi < hop < ·gop 'join, unite; collect; harmony'.

*

huJ have .g. hi as phonetic, and .g. hi is used in the Earlier forms of ShuOwtn as a gloss (probably originally a sound gloss) for 'ii hut (DIng Fub!o 1928-1932 [1976]: 2226, Zhau FAg!o el 01. 19740, item 0693). Karlgren's and U's reconstructions fail to account for the connection between these two words: Karlgren reconstructed 't' huJ as ·g'wdd (Karlgren 1957, item 321a), .g. hi as ·g'lIp (item 675a); similarly, Li reconstructed 'gwadh and 'g.p (1971 [1980]: 43, 52).

On the other hand, we apparently have an unrounded vowel in (1731) If gm < IcojH < ·Icots < ·Icops 'cover, conceal', since this developed like *-ars; this supports the reconstruction of •.ap, not .-op, here and in the cognate

(1732)" hi < hap < ·fikop 'to thatch, to cover'. 103.2.1. The reconstruction o/the ·-ap(s) group The development ofOC.-tip is sumnwized in Table 10.116. Syllables in --cps developed as if from ·-ats (see section 10.1.2 above).

103. Syllables with labial codas

545

Examples of *-ap{s) (1733)

EfI

jid < k;qJ < *uap 'shell; cyclical character' (compare Tibetan khrab 'shield, coat of mail, fish scales')

(1734) ~fd < pjop < *pjap 'Jaw; model, imitate' (1735) IDjei < pjojH < *pjats < *pjaps 'disregard'

In early script, the character ii, equivalent to ~fd < *pjap, was used as a loan character for this *pjaps; see section 9.2 above. TDbklO.116. Developmentof--ap

I D

m

Baxter

initial type

Me

Karlgren

U

PuJleyblank

'.." --rap

01' 01'

.."

'-
'-
-"P .jep ·jllfJ -jop -jtp .jep (Ill)

'.."

'.." -.rap --jap --jap -.jap -.rjap --jiap

--jap

",ule

'K.p--rjap

",Ule

,",ve

-·laP --jilp • -j"wIJp

-·lap --jap

_.rop

'-ap '-
- -j1lfJ?

(1736) ~ ye < yep < *ljap 'leaf' (compare Tibeto-Bunnan *lap).

In early script this is interchangeable with (1737)

tit shi < syejll < *hljaps 'generation'.

(1738) M€ jie < lsjep < *tsjap 'connect, contact' Compare with Tibetan chabs 'together', Wrinen Burmese cap 'join, unite, connect', Tibeto-Bunnan ·tsyap (Coblin 1986: 57), and with the related (1739) !!til ji < tsjejH < *tsjaps 'conjunction, connection'. This word (written with the loan character see discussion in section 10.1.2.

J1J!t) rhymes as *-ats in 224.2B;

(1740) ~ ye < ngja::p < *ng(r)jap 'work, deed, achievement'

S46 10. NtwrkyfMcaugories!orOIdCItiMse

103.2.2. TM reconsrruction o/the *-ep(s) group The development of OC *-ep is summarized in Table 10.117. Syllables in *-eps merged with --ets by the change -·ps> --Is and thereafter developed like --ets; see section 10.1.2 above. As with the --em group, it is surprising that the division-IV cMngniJI. final -jiep is limited to the glottal stop initial, as in (1741) V y. < ljiep (IV) < *ljep 'dimple',

initial type

Me

Korl.,..

Ii

Pulkyblank

all 011

-ep

*-iap '-dp *-lap

*jdp *fdp

'jA - P

*-iap *-riap *-jap *-jiiJp

*-loP *-jap

*..,jap *-flap

*-~dp

"'"Ie

...." """Ie ...."

-Ep

-jep -jiep (IV)

*-4P *Jdp

(1- only?) -jep

-;'p(lll)

-Jap (!)

Additional examples of --ep(s) (1742) lit xii < hep < -gep 'in harmony, together'

+

The phonetic seems to be shi < dzyip < -gjip 'ten', showing appan:nt confusion of -i and -e. Although the SlwOwln does not say so (Ding Flib30 1928-1932 [1976]: 1002), I suspect that -gjip 'ten' is the phonetic element in

+

(l743):t jl < UjH < -ups 'calculate'.

1be vowel of :t jl could be -i or -e, since these not infrequently show xiishlng contacts. If it is -kips. then it and -gjip 'ten' are probably from the same root But I prefer to reconstruct *e in ~t jl because it occurs in what appears to be an .elo binome nif' jikuili < .keps-kops. The ShuOwln's gloss for ~ jt is of interest:

+

it t!!; ~t!! ku

/OJ. SyllDbla with WbiaJ codas 547

Note the similarity of it jt < *k.eps and . . kudi: (1744) "!t [kuatl < kwajH < *kops 'accounting at the end of the year' According to tradition, it jt < *ups refers to accounting done at the end of the month, while ~ [ku.1l1 < *kops refers to accounting done at the end of the year (Morohashi 1955-1960, ennies 14306.48, 35220.23). Both fl'M bM}ijl < *kops-keps. which became the modem term for "accounting", and It. jikutli < *keps-kops are found as terms for accounting or reckoning at least as early as the Zhlngu6 period (47~221 B.C.). The latter fonn is a typical *elo binome. (1745) ~jid < kEp < *Jcrep 'be on both sides of'

(1746) ~ xid < h£p < *likrep 'narrow' This phonetic series also includes 15- initials which coukl rome from *Sk-

dusters: (1747) IiJ1: Uidl < MP -/Sep < "likep - "Sup 'grasp, hold'

(1748) A ni~ < nrjep < *nrjep 'promise' (1749). sM < syep < *hnjep 'catch, hold, gamer' 103.23_ The reCOIIStrU4lion oflhe *-op(s) group

The development of OC *-op is summarized in Table 10.118. Table /0.118. Developmem of *-op

au....

initiallype

Me

Karlgren

li

PuUeyblank

' ..p '-rop *.jop

011 oil

.""

">p

*-~p

*.~p

''1'

""'" 'f(.

'p.

-jop

'-jq> *.itJp *.jwdp *-iqJ *-j4p *-jwdp

*-rilJp *-jap *.jap *.jap *-rjap *-jop *.jap

*-'dp '-dp

.p.

.j

'-41'

*-,jop

".Ie 'f(.

'-41' '-41' *-'dp *-dp (7) *-iJp (1)

Syllables in *-Qps merged with *-olS and thereafter developed like original ·"'OlS (see section 10.1.2.3).

S48 10. N_rky_t:tJlqmVs/orOIdCIJiMse

Examples of *-op(s) (1750)

3i eM < IsrhEp «

ISrhjep) < *tshrjop 'to husk (grain) with a monar

and pestle'

(1751) ~ chul < u(r)hjwejH < *uh(r)jops 'to pound' DUM yocm. noticed the relationship between these two words. The Shoo· ~n, in its entry on the word

(1752) A cui < IshjwejH < *Ishjots (perhaps < *tshjops?) 'a kind or sacrifice', has the note

at'IHf~m~L~ dU ruO chOng mGi w~j chul zhI chul 'read like chul as in "to pound wheat [with a mortar and pestle] is chul'" .374

a

DuAn yucm. somehow recognized that chul < ts(r)hjwejH < *1Sh(rJiops here was equivalent to 3i eM < IsrhEp < *tshrjop, and described 3i eM and it chul as gil jfn zl i5"~~ 'ancient and modem forms of the same

character' (Ding Fub!.o 1928-1932 [1976]: 67, 3180). See also ~ h.ul and .g. hi. cited above. 10.3.3. The lraditional!f Qin groop The Middle Chinese finals included in the traditional listed in Table 10.119.375 Took 10.119. Middle Otinese finals of the traditional

Me I

..m

II ill

·on -(j)im

IV

-em

AC(IUrl_)

Q;tyUn myme

....

•

-4m 'i~m

·iem

~

nl

ft QIn group """mono

Tlln(Dam)

X""

(H£m) Qin (Tshim)

(in pon)

~T""(Th<m)

(in part)

ft

Qin group are

The fI: Qin group includes both division-I ·om and division-IV ·em, SO according to the front-vowel hypothesis we must reconstruct both front and

10.3. Syllables with labial codas

549

back vowels. In addition, although there are no kiJikOulhikOu contrasts in this group, there is some evidence that we should reconstruct both *-im and *-um. I will discuss first the distinction between *-im and *-um, then the distinction between these and the front-vowel *-im.

103.3.1. The distinction between *·im and *-um The evidence for a distinction between *-im and *-um is that when words of the fI Qin group rhyme irregularly with words in *-ng, some words rhyme with *-ing, and other words rhyme with *_ung. 376 This suggests that the f% Qrn words which rhyme with *·ing were *-im, while those which rhyme with *·ung were *-um; the rhyming of *·m with *·ng can be regarded either IS a dialect phenomenon or as poetic license. Such rhyming may have been a western dialect feature, for within the GuO [eng section, this phenomenon oppears only in the Qlnflng lI!li!. (128.28 and 128.38) and Slnflng (lS4.8A), both believed to be of western origin. These rhymes can be used u a guide to reconstructing the vowels of at least a few of the words of the II Qin group. For example, within a single Ode (Q{n feng ~~: Xido r6ng .rJ'B4, DO. 128), we find the following rhyme sequences in stanzas 2 and 3 respectively:

I!I!Im

Stanza 2:

q:t zMng < trjuwng < *k·Jjung 'center' • cdn < tshom < *srum 'outside horses' Stanza 3:

ftII yIng < ~ng < *7(r)jing 'breastplate' i:3 gong < kjuwng < *kWjing 'bow' If teng < dong < *Jing 'to bind, tie' "xIng <xing < *x(r)jing 'rise' 'ft' yIn < ~m < *Jrr)jim 'fame' word U: cdn rhymes with *·ung in stanza 2, while another tI Q"m-group word 'ft' yIn rhymes with *·ing in stanza 3. This sug· Jests: that we should reconstruct *-um in U cdn and *·im in 'if yfn. If these rhymes had occurred in different poems, we could argue that both • cdn and tf yIn should be reconstructed with the same rhyme (say, *·am, IS in Karlgren's or Li's system) and that *-am rhymed with *-ing in one dialect and *·ung in another. But since they occur within the same poem,

Here the if Qin·group

SSO

/0. New ,hymL calego~sfo, Old ChiMK

such an explanation would require us to assume that different stanzas of the same poem were written in different dialects--not impossible, but unlikely. I identify eleven ShI}1ng rhyme sequences in which fI Qin-group words rhyme with words in final --ng. The rhymes with --ung are 128.28, 1S4.6A, 240.3A, 250.4C. 255.18, and 258.2A; the rhymes wilh --ing are 128.3B, 236.7B,371 245.3B, 245.8A, and 3OO.5A. Based on the rhymes wilh --ung, we would reconstruct the following words wilh --urn: (1753) • cdn < tshom < *srum 'three horses on a team; outside horses of a team' (l28.2B) I reconstruct tsh- < ·sr- here because of the related form (1754) 8: shin < srim < *srjum 'the three stars of Orion's belt'. Clearly, both are related to the numeral (1755)

=

san < (sam) < *sum 'three'; compare with Tibetan gsum 'three', Tibeto-Bunnan *g-sum (Coblin 1986: 149).

Note that the Middle Chinese reading sam is irregular, as has been long recognized; we would expect som. (1756) ~ yIn < am < *Jfr)jum 'shade. cloudiness' (IS4.8A, in lhe expression ~~ Ifng yIn 'ice-house') With this item Coblin (1986: 60) compares Tibetan rum 'darkness, obscurity'. (1757) I!!i lin < 11m < 'b-rjum 'approach' (240.3A and 258.2A)

It is especially noteworthy lhat this word appears in two different rhymes with *·ung. Moreover, in Ode 241, the HAn ShIhas II Mng < ljuwng where the Mlio Shf has ~ lin (Xiang Xi 1986: 274), further supporting the rounded vowel in Ii Ifn. (1758) II; yin < 7lmJI < 'lfr)jum(7)s 'to give (1759)

[0 drinlc'

(250.4C)

,I chin < dzyim < *Gjum 'reliable, to trust' (255.1B)

The velar initial (capitalized because it palatalizes unexpectedly) is reconstructed because of velars elsewhere in thisxiisheng series, e.g. (1760)

fn kan < khom < ·khum 'able to bear, equal to'

(1761) g shin < dzyimx < *(Jjuml 'excessive' (258.2A) Having reconstructed ·-um in these words on the basis of rhymes wilh ·-ung, can we extend the reconstruction of ··um to olher words? I have

10.3. Syllables with wbim codas

551

aJready assumed that the various fonns of the root meaning "three" can be reconstructed with the same main vowel; this extends the reconstruction of ··wn on the basis of assumed etymological relationships. Similarly, we can probably assume that ~ yln 'to drink' is "'J(r)jum7, with "'·wn, since its causative ~ yin 'to give to drink' has *-wn in Ode 250AC. We can also attempt to extend the reconstruction on the basis of xiishing evidence. For example, the last two items are in the same xieshing series; perhaps it is legitimate to reconstruct "'-wn elsewhere in the series. This would give us (1762);JI zMn < tsyim < "'Kjwn 'chopping-block', which in turn is probably the same root as (1763) it zM" < lsyimX < "'Kjwn7 'block used as headrest; pillow'. Both items can be compared with Tibeto-Bunnan "'kum (tone "'A) 'block' (Coblin 1986: 118). But it should be remembered that not all xieshing characters are necessarily old enough to reflect Old Chinese phonology. Turning now to the f2 Qin-group words that rhymed with *-ing, we can probably reconstruct *-im in the following items on the basis of their rhymes with *-ing:

(1764) if yIn < am < *J(r)jim 'sound' (128.3B) (1765)

t* lin < lim < *C-rjim 'forest' (236.7B, 245.3B)

(1766) (., xln < sim < *sjim 'heart' (236.7B) (1767)

ax xl" <xim < "'x(r)jim 'enjoy, be elated' (245.8A)

(1768) ~ jfn < kim < "'k(r)jim 'now' (245.8A)378 (1769) K: qfn < Ishim - Isim - sjem < "'tshjim (7) 'thread' (300.5A) Although tI qfn rhymes with *-ing in 3OO.5A, its phonetic suggests a re~ conStruction with "'-im, as we shall see below. It is difficult to reconstruct this distinction for other words, however, largely because the distinction has been entirely wiped out by labial neutralization. As a result of this change, there are no syllables where the distinction between *-im and "'-um can be unambiguously reconstructed from Middle Chinese pronunciation alone. The absence of phonologically ambiguous syllables makes it impossible to test for the *-im/*-um distinction using the statistical methods of Chapter 3. Even in Shfjfng times, the distinction may not have been observed in all the varieties of Chinese

552

10. New rhyrru caJegories!or Old Chinue

represented in the ShIjlng; for example, in Ode 2O.2A we find the rhyme sequence

=

san < {sam] < *sum 'three' ~ jin
moo

which seems to cross the boundary we to establish above. It is also quite possible that labial neutralization occurred early enough to affect the xitshlng characters presently found in classical texts. For all these reasons, I will not attempt to recover the *-im/·um distinction except in the words above which rhyme with *-ing or *-ung, and in words which seem to be etymOlogically related to them (Even those reconstructions should be regarded as tentative.) When in doubt, I will write *·ifum as a reminder that both possibilities should be considered. Further progress in pinning down this distinction may come from deeper studies of early Chinese dialect differences, from investigation of a larger corpus of rhymes, and from SinoTibetan comparison.

103.32. The reconstruction o/the *·im and *-um groups As the preceding discussion should have made clear, the reflexes of *-im and *-um are probably identical; they are summarized in Table 10.120. Table 10.120. Development or ·-im and ··IUPI Bv.ter

initial type

Me

Ka"_

Li

Pulleyblank

·-im, ·-IUPI ··rim. ·-rum ·-jim, ·_jlUPl

all all

-<>m

."" -juwng

·-~m

·-~m

·-~m

'.""

·-nm

·-i~

._j~

-Un OIl) -im

·-pm

·-j~m

.J('N•• p.

'K·

·.rjim. ·-rjlUPl

•

"'"le .J('N-, .p'K·

"'""'

.juwng -Un (lil) ·im

·-j~m

·-j~m

·.pm ·-pm ·-j:im

._j'im ·-j~m

·-rj:im

•• r~m ··im ·-im ·-im ·-im ·-im ._rim

Table 10.120 assumes that labial neutralization changed *-im to *-wn, not the other way around, and that it preceded .r-color. With these assumptions, jeng can be reconstructed as *prjum, .prjim, .pjum, or .pjim; all four would have rounded vowels at the time of .r..color, and all four would be unaffected by it. If labial neutralization followed .r-color. then ·prjim is eliminated as a possible reconstruction for reng (since it would then

m.

m

103. Syllables witlllDbial codas

553

have become Me pim), but *prjurn is still possible. Fonnulating labial DeUtralization differently will produce still oIher results. Additional examples of ·-im and ·-urn Probably we have dissimilation parallel to that in Mllng in (1770)

n xi6ng < hjuwng < *wj(r)ilurn 'bear'; compare Tibeto-Burman ·d-wam (tone *A), (Coblin 1986: 40).

Whether an *r is possible in this item or not depends on the ordering and formulation of labial neutralization. (1771) ~ jtn < kimH < Jujilums 'prohibit'

The phonetic is (1772)

** ·C-Tjim 'forest'. Compare also

a sin < sTim < *sTjim 'forest',

where I reconstruct *-im rather than ·-urn because of assumed etymological Un < *C-Tjim. c:onnection with

**

(1773) ~ shin < syim < *hJjim 'deep'

10333. The reconstruetiono/OldClUnese *-im We tum now to the Old Olinese final *-im, which is required by the front"OWe1 hypothesis in order 10 account for words with the division-IV final -em and the rare division-IV cMngniil final -jiem. According to my assumptions, DC ·-im should develop as shown in Table 10.121. TtJbk 10.121. Development of -·im Box,.,

....

v .

-·,im v .. .J'" -.,jim

initial type

Me

Karl....

li

PuUeyblank

all all

-em

··~m

-.~

-iSm ·-'Sm

",,""

"'"Ie

"".e "'ole

."" ·jim (tV) ·jm ·im (tIl) ·im

-.pm -.pm

··nom -·jiNn ··jNn

-·jNn

·-j(i)~m

--'~m

·-,j~m

--~m

v.""

--pm

-j~m ·-~m

554

10. New rhyme calegoriufor Old Chinese

Note that, for reasons that are unclear, the division-IV cMngniiI. final -jim appears only with the glottal stop initial, as in (1774) t& yin < ?jim (IV) < '?jim 'mild, peaceful'. There are not sufficient data to check the front-vowel hypothesis statistically in this group; although the it Q1n group is the most frequently used of the rhyme groups with labial codas, very few words can unambiguously be assigned to >/I-im. We can see what may be traces of a distinction, however. For instance, in 189.6A we have a rhyme sequence consisting of the division-IV word (1775) . . dian < demX < >/Ilim7 'bamboo mat' and the word (1776).IIi: q(n < tshimX < >/Itshjim7 'sleep'. Now it so happens that this last word and a few others in its xiesheng series have possible Tibeto-Burman cognates in *-im. With ~ qrn, compare Tibetan gzim-pa 'fall asleep', gzim-gzim and tshim-tshim 'eyes dazzled' (Coblin 1986: 134). Another example is (1777) fi qfn < tshim < *rshjim

« >/ISthjim?) 'invade, encroach'

with Tibetan stim-pa 'enter, penetrate, be absorbed in' (Bodman 1980: 57); the same root is probably present in (1778) N jin < tsimH < *tsjims « *Stjims?) 'overflow, soak'. (Coblin 1986: 73; Bodman 1980: 57) Still another example is (1779) R jin < tsimH < *tsjims prognostic'

«

·Skjims?) 'halo around the sun, vapor as

with Tibetan khyim 'halo around the sun', 'khyims-pa 'to be encircled with a halo' (Bodman 1980: 58; Coblin 1986: 90). In 162.5A we have a sequence involving a different word of this series, where there is also evidence of *-im. The sequence consists of (1780)

51 qin < tsrhim < *tshrjim 'gallop'

and (1781) ~ shin < syimX < *hnjim7 'remonstrate; report'. Reconstructing *-im in the laner is supported by the division-IV final in its phonetic

10.3. Syllables with lobUJl codas 555

(1782) ~ niOn < nonH < *nims 'think of'. It is striking that words for which there is evidence of *-im are clustered together this way in the ShI}Tng rhymes. But in three other sequences, words in Me -on seem to rhyme with *-im: 1. In 208.4A, we have (1783) f! jidn < tshemH - rsemH - tsrhim < *tshims - *tsims - *tshrjilim 'error, falsehood; disorder' thyming with *·ilwn (including the *-im word

if yin < *Jrr)jim).

2. In 257.9A, the won! (1784) flf jidn < tsemll < *tsUns 'accuse, calumniate' rhymes with the *·im word ~ Un < *C-rjim. (Some versions have InSlead of 1M jilln here.)

mjian

3. In 256.9B, {lj jian (some versions have aH jian instead) rhymes with the --im word (.\ xin < *sjim. Finally, as mentioned earlier, $I qln, in the same xiishLng series with seven.1likely examples of *·im, rhymes with *·ing in 3OO.5A. Perhaps in some dialects *-im merged with *-im (or at least was allowed to rhyme with it), or perhaps there is something unusual about the words f! jidn and jidn (whose xilshing series includes words in division·1 -om). Unfortunately, the ShIjlng data are insufficient to resolve these questions, and the reconIlruCtions of this group also must remain tentative.

ra

18.3.4. The lrad;tional

III QI group

The Middle Chinese finals traditionally included in the

lit Qi group are

listed in Table 10.122. This group has contrasts between division-I -op and division·IV ·ep, so lCCording to the from-vowel hypothesis we must reconstruct contrast bet\\teen front and nonfront vowels. Other evidence suggests that there was a rounding distinction among back vowels, so that I reconsuuct *-ip, *-up, and *·ip. There are only fourteen Shfjing rhyme sequences involving this &roup, none of which involve clear examples of *-ip. But as in the ~ He &roup, in this group we have additional evidence from *s-suffixed qllshlng bros where the original vowel feawres are bener preserved. I will sum· marize the proposed reconstructions., then cite examples below.

556

10. New rhyfM cllugorUs!or Old Chi"i!Se

Table 10.122. Middle C1Iincse finals of the Inlditional II QI group

MC

AC (Karlgren)

QiiyWo mY""

com"",,~

I II III

-ep

.qp

1} Ht(Hop)

-'-lj)ip "

-dp

~ Qi>(H£p)

(in part)

-j4p

IV

·jep -ep

~ Y<(Y'P) ~ TIe (Thq»

(in pan)

-l~P

-iep

mQl(f,hip)

/03.4./. The reconstruction of*-ip(s) and *-up(s)

Because of labial neutralization, the reflexes of unsuffixed *-ip and *-up are not distinguishable from each other. They are summarized in Table 10.123 below. Table 10.123. Developmcntof ._ip and ._up

Baxter

initial type

MC

""'Igren

Li

PuUeyblank

·-ip, ._up ··rip, ._rup ·-jip, ._jup

all

-ep

•. ~p

._~p

._~p

'-'"

.-T7p

._r~p

all

·XW-, .p'K-

·-rjip, ·.rjup

"""~ ./(1"'., .p'K·

"""~

-'-juwk "

(?)

-ip (IIQ -ip

.juwk (1) -ip (UQ -ip

._j~p

·-ip

•.pp ••pp

•.j~p

._~p

._j~p

··i~

._j~p

··ip ··ip

._j~p

._~p

··rj~p

.J~p

··i~

•.pp ._pp

The final -juwk. if it really belongs in this group, would be parallel to the -juwng of fing < *p(rliilum 'wind' and 1!~ xiong < *'N(r)jilum 'bear'; it may occur in

m

(1785) ~ yu < yuwk < *{w)rjilup 'sunshine', which the Shwiwen says has TI:. II < *C·rjip as phoiietic. If we assume some kind of labial initial in ~ yu. then we can account for its final by a dissimilation parallel to that found in Ji,jlng and ft~ xiOng. But the palatal initial y- is unexpected; from .wrjip or .wrjup we would expect hjuwk (a syllable which does exist in Middle Chinese) rather than yuwk.

10.3. Syllablts with labial codas 557

Note that *-up and *-op are distinguishable in Middle Chinese only in syllables with medial *-j-, and we sometimes have to write *-olup when in doubt. Although *·ip and *-up evidently merged unconditionally, *-ips presumably developed like *-i/s, and *-ups developed like *-ws because of the change ··ps > ··Is. This sometimes makes it possible to infer the vowel of the unsuffixed fonn. Here are some examples: (1786)

Pi nti < nwojH < *nuts < *nups 'inside'

Here the hiMu final -wojH indicates an original rounded vowel both in this form and in the following related forms from the same root:

(1787) ~ nd < nap < *nup 'send or bring in'

In early script, the character (1788)

Pi is used for both P3 flti and itfl nd.

A rU < nyip < *njup 'enter'

It is tempting to see the modem Mandarin -u vowel in A rU as somehow connected with the DC *u of ·njup; the expected regular development of MC nyip in Mandarin would be rl (which survives as a literary reading of this character). (I789»)g tui < thwojll < *hnuts < *hnups 'withdraw, retire' (i.e. go back into one's own territory?) This character is written with Pi flti as phonetic in the MAwgngdul manuscripts and other early texts. With these various forms we may compare Tibeto-Burman *nup 'descend' (Coblin 1986: 73). (1790) Jt dul < twojH < *tlllS < *tups < *k-lups 'respond, answer' (1791) ~

eta < top < *tup < *k-lup 'respond'

(1792) ~ [cull < dzwijH < *dzjws < *dzjups 'to collect, assemble'

The word. ~ cui occurs with this meaning in Ode 141.2, where Mgo glosses it as (1793). - fi jf < dzip < *dzjup 'to come together, settle, perch [of birds]; collect, gather' These are most likely forms of the same root (see discussion in section 9.2). Probable cases of *-ip(s) (also mentioned in section 9.2) include

(1794) JI jt < gijH (TIl) < *grjits < *grjips 'to reach to, bring with, concur with; together with, and',

558

10. New rhYfM ctUegonu!or Old ChilleR

which I suspect is an *s-suffixed form of the synonymous (1795) &. jf < gip (Ill) < *g(r)jip 'to reach to, be equal to, succeed; together with, and'.

Both these words may be related to the following two forms (discussed. already in section 10.1.7), although the initials are problematical; perhaps we have dialect confusion of *-r- and *-1-, or of their clusters: (1796) II ddi < dojH < *Urs < *(g-)lips 'come to, reach to' (1797) ~ td < dop < *(g-)lip 'to touch, reach; and, together with' (commonly found in bronze inscriptions)

As was pointed out earlier (section 10.1.7.5), the reading tradition preserves a variety of pronunciations for it ddi and its homonyms, including also dejH (with *i-fronting applying after *·ps > *·ts) and dwojH (where perhaps labial neutralization has applied before *-ps > *-Is). This may serve as an indication of the dialect diversity present in early China. The following example could represent either *-ip or *-ip: (1798) fA zM < tsyip < *ljilip 'to hold, seize, take'

This has *s-suffixed forms (1799)>> zM < tsyijH < *tjilips 'to catch, seize' and (1800) R zM < tsyijH < *tjilips 'ceremonial gift' (that which one holds?).

The pronunciation of (1801)

iiI ~i < hwijH < *(w)rjips (?) 'standing, status, position'

is difficult to account for. In early script, this character was interchangeable with (1802) D: II < lip < *C-rjip 'stand' (compare Tibeto-Bunnan *g-ryop, Cobl;n 1986: 140).

The *i vowel here is not certain, but the following word in the same xiishing series rhymes with Be jf < *g(r)jip, for which there is evidence of *-ip (see aoove): (1803)

6!

ql < khip < *khrjip 'to weep' (compare Tibeto-Bunnan *krop, Coblin 1986: 159)

103. SylUJbles witll labial codas

559

"(be Tibe1().Burman comparisons also suggest that the main vowel was not

rounded in "stand", and this supports an unrounded vowel for i!L w~i < IrwijH. But if the main vowel of'i!L wii was not rounded, where does the Middle Chinese ·w- come from? A ·w· prefix would account for it, but cbere is little support for such a prefix. One possibility is that Me hwijH reflects a dialect like that which produced the pronunciation dwojH for .-one in which labial neutralization changed ·-ip to ._up before the change ·_ps > ·-Is, so that ·-ips merged with ·_ups. The initial consonant is still something of a problem, though; perhaps we have ·Rrjips? (See Bodman 1980: 86 on the possibility that· Rr- may be one refle:IC of

earlier ·r-.) 103.4.2. The reconstruction of·-ip

ex:

Finally, let us consider the evidence for ·-ip. If ._ip e:ICisted, we would expect it to develop as shown in Table 10.124. TtIbk /0.124. Developmentof-·ip

."'1U

initiallype

Me

Karl~n

li

Pulleyblank

--ip -.rip -.jip

~I

-
--~p

-.j~p

-jsp

~I

.ep .jip (IV) -ip -ip (UI) .ip

'.ep

--~p

--~Sp

-'i~

--ft~p

-J~p

-.j~p

--~p

-·j(ipp --rpp

--'~p

--rjip

..... "'''"' ..... "'...

--pP --pP -'pP

--~p

Cases of ._ip can be identified by their division-IV finals ·ep < ._ip or (in suffixed fonn) ·ejH < ·-its < ·_ips. Unfortunately, such cases are rather few. We saw above that the phonetic of ~t jl < ·ups 'accounting, reckoning' may be (1804)

+ shf < dzyip < ·gjip 'ten' (compare Tibeto-Burman ·gip, Coblin 1986, 147).

(Note the regular palatalization of .gj. before a front vowel.) If so, then this shl 'ten', which agrees also with evidence from IUppons a front vowel in libeto-Burman.

+

5Nl

lO. NewrkyMtcQlegoriu!orOldCIIiM#

103.43. The rhyming of*·ip and*·up If we distinguish *·ip and *.up words according to their qilshlng cognates, we can use these as diagnostic words to son out the JI Qi-group rhymes of the ShIjfng into an *·ip group and an *-up group. For example, on the assumption that & jl < gip 'reach; together, and' is related to II jl 'reach; together, and', we can classify rhyme sequences in which &: jf appears as *·ip rhymes. On the assumption that II and f1f jl < dzip 'collect:. gather' are related to ~ cui < dzwijH 'collect, gather', we classify rhyme sequences in which these words appear as *-up sequences. Unfortunately, there are no clear examples of rhymes in *.ip, though one or two of the rhymes listed below under *·ip might be classified as *-ip. By these criteria, the following Shljlng rhyme sequences involve *-ip: S.3A. 28.2C. 69.3A. 163.IB. 177.1B (with .·it). 19O.IB. 238.3A. and 200.7A (with ··apl. The following ShIjfng rhyme sequences involve *.up: l28.2C (with *·op), 164.7A (with ··op). 194.4A (with ·'ULS). 236.4A (with ·-opl. 240.4A (with *·ik 1), and 254.2C (with *-op). The rhyme sequence in 240.4A (it shi < syik < *hljik with A ril < nyip < *njup) is swprising, but this whole ooe has many irregularities.

10.4. Summary of rhyme groups The foregoing examination of individual rhyme groups shows that there is ample basis for revising the traditional analysis of Old C1l.inese rhyming as suggested by the reconstruction system proposed here. We may summarize the results according to the type of coda involved. The rhyming of groups with dental cooas *-n, *-t, and *-j gives strong suppon to the proposed reconstruction. These groups are frequently used in rhyming, and lhey contain relatively large numbers of phonologically unam· biguous words, whose vowels can be reconstructed purely on the basis of their Middle Olinese readings. Generally, our statistical tests show that in these groups, the finals reconstructed with distinct main vowels according to the front·vowel hypothesis and the rounded-vowel hypothesis rhyme separately to a degree which cannot be the result of chance. Thus the proposed reconstruction has made it possible to identify a number of rhyming distinctions which had been overlooked in the traditional analysis. For words with zero and velar cooas. the traditional analysis is already consistent with my reconstruction for the most pan, and few revisions are

lOA. Summary D/rhyfM groups

561

necessary. Exceptions are the tnlditional III You group, where we find a significant rhyming separation between ··u and ·-iw, and the parallel nlsiting group. Juf, where the data are too scanty to be statistically significant. but where traces of a separation can still be found. For the 15" Kilo lJOup, with the labiovelar coda ·-w, the separation between and ._~ is on the borderline of significance; the results are significant as long as the initial estimates of frequency of .-ow and ._~ are assumed to reasonably a::curate. The parallel rUshing group II YAo rhymes too infrequently to be _tistically useful, though some traces of a distinction between ··awl and *..ewk can be found here too. Words with labial codas ·-m and ._p also fail to give statistically significant results, panJy because they are infrequently used as rhymes, and panty because too few words can be reconstructed unambiguously from their Middle Chinese readings alone to make an independent statistical test possible. But there are clear traces of the original six-vowel system here also, which show up in irregular rhymes, in which "'·m rhymes with "'-ng, and in "'s-suffixed forms, where words with final "'-ps changed to "'-IS early enough to avoid the sweeping mergers which eventually affected vowels before labial codas. This rhyme evidence confinns both the front--vowel hypothesis and the rounded-vowel hypothesis. In simple tenns, these hypotheses state that there were no elements in Old Chinese phonology corresponding to Karlgren's "strong vocalic medial" "'-i· or to his medial "'-w" One might Irgue that this is confumed only for those rhyme groups where statistically significant results were found; but the results for, say, syllables with dental codas have clear implications for the entire phonological system. If no justification can be found for reconstructing mediaJs "'-;- and "'-w- in words with dental or velar codas, where the data are JOOSt plentiful, it seems unlikely that they should be reconstructed in the other,less frequent groups. The rhyme evidence also indirectly suppons the theory of Old Chinese medials "'.j- and *-r- proposed. here, since it is only by the use of these that the vowel system reconstructed to account for Old Chinese rhyming can be transfOlTTled into the system we find in Middle Chinese. Of course, many questions remain for funher investigation. The reconstruction of initial consonants is the most tentative part of the system, and many puzzles remain unsolved in this area. And although the basic adequacy of the overall reconstruction of finals has been confirmed, it is often difficult to decide which reconstruction is best for a panicular item. These questions must await funher research, including Sino-Tibetan comparison.

·-aw

562

10. New rhyme CiJlegories/or Old ChiMU

For convenience, I summarize in Table 10.125 the relationship between the rhymes I reconstruct for Old Chinese and the traditional rhyme groups of the Qing phonologists (as described in Table 4.1). Each box in the chans represents a traditional category, and is labeled with its traditional name; the reconstructed. forms in each box are the rhymes into which the traditional category is to be divided according to the present reconstruction. Rhyme groups are arranged according to their codas, following the order of presentation in this chapter. Post-eodas *-1 and *·Jare ignort:d in this summary; but it should be kept in mind that final cluster simplification, which caused slop codas to be lost before *-1. had the effect of moving qwhLng words from stop-final groups to open-syllable groups. Thus when ··iks changed to *-is, some words moved from the *-il group to the *·i group. Some of these changes had probably already occurred by the time of the ShljTng. Took 10.125. Summary of rhyme groups

Coda *-11:

AZhfn .

,-m

I

I

.

.

::sc w," '.~

,-

lGvuOn '-
JlZhI *·it

I I

'-on

~w" *-it

*-ut

jj V"'/~ n '-
JIljZhJ *.ij

'-01

'.",

I I

,-IJ..

tti Wei *-uj

~G< (*~j?)

*-oj

*-oj

lOA. Summary of rhy~ groups

Tabk 10./25, co"ti/lJU!d

Coda zero: (--i> --ill)

XZhl

• ..k

I I I

(--ing> -.in)

':':" J .DuO '-ok

--;"g

.....

vt= Gfng

~Y4ng

'-an•

I!I!IVllU -·iw (+ --u)

~x;ao

'-ow

• ..w

Coda --wi:

'

:IllM --iwk (+ --uk)

'

....

COtIlitwed on "at page

lfl VOo '-owk

.

:Ill J'" --uk (+ -.iwk)

1M. W[i

I I

~Zbeng

Coda -."g:

Coda --w:

.

~H6u

'

Coda --i:

ilxr

I!I!IVllU --u (+ --iw)

~YU

'-, (--ik> --it)

2Zhl ••-,

'-ok

~Dong

I

--UIIg

ll! Dong --o"g

563

564

10.

NntI,IrJmeCQIegorVsforOldCIriM~

Table 10.125. co,,~d

..-"" .....

IIQr.

Coda ··m: ·-im

'-um

~T,"

'-em

'-em

illQr

Coda ._p: ·.ip

•.ip

'-up

~Ht

'-ep

'.."

'-ep

Appendix A Phonological changes from Old to Middle Chinese

This appendix summarizes in roughly chronological order the major phonological changes by which the syllables of Okl OJinese evolved into the Middle Chinese syUables of the QiiyUn. This is not an exhaustive list, and many details of this evolution remain unclear, but most of the major processes can be identified. The phonological changes are stated ....onnally, but usually with enough precision tha1 they coukl be reformulated into whatever feature system roe prefers. Although the ordering of changes is roughly chronological, many of the changes cannot be dated precisely, and in many cases several orderings are possible. I include references to the text, where additional information and examples may

be found.

A.l.

O·pS

> O·IS

1be change ··P5 :> ··Is is an assimilation of the coda ••p to a following post-coda -.s; after Ibc change, words in original ·-p5 evolved like lhose in original ·-ts. An cllample is (1805)

pg f1ii < "wojl/ <: -nuls <: *nups 'inside'.

which must be related to

...

(1806)

MIJ nd < flOp <: *tuqJ 'send in'

(I807)

A,11 < nyip < *"jup 'cnter'.

This change evidemly occurred in early ZhOu times, for original ·-p5 and *-rs appear to rhyme in the Shljill8 in at least some cases (as possibly in Ode 257.13A). Paleographical n:stareh may help to place this change more precisely in time and space. By Han limes, at least. (206 B.C. to A.D. 220), some words in original ·_ps had come to be written with phonetic elements implying a coda ·-t. RJr example, the word (I808) ~ [cun < dzwijH < ·dzjulS < ·dzjups 'colloct, assemble'

is probably an ·s·suffix form of (I809)

!l j{ < dzip < ·dzjup 'to come together, colloct, gather',

bur. it is now wriuen with the phonelic element (I81O)

l!f.. ZU < lSWit < ·SljUl 'to finish, end, exhaust'.

Since Shi]lng rhymes and :1ibMng evidence often already reDoct the change ·_ps :> ._1$, 6naI ._ps can usually be reconslJucted only in those cases where a xiiSMflg or loan-graph

Pi

.wI

relationship with fornu in t_p is pesc:rved (as with Mi and lid), or where fams which would otherwise be mconslnJCled ....ith t·ts have parallel forms in t.p which may be nophoIogically relatM (as wilh ~ clll and ~ jO. See sections 8.2.2.1, 9.2, and 10.3 for furthtt discussion and examples.

A.2. 'P(r)o > 'P(r)i I assume thai originallabiaI-initiaJ syllables of the form tP(rjo bec:ame tP(r)j in some early dialw.s, including one or more dialects lqxesemcd in the SltIjillg. (Medial t.,. is included in parentheses because the Old Chinese finals t-o and t_ ro generally cannoI be distinguished after grave initials; see section 10.2.10.) As a result, words 0( the form tP(r)o Iypically rhyme as t-i in the SltIjIng, and an: IrIlditionaJly included in the ~ Zhl rhyme group rather !han the ~ H6u rhyme group: (1811)

fi" t m(r)jl(in Shijfng) < tm(r)ol'mother'

However, the dialect directly ancestral 10 Middle Chinese was evidently unaffeclCd by this change. since in Middle Chinese tP(r)o became PIlW as expeclOd, nol the Pwoj which would renect mginal tpi (or the Pej which would renect tPn): (1812)

fB: ma < IPlUWX< tm(r)ol'mOlhcr'

Compare the following word with original tpi: (1813)

Wmli < mwojx< tmWevery'

a

In spite of the Shljfllg rhymes, the reconstruction 0( nul with t-o is supported not only by the Middle Chinese form muwX, but abo by xilSMll8 and loan characIers where mU is used as a phonetic for words in t-o, e.g. (1814)

fi wU < mjuX <:

(l81S)

tij wM <: mju. < tm(rJio 'don't'.

t

a

mj(rjo1"offend, insult'

Bua there are a1so:cilsMng characters whK:b reflect the change tpcr)o > tpcr);; in this case, 100, paleographic resean:h may clarify the situation. For funher discussion, see section

10.2.1.1.

A.3. Rounding diphthongization The change rounding diphthongization changed original rounded vowels tu. and to to t w; and twa respectively before the acute codas t_,II, t·t, and t_j, as in the examples below. (lbe sequences t_ us or t-os , with the acute post-ooda t· s , were evidently not affected.) (1816) (1817)

fa IUn <: fwill < t(C_)rwjin <: tC·rjWl 'wl'loel' XI guan < kwan <: t.ton 'cap'

Phonological changesfrom Old to Middle Chi.Mse

(1818) (1819)

567

I!X clwl < tsyhwe < ·thjwaj < ·thjoj 'blow' ill chU < tsyhwil < ·thjwit < ·thjut 'come out. go out'

Ju we have seen, Old Chinese had Iabiovelar and Iabiolaryngeal initials .f(W-, but no freely occurring medial .-'14'-. But rounding dipblbonglzaUon created inSlanCeS of medial .-w- after acute initials as well as grave initials: (1820)

it dudn < twaIlJl < ·tbflS 'hammer'

As a result, an independent medial syllables of the form ·KWan ·Kon. A minimal pair is

were

.-w- entered

the phonological system, and original probably reanalyzed as ·Kwan, merging with ·Kwan <

(1821) 7G yuan < ngjwon < ·ngj<Jn « ·NJ:jon 1) 'head, principal, great' (1822)

L!j! yudn < ngjwon < ·ngWjan 'plain, highland'.

After labial initials, the ·-w- resulting from rounding diphlbonglzation became noncontrastive through the change ·w-neutralizatioD (discussed below), so that *Pwan < *Pon IDeiged with ·Pan < *Pan. A few irregular rtIymes in the ShI}1ng suggest that rounding diphlhongizalion may have occurred early enough in some dialects to affect Shljing rtIyming-perhaps during the Spring and Autwnn period (770-476 B.C.). By Han times, at any rate, rtIymes between original rounded and unrounded vowels before acute codas became common. Further research 00 Han rtIyming may reveal whether there were HAn dialects where the original rounding distinction was preserved. For further discussion, see sections 7.1.1 and 10.1.

A.4. •w-neutralization 1be change ·w-neutrali:z.ation caused the medial

·-w- resulting from

rounding diph. Utoogization to become nondistinctive after labial initia1s; for example, original *Pan and ·Pon merged as Me Pan, and original *Pin and *PUlI merged as Me Pwon. As these examples suggest, it is unclear whether such mergers involved the deletion of .-w- or its in3enion; perhaps this difTemI. from dialect 10 dialect or from one phonological environment to another. A near-minimal pair which illustrates the mergers due 10 ·w-neutraliza·

.... ~

(1823) ~ man < m<m < ·mran < *mrwan < *mrofl 'southern barbarian' (rtlymes as in Ode 261.6A)

(824)

·-011.

11: man < mtr:IIH < ·mrans 'slow, negligent' (rtlymes as ·-an(s) in Ode 78.3B).

Since *w-neutralization presumably did not affect rtIyming, it is difficult to date, except course that it must have followed rounding dipblbongization, which produced *·w· in this environment in the first place.

or

A.5. Labial neutralization Labial oeutralizatkm is the process which eliminated the contrasts between rounded and urwoundcd vowels bef ··u, for items in original -·ps usually preserve the original rounding distinction (as a contrast between presence and absence of -w-): (1825)

)! Bdi < lajH < *ktw < -laps 'cover' (unrounded vowel)

(1826) . . hul < hwajH < -gwalS < *801S < ·gops 'come together' (rounded vowel) BUl labial neutralization may have occurred earHer in some dialec1s; this would explain cases where the reading tradilion seems 10 vacillate between ktJiMu. and hiMu readings in

some words with original -.pt: (1827)

Ut dl < ikjH -

dojH -dwojll < ·WIlpS 'wild plum'.

1£ !his was originally -lips (as I suspect), then the reading dwojll (preserved in the JingdiJn shM,,'s noLe on Ode 164) could reflect a dialect in wlUc.h labial DNtTalixation changed original .; 10 *.101, and pn:cec:k'd _opl > *.tr: ·'ips> -lups> *lJw> *'wits> Me dwojll. IC it was originally ·t!lpS, then the reading dojH coWd reOect • dialect in which labial BtU· traliulticMI changed original ." 10 .;, met .... ceded ••ps > •• Is: ·!JJps> ·Ups> ·Uts> Me dojH. See section 10.3.4 for fW1her discussion.

A.6. Final cluster simplification Final dURtr simp1i6cation simplified !inal .--k.J, ··wb, and •• /$ 10 ··s, ··ws, and ··js respectively. (Original ••ps had already bec:ome ··u.) The change of ·-ts to .·s appears 10 have occunW early enough 10 affect Shljfng rhyming. For example, (1828)

Ii lJJ < WH < ·(g-)ras < ·g-ra!s 'rood; great'

rhymes with .-4S in Ode 241.20. Final dusttr simplification seems 10 have preceded the change ••jo > ·jo, which affected original ··jas and ••jas from ··jab the same way: (1829) ~ AU < sjoH < ·snjas 'coarse raw silJc, floss' (1830)

:5 jll < kjoH < ·I:{r)jas <.·I:{r)jab 'grasp, depend on'

Compare the following word with .-a.I:, whelc·-jD > .jo did not apply:

Plwtwlogical changes/rom Old to Middle Chinese

569

(1831) . . jld < gjak < .gjoJ: 'tongue (as food)'

'The various parts of this change did not necessarily occur simultaneousJy; there seems to be DO tendency in the ShljDlg for ·-ots to be confused with ·-ajs, for example, so the change of ··u to ··js may have been rath~ lale. See section 8.2.2 for further discussion.

A.7. Dental palatalization l)nltal palatalization may be summarized by the formula ·Tj- > TSy-; the original dental ptials ·t, ·th, ·d, and ·n palatalized to Me uy-, tsyh-, dzy-, and ny- respectively when dRctly followed by medial ._j-: (1832) ~ zhOng < tsyuwng < ·tjlUlg 'end' (probably cognate to ~ ~ng < towng < ·/lUIg 'winter').

This change probably occwred at some point during the HAn period: Coblin (1983: 54-fJ0) _lues on the basis of sound gk>sses that by Easttm HAn times, this change had affected Il:IDe dialects but not others. See section 6.1.2 for further discussion and examples.

A.B. Velar palatalization Old Chinese velar and laryngeal initials ·K- palatalized 10 Middle Chinese palatal affricates _ fricatives T5y· under conditions which are no!. entirely clear and must have varied from 4iaIect to dialect The formulation which seems to cover the most cases (suggested by PbDeyblanlc 1962, in a slightly different form) is that velars palatalized when followed by wAi,l ••j. plus a front vowel: (1833)

X - tt zhI < tsye < ·kje '~h'

(1834) ~ r~ < nyet < ·ngjet 'hoi.' Palataliution was blocked by die combination ·-rj-, however: (l83S)

tt j1 < gja (III) < ·grjel'ability, talent'

There are, howev~, numerous exceptions In this formulation which as yet have no satisfIcaory explanation. As a notational device, I capitalize those Old Chinese velar initials wltich pala/aHu: unexpectedly: (1836) . . chi < ·KHjA 'vehicle' (also read jIl < kjo < ·k(r)ja) (1837)

N zhin <: tsyim < ·Kjilum 'needle'

~ velar palatalization unexpectedly fails

In occur, I capitalize the following medial

-J. instead:

(1838)

a

jt < kjil (IV) <: ·kJit 'auspicaous, lucky'

S10

~1tdizA.

Velar palatalizatioa, like deatal palatalizatioll, evidently occurred at least as early as IDn limes in some dialects (Coblin 1983: 57-60). Fa furtbec details and diV'!'ssion, sec section 6.1.5.

A.9. Rounding dissimilation This is a minor change inlended to acoount for the evolution of forms litt: these: (1839)

1! kul < gwij (Ill) < -,""'rji < -,""'rju 'thoroughfare'

(1840)

fA guI < iwijx (III) < -;!Nrjil< -f""rjul'wheeJ-u1e ends'

Such words myme as --" in the SIJIjfllg (see Odes 7.28, 3428), but develop into Middle ChineseJike words of the form -KWrji, such as

(1841)

Ii ,"1 < iwij (III) < -k""'rji 'tunJe; tortoise'.

I therefore asswne that the rounded vowel --" of words like i! !u{ and tIL guT dissimi· Iated to --i under the influence of Iabjovdar initials: -XW(r}j" > -XW(r}ji. For maximtun generality, roundillg dissimilatioll can be assumed to apply not only 10 syllables such as the examples above, which have medial --r·, but also 10 syllables of the form -~j" (e.g. 11 jiil < -k""'jul'nine'); but in the 18l1e1" cue the original dissimilation was soon reversed by the independently motivated change roundiD, assimilation (see below): (1842) "fLjiiJ < kjuwx< -k(""')ju1< -k"ltljil< -k"ltljul

RouDding dissimilat'oD must have preceded ·r-color in order for this formulation to work. This change is re6ec1ed in myming a1Ieady by Western HAn (206 B.c. 10 A.D. 23: see Lu6 &: ZhOu 1958: 13). For further discussion, sec SIOCtion 10.2.13.

A.tO. ··oj monophthongization There is considenlble evidence that the words of the ltIIditional ~ Ge rhyme group originally had an acute coda of some kind, which I rccmstruct as --j. However, by Middle Chinese times this coda was gone in most dialects. This development is accounted for by the change --tI,j monopbtbongizatioa.: (1843) ~ dWJ < w < -ue< (1844)

-wj 'many'

f" hi < hwa < -gwll:< -gwaj < -goj 'hannonious'

The first stage of this monophthongiz.ation was probably a change of --oj 10 a low fronl VO'Wd [lie); by Middle OIinese limes, this (lie) had changed 10 [a). But original --oj cannot have merged generally with original --0, for the Old Chinese finals --oj and --0 remained distinct as Me -0 and -u respectively. Bm by Eastern HAn times (......0. 25-220), there was a merger of original --oj and --0 in those cases where --a had been fronted to [lie) by ot.het" changes (see the discussion of ··jA(l) rronlinl and .r-color beloW). This suggests lhat we

PJrmwlogical chollg~slrom Old loMiddJ~ Chiuu

571

should date the first stage d -..; moaoplltboaai.utioa ~-(Jj > [£1) at some time before Eastern 1:I1n. Note, bowever, that the coda --j often remains in the MIn djakrLS (and sporadically elsewhere in the !OUtheast). JO these dialects were probably unaffected by -.oj _ophtboagizatioa. For fwtbc:r details, sec!CICtions S.U and 10.1.3.

A.H. *-jA(k) fronting 1be change --jA(k) rrontiDg caused the vowels of original --jA and --jAk to be fronl.ed, pobably to a low front [ltl. As a result, we have MC -jlC < --jA and ·jek « -jtdc) < -.jAk. Examples include

(1845) lIjit < fSjZ< -ujA 'rabbit net' (al!lO readftl < ujo < -uja) (1846)

tI: shi < dryv < -djAl'altar of the soil'

(1847) . . cN < lSJu< -KHy.. 'vehicle' (abo reJfdju < kjo < -k(r)ja) (1848)

E shl < drJek < -djAJ:. 'SlOne'

(1849) 2xl<sjd<-sjAi'slippcr'

'Ik capital -A here is simply a notational device for distinguishing those cases of -.ja and --jtK which become front &om those which do not; the exact conditions of the change are -.clear, though only syllables with acUie initials (at the time of the change) appear to be iIlvolved. The apparent irregularities am probably due to dialect mixture or textual probkills or both. By Middle Chinese times, --jAk and origina1--jek had merged as MC -jd: (1850) ~yl
Hi ~J
However, --jAb and - -jds remained distinct in Middle Chinese, and are distinct even to fat: present day: (1852) ~ yl < ytH < -ljdJ 'easy' (1853)

II yi < yZII < -(l)jAJ:.r 'night'

This probably indicates that the process of -.jA(t) rronting took place in at least two lilies: an early stage which affected --y.., -.jAJ:., and --jAb, and a later stage which Iffccted only - -jAJ:.. In the coUoquiallaye:r of the Mln dialects, --jAi did not merge with --jek as in Middle 0Unese; rather, --jAk has the same reflex as --jaJ:. This is clear proof of the commonlyheld belief that the MIn diaJects cannot be descended from Middle Chinese. For further dia::ussion, see sections 10.2.4 and 10.2.5.

A.12. *10> 10 The change ••}D. :> .jo is part of a general rounding and raising process which applied 10 original ' .. before a zero coda. The olher part is the change '-ell > -M, described below. The precise phonetic ddail. of these changes arc dusive; the labels '.}tl >.jo and ' .. :> -II are based on my Middle Chinese lI'lIMC:ription of the resulting Middle 0Unese finals. In facl. the vowels of Me -jo < '-ja and ..., < '-0 were probably the same in most Middle Chinese dialects. though diaJocts around the mouth of the Yangtze distinguished them in rhyming (Lu6 CMngpfi 1931a). ExampksoC'-j4:>.jo include (1854)

(1855)

fh, yli < n8io < 'f1g(r)ja 'fish' y:. nJ.i <,.,jox < 'lVjal'CemaJe'.

Aria labial or IabioYelar initials. '-{r)jD. became -ju rather than -jo: (1856) yU < 1t&iu < 'lI8 w(r)ja 'anxious'

1R

(1857)

mylJ < hjux < 'w(r)jal'rain'

(1858)

11'fa < pju < 'prja 'hwnan skin'

in.

The reason for separ.lting this rounding and raising process inlO two pans ('.jG :> .jo and • ..., > -If) is that '-p and '-0 were differently affected by. pro;:tding medial '-r-: '·rja appears 10 have beat unafJectt:d (as fU < 'prja above). while '·ra was fromed 10 [rz] and thus escaped the effects of'.. :> -II (di.!lc:ussed below). These facts can be accounted for by ordering '-jIJ :> .jo before ',-color and ' .. :> ·If after 'r-color, and by assuming that 'r-coJor did not affect rounded vowels. See section 10.2.4 for further discussion.

A.13. *-u(K) > -aw(K) The change ·.,,(X) :> -aw(K} diphthongized original zero, when no medial ''1' was present:

'-II 10 '-aw before velar codas and

(1859) ~dOo
i! bdo < pll:!W < 'praw < 'pr1l 'wrap, bundle'

(1861) ~ gdo < UzwH < '.tu.ts 'tell, report', also read gil < kowk. < '.tu.t (1862) ~ t0ng < /Owllg (Jujwrj?) < 'tWIg 'wintu'

This analysis suggests that the Middle Chinese finals IlranSCribe as -owk. and -owng should be phonologically anaIyzod as J-awt/ and I-awrY. Syllables wilh medial '-j- were not affected by lhis change: original '.ju, '-juS:, '-jUlIE became Me -juw,11lW, .jllWttg. It is likely that '-_(I:) > ·-Gw(K) Ilctually occurred in more lhan one stage. perhaps '-utK) > '-;w(K) > -aw(K). Original'-u came 10 rhyme genenlJy with miginal '-ow by the W!iJln period (A.D. 220-420; see TlDg Pang.hsin 1975; 238), but shdngsltlng '-.u1had alreadY

P1loM10giool clwtgtsfrom Old to Middle ChiM~

573

bCIUn to rhyme with ·.awlin Hlin times (Lu6 4. ZhOu 19S8: 19-20). Abo, since I assume Ibat 'r~ did DOC affect rounded vowels. it is easiest to acccult for iums like i! bao < ptt:W < 'pnl if we assume that the change '.J(K):. ... w(1C) psb"f'4et! ·r~. For further dilcussion. see secticms 10.2.13, 10.2.14, and 10.2.IS.

A.I4. ·-o(K) > ·uw(K) The change '-o(K) :. -1lw(K) changed original '.0. W -&lW- in syllables with velar or zero

codas. The exact phonetic details are unclear: (1863)

.4 d6u < tllWX < 'tol 'ladle, dipper'

(1864) •

(1865)

d6Ag < tJlw1lg < 'to1lg 'east'

if.Al < ntWII: < '$(I)oi: 'rapid. quick'

was limiled to syllables without medial -.j-; the linaIs '-jo, '-joflg, and ._jot became Me -jlL, -jowttg, and -jowi respectively. I assume that this change may have applied dilferenlly W open syllables than 10 syl1aba wiIh the ve1ar codas '-flg and·-t. Original ''''0fI8 and '-rok gave rise to the division-D Jam ·zw1lg and -rwt; this sugges&s that these finals at the time ·r-color applied, .ong and « had perhaps become (AwngJ and [Awtl, with unrounded main vowels, and wtte thus IlIbject to 'r~

lJke the change '-II(K) >

(1866) (1867)

...w(K), '-o(X) > -1lw(K)

IT jidng < kfcwflg < 'kroflg '(Yangtze) river' fli jido < b:wk < ',vok 'hom'

But there are no division-II syllables in the open-syllable ~ 116u rhyme group, suggesting .... syllables like 'Kro simply merged with original 'Ko, perhaps because such syllables IIill had • rounded main vowel and wtte thus not affecled by ·r-a)lor. Thus after grave ibtials it is usually impossible k:l distinguish the finals '.0 and '-1'0: (1868)

0 Mu <.tIUlW.T < ·kiI(r)oI'mouth'.

It would appear that ociginal ··rob devekJped like '",os, DOC like ·..,.ot, suggesting !hat the relevant stages d ...../Q > -IlJll'(K) followedjiJW cllUitr tbttpliJiellJilJ1I: (1869)

2i wd < 1zwk <'1rok 'moisten. smear' ,abo read 1uwH < '~oks '9OOk'.

A.IS. ·r·color I use the name "'r-rolor" for a fat-reaching change by which a medial "1'- inRue~ the JIrtWlunciation of a fonowing main vowel. A3 I formulaae this change, it applied only to unrounded vowels, and caused them 10 become front and (in at least some cases) lax. The fun phonological consequences or 'r-color did not appear until medial '-1'- was 10S1,

·-r·

was still present. the features it contributed to the following vowel were usually subphonemic. I assume that an ilem Like around A.D. SOO; as long as the

(1870) l,ijitJn <.tJtn (lkzrV') <.trim (ftrart/) <

·uan 'wicked'

was probably pI'l:)OOI.nCtld with a fronl Ie) as early as HAn times; but until medial

·-r- was

lost, this [z) was jusl an allophone of 18/. This is supponed (though not proved oonclusivcJy; see (bapler 3) by the fact that words with Me -ZI'I and -all rbymc:d with cac::h ()(her through the W~i-Jln period (lmg Pang-hsin 1975: 246). I assume that Izi and [aJ became separale phonemes as a result of (sec below). In sane cases, however, .,.-cokH' had earlier phonological consequences. For example, by Eastern Han, ·-ra had separated in rbyming from .-Q and rhymed instead with .-aj and ·-,aj (see ·-4U'.
·,.-Ioss

.,.-color

A.16. Acute fronting Acute (rootiDI fronted the main voweJ in nonback codas An example is

acu~initia1

syllables with medial ._j- and

(1871) ~ rlin < lIyell < ·lIjan 'Like that'.

.-0"

Words such as ~ rlin which were affected by acute (rooting rhymed as in the ShIjIng, but by the wei-nn period, original .-an and ·-jan belonged 10 different rhyme categories (fing Pang·hsin 1915: 246). This probably indicale5 that had already bocome ·_jeJt. (The change from ._jan 10 ._~" should perhaps be facaored into a fronting .-jan> -jim and. raising -jZl'l > -jeJt; pc:rbaps this Iauer su:p is 10 be tdentified with ·s· raising, described bek>w.) Middle Chinese rencxes make it appear that Kute fronting did not affect syllables with grave initials; the Middle Chinese vowel in items such as the following was probably back:

._ja"

(1872) -;; ydn < "gjo" «n&iAn}) < ·n8i(JII 'speak; words'. Similarly, with high VO'HeJs we ha...e Middle Chinese a>ntrasts such as these: (1873) ~ rin < lIyinx < ·lIjW'be unfeeling' (front vowel) (1874)

fR yen < "gjin < ·ngjin 'raised border, dyke' (back vowel)

The Middle Chinese finals -jon and -jin are restricted to syllables with grave initials. account for this by assuming that lI(:ute (ronting applied only to syllables with acute initials, al least in the dialect(s) ancestral to Middle Chinese. On the other hand, words in MiddJe Olinese -jon and -jin appear to rbyme with front vowels during the ~i·nn period; this rhyming practice could represent. dialect where acute (rontinl applied more gcncralJy. Notice that ·Urootinl (described bek>w) is similar 10 acute (rooting, but ha'5 a

Phonological chong~sfrom Old to Middk

Chj~s~

575

slightly different environment: the relationship between these two processes probably differed from dialect 10 dialect. I argue in Outpter 9 that acute (ronting (and possibly ·.·raising) crealed many cases where [a) and [e] occurred in the same :.dishillg series, weakening the conditions for ":.ciishi1l8 similarity" in characters of late origin: see Outpter 9 for fUJ1her discussion.

A.I7. Rounding assimilation This change rounded the vowel of the final ·.ji after labial and labiovelar initials in syUabies without medi.aI ·-r- which have a velar (X" zero coda: (1875)

:m /U < pjllwk < .pjiJ: 'good fortune'

(1876)

is g"118 < kjuwIIg < ·kWjillg '(archer's) bow'

AJ a result of this change, some words of the traditional ~ ZhT rhyme group came 10 have Ibe final -juw in Middle Chinese: (1877)

!J... jill < kjllWX < ·kWjil'long time'

(1878) ~ 16u < hjuwx < ·wji1'have'

it mOll < muw < mjuw < ·mji 'to plan' If the ·-ll in items like :iL jiiJ < ·kwflU 'nine' was WlJ'OUnded 10 ·i by the earlier change

(1879)

"*ading dissimilatioo (see above), then we can assume that rounding assimilation changed it back 10 ·-u. But note that rounding assimilation, unlike rounding dissimila· 1Ioa, is blocked by medial ·.r., so that the vowel was not rounded in items like (1880)

a gUl < kwij

(1881)

i! kuf < gwij (III) < .gWrji < .gWrju 'thoroughfare'.

