A History of Indian Buddhism: From Sakyamuni to Early Mahayana

A History of Indian Buddhism

From Sakyamuni * to Early Mahayana*

A sian S tudies a t H aw aii, N o. 36

H ira k a w a A kira

T ran slated a n d E d ited b y P au l G ro n er

ASIAN STU D IE S AT H A W A II U M V ER SITY OF HAWAII U N IV E H 5 IT V O F H A W A I I PHES5

© 1990 University of Hawaii Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 97 98 99 00 01

02 8 7 6 5 4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hirakawa, Akira, 1915 [Indo Bukkyo * shi. English] A history of Indian Buddhism : from Sakyamuni* to Early Mahayana* / Hirakawa Akira ; translated and edited by Paul Groner. p. cm. (Asian studies at Hawaii; no. 36) Translation of: Indo Bukkyo shi. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0 8248 1203 4 1. BuddhismIndiaHistory. I. Groner, Paul. II. Title. III. Series. DS.A2A82 no. 36 [BQ336] 950 sdc20 [294.3'0954] 89 20647 CIP University of Hawai'i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources

CO N TEN TS T ranslator's Preface

vii

A u th o r's Preface

xv

A bbreviations

xvii

In tro d u ctio n 1 P a rt O ne: E arly B u d d h ism C h a p te r 1. In d ia n R eligion a t th e Tim e of th e B u d d h a

13

C h a p te r 2. T he Life of th e B u d d h a

20

C h a p te r 3. E arly B u d d h ist D octrine

38