(III) < ·kWrji 'tuttle, tortoise'

We can account for this by assuming thai rounding dissimilation preceded ·r-color, while rounding assimilation followed it. See section 10.2.1.2 and 10.2.13.1, and the discussion of rounding dissimilation above.

A.IS•• -0 >-u This is the second part of the rounding and raising process which applied 10 final discussion under ••jG:> -jo above): (882)

.-0

(see

1i. '14'11. < 1lgux < ·lIgal'five'

This process doubtless occurred in several steps: [a]:> [:)]:> (0]:> [uJ. It is possible thai the Middle Chinese final I transcribe as -ll was still phonetically [0] in Early or even Late Middle Chinese. For further discussion, see sectiOll 10.2.4.

516 1tppe1tdiz .4.

A.19. Labial dissimilation 1be change labial dissimilatioD is a dissimilation of labial codas to velars under the influence or labial or labialized initials. Eumples include

(1883) !lp"'8
fm W"'8 < hjll'~",g < -wj(r)Uum 'hew'.

The exact conditions of mis change are not clear, however, for Middle Otinese still has some syllables with labials in both initial and coda positions:

(1884)

Rfdn < bjom < ·brjom 'cYeI}', all'

Labi.al dissimilation had evldently occurred in some dialects in the Eas1em HAn period (Coblin 1983: 119). See sections 8.1.2, 10.3.1.3, 10.3.3.2, and 10.3.4.1 for di9"3lssion_

A.20. Denasalization The change dt:nasalizatioa changed initial voiceless nasaIs to other consonants:

-hm.>;t(w)-Nt- > th-Ntg- > z-

-hngW_>.xwThese changes (which did not necessarily all occur simulUUlOOUSly) had probably occurred in some dialects by the Eastern IBn period (Coblin 1983: 43-16). See sections 5.2, 6.1, and 9.2 for discussion and examples.

A.21. ·-wk>-k Original Old Chinese -·wl normally became -I: in Middle Chinese; thus OC --t>Wk merged with original --d:, and --awl: generally merged wilh ooginal·-a.t: (l88S) (1886)

(1887)

tf.J til < .d: < -'M 'mark in a target' B hi < 1Iak < -gawl'cnme'

.)'do


Note that Middle Qlinese also probably had a coda -wk, but Middle Chinese -wk doeS rot usually reflect Old Qlinese -.wi:; rather, MC -wk arose in syllables where original rounded vowels diphthongized as a result or the changes -·,,(K) > -ow(K) arxI -~K) > -"w(K): (1888)

=

dJl < dowi(Jdawk/1) < -dJd 'poi.1on'

(1889) ~ Dl < dzuwk < -dzot 'clan'

Phonological c1ltJn8~sfrom Old to Middle Chineu 5TI Either thcx cascs of -wi dcV'dopcd aCtc:r the change '·wA: > ..J:, or else '·wA: > ·1 was ItStiicted in such a way at not to apply to them. In any c:asc. tbesedcvdopments mUSl have differed in diCl'C2'UIl dialects, for OC '-owl: sometimes shows ~ as MC -ow.I: or .&IWi in addition 10 the usual-at. For funbc:r di5cussioo, see JCCtioos 10.2.14 and 10.2.17.

A.22. °-jiw(k) > ·juw(k) This change accounts for the development of MC -jllw and -juwl from OC '.jiw and '.jiwk. respectively: (1890)

(1891)

'Wi*

qiil < tslijllW < 'Ishjiw 'autumn'

slul < dryllWl < 'djiwk 'good'

In the Middle Chinese or the QilyiUr, this change appIicd generally to OC '.jiwk., but '-jiw _ affected only in syllables with acute initials; '-jiM; aCtc:r grave initials remained em at. IcMl some cases) at MC .jiM;. But MC -filii Ind -jlI.w are often confused. 50 there ~ probably diakcts where this change applied IJ)(R gtIoa11y, and pertlaps some in which it cId not occur at alL Some ShIjCttg rhymes IlJlIX3" to show words in '-ftw rhyming with '-14; *::Ie could reflect diale<1s where ·-}1. > -Jill' occurred very early. see sections 10.2.13.2 ... 10.2.14.2 for funher discussion and examples.

A.23. °i.fronting This change fronted original 'i to i in syllables where both initial and coda were acute. In syUabies with no medial til was k>wercd to (el by the change hi > mid (see below). Examples include

.+,

(1892)

$t mv. < u,. <·sin < ·sin 'lirsi.'

(1893) . . cM,. < dzyin < 'djilt < 'djin 'morning' (1894)

Jl ql < ts~j < ·tsltij < 'ultij 'wife'

SyUabLes with grave initials ~ not affected: (1895) (1896)

ttl ge,. < 10,. < eli,. 'root' Iffl kdJ- < &1' < 'k.1tij 'open'

This change had certainly happened by the W~i·nn period; it may have happened IOmewhat earlier, but it is difficult to judge from the rhyme dala, for during the HAn period Ihe rhyme groups W6n and Wei (wtlich include '-i" and '-ij respectively) became confU5Cd generally with the • Zhl!n and ZhT groups (my and '-i}). For further dia:USSlon, see sections 7.1.3, 10.1.5, and 10.1.8.

X

It

Rli

'-j,.

A.24. Hi > mid The change bi > mid Jowm:d high vowels 10 mid height in syllables without medial -.j-, When *j ktwcred, it merged with *e; thus -.iI! and '
(I897) ~ji411 < (1898)

Jia jilln < un < 'un 'shoulder'

(1899) •

(1900)

un < 'kin 'hard, solid, firm'

li40 < I~x < 'C-riwl'Polygooum plant'

III lido < lavx < 'C-rnvl'dcar-eyed'

These changes were rdJecled in rhyming by the W~i-Jln period (Ting Pang-hsin 1975: 238. 246). In syllables wilh medial '-j-, on the other hand, these vowels remained distinct; -.j;" and '-jeri remained as Me -lj)ifl and -j(i)en. for example. The lowering of*j 10 mid heightproduccd a mid unroundc.d [A] whach may have begun as an allophone of Iii. but eventually became a sc:parale pbonc:me; a1 any rate, by the fm poiod (A.D. 26.5-420), criginal -·in had et:a'i1Cd 10 myme with '-jill, and original *-ing bad ceased to rhyme with -.jillg (Ting Pang-hsin 1975: 244, 246). This change plays a role in explaining how words in Me -on < *-jn (the QiiyUn's 11 Htn rhyme) came 10 rhyme in Early Middle Chinese with words in Me -jon < -.jon (the Qiiyl1n's 7U Yuan rhyme); see 'a-raising below. For further discussion of the change hi > mid, sec Chapeer 7.

A.25. Qushtng formation QMshlnr formation is the name I give 10 the process by which the post-coda *-.1' was lost and replaced by a distirctive tone. It is difficuillO dale lhis process precisely. Pulleyblank (l973a, 1984: 223-24) argues lhat the final oS of qIlsltl1l' remaint.d lllltil the early sillth

cenuuy in some southern dialects. See section 8.2 for funhtt discussion.

A.26. j-insertion The change j.in.wrtioD inserted • coda oj :af'ltt mid urvoondod vowels Ie], [AJ. and 1£] in syllables wilh zero coda. Ju. result, original *~ merged with ~j (from original *-ij by hi > mid); and [-A) (from original *oi by hi > mid) merged with [-Aj] (from original *-i)). For example, the word

(1901) Iljl
...

(1902) fI]T
Plwnological changes/rom Old to Middle ChiMse

(1903)

579

tfi mli < mwoj [m(w)Aj] < (m(w)A) < ·m; 'Prunus muroe'

became a homonym of (1904) ~ mli < mwoj [m(w)Aj] < ·mij 'branch, board'. Similarly, .-r; merged with ·-rij. (1905)

f..m m6i < mej < [nnJl < (mt£) < [ron] < ·mr; 'bury'

This has the same Middle Chinese final as (1906)

n pdi < b£j < {br£Jl < (bnJl < ·brij 'push away'.

These mergers due toj-insemoD are reOecled in rhyming by the time of the N4n-bi!i chao period (A.D. 420-581; see Ting Pang.hsin 1975: 238, 240). The development of original ·-rt probably differed according to dialecl We would expect·-re > Ire] (*r-c:04or) > [mjl (j-IDsertion) > MC -Ej (·,.Ioss), merging with original ·.rij, ·-rij, and ·-ri, and this probably did happen in some dialects; but in other dialects, perhaps ·-rt merged early with original ·-raj and ·"0, becoming MC·z. (This would bIppen in a dialect where ·r-c:olor changed ·rt 10 [m] rather than [rE].) The QiiyUn treats -ei < ·-rt as separate from both -Je and -tj, but this could be a dialect compromise on the pm of the Qilylln authors; in modem dialects, -a has developed like MC -Je in some cases, IIId like MC -tj in others. For further discussion, see sections 10.2.1.3 and 10.2.7.1.

A.27. "a-raising The change ·a.raisiDg is the raising of original

·0

10 a mid [A) between media1 ._j- and an

.:ute coda, in items such as (1907) ~ ydn. < ",gjon (I}jAnl < ·",gjan 'speak; words'. This change is necessary to explain why woots like ~ yJn < ·ngjan stopped rhyming with words in original .-411 (like ga", <.tan < •.tan 'shield') and came to myme instead with words in original ._;", (like hi", < han < ·gM 'scar'), as they did by Early Middle Chinese times. This feawre of Early Middle Chinese myming is a long-standing puzzle; we can explain it by assuming that the change bi > mid, discussed above, lowered original .-it1 to [An), while ·a-raising raised original ·-jan to UAn). This sequence of events was probably limited to certain dialects, however. See section 7.3.3 for discussion.

T JR

A.28. OJ-backing 'The change ·j.bac:kiog may be assumed in

the approach which attributes the Middle Chinese cMngniJl distinctions to a distinction in the media1 JXlSition. According to this lnaIysis, original medial ••j. became [+ back) (i.e. 11]) in two environments: (I) when

pie.::eded by medial -"', or (2) when followed by • beck vowel See KCtion 133 for discussion.

A.29. *r-Ioss

-,·Iou

The change caused medial -.,. 10 be lost in syllabks with grave initials. In syllables with acute initials. med.i.al -.,. remained as a feature of retroflexion. perhaps reanalyzed as pan of the initial consonant. AI a result of·,·. . . the special vowd feawres which resulted from the cartier change -I'-coIor ~ pbonoIogizcd; low front [E] and mid front lax [e], which had hitheno been alJophones of/al and tel conditioned by medial --1". became independent phonemes: (1908)

-=F gan < ktvl < -w 'shield'

(1909)

jfj, ji4n. <.lD < [krzn) (fuan/) < -!Tan 'wicked'

(1910)

Ai ji4n. < iDt < -iDt 'shoulder'

(1911)

rJJ ji4Jt <.tm < [trw] (/kIezl/) < -!Ten 'between'

These changes are rc.6ccted in rhyming by the N4n-bli cMo period, when the division·" finals of Middle Chinese bocm\e separate rhyme categories. 1be details of how applied in syllables with medial -.rj. are unclear. I assume that such syllables are the major source of the so-called division-In cMngttiJl syllables.. but as pointed out in soction 7.3.3, the cMngtWI distinctions can be acoounled for in at least two ways: a medial solution, which attributes the contrut to the med.iaI position, and a mainvowel solution, which attributes it to the main vowel. See sections 12 and 1.3 for flUther discussion of medial -.1" and its developmcnt in ~ contexts.

-,..Iou

A.30. *-ji(K) > -j(K) The minor change --jt(K) > -ilK) is intended to account for the fact that syllables of the forms -Kji, -Kjittg, and -Kjik. metJed in Middle Olinese with -Krji, -Krjiltg, and -KrjiJ: Ic:syectively. This could result from a general (JOlting of thoge casu of [i] which remained after the change bi > mid. See scctions 10.21, 10.22, and 1023 for fwthcr discussion.

A.31. TSrj- > TSrThe change TSrj- > TS,·, which pobabI.y occ:urml. during or jll'>t before the Early Middle Q\inese pel Kxl, caused mcdiaI -j-Iq be lost after retro6ex initials 1'51'-: (1912) (1913)

1:. Jhbtg < s,Otg < srj"" < -srje1l8 'live, be ton' B: [c1r4ll] < sraIX < sr~fIX < ·Sltg,jatt1'bR:ed, bear'

PltoMlogicoJ r.1wtR~sfrom Old loMiddJ~ Chinese 581

'De result was that syllables widt initials of type TSr- which originally had medial *-j".ql1lCntly """""410 be treMOd as having divisiort-ll 6nah rather than divisioo-m finals D6ag T6n~ noticed this distribution. and lIbributcd the devdopment oC relroflexion 10 the pueclCC of. distinctive division-ll .......,Ijsm; in the present aJalysis, it is rather medial *-r(which produced relroflcxion) which gives rise to the division-ll final. This analysis ccounts for the Middle Ollnese reading ~ STag from an originaI frmt vowel (uealed as Inqular in other reconstructions) and for lhe development of division-II -Ell (which DmAIly rtpJ'e5Cfl1s *-r~lI. --rin, or *-rUi) in some syllables which originally had OC *-an.

Soc sections 7.2.3 and 73.1.3 for fwtber discussion.

A.32. je>je 'Ibis is. minor change assumed in one analysis of the devclopment of the clt6l1gfliii finals;

for ddcussioo see section 7.33.

A.33. mjuw(K) > muw(K) 11lis is. minor change which dekted medial -j- from syllables beginning with the .sequeru ....... It tool: place during the Middle Chinese: period. and gives rise to • number of 44*eo'lt irregularities. For eumple, the GwdngyiUI gives the reading mJlWU for (1914)

Jl [Indo] < muwH < mjuwu < *m(r)jus 'barter, exchange'.

NcmWJy, the Middle Chinese division-J final -uwu would reflect OC *-(r)o(k)s; but the ftlCOnStruction of *u in this word is supported by the rhyming of Olher words in the same .....lCtic series, such as (1915)

gp m60 < /ftZWX < -IIIIlI1'cyc1ical sign (4lh earthly branch)',

which rtlymcs as *-u1in Ode 193.1A.

A.34. Labiodentalization ....Iodutalizatioll occurred between the Early Middle Chinese and Lale MiddJe Chinese -.ges. Following Y. R. Chao (1941), I formulale this change as applying to labial initials which were followed by medial _j_ before a back vowel: (1916)

15 fang < LMC/adlJ< EMCpjang < *pjang 'square; quarter, region'

(1917)

~~ /li < LMCjji < EMCpjij < *pjij 'is not'

See section 6.1.1

for further discussion.

As emphasized at the begiming of this appendix, the changes just sketched provide only a partial and tentative ICCOWlt of the developments intervening between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese. However, most of these changes will have their counterpartS in any version of the pboooIogical hisulry of this peaiod. A Cully adequate M:COWtt would no

doubt have to deal witll the divergent developments or the various dialects oC the Early

Middle Chinese period, a topic which is still poorly understood.

Appendix B

The rhymes of the Shying The rbyme sequences d the SltIjucg are listed below by ode and stanza. Distinct thyme .cQuenc:es within a SW1ZI are dislinguisbt1l by capilalletJtn A, B. C. etc. Forms assumed ., be mgu1a' ~ enclol!iled in 9QI*t brachu Irregular or dooblful rhyme JCQucnces are .at commented 00 bcr"e; cases which are relevant to the proposed reconstruction arc discussed in 0\apIer 10.

1

l.l

1.2 13

I.' U

2 2.\

ZI"" """

Ml iiII

it i>ii

G.... ja

IlII11t

jia


< *1(r)1'/.l

<

qUl

< ISJUW < gjuw

< ·8(r)1'1l

A A A

< ·C-rju < ·gr1'1l

A A

,"", lUI

-ti"

:j(

qUI

< ljuw < gillW

111 III tIC

dJ


< ·fU:

fa

< bjllWk.
< -bjt! < *tsrjtA:

A A A

< ullojX

< *sri(l)1 < ·w1'il

A A

< *maw(l)s

A A

$I< ;\< ¥;

•

[ei]

,....., "Ii

"

< 1IjllWX

<mawH
""'" """ JIlJ Wi, G'''' lUI' < /UW. 1"t sa

• IR

2.2

JIlJWi,

*Il'Ji ~

II 111

•

ql

< UMj

1"

< pjij < muwA:

"'" jiL

..."'" [zij

,/

<

le1'

< mal << Hlja < ,.,

<

·,-rawl

A

<'W < ·ul!ij < ·pjij

B B

-mok

A

< *uij

B

<'mal < ..... < *lJvjak < *ljAl

A A A A

<

'84 ,,-..JUS 23

H fA ti.

a

ll! 3 3.1 32

If fi

tI< 3l

• 1li!

IJij

Ji:

n

3.4

• il

JC lIll (If

4 4.1 42 43

< kjwij

16-

< ~;j < pjllWX

",1

""'

< muwX

'1jij < 'pji1 < 'm(r)o1iJ <

A A A B B

-.

< kJljwdng

< 'l wltjatlg

''''' (,"'1

<-a

< 'grang

< dzwoj

wli

<

< 'SdJJj < 'flgKj

'""

< xwoj < dtvoj

mI Iii 1w6i

.....

ttgwOj

< 1wo1' < hwEj

< < < <

':041' 'lll.j

'C-ruj 'gnlj

A A A A A A A A

....

<'-

<Mo.

< W. < ...... < ...... <_a

A A A A

li-1

< rshjo

<

'ultja

"{pol)

<""

< 'do < 'p1r(rJia

xu

< zjl/.

A A A A

...".

phju

<

< 'gWtuIg < 'j;""rang < 'Itljallg

< 'Jrw(r)jo

Z""_"'" JIllWl, 1iil,,", IJ* All fl1

Ui

(ndJ

< twij < swij <

K

...". ji4ng

< /Sjang

~

[Y""]

< 1jwien8

chillg

<

m nJI.

, Z"'_ "'" JIil WI, '.1

< sij

< ·t'l4'jij < 'sjij

Z"""",'" JIll WI, 1.... "!/i l'j:

f! III

33

.W

~

lfl!

ZM•• "

,M. ,M.

.<Wan, dz~ng

< ·C·rjuj

·slI1'u.1'

A A

< 'hmaIIg < '/Sjang

A A

< ''JNje n8 < 'dje n8

A A

< 'srjin

A A

<

illilUi <

snn

< tsyill

< 'tj'"

The rhynu!s of lhe ShljTng

,.2 S3

6 6.\

6.2 6.3

Il lit

m

7.1

7.2

73

8.2

jl [""]

< tsip < Isyhip

< -tsjip < */hjip

A A

A A

T"",.., ~7<

~

<~z

jiiJ


< *bra < -iTa

~

,Id ,Id

<"u < syil

< *LjiJ < *SljiJ

A A

< /srin < lIyill

< *urjill < *njill

A A

*tsjAJa -lrrllg *p(rJja *djrll8

A B A B

< *tsjAJa < *,Wrjll

A B A B

• •

dol,

,i,

ZM..... JIilIfJ: Tuj.. !Xlll

II

jiL

< ujeo

T '1:: !I£

fW

< "O
II

jiL

dol,.

d,i..

tsjldo gwij pjll &j1lW

;m '1:: ItL

fW

qiU

< < < <

II

jiL

< ujldo

I'" /u


ZM.....

SR H 1lI ~

83

A A

"""

,j)

8.1

< *luning < *6jing

..

t* '1:: 8

shing

< xwong < zying

"""..... JIlIlfj,

A.

7

M,.

ft

tli I:l

'"'

x,"

JIilIfJ:

< < < <

< *p(rJja < *g(r)jll < *tsjAJa < *C·rjbn

< *p(r)ja < *sjbn

A B A B

< tshojx < hjllwX

< *sri(k)J < *wjiJ

A A

<

< *Iot

A A

F6.yl':f'.1ffi

,61

... 16·

/W
I""

< I_

< *C·rol

jii

< ,-,

< *hl

'"'

< ""

< *gil

A A

'8'

586 Appendix. 9 9.1

ZM.,"""

l* :j(

Ia' it

9.2

'II11* .~

I1i it

9.3

11.1

m4

iJl;la'

< xjuw < gjuw

< *x(r)ju < -srju

< kwongx < hjwz:ngu < hjwzngx < pjang

**""ang1 < *wrjangs < ·wrjangl < .pjang

urhjox <m"" < kwongx

< < < < <

<

<

·/srhja7

-mra? *k. wangl

< pjang

·wrjangs ·wrjong? < ·pjang

[16/01]

< (ju

< ·C-rjo

ja gudng [y6ng) yiJ.g

< kjll

< *l(r)jo

< kwongx

< *1;""01Ig1

< hjwz:ngH

<

r"",

< hjwzngH < hjwz:ngx

< hjw;mgx <

pjang

A A A A

mWJ, .af'. &Jjt <:

jr

< lei}

< *m;j < -aji}

1$

yr

< yijH

< */jips

qi

< khjijH

<

*khjits

wii

< mjijx < xjwa < xjweJ( < nyex

< < < <

*mjij7 *hm(r)jajl

~

ZM. '"""

ill: j£

tt

A A B C B C

< ·pjang

*wrjOllgs < *wrjang'l

mii

m

A A B C B C

A A B C B C

I'X ill

T 11.2

dul

JIll I1i it

lit lit il!l II

qill gudng [yd'ng] yiJng fang

j;

'*

10 ZM. '"""

to.3

xiii

11

'*

10.2

Hdngudng

gudng [y6ng] yiJng fang

11

10.1

mWJ,

"", "",

"

mwoj

*hm(r)jaj1

*"jijl

A A A A

mWJ, U"he ,he GziJI: ,hi

<: lSyiX

< ·ljt1

"

< tsiX

<

-lsii!

A A

dlug

< kngll

xlng

< s"frngH

< ·ungs < ·sjeflgs

A A

The rhyftU!s o/the ShIJlog

jiM

11.3

A A

Qw,'" all

12 S/""' .... flWi, 12.1 12.2 12.3

13 13.1

13.2 13.3

liS llIJ

iu


15

ja.. ji4ng

""

< .."" < pjallg

ym. ching

< ,... < drJ<..

~

g'j

lilt

s....... flWi, IIi:

• '"".. '1' '8

it Z\ ij~

JI

" 14.1

14.2

CiJi/""

u.I 'hi

~

ill ll!

115 ;J~

~

A A

< 'pjattg < 'lSjO/lg

A A

<

'(l)~ng

< 'd~"g

A A

< 'tjil < '/isrji1(l)

A A A A A A B B

*!! < UJiX

< duiH

g6••

< ljuwllg

< 'j:·ljlUlB < 'l(r)jlUlg

,6"8

< dJlwng

< 'do"l

g~lIg

< -.. < gij

< 'lollg

q{

.wI

s....... flWi, il \1!i 1'P I!Il

< ISjDng

< '!(r)jtJ < '"gra(l)s

< trjll'Mlg

< kjwij

Cdod.,.. ~il

..

eMlIg

< drjllwllg

-.


'""

eMIIg

jw [eWI yw (wltl hii

yl

< 'grjij < 'kWjij

< 'lrjlUlg < 'tjlutg

'lJt-ljWtg <'/Wwog <

<~ < trjwet

< 'rrjot

<

< '(jot

yw<1

< mjij < pij < yij

< 'ljol

< '".jij < 'prjij <

'iN

A A A A A A A A A A

587

588 IS 15.1

AppendUB

s...... '13m,

ill jJ

15.2

Ii ilk g ~

15.3

r

"k 16 16.1

16.3

17.2

< ·pjilt

140

"'"


j'

<

#Ox

< .krjo1

IJi1I

< bjllX

.fn

.

xi
< '"'"

<

JVjoX

G... I....

ttl;!:

·tsaw1 < ·C·raw1 <

<

·b(rJiaJ

<

·,ra!

<

-/Via!

·bjol

A A B B A A A A

<

1M)

< bal

< 'bat

A A

< plt:jl/

i
bdi ql

< kh~jlf

< ·prats < ·lhrjats

A A

< fJ£i1l

<

·prots

ill

bdi ,,",I

<~jH

< ·hJjols

A A

1&

.-n II ill II jIj

Hi

~ ~

JE 17.3

< ·bjill

< bjot

17 S......

17.1

< bjiJt

fd

~ 16.2

*ill

pfn

s...... '13 m, ~

Cdipfn

5.f

II $<

i!!l i!!l t:l'

'Bm, H.... ,.hll

,. ",.

jiiJo

"'" y' y'

<"'"

< -g-rab

<>-

< <


'"

< ujqd

yd

< ...,

[ydn,J

< )'OWng

jid

<12 < zjoWllgll < zjaw1lg/l < tbjowng

"". "".

,d..

*('}jAb ·g-rab < ,.,..

< 'hi < -"g{r)io! < ·,.g(r)jok. < ·ujot < < < < <

-ngra -Ijong

*ira ·sgjongs ·sgjongs < ·tbjollg

A A A A A A A A A B A B B B

The rhy~s (j the SbIJlng

18 S""" """ 18.1

18.2

iii: IE tE

pI Iud


JI

"}f-

.1

~

19.1

".2

,.3

e

2ll.2

21 21.1

A A A

< bjaw1lg

< ·b(rJjo"l

< - ... < .......

< '""", < ·hMg

A A A

<-

< .'jang < ·wang

A A

<
< ·tsrjik < ·1jik

A A

< """

< ·gral < ·Klljal

A A

< tslJit < kjiJ

< ·ultjiJ < ·kJiJ

A A

< (stJlPl)

< ......

jl•


< ·k(r)jmr.

A A

xl

< s,iijH < ltjwijH

< ·:xjits < ·wjiu

A A

< < < < <

A B A B B

""'....."

~

i! t!l

[ul

.~

... xI

r

IIll

dvI

f3 Wi: qr

--...,

jl

a

"'"

...••

~

S""" """

wii

f3 Wi:

m

:l1i! 1iE ~

IilJ

< .,...

<"J"""

Bi
-t;

A

2ll.3

< ·tTiJ.: < ·wrjiJ; <.LjiJ;

f3 Wi: n. ql Iii .IIl:lt=

S""" """

2ll S""" """ 2ll.l


fing ""'g g....

~

"

<J"

A A A

,"

til

< bje

< ·b(r)jaj < ·'aj < .'jaj

J'

:$: 18.3

C"" """. iIii~

f3 Wi:

Xi
xrng diJ,g zMIIg gllrlg

'6...

< < < < <

urlg tuwrlg tsyellg kMw"l duwllg

·seng ·to"l .*"g ·kong ·OOllg

'89

'90

~ndUB

21.2

,Ii!

r.

liE lJll

i§

....

<,.,..

""'""."

< mewx < uyoog < dri-

'""

< """

,....

<

'~lIg

< .""'"

< 't~llg < -drjll < ti"

A B A B B

22 51,<10 """ tl Wi, Jidng Y"'" lIllIE 22.1

22.2

22.3

IE

J;.( J;.( 1fj

J' J'

iE

Iud

~ ~

23 51,<10 """

'/I

i!

!fF ~

23.2

23.3

1ft III JI! :E III tJ! I!i(

24.'

Jl /wi

it W W Iill

lJl:

23.1

" JI Uul

"'"

."".""., tl Wi,

«ix

< ·z1';1

< yiX
< fiji!

< 'Iji! < 'lImi!

< U'JOx <]OX <]OX <<syloox

< < < <

<do dwo dwo
< fwj < 'I;Wa1' < 'f""o1' < 'k.llj

Yl Y".,'j"

'tja1 'fja1 'fja1 'KHja1

< lwin

< 'krjun

b40

<< tsJlrwin

< 'P'" < 'thjIUI

<

<'~

.

-'"

"""X

J'

< ""'" < ..... <".-.k <-

[tu6)

< tlrwajll

,"

,''' fll

...

1'14

<

A A A A A A A A

lifll~'/I

j""

,""" IJduI

A A A A

ry'MHjll

< bjojll

< .... < ·C·rot. < 'hjoI;

A B A B

< 'Jtg(r)jok

A A A A

< 'Itlou < tit/jots < 'bjolS

A A A

<~E

A

djo

A

TM rhymi:s of /M ShTjlng 59\ 1A.2

*Ii

=f 1A.3

j;f.

25 25.1

S",., """

26.\

< 'C-rji1

"m",

< tsix

< 'Uji1

< min

< 'mrjun

n

• ii

ilt ~

ii5 i!! ii

.

y.

< 1Cgj"

pi.. wog

< ....... < tsuwflg

SiJi"',

....

,...'''' ,...

jiJI

[~1

•m . jO

~

:fi

[.wI ,M

< uy...

1<

m

yl

fl'

< 'UOflg

<

'ju

< flJOH < tjoH < SIIII

< 'fljas < 'k{r)jab < 'mgob

<-

<


< 'djM < '/rj0ll1

'w

A A A A A A A A A

< 'krjofll < 'sjofl1

A B A B B

< uhjewx < s~wx < 'J<WX < bjiewx

< < < <

A A A A

< ,"jij < 1jij < pjij

< 'mjij < '1jij < 'pjij

,,,,.," ""'.& [wli]

A A

< ,...

9>

IlJl l!

< 'boflg

< < 'flgw(r)ja


qiiJo

IJ\

A A A

'tju 'C-rj" 'lfr)j" 'ujll1

ffl

otf ;g

xl j"""

'!Ta 'pra

<

< < < <

" .... JfO

2605

< ....

A A

lailt

< trjwellX < l~k < q,w1lX < sjwtltX

,,,,",,,

26.4

""'0


ji4

s"fl.. lllllK,

lit

26.3

<

A A

B Jtj, "'. '" !\Il!l

~

26


"'"

~

25.2

IC

<

'up.J:. 'tshjewl 's(IJjewl 'h(IJjewl 'bjewl

A A A

S92

~NlUB

27 Blifl.. j~!l1, UyI 27.1

27.2 27.3

•

((

"'hi

< 'sji < 'ITji

y6u

<xi
fl·g

< pjlnV1Ig

< 'p(r)jullm

xIn

<,;",

< 'sjim

~

m

~ ~~

m ~

Ni Ii lit )](

ill ~ =a

l\J

m ,

'!...' ~

# A.

±

II!l II

<

""jans

< 'mjtutg

<

'wji

< pjij

< 'pjij

y.

< IIjIlX

<

guI yt

<

y. fli Mng guI ji4ng jf qf

qwij

A A

~r)ja1

< tJ.:Wjij

A B A B B


< '1jA1 < ~r)ja1


< 'pjij

<"""g

<

< kjwij < UjtUlg

< tfWj;j < '/.ljang

A B A B


< 'g(r)jip < 'Vvjip

C C


< 'pjij < '1fr )jim < 'tWjij < 'lIim < 'sjim

A B A B B

<'1"Ui < '/ljin

A A A

<'Mal < 'KHjas < '~.f)

A A A

jli yIn guI

....

< kjwij

,In

<<,;",

y....

<

,to

< syin < 111m

,lot.

A A A

i!!\J!'i

fli

29 B"fl.. j~m, 29.1

A A

.....

t:

Ii If

28.4

< 'djaltg

<-g

d'''g

28 Blifl.. j~!l1, Y"")'I.

28.3

A A

~

.to

28.2

< 'e-rjft < 'iji!

yf

tt

28.1


B

tEl

27.4

f1J::(I;

<

'm

rw..

'8 1J11g

< tltJjill

., yui B Jl

t,"".

g.

<-

< tsyltoJl

d,,"

The rhy~so{t~ ShIJTng

29.2

...

'I!I

""'"

< -XJI(1)s

<'pos

A A A

1"",

< pj
< -pjang < -C-rjang < -mjoItg

A A A

< IsJIrwiJ < tswit

< ·tltjlll < -Stjul < -Lilli

A A A

< dawH

<'/>awb < -sjaws < -ligaws < .......

A A A A

1m 1m ,1

<...; < Ioj < Ioj <,;

< < < <

-Ni -C-ri(j;) -C-rj(j;) -sji

A A A A

"" 110

< < < <

1ItjH 1ItjH

< < < <

-1fts

-tits

A A A A

Mi IuMli

< Iwoj < kwej

< -C·rwj < -gnl.j

A A

< -thang < -prjang < -srtVIg

A A

< -s-IjIUlSs < -SWl.gs

A

fIl

29.'

29.'

n

a E m $

< ......

<_H <mow <"..,H

1fJ

!>do

..... li4ng

d ..

"''""

Xl;

< """

30 Btil'.. 11$!i1, lJoiJ',I'.. tt!i1 30.\

30.2

• ~

it f!i! Ii

** l!l. 30.'

30.'

31

31.1

31.2

31.3

If If lllO !t X iii!

1:1 i
< bawH

do

< SPH < fl/IawH

..... """ """ MJi

B"I'.. 11$81" ij! ~

!>do

Il'ljijJl kjH

Jl,. Sll~ '''' bDog

xin,

< 'hang < pjll:1lg

eMng

< ""'" < dTjuw"gll < sowngll < trhjuWflg

>'&

d ..

<

"F

"'" .riO

<m""

'ftIJ"

.~

-1fts ·mjits

zhO"g

"'.,

uyhox

< """

A

< - j;Jr.IjUIIg

A A

< -XHja1 < -Na1 < ·,ra1

A A A

'9'

594 AppendixB 31.4

R

"'"

ll! -F

y",

,106.

~

31.5

160

R

"'" """ lsWol 1x,"1

ffi

iii)

i1i

<< yw<1 < sywwx < lawx

< 'Hoot <

.,jot

< -hju1 <

·C-rul


<'Hoot < ·Swat

< syin

< ·hwin < ·ltAjilt

<-

<s"".

A A B B A A B B

32 ."fi.. JtJ!li!.: X"fi•• iIlli!. 32.1

Wi ,

32.3 32.4

< ·C·raw

A A B B

x'"

<,;"

< ·sjiJ(g) < ·/ljiJt

A A

.gra!

"""

"-', 7<-

x'"

y60

~

32.2

< ·"im

160

< ",m
iii A. l' is

<

·sjim

<

·~r}jaw

,i.

< IIJUt

xi4 bl


< 'k!ws1

A A

B

y,"


x'"

< 'm
< -Jrr)jim < ·sjim

A A

< hjwx < UTjoX

< ·w(r)jal < -tsrja!

A A

""

<

33 ."fi.. JI$li!.: X"•• ,hl1tm 33.1

33.2

33.3 33.4

34 34.1

~~

m.

y'

"" B

y..


<>m
< ·1(r)jim < ·sjim

A A

,1

<si < loj

<

·sji < ·C-r;(k)

A A

< Itzttgu

< ·grOJlgs < -tsang

A A

ssI

x..

*h ~

• "fi"

liE

llJ;

JtJ!li!.:

1m

....

[.dllg}

< """•

P60 y(J. bl yi yi

,IV

lI'tiiSliE

<"yep < dxy
<

.,jDp

< ·djap

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< 'Lilt < 'g(r)ji1: <

qf

,.

if

"

....

'e-rju};

A A A A A

A A

'fj"#2tt

Iwd]

<

"gax

<mwH

1t

"'"

< 'ISOj1 < 'Asaj1 < 'xu(1)s

,I

< rill

<

~

W>"

<

< '/jiw

y6u

q"W

iI!

A A A A A A

w. ,dl11l:

tsax

~

A

< Itjux < xjwc

<

fX

A

.do'" 1'1;j3J

123 T...Il.. Jlfll!., 'do dl Mf"" 123.1

A

Jlf lit

122 T'" Il.. Jlf lI!., 122.1

< ''Ijws < 'k(r)jKs < 'xu(1).s

IsyllW

'djib

< 'jll

A A B B A A

The rhJlMs of the ShTjIng 631

..." 124

< 'XJI(1)s

B

':ljas

B

< 'tsrhja1 < 'ljA! < 'KHja!

A A A

< 'krjik < 'wrjik < ·sjtk

A A A

< "hoAR < /aNI << yrH <*

< ·uha!u < 'C-rtuLr < ·taJU

A A A

< '(J)j/W < 'ktr)ja

A A

< lIyit

< 'tljit < 'njit

A A

< < < < < < < <

A A B A B B B B

<

r"".ft.. ~m., GI,,,,.. ~!E

124.1

II

If 124.2

lIil U l;t .~,

124_3

124.S

Y·

x,

ddn

"'"

ill

m

y' ju

8

,""

~

I~.

".

didn y6n

=

?!.{

g

~

'is l' ".

=

III !1'i ?!.\ ".

= :\1ij if

m:

< tsrhjox


< syit

m:m: Cdi Utlg *¥

'f

iii ill

125.3

jl

8

~

125.2

,""

,,,,,

125 Tdngfltlg

125.1

yl

~

fIf 124.4

,""

....

x~

< ktlg < k. < ngjOti

<XU
,,,,,

0,...

y6n

< "8io1l

"""I

hl

"" y6n yli

,,,,,

'Mn y6n

"""I fi.. dO••

< ~II < "'"" < """ < ngjOti < )'Ox < 1S'ft1l < IIJen < ngjOti < Itjen < pltjowtlg < tuwtlg

'C-ritlg 'titl 'lIgjan ·stljitu 'tjoJt

'lIjoJt 'tlgjan 'fj(rJjan

< 'kha! < < < < < < <

'gra! 'lIgjan 'fjD! 'ljoJI 'llioll 'lIgjan 'fj(rJjan

< 'pIt(r)jong

<'WICg

A A B A B B B B A A

632 AppeNiUB ~

"',M." - "'" !11i "'" ~

lit b1l ?&

edng

=

~

lJdn]

11<

Qlnft",ll!!i)"

126.1

llIl III ~

126.2

~ jl

M Ii 126.3

,. ~

l!! ~

127

Ja II.

'ngjan

< I18JOll

<

< dtjowtl8 < try~n < ll'jell

< 'dzjollg < "jon < < 'lIgjon

< ngjOll

<

~tt

-"jail

<

'~r)jDn

Jl!llIl

,In

<

lin

< 'C-rjin

,.."

<

~.

<

~ttg(H)

< 'tilt < ·c.,.jiJtg(s)

'In,

ql II

"

tshil < lit < srit <

dil

< "',

"""

< ,.., """ <

y6ng Iwdn,

""""

B A B B B B

< """"" <mjoltg

< < < <

'ultjit 'C-rjit

'sprjit 'dit

< '$lUll

< '/joJIg < ',Wang <

'mjo.ng

A A A A A A A A A A A

Qlnft.,ll! II,s, till!l'l 'dI

127.1

127.2

121.3

¥

~

f.f Iii l! III

r.,

II f.l!l

fa

< bjllwX

< 'b(rJiu1

,.".

,M.

< 'JVWx < 'JVWH

<'Itftd < 'stftu

A A A

,/uuj

< dzyd:

<

'djAi < 'wraA:

A A

< 'wjaJt < ',ran

A A B B

/uuj

-

y"""

...,

ji40

< ""... < hjwon < (.IIDI:) < pjA' <

128 Qfnjlng ~m: XUlor6/'tg

128.1

'it fIl

~

II

linv

< 'I:(rJjaw

IJ\1x

,M.

< 'JVW

IMu

< trjww

qa

< !hju < zjowk

'"

< 'p(rJjaw

< 'xjiw < 'trjM

< 'kJt(r)jo <

'diot

A A B B

The rhymes of the ShlJlng 633

Ill:

8a

:E

ya wa

~

128.2

Iii! I!!I lil 'f '!'

g

L>.

c

fill I!! lUl

;z 128.3

)I

iJ Jij

Iff

'5

•,.. JI! B

,..,

qa /a

,M. ""'8 ,Ilw

""""

B B B


< .... < -tjoks < -,.g(r)jok < •.,. < -lh(r)jok

< bjllwx < sywwx < trjUWftg

< -b(r)juJ < -1tjIl1 < -k-ljllng

A A


< '""", < -gop

B C C C

< < < <

;,,'"' ttyuH ngjowk

1l<wl

yl

<~

[qn


""

qa.

""I

< VIUI < dwojH

B

D D

-gjlUl

< ulwuog < srjall.g < pjDltg < drjall.g < 1jt1llg

< < < < <

-srOllg (?) -srjang -pjDIIg ·6trjang -1jt1llg

A A A A A

tshej xjij mjj lUj drij

< < < < <

-tshij -xjij -mrjij -Isij -drjij

A A A A A

< tshojx

< < < < <

-sri(k)1 -Iji! -ujil -wjiKs) -,ji!

A A A A A

<~. .

ylwg g6ftg

<"'"

ym

B

< < < < < < < <

lJwIJw]

,"" ""'8

< '""" < -Kr)jl.lp < -g(r)ji < -tji

B

< killW1l8 < dollg < ,;"g

<""'

-dJljs -!jo1l1 -1fr)jillg -P"jillg -'illg -x(r)jillg -Kr)jim

A A A

B B

B B B

129 Q"P'8l1!!i!., Ji
129.2

•m '... 15 :Ii! :k: it D5 ill!

I""B

''"'''8 ""'8 ql

"mJ;

~

)1

*B

,1Ji 11 ,I

iii 129.3

' ....8

~

:ti !II:

,hI

,.. ,hI

< < < < <


634 App
130 Qlnfi.g 130.1

l/j ~

Ii!

130.2

:ot

:ll< ~

B

131 Qlnfi.g 131.1

U

mi'

< mwoj

qiM uli

< gjuw

< ·mi <: .gWji

< lsoj

<:

< dBAg < -g < tshjtmg < mjang(H)

< ·dang < -djong

'
....g

lli!J§1,

H"""g"'''''

·lSi

< ·lshjang < *mjtmg

< ·krjik

.\j!. .\j!. ~

"' "'

< siJ.:

< ·sjik

<
~

nl II

~

,,,.

< hwtl < iiI < IMII

·sjik <: ·dik < ·wit < ·C·rjil < ·hiin

< "yin < ~n

< -!IjiJa < ·hljin

~

ro.g

qang

<

< hang < hang

< <

IIJj

Mng Mng f
< bjang

<

< Irwet < lit

< <

<: IMn

< syin

< < *njin < *hljin

< tsrhjox

<

b b

1\ ~

7"A. ~

[~l

,"" ,i.

,"" ,i.

shett

...

,'" y.'" '"

1\ ~

nl II

7"A.

tian

l>!

JJE JJE ~

~

,i. ,,,.

A A A A A A A

Ji);,

< kit

7"A.

131.3

2M.g""" ~m

jl

1\

131.2

lli!J§1,

<

A A A A B B C C C

·sang -gang -gang ·bjang ·wit ·C-rjit -hiin

A A A A B B C C C

<.wx <.wx

·tullja? < -:ca1(1) < ·xal('"!)

< ngjox

< ·ng(r)jaJ

< hw<, < lit < tMn < nyin < syin

·wit <: ·C-rjit < -Min

A A A A B B C C C

< nyu.

<:

< -njill < thljin

The rhyma of the ShlJ"tng

132 Qu."", JlUl1, C/ol.p",.1i 132.1

Ii

"'"

~

"• ~

132.3

~

Ia\ ill'

101 ~

133 Qu.p-, 133.1

ti. If! t.ffi

~

133.2

dl

< dejH

",I ",I

< zwijH < IM)i' < ..
< ·(ips < ·zjUlS < ·,sjuu < ·gaj < -,aj

A A A B B

< 1jij < baw < srij < mjuw < gjuw

< -1jij < ' .. < ·srjij < ·"qr)ju < ·g(r)ju

A B A B B

< 1jij < dra < srij < ljd. < .ml

< < < < <

A

'/S4l

A B B

< 1jij <"'Jang <srij < pjz:ng

< -1jij < ·djaJtg < ·vjij < ·prjtJflg < ·grtJflg

A B A B B

< .fjtJflg < .gwtJflg

A A

II b6

" """ /ol

/ol

""" llHl1,

yl pdo

'hf

Imdo!

t.ffi

"

fF ti.

'lIi

qUi

'hf )1

'""

yr

t.ffi

""','

IT

,u.g

~

134 Qu.p.,

Ii!

1<

,hf bi"l

lilli,

·p(r)j;}um ·C-rjim -kiI(r)jim ·gaj ·'aj

A A A B B

W.yIIM:&

yl

ti

134.1

A A A B B

"""

lI1. ti.

if

133.3

< ·C·rewk < ·pralt:Wk < ·g.rawl: < .gaj < ·,aj

/ol

~

101

< kl <<W < ..
qUo

101 Il!

< < < < <

Iu.

il;

132.2

< Pfllwng
< """"

Wiiydn,

-1jij ·Ira! -vjij ·vjo!

B

l';;1i!

yan,

ydng

<

"""'"

<-,

635

636 App
.\!l iii

,I

!P'<1


< ·1jU

<

elHs

A A

m Qlnfi.g Jl;!Jll" Q"""'. II. 13.5.1

'l"

jft

''l"*

135.2

,. ,.

<""
<'Sa < ·g(r}jtJ

.'jo <'Sa .'ja <:

A A A A A

gal

< MjX

< .k,wrjwJ < ·pru7

A A

<'Sa < -Jja

B B

["'I

q.

["'1

• """ ,. • 11 t!

'l"

["'1

136 ChI.fi.g "Jll" 136.1

136.2

ii

.t ll! It

r

I

~~

136.3

Ji Iii III

137 ChI.fi.g 137.1 137.2

m r

,..g ,,",,,g ....g

< ,haltg < dryangl1 < ",jaIIgu

< -Mang < ·djangs < ·mjangs

A A A

g.


< < ·sra! < ·Slliral

'w

<

~r}ja1

A A A A

< dowx < pjllWx < dawn

< -lid <: ·p(r)ju1 < *lus

A A A

........ "

ddo 13a ddo

"Jll"

o..gml.Uo1/l. Jl!r'2~

....

!iii

~

.., ""'

Jl>

137.3

w.. "'" ~Ji:

.... ,,""....

~

iI1i >11

ptr:wx <"" <)'0

<:

<

... ,hi

< xjllX

< .Irw(r)ja1


< ·,ral

< tsrlJri

< *tshrjaj

<"8iwon

< ·lIgWjan

< mt

< <

·mraj

<

.djau

<

·""au

«a < dzytjH < mIl:jH

·soj

A A A A A A A A

TM rhy~s if 1M ShlJlng 637

q"" jido

138 Chi,}>,. f!l!ll, 138.1 138.2

~

fJl iii

f<

1383

!'l! '1'

< [giiewl < [tsjewl

< -g(r)jiw < -tsjiw

B B

A A

Hi,. min l'J/"J

doJ

< drij

J1

< oj

< -drjij < -krjij

/"'"

< bjang < ljong

< -bjallg < WI)jaJlg

A A

tr


< -C·rjil < -tsjil

A A

ji4Ag

u

139 Chi,}>n.f!l!ll, O<>,.mi''-'1doJ!I!/''JZit!! 139.1

139.2 139.3

~

.,....

=

y'

""

'If

ji4tc

~

Jdn

it!! JliJ

...rt '"

doJ

< drje

< mE <m

< -'rjaj < -""oj < -hJj

A A A

< drjoX

< -drjal

<<""

<

A A

< "8fon

-"8
< -krall < -lIgjon.

A A

140 Chin}>" f!l!ll, 0<>,. min '-'1Jdn. !I!/"Jzl!il 140.1

140.2

l!il :I¥ II /iIJ t1i'

141 Chinjlng 141.1

141.2

lUi ffl

ydng

'"'" ..... p'i [>hi]

ra!1J1: ,r

,hr

!l<

yr yr

~

['WI

..r

yan.

<-.

< -fjang < '/sang < -WtJIIg

A A A

< phaju < tsyejH

< -pilots < -,jms

A A

< srj~ < Irj~
< -srj~ < -'rje < -'ji! < -Hj;?

A A B B

< dzwijll < swijll

< -dzjups < -sjiU.S

A A

Mil mln

B

s$

< <

l.f4IIg

aM

63K

~MixR

Il

7

g' y'


< *k.a1(s) <

*ljDt

B B

142 Chi_ft_g 1!il!1A: F".,.,"qW ,""" 1IJj'fll:Ul 142.1

142.2

1lI

~

,""" ,;do

< dz.rttW

< *duaw

<dew < taW

<'dew < -taw

A A A

< -bet < -,.gtA: < -hid:

A A A

<

·wl

<

·C-r~l

A A A A

j}J

d40

~ ~

(Pll yl

< b<.

"

< thd

til

< ngd:

143 Chi_fi_g 1!il!1A: r", "'" 143.1

~

III 143.2

l;do

$II

(jiU)

!I'J

.;do

~

m ~

"""

[liu1

,Iul"

,"" m ,""" Ul Po ,""" ,.. iii 1m

143.3

jiJJo

l;do

~ :ll

< ....x < lewx < <

(git!:wxl tsltjewx

< *g(rliiwl < */Sltjewl

< hawx

< ·gl4(J:)1

< IjuwX < dryllWx < uhawx

< ·C·rjuJ < *dju1 < *ulwl

<

< *tjaws < ·C·rjaws < *djawl

/Sy<WH

< ljewH

< dzy<wx < ultomX

< ,""""

A A A A A A A A

144 Chi_fi_g 1!il!1A: Z,",I'" ~f* 144.1

f*

Wi

f*

Wi

144.2

,I;li

l!t CIJ ~

... ... '''' '''' ""' y'

j.

,,,,,

<
< ·C·rjim < *,.;m

<

lim < ""m

< ·C·rjim < *lIim

A A A A

<mrx

< *mral < ·/jAl < .1(,)jo < -,rjo

A A B B

<1"" < kju < trjll

TM rhymes cf 1M ShIJIng 63.

14' C.... p.g I!l!li!., U bti iiMi 145.1

Mi

...... m It;

<"" <"" < JVw< <do

ill!

<w.

bti

jllj

fpj

w8

145.2

~

ffl 145.3

O!i

lJi !iii it

I""

ji4n

."""

...

y",,"

"""

".,. ,""


< gjwen.

<

~wien.

< ""mx < domx < tlgja::mx
< ·p(r)jaj < ·gaj < ·gaj < • 'fill(r )jaj < ·Iaj

A A A A A

< <

< ·fNjen.

A A A

< < < <

A A A A

·kr~,.

·8Wrj~n.

·goml ·(g-)Iom1 ·ngrjomJ (!)

·KjumJ

146 G",p.. lflli!., Gdo."'?:i~ 146.1

146.2

i!!l til VJ

m :lit

11 146.3

•

II f!i!

,..

<)OW

,Mo


<.fjaw < ·/iujaw

ddo

<

<

-g

< tjang

< ·t(1)ja"g <

gdo ydo ddo

< oo.g <"""g dowH < yewll < dawH

I." '....

147 G"'ft"81f1 li!., Sol g"'" 147.1

147.2

lR lI! it ti.

1.c.

.... S$

147.3

g",,"

laW

·'aw

< ·hJjDflg

A A A

< ·.I:ows < ·ljalewh <·dawh

A A A

< .,1:0" < ·b-ro" < ·00"

A A A A A A

·dtJ"8

J:lR

,"'"

< ..... <""""

yf

< """'" < ~jj

bti

< pi)

< ·~ij < ·prjjj

gur

< kjwij

< .JcWjjj

6'

< pjil

< ·pjit

jii yf

< hI < 1jil

< ·Jcjtlk < ·1jil

I",,"

A A A

A A A

Ap~IfdUB

640

148 Gwl"". 148.1

148.2

148.3

felil.,

to:

"nHlll


<"lie < ·trje

A A

< "/nwa < "ua

A A

<

"Ljil < "srjiJ

A A

.


< .pjQl < ·kJvjal

<w

< 'w

A A A

< bjiew

"'~-

[Pi

< "bjew < ·pltjew < ·wew(k)s

A A A

8" .

,u.

<w. <JIM

< "zjim < "1frJjim.

A A

A A A

"ljiA:

m if<

*... :Ii!:

149

XI",. " ..,. dw

'hi

... doI

ow.,

jid


,/oJ

<

,hi

< syil

ryit

Gwlftngle!il., Flift,. ~lil.

149.1

~

lil If! 149.2

149.3

• a

150 edbll"g 150.1

flAil:

FI1y6u

~.

II

efta efta

< rsrlrjox

<"J1oox

< -.".,r)ja1 < "lSTllja1 < "KHja1

y/


<

< bjuwk.

< "bjik < ·sjik.

A A A

< "ljot < ·sjot < ·lrJjoIs

A A A

• Illl 1!f ;st

151 C60/lng

~!l

ffi

1.51.2

yu.

< IIjIlX

!,.,

151.1

di
y.

JII,l

150.3

Uii]

)j5J

~

150.2

fa

• JII,l

r·XI

«i1

yui

< 1"<'

""'

<

'hwl

fl81:

Sjwel

< sr-jH

1I0uri" ~A

duI

< twajn

< "lOts

r· y/ r.


< ·pjWl

A A


< "Ij_ < "bjlk

A A

< bjuwk

TM rhymes 0/ 1M ShlJlng

151.3 151.4

Ill<

• if i!J JJ!I Ali!

Ii 1JL

UoJ.

". ['""I wt, }7

[......J [I""") }7

< trjllWll
< ·trjo(k)s < ·l(r)os

A A

< 1wajH < 1jwtjH < tsej

< < < < < <

·1ops ·lJuts ·tsij .1jofl! ·b-rjofl! ·tTjij

A A B

< ",",,, < fjtvellX < lij

C C B

152 Cdo/l.,l!ili!., SlUjiil flMl 152.1

152.2

152.3

-10

< tshit < lJiJ < lJit

< ·tshjiJ < ·1jit < .1jit

fIi

ql JI Jl jii


< ·kitJk

...... III

Mi' ,1 ,1 ql

< IK'NOj

< ·",i

<si < si
< ·sji < ·sji < ·g(r)ji

<Jik < ,100< <1N>k <-

< ·krjik. < ·hJik. < .h1iJ.:

I/j

..a:a: lill

152.4

" A A 4'

153 Coo fillg 153.1

153.2

JR fi J.l

jl

,t ,t

,,.,

,/ol.

<

/'t. /'t.

< ",u. < t1yu.

""'"

< "".

Jj JI.: XiO qudll

q"""

ldog

[""'I

)j(

}""

JR Ii I.l il

q""

""',M. " [""'I

un..

A A A A A A A A

< ·lwiJ;

A A A A

·tsrju. ·t1jin ·Ilju. ·Ilill

A A A A

<

·SgWjan < ·C·rallg < ',,"", < ·krjallg

A B A B

< ·SgwjaIl < ·siw

< ',,"",

A B A

< ·tjiw

B

< < < <

r*

< dzjwell

< ..., < ,... < kjzng < dzjwell

< ,.., < ,... < tSYIlW

641

642

153.3

153.4

Ap~fldi.xB

!Ol 'If

q""" ,he

< dzjtwfl < S1;}

1""'1

< ·SgWjan

!ll Mi

< 'Iwo

< ·~jij < .....

,he

< sri}

< -sr}i}

A B A B

'It

.do

< kawu

lido)

< lawn

< ·.taws < ·C·raws

A A

< -lImij!

A A B B B B

~

154 B"''',g l!l!lli!., Qfyu
1<

1< B

~l

III ~

fil Ill: T 154.2

'"

it 1<

1< IIA IR fl h fA iJ

~~ ~~

154.3

""" rd yf

Ii'

'""" 'f ""'f "'" 'f yf """ ,... ""8 -g

''''' "'" 'hi qf bli

l$

.,f

1<

""" "'" ,...

~

JIJi l1!

fA

lG

••

'IIi

< """"

< 1jij < pjol < lje,

< *1jij < .pjaJ


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0 0 A A

8 8 8 C C 0 0 0 0 A A A A A A A A A A A

8 8 8 8 C

c C C C A A

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644 Appendix. B

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(eMIII]

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.,.ft•• I!l!l§l,

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c

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C C C

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< '?ilt < 'g1';n < 'mrj;n(7)

A A A

< ItjIlX

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A A A A

kjang

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y'

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l! III lI!l

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zmo

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8 8

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w
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·g-ljatlg ·gratlg ·1jIlj($) .gnJ.j

C D D

< < < < < < < <

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fii

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< ·tshjatlg < ·wang < ·ujang

E E A A B B B B

C C A A B

C B

C D D D D

A A A

64'

Ap~ndixB

646 157.2

157.3

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ql

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8

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161 Xid<>

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< ·sjim

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tt

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l' Ul '!!l X .tl: fC III 5i

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647

648 AppendixB 163 Xii» '"

163.1

163.2

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163.5

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< ·zjip

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ql

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< 7jin < kjwin < swin

< -!jill

""" m 'Jc

lIIi

163.4

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163.3

Huang W.g ,hi """

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yin jan

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duD

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kju nyu Ichju

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< ·ujo

xiI»",'J'flt CM.gdl'ml* 164.1 wii < hjw;jx iJ1!

<

·kJr(r)jo

<

< -fai

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A B A B A A A A A A A A A A A A A

164

164.2

dl

< dejX

<

wii

1li1

Wi

< 7jwij < 1tw£j

< ·1juj < ·gruj

pOu

< buw

<

qUi

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yud.

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[ldll]

< """ < than

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< mjuH

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A A

< bjDg < MIIg < srjzng

< ·bTjeng < .fU!f1g < ·srj~/1g

A A A

< dUWH

<

·dos

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A A

oJ( Wi(

JfI ~

164.4 164.5

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ping

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1; 164.6

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!II 164.7

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165.1

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165.3

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< tuurg < t1t"urg

< .... < .....

A A B B

< < < <

t*ng tzjeng tsrjurg tbrjeflg

C C C C

< < < <

tlvtgal t ja1 tdrjal tb(r)jal tkJ:1(s) ..... ttWrjld tm(r)jul tg(r)jul tg(r)jul

A A A A A B B

<

< < < < < < < < < < < < < <

u

t pjanl t ran l td:janl t wjan1 tkJvjan t sflgjal tgal

·W tm(r)jal

B B B A A A A A

B B B B

ShljIng 649

650

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[mJ] .nl

166 Xi
166.2

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166.3

166.4

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< lSjowl

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< xillg < liflg < lsellS

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< < < <

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A A A A

xjangx dtyang hjWOllg ljang

< pjuwk. < zyiJ:

'xjang? 'djanS 'wjang 'ljang

<w.l

< 'pju: <'Lju: < 'IU:

A A A

< < < < < <

< < < < < <

A A B A B A

kottgll syillg dryuwx pollg _II dzying

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< mjij

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gut nul

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< kjwij < mUll
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C C C C

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< < < < < < <

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ft llII


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,,,,",,,g h&
< srjDng < ",",g

£Ii

< loj

~

jUJ

< ljUWH

< < < < < <

JR iii

q"""

< dzjwen.

xfn

A.

d.

<M < thaNl < 1I1in <M

m; !Ii: III 1l!.

203.2

~

'Ii

b

JlI: 203.3

~

iii ft

,""

xfn

Wi xf


JlI:

Mi

< loj

f"

< bjuwk

qUl

<

gjuw

'tOftg

'&118 'srjQIIg

'gang ·C·ri(k) 'j;""ji(k#

< 'SgWjan < 'sjin(g)

<'''''''''' < '"jill

'sjU(g) < 'ui(k)s < ·,.jill < ·sjiJ:. <

< < < <

·e·ri(f)

'bjiJ:. ',Wji

;it

,IU

Jl

jidJtg

< fSjang

,h&

< ·ujQ.1lg < 'Sujang

gudng

< twang

< 'iWang

xidng

< sjang

< 'slljang

< sjang

< 's!ljang

:Iii BJl

xidng '''''''g xidng mfng

< tSJtu18 < sjoJtg < miDg

< 'tjtulg < 'sjOllg < '".,jang

b

g'" """g

< """ < """g

< 'gang

t;A

ydng

< "",g

< 'ljallg

Jl is III

jimtg

-:: ujalig < '1"

< 'ujallg < 'Ljal < 'kjol

~

'it II II

• ~

203.7

Iol]

.,&, ~

203.6

>AI

d.

JJa

203.5

Idl]

< tsojH < lIyill

A.

203.4

'pjijl "jijl 'Itlftjl 'C-ry;)] < 'gjijlls

< pjijX < tsyijx < &yijX < lijX < dzyijXlH

bf

,'"

jii

< "'"

<

<'io'

'lIJjikts)

'uang

A A A A A A A A

B B

C C A B A

B B

C B

C A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A

B B

The rlrymes of 1M ShlJ'lng

'J'flt

204 Xido,." 204.1

204.2

I

• • T iJ!

II

204.3

~l ~

l!f 204.' 204.' 204.6

204.7 204.8

f/j

:;t

ill! Ii ..-:l it 'ff X ~

a

-

~ 5.

20:5 Xido,." 20:5.1

'J'flt

til f-

•r /It

20:5.2

±

ilt I':! l$)

20:5.3

R l' ~

!If

Sly",

....

I!!I J'I


y.

< (yo)

< -gl/ira! < -srja! < -IjaJ

ql

< lS~j < bjij < kjwij

< -tshij < -bjij < -fNjij

A A A

/uli

< lfrt < pjot < 1fajH

< -C-rjaJ < -pjaJ < ·6kaJ(s)

A A A

mil ,.".

< trrWOj < ItjIlW

< -mi < -wji

A A

Vw6 g•

< drll:Wk

<"<"""

A A

< -l;(r)ji1 < -lisrji1 < -wji1

A A A

< -him < -1"'ill

A A

< -mjij

A A A

'lui

Iii g.1

Ii'

fa

un

«yox

<-

,IU

diJr < duix

,.".

<

hjllWX

t'" y"""

<

I~II

[....1 yl IJi

<""" < mjij < yij < ?oj

< -IN < -1ij

A A A

Bli ,,,,,. ~~ L1.J

ql ,1 'hi

....""'

< kJoix
< -kh(r)ji1 < -tsjiJ < -lisrji7(s) < -m(rjoli!

t.


< -Mal

br.

"". .....

< pj;n

< -pjill

jOn

< thyin < ljwin < ...

< -gjin < -lwjin < -gin

bang lPdngJ

< pang
< -fXJIIg

jidllg

< -gra1

< -prang < -tsjang

A A A A A A B B B B A A A

6n

678 ApfKttdUB

P!l

"".,

'*'"'8

<.

.pjang

<. <.

·sjii

A A

.~.

xl gw6 ,,,",,,,g xlAg

< Iozog

<.

""" yang

< IoawH
<.

,Mng

<.

jiJI

<. tsjkWX

<.

jill

<. gftlwX

<. ·g(r)ju1

A A

yl

<~,

w
< hjw<

<. ·"g(r)jajs <. ·w(r)jaj

8 8

IlII

b iIR ~

:it ii!i ~

1II

m 2Il6

<

fdng

iQJ "".6

< *'"'g < pjlUlg

15 :It;

"".,

gang

I&>

<m d <.

....

dujallg

tsyattgx

-.twa

<. ·dujang

·grQIIg

-gaws <. ·C-raw <. ·"gj(JIIgl <. -'joIIg!

·ujul

A A

8 8 A A

8 8

x""'''' 'J'!lt W'ji4.gd4" 1l\lIf:*!Il

2Il6.\

/II

Ii1; 2Il6.2 2Il6.3

~

JJi Ji

!Ii 2ffI X"'" '" 'J'!ft

207.\

.~ng

A A

<. /Mill

".["g ji6f1g

<.

hw"gx

<. - .. we"g?

~lIg)

<.

1jOWttgx

<. ·7(r)jottgl

eMllg

<.

drjowflg

<.

·drjong

A A

x"'" mlAg 'J'IJ!I

y'

< ylU OyoK

is

,Iul bl

<.

'5

y' g'

II1i

,Iul

<.

m If,l

m' ,Iul

<. mUll

D

Ixi4J

< 'YO" < u"

g.

<" hul

""

< """

~

<.

<. gjie

l1f

:If;

A A

<.

< ,h.x

,.

<.

·drjiJI ·gle

<. drill

,.

±

~

2ffI.2

dol, 01

< ""'" Itjwc


-hlal <. -ljAl <. ·stja! < 'tIooJ <.

<. ~r}ja1

<'W

tlrjas < ' ........

<.

<.

-srjob

<. ·gras <. ·l:a1(s)

<

,~

A A A A A A A A A A A A

The rhymes o/the ShIJTng

m.3

••

2IJl

1;1;

"'"

nJ

< rsyltoll < yox < ",ox

< ·KHjas < < ."jaJ

A A A

.~

xl Vol


< ·sjik. < ·drji1:. < .pjik.

A A A

< """. < ""'" < mjaltg(lI)

< < < <

A A A A

li! II I: ~

ii iii

Xida yd 'J'fit

2IJl.1

!If ii

2IJl.3

2IJl.'

fu

yu

fw

·Stjiwk ·nfiwk ·Stlriwk ·sjwk. ·ph(rJiwk.

.,joJ

Gu ""'•• ~.

-.

~

jK

Iud


< ·krij < ·,rij < ·",jij < ~ij

A A A A

.""""'. ,..,"'"


< .... <./ju < ·1lJrju < ·ju

A A A A

Or.

< < < < <

< < < < <

A A A A A

I1i 1l I!!I U iHi lII! II!i it ~

m !U

Xidayd/J'l"ft

209.1

01

UjllMll:. ".,.,. uhek sjllWk pIIjllMll:.

A A A A A A

E

'ff

209

[eli]

·~rJiuk.

< Uhjallg

• 2IJl.2

< < < < < <

,,,. ...

JlJG

m.,

~.....

< < < < < <

~

m.'

yu

U III !Ii it ft.

qidll8

,Mn. """"

Uiil btl

01•

....

yla

jUln

khim gim Xm aam ts(h~mJl

·uhj(Jltg ·Itljallg ·Itljallg ·mjallg

·kiI(r)jim ·,(rJiim ·~r)jim

·"im ·ts(h)ilims

C".,,~~ jI

jl yl yl ,hi


< < < < <

·krjik ·Ujik .'jik. ·~r)ji1:.

A A A A

·Ljil

A

679

680 Ap,xttdUB

ill

m

209.2

7Ri ift oF

.-!If '§

tJj

I9l

~

• II! III

209.3

m lili 'ff<.

:l{

m; ~

ill ~

209.4

209.'

II tlI lit III 1ii J'fi ill k 7Ri 'it Sf Iii I! t1I iiX "'-

'" Jl:

ll: p

,I


"""

< JcjIlWH < pjllWi

< 'zjiJ;(1) < 'wji(lJs < 'pjji

A A A

qi4ng y6ng

< tslljang

<

'uhjon,

< "",g

A A A A A A A A A A A

fw

,hdng pt",

< dzyang

jiAIIg

< ISjtVIg

bt", mu.g ,"""g -g

< pDg < mjtt:llg

< '(I)jaIIg < 'djang < 'phrang < 'tsjtutg < 'prOJlg < 'mrjang

<-g

< '""",

< xjlufgX

< ·xjolf.gl

< Vtjz:ngll
< 'kJvjaJlg(s) < 'ljang

< /Shjel < dryd: < uyrll

< 'uhjM. < 'djAk

q"" jiAltg

un

,"',hi"

"'"

,/ul U

.

"diJ

"'" gi ,." [""")

q""

"'" ,hi

,I

fw ,hi jl jl yl

bti jii

goo

"" ql ,hi

< """'g

< [mdl < "JOH < >Jud< < "look < dull < hwd << dwk < 1I~1IX < kJljefl

< ""'"

< ziX < zyil < pj,"*

< ".. <"'-'

< '/jAJcs < 'mrak < 'S/jab < tUvtJ! <

'r.sltok

< ,.,.,

<'wraA:

<'uat. < 'dwk < 'f1jatll

'lhrjan < •"'"

<

< 'zji!(1)

< 'Ljik < 'pjik < tltJjik

< gii

< 'uji! < 'g(r)jiJ:


< '1(r)iii:.

< bijll < 1c.£jll < kawu < IsyiX.

< 'brjib < 'uik(s)


< 'Ws < 'Iji!

< 'lh(r)jil < tltJftj

A A A A A A A A A A A A A A

B B B B B B B A A A

B B

C

The rhymes of fhe ShIJIng 681

209.6

S;

goa

11 ~

d.

fJ.

d/ 'f

< !jwij < drij < dejx < sij

< < < <

~

,."'.

~

< ISIlWH < ......

< -'so(l)s < -b-rok.

A A

•

ji4ng

< Ujaltg

<

-ujaJtg

qlng

~

k1Jo

< !JIjrngH < pzwx < "",,x < lJoawx
< -lJvjaJtg(s) < 'pnJ < -Mjll! < 'lli! < -thji"l < -Ijill.l

B B

it !! 1il I'i 51 210 XUlo yd 210.1

ii!l

m

~ ~ ~

It ~

210.3

.IE It !II ~

10.4

210.5

"". iu. yu.

C C C C

c C C D D

IN'!/' xu. .... ,/od. mm LlJ

If 210.2

b60

_!wjij -drjij -di/ijl -sjij

lfi k'It !J' I&'

.m

iii 1Il ?/i il!i 'tt ~

...

did.

< ""'" < de.

II


""' yw.

< muwX

fl·

.... ""

.g'

< hjUll < pJtjUll < """'i

< "'" < tsjod
y' y.

< yiJ.: < 7juwl

"

<1riJ.

,hi

br.


["'1

< "".
.... gwl

.

"'Z

,a

< < tsrjo < 'lUX

Iul


jiJJ

< ujuwx < muwx

""'

k1Jo

<&WX

< ·diJu

< -dill < ·C-rjil < -m(rJolil < -wjill < -pltjill

A A B B

< .<''''''' < -tsjok. < ....

A A B B B B

< < < < < <

-1IiII

A A A A B B

< < < < <

-C-rjo -kwra -,srja -'sal -ga!

A A A A A

< -tsjll! < -m(rJjIl! < 'lli!

A A A

-lj~

-,wjik -srjiJ: -LjiJ: -pjill.

682

~N1ixB

7J '€

l!t 210.6

¥ I9l

1l!

ill

...., ddo

1160

-.

mbog ","",g

ji4ng

211 Xi60 "" 'J'!lt Fa,,,. 211.1

m

'f /!I!

A-

,,,"

q,,"

,Iol. n.

.,. ...""" fl ~

U

Ji 11:

211.2

B B B

< zjaJtgx

< 'zjangl < 'mrjang

A A A A

< milf:#l8 < .....g < kjang

< 'MUll < 'kjang

llim < "'. < uNIl < drin

< 'dill < 'StUll <

'drjin

< IIJUt

< 'lIjilt

< ""• < '"""'x
<

'ttilt

< 'm(r)oli1 < 'uji! < 'rtg(rJji(kJl

±

Vol 'hi

< '6sr-jil

I9l

m[flg

< mjlmg

< 'mrjang

y6ng

< JIIIIg

< '(l)jang

I...

< pjang < tSOJlg < I:Jtj1:ll8 11

< 'pjang

15 li£ ~ ~

l§

m ~

"k 11: T

ulI
'"

ya ,1u1 ,.,j

.,. ""... ti .,. ... <; ~

211.4

<'.,.. <'< ~'rrN

< lIgiX < tsyix < dzrix

$

211.3

.1

<.,.. <
,1

< < < <

"""

MjoX

< 'nrjoJ

< hjuwXIJI

16•

< pjuwx

lidng

!bog

~r)ja1

< 'lcjo1

,0.

~ Ji<

< 'w <'ua1

syox

xl

yd. mbo

< '!:Jrrj(Jng(s)

<

< tsyiX

< <

< 'tsang

ItjIlX


off lili: ~


< 'tji!

< 'tji! < 'uji! < 'm(r)olil

muwX

< ·~,)j;1 < 'wji~s) < 'pji! < 'm(,)oli!

hjllWX

< 'wji!

< '""'"

< 'mrji(fI)?

< ljang < kjDIIJ

< 'C-rjong <

'trjan,

A A A A A

B B B B B A A A A A

B B B B B A A A A A A A A A A A

T~

:It :Ill 1ft

• ill

<0'"

u"". li4l1g

.....

jitJIIg

< < < <

tshang sjang Ijang lltjagH

<'!a"Il

2.2 X"",

"pj'!lt Dd .... ;l;:m

212.1

ltl! 11 f!l ~

lil 'li 212.2

~ ~ ~

fJ!

Ail

• • • '.i<

212.3

~B

fA

lI!I Ul f1J

212.4

11: T ~

tt

jll

jil

< UjH

,101

< dzriH «iJr <_x
" ....,.,..

"'"

"'"J6. ""'" (I
,Ji ill

.,.. .1 .'"

dd jl

"" II ,hi

< dwwx < xawx < J"""x <dot < dzd < drijll

< ...... <

ts~j

< < < < < <

gij sij drijH dzejll mjll iijH

...."

< /Syix < tsix < muwx

xl

<xix

"hii

< lix < %Ok < 1m
Jt\\ ll!

jl

m

" fu

~

0""

rhymes oft~ ShTJlng 683

< < < < <

·tsllang ·sjang ·C-rjang ·l:JJrjal!g(s) ·kjang

A A A A A

< < < < < <

·1:riJ:(s) ·6srji1(s) ·tiji1 ·m(r)oli1

A A A A B B

·djiU

."jaJ:

< 'dzuJ

<'''''

< .ljIJ < ·Iik. <·dzii. < ·drNs < ·ltmijl

A A A B B

c C A A A B B

< < < < < < <

·tshij ·grjij ·sjij ·drjijs ·dzijs ·li.rwfits(!) ·C-rjijlts

C C

< < < < < < < < <

·tji1 ·tsji1 ·m(r)oli1 ·x(r)ji1 ·:jiJ:(1) ·ltmik ·lsjik ·ljik{1) ·pjik

A A A A B B B B B

213 X""' "" 'J'fit 213.1

~

JJ:

Mi ~

Jl

fl!

'" hI

JJ:

:¥: 213.3

d

,M


< 'Iji!

< dzij

<'ibjij

< srij

< *srfij


< < < <

'lIjil

8 8

< ISj;? < "jil

A A

< 'dong < 'prong

8 8

~

Jl

,M


IOl

ulna

<

bOng

< p zwn8

JJ:

n 214

Jr

'" ,M

~

213.2

ZMn bll... Jl.\IJlllf~

-na

<

'6jil

'fiji!

-,ji? 'pjil

'J'!lt ChAng ,hAng ,hi "'" ftlt~tP < sjox < 'sngjaJ .ul ii5 < 'sjA(i)! xii < sjleX :is < sjleX < 'sjA(!)? xii :is < *KHjaJ
A A

8 8 A A

X,,", ""

214.1

214.2

,.

jt

•

214.3

214.4

II 8 fa fa fi 1i 11: ti :g :g jJ;(

21S.1

"'"

....g """g Vo4ng

< .....g < ISJ
.Ing

< lJrjDgH

b6i


...'''' ...."'" JI

,o. ",. ",.

"

"" J'

0'" < < < < <

"""

"8ie

lfjuwX!Ji hjuwx Ifjuwx

«Ix

< 'gwQJCg < "jaIIg < 'tjang < *!Jvjallg(s) < < < <

'bra!

'C-raJ:: 'C-ral: 'ttja!

< *tslJJ1

< 'f1g(r)jaj < 'wji1(s) < 'wj;! < 'wjil < *zJjil

< 'ga! < *w(rlia1

A A A A A A A A A A A A A A

8 8 8 8

A

A

TM

215.2

Ii li!i JA ffi Ii

m

21S.3

215.4

ziJ

p'"

ftU6

M<

qUi

216 Xi40 jd

'J'ITt

II 11:

•

,6. do qUi

IMd

A A


< < < <

A B A B

< IomoH < xjofIH

< ·StutS < .xja.Ju

< """ < ..

< '""" < ./lQ.j

A A A A

< gjiw < "yllW < lIgawH < gjllW

< < < <

A A A A

·gaJ ·C--r#1Ig1 .S1Igja ·btng

·g(r)jiw (7)

."ju ."SQ.W3" ·grftl

< ·C·raj < ·"g(r)jaj

A A


< ·fjik < .pjiA:

A A

di

< mal < IIga.jH

< 'mal < ·"stUS

A A

,"" IndJ

< IShwoH < swij

< ·tshojs < ·S1Ijllj

A A

< < < < < < <

A A A A B B B

J{ J/

'"

m6

f/I

< ·S1Igja < ·gaJ


f"

llli

< sjo
y.... ,.." • •

1&

3t 216.4

I'"

M~

*

216.3

Iul

....... •• ... it

216.2

Iul

fa

~

216.1

ziJ

rhy~s of the

217 Xi40jd/J'lTt K.lbiolnMi# 217.1

fa]

,. II

ji4

111!

[~

11'1 ~

217.2

hi

t1! ltIJ ~

1u6 bdi JI JI )1

'hi

* .... 1:

,I'"



·saj ·kraj

.1J1a.j ·C-raj

.praJ: .jAk.

./jAk

< ·k(rJii < ·dji(1)

< ·C-rf(l) < ·djangs

A A A B

ShtJlng 685

686

217.3

Ap~ndU8

fi'j

I.bog)

M

w.g

et J;;

M

R

Jl ~

218 Xido yd

218.1

218.2

218.3

'J'!lt

¥ i!1i ill t5 if.

<

bjllWX

jUJ

< gFwX

< ·g(rJjll!

,.",

<

jUllt yM

< """ < 1r1lJ1

ld.rid .rid ,hl

2""

< -?t1lS

A A A

B B B

< ·grat < .djou

dwal

< 'tJvu < .gwQJ

A A A A

< I'IjItWX <xii<

< ·wji! < ·xfrJiil

B B

< ·i(r)jaw < -kraw(k)s < -ljas

A A

u IbMJ)

jiM

< ·s(k)uu < ,...,

B B

JI!¥
lit Ji: ¥ M il!i

kj<w kz:wu

yl

< < < <

jUJ

< ISjuwX

< -tsjlJ,?

[ydo]

< ..,.,

<

·,raw

A A

nl

< nyox

~

wd

< mjux

< ·nja1 < ·m(r)jal

B B

iii

xU

< ·sjA(i)l

jiM yd

yoH y
<

-1jAJ;

·sngjal

B B

2

xiL

< sjox < sjZX

{IlJ

ydng

< ll8itJ/Igx

< -ngjaJtgl

xbog qc. xc.


<

A A

< ·sjim

B B

tr

.L219 Xido yd

219.2

fd

< '''''''' < .1IJjll1 < -b(r)jll1

xl

~

219.1

,....

< ""'" < 'J"Wx

- "'"

Y:

218.S

< ·prjangs

!l:

~

218.4

< pjngH

'Nlt

~

;; U Iii Il!I

<

·,rang < -g(rJiim

A A

Q~. y~. Will

fd.

< bjon

< -bjan

ydn

<

< -lIgjan

jl jl


.u6

ngjOfl

< -trja. < -g(r)ju. <

-l'"'a.

A A A A A

T~ rhy~s of /~

219.3

Ill!

[1M... )

A

,i.

220 Xi40

",1'1'111,

Ob"hI

220.1

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m

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iJil

IlU

ID

!t,}

220.2

fi JlI ~

1Il :f U ill

[DlJ .hi

"..... "" hlng

~

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235.2

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< *k(rJ,ja < .raj

A B B B A B A B B B A B A B

C C

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<

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fill 1i

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253.5

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·zjans *Swrjals *ljats ·dzjup *grop *1jAJ: <'mal

A A A A A A A A A A B B

C C 0 0 A A A A A A A A A A A

711

712

254.5

Appendix B

1J!l It

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xl

< < < < <

bJ

< pj

Mi tl

'f

,IU ,IU

< uij < srij

< < < < < < < <

dr~

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lwej Jtwej 1jid < yd

pi pi

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fan

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.~

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< ·kwe < ' ..

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·1jd ·ljek .pJtjd: ·phjek.

< ·pjan < ·wjan

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<.~ng

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< ·gaJtS <·neng < ·*ng < ·/ib14s < ·1jujfs)

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< 'jetIJl

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< < < < < <

< ·/ds < ·pjek. < ·td:s < .pjd: < ·Gjwm < ·tjUltg

< yoH

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< ""'"

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B B

c

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B B C

c 0 0

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,,"'.

zhdng

kjll pjiek. kjll pjiek. diyim tSYJ,lW1lg

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:l'l

JR l! 11 255.3

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m"' . ."'&

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,101 ill Iod

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< < < < <

·ltJjii ·tji1 ·hmi(k)1(s) ..... ·(I)jAks

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U

f'

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''''. '''''

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< < < < <

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kjOI hajH bo' SJt!jH

< < < <

·kjal ·Iihu(s) ."., ·hljaps

A A A A

'"'.

jiL

Mi

'hi

< "'"" <"'" < siJ/IIH

714

App
256 Dd yd :Ii: !ft YI!1lJ

256.1

/Ill l!l ~

256.2

I>! i.l1 III i5 JlU

256.3

256.4

lb.it < kjJ'

..""

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,,",,,

<: zywWI

< '/isKftuu

dowt < uok

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'/Sa

8 8

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A

<: ujllWX

< 'ujll!

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m tll

,,,,.,

< 'djlJlrgs < 'mjtJIIg

< 'tjaJtg

m4 wB

< hjw<

<

,hi

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bdo

ching

mi

yd. qUI,. Id.

.,

.d.

pawn < hillWx <:

<:

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<

'uji'

<:

'Ljmg

< ..."" < 1Jzjt!f1 < luwlI

<: 'flgran

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hlWH

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< '/at < 'ngw(r)ja < 'ng(r)jaj < '!raj

jid

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8 8

8

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The rhYMes of fhe ShljIng

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< < < <

·sji ·k(r)ji ·ls(h)iJims ·sjim

A A B B

< < < < < < <

·tsji1 ·pji1 -lisTji1(s) -"ji1 -tsji1 -(I)je1l8 -dje"g

A A A A A B B

< < < < < < <

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< < < <

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256.10

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Ap~rtdi.x B

251 Od,. 1<:!lt sm.g 251.1

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,hi.

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B

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·zjuts ·C·rjutlps ·.t-b4ps ·tsjws •....,

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8 C C

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lwoj

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< -Mng

< -grjDJt < -It/rjan < -gran

< '''''

A A A A A A A

743

Appendix C The rhyme words of the Shying This appendix is an alphabt.ticallisl of all the rhyme wmis of the ShIJu.,. including their modem pronW1ciations em p&lylil mmanization}, Middle Chinese transcriptions. and Old Chinese reconstructions. (10 Middle and Ok! 0tine:ge Coons.. z is aJpbabctiud after a. E after e, Rafter Ir., i after i. and 11 afIcr II; gloUal stops, Inckets. and ~tbeses are ignaed.> Some of the Old Chinese reconsUUCbons are tentative, cspeciaUy as regaros the initial consonanlS. Cross-refermces are added 10 COlaltd variant pronunciations. In addition. each entry includes a reference in parentheses to the item's position in Karlgren's GrantmlJla svica recellSO (1957), and a list of references to all places in the Shljlng where the word is used as a thyme. A Shljing reference of the form ''287.18'' indicates that the wont is used as a rhyme in Ode 2'l:1. stanza I, in the rhyme sequence labeled "B". (The letter "A" is used for the first rhyme sequence in a stanza, even if there is no "B" or "e",) If a word occurs more than once in a rhyme sequence, it is given a separate reference for each occurrerce. The Shlj[ng rhyme sequences themselves may be found in

Appendix B. Square brackets around a fonn indicale thai. the form is not prediclable from earlier stages by the usual rules; for eumple, in the third entry, ··fi [411 < lajll < -?ats", the square blilc:kets in "hilT' indicale that the pronunciation di is imgular. we would eJ:pe<:t di, wil.h the founh tone, since the Middle OIinese form lajll is qtlsht"g. Similarly, the entry -..=. .rdn < {.sam] < .,nurr" indieau:s lhal the Middle Chinese reading sam is irregular; the mymes of lhis word indicate an Old Chinese proounciation which would regularly give Me

·SlUrI.

.rom. not sam.

Jii1 iJ see t < jb

a

iii < !oj < .1ij (5501): 167.6A, 193.1 B. 1952A, 204.8A. 257.2A

II [&1 < 'lajll < .jbu (313a'): 252.7A,252.8A 3t di < "gajll < ·"gaJS (347c): n3A. 182.2A. 2163A, 287.18. 300.5<: (see also 11 < ngjojll)

R di < lojll < ·1iu (SOSa):

228.4A

ft Iii < lojU < ·Jiu (S08d):

257.68

3( iJIl < Jan <

177.SA, 241.8A, 253.5A, 3OS.6A

·'an (1400):

~ d" < "saNI < ·/'l8aflS (13ge'): S8.6A,241.SA

rp d"g < "gang < ·ngan.g (699a):

2S2.6A

iX do < ngtlW < ·"gaw (I1JOa):

S7.3A, 67.2A. IOS.4A. 1612A, 179.JA (see also do <

"gawu)

fi do < ngaw < ·Ilgaw (IlJOf):

18J.3A

746 AppendU C

a 60 <

ngaw< "llgaw(1l4Oa): 1793A. J93.7A. 2S43A

~ do "" '" < ~"'"' 11l do "" '" < _

fl do < llgawH < "",aws (1 13Oa):

3O.IA. 215.4A (see also do < "Baw)

Rba<Pa:<"pra(39d): 25.1A

tR bd see bti. < bajH fR [bd] < bat < "bat (276e):

245.7C

~ [bd] < bat < "bat (276g): 16.IA 8 bdi < bd: < "braJ:: (782a): 214.3A

:fa biJi
n bdi


t& ball
n ballg

< pz:wng < "prOllg (1197e): 191.10A. 213.38, 222.4A, 240.2A, 241.58. 259.2C. 259.3A, 265.2A. 269.1 A. 3OO.6B. 300.78

t1J bang see [pdllgJ <pa:ng t!bao
t!i bao < pzw < "fir" (l113e):

189.18. 245.5A. 263.58

~ bdo
Wbdo
251.60,259.58

~ bao <pawx < "pu1(1060b): 78.3A ~ bao < pB:WX < "pnt1(lIIJd): 135.2A.1J1U£.2333A . . bdb < hawH < "hawi.r(lI36a): 3O.IA, 58.58, 198.38

~ bdb < pawn < "pus (1058a): 29.2A. 64.18. 64.28. 64.38. 82.3C. 256.68 ~l bii < pij < "prjij (579u): 14.3A. 147.2A, 154.2C, 156.18, 159.4A, 162.1A, 161.6A, 169.28. 169.2C, 208.2A, 264.6C

~bii
m.RA.

~t. b/; < pol < "pi! (909a): 48.2A. 2OO.6A, 244.68

tR hii < bajH < "bots (176/'1):

237.8C.241.3A

TM rhyme words of 1M ShIjlng

•

747

Wi
if Wi < bwojH < ·buts (491d): 257.13A V Wi < bwoju < .4Hb(90ge): 62.4A (see also bei
.m Wi < bwojX < ·bil(999c'): 264.48 ff

Wi < pwojll < -pik(s) (909c): 246.8A, 257.15A, 264.4A, 300.58 (see also Wi < bwojH)

~ bin
tJi bing < pzttg < .prattg (74Oj'):

-

'1fJ9:lA

M bing < pong < ·ping (886m): 166.6A, 1903A, 19338,300.48 •

bing < fNWngx < ·po"gl(1197d'): 245.40

It [bi] < bjijH < ·bjijs (566g):

119.18,119.28

~ bi
mbf
J07.2A (see also bl < pjid. bi < bjid:, pi < phjid)

m: bi < bjid: < ·bjd: (853a): 241.2C (see also bl < bjiell, bl < pjid:, pi < phjkk) ~ bi< bjil< ·bjil (40.5<1): 22038

~ bi
= m:

bi < pijH < ·prjus (40.5n): S4.28 bi < pjid < ·pjd: (853a): 244.5A, 255.1A, 255.1A, 26I.lC, 305.3A, 3O.53A (see also hi < bjidl, bi < bjiek,pi < phjid)

!it bl < pjiek < ·pjek (853d):

55.3A

". bl < pjiju < ·pjiu (52Ia): 53.18

~ bl
12 bi4n < pjemx < ·pl'"jem1(64ld): 26.53A #- biD.n < bjellH < ·brjoll.J (22Oa): •

102.38

bidn < pjeflil < .pl'"joll.J (1780): 106.38

til bi40 < blpjnl< ·blp(r)jaw (117Oc):

223.7A

n biAo < pjew < ·p(r)jaw (11703): 79.2A,290.IF {II bUJo
105.4A

II bido < pjew < ·p(r)jaw (1I70e): 57.3A, 127.38 tJ bitlo < bjia.>X < ·bjnll(11571): 26.4A bin
lJ( blll
~NiixC

748

Wblng < pillg < ·P"jing (8860):

78.3C

bj: blng < pillg < .P"jing (899b): 19S.68, 196.68, 24S.38

:A blitg < pjDlg < .prjaJtg (7S9a):

RIA., 133.38, 256.4A

fiIj [blJlg) < pjDlgH < ·prjallgs (7S7g): 217.28 Jil. blJlg < pjiDlgX < ·p~ngl(824f): 241.2A (see also ptng < IMng)

iB: b6 < bat < ·bat (275d):

2SS.8A (see al90 b6 < pal)

~ b6 < po < .ptJj (251): 232.3A

B: b6 < pal < .pal (275c):

m

S7.4A (see alsofiJ < pjol)

b6 <pal < ·pat (27Sd): 304.2A (sce also bd < bat)

'It b6 <pa.t < ·pa.t(77la):

299.78

~b6<pa.t<·pawk.(II36d): 116.1A

18 b6 < p"* < .prak. (782i): 8S.IA, 8S.lA, 2S9.28, 259.88, 261.68. 290.1C ~ b6 see bdi < p"* It b6 < p«:wk. < ·praln41k (I 127a): 132.2A ti fb6)
mcDi < uhoj < ·uhi (9731):

260.6A

I033A

::t cdi
1.4A, S.IA, 129.3A, 196.3A

•

c4fl < ultatt. < ·ultatt. (154<:): 86.1A.II2.IA

•

c4fl < ultom < ·Sfllm (6Hc): 128.28 cdfl < dlM < ·dz(Jfl (lS5c): 253.SA

R 11 c4fl < ts1JomX < ·STuml(647e): M: cdn < UNwI < ·t.JhaJu (lS4b): •

143.3A 7S.18, 7S.28, 7S.3B, SO.3A, 124.3A

c4flg see qidllg < /SltjlUlg

:# cdllg < tshlmg < ·tshang or ·srallg ('?) (703a): :if cdllg < tshallg < ·STfJIlg (70k):

mcd"g

211.4A,250.1A

129.1A,2S7.7A

< dWllg < ·/isrQIIg or IitSMlIg (1) (727g'): 175.1A, 228.48 (see also zdllg < thangu)

.. coo < dzaw < ·dzJt (1053a): 250.48 71 coo < dzaw < ·dz" (l05k): 39.48.54.1 B ti eM < tsltowx < ·,sltawl(II34I): 256.11 A

TM rhyme words 0/ 1M ShIjJna: 749 . . coo < tshawx < 'tslat1(1049b): 174.2A, 1792A, 197.2A, 2OO.5A, 234.48, 24S.5A

iI edo < tshawx< 'tslud(1112e): (ei] < tsrik. 255.4A

•

143.2A

< 'uTjfl (906c): 1.3A, 19.2A. 452A. 63.3A. IIllA. 199.8A. 230.3A.

2t. eltd < urhri) < 'ts/uj{Jj (5f):

1372A

~ elt6i SOC d < dzjdl

5 ehdi < trltzjH < 'hrjau (32611): tH ehdA < tThj~", < 'hjrjaA ('203d):

225.4A J051iA

. . eltalt < uyhDn < "Irjam (61ge): 226.2A

II eMtt < drje", < 'drjatl('204a): •

112.IA

eMil < dzrE1lt < 'wpm (612d): 198.2A

. . eh4n < tsyholx< ',hjan1(l47u): 169.38

:§ chang < uylwtg < ',hjtvtg (124a):

882A. 96.2A. 973A, 106.1A, 3OO.4A

11 eMttg < drjang < 'g-fjang (72Ox):

1S4..8C. 156.20

R eMttg < drjang < 'g-ljang (72Oy):

257.8A

~ eMIIg < drja",g < 'E'rjang (72Ia): 462A, loo.IA, 129.IA, 198.3A, 203.5A, 250.5A. 252AA.304.1A

it:

eMng < dzya",g < 'djQ.II, rn5d): 27.2A, 58048, 63.1A, 88.3A, loo.IA, l07.1A, IJO.'2A, 13338. 1S430. 159.lA. 189.8A

m

eltdng < dryoJtg < 'djl1flg (725e): 121.3A. 193.2A, 235.5A, 252AA. JOOAA. 305.2A

•

eMttg < dZYOIIg < 'djang (725f): 121.3A, 166.4A, 209.2A, 231.1A, JOO.4A, 30l.lE,

302.lC

fJ.I e/do < drp < '61rjaw (I 143a): 57.3A. 146.1A, 232.lA (soc also zMb < trjew) i e1tdo < dull:W< 'duaw (1 169a): 142.1A !II eltt see;a < kjo IIJ chi < ,syhzx < 'thjAj1(3k): 2OO.2A It e~ < ,rhje' < 'thrj~1 (286c): 193.8C II chi", < tTNm < 'h/.rjitrt (666e): m.8A Ff. elllll
257.18

II elllll < drill < 'drjill (3748):

:zns.IA

~I elllf! < dzyim < 'GjiJl//fI (6SSb): 229.48

m

elllf! < dzyim < 'Gj&uft (65&): 255.18

~ elllll < dzyin < 'dji", (455&): 257.4A

..i: ehif! < dzyin < 'dj;1I (455h):

182.3A

750 AppendixC

g! chin < dzyin. < .gjin. (377a): 205.18 ~ ching see shlng < eyingH

!I ching < dring < ·drjing (89lb):

1833A, 192-SA, 193.38. 3OO-SA

~ ching < drjeng < ·lr~ng {835t}: 195.4A

Ii ching < drjeng < ·lr~ng (835v):

lift

191M

citing < thyeng < ·dj~ng (81Ba): 4.3A. 12.3A, 106.2A. 179.8A. 191.6A, 195.4A. 227.4A. 227-SA. 237.9A, 2A2.1A, 244.1A. 244.78. 2A8.IA. 256.108, 258.8A, 259.4A. 264.2C. 268. I A., 280.18. 301.IC, J02.18

.9i! ching < ~ng < -djeng (8ISe):

7.18, S3.3A, 154.78, 259.4A

jJ: chi"g < drying < ·djing (896c): 166.6A, 256.60, 3OO.5A., 303.1C Jj chi"g < trhje,,&X < ·hJrj~"gl{8l7a): 191.7A

til chI < lsyIU < ·,hji (962d): 58.1 A g chI < lsylUj < ·thjij (590s): 264.3A tB chi < dri <·/rji (976z): 27.JA i:I£ chi
rm chi < dr~ < ·lrjaj (4t):

139.1 A. 190.2A, 2A1.68

~ chi < drje < ·lrjaj (4ll): 179.6A.252.108

trt chi < drje < ·lr~ (87Oc):

199.78.154.6A

PJ. cit! see chi < tsyhzx 1ft- cit! < trhix < -hnrjil(959a): f& cit! < trhja < -hlrjajl(4d'):

202.3A.220.5A 197.78

R cit! < tsyhd < ·'hjM (794a): 3OO.9A .fJo clrl < fSYhex < ·'hjajl(3i): 200.2A M chI < lSYhix < ·,hjil(96I1):

52.2A,3OO.88

flj chl
ii chi < fsyhiJl < ·KHji1(s) (955m):

251.IA

~ chi < fsyhiJl < ·,hjiJ:(s) (9201): 177.1 B, JOO.5B ~q:. [cM"8) < drjuw"8 < ·g.ljUll8 (IOO7p): lS4.8A. 173.4A . . cM"8 < lrhjow"8 < ·hfrjo"8 (I 185y): 191.5A

fttJ cM"8 < trhjuw"8 < ·k.h.ljUllg (1oo7n):

14.IA, 31.2A. 168.5A

ffj cM"8 < tsyhow"8 < -,hjO"g (1188j): 2A1.7C

1C cM"g < tsyhuw"8 < ·'hjolUllg (?) (101la):

84.2A

The rhyme wordso{lhe ShijTng

751

J! eMng < drjowng < 'drjong (l188a): 206.3A 1I eMng < drjuwng < '/rjung (1009c): 14.lA, 168.5A. 258.2A

*- eMng < dujuwng < 'dzrjung (lOO3h): 244.2A,248.4A tIIIJ eMu < trhjuw < 'hJrju (l07ge):

208.3A

fltJ eMu < trhjuw < 'hJrju (10791): 79.3A 11 eMu < trhjuw < 'hrjiw (I069k): 9O.2A.264.IC itt. eMu see qiJl < gjuw

meMu < drjuw < 'drju (1083n): 21.28

II eMu < dzyuw < 'dju (10900):

175.3A. 191.88. 197.7A. 231.48

II eMu < dzyuw < 'Gju (l()9la): 35.5A. 178.4A, 256.68 U eMu < dzyuw(x) < 'dju(7) (1090p): 81.2A It eMu see eMu < dzyuw(x) II eMu < fSyhuwx < 'thju?(l089a): 46.1A, 178.4A, lSO.lA. 193.lA, 299.3A ~ chOu < lsyhuwH < 'KHjus (1088a): 235.78

~ eJu:i. < trhjo < 'hJrja (1) (1242b): 154.6C, 188.1A

ttl {ehu1 < tsyhwijH < 'lhju/s (496a): 194.5A (see also e1uI < tsyhwit) ttl eM < lsyhwit < 'thjut (496a): 29.4A. 232.2A (see also [elui] < tsyhwijll)

'III*

cluJ see zhil < drjoH cluJ < drju < 'drjo (l27n): 42.lA

~ [chul < lsrhju < '/shrjo (1328): 118.2A

!l cluJ < tsrhjox < 'tsrhja? (88a):

9.2A, SO.2A, 68.2A, 92.18, 118.3A, 124.IA. 131.3A,

lSO.IA, 220.lA, 305.IA

~ eluI < tsyhox < 'KHja7(85a): 19.3A, 22.2A, 31.3A, 37.2A, 38.1A, l24.lA, ISO. lA,

=.

154.5A, 1592A, 162.28, 167.3C, 173.1A. 187.3A. 189.2A, 193.4C, 2l4.lA. 227.3A, 248.3A, 250.3C. 257.4B. 263.2A (see also elu'i < lsyhoH)

ehil < lsyhoH < 'XHjas (85a): 29.lA, 'lfJ7.4A (see also elu1 < tsyhox)

U.f ehil < lsyhuwk < 'lhjiwi (103Ih): 247.38 111 ehuall < tsy1rwen < 'Klijulon (4618): 258.5A lI* elwdng < dujang < 'dujang (727r): 189.8A,205.48 ~ ehuI < tsy1rwe < 'lhjoj (3Oa): 85.18

:IF cJu:i.n < tsyhwin < 'thjun (463a):

23.IA

~ elWn see dul < dwojll

U ehUn < dzywin < 'djun (464j): 49.1A.49.2B. 112.3A ?II ehUn < zywill < 'listjun (1) (455v): 71.3B,112.3A

752

APfJt!-rtdiz C

if (clluO] < trp....et < ·trjot (295d): "

14.2A

chud < tsyhak < ·/hjawk (l126g): .5.5.38

At cl < tshjt < ·tshje (3580:

197.5A

at cl soc cr < /shje 5X cl < tbij < ·tbjij (555i): 213.18 Ut cl < tshja < ·tsllft'jl(3S8b): 43.lA flt cl< tshijH < ·tsltjijs (55Sc): 119.18.11928. 179.5A

,J cl < /shjeH < ·tshjd(s)(868d):

107.2A,264.5A

.ft c6ng < IshjOWflg < ·tshjollg (1191i): 1A2.4A II! c611g < /s!wwlIg < ·/shollg (11990: 7O.3A,18BA ~ c6118 soc [zhOlIg] < dZJlW1lg ~ c611g < tbjowllg < ·tbjong (1191d): 17.38, 101.28. 125.3A. 180.28, 19.5.1 8. 122.4A, 300.68.300.78

1l cll < dzJl < ·dza (46&):

93.2A. 95.1 8.95.28 (see also jl < /sjo)

tIl cil < dnl <·dza (46i'): 297.48 Ii [cdl < tsjuwl: < ·S/jiwk (10311):

207.3A

m[cui] < drwoj < ·dzuj (57.51'): 4O.3A. 258.3A (see also cud < uhwaH) m[cull < dzwoj < ·SdJlj (57Scf'): 3.2A, IOl.lA. 201.3A i§ cuI ICC xl < stjX ~ [cW] < dzwijH < ·thjups (49Om): 141.2A

n (cui] < dzwijH < ·thjuls(49Ci:): 16828. 194.4A. 194.5A, 202.2A, 264.50

ff cUn < [dzwoll] < ·dzjll (432a):

93.IA

~CuiJ
II [cuiJ] < tshax < ·ts1llljl(.5i): .59.3A I': cll(} < tshwat < ·tshol (3&): 22.5.2A §c.w6
iI c.u6 < tshak < ·uMl: (798s):

184.lC.209.3A

m: c.u6 < tshwaH < ·tshojs(57.51'): 216.4A (see also (cui] < thMlO))

if dd < dol < ·101 (27Ib): 290.1E, 304.2A, 304.2A, 304.6A (see also Id < that) ffi dd < tal < ·/al (l49g): 102.28, 149.IA =§ tid < top < .l:-lJ4p (676b):

*If

{lid)

194.4A

< dojH < ·/au (317.): 253:4A, 299.18, 3OO..sc

ddi < dojH < ·(g-)ijps(5OOc); 257.68

TM rllylM words 0/ I~ Shljrng

1[. tim < dojx< *lil(976k'):

22O..5A

Ja tim < dojX < *1i1(976l'):

191048, 194.6.4. 303.18

m

753

tim < Ill}H < *Iau 0151.): 63.2A

.iii diJJt. < tan < *tan (l41a): 2S05B 11 diJJt. < 10m < *J:·lim (6581): 161.3A, 164.18,220.28

tt diJJt. < tom < *tum (6561): 58.38. 58.3C, 58.3C JI ddn < taM < */0,,1(1481): 254.tA II ddn see shi" < zyimx it ddn see Idn < dam fi ddn < domx< *(g-)loml(672Jl: 145.3A .§ ddn < ttJllH < *laIIS (149a): 34.3A, 58.6A, 82.1A, 124.3A, 254.80

11 (ddn] < 1a1IX< *lanl(1411): 254.1A ti ddng < dangx< *IDJl81~'): 101.2A 7J tkJo < law < *taw (l13Ia): 61.2A, 210.58, 250.28 tJJ tIM < law < *taw (I 13le): 102.18. 142.IA, 146.1A fa [ddoJ < dowH < *fws(10181): •

d40 < lawX < *lawl(1132c): 100.18

II ddo < lawX < *11ol1(1090r): •

224.1A,224.2A

197.2A

d40 < lawX < *1u1(1090s): ISO.lA

M dllo see ddo < tawX II (ddo)<dow<*du(I09l).z):

61.2A

ItJ ddo < dowH < *b-lws (1047d):

79.3A (see also)do < (ynll»

~ ddo < dawH < *dawlr(II261): JO.1A, 58.58, l46.3A

~ ddt:! < dawH < *daw(J:)s (1133&): 198.38

II ddo < dowH < *ius (1090z): 136.3A ii ddo < dawx < *W(1048a): 46.1A, 46.1A, 91.2A, 136.3A, 195.3A, 197.2A. 234.48, 245.5A, 261.18. 299.3A

Wi ddo < dawx < *ful(1018h): 154.68 f!1 ddo < tawH < ·'awS (1131.8): 261.5A f!J lit < 10k < ·tik (905d): 1.3A. IOl.4A, 101.48, I58.IA, 192.1A, 199.8A •

lit < /Ok < *tiJ: (9l9k): S8.4C, 113.28, 166.5A, 114.3A, 194.lA, 202.48, 220.40, 229.18, 235.6A. 241.1A. 243.4A. 241.IA, 249.IA, 252.5A, 253.3A, 255.2A. 25504A, 255.4A, 256.I2C, 259.8A, 260. lA, 2iiO.2A. 262..6C. 299.4A. 299.5A

ft ding < /O"g < */i"8 (883e):

231.6A.245.8A

154

~ttdUC

lY-J d1 see dl < td: ~ [dl] < tkjlt < ·le(1J,1 (4e'): 41.2A ~ til < dd: <

.,&

(856a): 2645A

U. til < dek < ·'ewl (ll24a): 38.28. 47.2A iJ!f dl < dd: < ·,iwk (1079q): 257. tJA ilk dI see eM < drij ffdl<'t'jX<·tij1(59Oa): 191.3A

.G; (til) < tsyijx < ·,jij1(59Oc):

195.2A

iff (til) < tsyijx < ·ljij1(5900): 203.1 A til dl < thjll < ·lips (S09f): 132.3A

58 til < thjx < ·dilij1(59la):

35.28. 39.2A. 51.18, 71.1A, 71.2A, 71.3A, 92.lA, 92.2A, 110.38. 164.IA. 173.3A, 183.IA, 2095C. 240.28, 246.2A (see also (tl) < dejX)

it!! dJ < (dijll] < ·lrjtJjs (1) (4b'): 189.9A 'ii dl < tt'jll < ·It'U (877a): 47.2A. 235.68, 255.IA. 255.IA. 300.3C lY-J dl < uk <.1t'W!: (1I2Ott):

no.IF

.M di411 < tt'll < ·till (375m):

100.28. 125.1A, 126.IA

II dillll < demx < ·lim1(646j): ii!J dillll < delllt < ·diM (362g):

189.6A 210.IA.261.1A

mdUJlI
265.3A

~ dit10 < tt'wH < ·tilnlo'{lJ,1 (11651.): 149.2A

~dil<det<·dit(413n): 156.38 Iidil<det<·dit(4I3r): 126.2A

~dil<det<·lit(402i): 237.IA T ding see thillg < tTE:ng ~ dbtg < dellgll < ·tkllgs (833z): 167.20. 191.6A, 262.28. 264.IA, 295.18 (see also dUlg < 't'flgH)

:iE diJtg < It'ngH < ·It'ngs (833z):

11.2A (see also dUlg < dellgll)

~ dOlIg < to"""g < ·tung (10028): 35.6A ~ dOflg < t",wlIg < ·to"g (11758): 21.18, 37.3A, 48.3A, 51.IA, 62.2A, 125.3A, 156.IA. 156.2A, 156.3A, 156.4A. 179.1A. 203.2A, 244.6A, 3OO.3A. 300.68

it (d6l1g) < tuwllgX < ·tollg1(1175h):

51.IA

Ib d6ng
304.5A

i+d6u
The rhyme words a/the ShljIng

755

..e.. dOu < duwH < ·dos (lISa): 164.6A t6 da < tu <·ta (45e'): 53.2A, 83.1A, 84.lA, 194.7A If da < tu < ./a (45h'): 93.2A $: dU < dowi< .du,t (I016a): 35.58,257.IIA 11 WI < duwi< ·dol (l224i): 192.13A,229.18 :I dU < duwi< ·101:. (l023m): 46.3A,46.3A •

dil < towA: < ·tuk. (l0l9g): 117.2A, 267.1A

:tI d1J < tUX < ·tal(45y): 1892A 1ft dU < dull < ·lab (SOia): lOS. lA, IOS.lA, 209.3A (see also duO < dai)

± da < dux < ·la1(62a):

t± dU < dux < ·la1(62g):

1552A (see also tll < thux) 119.IA, 169.lA, 169.2A

II: dudn < twalIH <: ·tons (l7lc):

250.6A

fXdue
fi dul see due < twOj It [dull < drwijH < ·g.ljups (5tH):

255.3A

~ dul< dwajH < ·lots (324a): 241.3A (see also [dull < thwajH)

if: dul< dwojH < ·dujs (464g):

128.3A

~ [dull < IhwajH < ·hlou (324a): 237.8C (see also dul < dwajH) ~.2' dul < twajll < ·tots (323a): 151.lA ~ dul < twajn < ·i-{ups (51Ia): 241.38, 255.3A, 257.13A

tJl dWr. see duI < twaj iJ dUn see du1 < dwojH

Ii dUn < dwonJI < ·IUIIS (428d): ~ dim <

258.5A

< ·taj (3a): 132.18, 132.28, 132.38, 170.18. 170AA, 191.2A, 198.6C, 248.2A, 252.108, 2.52.108, 3OO.3E 10

11 ~ < twat < ·101 (295h): If{ du6 < dai < ·lai (SOia):

8.2A t63.4A, 198.4A, 24UA, 256.5A, 256.7C, JOO.9A (see also

dU < dull) •

duO < dwaJ < ·lot (274a): 264.2B

P.J l < 10 < ·'aj (1m): 56.2A, 176.IA, 190.2A, 228JA, 230.IA, 241.68, 252.IA fi l < f1ga < ·ngaj (2h): 220.4C IIlIl < f1ga < ·f1gaj (2k): 238.28 ill
756 Appendix C

lilt I <"gwa < ·ngWaj (l9d): mt I <"gwa < ·ngWaj (1ge):

70.lA. IS7.2A 190.2A

~ ~ < ~< .~ (805h): 191.8A, 194.28.278.18 (see also ~ < 1uH)

JB ~ < 1d: < .1td: (844a):

261.28

~~<"gak<·nga1:(7880: 246.4A

!Ell" < 11" < ·1in (370.0:

ISS.IA

mI, < nya< ·"jijl(3S9a): 246.2A ~ ,'< lIya< ·"jijl(3S9c): IO.3A.169.4C

II: I, < lIyiX < ·"jil(98Ia):

37.4A. 256.10A. 300.38

Bla < pjot < .pjal (275c):

99.2A. 149.IA, 154.18, 202.SA. 204.3A, 260.38. 304.2A (see

also b6 < pat)

lila see well < bajl/ ~/a < bjot < ·bjat (307a): 16.1A,304.6A ~/d
IfI/iJJl < phjo" < ·phjan (l9Sd):

2OO.4A,220.3A

¥ IdlI
~ Ian < bjo" < ·bjan (265b): 2.50.2A !i.jan < pjofIX < ·pjanl(262a): 54.2A, 58.6A. 2203A, m.1A. 2.53.58, 274.18, 274.IB

15 jang < pjang < .pjattg (7408):

9.1C. 9.2C. 9.3C, 12.2A.29.3A, IOS.2A, 129.IA. 168.3A. 168.3A. ITIA8. 2OS.3A. 211.2A, 223.4A, 234.1A, 236.1A, 238.SA, 24I.3C, 241.6A. 241.78. 253.1A. 25S.6A, 2.56.4A. 260.78, 262.2A, 272.1A, 274,lA, 294.1A, 3OO.4A, J03.lA, 304.1A

m

lang < bjtlllg < ·bjang (740)'): 67.1A, JOO.4A

~ lfutg < bjottg < ·bjang (740z): 131.2A

tJj lang < bjOttg < ·bjang (74(J}'): 138.2A,lS9.1A if! fli seep.. < phjijX ~ Pi < phjij < ·phjij (S79j): 41.2A. 167.6A

U fli < phjij < ·phjij (S79k): 162.1A,162.2A Rtfli < pjij < ·pjij (5803): 2.1 B. 26.SA, 28.lA, 28.2A, 28.3A, 156.48, 189.48,298.28

TM rhyme words oftM ShTJtng

..Iii < bjij < 'bjij (579q):

757

167.5A. 204.2A

§lPi < phjijx < 'pltjijl(579J): jf.Pi < phjijx < 'phjijl(S79[): ltiPi see pli < pltojH ifl Ri see fU < pjUl

2OO.lA 35.IC

lJ.R/ei < bjOjH < 'bjOls (348a): 23.3A

~ fbi
.$ fing < pItjowllg < 'pIt(r)jollg (1197.):

88.lA

if fillg < pItjowng < 'ph(r)jollg (11m):

48.3A, 12S.3A

_png < [phjuwIIg) < 'ph(r)jollg (?) (1014.): 244.2A _.illig < pjuwng < 'p(r)jilum (625h): 27.4A, 35.IA, 132.IA, 199.4A, 2S7.6A, 260.88 :il/ing see piAg < buwAg

~ ling see pfttg < billg til/hag < bjowrlg < 'b(r)jollg (11971.): 18.3A

If V6u] < pl!juw < 'pllii (999g):

m..IA

e flJu
136.3A

_jW
~ liJ < pju < 'p(r)ja (IOta): 7.lA, 7.2A, 7.3A, 154.6C, 163.IA, 193.48, 234.3A

~ fu < bjUl < 'bjul (SOOh): 241.8C f:!¥ III < bjuw < 'b(r)ju (12331): J76.4A, 223.8A, 245.7A, 262.IA II fU < bjuwi: < 'bjiJ: (934d): 13A.63.3A, 107.18, lSO.2A, 151.2A, 16758, 1n.18, In.2A, In.38, In.38. 178.10. 203.4A, 235.48, 243.4A, 244.68, 255.2A, 299.5A

{/{Ill < bjllWt < 'bja (935'): 242.2A

jg III < boI:Jbjuwi < 'b(j)iJ: (933m): 245.48

!¥ (ful < [phjlol) < 'ph(r)ju (1233.):

235.78,243.2A

. . (ful < [phjlol] < 'ph(r)ju (1233j): 7O.2A

jf; III < pjloll < 'pjul (500.): jf: III < pjul < 'pjlU (5CU:):

-?lfti

202.6A 241.8C

F f'illl
< pjuwl: < 'pjiJ: (933d): J66.5A. '1fJ7 .5A, 209.IA, 209.48. 212.48, 216.2A, 220.40, 235.6A, 236.3A, 239.4A. 2A6..8A. 247.1A, 249.2A, 281.IC. 300.18, 305,48

758

Ap~ndix

C

..lu < pjllWl.: < 'pjiJc (933i): Glu < pjllWl.: < 'pjiJc (933J1:

1883A 112.2A, 19'2.10A

~ Ifill < bjwX< 'b(T)ja1(I02f): 15.2A fii Ifill < bjlJJc < 'b(T)ja1(102v): 192.9A,3OO.28 Y:.fa < pjlJJc < 'p(T)ja1(I02a): 237.2A, 263.1A (see aJsI:J/U < bjlJJc)

mfa
248.3A

Mfa
t'# III < bjlUl < 'b(T)jOS (13&):

223.M, 237.98,24 1.8B

tt/ll < bjllWl.: < 'b(T)jul.: (t034d): 159.3A, 188.2A, 202.4A, 257.1IA ~/1l < bjuwx< 'bjil(IOOla): 240.1A,290.1O

.$ III

< bjllWX < 'b(r)jul (IIOSa): 78.3A, 127.1A, 128.2A, 119.2A, ISO.lA, 180.lA, 217.3A

Ut/ll < bjuwx < 'Jipji(l)l(HXX)a): 196.3A,245.6A Y:. III < bjux < 'b(r)ja1 (1028): 71.18, 71.1 8, 1l0.lA, 119.1A, 1623A, 165.2A, I87.3A, 263.2A, 300.28 (see a1sojIJ < pjux)

mjll
il gdi<J:ojll<'tilS(5151}:

tt gdll <.lam < '.tam (606a):

25L38

198.3C

-=F gdll < w < 'w (139a):

393A, 1121A, 189.IA

Vi gdll < tan < 'tan (l4Oc):

69.1A

~ gdll <.lamx < 'komJ(607a): 73.IA ~ gang < wg < '.tang (697a): 3.3A, IIO.3A, 241.6A, 250.38, 250.5A, 25298 ~ ga1lg < ktvtg < '.tang (69Th): 167.38, 2OS.3A, JOO.4A

mga1lg < kang < 'kong (697e): 249.38,252.6A •

gdo see goo < .tawll

i'it gdo <.taw < 'taw (11298): 232.1A U gao <.taw < ,,tu (106&): 208.3A Ii gao < kJzw < ,,tu (10681): 115.3A ~ gao see hdo < hawx

The rhynu words of the ShIJrng

759

. . gdo < kawH < ·kaws (1129i): 146.3A, 153.4A, 227.IA

Iff gdo < kawH < • .tuts (10398):

56.3A,209.5A (see also gu
Ii gi <:.I:a < • .l:aj (lq): 22.3A, 56.2A, 139.1A, 252.1A, 252.108, 257.16A 1m gi < tak <·tak (7661): 189.3A :l;gi<.I:at<·.I:at(313i): 72.IA

m

*

gi < kzi < ·.l:rak (76&): 209.3A,256.7C gi <.I:d < • .l:riJ:. (931a): 18.2A, 178.10, 189.4A, 241.7A

JR ging < lzng < ·.l:rang (746a):

154.28.203.6A

. . glng <: tB:tlg < ·.l:rang (747a): 255.6A. JOO.4A

~ glng < tB:tlgX <: ·krangJ(745e): 257.3A

t§ gtng < kongll < ·k;ngs (S8Id):

166.6A

;J:t g6ng < kjowng < ·k(r)jong (1182c):

'1lt gOng < kjowng < ·krjoll8 (11821): 'g

198.30,241.58, 265.2A, 304.5A

241.58

gOng < kjuwng < ·I;fr)jung (1006a): 258.2A

13.2A, 48.18, 48.28, 48.38. 50.lA. 240.3A.

~ gOng < kjuwng < ·k(r)jung (1006e): 36.28, 258.2A, 265.68 ~ gOng <: kjuwng < ·kWjing (90la): 78.3C, 128.38, 226.3A, JOO.5A

I

gOng < kuwng <: ·1ong (11713): 276.IA

:ID gOng < !Ilwng <: ·1ong (l172d):

154.40, 154.7C, 220. IE, 244.2A, 259.2C, 263.68,

269.IA, 299.6C, 300.68

~ gOng < kuwng < ·1ong (l172e): 179.1A ~ g6ng < hiwng < ·kJJng (1l73a): I3.3A, 18.3A, 21.18, 154.40. 177.3A. 240.2A, 242.5A. 269.1A, 276.1 A. 282.1A, 3OO.3A

ft g6ng < .l:wtmg < ·kwrang (706i): 3.3A,I54.8C lit g6ng <: .l:wong < ·kwing (8871): 190.3A . . gdng <: kjOWIl8X < ·.I:(r)jongJ(l172c'): 264.78

}:t; gdng.see gOng < kjowng

#!J g6u see UIll < gjux 'n.J [g6u] < hlwH <: ·.I:(r)os (IOSa): #!J gdu see UIll < gjux t'D gOu < kuwx < ·.I:(r)oJ(108e): fi gdu < hlwx< ·k(r)oJ(IOSI):

246.6A

35.38, 197.88 172.5A.246.7A

. . gou < kuwH < ·k(r)os(10ge): 151.3A

U g(}u < kuwH < ·k(r)os(l09J):

256.78

:Wi [gdu] < iuwx < 'k(r)o1(112d):

5

257.12A

gtl < h < 'ta (49p): 194.1C. 198.1A, 198.1C

II gtl
gil see hfl < how.t

m[gJij < U!X< 'ua1(33d): 283.1C.300.8A ~ gil < hlw.t < '.tOll: (1202a): 2.1A. 165.1B. 186.4A. 196M. 257.98. 257.12A G gil < hwi < 'tot (1226i): 154.7E, 166.2A. 184.2C, 187.1A. 187.1A, 192.13A. 196.58, 204.5A, 210.28. 257.98. 257.12A

It gil < hlw,t <: '.tot (l226j): 128.18 '2i gil <: lux <: '.ta1(49m): 207.1A II gil <: lux <: '.ta1(49q):

12UA. 162.28. 162.3A, 167.JC. 169.1A, 169.2A

B gil <:!uK <: 'W(5Oa): V gil <: lux <: 'W(50g): Wit gil <:.ba <: '.ta1(5Ia):

280.1A

).'j gil <: lux <: '.ta1(5Ib):

220.58

136.2A. 165.38. 178.JC. 21 1.28, 220.2A, 280.IA, 301.18

154.5A.222.JA

13- gil <:.tow,t <: 'hd; (1039a): (lID gil <: kWI <: 'hJs (491):

53.38, 101.38,247.38,256.28 (see also gdo < k4wH)

166.1A,24I.2D

II gil <: hil <: 'ta~s) (53g): 29.IA, 71.18. 113.18. 141.28, 165.2A. 207.2A, 258.4A til. gil <: bill <: 'taJrsJ (491): 36.18. 8UA, 120.lA. 167.1C, 167.lC. 258.6A J.Il1 g1M2 see gil < h

JJl g1M2 <:.twlt < ',twra (418):

64.1A. 154.6C. 210.4A

JJ: g1M2 <.tw.a < ',twra7(42a):

18UA. 196.5A, 260.58

XI gudll <:.lwaIt < ',koll (16Oa):

147.1A

g

gudll <:.twzn <: ekron (18Th): 58.2A, 58.2A. 58.2A

fit gudll <.two! <: ,,twrin (J69a):

234.2A (see also (jlll) < king)

!I gudll <.two! < 'lwr;n (481.):

104.IA

•

[gudll] < kwaltJl <: ',ko1lS (157\): 75.18.75.28. 75.38. 250.6A

~ gudn <: lwa...x < 'lon1 'lube' (157h): 42.2A (see also gudll

<: lwaIIX <

'lwoll 1

'exhausted')

Ii gudn <:.twaIIx <: 'l"'QJI1'cxNusred' (157g): 169.38 W' gudn <:.twanx < 'lwOJI1'exl\aU$lCd' (157b): 2S4.1A (see also gu4lt <:.twanx < ',ko'" 'tube')

if gudll see gUl2ll <:.twan

.

T~ rhy~ wordsofl~

:if gwin < hwmH < tkons (l59a):

ShTjIng

761

106.3B, 199.7A

9~ gwin < kwte1lH < tkrons (l87a): 102.3B

3't gwg < twang < t.twang (706a):

96.2A, 1722A, 173.2A, 182. lA, 203.5A, 236.5B, 2Al.3C, 250.IA, 261.4B, 283.IA, m.1H

l1f gUlJ"g < kwa"g < t.twa"g (7~0: 2622A l1i gwg < kwa"gX < t,tWang1(707h): 9.IB, 9.2B, 9.3B q gU1 < ljwij < tlWjij (5703): 2.3A, 13.3B, 28.1A, 282A, 28.3A, 36.1A, 36.2A, 41.2A, 68.1B, 68.2B, 68.3B, 88.4A, JOLlA, 101.lB, 147.2A, 154.2C, 156.1B, 156.48, 159.4A, 162.lA, 162.2A, 167.IA, 167.2A, 167.3A, 168.6A, 169.2C, 174.IA, 204.2A, 209.5C, 251.2B, 2S9.6A, 260.8A, 263.6D, 298.28

:§E gU1< kwej < tlWe (879a): 2S4.6A •

gu1 < kwij < t.twrji (985a): 237.3A

:II gU1 < kwijX < tlW rju1(986a): fJl. gul < twijX < t,tw rju1(992k:):

m 1ii m

135.2A,I65.2B

34.28

gui < gjwejll < tgWrjau (3010: 114.28,254.28

guiJ < twa < tlWaj (1Se): 22.3A, 22.3A, 56.2A guiJ < twal < t,twat (302m): 57.4A (see also JwO < hwal)

H g,m < two\: < tlwru: (929u): II g,m < kwol < tlwu: (9290):

299.5A

74.2A,74.2A, 109.2A, II3.2B, 113.2B, 152.3A, 177.18, 177.3B, 194. lA, 205.4A, 219.2A, 23S.3A, 236.3A, 253.3A, 255.4A, 256.12C, 257.78, 259.8A, 262.6C, 263.18, 263.SC, 3OO.lB, 305.48

J§ guO see gUt} < k.wa

?Ii Mi < zojX < thmt1(947x):

183.1B, 262.3C, 303.ID

WNli < Mjll < tfihJt(s) (314a):

39.3B, 44.2A, 202.SA, 204.3A, 2A5.2A, 2S5.8A, 26S.6A,

300.5C

iii han < hom < t gom (643g):

198.2A

~ NJn <xanx< t xa nJ(l39f'): 78.38

~ hiJn see [fIdn] < "yefIX

fi

Iu1n < MnJl < t gans (1400: 2IS.3A, 2A4.4A, 254.7A, 259.IB, 2S9.7A, 262.4A, 263.5A

iI hiJn < homx < t gom1(643h):

145.3A

~ hiJn <;uW/ < tXlJ.llS (l44c): 2635A tit hang < hatIg < t gang (69&): 61.1A ij{ hang < hang < t gang (698g): 28.2B

h

hang < hang < t gtlllg (748a): 78.2A, lO8.2A, 121.3A, 131.2A, 131.2A, 177.48, 203.2B, 203.6A (see also xlllg < liz, [xi"g] < IIztl)

762 Appendix C

II hdo <xaw < *.raw (1l29q):

161.2A, 2:02.IA

;dl Mo < haw < *gaw (104lq):

113.38, 22O.4A (see also /do < hawll)

~ lido < xawX < *.xu1(1044a): 15.2A, 71.2A, 81.2A, 82.28, 91.2A, 119.2A, IBO.IA, 2OO.5A, 212.2A, 245.5A, 251.60 (see also lido < xawH)

~ ItQo < hawll < *gaws (104lq): 205.5A (see also Mo < haw) ~ Me < hawx < *gaw1(l1290): 221.1A, 221.2A, 221.3A

~ Me < hawx< *gu1(10418): 200.68 ~ Me < hawx< *gu(k)1(1039h): 116.2A,143.2A

P:f htlo < xawll < *xu(1)s (1044a):

29.2A, 64.18, 64.2B, 64.38, 79.3A, 82.3C, 120.2A, 123.IB, 123.2B, 115.3A, 189.IB (see also lido < xawx)

;fO hi see hi < hwaH

roJ hi< ha< *gaj(H):

41.1A, 132.18, 132.2B, 132.3B, 145.lA,15604D, 161.4A,16104A, 189.6C, 191.2A, 191.1B, 191.18, 198.6C, 198.6C, 211. lA, 228.1A, 23O.lA, 24704A (see also hi < hax)

liiJ hi
45.1A,41.1A,195.6A,303.1E

ftij hi < ha < *gaj (10):

14S.IA

13 hi < hak < *gok (766h):

15404B

~ hi < hal < *1ikaJ (313d): 304.6A

.g.. hi < hop < *gop (615a): •

128.2C, 164.1A, 236.4A

hi < half < *gajs (I5j): 243.6A

mM
roJ hi < hax < *gaj7(IO: 303.1E (see also hi < hal ii hi < hzwk < *grawk (1129v): 242.3A ;fC hi < hwaJl < *gojs (Be):

85.18

mhi < xak < ·xak (161a): 261.6B 1JIi. hi < m

< *;ual: (719a): 241.1A,251.14A

~ hi < xowk < *.xawk (11291l): 25404A J!hLi<xok<*hmik(904a): 212.48

1j1 hLng seeping
In

hing < hzng < *grang (148g): 118.28

aT hing < ha::ng < *grang (148h):

118.28, 261.2A, 3OOo4A, 302.1C, 304.1C

~ Mng <.%Wong < ·hming (902g):. 5.2A, 96.3A, 231.6A

n Mng see (hOng] < huwng

~ Mng < hwong < .gWing (881g): 265.68

TM rltytM words of 1M ShIjlng

763

n [116",] < Iwwn, < "011' (l172lt): 265.2A ~ It6u
ttl Mil
190.2B

Jfl: [Mil] < huwH < ',(r)os (I J3i):

246.6A

m

Mil < ItuwH < ',ros(ll2c): 1I8.2A, 118.2A

~ Mu < IwwH < '~r)os (lISa): 237.98 (see also Mil < huwX)

Ni Mu < IUlwx < ',(r)o1(112a): If. Mil < 1wwx< 'g(r)o1(114a):

282.lF 198..5A. 252.3A (seea1so Mu < 1wwH)

~ Mil < 1wwx < '6(r)o1(1ISa): 35.38, 172.5A. 192.2A. 197.88. 2235A. 264.78, 264.78.282.1F

. . Iul see WII < mjI4X

1JL (lull < Itu < 'Iia (55a): "

95.18,95.18,95.28, 95.2B. 135.JA. 135.IA. 135.28, 164.8A

Iul < xu < 'limo (l03n): 198.1 A, 198.1C

!IF hU < xu < 'Jrwa (55h):

255.58

~hU<XW01<'hmut(5031): 241.8C

l' lui. < howl < 'guk (l039n): 116.2A tJJ lui. < Itu < ',0 (49a'): 1OO.1A, 1OO.2A ff lui. < Itu < ',11ia (S6a): 154.6C,26I.3A 11 lui. < Itu < ',wa (41i): 413A,234.4A If Iul <xux < 'M,a1{6Oi): 165.2A (see aIso.d < xjox) ~ Iul < mx < 'M,01{6Ok): 71.18. 237.2A, 262.3A

Jt luI < xux < 'm1 (1) (5Th):

38.2A, 78.IA, 131.3A, 131.3A, 234.3A. 261.58, 262.3A,

263.4A

~1tU<1tux<'go1{49v}: 1l0.1A

to ItU < Itux < 'go1(49x):

121.1A

M ItU < Itux < 'go1(49y):

2IOAA. 215.IA, 24 J.5C. 2435A, 283.1C. 299.48. 302.IA

P ItU < Itux < ',a1{53a): 118.3A, 154..5A, 1S4.5A. 155.2A, 156.2C. 189.2A

IlItU < Itux < ',o1{53c}:

196..5A, 2IS.1A. 215.2A

. . 1tud < xwz < 'ltwro (44a): 6.1A. 24.1A, 83.1A, 84.IA. 148.2A, 163.IA, 167.48, 168.4A (see also Iwd < hwz) •

Itwf < Itwz < 'wro (44a): 98.1 A (see also 1tud < xwz)

11 Jw4i < hwcj < 'grvj(6OOc):

3.2A, 3O.4A, 68.18. 68.28. 68.38, 76.18. 76.28. 76.38, 101.18, 156.2E. 164.2A. 201.2A

II IuMli < hwcjH < 'liJ:TIljs (6OOd): is Itudn see J::Udn < zjwre"

254.7C

764

APfW."JU C

lihuM
II huan < Irwa < ·wr~1I (256n):

103.2A

~ IrWn <XWOIIH < ·1rwans(l61b): 9.5.lA,287.l8

1ft IwiJng
4.2A, Jl4.1A, Jl4.2A, 1I4.3A, 2.5O.5A, 257.7A,

26.5.1A, 270.IA •

Irudllg < Irwallg < .gWolig or .fiJ!VtJ1Ig (1) (707a): 3.3A, 78.2A, 98.3A, 134.lA, 154.30, 214.2A, 22.5.1A, 233.lA, 234.IA, 297.18, 298.1A

•

hudIIg < hwang < .gWtJIIg (707g): 67.1A, 1263A, 161.18

~ huang < hwaJtg < .WlVlg (708a): 1.57.1A, 178.18, 189.8A, 209.2A, 210.6A, 249.18, 269.1A, 274.1A, 291.18, 299.68

tI: huMg < h'Wallg < -wang (708g):

140.lA,236.8A

i! huMg < h'Wallg < -wang (708i):

19.IA, l69.lC

~ [hudngJ < hwrtlg < • ....,.tJ1I8 (708n): 189.8A, 274.1A

f' 1uli < x;wij < ·hwjij (4.581:):

182.3A

81ud
lEI hut < hwoj < ·wij (5418):

208.2A, 239.6A. 263.60. 3OO.1A

fJt huI see huT < zwoj M Iud <xjwoC< -1Jm(rJitJjl(3S6b): tfj Iud < ZWO)X < -hmil(947s):

10.3A,103A

22.1A, 241.48, 24.5.88, 2.56.12A

•

Iud < Inwjll < ·wets (533a): 191.58,264.18

•

[lull] < 'lwojH <

•

(hull < xjwojH < ·xjots (l7Ii): 237.8C

·'ops (32In): 151.4A

.IJ huJ
2.52.7A, 252.8A

Iud
1ft hul <~jll < -hwers (527c):

197.4A,222.28

Iij hui < :cwojH < ·hmi(kJi'fsJ (947t):

Sit Iud < zwoju < -hmi(k)s (947u):

9O.3A,255..5A

230.18,230.28,230.38, 264.3C

~1uM5
m1uI6 < hwot < .gwOJ (302m): 31 ..5A, 290.IE (see abogu6
"huO

t54.1A, I 54.2A, 154.3A, 212.2C 177AA (see also 1twJ < Irwok)

< Irwat <·wat (784h): 154.48 (see also (Iu«)J < huH)

tI huO < Irwat < .wa.t (784JT-

2.2A

mhuO < "wax < .gWajl(18f): 199.28

The rhyme words O/lhe ShIjIng

765

Ii hulJ < hwd< ·wrak (784d,): 127.2A, 198.4A. 209.3A. 24I.1A. 257.14A. 299.78 11 hulJ < xwaf: < ·hwa.t (775c): 186.2A iI: hulJ < xwot < .1rwal (3461'1): 57.4A ftjTseejr
, . [jIJ < gj;j < ·gjij (5471): 35.2A ;J(;jT < Ii < ·k(rJii (952a): 109.18,109.28

R jT
200.28

~jT< ti < ·k(rJii (952g): rn.1A.256.9A. m.IA

M jC < Ii < ·k(rJii (952k):

217.2A (see also [qi] < 81)

AtljT
!JL j7 < lij < ·krjij (6020:

lO.IA. 138.IA. 151.48. 167.6A

•

jT < kjij < ·kjij (547a): 264.6C

•

jT < tsej < ·tsij (593p): 129.2A, 189.48, 304.3A

J:I!I j7 < tsej < ·tsij (593r):

SI.2A. 151.48

gjT < tsek< ·iUk (868v): 1543C. 1M.5A. 3053A

fI jf < d'lip < ·dzjup (688d):

254.2C

IljC < d'lip < ·dzjup (6918):

236.4A

~ jf < d'lit < ·d'ljiJ (4948): 62.3A. 194.78,256.18,264.18 . . jC < d'ljek < ·dzjAl (798a'): 261.68

fIi jf < giA: < ·g(rJiik (910e):

54.4A. 58.4C, 101.48. 109.2A, 121.2A, 19lJ.8A, 202.48. 209.48. 219.2A, 22A.l8, 2303A, 253.3A. 257.15A. 26238, 264.4A. 275.IA, 305.5A

'& jf < gip < ·g(r)jip (6818):

28.2C.69.3A, 163.18, 238.3A, '1fIJ.7 A

~jf < kik < ·k.(rlii! (910a): 242.2A

ft jC < kik < ·kTjJ.: (9I1a):

109.2A, 121.2A. 124.2A. I31.1A. 152.3A, 167.58, 168.1A. 174.3A. 189.4A, 209.lA, 219.2A, 256.12C. 262.38

ItjI
~.jr
a jI < kjit < ·kJit (393a): 2O.IA. 122.IA, 225.3A 1ft [it] < /Shjek < ·tsltjAJ: (798t): 209.3A !!Il jI < tsik. < ·tsjik (399a): 89.2A, 99.IA, 250.60 Ht jC < /Sip < ·tsjip (688g): 5.3A IR jf < /Sjek < ·lSjek (852b): 192.6A Ht [it] < [t.l'jep] < ·tsjip (688h): 238.3A

. j l < urip < -,srjilup (6881): 190.18

.;l~jt
If-;l
ff ;1 < uejx < -/Sijl'many' (5930): ~jll

29O.lG (~alsojl < uejX < -ui;1'sl3~ly, even',jl <

< -uijs '10 ford')

j$ jf < tsejx < -t.sijl(554·):

39.2A

if! ;1 < tst'jx < -tsijl'swely, even' (5930):

105.2A, 239.1A, 250.4A (see also;1 < tsejx <

-/.sijl'many',jl < UejH < -uijs '10 ford')

Wjl < ujd < -lSjek (8513):

192.6A

~ jl see ql < &ie ~ jl < dujll < -dzijs (593m): 212.38 . , jl < dujx< -dzij7(5931): 35.28

5S: jl < gill < -g(r)jiJrs) (953s):

257.IOA, 264.58

Wjl < gjwijll < -gWjilS (53&):

60.18,60.28

~ UlJ < kiX < -,I:(r)ji1(953i): 204.6A, 249.4A, 258.7A

:f: jl < kjwijll < -k'MIjils (538a): 11028,241.38 tl'f jl < 'ujH < -lsijs '10 ford' (5930): 54.28 (see also jf < tujx < ·uljl'many· ,jl < /ujX < -/sijl'stately, even')

II jl < tsiJ: < -/Sjit (922b):

121.2A, 209.1A, 209.48, 212.48, 245.18, 275.IA, 300.18,

300.30

~ ji4
ftjid
Ii jid < kz < -!raj (15g):

156.40, 157.2A, nO.4A, 191.2A, 217.IA, 22O.4E, 247.4A,

248.2A, 256.58, 256.8A

IfI jid < b:p < -!rap (6293):

6O.2A

fijid < ka:K< -kral(33c): 301.18

~ jid < ka:K < -!ra7(343): 246.3A . . jid < kZJI < -!rajs (l5e): 161.4A, 119.6A fijid
~ji6n < bm < -!ram (609a): 19I.1A,305.4A

The rhyme words of the ShIJIng

767

11 jiAJI < bft < ·uan (l57n): 139.3A., 229.1 A iIli jiAJI < U:tt < ·uan 'orchid' (l91f): 95.lA (sec al90 jidll < Un < ·u~f! 'kltu$') if jiAJI
mji4lt < Un < ·uin

(48Oc): 40. I A., 199.IA, 248.5A

rD1jidlt<w< ·u~f!(l91a): 97.1A,ll1.1A

Mji4n < Un < ·u~1l 'lotus' (191£);

145.2A (sec a1sojidll <.tD < ·uan 'orchid')

ftB jidll < [h:nx] < ·utJll1 'great' (l9ld):

274.18

ti.jUln seejidn < b:m Ujidn < thjOlX < ·thjan1(15So): lS8.2A,1653A

E UidJlJ < Itamx< ·gam1(609g): 73.1A !« jim! < U:1tH < ·uOJtS (18Sb): 2535B,254.1A H; jidJt. < itt:ItH < ·uOJtS (l91i): 56.1A, 2SO.6C, 250.6C R.jidJI <WtH < ·Wu(241a): 217.38

II jidJI < t~mH < ·tsiJinu(1) (660]):

257.9A

fR jim! < ts(h)emH < ·u(lI)iJims 0) (6601):

208.4A,256.98

tlji4ltg < kjtJng < ·ljang (110e): 49.18,49.2A

II ji4ltg < kjMg

< ·kjang (71Oh): 1S4.8C. 166.4A, 172.2A, 209.2A, 21O.6A, 211.4A,

241.6A, 249.38, 250.lA, 259.68, 269.1A, 297.1 8, 302.1C, 302.1C, 304.1A

~ ji4ltg < kjtJng < ·,tfl)jaflg (71Ia): 48.1A, 83.1 B, 83.2B, 138.2A

K jidltg < tsjang < ·ujang (7271):

4.2A, 12.2A, 28.28, 88.2A, IS7.1A, 161.1B, 192.1A, 2OS.3A, 209.2A, 209.6B, 234.1A, 24l.6A, 247.2A, 257.3A, 260.4A, 288.1B, 301.1E, 302.IC, 302.1C, 304.1A (sec also qidttg < tslljang)

Ilji4lrg < ujOJtg < ·UjDIIg (727v): 203.5A, 203.7A

~ jidng < U:wllgH < ·knurgs (1015a): 239.2A (see al9o:ci4ng < lul:wttg)

~ ji40 <.b:w < ·uaw (11660): S3.1A, 57.3A, 11338, 113.3B, 168.2A . . jido < Ut:w < ·I:riw (10695): 9O.2A,228.3A

II Ui40l < khjtw < ·kJt(r)jaw (11380): 57.3A (sec also jido < kjtw) IS jido < kjtw< ·,tfr)jaw (11 38n): 218.2A II jiM < kjew < ·i(r)jaw (11380): l02.IB, 109.1A, 127.38, 181.3A, 223.7A (see also Uido] < kJt.jew)

•

jiM < [ujtwl < ·ujiw (1031q): 137.3B

1lJ ji40 < krwi < ·kroi (1225.):

11.3A, 17.2A, 291.1G

tQjiM
"ft jUJo see jut < izw,t

768 Appendix C

ti: ji40 < b:I4!H < ".tTaw(k)s (11671:): iW Vii) < It£; < "grij (599f): 208.2A

218.2A, 223.28, 2S6.IIA, 299.2A

.wjiL
m

jiL < U:j < "krij (599d): 198M, 2S1.38, 264.3A

III jiL < U:j < ·uij (599c):

218,41.2A, 9O.IA, 168.6A, 2m.2A, 2S2.9C, 260."

iljiL
~jiL < uj.e < ·uj),j (50): 14.1A. 14.1A, 191.2A

"1I jiL < tsjldo < "UjAfa (4611):

1.1A, 1.2A, 1.3A

Dji/ < du. < ·dut(310a): 304.2A,304.6A tfji/ < chjep < ·chjap (63&): 161.4C.2fJJ.1A ~ jiJ < gjet < ·grjat (284a): 62.IA, 66.2A, 304.6A (see also jiJ < k,;ol)

&tjiJ
~ jii < gjOl < ·gjal (313r): 265.6A,265.6A ~ jiJ < ket < ·kil (393q): 8.3A

fa jiJ < UI < ·killk (393p):

141.3A, 152.lA, 192.8A, 225.3A

ts Vill < klIjel < "thrjat (313p):

149.1A

~jiJ < kjot < ·kjal (284a); 102.28 (see also jil < gjel) Ql5jil < tset< "lSik(39ge): 31.IA

WI. jiL see (.riel < hiH fii jii < ujH < ·uets(5IOb): 191.58, 191.4A, 222.28, 264.lB JIi. jii < b:jH < ·uiJ:(s) (99Oa): 161.58, 209.5A. 2121A, 263.18 4" jill < kim < ·*(rJjim (65Ia): 20.2A, 245.8A, 264.1A ~jill
rtJ jill < kill < ·ujin (4823):

93.lA

fit Viii] < kiIIg < ·kjing (3693):

224.3A, 2S1.18 (!OC also gudJI < kwm)

ttjlll < kimx < ·*(r)jilum1(652e): 200.18

8: jln < dzWI < ·dzjins (38Ie): 257.28 Ii jln < dziIIX < "dzjilll{381a): 209.6D fljln < gillH < ·grjills (48011):

197.6A

li. jln < gjillX < ·gjilll(443g): 169.4C U (f1ng] < ging < ·g(r)jiTlg (8883): ·19().3A (see al90jI1lg < king) @!jlllg
TM rh~ wordt of 1M ShTjJng

769

lIjlllg < UIII < ·UIIg (831g): 248.1A

fi jlllg < kiIIg < ·k{r}jUtg (888a): Jj{

jftlg < kjag < ·ujaJtg (75.5&): 50.28, 153.18, 192.1A, 211.4A, 235.5A, 236.2A, 236.68, 241.6A, 243.1A, 244.7A, 250.38

II jlllg < IjDg < ·uje:ng (813g): "

195.68, 196.68 (sec also (lillg) < ging)

179.78,263.38

jlllg < uj~lIg < ·,sjeng (812f1: 1l9.2A

Di"jlng < Ujeflg < ·,sjeflg (812v): 53.3A,I79.7B

It jUtg < kjlOlgx< ·ujallgl(755d): •

44.1A

jlng < gjll:llgH < ·grjaJtgs (754.): 257.3A

~jlng < kjtengH < ·krjengs (813.): 286.18

JJi ji.6n.g < hwllgx < ·lwellgl(828d):

206.1A

f4 (jUl) < gfrwx < ·g(r)jiwl(l064b):

143.IA (see also (jia] < kjiwx)

M (jia]
29I.1C (see also (jwl
' " jiM < kjllW < ·k{r)ju. (99211): I.1A

9'l (jiM! < I:juwH < ·k{r)jws (9920):

120.2A, 197.7A. 255.38

~jUJ djllWx< ·k{r)ju1(1065a): 154.88

~jUJ
Ii jU1. < Ujuwx < ·tsju/(I096k):

26.1A. 77.2A, 77.2A, 82.28, 154.68, 170.IA, 170.2A, 170.3A, 192.12A. 205.6A. 21O.5A. 218.3A. 221.18, 231.2A, 231.3A. 231.4A, 256.38. 298.2A, m.3A. 299.3A

3'tjill see (jiM] < kjuwu Ujill < dzjllWH < ·dzjus (109)a): 195.3A

11 jill
.M jill < gjllWX < ·g(r)ju/(I061b):

255.1A.265.1A 165.28, 211.3A, 259.58

~ jill < gjll'NX < ·g(r)ju/(I068a): 165.28, 195.3A,205.6A f!t:jUJ < kjuwH < ·I;fr)jws (1066m): 35.4A

~ jill < ljuwH < .I:Wjt(l)s (993d): 161.30. 169.4A. 203.2C. 265.5A

m

(jiJ] < !hjo < ·kJt(r)ja (49t'): 241.20

mjiJ < kjD < ·k(r)ja (49c'):

12.1A. 114.18, 120.IA. l24.4A. 161.lC, 168.4A, l8S.IA, 188.1A, 194.7A, 221.38, 261.5C

l!ijiJ < kjo < ·k(r)ja (490'): 155.3A

Ii jii < kjo < ·k{rJja (49p'): •

64.IA, 83.1A

jiJ < kjo < ·k{r)ja (74a): 24.1A, 41.3A, 83.IA. 161.48, 199.5A. 234.4A, 252.10A. 261.3A, 262.18

f;J ja < kjuwk < 'k(r)jllk (1OITh):

a

101.38,202.4A

jil < ijuwk < 'k(r)jllk(lOl7j"): 3558

~ ja < kju < '.t(rJio (108r): 9.3A, 144.28, 163.2A, 223.5A 1tljil < ts(h)jo < 'ts(h)ja (4&): 281.1A (sec also ~ < tb.joX)

il (jill < tsltjo < 'tsllja (46q):

3.4A

11 (jill < tsltjo < 'ts/rjcJ (461):

154.6C

..Ii (jill < tslrjox < 'tshja!(46a):

284.IA (see alsoja < tsjo, ai < d:ut)

11 jil seejil < tsjz:la ..Ii ill < ujo < 'tsja (46a):

41.18,41.28,41.38, 84.1A. 198.1A. 261.3A (see also [iul <

tsltjox, ell < d:ut)

NU jll < gjowk < ·likJl(r)jok. (1214a):

192.6A.226.IA

*J jll < kjuwA: < 'k(r)juk (1OI1a): 117.2A. m.tA .II jll < A:wtA: < 'A:WeA: (86())): t54.3C 7ft UilJ < dtjox < ·thja7(46k:):

195.1A. 198.28. 258.4A (see also jll < ts(h)jo)

ff!J UIIJ < gjux < 'g(r)jo7(1c&):

172.5A

~ jll < kjox < 'lrja7(76j): 152A. 222.IA. 291.18

jJ jll < kjox < 'k(rll)ja7(l5a):

78.1A. 260.6A. 260.6A. 280.1 A

u,jll < kjUX < 'kW (r)ja7(99g): 1l9.1A

1iJ jiJ sec [golll < hlwH JRjil < gjox< ',(rJja1[18e): 28O.lA

fi!jiJ < gjox < ',(r)jal(95j): 3OO.1C

It jil < gjwl < 'g(r)jos (l2Ia):

164.6A.19O.28

fljil
i&jiJ < !joll < '.t(rJiab (803Q: 26.2A

~ ju4n < kjllHlIX < 'krjonl'ro!1' (226a): 26.38 (see also qu.dn < gjMien < 'gWrjen 'handsome')

W: judn see juiIn < t.jwellX, qudJI < &iM1i ~jul xcjii < /Sjte Hj", < gjaJ: < 'gjaJ:(803h): 246.4A

n jid < gjaJ: < 'fjk(r)jawA: (l138q): 254.4A. 259.48 (see also UulJ < k.jewX)

1lJ jid see jido < k.a.wk. lljid < k.zewt < 'kruk. (l038f): 70.2A

fijui d:zewt < 'krawk (1I66b'): 55:38

II Ulolil < k.jewx < ·.t(r)jawl(ll38q):

299.2A, 299.2A (see amjJd < gja!:)

T~

~jui
rhymi! words ofl~ ShTjTng

771

J4.2A

fi jui < Isjak. < -tsjewk (1121a):

38.28, 22O.1F, 25758

~ jan < kjun < -kjun (459a): 49.28 :f$] jan < kjwin < -k.wjin (39Jc): 163.SA. 191.38, 205.28, 246.5A i$] jan < k.jwin < -k.Wjin (39Ie): 246.SA •

jiln. < j;win < -krjun (485<1): 23.IA

:W k4i < k.hojx < -kh.:p(548a): Ii k4n. see Uidn] < homx

173.3A,221.28

ffi kiln < kJuJn.H < -kJuJn.s (139p): 171.2A 11 kilng < khang < -kho.Jlg (74&): 114.1A, 114.2A, 114.3A, 250.IA, 252.4A, 253.IA, 270.IA. 274.IA, 274.1A, 302.IC

:m hlng < kho.Jlgll < -khan.gs (698b): 220.10 Vi kilng < kho.JlgH < ·kho.Jlgs (698c): ::tt.f

237.7A

Mo < khawx < -khu1(104Id): 1I5.2A, 174.2A, 209.6C, 21O.5A, 260.3A, 261.18, 262.6A. 282.IC, 282.IG. 283.18, 286.1A

~ kiJq < khawx< -kJwl(I04lo): I 15.2A, 172.4A

ij U

< khwa < -kwhaj (18h): S6.2A

~ kl < kiwt < -khat (313]): 66.2A, 167.2C, 218.IA

iiJ kl < klwx < -kJuJj1(1a):

199.28.257.16A

ffi.u
lOUD

~.u
:2 kOng < kJwwng < -khong (l172h):

203.2A

~ kOng < khuwngH < -khongs (11722): 78.2C

-

I:t Mil < khuwx< -kh(r)ol(110a):

192.2A, 192.2A, 198.5A

Q IA < khux< -kJuJl(49u): 32.3A, 125.2A. 207.1 A

Jl Wn < khwan < -kwhan. (165b): S6.IA tl Wng < khjwan.g < -kWhjang (739,,): 3.IA, 154.28

IE kuDng < gjwang < -gWjang (7390):

54.3A,257.8A

~ [kudng] < xjwan.gll < ·hwjangs (765h): 175.IA ~ till < gjwij < -gWjij (605g): 222.5A,254.5A ~ kuI < gwij < _gWrjij (605h): 167.5A, 177.1A, 257.2A, 260.8A

i2 kill < gwij < -gWrjll (989a):

7.28

172 ApfXNiix C

!If IbJI < gwijll < ·grjllls (S4Og):

2A138

illbUl < IrwojJl < ·gws (S4Od): 3S.68

mIkIln)
5

bin < HrwofIX < ·kwIIW(41Aa): 2A1.6A

J51.bd) < h:wat < .gwQJ (302.h): 218.1A (soc also [.l:udl < kwat)

D.I:ud
".I:ud

2AUA

< lJrwa1: < ·kwW (714h): IOS.lA

U1kJ1d < kJrwal <·lhol (302q): 31.4A.31.SA t5 (kwdl < kwat < ·kwQJ (30Th): 66.2A (3ee also lkudl < h:wat) ~ Mi < 'oj < ·C·ri (944)): tn-lA, t93.5A ~ ldi < loj < ·C-ri(k) (944a): 3O.2A. 30.2A. 33.3A, 66.1A, 82.3A, 91.2A, 161.30, 168.1A, 169.4A, I1IAA. 203.2C, 203.4A, 211.2A, 2A2.2A. 263.6A

~ Mil < lam < ·g-ram (609k.): 226.2A

i$ Idn < UunJI < ·g.rams (609j):

3OS.4A

II Idn < U:wl < ·C·rQIU (l8SI): 82.1A. 12AJA JR IdJtg < lang < ·C-rWtg (13SI): 97.3A fa IdJtg < lang < ·C-rWtg (1350): IS3.18 § 100 < Jaw < ·C·raw (113)>):

32.18, S1.3A. S83A, 113.38. 181.3A. 193.1A. 202.1A,

205.SA.232.1A

IF: Mo < Jaw < ·C-rw (1056a); §

250.48

Ildol < Jawll < ·C·raws (II35a): IS3.4A. 227_IA. 239.5A

i! ldo < Jawx < ·C·rawl(1IS1u): :t; 160 < Jawx < ·C-rw1(105Sa): •

IS.18

31.48,82.28, 118.4A, 197.2A, 299.3A

Ii < lak < ·g-rawk(II25.): l.SA, 9S.IC.9S.2C. 1I6.IA. 132.1A, 111.1A. 192.1IA. 228_2A. 256.11A. 261.5A

=: Iii < fwij < ·C-rjuj (STIf): 4.1A. 171.3A

a l~i < lwoj < ·C·rwj (5771): 3.2A,251.28

K l~i < lwoj < ·C·rwj (S77n): If Iii < lwoj < ·C·ruj (S77o):

3O.4A 118.48. 258.3A

l!.lli < lwijx < ·C-rjujl(Sl1g): 11.1A, 11.2A, 11.3A

g

Mi < lwiju < ·C-rjwfps (S29a): 2A1.S8, 2S5.3A, 257.13A, 26430

~ Il < lej < ·C·rij (SI9k.): 251.2A .

If f( < Ii < ·C-rji (978h): . . f( <

154.4C

lje < ·C-rjaj(23d): 156.40

TIlL rhyme WQrds of IIIL Shljlng

773

, . I! < Ije < ·C·rjaj (230: 43.3A, 6.5.1A, 6.5.2A, 65.3A, 174.4A

til! < lje < ·C-rjaj (248):

70.IA, 189.98, 197.18

illT < lejX < ·C-rijl(597d): .52.3A, 52.3A, 279.18, 290.10

1111 < lejX < ·C-rij1(597e):

lSO.4A, 279.18, 290.10

JIll < lejX < ·C-rij1(597h):

170.28

.m 11'l/j.5.7A,303.1O < fix < ·C-rjil (978a): It 11 < lix < ·C-rjil(978d): •

76.1A, 177.28, 193.8A, 2.57.lOA, 2.58.7A, 26l.4A, 265.7A, 210.18, 237.4A, 250.68, 'l/j23C

11 < lix < ·C-rjil(978e): 27.1A, 197.3A

!f 11 < lix < ·C·rjil(978j): :f: 11 < lix < ·C-rjil(98Oa):

138.3A, 170.38, 177.6A, 281.1B 24.2A, 64.3A, 74.3A, 172.3A, 256.8C

~ fl < lejH < ·C·rm (.5318): 191.5B, 194.2A, 222.5A, 256.IB

I! 11 < fel < ·C-rewk (ll2.5i):

132.2A

lf~ fl < fijH < ·C·rjips (.5208): 178.IC. 178.2C, 178.38

1J fl < fiJ.: < ·C·rja (92&):

J!: fl < UI < ·C-rjit (4038): till < iiI < ·C-rjit (403d):

SO.2A, 192.7A, 255.2A, 257.78, 257.15A, 260.2A SO.l8, 89.2A, 115.3A, j'l/j.2A, 245.58, 291. IE 131.18, 131.28, 131.38

, . . 11 < IjeH < ·C-rjajs (872a): 257.16A JIll < ljejll < ·C·rjats (34Oa): 34.18, 63.2A, 192.8A, 225.4A, 253.4A, 264.1B

Ifl" II < ljejll < ·C-rjm (?) (291g):

241.28

"J II < lijH < ·C·rjits (519a): 212.3C

it lidn < ljefl < ·C-rjafl (213a):

24l.8A

illidn < ljefl < ·C-rjafl (213b): 58.2A,112.1A

&

lid"g < ljaflg < ·C-rjang (735a): 29.3A, 49.18. 49.2A, 193.2A, 223.4A, 229.7A, 253.1A

. . li4.ng < ljang < ·C-rjang (737d): 250.1A, 250..5A

~ lidflg < ljang < ·C-rjang (738a): 63.1A, 199.2A, 21l.4A, 229.7A, 236.58 Illi4.ng < fjang < ·C-rjang (738b): 121.3A, 187.2A, 211.4A

~ fi4.ng < fjang < ·g-rjQflg (75.51): 41.1A

mfidflg < ljangx< ·b-rjangl(136a): 1Ol.2A ff liao < lew < ·C·rew (l135b): 210..58 If fido < lew < ·C-rew (1l.51i): 254.3A fIjp lido < lew < ·C·riw(1l14u): 117.1B,1I7.28 i'llitJo < lewx< ·C-rewl(115Ih): 143.1A

•

lido < lewx < *C-riwl(1069p): 289.1A.29I.1C

_IUJo < IjewH < *C-rjaws (l15Ie): 143.3A,239.5A

~~ Iii < 1~1 < *C·rjaJ (19ld): 154.18, 167.2C, 202.5A, 204.3A, 245.7C, 30t2A. 304.6A

mUn < lim < 'b-rjum (66%): 240.3A.258.2A

**

lin < lim < 'C'Tjim (655a): 7.38, 132.1A, 144.1A. 144.IA, 220.28, m.6A, 236.78, 245.38. 245.38. 257.9A. m.8A

III lin < litt < *C-rjitt (387c):

116.3A

mlfin < litt < *C..,.jitt (J87i): 126.IA

~ fing < I~ttg < 'C-ung (823a): I03.IA, 196.4A (see aIsolIttg < IIttgH.ling < l~ng(H»

iii fing < I~ng < 'C-r~ng (836i):

245.28,305.58

~ ling < 1~llg < *C-ring (8230): 38.3A.I25.IA

~ ling < 1~llg < 'C-ring (823u): SO.3A

M: ling < ling < *b-rjillg (898c):

166.3A, 176.3A, 183.3A., 192.5A, 193.38,300.48

fiR ling < lj~ngx < 'C..,.jellgl(823f):

191.7A, 215.28

~ fillg < lingH < *C-rjings (823a): 100_28 (see also ling < I~g, Ung < IjOlg(H» ~ ling < Ij~lIg(HJ < 'C-rjing(s) (823a): 126.1A, 193.3A (see also /(ng < f~ng, ling < lillgn)

V1f liU < ljuw < ·C·rju (I l04a):

a

I.2A. 26.1A. 194.58, 223.8A, 263.58

fiU < ljuw < 'C-rju (I 10k): 304.4A

~ fiU < ljuw < 'C-rju (II 14a'): 257.IA II [fiul < fjuwx< 'C-Tju1(1114b'): 143.2A

.mJ fiJI < ljuwx< 'C-rjwl(1 I 141): 224.IA,224.2A WfiJI < ljuwx < 'C-rjul(1114x): 170.IA, 170.2A, 170.3A, 233.3A

-r.. fill < ljuwk < *C-rjuJc (10313): 53.38,122.2A fj~ fOllg < Ijowtlg < ·C·rjOttg (1193a): 84.2A,304.5A

.if fOllg < /vwttg < *b-TOIfg (1192i):

179.1A

~ fOuce fil
fi. [f6u:] < Ij" < 'C-rjo (12k): 9.3A ifi lOu < luwlI < 'C-ros (12Oa): 256.7B Iil [lui < ljo < 'C·rja (69q): 210AA 11: lil < fux < 'C-ra7(6ge): 263AA ;I. lil < wx < 'C'Tal(7Oa): 3OO.28,3OO.8A tJ I.. < ljuwl.: < 'C-rjiwk (109.h.): 154.78.300.1 B ~ I.. < fjuwk < ·C.rjuk (10321): 56.3A, 159.3A

T~

rhyme words of f~ ShTjIng

775

~ lU < luH < ·g-raks (7661'): 8l.1A, lOS. lA, 241.20, 245.4A

it 111 < lUll < ·g-raks (766t'):

17.lA, 17.1A, 36.18

fllil < luwl < ·b-rol (l208h): 166.2A, 192.3A, 192,3A, 192,13A, 209.6A, 247.7A _Ill < luwl < ·C-rol (l209a): 23.2A, 257,98 •

[fudn] < ljlwnx < ·b-rjo,.J(178k): 42.2A, 102.3A, 100.3A, 151.4C

'-Iudn < lwD,. < ·b·ron. (178d): 147.1A illudn < lwtJllH < ·C-roflS (l8Oc): 106,38,250,6A

~ lUn. < twi,. < ·C-rjUII (47Od): 112.3A

fit lUn. < fwin < ·C·rjUII (470f):

112.3A

~ 1110 < twat < ·C-rot (29ge): 8,2A

mtiW < fa < ·C-raj (00): 70.IA,216.1A IItiW<w<·C-raj(6b): 217.IA

3ft iU(} < Iak < ·C-rak (766q): 297.38 Ia tu(} < ftJk. < ·C-raA: (766s): 163.4A, 214.3A, 214.3A, 297.38 ¥f lU(} < ftJk. < ·g-raJc (766q'): 58.3A •

ta < ljo < ·C.rja (69u): 93.2A

Ria < Iju < ·C-rjo (l23a): 115.1A iii [tal < lijX < ·C·rjijJ(562a): 203,lA, m,IA IS: la < ljox < ·g-rjaJ(77a):

178.3C, 22O.IA, 227.3A, 236.7A, 241.5C, 241.5C, 250.3C, 263.2A, 284.1 A, 290.1C, 300.28, J05.IA

&: ta < tjowl < ·C·rjol (l208k):

226.IA

U1ta < twit < ·b-rjut (502c): 202.6A JfJmd<mz<·waj(l7a): 74.1A,137,2A,139.lA

,~ mif < mcrx < ·mraJ (40a): 9.2A, 31.3A, 77.3A, 77,3A, 78.1A, 144.2A, 156.4C, 162.2B, ISO,2A, 193.4C, 222.IA, 237.2A, 252.IOA, 256.48, 259.5A, 284.IA, 284.IA, 297.IA, 297.2A, 297.3A, 297.4A

Ii nufj < mej < ·w; (978n): J§

3O.2A

mdi < mZjH < ·wats (267d): 39.38, 114.28, 137.3A, 224.28, 225.4A, 229.5A, 299.18

~ Mdi < md: < ·mril (9313): 48.2A, 54.4A, 74.2A, 113.28, 154.78, 300.18 If man < mzn < ·mron (l78p): 261.6A

11 mdn < ma:nJ1 < ·Wall.l' (266h): 78.38 E mang < mang < ·mang (742k): 303.1A,304,IA Li mang < mzwng < ·mroflg (120la): 304.5A

776 Appendix C ~1ndo<maw<*maw(1137a): 210.58

~ Indo < maw < *maw (1137c): ,5UA, 168.2A, 179.3A

£

Indo < maw < *mu (I 137e): 223.8A

~ Indo < ma:w< *mru (1109c): 1.54.70,229.2A

:f [Indo] < mjuw < ·m(r)ju (11098): gp m40 < mzwX < *mru1(1114a):

133.18,191.88

193.1A

WmOO < ma:wx < ·mrul(1114£): 299.3A 1rJ mOO < ma:wX < .mru1(l1 14g): 21.28 ~ mao < mawlJ < *maw(l)s (1137g): 1.,5A mao < mawH < ·maw(l)s (1137h): 254.4A,2.56.IIA ';; mao < mawH < ·muls (1061a): 29.2A

* jji

(mao] < muwH < ·m(r)juJrs) (1231£): 97.2A, 166.6B, 172.4A, 189.18, 24,5.,5A, 26,5.4A,29I.1D

N miiseemO<mwot Jf1 mii < mij < *mrjij (.567a):

,57.2A

1fEi mii < mij < *mrjij (.567g):

129.2A

S

mii < mij < ·mrjij (.567-): 2.59.6A

mmii < mwoj < *mi (9471):

130.1A, 1,522A, 204.4A

ii mii < mwoj < *mi (947n):

103.3A

t¥ mii < mwoj < *mi (948c):

,58.1A

tx mii < mwoj < *mij (.5463):

IO.1A, 1.56.1B, 239.6A, 3OO.1A

~ m/i < mijx< ·mrjijl(,568a): 42.28,42.3A

it mli < mwojx < *mijl(2221):

43.2A

~ mb < mjijH < *mjiu (,53li): JO.3A, I to.2B, 197.4A

m- mii < mwojH < ·miks(947q): 62.4A, 193.8A

** r,

mii < mwojll < *miu(,531k): 236.,5A min < mwon < *min (441a): 40.lA, 93.lA, 199.1A, 261.4C

Wmin < mwon < *min (,585a):

248.5A

JJ.i min < mwon < *mun (183£):

73.2A

"

minS see ming < mJlWngx

H minS < mtmg < *mrOllg (7415): 54.3A M: [minS] < mjZllS < *mrjOllg (76Oe):. 198.3A ~ minS < mJlWns < ·monS (1181a): 300.68

it minS < mJlWns < *monS (1181d):

1.56.IA, 156.2A, 156.3A, 156.4A

Tk rhymL words oltk ShiJrng

II ming < muwngX< ·lIWngl(l18Ib):

777

245.40

~ mlng < mjuwng(H) < ·mjing($) (902a): 96.3A, 189.6B. 191.4A, 192.5A . . ml see mT < mja

~ ml < mLj < ·mij (59&): 191.3A,254.5A •

ml < mij < ·mrjij (598f): 198.6A

ill mT see nT < MjX JI ml < mja < ·m(r)jajJ(17h); 65.1A. 65.2A, 65.3A ill mT < mjia< ·mj~jJ(3590); 43.lA

-

~ ml < mit < ·mrjit (405p): 250.60

m mido < mj~ < ·m(r)jaw (I 159a):

65.1B, 113..3B, 179.3A, 186.lA, 227.1A, 29O.lF

Ii [mido] < ma:wl < ·mrawk (117Ic): 256.1 lA, 259.4B rI' mido < mj~H < ·m(r)jaws (1 16(8): 2403B "

(mil] < md: <.md: (3Uf): 261.2B

•

mil < mji~t < ·mj~t (294b); 192.8A,I94.2A

AI min < min < ·mrjin(J) (457r): 257.4A tI mln < min < ·mrjUll (457x):

2A.3A

~ m(n < mjiIJ < ·mjin (457a): 234.2A. 257. IB, 275.1 B

lIJ mTn < milJX < ·mrjin(J) (475q):

155.IA

til mTn < milJX < ·mrji(n)J(l251q): 2Il.3A, 245.1A iR mTn < mjinX < ·mjiIJ1(457c): 257.2B ;Ii( mlng < meng < ·mLng (84la):

BJJ

189.5A.206.2A

mlng < mj8:rlg < ·mrjang (7608): 96.2A.96.2A, lOO.IA, 187.2A. 203.6A. 2OO.2A, 210.6A. 2I1.2A. 236.8A, 247.2A, 253.IA, 254.8C, 255.4B. 260.4A. 274.1A. 288.1B, 298.IA

II m(ng < mjZllg < ·mrj~ng (827a):

34.2A. 96.JA, 96.IA, 161.1A, 179.7B, 196.4A,

252.9A.280.lB

~ mlng < mj~ng < ·mj~ng (8268): 106.2A

tit ming < mjzngH < ·mrjing(s) (7618):

51.3A, 116.3A, 222.3B, 2A9.1C, 252.8B, 26J.JA.

262.5A, 262.5A, 295.18

fi mO < ma < ·maj (17f):

55. lA, 256.5C

J( nul < mak < ·mak (802a): mull)

2.2A, 198.4A, 241.1A. 254.20 (see also nul < .

"nul < mal < ·mat (277c): 216.3A

Ii nul < mJd: < ·mrak. (181f): •

261.68,300.7A

nul < [met] < ·mrak. (8023): 209.3A (see abo mO < mak, mU < mull)

[metl, mu <

~m6<mWOI
il m6u < mjuw < ·mji (948f):

39.1A, 58.IA. 163.3A, 193..5A, 19S..5A. 200.28, 231.3A.

2M.SA.256.12A

B: nul < muwX <

tm(r)olil(941.): 2.38.51.28. 59.2A, 11.28. 11.28. 16.1A, 100.3A.

11O.2A. l62.4A. 169.3A, 1n.3A, 183.18. 197.3A, 205.1A. 240.IA. 251. lA, 282.IH. 300.88 .,. nul < muwX < tww/il (949&): 101.3A, 154.IC. 118.lA. 210.18. 211.18. 211.3A. 211.3A, 2121A, 2124A, 231.4A, 245.6A, 290.10, 291.1A

ti: nul < muwX < tm(r)j&l1(1063a): 34.28.97.2A. 165.28. 210..5A. 282..IC. 298.2A 1X mU < mjuwi < tmjiJ: (1031.): J68.1A fI mU < mjuwi < tm(r)jid' (10358): ~ mu <

*

mull

282.18

< tma.tr (8028): IOO.3A. IOS.IA, 114.18, 161.18. 2fJl.2A. 258.6A (sec

also nW < ma.t, nW < [md])

mil < mlolwk < tmok (12118): 2.IA. 165.18, 196.6A. 223.6A

i*mu
tt. mU < mlIWk < tmok (1212Q:

210.28

1JB nd see,.u6 < fill

'I'i nd < nop < tfU4IJ (695i):

II ndn < _

128.2C

< tJSall (152d): 69.1A. 164.3A. 215.3A, 228.IA, 254.2A, 281.18 (see also

rIdJI < ,.DlIlI)

~ It4n < nom < tllim (649a): 240.18

mIt4n < nom < t,.im (65Oa): m.6A

28.38. 32.IA. 144.1A, 144.1A. 199.4A,1il8.4A. 252.18.

il (n4nJ < llyellX < t,.jan1(I44b): 209.4A II ndn < fIIJIIll < nans (152d): 256.128 (sec also Mil < MIl) II: ndng < IIQIlg < tfllJ/lg (7301): 250.1 A I.i!l ...do < 1Irh/< tll/lol (1) (l244i): 22O.4A tm! ...do < 1Irh/< tn.ru (1) (l244j): 253.2A t

Pi ,.ti < ,.woju < ·NlpS (695e): 255.3A 1m fling < """8 < t,.i(ng) (885a): 220.2C. 257.IOA if6 ,.1 see,.l < ne.jx iiJI ,.1 < ne.jx < tnijl(359h): 39.2A it ,.1 < ne.jx< t,.ijl(359g): 105.2A iIE ,.l < ne.jX < t,.ijl(563d): 113.3A.246.1A & III < IIgiX < t llg(rJji(k)1(956c): 211.18

T~

ii 111< lid: < ·MW.I: (1l23d);

rlrytru. words of I~ ShIjIng

n9

2575B

. . III < IIgik < ·1Ig(rlfik (956c): 245.48

j9:! III < fl8id < ."grjak (788c:): 299.7B

1& 111< [Mil] < ·MjiJ: (777n): 224.18 !f: nidll < Mill < ·fIiIt (3641): 152.4A. 156.3C. 190.48.21038, 211.IA. 262.5A A [1lIido] < tewx < ·riwl(ll16a): 289.tA . . (tW!] < IIgat < ·flgaJ (289-): 304.6A "

flil < flgjet < ·flgrjal (289g): 57.4A

$

fltng < flertg < ·M"g (837a): 164.5A, 189.5A, 191.6A, 191.9A, 2275A, 235.38, 244.IA, 245.28. 2A8.1A, 254.78. 258.8A, 262.28, 264.IA, 290.11, 291.1F, 305.58 IWi < Ilgjuw < ·lIgWji (998a): 227.2A. 292.IA

tF

*H ItisJ < MjuwX < ·MjK1{I076e); 115.2A, InAA WI: MlIg < [NIW",] < .1lWIg 0) (I00si): fW '"' <.lUI <·1lIa (94y): 164."

I73AA

~ mJ < ItUH < .1t4f (94a'): 1Jf1.2A (see also [nUl <.IUIK) ~ [nUl

<.IUIX < ·llIal{94a'):

26.2A, 35.18, 198.28, 241.5C. 254.8A, 257.48, 258.6A,

263.4A (see also IW < 1tUH)

1J~ nu6 < ilia < .1UJj (3503): 215.3A, 301.IA

II {/'JutS] < rtaX < ·llIajl{152k):

59.3A

Jg fl£0 < NJJ.: <.naJ: (7nf): 3OO.7A "9:. m1 < MjOX < ·nrja7{94a): 15.3A, 211.28, 237.2A (see also ra < fI)'OX)

.Ii! NU < ngjaA: < ·"g(r)jawi {I I lSa):

55.38, 192.IIA, 254.4A, 256.IIA

tt pd.oI < plIaNt < .pI\aIu (I81!): 343A.58.6A IIh pd.oI
~

[p6IIg] < pag < .pr(Jlllg (74(1n'): 205.3A

, ; [pdng] < phang < ·pllaflg (74Oc:'): 41.1A

~pdo
1tl pdo < bzw < ·bru (l1I3g); 231.48 ti [pill < bajll < ·bots(307f): 299.18

Biti [pill < bajll < -boIS (SOld): 168.28, 245.4C, 304.6A M 1Pb1 < bwojH < -00 (9151): 91.2A, 134.2A Iti pii
140.2A

. . ping
~

ping < btt:tlg < -brQJtg (7508): 79.1A, 168.3A (sec also bang < pang)

JIll ping < bong < - mng (886a): 117.IA, 176.3A, 301>.48 ii ping < lNwng < -bong (11970): 242.5A ~ ping < lNwng < -bong (I 197y): 2S.2A,62.2A, 222.4A

it 1'1 see (pi] < bjijll Sf pl
.8i. pi < bjt: < -b(r)jaj (25a):

18.IA, S2.1A, 261.6(:

Dlpc< bjij < -bjij(S66f): 222.5A

It pC < bftj < -bftj (S66u,): 191.3A, 254.SA It [pi] < bfijH < -bjijs (S66t): 53.18 Jm [Pi] < pft < -p(r)jaj (26b): 189.6C, 189.7A, 261.6C ~ pT < phfit < -pltjil (408a): 244.3A,249.3A

§! [Pi] < bd: < -bd: (8530):

J42.2A

~ pi
ill pUln < ph{ji)en < -phin (246Ic): 2OO.3A,257.28 II [pWoJ < bjn< -bjew(l157e): 149.2A t!J.piJW
lJ pUlo < phjkw < -ph~ (I157i): 85.28 :it pin < bin < -brjin (47Iv): 4O.IA,58.4A I{ pitt. < bfill < -bjilt (39Oll): jj pitt. < bjill < -bjill (39M):

257.28 t5.IA

~ [prill < phjiengll < -phjtllgs (839d): 167.20

.m ping < Mllg < -Mllg (8241): 215.28,254.78 (sec also blng < pjit:ngx) zt!i: ping < bing < -lJ,jiltg (899d): 237.6A 5Jl pmg < bjtmg < -lJ,joIg (8258): ·164.5A, 263.6C. JOI.1C, 302.18

~ p(ng < bjDg < -brftng (825c): 161.IA

165.tC. 191.9A. 227.5A. 241.2A, 262.28,

TMr1rpMwordso!IMShTjlng

•

781

pIJ
llp6l1
nw (pQJ < pItjw < ·plt(r)ja (102g'):

3.4A

, . pil
fit pIJ < "" <·bd (l02n'): 68.3A, 221.38. 26I..3A il {pU) < buw.t<·boIc (l21Ob): 192.3A, '1A1.1A ?ifi pI1 < plulx < ·pha1(l02l1: 263.2A,263.4A iii' [Pill < plUf < .pas (102z): l00.3A, 1S4.7A

mqfseuf< st'j XII [ql] < gi < ·g(r)ji (95211:):

58.lA, 58.lA, 66.1A, 128.20, 172.IA, 186.3A, m.28 (see

ahoj1 < h)

it qr< lhi < ·j;}(r)ji (952f): 220.48 If qr< ISMj < ·ulUj(592a): 57.IA,240.28 It q1< UMj < ·tslUj (5921): 9O.1A, 129.2A,204.2A II q1 < ISMj < ·tslUj (592g): 2.18, 168.6A, 169.28, 169.2C, 2OO.1A. 212.3A, 252.9C Ii q1 < uhd: < ·Sthiwk (10310: 207 3A .t; q1< IshiI < ·uhjit (4OOa): 2O.JA, 122.IA, 152.1A

fl q1 < uhil < ·uhjit (4OIb):

SO.18, 115.3A, 126.2A, 237.1A

;)tqlSUjl
Mql SU [ql] < gi,)1 < ki . . ql < duj < .d:l.ij (593g): 57.2A

JIf ql < duj < ·lits(h)ij (593a):

260.8A, 3043A

~ {ql] < dujH < ·d,zijs(593J): 2S4.5A ql <,i < ·g(rJii (952&'): 152.2A, 1633A, 178.lA, 297.28

.u

It ql < gi < ·g(rJii (952y):

246.8A

lJt ql < gi < ·g(rJii (952-):

39.1A, 58.IA, 59.1A

j1S q(
13..38,1S4.2C, 168.6A, 2123A, 303.IE

Mql
157.2A

.fJi ql < gje < ·,rj~ (864j):

197.5A

l'41: ql < vie < .gJ~ (867g):

206.lA, m.RA

it ql < Vie < .gJ~ (867i):

199.6A

Hiql
782 AppendixC

WqT see kAi < kltojX lie qT <.thix< -.th(rJiil(953k): 1I0.2A fa qT <.thix < -.th(rJiil(9531): 76. IA. 162.4A, 1693A. 1713A.205.1A ~ qT<.thix< -H(rJiil(953q): 178.1A. 244.8A, 245.6A, 245.6A

ii: qT < lJtix < -H(rJiil(953r):

tiL ql < lltip < -J:Jvjip (694h):

209.58

28.2C. 69.3A. 69.3A

til ql < lltjejH < -lJvjaLr (313n): 34.18 (!lee also jK < kjoI) 'fB ql < lltjejH < -lJvjaLr (313$): 224.28,253.4A f! ql < lltjejH < -lJvjats(329a): 16.2A •

ql < kJljijH < -thftlS (535a): 10.2A, 110.28

~ lqitlJ < hqJ < -grop (675m): 254.2C

mqiAn < khjen < -lhrjan (19Th):

165.3A, 209.4A. 256.7A

=f qiAn < /SMn < -snUl (365a): SO.3A, 178.18, 178.2A. 178.3A. 211.1 A iI qiAn < /Shjen < -lshjan (206c): 58.2A, 2OO.4A. 22O.3A. 305.6A ~ qiO.n < gjen < -grjall (1983): 305.6A if qitln < /SMfI11 < -/Shins (125Oc): 57.28 ~ qiAng
II qiAng < tshjatlg < -tshjang (703!):

Jt qi4ng < tshjatlg < -tshjang (703h):

283.IA,302.1C 178.28

It qi4ng < tshjatlg < -tshjong (703J1: Jeri. lA, 209.2A Vi qiAng < tshjatlg < -tshjang (727d): 15438, J57.1A At qi4ng < lShjallg < -tshjatlg (727f): 83.2A. IJO.2A. 182.JA. 208.1A. 237.7A. 274.11\, JOO.4A (see also ji411g < lSjaIIg) •

qi4ng < tshjatlg < -tshjong (727z): 260.78.261.48

•

qiO.ng seejiAIIg < ljallg

, . qUfng < tbjatlg < -dzjang (727J1: 76.2A

i! qi40 < tbjew< -thjew{lI48J):

155.4A

~ qi40
fm qiO.o < gjiew < -glew (1164h):

I S5.4A

iQ( qiO.o < [gjiew] < -g(rJiiw (I 139a):

137.38

M qi40 < tshjewx < -tshjewl(1 149s):

26.4A. 143.1 A

..Ii qil see c.w < dzu.jQ < tsjo II qU < k.hje, < -kJvjal (313m): 57.4A.62.1A it qftt. < kJtim < -Ut(r)jim (6521): 132. lA, 208.4A

TIlL rhyme words a/tIlL ShiJrng

jl qin < tshim < -/shjim (66le): •

783

JOO.5A

qin < tshin < -,shjin (3820): 19L4A

H qill < tsrlUm < -,shrjim (6611): :1): qln < gim < -g(r)jim (6510):

162.5A

161.3A

~ qm < gim < -g(r)jim (651q): 161.3A, 161.3A, 164.7B, 208.4A, 218.58

~ qln < gjin < -gjin (4430: 222.2A,299.IA

1IJ qln < gjin < -gjin (48Ox):

155.1A

III q[n < tshimx< -tshjiml(6610:

m

189.6A

qing < khjag < -khrjang (7140): 255.48

Nt qing < khjwieng < *lwhjeng (828b): 255.78,264.2C W [qillg) < tung < *lMng (812c'): 55.2A, 233.2A (seeaiso qing < tsllLng) . . qing < tsllLng < -geng (812c'): 98.2A (seeaiso [qlng) < tseng)

mqing < tshjeng < *lshjeng (8121'): 95.2A, lOO.2A, 227.5A, 248.IA

II qlng < lhjlCllgff < *lhrjang(s) (753a);

209.2A, 209.68, 21L2A, 211.4A, 214.2A,

241.3C, JOO.4A

IB qiOng < gjowng < -g(r)jong (l172s);

195.18, 198.3D

~ qwng < gjuwng < *g(r)jung (IOO6g): 35.6A 'if qwng < gjwieng < *gWjeng (829a): 1192A

..Ei: qUi. < khjllW < *kWhji (994a):

58.1A,200.7A

tk qUi. < tshjllW < -tshjiw (l092a);

n.2A

'it qiU < thjuw < *thju (10961): 252.2A ift qiU < dzjuw < *thju (10960): ISBA (see also [qiUl < lsj"w) ~ qiU < gjiw < -g(rJiiw (1) (I066i): 215.4A, 292.18, '199.7A

Yt. qiU < gjuw < *g(rJiu (992p):

728, 133.18

~ qiU < gjllW < -grju (I066a); L2A, 9.1A, 35.4A, 65.1C, 65.2C, 65.3C, 164.18,215.4A, 243.2A,262.1A

~ qiU < gjllW < -grju (10660: 304.4A

U qiU < gjuw < *g(r)ju (1066h):

304.4A

~ qiU
If qiU < gjuw < *g(r)ju (10661);

157.3A

~ qiU < gjuw < *g(r)ju (l066n): 292.1A ~ qiU < gjuw < *gWji (1066e): IJO.1A, 154.4C,203.4A j!! [qiu1 < tsjuw < *tsju (10960): 304.4A (see also qiU < dzjllW)

t?iJ qiU < zjuw < ·zju (I094a);

299.58

784 AppcndU C

U. qJl < lJtjo < -kit('Jia (642e): 8UA, 120.1A, 297.4B dB qJl < lhjowI; < -kit(,Jjot (12IJa): 108.3A, 128.1B I; qa < kJlju < -kit(,)jo (l22c):

tI qu < tslljll < -tshjo (13k): II qu see ju < gjwl

S4.lA, 62.IB, lIS. lA, 128.1B, 163.1A,2S4.8B

2JO.1A

~ qu < gjo < -g(,)ja (9Sg): I3S.lA

I[l{ qiI < tslljuX < -tsllp1(1311): 223.5A

1:;, qJl < IJIjoH < -kJ(,)jas (642a):

it qJl < tshjuH < -tslrjos (131g):

189.3B. 245.3C, 258M

238.1A

j{ quO.n < dzjwen < -Sgwjan. (237.):

39.4A, IS3.IA, 153.2A, 153.3A, 197.8A, 203.3A,

241.«:-, 250.3A, 250.58

~ quO.n
•

qudn < ~n < -gWrj~1I 'handsome' (226e): IOJ.2A

m

qUlIn < kJljW01lX < • kJajonl (226m): 253.58

II! qld < kJljwor < -J;Whjat (3Olh): 91.3A M qui <.t:Jr-. < -t.wltiJ (605t): 191.5B

mqUn < k.Jrwin < -kJvjUlt

•

(4&5&): II2.3A

qiUt
~ ,dII < "y~n < ·njall (217a): 125.18, 125.28, 125.38, 223.2A, 254.1A

ill rdllg < nyang < -"jallg (7301): 94.2A, 173.2A II rdllg < "yallg < -"jang (73011): 274.IA,302.IC . . ning < "yang" < -njallgs (73Oi): 223.4A

ft,60 < nyew < -ngjnI (l164e): 2S4.3A ~,~ < "Y'l' < -"Iia O3O:J1: m.5A

:E ,in < nJim < -njitrc (667.): 220.28 A,itt < "yitt < -njitt (388a): 6.3A, 28.4A, 322A, 38.3A, 38.3A, 38.3A, 45.18, 45.28, SO.3A, SO.3A, 5DA. 65.10, 65.20, 65.30, n.lA, n.IA, 87.IA, 92.28, 102.2A, 116.3A, 118.1A, 1t8.IA, 13UC, 131.2C, 131.3C, 152.4A, IS2.4A, 196.IA, 196.1A, 199.3A, 2OO.3A, 200.58, 2OO.5B, 203.38, 203.38, 211.1A, 229.3A, 229.4A, 238.4A, 239.3A, 249.18, 252.8B, 252.88, 258.1A, 259.38, 262.5A, 264.2A, 264.38, 2fIJ.IB, 2821E

t

rin < "yin < -njill (3881): nlA,I03.lA

~ rin < ,.yinx < -njinl(456c): 191.68 .-,: ring < nying < -,ying (982i): 237.6A

1m. lA, 193.78, 219.3A, 261M8,

T~

B

rhyme worth of t~ ShTJlng 785

rl< flyil < ·fljit (404a): 37.1A, SO.18,62.3A, 73.3A, 99.IA, 115.3A, 124.5A, 169.18

~ r6"g < flyJlWflg < .f1jUl!g (1013a): 37.3A, 164.4A, 168.5A

3 r6"g < yow"g < -(f)joflg (1187a): 62.2A,278.1A If r6f1g < yllWflg < -ljUl!g (1009d): 2A7.3A ~ r6u < f1yJlW < ·flju (1105a): 167.28, 215.4A, 257.IA, 292.18, 304.4A

II r6u < f1yUw < ·"ju (1105<1): 245.7A Mi [rill < fl10H < -fljas (94r): 26.2A, 177.4A (see also ['"1 < f1yOX) Si [rill < f110X < ·flja1(94r): 26O.5A, 260.58 (see also rU < f1yaH) 11 rU < f1Yu < -f1jo (134t): SOJA, 163.2A •

[rU]

< flyWI < -fljos (134d): 164.6A

II [rul < flYUX < -flj01(I34j1: 246.7A oW ri1 < "yow! < ·fljok. (1223a): 46.3A tr: ri1 < flyaX < -flja1 (94a): 78.1A, 92.18, 92.18,

1I3.1A, 113.IA, !l3.2A, 113.2A, 113.3A, 113.3A, 201.IA, 207.4A, 218.38, 236.7A, 291.18, 300.28, JOO.3F (see also ~ < nrjox)

A rU < "yip < -f1jup (695a):

240.4A

itD rU < "yoH < -f1jas (94q):

108.IA

1; nUl < flywill < -f1jUl! (464m):

li ruO < flyalc < ·f1jalc (777a):

19().IA

58.3A, 163.4A, 212.18, 214.3A. 26O.2B, 3OO.7A, 300.9A

Ssdi<sok<-sik.(908a): 263.6A

-

.::::. SI2fI < [sam]

•

< -sum (648a): 2O.2A

siJng < sang <

-sang (704a): SO.2B, 76.2A, 1OO.2A, 121.3A, 126.3A, 131.2A, 154.2B, 154.38, 154.3B,l72.2A, 1872A

!If sdng < sangH < -smangs (705a): 35.48, 2A1.3C, 255.6A, 265.IA II sao < saw < -su (1112g): 263.3A tI sdo < sawx< ·su1(1087f): 46.1A, 1I5.2A (see also sao < sawH) it sao < sawH < -sus (1087f): 16528 (see alsosdo < sawx) II M SOC .fiJi < sol: •

M < sril; < -srjil: (926e): 21O.3A, 257.6C. 300.18

i!!. sA < sril; < -srjii. (927a):

2A1.7A,26O.2A

9s~<sril<-sprjil(41Ia): 5O.IB, 115.3A. 126.2A tp sM<me< -sCraj(I6a): 248.2Al

w:

sM<srz< -sCraj(I6d): 170.18

Ll.J shan < sr£fl < -srjall (193a):

189.1A, 197.8A. 305.6A

786

Appendix C

tJ shtVt < dz'ye1tX < ·djall1(147a'): S9.1A ltIJ shtVt < srll:tlH < ·S(C)r(j)aJu (193d): 171.2A •

sMng < SJaII8 < .JJjaIIg (72Oj'): 33A. 146.2A. 169.lC. 192.1A. 208.IA. 23J.IA

ji

slwlng < ~g < ·JJftutg (72Oz): 58.48, 1053A, 183.28. 20UA, ?62 2A (see also t4ng < tltang)

iii sMng < $J01l8 < ·1t(1)jQ1lg (134a):

236.2A. 236.68. 236.8A, 255.6A. JOO.2A, JOJ.IA,

304.tA,304.1A

iWJ sMng < dryangH < ·djtmgs (725a): 1:. sMng < dzyQ1lgl1 < ·djtmgs(726a):

256.4A 136.JA. 217.28, 236.1A

1> sMo < syewx< ·h(I}jew1(114ge): 26.4A J8 shdo < dryewx < ·djaw1(1 Biz): 143.3A.256.38 tE sill < ryle < ·LjAj (41): 189.6C, 189.7A (see also yl <~) 15 sill < ry~1 < ·Ljal (288a): 203.18, 256.6A, 260.J8 :g: shl < syrx < ·hljA(k)7(48a): 199.5A :g: shi see shi < syrx t!& shi < dry~p < ·djap (634a): 34.1A it sill < sy~p< ·JJjap(6330): 60.2A,60.2A ~ sill < ryel < ·h(l)j~l (29Oa): 22O.lC

If slrl < ryrll < ·LjAh (807a):

78.28 (see also yl <)d:)

~ shi" < sriIt < ·srjin (382h): 236.6A

it shi" < sri,. < ·srjin (47811): 5.IA €i sllLn < syim < ·JJjim (666c): 264.7A EfJ sIlL" < syin < ·JJjin (385a):

68.lA. 222.38, 249.IC. 259.IA

:Il sllLn < syiIl < ·ltJjin (386&):

28.4A. IJI.lC. 131.2<::.

nix. 194.3A. 199.3A. 235.7A.

260.48

~ shin < ryin < ·Ljin (385J): 259.IA ~ sIlL" < syimX< ·lvtjim1(61Og): 162.5A

n sliln < dryimx < ·Gjum1(658a): 2OO.18,258.2A g

sIlL" < ryimx < ·sGjilum1(!) (6S8n): m.8A

II slit" < zyimx < ·sGjum7(?) (658i):

58.38

~ shi"g < srjll:tl8 < ·srj~"g (S12a): 164.5A, 165.1C. 19J.6A. 196.4A, 233.2A, 235.38, 237.9A. 252.9A. 305.58

1:1 sllL"8 < srjll:1l8 < ·srje"8 (812e): 258.18 !fI: shiftg < srjll:tlg < ·srjeft8 (812g): l06.2A ~ sIlL,., < srjlt:llg < ·srje"g (812b): 161.1A

The rhyme words of the ShTJ1ng

187

. . shing < syen8 < *xjeng (8218): 96.lA. 165.IC. 165.IC. 179.8A. 244.lA. 244.IA, 280.18, 301.lC. 301.IC. 3OUC. 305.58

1m shing < syin8 < *h1jing (893p): 192.4A. 237.6A, 303.1C 7f- shing < syin8 < *h(l)jing (897a): 1l7.IA, 166.6A, 190.3A, 245.8A •

shing < zyin8 < */ijing (892b): 5.2A, 226.3A, 256.60

1m shin8 see shing < syiJl8 ~ shing < zyingu < *Ljings (895a): JOO.5A.303.lC

8m shl < srij < *srjij (5591):

133.IA. 133.2A. 133.3A. 153.38, 191.3A, 191.3A, 213.18,

254.5A

~ shI < sye < *hJjaj(41'): 43.3A,74.1A Rshl<syi<*stjj(96ld'): 2OO.7A

P shl< syij < *hljij (56la): •

209.SC.254.5A

shl < syij < *xjij (552q): 153.38

UI sltI< syip < *hjilup (6913): if shl < syip < *hjilup (693a):

HE sh£ < dzye < *dje (86611):

190.1B 69.3A

197.1A (see also tl < chj

;0 sh£ < dzyek < *djAk (795a):

26.3A.IM.IC

iii shl see sJuu) < dzyd: IMsh{
~ shf < dzyi < *dji(7) (96lz): 170.6A, 193.5A, 217.2A, no.2C, 235.IB, 237.3A, 245.8B. 247.5A, 255.7A. 265.58

ift shl < syik < *stjik (92Ot):

*"

•

22O.SC,264.4A

she < zyik < *Ljik (9213): 18.2A, 74.2A. 86.2A, 109.2A, 112.2A, 121.2A, 166.5A. 200.6A, 209.1A, 209.48, 21O.3A, 245.48. 257.6C (see also sl < zjN) she < zyiJ< *Ljit (398a): 6.2A,65.38, 148.3A. 156.28, 169.18, 225.3A

~ shlseexl< xjij

~ shI < sriX < *srjil(975a): 193.4A,220.5A

if: shI < sriX < *srjil(975n):

194.6A. 194.6A, 252.78

9c shI < syijX < *hljijl(S6Oa):

180.4A,203.1A

jti shl < syiX < *h1jil(976e'):

298.38

i!i [shi] < dreA: < *drek (8775): 305.3A &: shl < dum < */isrji1(s) (9713): l3.1A, 2:05.lA, 212.IA, 237.4A, 256.IOA, 259.2A, 264.48

± shl < dzriX < */isrjil(970a):

87.2A. 1852A. 193.4A. 211.18. 235.2A, 240.48, 247.8A. 247.8A. 249.4A, 252.78. 288.1A, 290.10, 294.18, 300.88, 304.78

788

ApfHndix C

fr sJtl < duiX < ·lisrjil(97Od): ill! sJtl < dzyejH < -djats (287m):

&

191.48, 191.48, 194.6A. 204M, 244.SA 44.2A, 111.2A, 114.28, 1373A, 218.IA, 2S6.6A

sJU< dzyijXIH < ·gjijlls(SS3h): 203.1A

«f shl < dzyiX. < -djil(96ly):

202.3A

i!t shl < ryejH < -hJjops (339a):

235.28,235.18, 255.SA

is shl< ryd< -hJjAk (7900): m.1A (see also ri < drd) ill shl <.l)'d < -sljd (8ns): 4O.2A (see also [shl] < drd:) Bit shl < ryiJl < -hJjik(s) (918n): 178.ID, 203.4A, 300.58 it shl < ryiJ.: < ·hJjil (918f): 209.48, 240.4A, 243.3A, 255.5A, 259.2A, 260.2A Ii shl < ryiJ.: < ·hJji.t (92th): SO.2A il shl < syit < ·nftl (413j): 6.2A, SO.18, 733A, 89.2A, 99.IA, 99.lA, 115.3A, 124.5A, 148.3A, 156.28, 156.38, 194.78,21328, 237.IA, 245.58, 291. IE

:fl [shl] <xik. < -.lfrlji.t (913&): 1IX slt6u < rpi'N < ·xjiw (l10Ja):

178.10 128.1A, 264.IC, 267.IA

=F sMJI <.l)'IOVX < -hjul(110Ia): 31.48, 783A, 81.2A, t27.1A, t28.2A tt sMu <.l)'IlWx < ·hJjul (11028): 783A, 197.2A, 209.6C, 217.3A, 221.18, 231.2A, 231.3A, 231.4A, 233.3A, 262M

~ shOu < dzyuwH < -djw(l091e): 35.5A ~ shOu < dzyuwx < ·djul(I085a): 143.2A,200.68 •

shOu < dquwx < ·djul(1090g): 154.68, 166.68, 172.4A, 262.6A, 282.10, 283.18

r-t shOu < ryuwlf < -stjw (I099c): n,2A, 127.1A, 1792A

*$7

~ Ishul < thyu < -djo (130a): 62.18 sJui < dzyuwl.: < -djiw! (103IJ): (f}.2A, 257.58 slIM < ryo < -hJja (83J): 222.3A

tisJui
sJui < ryo < -stja (45t): 168.4A

Ii slIM < syuw! < -stjiw! (I031g):

154.6A,207.3A

U: [sJuiJ < tsyhu < -,hjo (l2Sp): 42.IA M [shUJ < 1uw < -1fr)o (I22q): 115.1A . . sltil < dzyowl < -djal: (12245): 223.6A

ft sltil < srjux < ·.d:rjo(l)1(123r): 198.5A it sltil < ryoX< ·hja1(92a): I13.1A, 113.2A, 113.3A, 154.5A •

sltil < ryox < ·hjal(93a): 113.18; 121.1A, 187.3A, 211.28, 219.1A, 291.18, JOO.1C

:8 sltil < ryoX < -.I1ja1(4511):

204.1A, 207.1A

T~ rhy~

words of I~ ShTjIng

789

. . shU see slW < srux

~ shU < dzyw/ < ·djos (l27j): 198.5A,246.6A

lff. shU < syoH < ·Sljob (804a):

*n:

166.lA, 2fJ7.2A, 209.3A

shU < syowk < ·hjok (12218): 23.2A, 46.3A, 186.4A, 229.18 shU < z)'Wit < ·Ljut (497e): 29.4A

$: [shuthl < srwit < ·srjut (4988):

178.lC, 178.2C, 178.38

!f slw4ng < sra:wng < ·sCr(j)ong (l2OCB):

mslw4ng < srjang < ·srjang (73Ig):

101.28

107.IA, 129.IA, 154.8C, 192.1A,2fJ3.28

~ slw4ng < srjangx < ·srjangl(133a): 58.48,173.2A

*

slwf < ~wijx < ·h(lJjujl(576a): 92.IA, n.2A, 104.3A, 183.1A, 183.2A

~ slwl < rywej1/ < ·hljou (324g): 23.3A

~ shul < sywej1/ < ·hljou (324q): t6.3A, lSO.3A, 264.28 (see also shuQ < sywet, yue < )'Wet)

.I'll s1ulJl < zywinJ/ < ·fjsKjuns (462c):

82.38,256.2A

~ sluuJ < sywet < ·hljot (324q): 58.30, 58.30 (see also shW < rywejH, yui < )'Wet)

fiR slwO < dzyek < ·djAk (79Se): 127.2A, 209.3A, 212.18, 259.88, 3OO.9A, 3OO.9A !!. sf < si < ·sji (973a): 3O.2A, 33.3A, 39.lA, 54.48, 58.68, 59.1A, 66.tA, 91.2A, 109.18,109.28, 186.3A, 186.3A, m.tA, 295.IA, 295.IA (see also sl < siu)

il: sf< si < ·sji (974a): 27.3A, 58.tA, 58.lA, 152.2A, 152.2A, 163.3A, 256.9A fA s( < sij < ·sjij (55Th): 2.3A, 57.1 A, 209.5C, 2t2.3A l.Ii sf < < • sje(869a): 197.IA, 199.78 (see also sf < srje) l.Ii sf < srje < ·srje (869a): 141.IA (see also sf < sje)

*

JE sf < sijX< ·sjijl(558a):

35.10, 52.3A, ItO.38

fll s1 < sill < ·sjis (973a):

t34.2A (see also s( < SJ)

~ sl< SijH < ·sfjips (509b): 241.8C

l!!I sl < sijH < ·s(p)jljlls (5ISa):

II! sl< sijJl < ·s(p)jjU (51&):

53.18 222.28

~sl
:* sl < ziH < ·zlji1.J (921a): 123.18,123.28,230.18,230.28,230.38 (see also shl < zyik) % sl < zjjX < ·zjijl(556a): 180.4A .

te sl< zjJ«

·zjil(967i): 22.lA

ie sl < ziX < ·zjik(1) (967d):

209.1A, 209.48, 212.48, 212.48, 239.4A, 245.IA, 245.2C, 245.6A, 245.88, 281.IC, 282.10, 300.38

(t.( sl < zjJ( < ·zfjil(976h):

t96.3A, 214.48, 262.48

790 Appendix C

msl< ziX < .z1ji1(97Q.): 154.IC. 212.1A. 29O.ID, 29UA ~ sl < zriX < ·uji1(91&n): SUA, 180.3A ~ sl< zriX < ·uji1(9760): 71.28. 129.3A.236.48 ~ sOng < sjowng < ·skjong (l19Oa): 84.2A

*Z •

s6l1g < sjow"gx < ·sjo"g1(1222n): 304.SA 'wlIg < SOWIIgll < ·SlUIgs (10048): 31.2A ,w"g < SJiW"gll < ·sollgs (11198): 18.2C, 88.IA

~ s611g < ZjOWIIgH < ·sgjollgs (l19
~ s6"g < zjowngll < ·zEjollgs (I 1850): 191.l0A

!l s6u < srjllW < ·srju (l09Th):

24S.1A

jf s6u < srjuw < ·srju (1097<1): 299.7A jf s6u see sOu < srjuw !¥sil<su<·SIIgo(61e): 84.IA

JisU < sjowi < ·sjot (1221a): 187.lA, 196.5B

If sU < sjvwj: < ·sjiwi (10288): 1§' sU < sjuw!: < ·sjld: (10298):

282.1B

S6.3A. 1S6.IC, IS9.3A, 188.2A.201.3A

Jj\ sU < sjllW.t < ·sjuk (103Oa): 24S.IB =-sU<sUJl<·sab(68a): 98.IA

mSU <

SUH

< ·sllgaks (769b): 26.2A

ttl su <suwA: <.soA:: (l222p):

23.2A

~ (sui] < swij < ·slljuj (3S4g): 4.lA, IOU A. 171.3A, 216.4A. 284.18

it sui < sjwejH < ·swjat(s) (3463): n.3A, 154.18, 24S.1C. 3005C i¥ sui < swijll < ·sjuls (49Oq): 141.2A, 194.4A (I sui < zwijll < ·fiswjils (?) (S33h): 6S.28,212.3C

it sui < zwijH < ·zjws(S26d): 6O.IB, 60.28. 194.4A Ii sui < rwijll < ·zjUls (S26h): 132.3A Ii sui < zwijH < ·zjUlS (S26k): 24HC &! sui < zwijll < ·zjUls (S26m): 2S7.13A if. san < SWOII <.SUI! (4348): 24.3A.209.4A

n

silII

< SWOII < ·sun (4368): 112.3A

. . sWt < swillX < ·sjUlt1(467a): 183.lA.183.2A

(!.RW < sa < *saj (5k): 22O.4C ~sw6<so<·saj(I6e): 137.2A

TMrhymewordsoftMShTJIng

791

jiJf sud < srjox < ·s(k)rjal (9Ia): 78JA, 113.18, 12l.1A, I59.2A, l80.2A, 258.4A, 263.4A, 302.1A, 305.1A

'E (td) < tha < ·hlaj (4a): 45.1A Ilk (td} < tha < ·hlaj (4c'): 195.6A, 217.IA, 232.3A :Ii Id < that < ·hlat (27Ib): 91.3A, 245.2A (see also d6 < dat) LYJ td < lhat < ·hlat (27Ie):

99.2A,99.2A

.tdi<doj<·U(939a): 172.IA

Ii tan < lhan < ·,han (147m):

259.7A,263.5A

t~ ttin < dam < ·/am (617k:): 19l.1A alton
il ttin < dam < ·lam (617p): 198.3C Ii ltin < dan <·dan (148e): 76.3A, 112JA, 1&4.18, 1&4.28 ~ Idn < thamx < ·hlam1(6I7J): 73.lA . . rldn] < lhan <·hnan (1518): 69.1A, 69.lA, 153JA, 153.2A, 153.3A

e

[Idn] < lhan <·hnan (l52c): 164.3A,250.2A

It Idn < thanH <·hnans (l52c):

39.4A,203.3A

j1,dng < lhang < ·hlang (720z): 136.lA, 303.IA, 305.2A (see also sht:'ing < syang)

II lang < thang < ·'hang (725e'):

3l.1A

~ tdng < dang < ·dang (725s): SO.2B, 88.2A, 98.3A, 114.IA, 114.2A, l14.3A, 130.2A, 146.2A, 154.8C

~ lting < dang < ·g.lang (700a): 48.IA

1M long < dang < ·g.lang (700e):

m

255.6A

tang see lUi < flU

t5 too < lhaw < ·hlu (1078b):

mtoo < lhaw < ·hlu (1078<1):

114.38 105.4A,262.IA

~ too see di1b < daWH,)'do < ~w]

mtoo <

.,60

dow < ·g-law (1145u): 64.2A,I09.IA

< dow < ·lu (1047e): 154.70

~ [til < dok < ·dik. (96lh'): 45.2A, 112.2A, 131.1A, 188.3A, 192.7A

e [til < dok < ·m: (893u): 212.28 ;ct Ii < lhok < ·hlik (918g): .I! Ii < lho! < ·hnik. (7no):

152.3A, 152.3A, 256.l2C, 264.4A, 300.30 45.2A, 253.3A, 164.4A

.Ii ling < dong < ·/iflg (893t):

128.38,300.5A

•

ti,.g < do,.g < 'Ung (893v): 193.38,300.48

i'1 tr< ,hd: < 'hid: (8SOh): 241.2C !i tI < tkj < 'tk (866n): 107:lA (see also sit! < drye) ~ t( < tkj < 'Uj(55It): 42.3A,51.2A

• tr < fNjx < 'hriJ7(597i):

35.10, 5UA, 246.1 A

m[tll
I05.2A, 1133A, 239.1A (see a1sodl < tkjX)

3O.3A

~ tl < IMjH < 'hiekJ (850m): 189.9A

fi tl < 'Mjll < 'thd:s (877e):

47.2A, 1072A

'If tl < IMjH < 'thijlts (1241J1:

265.5C

il [tll < tMjx < 'thijl(59Im):

203.1A

iltl
7(.

Ell

tidn < tNn < 'lIJjn (36"): 45.18,45.28, 65.ID, 65.20, 65.30, Jl8.IA, l3I.lC, 131.2C, l31.3C, 1783A, 184.2A, 19138, 193.78, 1943A. 1943A, 196.1A. 199.3A, 200.58, 204.7A, 2243A. 235.1A. 235.7A, 236.6A. 238.4A, 239.3A, 249.18, 252.88, 257.18, 258.IA, 259.IA, 264.IA, 264.38, 275.18, 282.IE

< tkn < 'din (3618): SO.3A, n.IA, l02.IA, 102.2A, 178.18, 178.2A, 21D.IA, 211.IA, 229.3A, 259.38, 262.5A, 264.2A

ti6.fl

no tidn < tk,. < 'din (37Sr): 17K3D Jl tidn see chin < drin )i$:

[tidnj < dLnx < 'dinl(4S3k): 43.2A,237.8A

it tido < thew < 'Mew (114Si):

1612A

~ tido<dew<'dew(113Id'): 142.IA •

tido < dnJ < 'diw(I083v): 154.4A

;iii tido < dew < 'diw (10831.): •

179.58

tido < dew < 'liw (10TIf): 117.18, 117.28

it [tido) < dewx < 'lewl(1149u): •

29I.1C

trng < tMng < 'hieng (83Sd'): 195.4A, 255.78, 258.18, 280.18

~ tfng < tkng < 'Ie,., (835b): 982A, 189..5A, 263.6C, 286.18

i! tfng < tkng < '/eng (835m):

263.38

fij t"ng < tlwwng < 'thong (I 17&): 240.2A

mI

t6ng < duwng < 'dong (1I76a): 21.18, 37.3A, 154.40, 1S4.7C, 173.4A, 179.lA. 179.58, 18028,213.38, 22O.1E,.222.4A. 263.68, 300.68

'do,., (11880):

842A

it 16ng < duwng < 'do,., (1188r):

133A

. . 16,.g
The rhymL words ofthe ShlJlng

•

793

[wng] < tsyhowng < -'hjong (118&'): 70.3A

,II tu < du < -do. (45i'):

26l.3A

Jf tu < dJl < -do. (45j'): 3.4A, 15BA tit tu < du < -do. (62e): 193.48,237.5A Ii' tU < dJl < -dJla (64a): 164.8A, 194.1C, 260.6A ~ tU < du < -w (82d'): 168.4A ~ fu < du < -w (82x): 93.2A,93.2A, 155.3A ~

±

[til] < dux < -lal(82b'): 279.1A tII < IIulx < -hfal(62a): 29.1A, 113.18, 113.18, 195.1A, 205.2A, 207.IA, 259.5A,

26158, 262.3A, 263.2A, 3OO.IC (see also till < dux)

If± lil < IIulx < -hJa1(62d): 260.5A,260.58 fw: ludn < dwaII < -don (2310): 147.lA it: tudn < dwaII < -don (23Iq): 94.1A Jt fu1 < thwoj < -"wj (575a'): 258.3A

Mtut < dwoj < -dllu.j (544b): 201.2A Mtut < dwoj < -luj (544a): 3.2A ~ [t.IU]
ll! tui < thwojH < -hnups (512a):

*'IIJ

194.4A,l94.4A

[tan) < thwoj < -thuj (464r): 178.48 tiUI

< Ihwon < -rluut (4641): 73.2A

~ [tu6) < thwajH < -hJOLr (324m): 23.3A

ft tu6 < do. < -laj (4h):

47.IA (see also [tu6] < IMII)

t8tu6<do.<-wj(4j): 18.IA

tt: tu6 < do. < -wj (4k): 22.3A, I45.1A, 232.3A ft [tu6) < thalf < -hJojs (4h): 197.78 (see also tud < 00) Jf Iu6 < IhoJ.: < -,hoJ.: (795p): 189.3A •

IuD < thoJ: < -hJal.: (79Or): 85.1A, 85.2A, 154.48, 184.IC

:a: wd < ngwZ!X < -ng

W raj1(2Oa):

189.98

~ wdi < ngwajH < -"gWals (3213): IIl.2A, 114.28, 229.5A. 260.38 ~

7[j

{wdlI) < hwon < -liJum (257m): 261.6A

it (wan] < hwan < -WQII (163a): 305.6A Ai [wdllJ < 1jwollX < -1jonl(260g): 94.IA, 102.3A. 106.3A. 151.4C

I

wdng < IIjwang < ·wjang (7391): 166.4A. 189.8A. 193.6A. 236..1A. 236.2A, 236.68, 236.68. 236.8A. 238.2A, 238.5A. 241.6A. 241.78, 243.lA. 244.7A. 249.28. 253.1A. 254.8C. 257.7A, 26l.2A, 262.2A, m.1A. 274.1A. 283.1A, 286.1C. 294.1A. 300.2A, 304.7C.305.2A

C

wdng < mja"g < ·mjang (7414): 272A, 35.48, 126.3A, 223.4A, 256.4A. 264.5C. 264.6A, 264.6A. 265.1A

tt wdng < Itjwangx < ·wjaJlg1(739lc):

257.3A

~ wdrtg < mjangx< ·mjollg1(7421): 264.6A,264.6A

E

wdng < mjang(H) < ·mjang (742i); 293A. 83.2A, 130.2A. 173.2A. 183.28. 2£E.1A.

228.48,249.28.286.1C

§'1 wdn:g < mjallgll < ·mjangs (742m):

61.1A, 136.1A, m.IA, 252.6A

.!i& wi; < 1jwij < ·1juj (574a): 164.2A, 178.48. 194.18, 198.18, 284.IC itt lwi.l < mjij < ·mjij (584<1): 26.5A. 36.1A. 36.2A, 193.18. 193.18 iii [wi.l < mjij < ·mjij (5840: 14.3A, 167.1A. 167.2A. 167.3A, 204.8A fi wii see wli < ywijr

m. wii < hjM < ·w(r)jaj (27a): 52.1A, 70.lA. 75.1A. 145.1A. 205.68, 256.5C (see al!o

-

~

wii < hi-H)

wii < Itjwij < ·wjij (57Id): 35.IC, 35.2A. 191.5C, 195.2A, 304.3A

III wii < hjwij < ·wjij (5718):

304.3A

;t wii < flpoj < ·flgllj (569J):

tI: wii < ywij < ·wftj(575n):

t. •

3.2A.2013A

245.78

wii
wii < ItjwijX < ·wjij1(571J): 42.28

. . wii < hjwijx < ·wjijl(571n): 154.3A.246.IA

if wii < hjwijX < ·wjijl(571q): 164.1A iii wii < hwijx < ·wrjil(995y): 281.18

mwii < hwijx < ·wrjil(995·): 87.2A

~ [will < ~ < ·1frljoj (357d): 2OL3A ~ wii < mjijX < ·mfijl(583a): 10.3A, 160.18, 221.28

Ii wii < ywijr < ·ljlljl(575i):

m

1043A

wii < hjwm < ·w(r)jajs (27a): 248.2A (see also wii < Itj'IW)

%ti wii < hj'IWjH < ·wrjals(342a):

39.38

mwii < hjwijll < ·wjiu (523d): 2O.3A.228.4A r.; wii < ltjwijH < ·wjiu (523-): 236:5A

ill wii < hwijll < ·(w)rjips (5391):

249.48

The rkyme words of fM ShIJrng

:Sf wti < 1jtWjH < .~uj(,) (5Th):

795

76.lB, 16.28,16.38, 1S6.2E, 254.1C, 2583A

fi wli < 1jtWjH< -1Juts (5251): 151.4A, 202.2A it wli < ywijH< -'juj,(S4Om): 403A (!Ce alsoJ( <1M)) III! will < mjiul < -mjlUt (4411): 1138,258.5A mJ wl" < mjwu{< -mjwu (44Ig): 82.38,231.88 ft (w6] < "gax < -"ga)7(2a): 123.1A,I99.28 iii wd < 1IEwl < -~ (1204g):

210.28

~ wd < .l:>wk < -:bwl (11411): 116.IA,228.2A ~ WlI < ~ < -1a (61.): 41.3A

1M. WlI < AIwi < -;W (l204a): 17.2A, 128.18, 1S4.1E, 192.3A, 192.I3A it 'IV" < mjllX < -Np(rlia1(104a): n.3A, 243.5A, 263.4A, 299.48, 300.28, J05.IA •

wIl < (mjla] < -m(j)f (?) (1030): 195.5A,231.3A

=: wIl < mjllX < -m(r)ja1(103g): 38.1A, 38.1A, 18.1A, 165.38,21838, 220.2A, 298.18 Ii WIl < mjllX< -m(r)jo~,) (13Ra): A

192.2A, 237.98, 241.88, 246M

wIl < IIgl1X < -ll8al(58a): 53.28

if 'IV" < IIgl1X < -1I8al(6Oa): IBO.2A 'IV" < mjUH < -m(r)jos (I l09J): 164.4A

a

IX ['IV"] < muwH< -m(r)jltS (1231a): ~ 'IV" < 1UH <

-'ab

IBO.IA

(B05h): 81.IA (see also l < la.t)

~ :d see tl < thLjH fI~l<sej< -sij(5921): lTI.lA ~~1<sej<-sij(594a): 51.2A

.~1<sej<-sij(596a): 51.2A

W' ~«.rei < -.rei(857c):

47.2A

iI~1<.rei<-sld(8SOn): 55.3A ~l < siJ: < -sji! (925.): 19.2A, 86.2A, 124.2A. 131.lA, 131.1A, lSO.2A, 203.3C,

.m.

205.4A,11J7.5A, 224.18, 253.3A

it ~l < tiel < -sjAJ: (798a): JOI. JD 'II ~l<~j~ < -hng(r)jaj (2z): 3OO.3E

'* ~«

~jij < -vij (?)(561d): 254.5A lIM ~l < xjij < -~jij (549c): IOO.2A, 129.2A, IRIA • ~l
796 Appendix C

tI [xii] < hWf!j < -we' (88Oc):

254.6A

mX«Up<-zjip(692b): 163.18

1ffi x( <:jet < -zljIU: (797a): iI x( < zj~t < -zljIU: (79Th):

*

26.3A,246.3A 7S.3A

~ x( < sejx < -sij1(S94g): 43.2A J:l< xiX < -J:(r)ji1(9SSa): 9O.3A, 154.1C, 17S.2A, 176.2A, 1TI,6A, 211.3A, 212.4A, 218.18, 257.10A, 300.88

~ (.l:i] < khjtd.: < -k.hrjaJ: rn6d): 22A ~ xl <

*k < -sjAk (799a): 179.4A,3OO.9A

~xl<xjp< -J:(r)jolup(67Sq): 164.7A ~ xl < xjijH < -xjils (SlSh): 20.3A, 3S.68, 249.48, 2SI.38

~J:id
8(,(

[.rid) < htrH < -gras (33g): 16S.38, 207.2A, 234.3A

a.rid < ha:1< -grat (2818): 39.38,218.IA

I.tid < Its:X < -gfHra1(36a): 136.2A,204.1A

r

.tid < ha:.x < -gra1 (35a): 15.3A, 19.3A, 31.3A, 32.3A, 125.2A, 136.2A, 137.1A, 154.5A, 156.10, 162.3A, 205.2A, 222.3A, 237.2A, 241.5C, 248.3A, 260.18, 287.IC, 298.IB

JIG xWfl see.tidn < mill !¥ xidfl see.tidn < sj~nx it xWn < sj~n < -sjan (206b):

220.3A

If.ridn < ~II < -gill (368e): 205.28,246.5A

M.ridn < [hen] < -gran

'10 restrain, train; huge' (1918): 127.3A, tTI,SA, 241.8A, 30S.6A

(see also .tian < hell < -1W~n 'leisure')

M wn < hEll < -/Wen 'leisure' (1918):

IlI.lA (see also.ridn < [hEll] < -gran '10

restrain, train; huge')

!¥ xidn < sjenx < -*n1(209a):

43.1A

ir~ xidn < h3:nx < -gran! (l91g): 55.IB,55.2B

JIG xidn < senH < -sin.s (47&8): 197.6A It JCidn < senJl < -s(k~n.s(lS6d): 217.38 &J..tidn < xjonH < -hngjans (252e): 231.28 ~ JCidn < xjonH < -xjans (2SOa): l!1.SA, 215.3A, 254.2A, 2S9.7A

ll: .tidn < zjetlH < ·zjans (?) (207a):

241.SA

.m nang < sjang < -sjang (73 la): 238.5A, 257.8A

TM rhy~ words O/IM ShIjIng

797

mri6Jlg < sjang < ·sjallg (731f): 203.6A,211.4A II xi4ng < sjang < ·snjallg (73Oa): •

46.1A, 78.1A, 168.3A, 203.5A, 203.6A

xi4ng < xjallg < ·xjattg (714c): 48.IA, 178.28, 305.2A

::§ xidng < xjallg < ·xjang (717a):

290.IH

~:dang < hB:wng <.1iknuIg (l015a): 14.IA, 168.5A, 248.4A (seealsojidng < kJr:wngH)

to¥":dang < zjong < ·z(l)jang (732n): 189.78,189.78, 264.5C, 304.tA m:dang < zjong < ·z(l)jattg (732p): 79.tA, 83.18, 83.2B, t05.3A, 146.2A

if xiAng < zjong < ·z(l)jang (132q): 46.2A,46.2A Wxidng < xjallgx < ·Jjang1(714j): 1S4.8C, 175.IA, 209.2A, 272.1A, 302.IC ¥ xidng < xjangx < ·xjang1(716a): 166.4A, 21O.6A, 283.IA, m.lC, 305.2A t! ritlng < hzwngH < ·grongs (11825): 88.1A raJ [xidng] < syangH < ·hjangs (715a): 193.6A,193.6A ljlJ xidc see;ad < sjal: •

xidc < sew < ·siw(l028i): 72.2A, 153.28, 179.7A

iI xidc < sew < ·siw (l028j): 9O.2A Ii xido < sew < ·sliw (10771): 155.4A

m

xido < sjtw< ·s(f)jtw(l149J): 79.2A,223.7A

I!l xido <.leW < .hn.g~ (l164e): G xido see [ydo) < hzw

155.4A

Ij'.D40 < sjewx < ·s(l)jew1(1149a):

itt:.tido < hZWH < ·graws (I 166.1): I: xido < sewH < ·siw(l)s (1028g):

26.4A 161.2A,223.28 69.2A,69.2A

~.xido < sjtwH < ·sjal4!s (llSOa): 30. lA, 58.58, 2S4.3A, 299.2A *.xido <xrwH < .gw (l168a): 244.38,286.1A

II xii < Mt < ·git (393y): 8.3A ii [xii] < k£j < ·bij(1) (599b): 110.38, 169.4C, 170.5A, 220.18 ~ xii < zjz< ·z(ng)jA (47a): 297.48 (see also m < ljO)

.rtn xii see:mi < xwet

2

xii < sjteK < ·sjA(.I:)1(799f): 173.1A, 214.1A, 214.1A, 218.4A

ffit xU see yl < yejH fl [xii] < k£iH < ·kreb (86la): 261.1C. 3OO3C, 305.3A Jl':.' XCn < sim < ·sjim (663a): 7.38, 27.4A, 28.38, 32.1A, 32.4A, 33.2A, 35.IA, 9I.lA, 161.3A, 186.48, 199.4A, 218.58, 229.48, 229.6A, 236.78, 241.4A, 256.98, 257.6A, 260.88,299.6A

798

Appt:ndix. C

iT .xlii < sin < *sjin (3821:): 235.1A ii.xItt < sin < *sjin(g) (382n): 32.2A, 68.1A, 92.28,

118.1A, 156.3C, 203.38, 203.38,

229.4A •

[.xlii] < ung < *ung (8321): 248.1A,290.11

W:.xlil <.xim < *:c(r)jim (653J): 245.8A KX.xlil < .xjifl < *.xjifl (443i): 248.5A

~.xln < zim < *zjim (66Ok): 149.3A -fg .x1fI < sillH < *snjills (384a): 51.3A, 92.28, 125.1 A, 191.4A, 194.3A, 2OO.3A (see also [.xln] < syin) -fa [.xlii] < syin < *hfljin (384a): 31.58 (see aIso.xln < sillH)

m.xing < Sl!ng < *sl!ng (81b): 21.IA, 21.2A, 55.2A, 258.8A

".xlilg < ring < *.x(r)jing (889a): 128.38, 166.3A, 183.3A, 189.68,236.78, 237.6A

h

.xlng < ha:ng < *grang (7483): 3.1A, 31.1A, 41.lA, 54.3A, 83.2A, 88.3A, 133.38, 154.28, 156.20, 161.18, 183.28, 193.2A, 199.2A, 2:05.48, 218.5A, 234.IA, 236.2A, 236.68, 237.7A, 250.1A, 255.6A, 259.68, 270.1A, 288.18 (see also Mng < Mng, (.x(ng) < hB:1lgll)

h [.xlng) < hzngH < ·grtJIIgs (7483): 33.4A, 58.48 (see also Mflg < Mng,.x!ng < h.rmg) JfIJ .xlng < hl!ng < *gl!flg (Wib): 255.78, 256.3A, 269.18

tt .xing < sjl!ngH < ·sjI!ngs (812q):

11.2A, 119.2A, 191.6A

~ .xiOng < .xjowng < *:c(r)jong (1183a): 7O.3A ~ wng < .xjowng < ·:c(r)jong (1183c): 191.5A, 191.10A, 299.6C

R. xiOng < .xjwa:ng < *hwrjtJIIg (765a):

ttt (.xWng) < hjuwflg < *wjiflg (8871):

49.18, 76.2A, 110.3A, 187.2A, 241.3C, 241.78

190JA, 192.5A

{~.xia < sjuw < *sljiw (lone): 69.2A

t*.xill < .xjuw < *.x(r)ju (I070a): 9.1A, 114.38, 114.38, 157.3A, 176.4A, 193.88, 194.58, 252.2A, 253.2A, 253.2A, 262.6A, 292.18, 304.4A

fj :cW < .xjuwx < ·.x(r)ju1(104lm): 291.10 • .rill see chOu < IsyhuwlI lI.rill < sjuwH < *sjiw(l)s (I028e): 116.2A 3'§.rill < sjuwlI < *sljus (l095a): 245.5A Q".rill < zjuwH < ·zjus (1079n): 120.2A,245.5A

..IS: (Jli] < lhjo < ·lh(r)ja (78a):

5O.2A

:w: .xa < sjo < *sngja (9Oe): 215.1A, 215.2A, 261.3A tJf .xa<.xju<*hw(r)ja(97c): Uf .xa < .xju < *hw(r)ja (97u):

3.4A . 199.5A,225.5A

The rhYmI! words of the ShIJlng 199

if ..tU < Kju < ·hw{r)ja (97v): $

245.4A (see also xiI < Kjux)

xU < tjo < ·z(ng)ja (47a): 41.18,41.28,41.38 (see also.til < tjz)

mm <

sjox < ·sngjal(9Of): 119.lA, 165.38, 165.38, 173.1A, 214.IA, 218.4A, 248.3A

;¥ m <xjox< ·hn8(r)jal(6Oi):

68.3A, 243.5A, JOO.8A (see also hi1. <xux)

if m < xjux < ·hw(r)jal(97,,): 261.58 (see also xu <xju) ff- m <xjux < ·hw(r)jal(97d'): 235.58 mm < xjux < ·hw(r)jal(98c): 121. lA, 137.1A, 162.3A, 187.3A 1!fI. XJl < swit < ·swjit (410e): 169.48,202.38, 257.5A 'it XJl < Kjuwk. < ·x(r)jul (?) (l0l8a): 188.2A, 202.4A ilfD: xU <xjwit < ·hwjil (4IOd):

244.3A

II xU < zjowlc < ·ujok (l023u): •

128.18,291.10

XJl < zjowk < ·zljok (1023,,): 100.3A

mXJl < zjoX < ·zja1(?) (455): 263.2A, JOO.IC, 300.28, 305.IA Ji: XJl < zjox < ·zljal(89n):

165.2A

. . XJl < zjoX < ·zljal(890): 104.2A, 226.4A, 226.4A

:a:

xudIl < S~ll <

·swjall (l64t): 250.2A, 259.18, 262.4A

ff [xudIl] < xjon < ·xjatl (139g'):

177.5A

. . xudn <xjwitn < ·hwjtll (25&): 97.IA

ii xudIl < xjwon < ·hwjan (255k.):

55.1B, 55.2B, 56.lA

ua: (xudn] < XjwollX < ·hwjaIl1(164q):

55.IB,55.2B

It xuan <~ll(H) < ·/rwtn(s) (228lc):

298.3A

~ xu6n < hwtn < ·8will (3668): 234.2A

it xu6n < z~n < ·liswjtn (256k):

97.1A, lll.lA

~ (XUtfn] < S;-lIH < ·sjon(1)s (4331): 106.3B (see also xudn < sjwtllX) ii XUtfn < S~1lX < ·sjonl(4331): 26.3B (see also (xudn] < sjwtllH) 14IJ .lUi < sjal; < ·s(/)jtwk (1l49c'): 2575B

7\ xui < hWl!I < ·wil (409a):

73.3A, 131.18, 131.2B, 131.38,237.IA

~ xu! < sjWtl < ·sjot (ma): l50.3A

rm nil! <xjak < ·hng(r)jawk(III8d): 55.38, 95.1C, 95.2C, 254.4A, 254.4A ' " nil! < xjwit't < ·hmjtl (294a): 192.8A

Jfn. nil! < XWt'1 < ·hwil (4lOa):

194.78

•

%Un <xjun < ·xjun (461a): 248.5A

•

%Un <xjun

< ·xjun (461e): 258.5A

800 Appetldiz C

JJ: ~] <xjwon < ·zjon (46IJ):

199.7A

iij [Din) < swin < ·.rwjiJI (392p): 16J.5A ~ [Din]
tu .DIl < zwiJI < ·6swjiJI (392a):

257.18

~I zWt
3U yd < ngll:H < ·lI8ra(k)s (601): 12.IA (soc also JI2 < fIgjoH) !i [}dill < Itjen < ·~r)jM (2001.): 125.1B, 1252B, 12538 ")'dn < IlgII:m < ·lCgram (6071): 191.1A. 300.6A Ift)'dn < ngrlt < ·lCgr(Jlt (199c): 473A. 2S6.7A 1I)'dn < ngjll:m < ·"g(r)jam (60Th): 305.4A ~ ydn < ngjon < ·ngjaJI (25la): 39.3A, S6.1A, SS.2A, SS.2A, 76.3A, 86.IA, 125.18, 125.18, 125.28, 125.28, 125.38, 125.38, 139.3A, 197.8A, 2OO.4A, 219.IA, 241.8A

II ydn < ngjzmx < ·lIgrjomJrn (607k); It ydn < "gj~rtX < -"g(r)jaII!(252h):

145.3A

25O.2A

m[)dn] < yeltH < -rans (l97a); 254.80 (llCC abo}dls < JertX) m1dn < Jt!rtX < ·raJl1(197a): 16S3A (see abo IJdrtJ < Jt!rtH)

• Jdn < 1znH < ·1t"ans (146C); SS.6A, S03A ~ Jdn
ydlt < !eNI < ·!e1lS (253b): 58.6A,21738

. . ydn < "gl1:llll < -"graJIS (l86a): 34.3A,82.IA

~ ydn < "gj~NI < -"grjaJIS(I99I): SO.3A

:* ydJlg < 1jan.g < -~aJlg (7IBa);

*

129.1A. 182.1A, 283.1A (see abo [)dng] < ~..,.g)

IJUrtg] < 1jltllg < .1t"jaJtg (71Ba): 168.3A. 171.48, 1782B (see abo yiJJtg < 1jaJtg)

$. )'drt,g < ytJIII < .(l)jaIJg (7321):

lS4.8C, 2092A, 211.2A

t¥ ydJlg < JQII8 < .(I)jang (732h):

236.8A. 3OO.4A

Jf. ydJlg < yang < ·miMg (7321); N\ ydrtg < ytJ1Ig < ·ljartg (72Oe):

192.1A, 257.7A

19.1A, 67.IA, 973A, 134.1A, 154.28, 154.30, 167.38, 169.le, 177.48, 241.6A, 250SA, 250.5A, 252.98, 283.IA, JOO.2A

mydrtg < yaJlg < .ljartg (720J): 78.2A, 94.2A, ICkS.lA, lOfi.lA, 154.38, 183.28, 203.7 A, 236.8A, 250.lA, 299.68

tI ydJlg <)1aJIg < -ljartg {72Oq}: 1263A, 140.lA, In.2A II ydng <)WIg < ·ljatlg (72Ot): 2612A ilU ydng < 'lgjangX < ·ngjatlgl(ffI9c):

205.58,218SA

The r1ry1M worth of the ShlJIng SOl

•

Jdtrg < yaJlgX < ·(I}jaItgl(732J): 44.IA

*)'do

< ,lJew < ·~r!iaw(1141.): 3218

J! 'yiJo < ,lJiew< ·~(II"2a):

85.28

. . 'yiJo < .lJiew < ·.lJew (1142d): 154.4A

U lJdol < 1ut:w< ·sraw (l161e):

109.IA. 192.12A.2183A

my60 : 65.18, lS5.4A !Ii )'do < yew < ·ljaw (l144i):

64.2A.250.28

ifi )'do < yn.o < ·ljaw (l144J):

109.1A

ii )'do < yn.o < ·ljaw (l144k):

79.2A. 146.1A. 186.1A

1tJ)'do <

lYn'J < ./ju (1041d):

61.2A. 299.58 (see alsodJo < dawu)

~ }do see Joo < .lJiew
.}do

. . ydo < yewH < ·ljatewis (I 12Ai): 1463A

If yl <)'1l:X < ·'jAl(83l):

28.18, TI3A. 124.lA. 1442A. 154.SA. 156.lD. 181.1A. 184.IA. 201.lA. 2343A. 236.7A. 250.3C. 297.1A.291.2A.. 2913A. 297.4A. 30028

1l)'l<1rt<·!t(395b): 65.38

• 'P
)'1 sec jl <

tsip

.f5f yl<.lJe < ·1I'r)joj (Ig'):

114.4A

Jt )'1 < .lJe < ·trr)joj (lh'):

SS.tA, 191.2A. J01.IA (see also (yf] < 1jeH)

Jii (yl] < 1jeH < ·1I'r)jajs (Ih'): -

179.6A (see also JI < ~)

JI < .lJil < ·.lJil (3941): 141.3A, IS2.IA. IS2.IA

ti. JI < 1jij < ·.lJij (5508):

23A. 26.SA. S7.lA, 88.4A. IOO.2A, 133.tA. 133.2A, 133.3A. 147.2A, 154.IA. 1S4.2A, 156.18. 159.4A

tl{ JI < iJij < ·1jij (SSOO:

161.SA, 161.6A, 19S.2A. 250AA. 250.4A. JOO.IA

.)'1 < rtgje < ·rtg(r)jaj (2u): 4SolA, 52-IA. S2.lA. 156.4D. 174.4A, 176.1A. 189.98. 22O.4E. 241AA, 256.58, 256.8A R)'l < flgje < ·f1g(r)jaj (218): 47.tA, 7S.lA. 82.2A, 214.4A, 216.IA. 238.28. 248.2A. JOO.3E. 303.1E

it)'l < ye < ·ljaj (41): 18.IA (sec also shi < TJz) J8)'/
lli)'1
231.3A

!!JI)'1 <)'Ij < ·ljij (551.): 14.3A. 9O.IA. 168.6A, 191..5C. 257.2A, 284.IC

802 Appendix C •

yt < yij < ·/jij (55 Ie): 57.IA

~ yt < yij < ·ljij (55IJ): 204.8A

it yt < ywij < ·ljuj(54Om):

201.2A, 258.3A, 258.3A (seeaIso wii
f'j yl see yi < 1je

*

yl < hix < ·/ijil(9761): 141.18, 177.6A, 193.5A, 213.IA, 213.2A, 213.3A

J;t yl < yix < ·ljil(976a):

B

22.1A. 22.IA, 35.3A, 37.28, 290.10

yl < yix < ·ljil (977a): 27.1A,90.3A. 110.18, 129.3A, 141.18, 172.3A, 191.48, 198.2C', 235.2A, 262.68

II yi < 'kjH < ·lelijs (5890: 241.28 Ii yl < 'kjH < ·lits (395i): 3O.3A, 3O.3A = ,~ yl < !fH < ·1(r)jib (957a): 192.lOA

lQJ yl
220.38,249.3A

{! yl < !fA: < ·1(r)jiA: (957e): 112.2A, 200.IA, 209.48, 235.48, 249.2A

is yl
128.2C

~ yl < 1jkA: < ·ljd (8498): 40.2A.254.68 U yl < ngeA: < ·ngeA: (855h): 142.2A yi < ngjeJl < ·ng(r)jajs (2v): 189.98,205.68

m

f"\ yi < ngjit < ·ngj·i/ (5I7m):

24LSC

>t yl < ngjojll < ·ngjalS (347c):

195.58 (sec also di < f1gajll)

t; [yl] < seA: < ·sfeA: (8500:

192.6A

..m yl < yeH < ·ljeks (8503):

199.6A, 235.68 (see also yl < yet)

1m yl < yejll < ·Ijals (339h): 111.2A, 253.4A, 254.28 ;zn yi < yejH < ·ljeps ('1) (339k:): 194.2A ~ yl < yeA: < .jAk. (8OOd): 179.4A, JOO.9A. 301.10 ~yl
yl < yek < ·ljAk (79Oc): 191.8A, 217.18,254.20, 301.10

ft yl < yeA: < ·ljAl (79Od): li yl
2.2A, 278.18, 297.38, 299.78. 3Ol.1O

.J11 yl < yd < ·Ifrt (8503):

254.68, 26I.1C (see also yi < yeu)

Wyi < yiH < ·Ijw (9548):

42.38,188.38

179.4A, 297.38, JOO.7A

.1 yl
-t yi < yit < .'jiJ.: (91&3.):

48.2A

The rhyrM words of the ShTjTng

803

II yl < yik < ./jik. (954<1):

121.2A, lSO.2A, 151.2A, 167.5B, 177.3B, 178.10, 189.4A, 209.1A. 210.3A, 216.2A, 229.7B, 235.3A, 236.3A, 237.5B. 245.3A, 246.8A, 252.5A, 252.5A, 2602A, 263.5C, 305.5A

ia yl
149.3A, 186.4B,

208.4A. 240.1B, 241AA, 252.1B, m.8A

~ yln < 1fm < ·;fr)jum (651y): 154.8A

~Yln<~in<·~in(448a): 4O.IA ~ yin < ~in < ·ljin (44Be): 192.12B, 257 AA

If yin < ~jn < ·~jn (37Of): 51.3A II yin < ~jn < ·~jn (37Og): 163.5A ~ yin < ljin < ·1jin (483g): 268.1A

a;: ycn see yin < 1fmH

51 ycn < yinx < ·fjln7(371a): 209.60, 265.5C I': yin < 1fmH < ·;fr)jums (654a): 250.4C Jrt yin
-

, . yIng < ling < ·;fr)jing (89Oe): 128.3B,300.5A ~

ylng < ljtmg < .7rjaJ1g (718k): 79.1A, 832A, 98.3A, 108.2A, IOS.2A

~ yCng < hjw;mg < ·wrjeng (843k.): 55.2A,98.2A

•

[yEng] < ljwieng < ·7Njeng (843h): 4.3A

lEI ying < yeng < ·(l)jtng (815a): til ymg < yeng < ·(l)jeng (81Se): .I{ yCng < yeng < ·(l)jtng (816f):

it ymg <)'Weng < ·wjeng (843f):

123A, 34.2A, 95.2A, 96.1A, 179.78, 256.lOB, 291.1F 189.5A 258.8A 227.4A, 242.1A, 259.4A

. . y6ng see eMIIg < Irhjowng

It y6ng < ?jowng < ·;fr)jong (1l84c):

173.4A, 278.1A, 282.1A

. . y6ng < ?jowng < ·;fr)jong (1184)): 242AA, 242.5A, 244.6A •

y6ng

< 1jowng < ·;fr)jong (l184m): 185.3A

JI [yQng] < ljowngx < ·7(r)jong7(1184h): •

206.3A

[yQng]
.If [yQng] < yowng < ·ljong (l18511):

48.3A,70.3A, 101.2B, 101.28, 259.3A, 3OO.3A

~ [yQng] < yowng < ·ljong (1185z): 17.3B, 241.7C

It y6ng < ngjowng < ·ng(r)jong (l24p):

177.3A

804

AppendUC

i* (y6"g) < ltjwagH < ·wrjalfgs (764J1:

'*

9.IC, 9.2C. 9.3C

16ttg < Itjwngx < ·.,.".jattgl(764a): 9.1 8, 9.28, 9.38

~ 16ttg < )'OWttgx < ·'jo"gl(118Sk): 198.68.304.5A

.m J6ttg <)'OWttgH < ·ljol'lgs (118Sa):

19S.18

Ii 16" < ~iw(xJ < ·1frJjiw(1) (I 11Sc): 228.3A IE ~u < 1j1n4' < ·1(rJju (107la): 26.IA, 39.48, S4.l8, S9.4A, 6S.IC, 6S.2C, 6S.3C. 70.2A. 114.38, 116.2A, 167.28, 193.88, 223.8A, 253.2A, 2S7.IA. 264.68

fI y61l < 1juw < ·1(r)jIl (I07Id):

264.68,304.4A

~ (JCJw] < yln4' < ·ljiw (lone): 39.48, S4.1 8. 179.7A

:t y6w < hjln4' < ·wji (996a): S4.48,204.4A it 16w < hjln4' < ·wji (996<1): 27.3A f6 1614 < hjuw < ·wji (997a): 220.48 t!Ii y6u < yUill < ·ju (1080f): 3S.4A,2S2.2A it y6u < yuw < ·ju (l(lWg): 26.lA, 39.48, S9.4A, 123.2A, 262.1A, 263.3A Ii y6u < yuw < ·ju (l096r): 21.28, 178.4A, 189.18, 195.3A, 208.3A, 229.2A, 244.38 ?f:)'6u
tii )'61.1 <)'JIW < ·/ju (12Sp):

245.7A

m[yOu) < yln4'x < ·ju1(1096j): 238.JA ~ 161l < hjuwX < ·wjil(995e): I.4A,34.4A, lTI.6A. 177.6A. ISO.3A, 183.18, 194.6A, 218.18, 249.4A. 256.6C

=tf y6u < hjllwX < ·wjiJ (9950):

8.IA, 71.28, 170.38, 170.6A, IBO.3A, 204.6A, 211.3A. 214.48,214.48.250.68,298.38,300.88,303.18

~ 161l < JIlWx < ·/jlL1(l09Sd): 2122A

X J6w < hjuwH < ·wji(i)s (995a):

mJ6w

171.4A, 196.2A, 220.2C, 22O.SC

< hjuwII < ·wji(i)s (995q): 209.1A

1m y()1l < Itjllwll < ·wji(i)s (995u):

242.2A

ti ~u < hjUWX!H < ·wji1(s) (995i):

59.2A, 129.3A, 17S.2A, IBO.3A, 211.3A, 214.48,

235.18, 237.4A, 2S8.7A

aJj

(ydul < yuwx < ·ljlL1(l095e): 23.18

~ yw see)'6u < yuw

th. yu < "gjo < ·"g(r)ja (79a): 190AA, 19O.4A, 261.3A, 281.1A, 297.48 IH YII < IIgju < ·lIg(r)jo (I24g): 2S6.1A NIl yu < IIgju < ·lIg(r)jo (l24i): 42.1 A, 1182A, 230.2A, 256.1 A t't yu < llgiU < ·lIgw (r»o (59g): 93.2A ill: yu < "gju < .llgW(rJja (59h):

25.1A, 2S6.5A. 258.6A, 300.28

The rhyme words of the ShIJUl&

It. yli < yo < ./ja (82.1):

805

135.1A, 225..5A

.yu
7

)'Ii < [yo) < -lja1(8Ja): 141.28. 155.2A, 192.9A. 201.1A, 204.1A. 258.4A (see also y~ <)'Ox)

t:fyu
it yu < yu < -Uo (125h):

SO.IA,254.8B

~ [yul
myl1 < hjux < -w(r)ja1(lOOa}:

28.18,35.18,51.28, 104.2A, 155.2A, 192.9A, 201.1A,

207.1A, 211.28

~ yjJ < "gjox < -ttgfrJja1(58I): 139.2A, 17J.IA, 189.2A, 220..58, 250.3C ' " yJ1 < "gjOX < -"g(r)ja1(Sla}: 257.48.280.IA

~ ya < "gjUX < -",w(r)ja!(590: 38.1A •

ya < "gjUX < -"gW(r)ja1(59J1: I80.2A

III ya < "gjUX < -/IgW(r)ja1(o59k): 261.058 ¥ [yll) < xj", < -hw(r)ja (970): 189.38

7

yl1 <)'Ox < -ljal(83a): 053.28. 222. lA, m.1A, 222.lA. 222.3A (see also yli < [yo))

Jq ya <)'Ox < -lja1(89b):

22.2A, 22.2A, 37.2A, 125.2A, 207.4A

¥ yu see [y1I) < xj", .it yu < IoviJ.: < -wrja (929re):

124.2A

~ yu < IoviJ.: < -wrja (929n): 18.2A •

yu < Irwol:JIrwil < -w(rj)i,k (929r): 199.8A

~ yu < 1jUlI < -1(rJiob (l242a): 164.6A II yu < 1j1Ul < -1(r)jos(l22p): 223.5A , . yu < 1j1lWk < -1(r)juk. (l0405a): 207.3A

11 yu < 1j1
I22.2A 154.6A

~ yu < 1j1lWi < -,WjU: (my): 2103A II yu < 1IgjoH < -"g(rJjab (601): 78.28, 2273A, 246.3A (see also)d < "grll)

-=

yu < "Iiowk. < -"g(r)joA: (1215a): 17.2A. 17.2A, 196.58

3!. yw < tlgjowk. < ·tlg(r)jok. (1216a):

23.2A, 1083A, HIl.3A, 128.18, 184.2C, 18MA

~ yw < tlgjox < ·ttg(rJiGl«J)p): 1313A,260.S8

9

[YuJ < yo < .ljtJ (89i): 26I.SC (see also)'12 < ')011)

•

yl1 <JOH <·ljas(83e): 254.8A

Wyl1 < JOH < ·ljos (89i):

218.28,278.18 (see also ()U] < yo)

~ yl1 < JIIII < ·ljoks(l202.h): 223.3A

ff yu <)VW.I: < .ljwJ.: (1020a): fi! [yI1J
3SSB. 202.4A, 24S.18 192.2A

. . [y11] < yux < ·ljol{12SJ1: 192.2A,223.3A

ffi yuan < 1jwien < ·fNjen (22&):

14S.2A

-

~ yudl!
A yudn see yUn < ItjUrI

tB yudn < Irjwon < ·wjQII (164m):

ti yudn < hiwon < .wjQII (2.5SC):

S8.2A, 197.8A, 244.4A, 254.7A

2415A

(II yudn < hjwon < ·wjQII (256b): 76.3A,1273A,I84.18,184.28 ffl{ yudn < ngj"WOn < ·ngwjGn (2SSa): 137.2A, 164.3A, I77.SA. 241.6C, 2.50.2A. 250.2A, 250.3A,2S0.SB

ii: JudII < ItjwollX < ·wjanl (2.561):

89.IA, 1S8.2A, 16S3A, 169.38, 223.1A, 223.2A, 254.1A. 254.IA, 256.12B (9OC also)"Udll < ItjwoflH)

*i y/Min < hjwrfIH < ·wrjtJtu (2.5Sg):

47.3A

~ y/Min < hiwofIH < ·wjQIIS (2.56f): 54.2A, 229.IA (see also yudn < ItjwollX) ~ y/Min < 1jwoflll < ·~fIS(26Oc): S8.6A. '2013A

In [yuafl) < !jwOIlX< ·~on7(26Od): 128.3A H yudn < /IgjwOflH < ·tlgjoflS (NI): 94.IA ~ yw see Ii < laJ:

il.'C yw < Itjwot < ·wjlJt (303d):

304.6A

~ yw < Itjwot < ·wjoJ (3Ole): 304.2A

.ij yw < ngjwot < ·flgwj
mylli < yak < ·ljoJew.l: (11241): 242.3A , . ylli < yak < ·lfrw.l: (I 119c): 38.28

IJlJ yui < ywet < ·ljol (324p): 1S03A IDi. yJd < 1"«t < ·ljol (324q): 14.2A, 31.4A. 225.2A (9OC also s1UJ.l < rywejH. s1UJ.lJ < ~~

R yUn < ItjJUI < ·wjifl (227a):

.

93.1A

The rhyme words of lhe ShiJ"Tng

807

z;;. yWi <: hjUII <: ·wjin (46Oa): 192.128, 199.IA

ir yUn. <: hjUII <: ·wjin (46Ob):

93.1A, 93.IA, l04.1A, 21O.2A, 26L4C

ti. yUn <: hjUII <: ·wjifl (46Oe): 290.18 Ji yiln <: hwinx <: ·wrj'n(7) (227g): 58.4A, 237.8A (see also yiln <: ~UfIX) Ji yiln <: 1jUfIX <: ·1"'jifl?(227g): 197.6B (see also yiln <: hwinx) iI ylUl <: ?junH <: ·?j1UlS (426e): 237.88 ~ Wi

<:

/$Oj <: ·tsi (943v): 58.68, 66.IA, 109.18, 109.28, 130.1A, 227.2A, 265.7A,

288.1A

$: u'Jj <: l$OjX <: ·tsi7(965b):

193.4A,258.7A

:t£ Wi <: drojx <: ·dzi?{943i):

197.3A

•

Wi <: /sojH <: ·tsi(k.)s (943a'): 168.1A, 169.4A, 175.2A, 192.lOA, 203.3C, 230.18, 230.28, 230.38,237.58, 239.4A

~ zQng <: IstJIIg <: ·tsang (727t): 140.1A "Wng <: tsang <: ·/stJIIg (727f'): 33.4A, SO.28, 942A, 97.3A, 106.IA, 193.2A,2IL2A, 217.28,257.8A, 297.18, JOO.4A

M uJng <: dulngH <: ·/ilShtmgs or ·/israngs (?) (727g):

R:do <: tsaJ: <: ·tsawk. (I128a):

mz40

193.6A (see also caflg <: dzang)

116.1A

<: /sawx <: ·tsaw?(lI34n): 15.1B, 221.1 A, 221.2A, 221.3A, 299.2A

. . zdo <: /SQWX<: ·tsuJ{lOSOa): 154.68

-§ zOO <: tsawx<: ·tsu?{1l12d):

154.8B

~ zdo <: dzawx <: ·dzu.?(105Ia): 70.2A, 75.2A, 240.48, 286.1A

.!{! zdo <: dzawx <: ·dzu.?{I054a):

tl zi <: drd <: ·lraJ: (7900): JlU zt <: /SOk <: ·/su:' (906a):

212.2A

133.2B, 18L2A (see also shi <: syd:) 177.2A, 192.7A, 241.7A, 243.3A, 252.5A, 256.28, 256.88,

260.1A, 260.2A, 299.4A

fl= zt <: Isrld; <: ·tsrak. (806p): 290.1A If zi <: Isra <: ·tsrlj)ek (868q): 55.3A M. zii <: drok. <: ·dziJ: (907a): 212.28,256.88, 257.7B

ra un see jidn <: tsemH

:lI zing <: tsong <: ·/siflg (884c): 1ft' zing <: tsong <: ·tsiflg (884d):

e

166.3A, JOO.5A 96.3A,192.4A

ung <: drong" <: ·ch'flgs (884j): 82.3A

% zMi <: drld: <: ·draJ: (780b):

l8l.2A, 24I.1A, 259.28, 300.7A

. . zhAi <: /srejH <: ·tsrlj)els (337h): 224.28,264.18

It lMn < tsyem <.tjam (619a):

226.2A, 300.6A

. . lMn < tsyem <.tjam (619c): 19I.1A,257."

SK lMn < tsyOI <.tjan (lSOc): 125.18,125.28,125.38 8. [UIdn] < trjeflll < ·trjalt(1)s (2Ola): 47.3A fj zMn < tJTDPIX < ·tJT}am1(61la): 11 UIdn see ddn < 10m

191.1A

~ 1MJtg < Irjang < ·trjaltg (72lh): 220.10, 2.SO.lA, 261.2A ~ lMng < trjang < • trjaltg (721 i): 259.68 •

zMJig < tsyaItg < .'jong (723a): 1TI,48, 203.6A. 214.2A, 214.2A. '225.IA, 238.5A, 249.28, 2S6.4A, 261.2A, 283.1A

1; zJulng < tsyong < ·tjang (723h):

#

189.8A, 238.2A, 252.6A

zMng < tsyongx < ·tjCJllgl(J25J): 205.58

M zMo < lrjew < ·trjaw (I 143a):

m

58.5A, 61.2A, 186.lA (see alsocMo < drjew)

zMo < tsyal: < ·tjawk (1l3In): 192.11 A

lIB zh40 < tsyew < ·tjaw (I 131m): 161.2A. 256.1IA (see also (zMo] < tsyewx) lIB [zMo] < t.1)'n'x < ·tjawl(1I3Im): 299.2A (see also zMo < tsyew)

m{zhao) < tryewH < ·tjaws (l13Ip): 242.3A (seeaIso zMo < U)'eWX) tB zMo < t$Jewx< ·tjawl(1131p):

m

192.11A (see also (zMoI < uyewH)

zNJo see [lido] < dn>x

:g zhdo
100.18

":Ado < drjewX< ·drjawl(1145c): 168.2A ;rl :Ado < trlf;WH < ·trawb (11261): 171.IA

!if zNJo < '$Jewu < ·tjaws (11310):

143.3A

is zM < drei < ·drd: (877u): 40.2A ti [zhl) < ~ju < ·,jQlS (287i): 182.2A ~ [zhl) < tsyejH < ·'jQlS (287J): 140.2A . . [zhl] < tsyhip < ·'hjip (685g): 5.3A

:ti zlll < tsyrx< ·/jAl(45a):

118.3A, 118.3A, 226.4A, 297.1A. 297.2A, 297.3A, 297.4A

~ zhJ see zM; < dra::k

*0 zhi < tsya~1I < ·tjAb (7951): 241.20 fI [zllll'l] < thrin < ·ibrjin (3801): 219.3A M [zllll'l] < trjeng < ·trjeng (834J): 268.1A M. [:IIlI'l] < trjeng < ·trjeltg (8341): 235.38 •

zMl'I < tsrin < ·'srji.1t (38Of): 38.3A,152.4A

The rhyme words of the ShTjTng

809

11 Uti,. < urilt < ·tsrjilt (38Og): 8UA, 190.48 II Uti,. < urilt < ·tsrjilt ~): 194.3A. 224.3A, 258.IA •

Uti,. < urilt < ·tsrjilt (Jmi): 63A

Ii Uti,. < UyiJt < ·tjilt (4SSp): S.IA tt Uti,. < ts}'imX < ·KjIurt1(6S6g): 14S.3A It Vt/" < tsyI1IX < ·tjil!1(4S3d): 290.18 •

Uti,. !ICC U!bt. < tsyilt

T

Uti,.S < trOIS < ·tre,.g (83311): 1.1 8. 16S.1A

*iE

thing < tsTDiS < ·Isr(j)vls (81Ia): 19S.4A. 262.28. 302.18 zhillS < ISJeItlJ < ·'jellg (833j): 106.2A. 189..5A, 258.8A (!ICC abo ~tt8 < tsyett8H)

tiE zhillS < UyeItlJ < ·,jellg (8330): •

ZI.I A. ZI.2A, 179.8A, 196.4A

zltlllS < fSying < ·tjiflg (89611::): 190.3A,l92.4A

1E ZhJlIS < tsyefigH < ·ljeflgs (833J1: 191.9A, 244.18 (see also zhLfig < /Syefl8) ik ZhJlIS < /Syefl8H < ·,jeflgs (833r): 191.6A.256.3A 9IJ ill < trje < ·'rje (863a): 6O.lA, 141.1A, 148.1A. 191.5A, 199.6A, 199.78

X zM < tJ)'t' < • .tje (864a):

60.1 A

tt zItI < Isye < •.tje (864b): L

148.IA, 197.sA

zJtl < tsyi < ·'ji (962a): .54.48, 59.lA, 109.18. 109.18. 109.28. 109.28. 128.20, 2OO.1A. 288.IA, 294.18. 29S.1A

Ii zJr1 < tsyij < ·kjij (S52g): 51.2A. 245.7B ift zJr1 < tsyij < ·tjij (S9Op): 304.3A . . zJr1 < uya < ·tjiJ:. (920£): '264.4A •

zltJ!ICC [:hi] < tsyhip

ill zltJ < driJ; < ·drjiJ:. (9193): SO.2A, 112.2A, 113.28,1ff1.5A, 237..58, 259.8A It zItI see [dl] < lsyijX if 1M see (dl] < lsyijX it zItI see qC < gjie M: [zM < trhiX < ·'hrjil(96lk): In.6A. 1982C. 241.48. 262.48. 282.IH, 300.88 ~ zh( < tsyijx < ·kjijl(SS2a): 170.28. 170.SA, 220.18

~ zItI < tsyijX < ·kjijl(5S2f): 51.18

l.l: zM < tsyix < ·'jil (961a):

3S.3A, 52.2A, 52.2A, 110.18. 162.4A, 183.18. 185.2A, 195.SA. 197.3A, 209.58, 211.18, 211.3A, 212.4A, 213.1A, 213.2A, 213.3A, 235.4A. 236.48, 237.4A, 245.1A. 252.78, 25S.SA, 2S6.12A, 258.1A. 261.4A, 265.4A. 288.1A. 29S.IA.303.1D

iii:. zItI < ISyix < ·(jil(96lg):

II.IA. 1.54.IC

810 Appendix C

iIt zhl < IsyiX < *tj;7(961h): ffl zhl see ch£ < dri

nJA, 129.3A, 176.2A

:w zhJ< drijH < *drjijs (596e): 212.2C.212.38 ~ zhl< drit < *frjil (402f): 220.38. 249.3A

tt zhl < trit < *trjit (413f):

29I.1E

~zhl
mzhl < tsrit < */Srjit (399g): 291.1E JJ< zhl < tsyZiI < *ljAks (191a): 209.3A (see also zhl < tsydc) JJ< zhl < tsyd < *tjAJ: (791a): 231.38, 246.4A (see also zhl < IsyZll) ~ zhi < tsyiju < *tji/S (413a): 156.38. 169.48,202.38

i! [zMng] < dzuwng < *dzUIIg (l0l0f): 248.4A Jfl zhOng < trjuwng < *k-/jung (lOO7a): 13.2A, 36.28,48.18,48.28,48.38, 50.IA. 128.28, 239.2A, 265.68

•

zhOng < tsyowng < *tjong (1188g): 242.4A,242.5A

$! zhOng < Isyuwng < *tjUIIg (1002e):

247.3A,255.18

li zhOng < lsyuwng < *tjUIIg (1002f): 14JA,I68.5A 11 {zMng} < dzyowngx < *djong7(1I88k): 198.68 !I! zhOng see chOng < drjuwng itfJ zhOng < drjuwngH< *g-ljUIIgs(IOO7f): 31.2A tR zhOu < trjuw < *trju (l084g): 128.1A .i.J zhOu < tsyuw < *tjiw (10833): 123.2A, 153.28 ffl zhOu < Isyuw < *tj" (l084a): 26JA, 35.4A, 59.4A, 176.4A ?J+I zhO" < IsyUW < *Ij" (1086d):

UA,208.3A

'd1 zhou < drjuwk < *lrjuJ: (1079p):

56.3A,79.3A

"~zhOu < IrjuwH < *lrjo(k)s(l28u): 151.3A

:m zhOu < IsyUWH < *ljuJ:.J (l025a): 255.38 (see a1soz1ul < ISYuwk)

~ z1ul < trju < *trjo (I28f): 144.28

fib zhU see zhou < drjuwk !IIi zhU < dzyowk. < *djok (1224d): 156.1C iE [zhul < lrhjuwk < *h1rjiwk (l022e): 188.2A M zhiJ see shU < dzyuwk it zhiJ < tsyox < ·,ja1(45k): 22.2A, 1.59.2A, 184.1A, 248.3A

.± zhiI < tsyllX < *lj07(129a): 246.7A,252.3A ~ [zlul] < drjo < *drjo (45n'): 98.1A

The rhyme words o[the ShTJlng

'tT*

811

zlW < drjol/ < *lrja.J (82m): 114.18, 166.1A, 189.38,207.2A zlW < drjox< "'drjal(84e): 139.2A

rt zlW < drjox< *drja1(84f): 165.2A Db zlW < dzrjoH < "'dzrjas (46z): 258.4A,260.6A I!;. zlW < IsyuH < *ljoks (1232a):

128.18

:m zlW < ISYllWk < "'tjuJ: (1025a): 53.38 (see also zhOu < tsyuwH)

. . z1w4n < IrjwtllX < "'/Tjonl(23Ie): 26.38

it zlwtlng see long < duwng ~ zlwI < trwij < "'trjuj (543d): 284.18

fIi z1w.O < drrwk < *drok (1224p):

204.5A

'S

iUi z1w.O < drrwk < "'/rtwk. (1124h):

JJ" z1w.O < Irrwk. < "'trok (121&):

242.3A, 257.5B, 259.4B

192.13A

~ zI < tsi < "'tsji (943r): 292.lA

11 zI < tsi < "'tsji (966b): 237.3A, 251.1A, 251.2A, 251.3A, 265.5B, 288.IA it zi < tsij < "'Isjij (555h): 254.5A A$ zI < tnjx < *tsjijl(554b):

39.2A

{$ zf < tsijx < "'tsjlj'1(554d):

279.1 B, 290.10

T

:1 < ISix < "'tsji! (964a): 1l.1A, 24.2A, 34.4A, 37.4A, 74.3A. 74.3A, 9O.3A, ItO.18, 138.3A, 154.lC, 172.3A, 172.3A, 177.28, 180.3A, 191.48, 194.6A, lO5.IA, 211.3A, 212.4A, 235.2A, 235.2A, 235.4A, 236.48, 241.4B, 244.8A, 245.IA, 245.2C, 247.5A, 247.8A, 249.IA, 249.4A, 251.1A, 251.2A, 251.3A, 252.78, 256.6C, 256.8C, 256.IOA, 256.IOA, 256.12A, 261.4A, 262.4B, 262.6B, 282.10, 288.IA, 298.38, 300.38, 303.IB,304.7B

HZ1
n zf < tsix < "'tsjj!(965a):

197.3A

~ zi < dun < "'titsji(7)s (964n): 245.3A ~ zi < dzjtH < "'dzjtjs(358x): 179.5A ~

;;>J'"

rong < tsowng < "'tsung (looJa): 248.4A, 248.4A, 250.4C, 258.2A

fa: rong < tsuwng < "'Isong (11911c): 25.2A,I54.40 l! rong < tsuwng < "'tsong (11991): 18.3A (see also wng < ISllWngx) l! u'Jng < tsuwngx < "'lsongl(ll99i): 304.5A (see also zong < tsllWng) ;t{zOU]
~ rou < ISUWIl < "'tso(k)s (1229a): 209.6A,237.9B

mzll < IsrjO < "'Isrja (4611'): 210.4A mzll < 1m < "'tsa (46d'): 155.3A

812

Appendix. C

~ zll
.fE. zU < ujowl < -ujok (1219a): q5. zll < IMt < -Stjut(49Oa):

Fll zil < IsrjoX < -tsrjal(46y):

mzil < uux < -tsal(46b'):

11.2A, 166.2A, 210.28

29.4A, 202.6A, 232.2A 33.IA,305.1A

189.2A, 21O.4A, 211.28, 22O.2A, 235.58, 258.4A, 2613A, 263.1A, 299.48, 3OO.3F, 301.lB, 302.IA

ill zil < tsuX < -t$07(46e'):

38.2A, 53.28, 18.1A

~ zui < dzwojX < -dzujl(513a): 194.18, 194.1B, 198.IB

Ii! zui < IswijH < -lSjuts (49Oh): 65.2B, 1323A, 251.13A it [zu6] < tsaH < -l$ajs (5e): 243.6A 1I. zu6 < ISax < -t$Ojl(5a): 59.3A, 123.1A, 214.4A

R zud see z60 < tsak. ff zud see zl < Isrld:

MzuO < dza1:. < -dza.t (806t):

209.3A, 23138, 246.3A

ff zud < tsak. < -tsal (8061.):

75.3A, 133.28, 167.18, 181.2A, 198.4A, 256.4B, 257.14A,

297.38, 3OO.9A, 301.10

Notes

1. Dating the conquest of the Shang dynasty by the Zhi5u is a controversial matter beyond the scope of this rook. Proposed dates range from 1122 B.C., the date given by Lili Xln illlX (died A.D. 23) of the Han dynasty, to 1018 B.C. (proposed by ZMu F!gao 1971). Recently, Nivison (1983) has placed the date at 1045 B.C., while Pankenier (1981-1982) argues for 1046 B.C. 2. The Shtjfng is also known in Chinese as the Milo ShI :Eo it (after the Hhn. dynasty Shfjfng scholar surnamed Mao) or simply the Shf~. Important English translations include those of Legge (1893-1895 [1960]), Waley (1954), Kar1gren (1974), and Pound (1954). Couvreur (1934) includes translations into roth French and Latin. 3. Karlgren's reconstructions are summarized in Karlgren (1954). The terminology for stages of the Chinese language is discussed in section 1.2.5 below. 4. See for example D6ng T6nghC (1944 [1948]); Iaxontov (1959, 196Oa, 1960b, 1963, 1965); Li Fang-kuei (1935, 1970 [1980J, 1971 [1980J, 1974-1975, 1976 [1980J, 1983); LI R6ng (1956); Lu Zhlwel (1947 [1971]); Mol Tsu-Iin (1970, 19820, 1982b); PuUeyblank (1962, 1963, 1977-1978, 1984, 1986); Schuessler (1987); Shao R6ngten (1982); Starnstin (1989); Wing Ll (1937, 1980b); Yli Niliy6ng (1980, 1985); ZMng-ZMng Shangnng (1987); and Zh6u FAg'o (1954 [1968J, 1968a, 1969). Starostin's study (1989), which proposes a syslem similar in many respects to that presented here, became available just as this study was in its final stages; some comparisons belween the two systems are included in the notes. For preliminary comments on Starostin's system, based on earlier published accounts, see Baxter (1987a). 5. Naturalness must be distinguished from symmetry and simplicity. Pulleyblank (1963, 1977-1978) proposes an Old Chinese reconstruction which uses only two vowels, all other distinctions being attributed to me surrounding consonants. This system is simple and symmetrical, even elegant from an abstract point of view; but it is most unusual for a natural language. Even though such systems appear to exist (in me Caucasus, as Pulleyblank has pointed out), 1 believe that we should reconstruct such typologically unusual systems

814

No~s

only if the evidence compels it. See section 1.4.3 for further dis· cussion of this point 6. Although some oracle bone and bronze graphs are listed in Kartgren's Grammata serica recenJ:a (1957), they did not influence Karl~n's reconstruction in any major way. In fact, the only such graphs Karlgren includes are "exclusively such as are of direct interest as prototypes of the later Seal fonns and modem nonnalized characters" (1957: 5). As Barnard has pointed out (1978), Karlgren thereby excludes from consideration the very fonns which may be the most significant for the study of early phonology. See Chapter 9 for further discussion.

7. See Baxter (1979, 1980., 1980b, 1982, 1983b, 1984, 1985, 19860, 1986b); Bodman (1972, 1973, 19740, 1974b, 1975, 1976, 1978, 1980, 1985). In earlier papers we have referred to this system as the "Bodman-Baxter" system. a name which accurately reflects the origins of its leading ideas. However, the system as presented here represents my own views and not necessarily Bodman's. 8.

Qi~yun

rhymes differ from phonological rhymes because Middle Chinese syllables with the same main vowel and coda, but different medials, are sometimes found in different Qieyun rhymes. See section 2.2.1 for a discussion of how the QieyUn is arranged.

"iii

9. The 1979 edition of ClMi definesfangydn simply as "a local variant of a language [yizhong rUyfn de dlIang biAnt'l -f*i3~rB :i&1J~4*]"; mutual intelligibility is not mentioned. By contrast. Websrer's New World dictionary (1980) includes the following statement in its entry for dialect: "fDJ;alecrs are regarded as being, to some degree, mutually intelligible while languages are not mutually intelligible." However. many other dictionaries of English make no mention of mutual intelligibility in their definitions of dialect.

10. This discussion is based on the relevant entries in ClM; (1979), especially s.v. shlzUyit blUuayiI, gt3ngr6ngyl1, gt3ngrong jidojlyu, and ftJngydn, and the Bol'!aja soverskaja enciklopedija (1970-1981), especially s.v. nacija, narodnosf, and nacionarnyjjazyk. II. The dialects involved are those in or near Shlinxi which retain the "entering tone [rUshing A §]"-that is, those in which the words which formerly ended in -po -t, or -k still remain in a separate tone category.

Notes 815

12. See for example Balian! (1969); Bodman (1983), McCoy (1966,1980, 1986); Norman (1969,1973,1974,1977-1978,1981,1986). 13. But since the xi~sheng characters were not all created at the same time. they are not all of equal value in reconstructing Old Chinese; see Chapter 9 for a fuller discussion. 14. On transcriptional evidence of this kind see for example Csongor (1953, 1954, 1960, 1962); Ligeti (1956, 1961, 1968); Pulleyblank (1962, 1965, 1973a).

15. According to Norman (l988: 34). this term is due to Samuel E. Manin. 16. For example, we will see below (section 10.2.5.1) that DC *-jAk and *·jek merged in Early Middle Chinese as -jek; but they are still distinct in colloquial words of the Mln dialects. 17. Old Chinese did have morphological processes which sometimes raise the issue of abstractness. For example. I reconstruct DC -·ajs > MC ·all and DC --ats > --ajs > MC ·ajll. That is, in these rhymes. [j] in original *·ajs was lost (through a change I call --aj monophthongiza· tion), but [j] in *-ajs from original ··ars remains in Middle Chinese. I account for this by dating the change --aj monophthongization before the change of ··ars to ··ajs (which is part of the change final cluster simplification). However, forms in ··ars often have morphological alternates in ··ar, so one could propose an alternative analysis involving abstract phonological representations. In this analysis, the change of ·-ars to ··ajs could have occurred before the loss of final •.j. as long as the Jatter change affected only "underlying {j/" and not cases of OJ from "underlying /tJ". In this case I choose the nonabstract solution, since it makes more specific predictions about dating. 18. Mandarin initial r- nonnally reflects MC ny·, not MCy-, as in 1JG: rong < nyuwng 'weapon. military'. 19. This change is examined in a paper by U R6ng *~ (whose own name was affected by the change); see LI R6ng (1982 [1985]). In a few words, earlier yong has become yang instead. The few cases of yong which remain are probably literary readings reconstructed from old dictionaries. Note also the similar merger of MC ywejH (e.g. ~ 'sharp',1i= 'understand thoroughly') with Me nywejH (e.g. t1J 'gnat') as rW.

816 Nous

20. For example, Middle Chinese syllables of the form Kwen seem to have become KWIDI at an early stage, before the general merger of -eand -.!e-; see section 10.1.1. 21. Of course, the written texts of "old" European languages must be reconstrUCted, in a sense, also; they do not give us a direct view of the spoken languages they represent. But the evidence they provide is cenainly more direct than in the O1inese case. 22. Chang and Chang (1972) argue that the language of the ShTjIng is quite different from the ancestor of the language of the QiiyJ2n; they derive both from what they call "Proto-Chinese". I follow Bodman's use of the tenn "Proto-Chinese", which is somewhat different (see below). Chang and Chang's use of the tenn "Proto-Chinese" corresponds to my use of "Old Chinese", However, I consider the differences between Old Chinese (in the strict sense) and the Chinese of the ShIjfng to be rather minor. 23. Major reference works giving Karlgren's Ancient Chinese reconstructions include Karlgren's own Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese (1923 (1973]), Grammata urica (1940), and Grammata urica reunsa (1957), Sh!n Jilnshl's GuAngyl1n shLngxi (1945 (1977]), and A Pronouncing Dictionary ofCJUnese Characters in Archaic &: Ancient CJUnese, Mandarin &: CanJ()nese (Hdnzl gil-}fn yrnhul) by ZMu Flglo el aI. (l974b). 24. Examples include ZMu FAgao (1954 [19681. 1968a). U R6ng (1956), Manin (1953), ShAo R6ng1Cn (1982), and Pu11eyblank (1962, 1984).

25. Actually, in Chinese-language works there already exists a more or less standard notation for Middle Chinese pronunciation, in which the pronunciation of a syllable is specified in terms of uaditional phonological categories. For example, in the very useful Gil-jfn zlyfn dulzhdo sh6uce (Comparative handbook of ancient and modern character pronunciations] (Ding Shengshu & LI R6ng 1981), the Middle Chinese pronunciation of $t xidn 'first' (MC sen in my transcription) is given as

t1J IlIlI1!l 'I' $I'; >L" where L1J Shdn is the she. or broad rhyme class (containing syllables ending in -n or -t with a nonhigh main vowel) in which 9G xidn is found; fWJ kdi 'open' indicates that the word is laJiktJu MlJ 'open mouth' (i.e., that it has no rounded medial -w-); IN sl 'four'

Notes

817

indicates that the word is found in siding 1lY~ 'division IV' (i.e. the fourth of four rows in rhyme tables such as the ytlnjlng; see section 2.2.2 below); Sfl pfng 'even' indicates that the word is pfngsheng or even tone; 9G xidn is the Gudngyl1n rhyme under which the word is listed; and J(.\ xfn is the traditional name for the syllable's initial consonant, S-. This notation is quite precise, fairly standard in Chi~ nese phonological works, and convenient for those familiar with its categories. However, it is largely opaque to nonspecialists. My tran~ scription represents the same infonnation, but in more convenient and easily-graspable form. 26. The rhyme-table tradition assigns both words to the same she 1& 'gathering' or rhyme class, which may indicate that they rhymed in Late Middle Chinese, though the significance of the sM classification is disputed. 27. However, my -r- does not always correspond to Karlgren's subscript dot. Following Lu6 Ch1ngpei (1931b), I treat the initials tr-, dr~, rrh-, and nr~ as retroflex, writing them with ~r-, while Karlgren treated them as palatal stops i-, d' -, i' -, and n-. See section 2.3.4 below. 28. For a useful study of zhfyfn and other early ways of indicating pronunciation, see Coblin (1983). 29. Zh6u ZUm6 (1943 [1966]: 417) gives examples which suggest that the finals .£11 and -<1)1 or rather their precursors-had already merged in the language of Guo PU :J~J.J (A.D. 276-324). Annotations at the beginning of Wetng Renxu's version of the Qieyun (see section 2.2.1.2) indicate that the two rhymes were not distinguished in the Yrnpu if;' of Ll njie *~fm, who was an official under the Nonhem Qf J!I dynasty (550-577). 30. The first attempt at standardizing the pronunciation of Modern Chinese, embodied in the Gu6yfn zldidn (JiAoyu Bu DuyIn Tl>ngyI Hui 1919), similarly included distinctions drawn from several dialects; it included, for example, a separate rUshing category as well as the distinction between [s~] and [~-J before front vowels-the distinction between the so-calledjidnyfn ~if 'sharp sounds' and tutinyrn lIIif 'rounded sounds'. (These distinctions are still marked in Mathews 1943.) Y. R. Chao claimed [0 be me only person who ever learned to speak this version of the standard language. In 1932 this pronunciation standard was abandoned. and the pronunciation of the Beijing

818

Noles

dialect was adopted as the basis for the pronunciation of the national langu.ge (Ch.o 1976: 103). .

31. They are ZMu YI )OJ,!1, (= YljIng ,!1,g!), Gawen ShilngshU E::X:rIIJ _, MtJo ShI '€iH (= Shfjfng iHg!), ZMu II )OJ~, yf II iI~, LI jl lllOiJ, ZU
ffl!l,

32. Most notably, the final -i (the L ZhT rhyme) is confused with -ij (the ftlj ZhT rhyme); -jin and -jil (rhymes !if: Yin and it Ql) are confused with -in and -il (the division-ill cMngniil finals of rhymes A Zhen and Jl Zhl respectively); and initial dz- is confused with initial z-. These characteristics are also found in the Jdnqie of the original YUpiiJn by GiJ Y!WMg, also of the W(j area; see below. 33. The ShuOwin had used a slightly different system of 540 radicals. The modern set of 214 radicals was first used in the late M{ng dictionary ZlhuJ ~., completed in 1615 by M6i YingzuQ .flj"¥J:; it was later adopted in the KiJngxC zldidn !8!Jm~~ (1716), and became standard. See Wang Ll (1981: 104-5). 34. According to Zhou Zlim6, the labiodentals corresponding to p- and ph- are kept distinct in the BanshO meigi, suggesting that perhaps they were labiodental affricates [pfl and [prJ rather than fricatives; later on, in the Tang, there is evidence that these had merged as a simple fricative [f]. Like some modem southern dialects, the Banshii meigi shows no evidence of a labiodental initial from original m-. See Zhou Ziim6 (1966.: 28ll-1l3, 305-<;). 35. One theory holds that wdizhudn designates charts which have independent rhymes in division n, while neizhuan charts do not; another theory is that neizhudn and wdizhudn refer to vowel quality (higher and lower respectively). For discussion see Lu6 Changp6i (1933) and L1 X-mku( (1983: 19-23). 36. Certain charts are labeled luii-he, the meaning of which is unclear. 37. There were actually more than twenty-three initials at the time of the rhyme tables, however, for sotnC; columns correspond to more than one initial; for ex:ample, the dental initial 1- and the retroflex: iniriallrare placed in the same cOlumn, with 1- in divisions I and IV, and tr- in divisions U and m. Thus the division in which a word is placed helps to specify both its initial and its final.

Notes 819

38. My translations of traditional phonological terms generally follow PuUeyblank (1984). 39. Pulleyblank (1984: 68) suggests that ~ cl'second' here simply refers to the fact that the voiceless aspirates are traditionally listed after the voiceless unaspirates, and is probably influenced by the Sanskrit term dvitlya 'second' which is used in a parallel way for voiceless aspirates in the devaoogari alphabet. 40. As with clqing 'second clear', clzhuO 'second muddy' may refer to the fact that the voiced resonants are traditionally listed after the corresponding voiced ohstruents. The two categories of voiced initials sometimes had different effects on tonal development. For example, in Mandarin, sMngsheng syllables with "full muddy" or voiced obstruent initials went to modem tone four (e.g. ~ zoo < dzwax 'to sit'), while sMngsheng syllables with "second muddy" or voiced resonant initials remained in tone three with the voiceless~initial syllables (e.g. ,~ m4 < m<eX 'horse'). 41. See Zhan B6hul (1981 [1985J: 152, 185). Though Zhan B6hu1 speaks of this as a feature preserved from Old Chinese, it is still found in Early Middle Chinese; in lacking labiodentals these MIn and Hakka fonns are no different from the language reflected in the Qieyun. This point is not widely understood; probably because of the influence of the traditional thirty-six zimil, which distinguish bilabial and labiodental initials, the lack of the labiodental series is sometimes spoken of as a pre-QieyUn feature.

42. Of course, the character fi is also read chOn < dzyen, meaning 'meditation, dhytlna' (or, in its Japanese reading, zen). If this reading had existed in Old Chinese, we would reconstruct it as *djan, which looks like a close match to Sanskrit dhydna; but this reading was probably borrowed from lodic after DC *dj- had already palatalized to dry-, and probably represents a Prakrit form with a palatal initial, such as Pali jJuJna. 43. See PulJeyblank (1984: 83, 169). The precise formulation of this change is unclear, but not directly relevant to this study. 44. Note further that this word developed in modem dialects as if it had the final -;eng rather than -j;eng; for example, 1:. sheng < srja:ng is pronounced sdang or sdng in Cantonese, not seng or sing as we would normally expect if it came from -ja:ng. (In Mandarin it is impossible

820

No~s

to distinguish between Me .ja:ng and ·zng in this environment) I continue to write srj;.eng in such cases, agreeing with the Qieyl1n. as more representative of Early Middle Chinese. 45. This was first proposed by G~ YlqTng (1932) and has been widely accepted; see Pulleyblank (1962: 66) and further references there. Pul1eyblank originally accepted this idea, but has recently taken a slightly different line, suggesting that the phonemic identity of h· and h(j)- was the result ofa late merger in southern dialects (1984: 164). 46. Y6 Nliy6ng (1985: xvi) uses a similar tcnninology, using danyfn tit! ~ 'blunt sounds' for grave initials and rulyfn ~1f 'sharp sounds' for acute initials. 47. An exception is that some division·J words in MC tsh· (and possibly some in s-) should probably be reconstructed with ·sr·; see Baxter (1983b) and section 6.2.3.1 below. 48. As is customary, I cite the pfngshtng rhymes only, the rhymes in the oUter tones being largely parallel. 49. The rhymes in ·ng are not, however, all oogether, at least not in Wling Renxij's version of the Qieyl1n; they occur mixed in with the rhymes ending in ·m and ·w. The rhymes in ·n are all together, however (LI R6ng 1956: 73-75). By the time of the Gudngyun, rhymes in -ng and ·m are arranged in separate contiguous groups. SO. In the GuiIngyiln. -.an and -wan were placed in different rhymes: ~ Han (Han) and Hi Hulin (Hwan) respectively; and labial·initial wonis wen: included in the laner. Working from the Gudngyun rather than the Qiiyl1n, Karlgren reconstructed "strong vocalic" ·u- in distinctively hiMu rhymes, and "weak consonantal" -w· in hiMu words of rhymes where both kdikeu and hikeu words occur. He believed that -u· was strong enough to affect the rhyme. but ow· was not; thus he reconstructed A man < man 'to deceive' as mu4n, with ·U-, because the GutIngy12n placed it in a distinctively hikiJu rhyme (ffi HUlin < Hwan), but he reconstructed It mdn < moen 'Southern barbarian' as mwan, with ·W·, because the Guangyun placed it in the rhyme lBJ Shan (Snen), which contains both kdikiJu and hikeu words. The distinction between Karlgren's -u· and his ·w· is not used contrastively in Middle Chinese, and the presence or absence of either is not distinctive after labial initials; this was another case where Karlgren refused to succumb to "so-called 'phonemic' speculations".

NOles

821

51. Karlgren ignored the chOngnit1 distinctions, as I pointed out in section 2.1 above; in his Ancient Chinese reconstruction, both the words above are b'iiin-. 52. An exception is that the • Qf (Dzej) rhyme contains two irregular words with palatal initials which might be assigned to a division-III rhyme -je}, for which there is no other convenient place in the rhyme books: fJ drye} 'Amelanchier sinica' (a tree of the rose family; now read yf) and II nyej 'pickled meat with bones in it' (now read n£). These words probably represent dialect fOIllls or archaic Jdl1Qie spellings; judging by their phonetic elements, we would expect these words to have the final -je instead of -jej. 53. The words of the rhyme fI Zhen (Tsrin) occur only in division II, but this is because this rhyme includes only words with retroflex sibilant initials. Its final is in complementary disuibution with the division-III final -in of the 11 Zhen (Tsyin) rhyme. As we will see below, syllables with "division-III" finals are actually placed in division II of the rhyme tables when the initial consonant is retroflex, but in divisions III or IV when the initial is something else. For these reasons, I treat the iJ Zhen (Tsrin) rhyme as simply the retroflex counterpart of the A ZMn (Tsyin) rhyme, and write both as -in. The inclusion of II Zhen (Tsrin) in the Qily.m as a separate rhyme from j{: Zhen (Tsyin) may indicate that the sound change TSrj- > TSr-, which removed high front elements after initials of the type TSr-, had already begun in some dialects at that time. 54. Examples include i$' ling < [rengx 'cold' and 1J MC ttengx 'to hit', the latter pronounced di1 in Mandarin, but with final -ng in WU dialects. 55. Karlgren, in another case of abstaining "from all so--called 'phonemic' speculations" (1954: 366), originally wrote yodised (palatalized) k- as kj-, in order to distinguish it from plain k-; thus in his early work he wrote. Jiang < kjang 'ginger' as kjiang, representing the yodised initial kj- plus the final -iang. (Karlgren used the symbol -i- for the glide which I write as -j-.) He later omitted -j- before -i- as a "typographical simplification" (1954: 222), since the palatalization marked by -j- was predictable before his -i-. However, palatalization was not predictable before his vocalic -i-, because -i- could occur in both division-ill and division-IV finals in his system; so he retained -jbefore -i- when the initial was palatalized. For example, he wrote ~

822 NOlu

nn,

J1 < ki 'base, foundation' as kji (palataliud k-, division but RjC < uj 'chicken' as ki~i (plain k-, division IV). Similarly, he retained -j. in words like Mjf < kjij 'mechanism' (Karlgren's kj,,) and II guI < kjwij 'rerum' (Karlgren's kkl) because the finals -,i and -w,i did not begin with -i-.

56. For more detailed discussion, see my review (Baxter 1987b) of Pulleyblank (1984).

57. The rhyming of these finals could be accounted for within Pulleyblank's system if we substituted /-i~nJ, /-u~n/, and /-iEn/ for Pulleyblank's /-tanl, /-uan/, and /-ian/ respectively (my -jon, -jwon, and -j~n). But the unexpected rhyming of /·uwg/ with /-<Jwg/ (my -juwng, -uwng) would still remain. Note also that Pulleyblank's system requires such typologically unusual contrasts as I-waruj l·ua'MY (my -wang - -jwang).

m

58. The term niu 'button' refers to the small circle placed at the head of each homophone group in rhyme books of the Qilyun tradition, as an indication that a new homophone group is beginning; thus there is one niu for every syllable listed (Norman 1988: 27). 59. The final spellers of division-ill ch6ngniil words are [OOst often other division-ill chOngniu wordS; the final spellers of division-IV ch6ngniii words are usually other division-IV chOngniu words or words with acute initials. There is one exceptional case in the Qilyun where the chdngniil syllables khjew (III) and khjiew (rY) are given the same jdnqit spelling (U R6ng 1956: 43-45). 60. Wing U summarizes his position on the archaic nature of the Qilyun in WAng L1 (1984: 71).

61. For example, in FuzhOu: • jUll < twin (1m 'fallow-deer', Flizhliu [kW])

:J$) jiln < kjwin (IV) 'even, equal' Fl1zhOu (kiz]] The examples are from Shlto R6ngfen (1982: 79), quoting a Fl1zhoii dialect dictionary by Maclay and Baldwin (1929). 62. Karlgren made this assumption in his Ancient Chinese reconstruction. Pulleyblank abandons this assumption as a concession to his theory of the nature of division~m finals (see section 2.4.1.4 above), though he atuibutes the cMngniu distinction 10 the medial (1984: 171-76).

Notes 823

63. The distinction between -iw and -juw, which reflects the distinction between Old Chinese *-jiw and *-ju, appears to have been lost after acute initials in most Middle Chinese dialects, original *-jiw becoming -juw after acute initials (see section 10.2.13). The acute-initial words in the I!fj You (7Jiw) rhyme probably represent a dialect where the distinction was retained. 64. The semantic and grammatical parallelism required in Chinese regulated verse (/lishI U!~) is well known. In some languages, more or less fixed pairs of semantically related words are used in adjacent lines or cola. In Hebrew, for example, harim 'mountains' and rbd<{jt 'hills' form such a pair, as do "Zion" and "Jerusalem". For a similar phenomenon in Quechua. see Mannheim (n.d.). 65. It would be possible to develop a "fuzzy" theory of rhyming in which rhyme relations would not necessarily be transitive. For example. suppose we define a phonological distance function D which assigns a number to appropriate pairs of linguistic strings. Then we could say that A and B rhyme if D(A, B) is less than a certain number. This function could be defined for strings A, B, and C in such a way that D(A, B) and D(B, C) are both less than the required number. but D(A, C) is not. 66. Even if we define rhyme relations without the property of reflexivity, a rhyme relation that is symmetric and transitive still partitions a set of linguistic strings into disjoint rhyme categories, with the property mat every member of a particular rhyme category rhymes with every member of the category other than itself. 67. I leave open the question of exactly how "phoneme" should be defined. I also bypass the question of tone in this statement; in tone languages, rhyme sometimes requires tonal identity. and sometimes not. depending on the genre. 68. As Manaster Ramer points out, some abstract analyses of German vowels would derive the front rounded vowels from underlying back rounded vowels, but no one has proposed that the front rounded and front unrounded vowels are underlyingly the same. 69. Manaster Ramer (n.d.) proposes several possible cases of the use of subphonemic distinctions in metrical systems. though none of the examples involves rhyme. For example. in the traditional Finnish poetry of the Kalevala, diphthongs are pronounced long finally or

81A

No~s

before consonants, but short before vowels, and this length distinction, though predictable from the phonological context, is apparently observed in the meter. 70. 1'be classical rule is that rhyme requires final consonants to be either graphically identical or pronounced the same in liaison; thus doux [du] and vOW' [vu] are an acceptable rhyme. One might attempt to argue that it is the potentiality of liaison rather than the orthography which governs such rhymes. Traditional French rhyme might thus be regarded as abstract rather than archaizing-based on a level of phonological derivation where final consonants have not yet been deleted. But note that classical French poets seem to have felt that they could get away with violating the rule aboul final consonants simply by changing the spelling: Racine writes vois as voi in order to rhyme "apres soi I je vous voi" in PhMre. and Victor Hugo spells UJndres 'London' as Londre to make a rhyme "Londre I confondre" (examples from Molino & Tamine 1982: 69). And in other cases, such as the metrical treatment of final "mute e", it is clear that the French tradition recognizes distinctions which are not supported by any alternations (such as the distinction between the homonyms foi 'faith' and/oie 'liver'); presumably, such distinctions would not be part of anyone's synchronic phonology, no matter how abstract. It is more parsimonious to assume that tradition and orthography, rather than abstract phonology, are the operative constraints in such poetic conventions. For this and other examples of the alleged use of abstract phonology in verse, see Manaster Ramer (n.d.). 71. On popular Mandarin rhyming see Lu6 Changpei (1950). If poets use phonologically inexact rhymes only occasionally, or significantly less often than phonologically exact ones, tben statistical. methods may make it possible to tell the difference in a large enough corpus. The risk of error is greatest if the inexact rhymes are used just as freely as exact ones.

72. It is sometimes argued (e.g., by Qii Wanll 1963 [1983]) that the rhyming of the ShIjfng--or at least of the GuO jlng section-is so unifonn thai it must have been reworked to fit a standard phonological system. As we will see in Chapler 10. there are in fact a number of clear dialect features in ShIJTng rhyming; for example, a tendency in eastern dialects for final *-n to rhyme with final *-j, and a tendency in western dialects for final *-m to rhyme with final *-ng. In any case,

Notes 825 the argument for an imposed unifonnity strikes me as circular. The rhyme categories in terms of which ShlJlng rhyming is said to appear uniform were developed inductively from the Shfjlng itself, as a whole; distinctions made in one pan of the ShlJlng but not in others

will tend to be overlooked in such a system (unless the distinctions survived in Middle Otinese, as in the two cases just cited). It is not surprising that these categories fit the ShIjTng rather well, since they are empirically based on the ShIjlng in the first place.

73. For example, II guI rhymes with *·ij in Odes 2.3, 13.3, 28.1-3. 36.1-2.41.2.88.4.147.2.1542.156.1.156.4.162.1. 162.2. 167.1-3. 168.6, 169.2, 174.1,204.2,209.5 (a possible irregular rhyme with *·iJ). 259.6, 260.8, 263.6, and 298.2. ti. hudi rhymes with *·uj in Odes 3.2. 30.4. 156.2. 164.2. and 201.2. 74. This quotation is based on the 1980 reprint of the paper (Wc1ng Li 1937 [1980]: 146, my translation); in earlier versions the figures are slightly different (e.g. W4ng Ll1937 [1958J: 143). 75. Although Wang Ll was right about the overall separation of the Hli ZhI and It Wei groups, his assignments of particular words to one group or the other are sometimes wrong. I will show in section 10.1.8 Wei in a slightly that if we draw the boundary between Hli Zhi and different way, we can achieve a more orderly phonological picture and also reduce the number of apparently irregular rhyme sequences.

m

76. The Bernoulli referred to is lacques Bernoulli (1654-1705). a Swiss mathematician and pioneer in the study of probability. 77. TIle reader is referred to any standard textbook of elementary probability theo
826

NOle!

80. See Mosteller, Rourke, & Thomas 1961: 2lro-1l3, 291-92 for details on this theorem and its applications. 81. According to Mosteller, Rourke, & Thomas (1961: 291), this approximation can be used if "we are confident that np is at least 3,J{npq) from both 0 and n". Thus if n = 100, P = 0.7, and q = 0.3, then np is 70, and 3,J(npq) is 13.75; 70 is at least 13.75 from both 0 and 100, so the DeMoivre-Laplace theorem can be used. On the other hand, if n = 10, then np is 7, and 3..J(npq) is 6.3; the distance from 7 to 10 is Jess than 6.3, so the DeMoivre-Laplace theorem is inappropriate, and the direct approach using the binomial distribution should be used. 82. With the aid of a computer, the more accurate direct methoo can be used even for n = 100; according to this methoo, the probability that P(A] lies in the range 0.61 to 0.79 is actually about 0.96. 83. The actual sample I have in mind is the twcrword pfngsMng rhyme sequences which can be unambiguously reconstructed with "'·en or non-"'-en finals within the U'aditional 7G Yulln rhyme group; see section to. I. 1 below (Table 10.8). 84. The reason is that if p is low, the £wo terms in the expression for P react similarly to minor adjustments in the value of p. If p is decreased, then + tf)1I increases, but so does (tf)lI; so if their difference was small, it remains small. Similarly, if p is increased slightly, then + t/-Y' decreases, hut so does (t/-Y'.

vi-

cr

85. In spite of these reservations, the reconstruction '0 "'goj(s) is probably correct. for this word also rhymes as "'-oj in Ltlozl (see section 10.1.3). 86. In facl. Wing U later returned to the original analysis of this stanza (1980b: 172), treating it as a case of 2'lli rhyming with Wei. Actually, as I argue later, Wllng Ll has nOI· drawn the boundary be£ween the Rli ZhT and Wei groups in quite the right place: jii consistently rhymes with the It Wei group in the Shljfng. and should be assigned there.

m

m:

m:

c=:

87. An example is Ode 177 (Xido ytf Ij'\Jft: Uu yue AM). Poems of this type often have an eight-line stanza, and are political in content, referring to particular historical events and persons. 88. There may be severaI' reasons for the existence of tonally irregular rhymes. Aside from the rhymes themselves, we have only Middle

NOkS

827

Chinese evidence for tones, and this evidence is not always to be believed: some items may have changed tone categories for various reasons between the Old Chinese and Middle Chinese periods. So some rhymes which appear tonally irregular from a Middle Chinese point of view may have been regular in Old Otinese times. See the discussion on tones in section 8.2.1 below. 89. Actually, {a xln < sinH rhymes fairly consistently with pfngshing words in the ShIjfng, and should probably be reconstructed as pfngshlng for Old O1inese in spite of its Middle Orinese reading; see sequences 51.3A (including also the word Ult mlng < mj
828

No(u

proposals have not been widely accepted, nor have S. E. Jaxontov's proposals to recognize a distinction between rounded and unrounded vowels in several rraditional groups. I will argue below that in these proposals Jaxontov was COJTttt, and Karlgren was at least on the right track. except for the distinction between .-d and ·-dr. %. Other summaries of the traditional categories may be found in OOng T6nght (1968: 237..~i2). Li Fang-kuei (1971 [19801. 1974--1975), Lu6 CMngpti & Zhou ZUm6 (1958: 1&-44). and W4ng Ll (1936-1937 [1957J: 414-40). 97. In the Shfjfng, words which had vocalic codas in Middle Chinese (traditionally called yfnshing ~. words) sometimes rhyme with rwhing words. (The interpretation of such rhymes is discussed in Chapter 8.) For this reason, W4ng NiAnsiin and Jilng Yougao com· bined nlshing words and yrnshlng words in the same rhyme categories. 98. However, in identifying xitshlng series, the Qing phonologists gene· rally followed the script and the character analyses found in the ShuO· ~n jibl. As I will argue in Chapter 9, this introduces a HAn-time bias into their rhyme analysis; it is rather the xiishlng characters of ZhOu dynasty writing that are relevant. 99. This is my adaptation of Karlgren's translation. Karlgren takes cdi cdi as a repetition of the verb cdi 'to pick, to gather', expressing iterated action; this is the traditional interpretation according to the Ml10 commentary. However, Ding ShfngshU (1940) argued convin· cingly that transitive verbs are never reduplicated in this way in the ShI}Tng, and that cdi em here (and also in Ode 3, in the line "eli eli juAn & should be taken as a modifier of the following noun, as proposed by the QLng scholars Dii Zhen and Ml Rulehe'n ,~ lIlN:. The expression em edi also occun in Odes 129 and 150; although Dai and Ml take it to mean "ample [zh6ng duO mAo 1tt~ fij!]" or "Iuxurianl [sheng ~l", "colorful" is probably more precise (see Kar1gren 1942-1946 [1964J, gloss 318).

*=*=

*=

**''''If")

*=*=

100.

l!f you

is one of a group of words which originally belonged to the traditionalZ ZhT rhyme category (Li's *-
Notes 829

occUJ'TCd by Western HAn times. This change in rhyming behavior was due to a sound change which I call rounding assimilation; see section 10.2.1. 101. See Wang Ll (1936 [1980J: 44). For the wei-nn period, Ting Panghsin (1975: 168-72) assigns the Middle Chinese finals -im and -om to the same rhyme group, but they seem to have been separate already in some dialects represented in his data. LU n ~tI (261-303), a native of WU Jun ~ms (the area around modem Sfizhou), appears to mix them freely (see data in Ting 1975: 169), but Guo PU ~~lJI! (276324). a native of Herlong fiiJ]J! (in present-day Shanxi). seems to separate them. 102. In the absence of a reconstruction of Zhli Xi's pronunciation. I give hisfdnqie spellings in Middle Chinese pronunciation. even though this is an anachronism. 103. Zhfi XI apparently assumed that in stanza 2, ~ jill < kIe rhymed with Rr jido < krewk, 1M wu < Juwk, yu < ngJowk, and JE. ZIl < tsjowk; in stanza 3 he assumed. that it rhymed with #I yijng < yowng, ~ song < zjowngH. and t:t cong < dzjowng.

w:

104. See the excerpts from his writings in 279-82). 105. "Gil ren yiln hUM, bi> fan g~i zl

W~ng

Ll (1936-1937 [1957]:

is .A.ftllli, :fffiil\('¥'."

106. WU Yu's zt was auUio ::t~; he was a native of Jian'an }t~ (modem JiAn'au lt~), FujiAn province. See elMi: Yuyan w~nzlfince (1978: 68) and Zhou Zilrn6 (1945 [1966]). 107. Chen Di's ztwas nn ~.1l:; he was from Fujian. 108. "Gai shf y6u gii jTn, di y6u min ~i; zl y6u geng glii. yin y6u zhulin yf; yi shi su6 bl zhl. Gu yl jln Uti yin du gU wi zoo, bU miiln guai ci er bU rii ~l1!'ffiS~,lI!!fflfj~t; '¥'ffil!il\(, ifff"f¥: iil'~mi16'~. 1&J«~zifiilliSzff,:f*,llEJflJffii:f.A.." Quoted by Wang Ll (1936-1937 [l957J: 282). 109. Chen Di's proposed ancient pronunciations sometimes still show up in the work of some traditionally-oriented modem scholars; this pronunciation of cdi is given, for example, by ZhAng YilnzhOng (1987: 9).

*

*

110. Gu Yanwu 's original given name was Jiang ~; his zl was Nfngren A.; he was a native of Tfnglfn .U: village in Kjjnshan .mW, JiAng-

830

Not~s

sii province. In 1645, when the Manchus took Nanjing, he is said to have changed his name to Yanwu ~~ out of admiration for the Southern Sllng patriot Wang YanwU J:~1L (ZUng Qlzlti 1982: I). (This seems to show that for him, 1i. wu < ngUX and ~ wu < mjux were homonyms.) He was also referred to by the sobriquet T(nglfn xiiinsheng .:f* $'G!± 'the gentleman of Tfnglfn', after the name of his native village, and he also used the alias Jilng Shanyong fi L1J (I. See Hummel (1943-1944: 421-26) and Wang Ll (1936-1937 [1957]: 285-96). 111. This lack of parallelism in Gu y.mwii. 's analysis probably results from his failure to find separate yfnsheng rhymes corresponding to the rUshing rhymes in final -p; so he grouped the rUshing rhymes with the yangshing rhymes in ·m instead. The absence of separate yfnshing rhymes corresponding to rwhLng rhymes in -p was the result of the sound change ··ps > ."s; see sections 8.2.2.1 and 10.3 below. 112. Jiang Y6ng's zl was Shenxiil mfi;; he was a native of Wuyuan W~ (now in Jiangxi province, but fonnedy in Anhui). See Wang Ll (1936-1937 [1957]: 136-41,296-307). 113. "K!o gil ziti gong duo; sMn yin ziti gong qiAn :lJii~m~; lfif~ mtl." Quoted by Wang Li (1936-1937 [1957]: 296). 114. Analyses such as Jiling Y6ng's, which recognize separate rwhing categories, are sometimes described as following the sMnyfn pai if ifif& 'sound·discriminating school', whereas analyses like Gu y.mwil's, which combine yfnshing and rilshing, are called the kiJogu pai 5SJ'2i"~ 'antiquity-investigating school', evidently named from Jiang Y6ng's critique of Gu Yanwii, quoted above. See for example Wang Ll (1980b: 7). 115. DuAn Yucai, of nntan :iifl. in Jilingsil, was known by the two zj Rullying 'l'ill!f and Maotang !:!\:§t. See Hummel (1943-1944: 782-ll4) and Wang Ll (1936-1937 [1957]: 307-20). 116. In D3.i Zhen's preface to Dulm Yucti's Lill shu yfn yiln bido, dated "Qlanl6ng ding you ~1Ii Ti!!i" (i.e. 1777), Dili says that Dum VUew had told him of his three most important discoveries (see below) nine years earlier, i.e. about 1768. 117. However, DuAn yucai. s·till grouped Ifi. Wij (Li's ·-uk), the rilshing group corresponding to ~ H6u, with 11ft You and 11 Jue in his Group

Notes 831

3; see the list in Table 4.4. It would have been more consistent to include the I¥. Wij group (Li's *-uk) in Duttn Yuciii's Group 4. 118. However, Duttn Yucti included. Zhl (Li's *-it) with the ydngshing words of • Zhfn in his Group 12; it would have been more consistent to include it in his Group 15. 119. For example, arguments from xibhing series are used by the Song scholar Xu ChAn 't*ft, an acquaintance of WU YU, in his preface to Wu Yu's YiUl bu. 120. "Yr sheng

k~

xie wttn zl, wttn zl er bi t6ng bu; t6ng

sh~ng

bi t6ng bu. -§jjf01!';tl;'t, ;tl;'tffij,g'I6JW; 16J§,g'I6JW." (Quoted in Yil Niliy6ng 1985: 7)

121. DM Zhen's zl was DongyuWl !l!mt; he was a native of Xiiinfng t*$ in AnhuI province. See Hummel (1943-1944: 695-700, 970-82) and Wling Ll (1936-1937 [1957J: 32
128. Lu6 Zhtnyil (1866-1940) was a native of Shlngyl1 J:liIi in ZhtjiAng; he used the zl Shiiyun ~iI and Shoyb ~-g, and his hdo was Xulting .:it. He was a collector and cataloguer of oracle bones and bronze inscriptions, and a major figure in the twentieth-eenwry devel-

opment of Chinese paleography. Politically, he supponed the Qiog government and opposed the 1911 revolution, and later supported the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo. 129. See LU ZOngda (1932, 1935). Lu6 Ol4ngpei & ZhOu Zilm6 (1958:

IOn) still describe the manuscripts as being in the possession of Beijing University.

130. The Guangyd JiB is an expanded version of the lryd written by Zh!ng Yi iJIf rsh- (and in particular. *sthj- > 1sh}-), which seems to contradict his earlier reconstruction of *sthj- > sy- in ~ shi < syit. I reconstruct ~ zhl < IsyijH < *rjits and ~ shJ < syit < *5tj;I_ 132. WAng Nilnslin's correspondence indicates that he accepted this distinction in about 1821 or 1822; see LU ZOngdli (1932: 167-68). 133. Jilng Yooglo was a native of Sh~ xiln itO in Anhur; his zl was nn'" 'if See W4ng Ll (1936-1937 [1957]: 370-77, 379-91).

=.

134. Quoted by W4ng Ll (1936-1937 [1957]: 379-110); my translation. 135. The modem reading cMn is irregular; from MC srenx we would expect sMn. The reading cMn is found at least as early as the ZMngyuan yfnyun. Modem cMn could reflect a Middle Chinese reading LSrhEnX, possibly representing a variant development of the initial cluster *sngr-. 136. The ShuCwen jilzl uses C wdng as a sound gloss for !If sdng - song, and says it is both a semantic and phonetic element in the graph il (DIng Fliblio 1928-1932 [1976]: 665). Thus it is likely that these three words are all foons of the same root. 137. The initial*x- could be either [x] or [h] phonetically, but I write *x- to avoid a notational clash between *xr· (the initial *x· followed by medial *-r.) and *hr· (a digraph for IPA [f], the voiceless counterpart to initial *r-). Initial *hw-, representing the voiceless counterpart to initial ·w-, may also be regarded as the labialized counterpart to ·x·.

Nol~$

833

138. There is one exception: in division·IV syllables like 7t xidn < sen < *sin 'first', where Karlgren reconstructed *·i~-, I reconstruct the main vowel *·i·, which was later fronted by the change *i-fronting (see Chapter 7 and Appendix A). 139. In previous work (e.g. Baxter 1980b) I reconstructed *-wk as *-w7in an attempt to account for the unusual distribution of this coda. I have not entirely abandoned this idea, but I use the more conservative notation *·wk here because r now use the posHoda *·7 as the source of Middle Chinese sMngshlng. 140. Pulleyblank argues that southern dialects of Middle Chinese lacked the distinction between dental and retroflex stops, however (1984: 168-69). 141. For a bolder approach to Old Chinese initials which attempts to incorporate some of the evidence just mentioned, see Benedict (1976b, 1987). Starostin (1989: 49-133) proposes a reconstruction of initial consonants which does incorporate some of the evidence from MIn initials. 142. As noted in Chapter 2, other accounts of this process are possible also. 143. According to Pulleyblank's Late Middle Chinese reconstruction, Early Middle Chinese voiced obstruents developed into voiceless obstruents followed by [fi], indicating munnured aniculation; see Pulleyblank (1984: 67-68). 144. See Kono Rokuro (1954 [1979]). Pulleyblank also mentions this change (1984: 123). 145. As Karlgren points out (1957, item 885a), Old Chinese rhymes involving fm ning in the sense of "able" suggest that the final nasal coda -ng is a later, irregular development, possibly having to do with the status of neng as a common auxiliary verb. Perhaps an unstressed variant of *ni had a nasalized vowel because of the initial *n-, and then the nasalization was reinterpreted as reflecting under· lying *ning instead of *ni. In Chapter 8, I invoke a similar process to ldi < [oj < *C-ri < *C-rik. explain the irregular loss of final *-k in A similar process in English is the replacement of the original thirdperson neuter singular pronoun hit with it, originally its unstressed variant (Pyles & Algeo 1982: 120-21).

tm

*

834

No~s

146. In his original fonnulation of this proposal (1962: 114-19), Pulleyblank reconstructed dental fricatives .9- and ·3- (equivalent to the [0] of the International Phonetic Alphabet) rather than .1- and ·hl-. I here follow his later formulation, e.g. in Pulleyblank (1973b). 147. Starostin (personal communication) prefers to reconstruct plain initial as a source of Me 1-, and to attribute contacts between MC 1- and y- to occasional contacts between DC and ·1-.

·r-

·r-

148. In this case Coblin (1986: 128) suggests instead Pre-Tibetan ·gryam, metathesizing to rgyam. 149. These are the cases where Karlgren reconstructed Mey- (1954: 273-74).

·z- as the source of

150. The character til also has the MC reading dzUX, with the same meaning; this might reflect ·&ra7. 151. Note that in the Qieyun, -jon < ·-jan and -jen < ·-rjan seem to be in the process of merging, so the ·-r- in the Old Chinese form may be artificial. 152. We cannot simply equate DC *g with Proto-MIn *-g and OC *fi with Proto-MIn *zero, however; for one thing, there are several words with Proto-MIn *zero which I would reconstruct with DC *fik- on the basis of morphological alternations with words in DC: *k-. Some examples are 1\:1 *fikren 'leisure', possibly related to rB1 ·kren 'interval, between'; jl */i/C"'ang 'yellow', possibly related to JI:i *kwang 'light, bright', and ~ *fikruJc 'learn', possibly related to ~ *kruJc 'to awake; apprehend, get insight; to rouse somebody to understanding', all of which have Proto-MIn *zero. For discussion of such initial clusters see section 6.2.1 below. 153. The modem reading zhl is evidently influenced by the phonetic. 154. Palatalization is also blocked by the medial combination *-rj-, of course; but if !i yl were OC ·ngrjets, we would expect MC ngjejH (III) with a division-III cMngniiJ final, not ngjiejH (IV), which the Yilnjlng puts in division IV; hence the necessity to mark the form as irregular by reconstructing *ngJets. However, *ngrjets might be the correct reconstruction after all, for there are textual problems in both the Yunjlng and the rhyme-table tradition on this point, and the placement of !! in division IV could be an error (LY XTnku! 1982: 168.180; D
No~s

835

155. The capital-A- in boIh jF chi < *KHjAK and . . chl < *KHjA is also an arbitrary notation for those cases of OC *·ja and *·jak which become MC -jle and -jzk instead of the usual -jo and -jo);; see sections 10.2.4.1 and 10.2.5.1. The fact that both these words have both irregularities is probably not a coincidence; perhaps the apparently irregular development of a front vowel in *-jA and *.jAk. created the environment for the regular process of velar palatalization. This would still not dispose of all the cases of unexpected velar palatalization, however. 156. Cited by Gong Hwang-cherng (1980: 464). There is another wellestablished Sino-Tibetan rom for "blood", illustrated in Chinese .Ifil *hwit, Tibeto-Burman *s-hwiy - *s-hwpy; if jF is really cognate to Tibetan khrag, then perhaps the original meaning was "red", transferred by euphemism to "blood" in Tibetan. If we reconstructed *hrj. > tsyh- instead of *hrj- > trhj-, we could reconstruct '1ft *hrjAJ:, M ·xrak; see section 6.1.3.2 above. 157. For example, U's system does not account for the minimal pair # bidn < bj~nH (1m 'cap' and {J! bidn < bji~nH (IV) 'comfortable'; he reconstructed both as *bjianh (1971 [1980): 55). My reconstructions are *brjons and *bjens respectively. The problem is Ihat there are three contrasting Middle Chinese finals -jen, -jien, and ·jon in division In (in the broad sense), while Li's system includes only two sources for them: *-jan and *-jian. Li's system also fails to distinguish the minimal pair ~ ml < nUt (1m 'dense' and i: ml < mjit (IV) 'honey'; both are reconstructed as ·mjit (1971 [1980): 64). In my system they are ·mrjit (possibly from earlier ·Nprjit) and ·mjit (possibly from earlier *Npjit) respectively. (The reconstructions with *Np- are suggested by the phonetic element &!\ ·pjit.) 158. The case of :fE hud and. hud illustrates how characters of lale origin can mislead us about Old Chinese phonology. The modern graph :fE, with phonetic ft, hut) < xwZlI < *hng""rajs, would nonnally indicate the rhyme -aj (the traditional ~ Ge rhyme group), not ·-a (the traditional !!!. YI1 rhyme group). But the character is said to have first appeared in the W~i·nn period (DIng Flibll.o 1928-1932 [1976): 2697ff.); it reflects both the merger of ·hw- and *hng""- (MC x(w)-) and the HAn-time merger of .-ra with ·-raj as MC -Ie (.-oj monophthongization).

:m

836 Natu

159. Note that Benedict also uses pre·glottalized stops to account for some cases where I would reconstruct ·hn- and *n-: for example, he reconstructs . . *t'd/I 'sigh' and II "?t4n 'difficult', which I reconstruct as "hnan and ·nan respectively (Benedict 1976: 185). 160. Pulleyblank (1962: 133) actually reconstructed this as ·snh-, where "nh corresponds to ·hn in the present reconstruction. 161. Some versions of the Sh.u6~n also treat (DIng Fubilo 1928-1932 [19761'4506).

5' xU as phonetic in .it xul

162. Li rcconsttuc!S iIl'suk, ';'stjigh, 1J', 'riJ: (1971 [19g()J: 68). Most of the cases where Li reconstructs "st- > s- (e.g. Li 1976 [1980]: 88-89) are reconstructed in the present system with "sl- instead; U's system does not recognize xibhlng series of the "[- type as distinct from those with dental stops *t-, "th-, etc. 163. Specifically, tii 'badger' (with readings Me hwan < "wan, xwan < "hwan, and hjwon < "wjan) rhymes as "-an in Ode 112.1A; iEf yuan < hjwon < *wjan 'wall' rhymes as "-an in 58.2A, 197.8A, 244.4A, and 254.7A; and D!i xUtin < xjwon < "Jrwjan 'brilliant' rhymes as "-an in 55.18-26. 164. The forms sr£ix and srE.;H reflect the change TSrj- > TSr. (the loss of *-j- after retroflex initials; see section 7.2.2), while srjex and srjeH do not. Both types are recorded in the Gudngyun, but they probably represent different dialects or different time periods. 165. Xu Xuan I*fi£ (916-91) and Xu Kili I*llf (920-74), older and younger brother respectively, were both Sh.uO~n scholars, commonly known as d
NOles

837

168. I exclude from this list those finals that have the coda ·wng in my notation; these are sometimes considered hlMu, but their rounding is most likely a feature of the main vowel or coda rather than the medial. 169. Another explanation sometimes given is that the original charncter had not 7G yutfn but A. ,tn 'person' under a roof, being struck 5t-a depiction of a crime in progress (see Ding FliMo 1928-1932 [19761: 1358, ZhOu Fll.gllo et al. 1974a, item 0427). But this does not agree with the fonns on bronze inscriptions, where the element under the roof is clearly 7G yutfn < ngjwon < *Nkjon, not A. ,tn. 170. The reconstruction of Ul'H!l in U's system would be *thianx-thuanx. which accounts less well for the xibhlng evidence. 171. This pattern was observed by the late Qing-early Republican scholar Huang Kin JH1t (1886-1935), who regarded the division-I and division-IV finals as the "original ancient rhymes [gil ten yiin t!i* iii]", and the nineteen initials with which they occurred as the "original ancient initials [gil b!n niu t!i*W]"; other finals and initials were described as "changed [bian ~]" forms of these (see WAng Ll 1936-1937 [1957]: 400-403, 4Q9.-12). HuAng KAn did not specify the conditioning factors which caused these changes. and in identifying Qieyun categories with "original" ancient rhymes, he seems to have ignored some of the Old Chinese rhyming distinctions discovered by the earlier QTng phonologists; but his work shows considerable insight into the phonological pattern of Middle Chinese. 172. On an abstract level, Pulleyblank's system is quite similar to that proposed here: his "type-B syllables" correspond to my medial *j; his element *j corresponds to the vowel feature [- back] of my system; and the function of is the same in both systems. The two systems make different predictions about Old Chinese rhyming, however.

*,

173. Li used the combination *rj also. but in his 1971 paper (1971 [1980]), it was basically limited to syllables with Middle Chinese retroflex initials. He later reconstructed *Krj- as a source of Middle Chinese palatal initials (1976 [1980]). 174. D6ng T6nght (1944 [1948]: 95-102) had already observed that, among the 7G Yu1n-group finals listed aoove, both xiishlng charac· ters and ShljIng rhymes showed an especially close relationship among MC -€Il, -jien, and -en on the one hand, and among -a:n, -jen (ill), and -jon on the other; for this reason. he reconstructed *d in -En,

838 Notes

-jien, and ·en, but ·a or ·d in ·m, -jen, and -frm. Generally speaking, my·e corresponds to D6ng's ·d, and my ·a to his ·d, ·a, and ·d.

175. The modem reading tiifn is probably based on the modem pronuncia· tioo of the fl1Niit spelling lit;t! t;O iii di4n qit (du + I.. vious that a rhyme is intended here. and in any case. QU WAnn (1983b: 353-54) estimated that this part of the U jl was composed in early HAn-too late to be taken as evidence on Old Chinese phonology. DuAn Yudi assigned i\. qudn to the 7G Yum category (his Group 14; see section 4.3.5); see Irmg Fublo (1928-1932 [1976J: 4381). This would imply a reconstruction ·kwhen7 in my system. though .k.w hin7is also possible.

f}jac

177. There is one apparent exception. the word 5: MC lhon 'to swallow'. but the Jfyun also records a reading lhen for this word (see Morohashi 1955-1960. item 3329); the antiquity of this reading is supponed also by the fact that the ShuOwin regards :R. tidn < then 'heaven, sky' as phonetic (DIng F6bl10 1928-1932 [1976]: 556). As we shall see below, Ihen is the reflex we would expect from original ·thin (or perhaps ·hUn) by the changes ·i·fronting and hi > mid. In the Middle Olinese reading thon, • ... rronting irregularly failed to apply, perhaps through the influence of onomatopoeia. 178. After proposing these reconstructions (Baxter 1979). 1 subsequently discovered that Jaxontov had also notical this case of complementary distribution (1965: 29) and reconstructed a change similar to ·i· rronting; he says that about the second cenlury B.C.. the finals -;In, -;It, -;lr became -en. -et, -er after "anterior [perednejazy~nyx]" initials. In this he is followed also by Starostin (1989: 386). For example, Jaxontov gives the reconstruction of ~ qf < Ishej 'wife' (Karlgren's .(S'iar) as .tshar (p. 36). without Karlgren's "strong vocalic ·i·... paralleling my reconstruction ·,shij. Starostin reconstructs ·sMj (l989: 693).

Notes 839

179. The forms Pen < ·P;;m and Kwen < ·Kw;,m are questionable because Li gave no actual examples of syllables of these forms; he did, however, reconstruct jld < kwet 'treacherous, crafty, deceive' as ·kwiat (1971 [1980]: 47), corresponding to Karlgren's ·kiw"t (Karlgren 1957, item 5071). I believe this is a mistake; the reconstruction should be ·kwir (= U's *kwir). No words in this xUsheng series rhyme in the ShijIng, but we must reconstruct ·_;t because this series has division-IV cMngnill finals (e.g. tiS jll < kjwir < *kWj;t 'orange'). Karlgren (1954: 294) listed the word jJj yl1 < yw;r < *wjir 'go awry, perverse' as a Shfjlng rhyme word rhyming as *-~, but I can find no such rhyme. At some point, Karlgren may have taken it to rhyme in Ode 257.15 with flJ II < lij" 'sharp; profit, profitable, favorable', which he reconstructed as ·li<1d, but he did not treat this as a rhyme in his published rhyme lists (1940: 108, 1974: 220), and in any case, the ." vowel in ·/i<1d is also an error.

as

180. Pulleyblank (1963: 209), in arguing against the rounded-vowel hypothesis, proposes that the roundedlunrounded distinction observed in Shijfng rhyming (whose existence he does not question) can be taken as "a funher example of the aberrant Shih-ching dialect", in which ·wa tended to become rounded to *(w)o. This assumption will account for the data, but note that it requires us to reconstruct a distinction between .kwan and .kwan (corresponding to my *kwan and *kon), of which only ·kwan is subject to this rounding tendency. Moreover, the peculiar distribution of this (such as the non· occurrence of syllables like *rwang) is still left unexplained.

.w

181. See Iuhl (1974), WAng Ll (1936), and LI R6ng (1961-1962 [1982]). In U R6ng's data, this generalization seems to apply to grave·initial words only; retroflex-initial words which the Qieyl1n assigns to division-II finals tend to rhyme instead with division-lil finals. For example, tlJ shan < sren 'mountain' rhymes more often with words in ·jen or -en than with grave-initial words in -En (Ll R6ng 1961--62 [1982]: 168). I will argue below that many words with TSr-type initials and division-II finals originally had division-III finals and should be reconstructed with *-rj- rather than just *-r-. The placement of such words in division-II rhymes reflects the change TSrj· > TSr· (described in more detail below), which caused *.j. to be lost after TSr-type initials. The rhymes in L1 R6ng's data apparently reflect dialects which did not undergo, or had not yet undergone, this change.

182. Li (1971 [1980]: 23) Slates that medial *-r- had a centtalizing effect. but this seems to be based on Karlgren's problematic Ancient Olinese reconstructions of the division-n finals, and does not explain the rhyming shifts above. 183. The distinction between LMC division-D kjaan (II!. r.ll. and lli) and LMC division-IV kjian (51) is also still found in the ZhOngyudn yrnyan and in some Mandarin dialects; the loss of this distinction is a late development in standard Mandarin. 184. In Li Fang-kuei's reconstruction, the relationship between initial/and division-IT vocalism is more complex, for though he wrote *-r- in division II, he kept a Karlgren-like reconstruction with *-1- in division I. Thus Li reconstructed *nglakw for my . , Ii < laJc < *g-rawk 'joy', but *ngrakw for my • yui < ng
m

186. There are a number of textual problems with this passage which are fortunately not directly related to the issue at hand, which is the "dlinK>" portion of the entry; for details see Ding Fu~o (1928-1932 [1976]: 5842). This character and similar characters are also found in bronze inscriptions, apparently with meanings unrelated to the glosses provided by the ShuiJM!in; see ZhOu FAgio et aI. (1974a. item 1660). 187. I reconstruct a 'disappearing' .g- in jl' luan because, according to the ShuOM!in, an old fonn of this character is phonetic in ~ gulIn < kwa:n < ·kron 'to weave thin silk' (Ding FubAo 1928-1932 [1976]: 5934), which in tum is phonetic in II gudn < kw<m < ·kron 'to close' (Ding FubAo 1928-1932 [1976]: 5332a). (Note that these words. too, have division-IT finals which -must for that reason be reconstructed with by the .r-hypothesis.) Although I reconstruct a rounded vowel in ~

·-r-

NOles

841

loon 'egg', this is not necessarily evidence for a rounded vowel in M wdn, since by the time of the Shuowen ~ *g-ron7 had probably diphthongized to *(g-)rwan7. It is also uncertain whether the disappearing *g- had disappeared by the time of the SJwOwin. 188. The Jrngdi4n shlwen gives both tsrhje and tsrhei as pronunciations for ~ cf in Ode I, though tsrhje is listed first, which probably indicates that it is the reading preferred by Lu Df:mlng. ZhiJ XI gives only tsrhje. 189. Recall that, in my Middle Chinese notation, the division-Ill finals are those written with the medial-j- or the vowel-i- or both, or with -y- in the initial (since -j- is omitted by convention after -y-, which marks palatal initials). 190. According to the cham of Shao R6ngfen (1982: 122-23), there are 102 finals in the Qilyun, of which fifty-four belong to division m. The exact count varies depending on how certain marginal cases are treated. 191. So Karlgren (1957, item 827a) and Li (1971 [1980]: 69). Dbng T6ngM accounted for such distinctions by reconstructing ~ m{ng < mjieng (IV) with a tense vowel (his *mjeng) and •• m{ng < mjreng (III) with a lax vowel (his *mJ.lng; see Dt>ng T6nghe 1944 [1948]: 91, 180). 192. The QieyUn's treatment of these finals may be panty artificial in any case, for the distinction between -;eng and -eng had probably been lost in many dialects; in rhyming, the predominant pattern seems to be for MC -reng, -Eng, -jieng, -jzng, and -eng to rhyme together from Eastern Han down through the Sur dynasty (Ll R6ng 1961-1962 [1982]: 190-97). 193. Actually, the traditional 7G Yu~n group combines three Old Chinese rhymes: *-an, *-en, and *-on; but since .-on developed rather early to *-wan, its development is parallel to that of *-an. 194. Such rhymes show, however, that the vowel of Me -jon < *-jan was still back in Early Middle Chinese. 195. An exception is that syllables which had medial *-rj- followed by a rounded vowel at the time of the change *r~olor also underwent labiodentalization. Since *r-color did not affect rounded vowels. back rounded vowels remained in this environment after *r-Ioss. and

842 Notes

the conditions for labiodentalization were met even though *·r· had been present earlier. For example, we have II 'skin' *prja > prjo (by *.ja > -jo; see Appendix A) > pjo (*r·loss) > EMC pju > fi1 (cf. Jlla < lu < *b-ra 'food vessel'. in the same xi/sheng series). 196. A similar metaphor is involved in Latin rigula 'straight stick, mler', hence 'pattern, principle', from which come, by way of Old French, the various senses of English rule. 197. Middle Chinese gwinX could also reflect *gWrjinl, but the phonetic of iii jan seems to indicate *·un: ([Un < khwin (TIl) < *khrjun 'round granary' rhymes as *-un jn Ode 112.3A, and • jan < twin (III) < *lujun 'fallow deer' rhymes as *-un in Ode 23.IA.

m

198. See Morohashi (1955-1960, item 27583). In the meaning "head kerchief', ~ *krun might be a dialect form of rtJ jfn < kin (III) < *lujin 'head kerchief'. 199. However, Arisaka and Kono rejected Karlgren's "strong vocalic" medial -i-; in fact, they were the first to do so. 200. It was Karlgren's misinterpretation of this phenomenon that led him to reconstruct a distinction between "sU'Ong vocalic -i-" and "weak consonantal -j-"; see section 7.1.2.1 and 7.1.2.2 above. 201. Alternatively, the feature [- tense] could be inserted only if the vowel affected is [-low]. 202. See now also Starnstin (1989: 325-29). 203. To pursue the argument a little further, if the high vowel -u- occurred only after .j., then perhaps -ju- was phonologically lui. In some dialects, the redundant -j- may have been dropped phonetically as well. Thus, even supposing that the transcriptions of "Buddha" and "KumMajiva" with division-m syllables are evidence for a variety of Chinese that lacked -j- in these syUables, this is not necessarily evidence against *-j. at the Old Chinese stage; original *-j- may have simply been dropped where it had become redundant. 204. Pulleyblank's reconstruction of Early Middle Chinese (1984), in which all division-III finals begin with a high (syllabic) vowel, avoids the use of medial -j-, resulting in more natural-looking transcriptions; e.g. f?t f6 'Buddha' is simply but, and the ku of KumArajiva is simply kuw. But this benefit is won at considerable cost in other areas, for Pulleyblank's reconstruction involves a complex theory of syllabicity

NOles

843

(in which more than one segment in a single syllable may be [+ syllabic]) and it fails to provide a straightforward explanation of Middle Chinese rhyming practice. See my review (Baxter 1987b) of PuUeyblank (1984). 205. For example, I reconstruct *-ij, not *-i, in Me -Ej < *-rij, which contrasts with MC -E; < *-re. If I reconstructed *-ri in place of *-ri}, the present fonnulation of the sound change hi > mid would predict that *-ri and *-re would have merged in Middle Chinese. (In fact, -E) and 'E; probably had merged in some Middle Chinese dialects.) I reconstruct *-u, not *-uw, in fA gul < kwijX < *kWrjuJ 'wheel-axle ends'; the unrounding of the original *u is due to a change rounding dissimilation, whose fonnulation would be marginally more complex if I reconstructed *-uw instead of *-u. 206. Note that Karlgren did not recognize the distinction between *·i} and *-i} (Li's *-id and *-Wad); this distinction is discussed in section 10.1.8. 2fJ7. The MYn examples are from Nonnan (1969); the Vietnamese examples are from Haudricourt (1954a [1972]: 179). Tibeto-Bunnan reconstructions are from Benedict (1972) and Coblin (1986). Other data are from Zhong-Zhang Shangfiing (1983. n.d.: 13-15). 208. Zheng-ZhAng Shhngflng (1983) also cites the Korean word mays-tol 'grindstone' (so transcribed in Marrin & Chang 1967, s.v.). The second syllable simply means "stone", but the first syllable looks as if it could be borrowed from Chinese ft'!. me < maJ-I < *majs 'grindstone', a nominal derivative of the verb R! mO < rna < *rna} 'to grind'. The connection of the Korean fonns with DC *ma} is beyond doubt, but the -s in the Korean fonn is evidently an orthographic device to indicate a tense pronunciation of the following consonant (Alexander Vovin, personal communication); so this cannot be counted as evidence for DC *-s in *ma}s 'grindstone'. 209. Starnsrin (1989: 338-43) offers a number of strong arguments that a coda *·r distinct from both *-} and *-n can be reconstructed for Old Chinese on the basis of rhymes and other evidence. Starosrin's *-r shows rhyme and xiesheng contacts with *.j, but its regular Middle Chinese reflex is -n (unlike Karlgren's *-r, whose Middle Chinese reflex is -j or zero); thus it is reconstructed in some of the words where I reconstruct *·n.

844 Notes

210. Benedict originally reconstructed Tibeto-Burman *·iy in this and some Olher words where Old Chinese has *-ii, later substituting *-ay; as I have pointed out (Baxter 1985), the earlier reconstruction is closer to the Old Chinese fonns (though this does not, of course, mean that it is correct for Tibeto-Bunnan). 211. For !fi, the reading gUll of older (and Tl1iwAn) dictionaries is the regular reflex of Me kwz, but mainland Chinese dictionaries now give the pronunciation wO. 212. Benedict (1972: 66n) compares Tibeto-Bunnan *Iay with ::;t lai < thaiH < *hlats 'very great'. and this is repeated by Coblin (1986: 42), but in my system $ *taj is a better phonological match. 213. The original vowel in m/ing 'wind' could be either *i or *u, and if it was *u then the presence of medial *.,. would probably be unde· tectable, since .,-color did not affect rounded vowels; hence the reo construction *p(r)iilum. 214. I reconstruct *-en in f5 MC dzyenH because the Middle Chinese palatal initial appears to come from an original velar-as this sound gloss indicates. As additional evidence for a velar initial in this xiishing series, consider the second syllable of tfiH5 rhrjenx-kienx < *trhjen7-krjen7 'ugly', where palatalization is blocked by the combination *-rj-. This expression occurs in several lexicographical sources; see Morohashi (1955-1960, items 12734 and 12458). The syllables occur in both orders in the Guangylln, but the references in Morohashi show only the order til tl thrjenx-kjenx.. 215. The capital *J of fJJ *lcJengs marks items where a velar initial unexpectedly failed to palatalize (see section 6.1.5). 216. There appears to be a dissimilation *.p > •. Jc in ~ yll < yuwk ·sun· light; bright'. where the Shuowen says the phonetic is Jr 11 < lip < *C-rjip (DIng Fubllo 1928-1932 (1976): 2928); but the phonology of this word is an unsolved puzzle. Note that this word is also written in classical texts as ~ or i:D, and read yt < yik (Karlgren 1957, item 912a); here. too, the phonetic is said to be 1l. /l (DIng FuMo 19281932 [1976): 15(0). These fonus may reflect an Old Chinese dialect where final *-m and *.p changed to *·ng and *-k generally, whatever the initial. It is probably necessary to assume such a dialect to account for occasional Shlj!ng rhymes between the ~ Dong and ff QIn rhyme groups; see discussion in sections 3.3.1 and 10.3.3.

No~s

845

217. Xiang Xi (1986: 887n) notes that this reading is found in the Jl xl J( at :9~ section of the Ylll .iI, the Gongydng zhuan ~$m, the SluWwin, and other texts. 218. Note how the front-vowel hypothesis clarifies this problem, as it also clarifies contacts between *·en and *-eng. Karlgren was unable to see the phonological relationship between" *met (his *miat) and ~ *mek < *Npek (his *miek), saying simply that the former character was "also applied to a synonymous word *miek:' (1957, item 311 f). 219. For additional examples, see also Coblin (1986) s.v. "louse", "sickness/evil", "stagger/fall/stumble", "to stop up", "thicket", and "tie/knot". 220. The character J: actually has two Middle Chinese readings: dzyangx (sMngshlng) and dzyangH (qUshlng). According to the Chinese reading tradition, the sMngsheng reading dzyangX means "to go up", while the qllshlng reading dzyangH means "up" (Zhou Zum6 1946 [1966]: 103). In Mandarin, both dzyangx and dzyangH would regularly become founh-tone shtlng. But since it is usually the Mandarin third tone which corresponds to the Middle Chinese shiJngshlng, the character -.t, when used as the name of the tone, is conventionally read shdng, in third tone, so that the name still exemplifies the tone it refers to. 221. That Chen 01 did not deny the existence of Old Chinese tonal categories altogether is shown by the fact that he sometimes gives "ancient" pronunciations of words which differ only in tone from their modem pronunciations; thus he gives the ancient pronunciation of tI.J. gu < kU/-f 'reason' as is gil < kux 'old, ancient', since it usually rhymes as slulngshing in Old Chinese (Chen D11606 [1957], juan I, p.23). 222. "Gil ren sl sMng yl guA» (1968: 306).

is A

11!1'- Jl";

quoted by D6ng T6nght

223. K6ng Gulngsen's view may have been influenced by his own dialect; a member of the K6ng family of Qufu HB~ in SMndong, and a descendant of Confucius, he probably spoke a northern dialect which lacked rUshing. Also, a system without the final stops of rUsheng may have seemed to fit better with his theory of systematic alternations between yIn and ydng syllables (DOng T6ngh~ 1968: 309). A modem linguist would worry about where the final stops of southern dialects

846 Notes

could have come from in such a system, but the QIng scholars did not hesitate to assume unconditional phonological splits. 224. If we test the ~ Vue and f.il n groups as traditionally defined, then the best estimate of P is about 2.0 x 10-10 , and P does not exceed 1.2 x 10-8 anywhere in the 0.95 confidence interval for P[Yue}. 225. "GO ren shf ylSu sl shfng, te gil ren su6 dl1 zhr sheng yil hOO Iin bi!. 16ng is A'l!l'lll!Y', ~iS ABi":Z'llllfA:fmJ". QuOled by Wng T6nghe (1968: 307). 226. Middle Chinese qUshlng words are involved in some of these se· quences, but in most cases they, too, seem to be words which rhymed as sMngsMng in Old Chinese; an example is '/Ii. gu < [kUff] < *kaJYs) 'reason', mentioned in note 221 above. 227. This item is cited by Downer (1959: 275). 228. Still another pronunciation is jidqf, with an alternate reading of M qr. 229. The correlation of voice and register has been disrupted in modern Vietnamese by subsequent sound changes, so that voiced and voiceless initials occur in both high- and low-register tones. 230. Some of the examples cited by Gregerson and Thomas are loans from Chinese, not native Mon-Khmer words. Two items (at least) are regular Sino-Vietnamese borrowings: Vietnamese gidi 'untie' = fi jil < keix 'to unloose, untie', and Vietnamese U'rite, ceremony' = ~ [( < lejx 'rite'. Two of the fonns cited as exceptional (which fail to show Man-Khmer -h as expected) are also probably older Chinese loans, not Mon-Khmer etyma: Vietnamese dl, Chrau d2 'easy' = ~ yl < yeH < *ljeks (cf. Sino-Vietnamese dO and Vietnamese kM, Chrau kho 'difficult' = is kiJ. < khux < *kha7 'bitter' (cf. Sino-Vietnamese kho); see Gregerson & Thomas (1976: 81). 231. It is possible that Chinese 1'P bu < pUff < *pas 'cloth' reflects the same etymon. Sanskrit karpdsa evidently has no good Indo-European etymology, and may be borrowed from some other language, perhaps Austroasiatic (Mayrhofer 1956-1972, vol. 1. pp. 174-75). 232. The expression Itt; dul yang 'to respond by extolling', common in bronze inscriptions (and also found in Ode 262.6), is written as ~m dd yang in the SJulngsJuJ iWIi! (chapter 42, paragraph 24, cited by Schuessler 1987: 107-8).

Notes

847

m:

233. The character does not occur in early Zh5u texts, according to Schuessler (1987); in the early script the same character probably served for both the verb and the derived noun. 234. The multiple readings of *. [tid] - tidi < daH - dajH < *lats 'great, big', might reflect dialect differences in the application of final cluster simplification. The reading daH could reflect a dialect where at least the *-ts > *-js pan of final cluster simplification preceded, and therefore fed. *·aj monophthongization. Note, however, that MC daN would be expected to give Mandarin duO, not dd, so the relation of Mandarin tid to MC daH is uncertain. For what it is worth, it is southern dialects (e.g. Cantonese) which preserve the reflex of MC dajH as the normal pronunciation of this character. 235. ~ *kit probably reflects earlier *kik; (Coblin 1986: 149--50).

cr. Tibetan' khyig-pa 'to bind'

236. See Schuessler (1987: 221) The rhyme sequence 39.3B includes the rwheng word. xiii < hzr 'linch-pin', along with the qwheng words mai < m;ejH 'to walk, move on, move along' and ~ wei < hjwejH 'Wei (name of a state)'. But. xid seems to rhyme as *-ats also in 218.1, so perhaps it too was qwheng in Old Chinese.

a

237. An example of textual corruption is probably the word BitI [ptl] < bajH < *oots in Ode 304.6A, the only qwhing word in a sequence with eight rUshing words. Here Xiang Xi (1986: 329) gives convincing evidence that the correct reading is probably ~ fii < pjot < *pjat 'to set out', which is also the reading preferred by Karlgren. The example of W hili just cited illustrates how irregular rhymes might have arisen through leveling. 238. Mixed rhymes of this type appear to occur occasionally in the ZMu song section (Odes 266-96), but many of these poems do not rhyme at all, so it is difficult to know whether they were intended as rhymes. 239. In spite of its name, the Shang song section of the Shfjfng does not date from Shing times, but was composed rather late in the state of Song 5R, whose rulers were descended from the Shang royal family. See section 9.3.1. 240. "Qln LOng

zt qii sheng w6i ri>

lIHa~IJ;HllmA."

241. In my system, ~ bi < bjiejH (IV) would be *bjets, so we might expect the northwestern pronunciation to be MC bjiet (IV) < *bjet, not bek.

848 Notes

Note that this example probably illustrates that pure division-IV -e· Ue/) has merged with the -jie- (probably Ije/) of division-IV chOngniit finals. 242. Schuessler, on the other hand, suggests that ~ huO is "a ·k derivation (distributive)" of ff yOu (1987: 261); this would suggest reconstructions ff you < ·wji7, with no ·-k, and ~ huO < .w;2k. If Schuessler is right, we might have the same suffix in I!l shoo < sra:wk < ·sr(j)o(7)k 'frequently, a number of times', from 8: shit < srjUX < ·srjo7'lo count', shu < srjuH < ·srjO(7)s 'number'. 243. Reconstructions without final voiced stops include those of Pulleyblank (1977-1978) and Wang L1 (I980b); see section 8.3.4 below. 244. Simon (1927-1928) reconstructed final voiced fricatives in place of Karlgren's ··b, .-<1, ••g, because he wished to reconstruct *-h, *-<1, *-g in place of Karlgren's voiceless *.p, *·t, *-k. The reason was that Karlgren's *-p, ··t, and ··k show correspondences with the final -h, ·d, and -g of Written Tibetan, which Simon took: at face value as voiced. 245. Karlgren later made much more use of traditional phonology, however, in "Word families in Chinese" (1933) he refers to DuAn Yudi's Liu shU ylnyun bide and Wi1ng Niansun's Gil yiln pit (see sections 4.3.6 and 4.3.9). Some of the differences between Karlgren's Archaic reconstruction and the reconstructions by Chinese scholars such as Dc'Sng T6nghe and Li Fang-kuei result from the fact that Karlgren relied more on Wi1ng NiAnsun while modem Chinese scholars have tended to rely more on Ji!ng yougAo. 246. Actually, as Jaxontov pointed out. the earliest use of the character 1l was to write the word */craie 'come, go' later written f3, as in the next example. 247. In particular, the words I reconstruct with *-aIes seem to show two general patterns of rhyming behavior in the ShIjing: in the older pans of the Shljlng, they occasionally rhyme with rilsheng *-ak; in the newer parts, they rhyme with words in .-as. This change probably reflects different stages of the change final cluster simplification. 248. Of course, we do not reconstruct Old Chinese in this way merely to make it look like Tibetan; these characteristics are supponed by evidence from the history of Chinese itself, especially the classical reading tradition.

No~s

849

'*

249. Some such mechanism might also be involved in the history of the word qll < khjoH < *khjas or *khjaps (1) 'to go away, leave'. XiJs~ng evidence seems to indicate that this word had a coda *-p, but if it were *khjaps we would expect it to become *k.hjau by *.ps > *·ts, eventually becoming Me khjojH. Perhaps the final *.p was lost in unstressed position, and the unstressed fonn was generalized. But qll is not this word's history is complicated by other problems: simply "to go" in Old annese, as it is in modem Chinese, but rather "to leave", presumably related to qi1 < khjox 'to remove'; the relationship of these forms is not clear. It is also possible that two xi~­ shing series, one with *-p and one without, have been confused here.

'*

'*

250. For an insightful discussion in English on the development of Chinese writing, see Norman (1988, chapter 3). A very useful overview in Chinese is Ll Xut.qfn (1985), on which much of this section is based. 251. For two views on the matter see Cheung (1983) and Boltz (1986). 252. For a detailed account of oracle bone texts, see Keightley (1985). 253. Collections of rhymed passages include Wang Gu6wfi (1917 [1968]), Guo Mbrub (1954), and eMn ShlhuT (1979, 1981). (I have no' had access to CMn ShlhuI 1979.) A list of rhymes based on these is given by YU Niiyoog (1980), who proposes a reconstruction of Old Chinese taking the script and rhymes of the bronze inscriptions into account. 254. Based on the lists in YU Nliy6ng (1980: 161-76), favorite rhyme groups in bronze inscriptions include L ZhI, ;; y tog, and tii You; the III YOu rhymes. without exception, involve only words 1 would reconstruct with *-u, none I would reconstruct with *-iw. 255. These three works, only fragments of which survive, were character textbooks for use in learning how to write, presumably defining the new Q£n script standard. Fragments of the Cdng Ji~ pidn have recently been discovered at Shulnggiidui ~i5"Jlt Fuy~ng ¥~ county, Anhui province, the same site where fragments of the ShIjing were found; see AnhuT Sh!ng W~nwu Gongzub Dul 3itB!ffX4mI fl'1\I., et 01. (1978).

:t:

~ 'Grand 256. According to legend, ShY Zhbu ~ Ii, who was taishl Scribe' under King Xulin :D: of ZMu (reigned 827-782 B.C.), wrote the Shl ZhOu pidn, a character textbook probably similar to those just described. The script of this book, called ZMu win tfix 'script of [ShT] Zhbu' 01" eta zhudn 'large seal script', was said to have

*_

850 Nores

been used in the state of Qfn during the Chiinqiii and ZhAngu6 periods (770-476 B.C. and 475-221 B.C. respectively). The expression zhuansha • • 'seal script' refers, however, to the xii10 zhudn or 'small seal' of the Qfn dynasty. The Shl ZhOu pilln survives only in fragments quoted in the Shuowen. 257. DUM yucw. includes many observations of this kind in his notes to the Shuowen jilzl. 258. The irregular aspirate in modem Mandarin probably results from anachronistic interpretation of the fdnqie spelling ~ i$ W qfn + zui < Me dzin + tswijH, where the initial speller ~ qfn < dzin is aspirated in Mandarin because it is pfngshlng. 259. The heMu final -wijH in ~ [cui] < dzwijH < *dzjups is in tum evidence for a rounded vowel in jf < *dzjup; see section 10.3.4.

m

260. There is actually little good evidence as to whether the original coda was dental or labial in words with this phonetic; the words in Karlgren's series 515 (1957) are all qUshLng, with no rUshing words in either -t or -po While some characters with the phonetic ~ are used to write words in -t, this may reflect later writing practice.

rp'

261. The related fonn wtn < mjunH < *mjuns 'ask' is probably a late character also. A character consisting of "mouth" and "gate" has been found in fragmentary oracle-bone inscriptions, but the inscriptions are too short to allow interpretation, and there is no reason to believe that this character represents "ask" (LI XiAodlng 1965: 363; Ikeda Suetoshi 1964, vol. 2, p. 37). Such a character also appears on a bronze bell, where it is a proper name. The bell is the ~fb'il ShY "Wen" Zhong, cited by Xu ZMngshii (1980: 42); I have not been able to locate the full inscription. 262. This summary is based largely on QiJ Wanll (1983a, passim, and 1983b: 327-35); for further discussion, see Xiang Xi (1986) and Gao Heng (1980, passim). 263. See, for example, Odes 4, 5,6, 7,11,12,16,18,19,20,21,22,24,25, 36, 44, and 45 264. See Odes 167,168,177,191, 192,and 193. 265. The Hdn shil., by Slin Gu ffileJ of Eastern Han, is the official history of the Fonner or Western Han dynasty; the Ylwen zhi is its bibliographical section.

Notes

851

266. This explanation of the word ~ shI may originally have been based on structure of its graph; in any case, ~ zhl may be taken as a sound gloss. See Chow Tse·tsung (1968). 267. This does not necessarily imply that poetry was ever simply recited without chanting or singing; perhaps it simply distinguishes the verbal and nonverbal aspects of the perfonnance. 268. For further information on the "burning of the books", see Bodde (1938). 269. There were originally forty· six stones, with the classical texts in· scribed in tisM [clerical script]. They contained seven classical texts including the Ui version of the Shfjfng. Although they had been destroyed by Tang times, fragments have been discovered since Song times. 270. 1 tentatively reconstruct OC *·;m rather than *·um in ~ jin because it rhymes irregularly with *-ing in 245.8A. But by late Han, the main vowel may have been rounded by labial neutralization, which eliminated the contrast between rounded and unrounded vowels before labial codas. See section 10.3.3. 271. Karlgren's gloss illustrates the complexity of Shfjing textual problems. The Xiping stone classics are said to represent the LU Shi, but Karl· gren (following W.fng Xianqian) says that the Lu Shi has fI~jid wi here, just like the Mao version. The Hlin version, on the other hand, is said to have had Mt~ wu me; 'waking and sleeping'. Karlgren concludes: "Since (the reading flJR;: jid wI] is attested in two of the ancient schools, it ought to be safe". 272. Note that this reading supports the reconstruction of medial *.,. in the division-II word fi. jid < kllX < *kra7; the medial in li.jidn < ka:m < *kram is confinned by xiesheng evidence, since ~ *kram is phonetic in ~ Jan < lam < *g·ram 'indigo'. 273. Examples are conveniently collected by Coblin (1983: 199-208). 274. Both illidn < len 'lotus fruit' and :illidn < ljen 'connect' are late characters; see section 10.1.1. 275. The reconstruction of a cluster in this form is also supported by the Vietnamese fonn sen 'lotus', possibly an old loan from Chinese (the regular Sino-Vietnamese fonn is lien). As Mei and Norman (1971: 102) point out, Vietnamese s- often represents an earlier cluster *Cr-.

852

Not~s

276. But :ft: juan < kjwenx 'to roll' is to be reconstructed as *krjon? (26.3B); the xitshlng connection of« - " *gWrjen 'handsome' with Tf: *krjon? 'to roll' is probably late, reflecting the changes rounding diphthongization and *r-color; see section 10.1.1.

277. The Jfngdidn shiwtn assigns the same reading also in 145.2, attributing it to the M~o tradition, which of course takes rJj jidn to mean III *g-ran there as well. 278. According to the JrngdiAn Shiwtn, the H
279. It is also possible that the M~o tradition has not been faithfully preserved here, and that. as a Qing scholar would say, a "shallow person [qiAn ren mAl" transferred M~o's gloss for Ode 95.1 to Ode 145.2. 280. See Odes 54.2A, 58.6A, 220.3A, 223.1A, 253.5B, and 274.1B. Ode 58.6 appears to include one *-on word, but is otherwise *·an; it seems to be a genuine ex.ception to the principle that *-on and *-an rhyme separately. In Ode 274.1B, Ji..fdn rhymes with 1M, nonnally jidn < kEnx < *krenl'bamboo strip', but here MM means "great", not "bamboo strip"; I suspect that the apparent irregular rhyming of *-an and *·en is a result of tex.tual corruption (see section 10.1.1). 281. "Zhf jin rl chlW.n

k~

zhl shu er yl wei shl gil ren zhi men b!n, pI y6u wen ren yan slin ke she guT er zhli qf ze ye fJl~ B jlf~JZ ilffii I;.(~ JEi'i' .A.ZA:<$:, 'l:lftrdl.A.'gmjjj-~Jiliffii:«1t.lJ!" (quoted by Yii Xlngwu 1962: 144).

282. Calculating ex.actly how likely this is, for various kinds of samples. is a rather complex. mathematical problem, which I have not solved. Oearly, the answer depends in part on the size of the sample, and in part on how frequent individual words are in the sample. To take an ex.treme ex.ample. suppose a sample consisted of a hundred couplets. and suppose no rhyme word in the sample occurred more than once. Then the two hundred words of the sample could be divided into two nonoverlapping groups in any number of ways (actually, in any of 2 100 - I ways, a very large number); moreover. if we applied our statistical tests to groups so defined, the rhyming distinction will always appear significant In samples where some words have higher frequencies. this is less likely to happen.

Notes

853

283. Shdngshing words which are reconstructed with stop codas on etymological grounds (such as ~ cdi < tshojx < *srf(t)l'color', so reconstructed because of an assumed relation to ~ s~ < srit < *srjik 'color') usually rhyme with sMngshlng words rather than rwheng words in the Shijlng, which could mean that *·t1had already become *-lin such words. Since my purpose in this chapter is to analyze rhyming of the ShIjlng period, I include such words in yfnsheng categories rather than rUshing (in this case, in *-; rather than *-ile).

284. These equivalences are approximate, since the reconstructions do not correspond one-to-one. For example, I list Karlgren's *·dn as the equivalent of my *·an (since Karlgren's *K4n corresponds to my ·Kan), and his *-wdn as the equivalent of my *-on (since Karlgren's *Twdn corresponds to my *Ton). These correspondences usually hold, but Karlgren's *-wan can also correspond to my *·an (e.g. Karlgren's *Pwt2n, my *Pan). For details of other reconstructions, one must consult the works of the respective authors. 285. In Pulleyblank's reconstructions, raised r, j, and w are not segments but cover symbols for the influence of features in nearby consonants; Pulleyblank: calls them "umlauts" (1977-1978: 184). Thus a raised w could indicate influence from a preceding labial or labiovelar; a raised j could indicate influence from a preceding palatal or palatalized initial. The details of Pulleyblank's initial consonants and the umlauts they produce have not been published. 286. In general, Li Fang-kuei reconstructed *-jian as the source of both chOngniu finals -j~1I (III) and ·ji~n (IV). It is not clear to me whether Pul1eyblank would reconstruct distinctions para1le1 to my *-jan *-jen distinction after acute initials, or my ·-rjan ··rjen after grave initials.

'*

'*

287. HIMu words beginning with TS- and TSr- initials are phonologically ambiguous because they could reflect syllables like *SI(W(r)jen (with metathesizing ·S-; see section 6.2.3.2), where the rounding comes from the initial cluster rather than the main vowel. Similarly, Me ywen could reflect *wjen, with regular palatalization of *wj· before a front vowel; see section 6.1.6.

288. Although I consider -Ztl to be the regular reflex of *-ran and .£1J the regular reflex of ·-ren, these finals are unreliable indicators of ··an

854 Notes

and "'-en because of their early merger in some dialects (see section 9.3.1). 289. In tables such as this, the figures for rhyme occurrences include all occurrences of unambiguous syllables, even when they occur in rhyme sequences where all the other words are phonologically ambiguous. Such rhyme sequences are not included when counting unambiguous rhyme sequences, however. For example, ffi yuan < 7jwien (IV) 'grieved', which is an unambiguous *-en word, rhymes in Ode 145.2A with two phonologically ambiguous words. This is counted in Table to.7 as an occurrence of unambiguous *-en. However, Ode l45.2A is not counted in Table to.8 among the rhyme sequences involving unambiguous words, since it includes only one such word. (It turns out that the two ambiguous words in the sequence should also be reconstructed with *-en, however.) Middle Chinese readings are based on the GuiIngyiUt or QiiyiUt and the Jfngdidn shlwen. Only tonally regular sequences are counted; for example, in counting pfngsMng sequences, I do not count the unambiguous *-an words fi htln < MnJI and 1i xitln < xjonJI, even though they seem to rhyme consistently as pfngshing. 1 exclude them to avoid circularity, since the judgment that they were originally pfngsMng words rests on rhyme evidence. Excluding them does not introduce any bias, except in favor of the null hypothesis, for they rhyme consistently as *-an; including them would make the case for separating *-en, *-an, and "'-on even stronger. 290. The individual pfngshing sequences are: two-word "'-en sequence, 97.1A; two-word non-*-en sequences, 39.3A, 58.2A, 86.IA, 184.1 B-2B. 197.8A. 200.4A. 219.1 A. 241.8A. 250.5B, 253.5A. 254.7A, and 305.6A; three·word non·"'-en sequences, 56. lA, 69.IA, 76.3A, 147.1A, 164.3A, 177.5A, and 250.2A; four-word non-"'-en sequence, 112.1A. The shdngshlng sequences are: two-word non-*-en sequences, 42.2A, 89.1A, 102.3A, 106.3A, l51.4C, 165.3A, 169.3B, 223.1A, and 253.5B; five-word non-*-en sequence, 254.IA. The qwhing sequences are: two-word *-en sequence, 298.3A; twoword non-*-en sequences, 34.3A, 75.1B-3B, 82.1A, 106.3B,215.3A, 259.7A, and 263.5A; three-word *-en sequence, 217.3B; three-word non-*-en sequences, 124.3A and 250.6A; five-word mixed sequence, 58.6A.

Notes 855

291. The 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-on] in pfngshlng extends from 1/80 = 0.0125 to 8/80 = 0.100; the 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-on] in sJulngshing extends from 2/18 = 0.111 to 10/18 = 0.556; the 0.95 confidence interval for p[*-on] in qashtng extends from 1/50 = 0.020 to 8/50 = 0.160. 292. Thepfngshlng sequences are: two-word *-on sequence, 147.IA; twoword non-*-on sequences, 39.3A, 76.3A, 86.IA. 1Il.1A, 139.3A, 145.2A, 164.3A, 189.1A, 197.8A, 200.4A, 220.3A, 253.5A, and 256.7A; three-word non-*-on sequences, 58.2A, 69.1A, 97.1A, and 177.5A; four-word non-*-on sequences, 125.1B-3B and 241.8A; fiveword oon-*-on sequence, 112.IA; and six-word non-*-on sequence, 305.6A. The sMngshing sequences are: two-word noo-*-on sequences, 165.3A and 254.1A. The qashlng sequences are: two-word *-on sequence, 250.6A; two-word non-*·on sequences, 34.3A, 171.2A, 215.3A, 241.5A, 254.8D, 259.7A, 263.5A, and 298.3A; three-word non-*-on sequences, 80.3A, 82.1A, 124.3A, 217.3B; fourword non-*-on sequence, 58.6A.

293. I include "7" in parentheses here because this word sometimes rhymes as pfngsheng, sometimes as shiingshlng. 294. In fact, the Fuyling She has ~ */con? in Ode 42.2 where the Mao version has 'B' (Hii Pfngshcng & Han Ziqiang 1988: 56, fragment 8048). 295. The character II appears not to have a separate entry in ZhOu FAgao et aI. (1974a), but the character occurs on the vessels Chen Chen Y6u 1N!'2 g (number 2730) and CMn CMn Ht 1N!'2J1!< (number 1951), quoted in ZhOu FAgao et aI. (1974a, item 0223). 296. The Yijing rhymes are in the xiGng sections under hexagrams 11, 52, and 58. 297. Karlgren here erroneously writes ljan (= MC ljen) instead of lien (= MC len) for the Middle Chinese reading of ]lMn. 298. Present texts of the Shu6win say that 9~ is the gilwen tix 'ancient character' for fI [kudng] < kwrengx < *kwrang? 'ore', but this is refuted by Duan Yucai (Ding FiiMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 4177). The ShuOwin's statement is based on a passage in the ZMu If where 9~ is used as a loan for lI-a substitution which probably occurred after rounding diphthongization.

856 Notes

299. In general, Li reconstructs a single final *-jiat as the origin of the chOngniu finals -jet (III) and -jiet (IV). It is not clear to me whether Pulleyblank would reconstruct distinctions parallel to my *-jat ':# *-jet distinction after acute initials, or my *-rjat:F- *-rjet after grave initials.

300. The Jfngdidn shlwin says that here it is to be read Mi < bajH, implying DC *bots, but even if this is so, tR bti < bajH < *bots, which Karlgren glosses as "thinned out", is probably cognate to *brot 'pull out'.

tR

301. The individual rhyme sequences are: two-word *-et sequence, 192.8A; two-word non·*-et sequences, 8.2A, 16.1A, 31.4A, 31.5A, 72.IA, 102.2B, 149.IB, 150.3A, 154.IB, 202.5A, 218.IA, 245.2A, 255.8A, 260.3B, and 290. IE; three-word non-*-et sequences, 14.2A, 91.3A, 99.2A, and 225.2A; five-word mixed sequence, 304.2A; six· word mixed sequence, 304.6A. 302. The individual rUshing sequences are: two-word *·ot sequences, 8.2A, 14.2A, 225.2A; two-word non·*·ot sequences, 62.IA, 66.2A, 102.2B, 149.IA,154.IB, 167.2C, 192.8A, 203.7B, and 218.IA; threeword non-*~ot sequences, 57.4A, 304.2A; six·word non·*-ot se~ quence, 304.6A. The individual qilrhtng sequences are: two-word *-ots sequences, 23.3A and 237.8C; two-word non·*~ts sequences, 34.IB, 44.2A, 63.2A, 1I1.2A, 182.2A, 224.2B, 225.4A, 255.8A, and 264.lB; three-word non·*-ots sequence, 300.5C; four-word non~*·ots sequence, 253.4A. 303. Actually, the method of section 3.2.6 applies when there are no mixed sequences, and one unmixed sequence from the less common group. It would be even better to calculate the probability of getting three unmixed sequences from the less common group (in rllsheng) or two unmixed sequences from the less common group (in qilrheng), as we find in this sample. But these calculations would be rather quite complex. It will be sufficient for our purposes to calculate in both cases the probability of the more inclusive event that there will be no unmixed sequences, and at least one unmixed *~OI(S) sequence. 304. For example, ~jie rhymes in Chl1 c[ filf: GuO sMng ~;a with EfI jid < b:p < *krap, and in the Yijlng (13, Xidng zhudn ~i') with $. fd < pjop <: *pjap. IlJ], jt *tsjals <: *tsjaps rhymes as *-ats in the Yljfng (Ttli 14306) with 7~ wdi <: ngwajH<: *ngWars and lid < daH- dajH

*-

NOles

857

< *lats (see Zhil Junsheng 1833, quoted in Ding Flibiio 1928-1932 [1976]: 5419). 305. It is also possible that whoever composed Ode 299 was imitating an earlier poetic style and vocabulary that he no longer fully understood or controlled. 306. In U's system, the vowel*~ becomes rounded in syllables where both initial and coda are acute. 307. The Bei[lng JlI!i!,s, Yong[lng lII!lIl., and Wei[lng ltilll. were all referred to as Wiiftng ~m in early times, and the division into these three parts may be artificial (Qil WanlI 1983a: 41--42); but as this poem refers to the ?iiJ He (= Huanghe, the Yellow River), it probably originates in the nonhero part of the wei ~ area in any case. 308. This does not necessarily imply that the phonetic if always indicates *-ej; 81 ml in Ode 43.1 may originally have been written as tV (see Qij WAn1l1983a: 42). 309. This is according to the Xi30 Xli version of the ShuOwen (Ding FuMo 1928-1932 [1976]: 5579).

m:

cui as a loan character 310. Karlgren decided that the interpretation of for !f! cu{) was wrong (Karlgren 1942-1946 [1964], gloss 696) because his reconstruction made it appear that 111 coo < *rshcjs (his *ts'wd) and fR suI < *snjuj (his *snjwar) were phonologically too remote from each other.

311. There are also two rhyme sequences (chapters 10 and 28) where *-jaj rhymes with *-je, suggesting that the fronting of *-aj-which led to the absence of labiodentalizing finals in this group (see above}-had already begun. 312. Although the development of the Middle Chinese form of fI huI < xjwie (IV) 'destroy' is not entirely clear. its final must be *·oj. The MC x- initial here seems to be a dialect development of *hJ-, for this xitsheng series is an *1- initial type, with final *-oj; cf. the alternate graph 'dismantle. destroy the walls', read both duO < dwax < *loj7 and Iud < xjwie (IV) < *hljoj. The fact that the initial was originally acute is probably responsible in some way for the division-IV cMngniiJ final -jwie.

m

858

NokS

313. Li assumed that *-an developed a hiMu glide -w- after acute initials; thus the source of Me -£l1 in his system is *-r.m after grave initials but *-rian after acute initials. 314. The plngsheng sequences are: two-word ·-in sequences: 5.IA, 40.IA, 155.1A, 248.5A, and 257.4A; four-word ·-un sequence, 112.3A. Ql1sheng, two-word *-in sequence: 197.6A. 315. For example, it rhymes as --in in chapters 4 and 6 of lAozt.

m

316. Some versions of the text have ~ xl < hejH or ngejH instead of pan (e.g. Harvard-Yenching Institute 1934 [1962]: 12), but I follow the usual view that this is a scribal error (XiMg Xi 1986: 327-28).

317. Wang Xilinqilin (1915 [1973]: 103) says this is the text of the Ui version. 318. The rhyme sequences are in chapters 4 and 56, which are consistently --in words according to my reconstruction. However, since LiJozl sometimes appears to rhyme *-in and --in together, it may not give reliable evidence on this distinction. 319. Karlgren did not reconstruct a source for the Middle Chinese divisionIT final -£I in this group. For example, he reconstructed Ja xia < hEt < *grit 'shrewd' as *g'dt (Karlgren 1957, item 373v), as if it were in the traditional J.J Yue group, even though its phonetic element E jl < kjit (rY) < *kJit 'auspicious', Karlgren's *kilt, is in the ft Zhl group. By analogy to other groups, we would expect a reconstruction *g'it instead of *g' dt. 320. The 0.99 confidence interval for P[*-it] (rl1shlng) extends from 0/6 = 0.00 to 3/6 = 0.50; the 0.95 confidence interval for P[*-its] (qUshlng) extends from 8fl6 = 0.308 to 18fl6 = 0.692. 321. The rusheng sequence is 29.4A (unmixed *-ut sequence). The ql1sheng sequences are: two-word *-its sequences, 35.6B, 251.3A, and 257.6B; two-word *-uts sequences, 194.4A and 257.13A; fourword *-uts sequence, 255.3A. 322. The traditional term for this is WU Zhl hi yun ~:ft..g.lli 'rhymes mixing ~ WU and :ill Zhl'. 323. Note the irregular aspirate initial in the modem pronunciation, probably reflecting anachronistic interpretation of the fdnqM spelling ~Mi:JJ dzin (aspirated in Mandarin) + tswijH = dzwJjH.

Not~s

859

324. Alternatively, we could reconstruct t*: */ups, remaining in some dialects and dissimilating to *Jips in others. 325. Note that ~~ Ii < /ijH < *C-rjips 'arrive' here might represent the same root as it dtli < dojH < *(g-)Jips 'reach to', cited above, with dialect confusion of *r and */. 326. The initial of ilI ~i < hwijH is still a problem. On the possibility that *r- became *wr- or *Iiwr- in some dialects, see Bodman (1980: 87-89). 327. Wang U was influenced by several earlier scholars who had seen the possibility of further subdividing Jillng YOugao's H~ Zhi group, including Zhang BlngUn and Huang Kl1n; see Wang Ll 1937 [1980]: 141-48. 328. Wling U's proposal was not accepted by Karlgren, however, who had already fonnulated large parts of his Archaic Chinese reconstruction at the time Wang U's paper appeared. 329. There are also a few words assigned by Wang U to the f;ti Wei group which I reconstruct with the H~ Zhi-group rhyme *-ij, such as $I wei < ywij < *wjij 'to bind'. 330. Middle Chinese -oj does occur with initial types other than *K-, but such syllables all come from other groups (e.g. . . tai < doj < *u 'tower', from the traditional .:2. Zhi group).

m:

Wei 331. Actually, the Middle Chinese contrasts in the H~ Zhi and groups could be accounled for with only a two-way vowel contrast: one could reconstruct, say, *-ij in both fa q[ < khejx and ~ qf < rshe}, and *-ij in both ~ lciii < kho}x and cui < tshwo}, with a rule rounding *-i} to MC -wo} after acute initials. (This is basically what U's system does with the finals *·jd and *-~.) But three main vowels are necessary to account for Shfjfng rhyming, for words like £i. lciii and cui do not regularly rhyme with each other in the Shfjing (even when they are in the same tone).

m

m

332. Wang Ll did not make clear how this criterion applied to labial-initial words; for example, he listed fB mei < mij 'eyebrow' as a H~ Zhi word, and 1l bei < pi} (Ill) 'sad' as a ~ Wei word (1937 [1980]: 143).

om

333. The exact figures differ in different printings of the paper. The 1980 version (1937 [1980]: 146) lists Ito rhymes, of which eighty-four are

860 Notes

unmixed and twenty-six are mixed. W~ng U's statement summarizing this evidence is quoted near the beginning of section 3.2 above. 334. Of course, Me -en can come from the 7ti Yul1.n group also (my *-en), so it has three different origins; see Chapter 7, section 7.1.3. 335. Wang U recognized that l3 xf < sej < *sij 'west' was an exception, Wei but to )( Wen but he accounted for it by assigning it not to (1937 [1980]: 137).

m:

336. The same word, written as ~, rhymes with *-ij in 51.2A (a lineinternal rhyme not recognized by Wang Ll) and in 151.4B with the *-ij word !II. jf < kij 'hungry'. Wling U treated this last sequence as a regular ff!:f Zhi rhyme because he (erroneously) assigned !II. i1 to the DIl ZItI rhyme also. D6ng T6nght correctly assigned !II jf to the 1il\ Wei group. 337. The other rhyme word in 138.1 A is trl )1, mentioned in the previous note as rhyming with ~)1 < *uij 'ascend'. 338. The rhyme sequences are listed below. Of Wang U's twenty-six irregular sequences, twenty-one are regular in my reconstruction (and some of the remaining irregularities may be due to late characters in the text; see below). Of the fifteen irregular cases which he eliminated by reanalysis, eleven are regular in my reconstruction. At the same time, eight sequences on his list of the remaining sixty-eight regular sequences become irregular in my reconstruction. 339. A parallel dissimilation after *f(W- could explain the irregular rhyming of ft gui < kjwij < *kWjij « *kWjuj?) 'return'; see discussion below. 340. We find a significant rhyming distinction between *-ij and *·uj no matter which of the two definitions of ~ Wei we use. Using my tf& Wei group instead of Wl1.ng U's adds to the number of unambiguous cases of *-ij, and it increases the number of unmixed rhyme sequences in *.;j. This would tend to make the rounded-vowel hypothesis look bener than under Wang U's proposal. But this tendency is offset to some extent by the fact that in my analysis, the relative probability of a *-ij rhyme word is greater than in Wang U's, so that unmixed *-ij sequences are more likely to occur by chance. 341. The individual pfngshlng sequences are: two-word *-uj sequences, 3.2A, 178.4B, 258.3A; two-word *-ij sequences, 57. lA, lOO.2A, 167.6A. and 195.2A.

Notu

861

342. The other rhymes of 58 dl are less clear. The sequences 7I.IA-3A, 92.1A-2A, and l83.1A, where 58 dl seems to rhyme as *·uj, are discussed below. In 209.5C, 58 dl may rhyme as *-ij, but it is not clear that it is intended as a rhyme. When used for the second syllable of the rhyming binome W58 k4i[ll] < kJwjx·dejX < *khij·dijx 'joyous and pleased', the character 58 seems to rhyme consistently as *·ij (105.2A, 173.3A, 239.IA). 343. See Odes 2.3A, 13.3B, 28.1A-3A, 36.IA-2A, 41.2A, 88.4A, 147.2A, 154.2C, 156.IB, 156.4B, 159.4A, 162.IA, 162.2A, 167.IA-3A, 168.6A, 169.2C, 174.1A, 204.2A, 209.5C (with a possible case of *.jj; see above), 259.6A, 2OO.8A, 263.6D, and 298.2B. 344. See 3.2A, 3O.4A, 156.2E, 164.2A, and 201.2A. 345. If this hypothesis is correct, then .tif~tI!f zhen hd jljr in Ode 239.1A should be interpreted to mean "the hazels and hu trees are stately", not "the hazels and Jul trees are numerous", because mll' jljr < r.sejx·r.sejx rhymes here as *-ij7. 346. The GudngyWt also gives a nlshing reading bok for tf' pil. Me bok would normally represent *bik, so perhaps this reading reflects the same dialect change of *0 to *i that we find in the Shfjfng. 347. Schuessler (1987: 647) reconstructs ffJ wu as *mj:1, presumably which he reconstructs as *ma7. But because of its connection with this makes the Middle Chinese reading of fa wu < mju irregular, for Schuessler's *mja regularly becomes Me m(j)uw, not mju; cf. ~ mOu < muw < mjuw < *mji, Schuessler's *mjtJ.

m:,

348. In 213.2, some versions of the Mlio text have the character. instead of M (Xililtg Xi 1986: 832), but this must be a scribal error. 349. The connection between ~ mil 'acre' and "plow" may be that a mi1 was a unit of plowing of some kind. In spite of the usual gloss "acre", early texis suggest that the notion of plowing may have been primary in early Chinese texts; ~ mil is frequently used as a verb (usually interpreted as "to layout acres''), and the interpretation of the phrase ~..Ei: mil qiil (Ode 200.7) as "acred hill" (Karlgren) seems strained. For a somewhat similar semantic development, compare the English acre, meaning in Old English "an area of land which can be plowed with a pair of oxen in a single day", from an earlier meaning "field" (Pokorny 1989, 6).

862

NOkS

350. So Zh6u Ziim6 (1983: 92); see also Lu6 & Zh6u (1958: 18), Juhl (1974: 422). 351. [n acute-initial syllables, my *-rji corresponds to Li's ··rj~g and PuUeyblank's .J:oJy, but I also assume that there were syllables ·Krji (indistinguishable in Middle Chinese from ·Kji), where Li and Pulleyblank would presumably have ._j~g and ••;j y respectively. 352. Karlgren (1957, item 1037a) reconstructs this word as *miQk, which places it in the ill Ju~ group (my ·-uk). This is an error; it clearly rhymes as ··ik in Ode 168.1A, and ZhU Junsheng (1833) records another ._i}; rhyme from the ZhOu shU JHI (quoted in Drng F6b30 1928-1932 [1976]: 1373). 353. This is mentioned by ZhOu Zum6 (1984: 89), but he places it in chapter 27. This seems to be an error, it is in chapter 30 according to MlwMgduiHan Mu BOOh" Zhlngll Xiloz" (1976: 92). 354. According to DUM yucw. characters like Jm have Il" substituted for !f as a graphic corruption; see Ding Fub~o (1928-1932 [1976]: 2868). 355. It is possible that the use of !f ·ngra as a phonetic for ·ra originated in a confusion between ·C-rang-ra and ·C-rang-ngra in the pronunciation oCthe place name JR.$. But note that we find a similar ·ngr- ·r- alternation in Ii ydo < yak < ·rawk 'to give medicine, cure', whose phonetic is" ytd < ng;r:wk < ·ngrawk 'music', also read It < lak < ·g·rawk 'happy, glad; rejoice'. 356. The JingdUIn shl~n also 1UOrds for .. a reading Jc.hjo < *Jc.h(r)ja in LiJozf; this reading is also mentioned by Du!n Yucli in his commentary on the ShuOwen (DIng Fublo 1928-1932 [1976]: 6399). A reading khjo is easier to relate to lSYh~ < ·KHjA than is kjo. It is possible that we have a minor sound change .Jc.hrj. > tsyh- here and also in 1ft chi < tsyhd < ·KHjAIc (*Jc.hrjak?); see below. It is conceivable that the reading kjo in the reading tradition is originally a lexicographical ghost based on the Shlmlng's sound gloss 15 ju < kjo < ·k(r)ja. 357. Recall that upper-case *KH· indicates an exceptional "palatalizing" velar. In U's system, ~ chi < tsyhd would be ·Jc.hrjak (1976 [1980]: 92); Gong Hwang-cherng (1980: 464) compares this with Tibetan khrag 'blood'.

Notes 863

358. The *sng- cluster in 9iJj shun is confinned by the phonetic 9'I n1 < ngj;d: < *ngrjak, and by cases where D sil < su < *snga-with phonetic f!!, *ngja-is used as a sound gloss for 9iJj shuO, as in the ShuOw~n, the Bdi hu tong yl. and the Shlm{ng; see Ding Flib!o 1928-1932 [1976]: 2995. 359. Original unrounded vowels were also unaffected if they became rounded before ·r--color; recall the example of 1! jiI < kjox < *krjo7< *krja7'round basket' in the *-a group, section 10.2.4.2 above. 360.

cr. also the possibly related *elo binome lHHb xlqu < khja:k-khjowk < *khrjek-kh(r)jok 'crooked walking' (section 10.2.8), where the *-r- in the first syllable suggests that there was probably also an *-r- in the second.

361. Karlgren erroneously included words with this final in the ~ Zhi group. Thus Karlgren's *Kiwag corresponds to both my *1(Wrji (Li's *Kwjiag) and my *KWrju (Li's *Kwji~gw). An example of the latter is ttL gul < /cwijx < *kW rju7 'wheel axle ends'; Karlgren reconstructs it as *kiw~g, but it rhymes in Ode 34.2B as *-u7(his *-og). Because of xi~sheng connections, Karlgren also reconstructs some words with *-ll1g which should have *-jpg in his system; an example is :fL jid < kjuwx < *k(W)ju7 'nine', which Karlgren reconstructs as *Jqilg, as if from the ~ Zhi group. 362. Karlgren assigned the Me final -jiw (Ancient Chinese -itu) to the Xi~o group rather than the III You group.

1f

363. As I pointed out in Baxter (1986b: 273-75),fdnqie spellings from the original Yilpiiin (studied by Zhou Ziim6 1966a) suggest that some Early Middle Chinese dialects kept ·jiw and -juw distinct after acute initials as well as grave initials. This question deserves funher study. 364. As I mentioned in Baxter (1986b: 276, note 11), Old English ciosan 'to choose' underwent a similar shift to become Modern English choose. 365. The pfngsheng sequences are: two-word *-u sequences, 1.lA, 7.2B, 9.1A, 39.4B, 54. lB. 65.1C-3C, 70.2A, 157.3A, 164.2B. 176.4A. 193.8B, 243.2A, 250.4B, and 264.6B; two-word *·iw sequence, 117.1B-28; two-word mixed sequences, 215.4A and 292.18. Threeword *·u sequences: 133.18, 223.8A, and 262.1A. Four-word *-u sequences: 114.38, 253.2A, and 304.4A. The shi!ngsheng sequences are: two-word *-iw sequences, 289.1A, 291.1C; two·word *·u

864 Notu

sequences, 34.2B, 46.1A, 75.2A, 78.3A, 82.2B, 136.3A, 143.2A, 154.6B, 154.8B, 174.2A, 195.3A, 200.5A, 21O.5A, 212.2A, 217.3A, 234.4B, 257.6D, 260.3A, 261.1B, 282.1C, 283.1B, 286.1A, and 299.3A. Three-word *-u sequences: 97.2A, 179.2A, 180.IA, 245.5A, and 259.5B. Four-word *-u sequences: 115.2A,165.2B, and 197.2A. 366. Karlgren's theory of labiodentaJization, which is approximately that it was triggered by the medial combination -jw-. might provide a more natural account in this case. To make Karlgren's theory consistent with the theory that -w- was not contrastive after labial initials, one could assume that -w- was inserted phonetically in the environment *P(j) _ [+ backl, that is, between initial *Pj- and a back: vowel; then labiodentalization applies to initial *Pjw-. So far, this would be equivalent in its effects to the back-vowel version of labiooentalization that I have been assuming. But if medial -w- was lost through dissimilation in syllables like *Pjwaw before labiodentalization had a chance to apply (or if it never developed in that environment in the first place), then the failure of original *Pjaw to labiodentalize would be accounted for. The failure of *Pjaj to labiooentalize would require a separate explanation. 367. The pfngsheng sequences are: two-word *-aw sequences, 57.3A, 113.3B, 181.3A, 193.7A, 202.1A, and 232.1 A; two-word *-ew sequences, 85.2B, 149.2A, and 155.4A; two-word mixed sequences, 142.1A and 254.3A; three-word *-aw sequence, 179.3A; three-word mixed sequences, 161.2A and 210.5B. The sMngsheng sequences are: two-word ·-aw sequences, 15.1B and 221.1A-3A; two-word *-ew sequence, 143.1A. 368. I do not know why these are not homonyms in modem standard p~ nunciation; they are homonyms in some varieties of Mandarin, as they are in Middle Chinese. It is conceivable, though not likely, that the Ie flU(} distinction somehow reflects the original *-awk f *-0/( distinction. 369. In Ode 47.2A, ii df < dek < *Iewk rbymes as *-ek. but it may be a loan for l'J< df < dek < *lek (Qil Wln1l1983a: 86). The substitution of fi *lewk for l'J< *Iek reflects the change *-wk > -k (see Appendix A). 370. Coblin (1986: 128) follows U's reconstruction 9 *grjam and derives Tibetan rgyam-Ishwa from Pre-Tibetan *gryam; but according to Li. Tibetan rgy- can also represent *ry-; see U (1959).

Notes 865

371. On the likelihood of a ·K-/- initial cluster in the xiishlng series of dan, see Bodman (1980: 110).

a

372. This is a departure from my earlier views cited by Bodman (1980: 1111-19).

*

373. The ft Iud hi example, and many of the others cited below, are mentionc:d by Yli MIn (1948). 374. This assumes DUM Yuc'i's emendation of 19211-1932 [1976]: 67).

oil

to

i1:

(Ding FiiMo

375. A few words of this rhyme group, such as JlJ. jlng < pjuwng 'wind', have the Middle Chinese final ·juwng (of the Qieyun's :!it! DOng rhyme); see discussion below. 376. As we shall see below, there is also evidence of such a distinction in the parallel nlsMng group III Qi. 377. The only ·-ng word in 236.7B is " xfng < xing < ·x(r)jing 'arise', and this may be an error in the text; the XIping stone classics, said to represent the Lii ShI, have xfn < xim < ·x(r)jim 'elated' instead (Ogawa 1960 (1977]: 18). But even if" xfng is a substitute character, the fact that a character with an unrounded vowel was substituted may indicate ··int in this sequence, rather than ·-um; and it is consistent with the fact that" xfng also rhymes with ··jm in

ax

245.38 (see below). 378. Some doubt is cast on this reconstruction by the fact that the Xiping stone classics (AD. 175) have ~ )7n < kim in Ode 35.3 where the Mio version has fJ gong < kjuwng < ·k(r)jung (see Ogawa 1960 [1977]: 13). But this could simply reflect the effects of labial neutralization at the time of the substitution, and does nOI necessarily mean that the vowel of ~ JIn was rounded in Old Chinese times.

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1956

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"'Lun Shttnggu yin ~J:.i5"~" [On Old Chinese pronunciation], Journal of the Institute ofChinese Studies of the Chinese University ofHong Kong 2: 109-78.

1970

"Liln ShAngg~ yin he Qitylin yin ~l:i'i{fla\J.)ftil{f"[On the phonology of Archaic and Ancient Chinese], Journal of the Institute of Cmnese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 3: 321-457.

1971

"Chronology of the Western Chou dynasty", Journal of the Institure of Chinese Studies of the Cmnese University of Hong Kong 4: 173-205.

ZMu FAgan

JIiJ$it!i. Jiemlng

Zhang R1sheng

f*ill:B)j (eds.)

iJI> B fl..

Xli Zhlyf

ti\::ffll.

& Un

1974a

An etymological dictionary of ancient Chinese bronze inscriptions (Jrnwen gi1lfn ii::)(~Ul 16 vols. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press of Hong Kong.

1974b

A pronouncing dictwnary of Chinese characters in Archaic &

Ancient Chinese, Mandarin &: Cantonese (Hdnzl gil-jin yin hul ll~i5"~if.). Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press.

ZhOu am6

Jlillll.lll

1941 [1966] "Guyin y6u wl1 sMng qu ~r sheng bian i5'if;GtMJ:.*:= [On whether ancient pronunciation had the rising and departing tones], in: ZMu Zum6 1966d: 32-80. [Also in

,m"

Zhou am6 1957: 159-88.] 1943 [1966] "Ydn shi jid xan yin cI pilln ,hli bii M a:;;§i:iJiI{fal':Illiit.l1fj" [Supplement to Notes on the chapter on sounds and words of the Family instructions of the Yon clan], in: Zhou Zum6 1966<1: 405-33. [Also in Zhou am6 1957: 75-88.] 1945 [1966] "WI1 YU de giiyinxue :Rfitr13i5'if~" [The studies of WI1 YU on ancient pronunciation], in: ZhOu Ziim6 1966d: 213-17.

1946 [1966] "51 sheng bie yl shIll

l1!I§jlIJOiQ!m" [eases where the

four tones distinguish meanings: sample interpretations]. in: ZhOu Zum6 1966d: 81-119. [Also in ZhOu Ziim6 1957:

51-74.]

902 References 1957

HdnyiJ yfnyun lUnwenjf ~;giiiiflix. [Collected papers on the phonology of the Hln language]. Shanghai: SMngwU

Yln,hOguan

illilllE1JWM.

1963 [1966] "Qieylln de x1ngzhl he tade }'lnxl jichil tlJ311ll911'll1foBlI9 ii~JiW:" [The nature of the Qieyun phonological system and its phonological foundation], in: Zhou Zum6 1966d: 434-73. [Originally published in YUYQnxui [uneong iB~~ 1££ (Collected articles on linguistics) 5: 39-70. For English translation see Zhou ZUm6 1968.] 1966a

"SamhO meigi zhOng zhi yuanb
Ziim6 1966d: 270-404. 1966h

"Shfjfng yiin zl biAo ~~311'1''ll<'' [Table of Shfjfng rhyme words], in: Zhou ZUm6 1966d: 218--69.

19660

"Wang Renx" Qieyan zhilzu/) nianda; ,hi yi :E C~tlJ311'li' fflf:ftQ!~" [Resolving doubts on the date of composition of Wling Remdi's version of the Qieyun], in: ZhOu Ziim6 1966d: 483-93.

1966d

Wen xue jf fD]¥m [Collected scholarly inquiries]. 2 vols. Beijing: ZhOnghuli ShUju iP¥i1.roi.

1968

"Chou Tsu-mo on the Ch'ieh-yun", Bulletin of tile Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 40: 33-78. [Translation, by aBran Malmqvist, ofZMu Ziim6I%3 [1966].]

1983

"Wei Jln Song shfql shlwen yunbu de ylnbiln 1t~*IfifM mX~mslt-J1JB1~" [The evolution of rhyme categories in poerry of the Wel-nn and S6ng periods], ZhOngguo ruyon Xuebdo ~I:I~-;;-~ft [Chinese linguistics journal] 1: 91-113.

1984

"Han dAi zhUshii yu b6shii zhong de t6ngji! z1 yu guyln d e kA 0 din g & i-t ~ !:;; ,!jj ~ '1' 1I9 iii!iX '1' !:;; is 'l1f 1I9 ~ [Loan characters in bamboo and silk manuscripts of the Hln dynasty and the establishment of ancient pronunciation], in: ZhOnggu6 YTnyunxue Y4njio. Hul 1984: 78-91.

rr"

tt

Rt/erences 903

Zhu Dexi *~Il!! & Qiu Xigui ~1I3":

1984

"Qishf niandai Zhonggu6 chUtii de Qfn Han ji1nce he b6shU -l:;+4:i-t'1' IlIil til ± ft,)lJli!il!;MIIIUc Ill." [Bamboo sli ps and silk manuscripts of the Qin and Han dynasties excavated in China in the seventies], ZMnggoo Yuw~n Ydnjiil q:rllm ::icliil~ [Chinese language slUdy]6: 'l--12.

Zhu ]unsheng *~~

1833

ShuiJwen /6ng xlln ding sheng il!::ic:l!!rJillE~ [Connecting glosses to establish the sounds of the ShuOwen]. Reproduced in DIng Flitx(o 1928-1932 (1976].

Zhu Qiiinzhi *012

1984

LiJozfjido shl ~:rt2:" (Textual notes and interpretations of the LaOzn. (Xin biiin zhu zI jf cheng l!Iiliil;ll'f'JI!JiI< [New series of ancient authors], 1.) Beijing: Zhonghua Shiiju q:r¥

iffol.

Index > 575

--4

-II

(sound change) 481--482, 57'2,

Abstmctness 18.815 n. 17.824 n. 70 Acute hoatiDa (sound change) 73, 278.

375.319.380.385.386.574-575 Acute initials 59

African"""""

tIS

Beijm8

:ftJl< 38, 160,307

Beijing dialect 817--818 n. 30 Su also Mandarin dialects Beijing University 168,832 n. 129

303

• -qJ monophlbongizalion (sound change)

293-294, 312, 314-315. 361, 415, 570. 815n. 17.8350. 158. 847 n. 234 American Structuralism 17 Amoy (see XiAmCn) Analogy 333. 337-338

AM.. '!i' ~ pro';"", 10

Anhur sc:bool157 Anhwei (see AnhuI province) ·Q-raisiDg (sound change) 73. 217, 285-

287,574,575,578,579 Areal featwes 303 Arisaka Hideyo 242, 283. 286. 842 n. 199 Asterisk. use of 16 Austroasiatic languages 233, 539, 846 0.231 See tUso Moo-Khmer languages, Viet-

......,.,

Bahnar language 308. 309 86i1w4 'plainspeech'lO 86i "16.,,1 233,265,470, 525,863 n. 358 Bd" eMy1,. 'half front-tooth sounds' 55 Ban G' ~ 850,,265

sOli

Barnard, Noel 814 n. 6 mi. (ancient state) 419

s I!E'Ui

*air

HI

See also Hdn shiJ BansM Meigi ~St~. (see Tenrei BtJIlSM MeigJ)

Bantu languages 303

Benedict, Paul K.. 221, 334, 335, 833 n. 141,836 n. 159,844 n. 210, n. 212

Bernoulli, Jacques 825 n. 76 Bernoulli trails 102, 103, 105, 112, 113. 114 Biwliqucness 17 Bodman, Nicholas C. 5. 25-26, 220, 225. 228,229.231,232-235,247,288.409, 509,539.540,559,814 n. 7. 816 n. 22. 859 n. 326 Bodman-Baxler system 814 n. 7 Boldface lype, use of 16 86 "" pw. tf!j.! %:i 346 Bronze inscriptions 2, 14, 295. 345-346. 383,403,406,464,467,505-506,558.

840 n. 186 See aLw Olinese script: early script BIl W'rhymegroup'141 Buddha 287 Buddhism 41, 322 Burmese language 203, 207, 208, 217. 539.540,545 See aLw Tibet(}oBunnan languages Bushman language 303 Cl>ng Ii< piI>n t!Mi%:i 346, 849,,255 Cantonese dialect 9. 11,48.57,260.262, 269.497,819 n. 44. 847 n. 234 Caucasus, languages of 813 n. 5 Chang, Belly Shefts 221, 255, 816 n. 22 Chang, Kun 221, 255, 816 n. 22

906 bula CMng'" ft'ti: 36, 37 Changes. phonological 18-19 See also Irregular pronunciations CMngjiang .fiU (yangtze river) 9, 10 C""'g"" ft i:J> 10 Chao, Yuen Reo 47, 62, 252, 272, 581, 817 n. 30

CMoyAng ifj ISM dialect 294 See also MIn dialects Characlers (su Chinese script) Chekiang (.see Z~jiang province) Chen III (ancient state), dialect of 296 Chen Dl ~m 154-155,172, 304, 829 n. 107. n. 109.845 n. 221 CMn Lllll~ 54, 56 Chepang language 409 Chinese language historical stages 14-15 modem dialects 7, 9-11, 25, 32, 42, 45-

46, 49, 51, 55, 56. 77, 240. 260, 262, 268-269,282, 306-307, 322, 579. 818 n. 34 syllable structure 6-7

See also Mandarin, Cantonese. ele. Chinese script 4-5, 12,152 as evidence 3, 4-5

early script 140, 162, 270. 272, 274, 338-339. 380, 382, 386, 464, 545, 557, 558, 848 n. 246, 857 n. 308 Set: also Bronze inscriptions, DO zhuQn, KdislW. Lls~. Oracle bones, Xido zhutln, ZluuJn.shiI Chi-square analysis 515 ChOngnil1 JUR syllables (Set undu Middle Chinese) Chrau language 308, 309. 846 n. 230 CIlAd ~ If 417.436,856 n. 304 Chll' nOm 542 CI qfng ~ 'second clear' initials 45

m

Circularity, in sUlusticai reasoning 121126.368,854 n. 289 CI zluW 'second muddy' initials 46 Clan (in Marxist linguistics) 8 Clerical script (sec Llshll) Coblin. W. Soul.h 198-199,203.281.299. 301, 311, 335, 482. 550. 569. 817 n. 28. 834 n. 148, 844 n. 212, 864 n. 370 Coda 6 See also undt:r Middle Chinese, Old

<X ill

Chi..... Common language (in Marxist linguistics)

8 Comparative method 11 Computers 27, 29, 30, 111. 139.825 n. 78 Confucius 346. 356-357. 357, 831 n. 125, 845 n. 223 Cotton, terms for 309, 846 n. 231 I»i mn 37. 160, 162-164. 166, 433,828 n. 99, 830 n. 116,831 n. 121. n. 122. n. 124 Danish language 9 Dd zhudn 'large seal' script 346, 849 n. 256 Set: also Chinese script: early script DeMoivre, Abraham 825 n. 79 DeMoivre-Laplace theorem 112, 114-116. 131,8260.80.0.81 Denasalizalion (sound change) 294--295.

liii

*at:

298.351.576 Ding ~ 'divisioos' 42 See also Middle Chinese: divisions DlngyWmd ~m~ 41,157 See also Rhyme Ulbles Denial palalali:r:ation (sound change) 178,191,193-194,228.290,569,570 DevanAgar'i alphabet 819 n. 39 Diala::l. definition of 7-9. 814 n. 9

I mia 907

Dialect mixture 57, 414, 479-481. 485, 521,533,842 n. 198,847 n. 234, 854 n.

288 Stt also Chinese language: dialects; Middle Chinese: dialects; Old Chinese: dialects Dictionaries, American 37 Dlng'ln JE~ dialect 322 DIng Shengshu 828 n. 99 Disunctive reaU1reS 17, ISO D6ngT6ngM Middle Chinese reconsuuction 78. 284 Old Chinese reconstruction 169, 210,

245-246, 249, 268-269, 294, 328, 329,331,333.416,448.465,466467,497,537-538,581,837-838 n. 174.841 n. 191.848 n. 245, 860 n. 336

Downer, G. B. 315, 316 Du>n Vidi f1;i~1& 139. 141. 160-162. 164,166,169-171,172,304-305,343, 353,389,406,468, 548, 830 n. 115, n. 116,830-831 n. 117,831 n. 118,838 n. 176,848 n. 245, 850 n. 257. 855 n. 298, 862 n. 354. n. 356, 865 n. 374 DUnh"""g ~~ 38 Dli shu zd zhl • • ft~, by Wc'ng Nimsiln 168

ftllHI/35

DU TAlqTng ·tlo binomes 385-386, 387, 409-410.

468. 469, 496. 502. 505, 546-547, 863

n.360 Early Middle Chinese 14, 15, 29, 41, 46.

55,63,66,478 rhyming 241, 579 Stt also Middle Chinese; Pulleyblant: Early Middle Chinese reconstruction Eastern HAn dynasty, phonology or

tl

361,570,576 Stt also HAn dynasty

Eastern ZhOu »fI dynasty 310, 343, 389 Stt also ZhOu dynasty English language 19,37,332,861 n. 349, 942 n_ 196 try
E1;;

Fangydn 814 n. 9 FIJnq;J

'diak<:t', definition of 7.

1!i.l;J] "",Umgs 33. 40-41. SO. 54.

59,62,69-71,152,154,189,206,207. 242,267,279.363.818 n. 32. 821 n. 52, 822 n. 59, 829 n. 102,858 n. 323 Final 6 Stt also undtr Middle Chinese Flual duster simplification (sound change) 311-313, 314, 315, 318. 337338,435.438.474,487,496,504,519, 521,534,535,544,562,568-569, 573, 815 n. 17,847 n. 234, 848 n. 247 Final voiced stop hypothesis 325-339 Stt also Karlgren. Bernhard: Archaic Chinese reconstrnetion Finnish language 823 n. 69 Foocbow (see F6zhOu) French language 332, 824 n. 70. 489--490 Front-vowel hypothesis 179, 235, 236, 240-247,247,248,343.361,367,368. 371,422,447,507,518,523,526,530, 548,554,560, 845 n. 218 FlijiAn fi}l province 9, 11, 322 Fukien (ste FUjiAn province) Fusion words 334 Fuy4ng She (see ShIjlng: Fuy.1ng version) FUzhOu diaJec111, 294, 822 n. 61

mi;ftl

Sa also Mln dialects Fuzzy theory of rhyming 823 n. 65 Gin g dialects 9.10 GAo Mfng 338-339

908 INkx

Ollo Ybu ~~ 281, 295 GiJoy6u Wang shl yl sJul

l!i' 166-167

j'j(jfl1I I£ii

Genetic relationship 21 Germanic languages 332 German language 333, 823 n. 68

Gi5 Ylqlng 820 n. 45 Glosses on the classics, as evidence 13 Gong Hwang-chemg 862 n. 357 Gongyang zhudn ~$.{W 845 n. 217 GO'on!.Rtf 14 Grave initials 59 Greek language 2 Gregerson. Kenneth 308 GIWlSdOng Ji!$! province to, II Gu3ngxI fi'P.S autonomous region 10 G""ngyd ll'ill832 n. 130 GutIngyd shil zhing 168 G""ngydn ll'llll33-40 Gudngyiln 83. 141, 155, 159. 162. 171172, 206, 267-268. 362, 417. 445, 448. 817 n. 25, 844 n. 214, 854 n. 289 anangement or 820 n. 49, n. SO phonology of 56, 480. 50s. 512, 533, 581,836 n. 164.861 n. 346

.ftu.1m

G""'gzhOu ll' fti 11

JtI

Gulzhou • province 9 Guo PU ~~Jl (A.D. 276-324) 68-69,

363,432.8170.29,8290.101 GiIwln is'x 'old script' 347,407 Gil YAnwl:i .u.~Jt.e 155-157. 157-159, 160,166.169-171,171-172,304.829830 n. 110,830 n. 111 Gil nwling OffI 13,40 Gd yUn """,,hdn i5lllll!;l!\!!, by liln& Voog 157, 304 Gil yUn pi! ii'tiiHf. by WAng NiAnsiin 166-168 Hwnlin

ifim province 11,322

Halla (K~jia 8~) dialects 9, 10.47, 57, 819 n.41 See also M~ixW1 dialect HAn • dynasty (206 B.C. to A.D. 220) 45. 13,33,357-358, dialects 295, 298-299 phonology 289, 290, 293, 565. 567. 569. 570,573,574,577,851 n.270 saipl346-347 standardization of texts in 343 See also Eastern lUn dynasty, Western HAn dynasty HAn learning (see HdJwJi pdt)

HAn ii nalion 8

Hdn ,hii ~., by Bin GO !:II~ 296,

850 n. 265

Y/wi,," !!i::>C5 356 Hdnxu~ poi ll~lJa 'HAn learning school' 155 Haudricourt, Andr6 308-309. 313, 315, 320,322.336 Hebrew language 823 n. 64 f/~Mu t:l 'closed mouth' 42. 43. 62 H~nAn province 419 III yUn pu by Wcing NiAnsiln

..g.

7PJifi 15'-tiiiff,

169 Hi > mid (sound change) 183-184, 251,

252,261 (Table 7.4), 289, 290, 400, 418,426,512,542,577,578,579.580, 838 n. 177. 843 n. 205 Hmong-Mien languages (see MiaQ-Yao) Homophone groups, in rhyme books 35 See also Rhyme books Hong Kong 11 Hottentot language 303 f/6uyin I(lif 'Ihroatsotmds' 55,58 H"""""',f i'ftm f' 281 HuAng Kin Jl~ 173,837 n. 171,859 n.327

huh 909

Hugo, Victor 824 n. 70 HuUm 242,279. SOB

11m

See also Ylqil jfng yInyl

Humu!1ng tJljlt!i~ 346

HUnAn Mlti province 9,10 Hu Shih (Ho Shl M~) 831 n. 124 Ho Shl (su Hu Shih) Hypocheses, phmologica118 India 41 Iodian phonology 33 Indic loans in Chinese 542 Indo-European languages 1,2 Initia16 Interjections 334 International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) 17.

45,48,832 n. 137 IPA (su International Phonetic Alphabet)

Irregular pronunciations 15-16 ·Uronting (sound change) 247, 251. 252. 426,432,440,446,449.456-457,558, 574.577, 833, 838 n. 177. n. 178 e.]a > -jo (sound change) 467. 481, 482, 568,572,842 n. 195 e.jA(k) fronting (sound change) 479-481, 485-486,570,571 Japan 12 Ja~ language 12-13.282 Su also Go'on, Old Japanese language, Sino-Japanese Jaxonuw, S. E. 4, 23. 176, 178. 179,224, 235,236,237,238-239,240.250,262. 288, 385, 828 n. 95. 838 n. 178. 840 n. 185,848 n. 246 ej.backing (sound change) 286, 287 (Table 7.10), 579-580 jE > j~ (sound change) 286, 287 (fable 7.10),581 Jidjii zl flm~ 'loan characters' 360, 3&6 J.iangsu tI!'J province 10

JiangxT?IW province 9, 10,480 JiAng YOng 157-159. 160, 162, 166, 169-171. 172. 172.304,336,830 n. 112, n. 114 Jiang YOugllo tI;g~ 140, 141, 166, 169-171.172.305,412.446.447,448, 450,828 n. rn. 831 n. 127.832 n. 133, 848 n. 245, 859 n. 327 JiAny4ng}l~ dialect 322 Jijj"yl" ?lC~ 'sharp sounds' 52, 817

U*

".30 Ii><> HOOg I!;.lb; 152 Jiarong language 201 Jilyin ft-~ 'medi.al· 6

Su also Middle Chinese: medials; Old Chinese: medi.als

nn ~ dialeclS 10,814 n. II nn iff dynasty (A.D. 265-420) 486

JbW> Il!f Wi 307 JC"gdidn shlwln ~:A~x, 13, 40, 152. 153,218.268.300.357.363,388, 417,421,423,432,445,446,462,508, 534.568, 852 n. 277. n. 278, 841 n. 188, 854 n. 289, 856 n. 300, 862 n. 356 Jinghpaw language 201. 202 nnlfng ~~ 37 j-insertion (sound change) 418, 471, 474, 492-493,578-579 e_jiw(k) > -jllw(k) (sound change) 512,

577

!liii

J[yUn 38, 39. 838 n. 177 e_ji(K) > -i(K) (sound change) 279, 470,

473.477,580 e.jo > .jll (sound change) 502 KiJikOu t:J 'open mouth' 42, 43, 62 Kdislul 'standard script' 346-347

rm mil

KalemJa 823-824 n. 69 Kanauri language 203

KlJn~lzldidn • .!m~:A 818 n. 33

910 Indu

KtJoglJ pdi :::$Jolt ·annquity·invesngating school' 157.168, 171, 162,830 n. 114 Karlgren, Bcrnhan13-4, 16. 19,28,229

ANdytic dictio1lDT] 325-327 Ancient Chinese reconstruction 3, II, 15, Ig. 27. 28. SO. 52., 55, 57, 65. 69. 77. 82-85 (Table 2.29), 240-241. 242-243. 243. 243, 262-263. 369. 370.497.816 n. 23. 817 n. 27. 820 n. SO, 821 n. 51, 822 n. 62. 840 n. 182, 842 n. 199, n. 200. 855 n. 297,

Su also Middle Chinese ~truetioo 3-4.

14. 18. 19.22-23, 169. 178. 181. 196. 210,218.222,235,240.243.249250.254,262-263.265,271.272. 291,292,293.294,297,298.301. 311,325-339, 340-342, 371. 414, 419.429,449.465,472.479.484. 497,537.544,561,813 n. 3. 814 n. 6, 827 n. 95, 833 n. 138.833 n. 145,834 n. 149.838 n. 176.838 n. 178.843 n. 206, 845 0_ 218, 848 n. 245, 853 n. 284,857 n. 310, 858 n. 319, 859 n. 328,862 n_ 352, 863 n. 361, 863 n. 362 &e also Old Chinese on ShIjfllg 359, 362., 364. 405, 406, 410, 432., 460. 851 n. 271. 856. 857 n. 310 theory or labiodemalizatioo 864 n. 366 yodisalion theory 69, 821-822 n. 55 Archaic Chinese

K~jil

dialects (see Hilla)

Khmu7 language 233. 320. 539 Khoisan languages 303 Kiangsi (see JiangxI autonomous region) Kiangsu (see Jilngsn province) KOng 0""'.... i'I./l1il!f 162, 164-166. 169, 169. 304, 831 n. 122, n. 124, 845 •. 223

KOnoRobuO241,242.283. 842 n.199 Kmun language 13, 294. 843 n. 208 Su also Sino-Kenan K"""g .... "",.g AI [!(ilIiE l1t 319 K.... !:!~41 KlltrunJlva 287. 289 Kwangsi (sa Gulnpl province) Kwangtung (see GuingdOng province) Kweichow (seeGulzhOu province) Labial dissu.i.latioa (!OWJd change) 298,

300.576 Labial Ilf:utraliulion (sound change) 541-542,544.551.552.553.556.558. 559.568.851 n. 270, 865 n. 378 Labiooentaliution (sound change) 41, 47.72-73.75,189-191.272,273.277, 279,280,415.508.527,541,542.581582,841-842 n. 195.864 n. 366 Lahu language 322 Ldoz(~T 862n. 356 MlUngdUT version 383.412, 474 rhyming 411-413. 420. 421-422. 434, 826 n. 85. 858 n. 315, 858 n. 318 laplace, Pierre Simon, Marquis de 825

0.79 Su also DeMoivre·I...apIac:e theorem Large seal script (sceDd zJwd.oI)

Late Middle Chinese: 14-15.29,47,53,

59,63,66,13.189-191,242-243,262. 268, m. 279. 282., 415. 478. 528. 581. 840 n. 183 See also Middle Chinese; Pulleyblank: Late Middle Chinese rcconsltUCtion Latin language 2. 332. 842 n. 196

Lepchalanguage201.216,409

m

LiAng dynasty (A.D. 502-57) 259 L1 Fanggul (see Li Fans·kuei) Li FanS-kuei 200, 224 Old Chinese reconstruction 142, 168,

169. 172. lSI. 209, 214. 225. 228•

Indo. 911 246.249-250.253-256.262,211. 291,292.293,294,291,298,301, 305, 325. 328, 329, 331, 333, 340342.311,416-411,418,449,465, 479,509,531,540,544,821 n. 92, 832 D. 131, 835 n. 151,836 n. 162, 831 n. 110. 113, 839 n. 179, 840 n. 182, n. 184, 848 n. 245, 853 n. 286, 856 n. 299, 851 n. 306, 858 n. 313, 8S9n. 331, 862n. 3SI,n.3S1 LTjl ~aG 295, 299, 838 n. 176 U nj~ :$~fllj 3'. 817 ".29

U,sIJI

$R

'regulated verse' 303, 823

... 64 I1l ill dUUo qUJ

g a;:g.

'*

29' ManasleT lhmer. AICJlis 93, 823 n. 68, ".69 Manchukuo 832 n. 128 Manchus 830 n. 110 Mandarin dialects 8, 9-10, 47, 48, 51, 54, 51, 58, ISO, 154, 240, 260, 268, 269, 279,302,306-301, 319, 322, 478, 815 n. 18, 819-820 n. 44, 821 n. 54, 840 n. 183 inegular pronunciations 497, 551, 832 n. 135, 834 n. 153, 838 n. 175,844 n. 211, 845 n. 220, 846 n. 228, 847 n. 234, 850 n. 258, 858 n. 323, 864

Linguislic.s I, 140 U ROOg 10,18,210,815 n. 19,839 n. 181 Us1u:l Jj W 'clerical script' 346 U Sl :$lUi 346 LiJJ slu1 JUt)lUl bi40 :t-\.ff:l:!3~, by Duln Yi:di 160 Liu Xl 13 u. X~ 2S8-2S.

rhyming 824 n. 71 tonal development 819 n. 40 M(J1I'y(}gana script 12, 11. 282

Loan characters (seeJi4jii zl) I...Orner, Lorenz G. 288 Lolo-Bunncsc languages 201

Su alto Japanese language Mdo ShI g. yrn k40 '€~iS'g' 304 Moo ShI qlln JIng ChiJt:1 glJ. )'Un piJ

I!!m il a

Liu Xln ~W;: 813 n. I

JI:

l...Ong (ancient region), dialect oC 318 Loose rhyming thc:uy 153, l71 Ui • (ancient state), dialect of 296 Lu. Dtmi"ng ~~19l 13,40, 153, 171,

2'8

LU RyAn MH!~ 13.33.35-36.39.

3'8

1!IHI

LU n 829".10' LWtJIJ. ~~, ShCj1llg quotations in 433 See also SltIjiitg: tellual problems Lu6CMng¢i SO. 469, 817 n. 21

Loo,,", mil;! 37.3"

Lo6mnyiJ JI!IIi::E 167,832n.l28 Lii Zhlwti 52.18 Lli!ln, g III 3'. 486

".368

2l1.S4.

ilU¥!l1f is iilllf '66

;g ~

Martin, Samuel E. 815 n. 15

...1 Rok"'" .\1lIil'" 828".99 Marxist linguistics 1-8 Matisoff, James A. 302, 322 Mlw4ngduJ manuscripts. script of 551 Mcdial6 Su also IUIder Middle Chinese, Old

Chinese Mei Tsu-lin 320, 322 M~ilIiAn ffj D dialcc:t 294 Su also Hakka (K~jiA) dialects

wmn: 818 n. 33

Mti YlngzOO Metathesis 116 Methodology 11-26

912 /nda Miao-Yao (Hmong·Mien) languages 187,

main vowels 61

233 Su abo Yao(Mien) languages Middle 0tinc3e 3. 5. II. 18.27--85.539 6",... Jim 'Yllabb 5. 28. 32. 63. 66, n. 75--81, 184, 199,211,213, 214, 235, 242-243. 245. 263, 278, 279.280-282.282-287.418,419. 424. 436, 463, 493--494. 496, 498, 509, 532, 535, 540. 546, 553--554, 579-580.580,581, 8t8 n. 32, 821 n. 51,822 n. 59. 822 n. 62, 839 n. 179, 848 n. 241. 857 n. 312

media ls 75--81 mixed division-ill finals 71. 73-75 other mX1iStluc:tions 27 rV.sJiL", syllables 291. 302, 448

codas61~2

dialeclS 40. 68-69, 268, 275, 282, 285,

318-319.492.508, 5t2. 533, 572, 575,577,579.582.821 n. 52, 821 n. 53.823 n. 63. 833 n. 140.839 n. 181, 841 n. 192. 843 n. 205, 847--848 n. 241 See also QiiyUn: language of division-I finals 64-66, 242, 248, 252, 256.343 division-U finals 67.....(f). 178, 184,201, 232.235,236.247.258-269. 528. 580.840 n. 185 division--ill finals 69-81. 178,232,235, 242,247.269-290.841 n. 189 division-IV finals 66-67,235,237,241243,247.252.256. 343 divisions 42. 43--44 finals 63-85 independetlt division-ill finals 71-73 initials 32, 40. 45~I, 62-63, 65, 66, 69-71, 178, 192-196,207,214, 242, '1fJ7-UD. 818 n. 32 imgular pronunciations 550, 821 n. 52, 838 n. 177 -jo I-jrcootrast 479-481 Iabiodcnuilizing finals 413

simple finals 248 tnmcription 30-31. 58, 61. 370, 816 n.

25.841 n. 189 ydngshhlg syllables 448 Jfnsllblg syllables 291. 325. 448 Set also Kartgren, Bernhard: Ancient Chinese; Early Middle Otinese; Late Middle Chinese Mien (sre YAo languages)

MIn III dialects 9. 11. 15, 25. 33, 47, 50, 57.78. 187, 200, 210, 219-220, 322. 322.48.5-486.571, 815 n. 16, 819 n. 41. 833 n. 141, 834 n. 152 Su also Oza6y4ng dialect, FlizhOu dialect, Xilmtn (Amoy) dialect Miro sound changes 19.478,816 n. 20 Mj_w(K) > 1IUIw(K) (sound change) 191. 467.476.~,581

Moong language 309

Mongob:8 Mon·Khmerlanguages 3C8-309, 313. 320. 846 n. 230 See abo Ausaroasiatic languages. Viet-

.......

Moo language 3M, 309 Morohashi Tetsuji 844 n. 214 Mru language 288 Multinational state (in Marxist linguistics)

8 N4n·bi!; """ m~tWl period (420-589) 152 phonology or 579, 580

myming 258 Nanjing 37,83On.1I0 Nation (in Marxisllinguislics) 8

m*

hula 913 Naliooalily (in Marxist linguistics) 8 Naturalness 3-4. 17, 20-22, 256, 290,

332-334.813 n. 5 mjzJuUua Pi.. 42, 818 n. 35 Neo-Confucianism 155 Nill 'buuon' 822 n. 58 Nivison. David S. 813 n. I Norman, Jerry 210, 219-220

m

Northern and Soulhem dynasties period (st't' N8n-~ cMo period)

Northern dialects (su Mandarin dialects) Northern M1n dialects II St't' also MIn dialects

NO<1hun QI JII dynasty (550-577) 68 Norwegian language 9 Nocation in examples 15-16 --Q(K) > -1"'(1:) (sound change) 257-258. 502,503-504,573.576 Ockham's Razor 22 Ogawa Tamaki 358-359 Old O1inese codas 175. 181, 184,236.237,291-302, 843 n. 209 consonant clusters 22-23, 176. 197198. 199-201, 218-234, 362, 363, 385.865 n. 371 definition I. 14. 23-25. 345.466 dialects 296, 301, 318-319. 384, 400, 418-419.432.440,442.444,446, 456-457,466-469.471.484. 518. 549-550,551-552,558.566. 567. 568,569.844 n. 216, 859 n. 325. 861 0.346 Set' also Dialect mixture

mcdiaJ --1- 179 medial -·r· 61, 178. 182, 184.236. 2582ff.J.542 St't' also -r-hypothesis medial -.rj- 178-179. 184.235.269290.569.575.851 n.272 St't' also ·rj-hypolhesis mediaJs2I,175,178-180 morphology 175, 176. 181-182, 187, 199,218-222.228,231.289.290. 310,311,312,314,315-318.321322,323-324.325,337.350.351. 551.557-559.815 n. 17,848 n.242 post-codas 175. 181-182. 184, 302-324 pre.initials 175-ln, 182.218-232 rhymes. as evidence 235, 247. 259 486 rhyming, traditional analysis 4. 87.243244,246-247,248,250.251.253. 2ff.J,448 syUablesuuclUre 175 tonal categories 7. 291, 302-324 vowels 4, 175,180.248-258 St't' also Old Chinese rhyme groups; Qlng dynasly: traditional phonology Old Chinese rhyme groups 141-150 DOng :1i 148 (Table 4.1). 164, 169, 171, 52A-525. 844 n. 216 DOng ~ 149 (Table 4.1), 164, 169. 171,269,270.369.505-507 Du6 " 144 (Table 4.1). 448. 484-488.

489 Ge

ilk 144 (Table 4.1), 283-284. 293-

294.333.361,370,413-422.527.

570

m: 149 (Table 4.1), 269, 274-

evidence for 2-3

Geng

init..ials 4.175.177-178.182.187-234. 237.250.252-253.323. 561, 836 n. 162 medial -.j. 61. 70. 178, 182, 199.235. 269-290.289-290.579-580

278,497-500 Ht 147 (Table 4.1), 369. 543-548. 555

=:

914 Irtdu H6u ~ 144 (Table 4.1), 158. 159. 160, 164. 260. 328. 466-469, 500-503. 503.504, 566. 573. 830 n. 117 n 146 (Table 4.1). 164. 370. 389413.413,418 Jul!' it 143 (Table 4.1), 518-524, 524. 561.830 n. 117.862 n. 352 QI 147 (Table 4.1), 555-560, 865 n.

tR

m

376 Qin ~ 148 (Table 4.1).157.525. 54&-555,827 n. 92, 844 n. 216 Un ~ 148 (Table 4.1),157.537-543 Wei ~ 141, 146 (Table 4.1), 164, 168, 169. 171,416,418,420.446-464. 577, 825 n. 75. 826 n. 86, 827 n. 95 Wl!'n X 149 (Table 4.1). 157, 160, 164. 166.243,248,249,250,251,284, 369.370,425-434.437,438.448449.464,577,838 n. 176 Wi! 11ii 144 (Table 4.1). 503-505, 505. 83On.117 WU 146 (Table 4.1).164.437-446 XI fJJ 145 (Table 4.1). 160,494-497,

f?6

498

15'

143 (Table 4.1), 158. 159, 278-280,526-532, 561, 863 n. 362 Y~ng ~ 149 (Table 4.1),269,270273, 274, 275-276. 276-278, 448, 489-491.849 n. 254 no ~ 143 (Table 4.1), 532-536, 561 YOU 1!ti1143 (Table 4.1).158, 160, 164, 467,507-518.521,524.561.828 n. 100,830 n. 117,849 n. 254, 863 n. Xillo

362

f!!!.

Yli 144 (Table 4.1), 158, 159, 160, 328,361,448,478-483.489 Yu4n 7[j 150 (Table 4.1), 157. 164, 243,244-247,247.248,249..250, 251,269,276-278.279, 367. 368,

370-389.413.418.419,420,464, 537. 539,826 n. 83.841 n.193 yilt Jj 147 (Table 4.1). 164.370.389413.413.418.858 n. 319 Zhen • 149 (Table 4.1), 157. 160, 164, 166.243.248-249.250.251, 284,370.422-425.433,435,448449.464,577, 831 n. ll8 Zheng ~ 148 (Table 4.1), 166. 273. 476-478,827 n. 92 Zh1.;R 145 (Table 4.1), 160, 172, 283284,419.491-494.494.498 Zh1 HIj 141.145 (Table 4.1),164.168. 169, 171, 172,437.446-464,473, 577.825 n. 75.826 n. 86, 827 n. 95, 859n.327 ZhT ~ 141. 142 (Table 4.1), 160. 166, 172,391,464-472,500.509, 575, 828 n. 100. 849 n. 254. 859 n. 330. 863 n. 361 Zhl.142(TabIe4.1),I60.472-476 Zhl" 145 (Table 4.1), 434-437, 444, 831 n. 118,858 n. 319 Zhl ~ (in W4ng NiAnSiin's analysis) 168,169.171 Old English language 332, 861 n. 349, 863

•. 364 Old French language 842 n. 196 Old Japanese language 77 Su also Japanese language "Old" languages 816 n. 21 Old Mandarin 15.47. 77 Su also Mandarin dialects Old Vielnamese, Chinese loans in 541542 Set! also VieblaJTleSe language Ckacle-boneinscriptions3,344-345.353 See also Chinese script: early script PacOh language 309

llIda 915 Paleography (su Chinese script: early

••,. > ··ts (sound change) 309-311, 318,

ocript) ·p(r~ > ·P(r)i (sound change) 465-469.

349.398-399.406.411.440,446.545S46, 558. 559. S65-S66, 568, 830 n. 111.849n.249

sao,566 PaJi language 819 n. 42 Pankenier. David W. 813 n. 1 Parallelism. in vt:r3C 88 Pejros. I. I. 288 People's Republic or China 15 'Phags-paalphabct 13.77 Phoneme 17.823 n. 67 Phonemic identity hypothesis 244, 246247.250.261-262 Phc:xlCtic oowion 172 Pbonologica1Iy unambiguous 'NORIs 367 PhonologK:al. rec:onstruetion. as a set or hYJXXh=s IS PbonoIogical IqxesentationJ 17-18 Phonological rules 17 Pfngshlflg sp.§ 'level tone' 303 Pfnylll romanization 15 Post
Proto-Ianguages 24 Proto-Lolo-Bwmese (su LoIo-Burmese languages) Prolo-Miao- Y80 (see Miao- Y80) Prolo-MIn (see MIn dialcclS) Prolo-Sino-TibeUUl (see Sino-Tibetan lan-

guages) ProIO- Tai (see Tai languages) Prolo-Walanguage 233 Prolo-writing 344 Prolo-Yao (see Yao 1an8uages)

_slifi \IiIi ...."'322 PuBeyblank. E. G. 15.289,819 n. 39

E.l:y Middle Chinese rec:onstruclion 52. 58.70-11,518.822 n. 56. n. 51. n. 62, 833 n. 140. 842 n. 204 Late Middle Chinese reconstruction 48. 189-191.833 n. 143 Old Chinese n:consuuction 70-71. 178119, 196-197,211,213.220.223. 229. 230, 235. 244-245. 255-256, 262.280.288,309.313-315, 320. 340-342, 371. 813 n. 5. 834 n. 146, 836 n. 160,836 n. 167,837 n. 172, 839 n. 180,853 n. 285, n. 286. 856 n. 299,862 n. 361 transcriptional evidence 323

P""n.""" fhll i'.i'i s, 9

Su aLw Mandarin dialeclS

Q£ •

(ancient stale). dialecl of 295

QiAnllblnH:*1fi 162,S31 n.l23

Wiii

QilyWi 1, 13. 14. 33, 35-40, 141. 370.538.814 n. 8. 817 n. 29. 820 n_ 49. 854 n_ 289 language represented 14, 36-38, 255, 258. 282, 299. 363, 485, 492-493, 512, 517, 577, 519 SR aLw MKldle Chinese: diaJeclS phonok)gicaI S)'SIell'l30, 68. 69-70. 206. 201.258,266.261-268.269,211. 215.283.285,299.300. 313,466. 478.485.486.492-293, 512. 577519.819 n. 41, 841 n. 192 preface 35-36, 318, 486 qlhhi!tg mymes 34, 62. 314-315, 390 (Table 10.12)

916 Index

QUly"" ,h.hAng'" tJJlllm~1i!i43 Qln ~ (ancient region), dialect of 318,

31. Qrn

ll! dynasty

burning of the books 357-358 scriptof345, 346, 347 Q1ng . . (HAn-dynasty province), dialect of296

Qlng chUnyln

ft 'i if 'light labials' (la-

biodenta.ls) 48 dynasty (1644-191 I) 3, 4,162 QIng

m

traditional phonology 4, 5, 139-141, 243, 253. 316, 326, 828 n. 98

Qrn Shih""'. lIH~!l! 357-"" QlyfnllU t~1IfI§41 Qua... qIng ~m 'fully clear' initials 45 Quoin zhi40 ~1I 'fully muddy' initials 46

"",

Quechua language 823 n. 64-

*,

Qd ilII poetry 8. QUshLng 'departing tone' 168, 181, 182.303,308-319 QUshlnl (ormation (sound change) 313, 544.578 QilWan[f310,408,838n.176 Racine, Jean 824 n. 70 Radicals (of Chinese characters) 40, 347,

Restressing of unstressed fonns 337, 833 n. 145,849 n. 249 Rhyme analysis, types of inadequacy 140

Rhyme """'" (ywha illil) 13-14,32, 33-40 See also Qitylln, GudllgyiUI Rhyme relations 329-330, 823 n. 65 Rhymes as evidence 12 Rhyme tables (yUlltu lft~) 14, 32. 34, 41-44.52,62, 63. 64. 66, 72, 74, 157. 206. 242, 277, 282, 8 I 7 n. 26 Rhyming binomes 461, 513, 531-532, 861 0.342 ·r-hypothesis 178.201,235.262-267

Riang language 320 ·ry-h~~s 179, 199. 235, 263, 280-

282

·,·Ioss (sound change) 183. 184.259-262, 261 (Table 7.4), 273, 282, 285--287, 314,441.481,487, .501, 540, 574. 5'79, 580,841-842n.195

Roman alphabet 13 Rangao language 308, 309 Rounded-vowel hypothesis 179-180, 235, 236, 236-240, 248, 2.50. 343, 364, 366, 367,368.371,402,426,438.445.447, 560,839 n. 180,860 n. 340

818 n. 33 *r·color (sound change) 184, 259-262,

Rounding assimilation (sound change) 273,469-470,473,476.508,510, 570,

261 (Table 7.4), 266, 271-271. 273, 275,282,285--287.314,353.380,385,

575.829 n. 100 Rounding dipbtbongizalion (sound change) 180, 183,237,252,252.255, 260.267,293,353, 366, 375. 381, 385,

385,386,388,428,441,470.481,482. 487,490,492,493,496.501.503-504, 508-509, 510, 519, 525, 540. 552. 570, 572.573,573--574,575,579,580,841 n. 195, 844 n. 213, 852 n. 276, 863 n.

35. Reconstruction system 2 Regulated vcrse (see I1lshi

:W

*>

388.410,415,428,431,441,544,566567,852 n. 276, 855 n. 298 Rounding dissimilaUon (sound change) 509-510,570,575.8430.205 Ru ChUn m~ 296

Index 917

A'

Rwhing 'emering tone' 141. 155157.159,162-164,164,168,171.181, 303 Russian language 333 Slngu6 jg; period (A.D.220-280) 296,

469

=

Shl!" V", i:t¥'J 303 Shl!" Zh/)og i:t1l! 152 Shljl ~aG, by 51'"' Q"" 344 Shijfng 1.5.813 n. 2 mijlng:lfSM 857 n. 307 Bfnflng IlIM 299, 549

San~t

Chbif'". I!!l!!i!. 296

n.231 Schane, Sanford 489 Schuessler. A:a:el 16, 848 n. 242, 861 n.347 Seal scriPI (see Dd zhudn, Xido zlwdll, Zhu<W1w) Secondary yod 288-289 ShAan:a:T ~W province 319 ShandOng LlJ!l peninsula, early dialects 295-297 ShandOng LlJ!t. province 307. 419, 480, 486 SMng iffi dynasty 3, 310. 356. 357 cooquest of 813 n. 1 divina1i.on 344 Shanghai ifij 10 Shdngshlllg 1:@ 'rising lOfIC' 175. 182, 303 origins 319-325 ShdngslW iWJ If (sa SIWj7l1g) Shansi See SMJuT province Shl1n:a:T LlJ province 10.829 n. 101 SMo R6ngfen 78, 288 S~ • (in rhyme-table phonology) 816 n. 25,817 n. 26 SMlIgdiAo if.] 'tone' 6 Shing Iii bido @D~, by I»i ZMn 162 Shillgnu1 ~ 'initial consonant' 6 Shing Jun k40 by Dtti Zhtn 162 ShlnJln pdt ¥1fmt 'sound-discriminatingschool'157.162,171,83On.1I4

dating 399.4m Dd yd 3lB, 330, 337, 355, 355 dialect features 299. 300, 318, 330,425 form of references 16 Fuyling version 357, 360, 457, 855 n. 294 GulJflng 318, 330, 337, 355. 356.549.824 n. 72 HAn . . version 357, 364, 366, 404, 408.410,444.462,474,550,851 n. 271.852 n. 278 irregular rhymes 322, 389, 399, 403, 443--446.449-450, 517-518. 523524, 531-532. 549-550. 560, 567. 826-827 n. 88, 847 n. 238. 852 n. 280, 864 n. 369 language of 24-25. 255, 566. 816 n. 22. 824-825 n. 72 Lil sang .~ 318, 356.408 LU . . version 357, 408. 851 n.269, 851 n. 271. 858 n. 317.865 n. 377 Mio =€ commentary 362, 363. 364, 405.406,410,433,509, 532, 557. 828 n. 99, 852 n. 277,852 n. 279 Milo =€ version 357. 358, 359, 360, 364.433.444,457,484, 514, 550, 851 n. 271,855 n. 294, 865 n. 378 oral transmission 360 origins 356 parallels in bronze inscriptions 345 pronunciation emrs 358-366 Qi.ft". !li!!l1m, 549 Qi • version 357

language 2, 18, 19, 53, 66, 140. 309,313,322.819 n. 39, 819 n. 42. 846

1:

W

W

g:

'U;;:Jif.

::i<:!lt

J?m 111m

918 Index

rhymes as evidence lSO-153. 252, 254. 327-331,274.343.375-379, 381, 397-402, 420-421, 429-430. 442444, 448, 449-450. 455-458, 466, 467,485, 507, 515-517. 521-524, 529-531.535-536, 537-538. 540541.544,550.554-555, 560, 565. 570, 5TI. 581. 826 n. 86, 839 n. 179, 842 n. 197, 844 n. 216. 847 n. 236. 848 n. 2A7, 859 n. 331. 862 n. 352 ShOng s(}/1g iSiil318. 356. 847 n. 239 teJ(tua] history 35.5-366 textual problems 300, 308 n. 308, 343344, 388. 403-411. 518, 521. 532. 555,847 n. 237, 852 n. 280, 858 n. 316,861 n. 348, 864 n. 369 tonal distinctions 304-3Q5, 316-317 translations 813 n. 2 versions 357 Wti P/1g 857 n. 307 Xi4a yd Ij,. 318.3.30,337,355,356 Xlpfng Jl:lfl stone classics version 358-359,851 n. 271. 865 n. 377, n.

mm

378 Yongfing 857 n. 307 ZhOu s(}/1g Ja.Iil 355, 356. 518, 524. 847 n. 238 Shejl/1g YW/1du *,J§!tilGI, by JiAng YOugllto 169 Shr jlzJuuln R~iS. by Zhii Xl 152. 268 Shlmlng by Liu Xl 13, 296. 480, 862 n. 356. 863 n. 358

11m.

,,::g,

ShI,"'•• '" iH'§!llII64 ShT ZhOu ~ii 346, 836 n. 166,849 •. 256 S'CZMupi4n leml!i 234, 836,. 166, 849 n. 256 Shli II (ancient state). dialect of 299 Sh""'ggllduI ~iSl(t 849 ,. 255

S""1'''''

.!I'Il 2, 295, 356

paraUels in bronze inscriptions 345 SIwOwi. 1';Jd al!)(M¥~, by Xu S~. 4-5, 13.40, 160, 161-162. 173. 176. 221.222.225.226.230,231,233-234. 238,239.265,344,346,347.353.354. 382.386-387,407,420.424,431,474. 514.529.544,546.548.828 n. 98. 832 n. 136, 836 n. 160. 836 n. 165, 838 n. 177, 840 n. 186, n. 187, 844 n. 216, 845 n. 217, 850 n. 257, 855 n. 298. 862 n. 356, 863 n. 358 radical systenl818 n. 33 Shuowe/1 jiid zhw ~xM¥~it, by DtWl YUcAi 160, 161-162 hypothesiS 181-182. 320 Slehuan 1m JII province 9

·-s

I1!IIU!!iI 162 SImi QiM jij ,!1j lI! 344 SIhJ ,6..,,,"

SImi Xi"''''' jij ,!1jjg jlD 298 Simon. Walter 848 n. 244 Simplified eharncters 347. 349 Sino-Japanese 13 See also Japanese language Sino-Korean 13,77, 2A0-242. 242, 282. 283.285 See also Korean language SiJ'lO.Tibelall languages 1. 26, 198-199. 203.205,232,289-290,303.317.333. 333-334,552,561,835 n. 156 Sino-Vietnamese 13. 50. 77, 282. 283, 285,308.320.473.541-542, 846 n. 230.851 n. 275 See also Vietnamese language SiJ'lO.xenic loans 13, 14

Sis"'•• Q;/f"" .ilib

I1!I§Wilil:
Jiang YOng 157 Small-sample method 166---118.377,378, 399,400,402, 430, 516, 530, 856 n. 303 Small seal script (see Xido zJuuln)

Indu 919

sOng SOOg

**

(ancient state) 296. 356 dynasty (960-1279) 10. 14, 38,

152.154 SOllg%"1 ptl; school' 155

*..ifil

'Sbng learning

Soochow (set! SilzhOu) Sound changes 140 naming of 16 Southeast Asia II Southern MIn 11 dialects 11 See also MIn dialects Standard saipt (see KdishJZ) Starostin, S. A. 288, 813 n. 4. 833 n. 141,

834 n. 141, 838 n. 118,842 n. 202, 843 •. 209 Slalistical analysis of rhyming 4. 91-128.

140.368, S60-S61 Stock rhymes 458-462, 523. 531

m

Sol dynasty (S81-618) 3, 36 rhyming 29. 30 258

S"""'" U ffl_ 10, 294 See also Wli dialects Swedish language 9. 332 Syllable sttueture 18 Szechwan (see Skhuan province) Tai languages 539, 542

See also Thai language

a1f!

T:iiwln 11.15 Tang dynasty (618-901) 3,13, 14.112

J!

poetry 313

Tangy"" Il!:lil38, 3.

TellTei BanshlJ Meigi .U~~~. by Kiikai ~ iij 41. 818 n. 34 Thai language 118, 119. 199.201,263. 303 See also Tai languages Thecretical assumptions 11-26 Thirty-six zlmJI (initial consonants)

*fa

14.43,46.48.54.59,819 n. 41 Thomas, David 308

Three Kingdoms period

(see Sangu6

""'.0) Thulung language 201 Tibetan language 13, 198-199.200,201, 202,201,208.221,222, 228, 229, 233,

281,299,301,302-303. 311. 311, 333, 409,431,445.469,413.482,496,513. 525, 540, 545. 550. 834 n. 148, 835 n. 156,841 n. 235, 848 n. 244, 848 n. 248, 862 n. 351. 864 n. 310 tones 302-303 See o/.so Tibeto-Bunnan languages Tibetans 8 Tibeto--Burman languages 25-26, 181, 205. '1IY1. 208, 215, 2;16. 211, 281, 288,

289,291.294,191.299,301,333-334, 411, 446, 462. 412, 482, 483. 491, 520. 545,550.551,553,554,551,558-559, 559.835 n. 156,844 n. 210, 844 n. 212 See also Bunnese, Lahu, Lolo-Bunnese languages, Tibetan, etc. Ting Pang·hsin 209. 261, 432, 469, Tocharian languages 313, 323

502

Tones 6. 9. 31-32. 33-34 irregularities 306--301 traditional names 303-304 Td._",,,,,. lJil1fx 31' ,.;± TOllgzltl .e ICIo 42 Tonogenesis 302-303 Traditional Oiinese phonology 326 Transcriptions as evidence II, 12-13, 281, 289,313,323.842 n. 203, 842-&43 n. 204 Tribe (in Marxist linguistics) 8 TSrj- :> TS,.· (sound change) 53, 204. 261,

269.215,311.313.394.416,492.495, 498.580--581,821 fl. 53, 836 fl. 164, 839 n. 181 Tudn yC"IIIiI' 'rounded sounds' 52, 811

•. 30


Typablc nocation 28-32, 322 Typology 332-3'4 ••It(K) > ~w(K) (soond change) 2S7-2S8. 260. 266, 508-509. 519, 525, 5n-513,

573.576 Uygur 13

1JJ7. 210-214, 289,290,514, 559,.569570.834 n. 1S4, 835 n. 155,844 n. 214 exceptions 569, 844 n. 215 unexpected 429, 550, 569. 862 n. 356.

n.357 Victname!lC language 13,294. 303. 308-

309.320-321,322,473,541-542,846 n. 229. n. 230, 851 n. 275 Su also Old Vietnamese, Sino-Viet-

namese

5'rft 42, 43. 818 n. 35

Wa language 233 W. . . . . .

.'£~29.

W".GOOw'; .'£IillK 3. WAngLl n,141.168,I69,171.446-450. 455, 542, 822 n. 60, 825 n. 75, 826 n. 86,821 n. 90. 827 n. 95, 859 n. 327, 8S9 n. 332. 860 n. 335 Old Chinese reconstruction 246, 340-'42 WAng NiAnsrm ~~:m 139, 140. 141. 162. 166-169, 171, 172. 305. 828 n.91.

831 n. 126. n. 127,832 n. 132,848

n.245

W... ",,,,,n .'£ t!':'!l36. 3&. 39. 40. 68. 69.206

w..& Y1 .'£i8 359

Wdn xuipdi IIJi;~M 'Anhul school or learning' 157

Warring Slates period (su Zhlngu6 period) W~i·nn R~ period ,(220420)

.s02.

S74.sn. 578.829 n. 101 Woo y",,...lililJiI::I36 WfocMng X ~ diaIecl322 Wi/!. xIn dido 16/!.8 Ji,t).n Xc

Velar palataJiZlltioIII (sound change) 178.

Wdizhudn

phonology of 259-262, 432,

I!. 25&-259

sn,

by uu

_l:lffl dWea 294, 322 Sa also WI1 di.......'5 Western Hln it dynasty (206 D.C.AD. 23)

phonology of 469.829 n. 100 See also IDn dynasty Western 2'hOu jj dynasty 270. 310, 318,

343,355,389.505 See also ZhOu dynasty ··wk >..J: (sound change) 521,533.576577, 864 n. 369 ·'.....tulr.lizatiOD (sound change) 252, 1fJ7, 353, 366. 374. 373. 396,401,415, 416.428,431.441,466.567, 568 Wu ~ (ancient R:gaoo), dialect of 319 WU ~ area 40 WU ~ dialec1s9. 10, 322, 821 n. 54 Sa also SQzhOu diaJect, WenzhOu diaIoct WU Yil :R~ 154.829 n. 106.831 n. 119 Xhosa langu38C 303

Xi>Mu Go;

II

J[ jj<~ 35

XWntn I"l (Amoy) 47, 50 &~ also MIn dialects Xiang Wft diakus 9.10

Xii<> Go; iI~

Xi40 IhuM

36

'J'. 'small seal' script 4,

229,346. 347. 850 n. 256 See also O1inese script: early script X;AXc J[ iii! 305 Xiishin8 characters as evidence 11-12.22-23, 53. 141-142,

nt..

160-161, 168. 176. 178, 179. 189.

Jrukx 921

194, 196-197.210,225,238-240, 247,252,262-265.270,272,280281,291,301-302.312,324,325326.343,347-355,379-381,381385. 400, 448, 467. 480. 482-483, 485, 501. 506. 512. 514. 517. 520. 521-523, 528-529, 532. 533-534, 538.540, 54l. 546. 5SO. 551. 554, 565.575,815 n. 13,828 n. 98, 831 n. 119.836 n. 162,839 n. 179.842 n. 195.849 n. 249, 851 n. 272 of late origin 835 n. 158, 850 n. 261, 851 n. 274 Xilshlng similarity 343, 348-349. 352, 353-355,411.575 Xityiln Iftllll thoo
of296 Xuln l1i. king of ZhOu 836 n. 166, 849 n.256

XoAnyln.1(!'! 37 X""""",.1(~ 41 XuCMn fBtl!831 n.119 XuKAi .360. 165 XilS~n~m: 13,345 Xu XuAn ti~ 836 n. 165

l*lli

Yakhontov, S. E. (see JaxonlOv, S. E.) YOn. s... lIil~ 152 Ylfngshtng ~fi syllables 155-157, 164-166 YOn. Shu" 231 YangtzeSu CMngjiang Yang Xi6ng t;1t 13,298

mmi!f

1* Z

YOn. XH".hd\l1i 35 YAnjIng ~Jj( University 307 YOn Shl.' MMi"" 31. 'do ,hi jiiJ mn lX.i'Si:rJll. hy YOn Zhltul 52-53, 218, 486 Y;1n ZhIwT Mzft 36, 52. 69, 218, 363 Yao (Mien) languages 220, 233, 294,409

M

....'"

S~~ also

Miao-Yao (Hmong.Mien) lan-

Yd)'lII ~if 'back-tooth sounds' 57-58

n

JJl37

Yiddish language 333

'lj~.,!;~ 3 Mlw4.ngduJ version SOl rhymes 383.468, 856 n. 304, 855 n. 296 YI II"~ 352, 845 n. 217 YIn dynasty (s~t' SMog dynasty) Ylnpw ifftf by Ll Jliie 35, 68, 817 n. 29 Yilt.Shing ~fi syllablcs 156, 164, 164166,168.181 ffluul bidn wti .:g.!;!m~ by Jiang YOrIg 157 rtn XJJi WlI sJUi. ff~1LiI, by Gil Y4nwill55 Yrn-ylfng duizhudn ~~ti" 'interchange ofyCn andydng' 164-166 Yiqiijing Ylllyl-t)]~-Ifft by HulUn 41.242,279.319,508 Yiqii jCng yinyl - t}] ~ -If ~ by Xuanylng37,41.319 Yodisation 69-71. 81, 82 Yuan 7G dynasty (1279-1368) 13, 15,77

m

'""" Ii piiin i'llUlli 346 Vue Ii dialeclS (see Cantonese) fUn ftii 'rhymc' 141 Yli NliyOOg 820 n. 46 YUn bIZ ftiillfi by Wli Yil 154 Yllnj(ftii~ by I.1I fmg 35,486

'ilnj~8lllltl32, 41 arrangement 817 n. 25 language 478 representation of finals 42-44 representation of initials 43 St't' also Rhyme tables YUnlai & 1113 by Oil Tmqing 35 Yunlai til by XiAhOu Gli 35 YiWat tiI~ by Y4ng XiiizhI35

113

922 I""'"

Mill: 'final' 6

y"",""

Ilfm _in« 9 YlUl:¢, Mm. by Wing NiinsUn 166-168

y"",,"

Ill. (u, Rhyme boob) llft iii (su Rhyme tables)

y"",.. YUntU

YUnwli tilJfl'coda' 6 Su abo Coda Y",..,. Jilli, by G. YO"'" 13,31. 40 lIIll!! 41-42 ~ng XuAn ~~ 295. 296, 299, 352, 357.360,362. 363, 364,406 :l.W:ng-Zhang Shlngflng 843 n. 208 mog 2J'IOng 474 Zhfyln 'if 'direct sounds' 33,817 n. 28 ZhOllg chlinyfn 'heavy lip

ii!lllll

elf

11

1S1ft

J:P.

2M"! Jt'f1g 361 ZMlIgyudll ylllyWn. ~ if tit by ZhOu ""ITog JIil1!ilI IS. g32 ... 135.840

n.183 ZbOu

J/;J dynasty I. 14

cooquest of Shlng 345. 813 n. 1 &~ also Eastcm ZhOu dynasty, Western ZbOudyna
Midd&e Chinese n:cmsuuction 284 Old Chinese reconstruetioo 255 ZhlJlIlT 11.474,855 R. 298 """" ... JIilW 862 ... 3S2 ZJt6u .wllg (sec wder ShIjrllg) ZMuwifl fix 'scriplofthescribeZJXlu

.'347,8490.256 ZbOu YOng J/;J~ 303 ZhOu Z1lm6 41, 469. 817 n. 29, 818 n. 34 Zhuln . . (in rhyme-table phonology) 42 See also niizlw41t, wdiz1w4n ZhuAng M± language 294. 509 lJwd,u" 'S
a><W

ZhilJ_g$:B§464 ZhO QianzhT 412 ZhQ XI *:_ 152-153.268.410,829 n. 102.n.103.841 n.l88 ZIIud by Mti YTogzuO

'FI:,

1li1Wl'F

818 n. 33 Z/I",

'FI'* 445

Zlnul ~e (ue Thiny-six zlnW)

.tiif

Z1xa'i"J[3S1

""""". 48 ZhOng_ W"'g Flng Ding hll,4 (bronze vessel) 383

Zulu language 303


q:r

'"" Uwdn

ti. jW 468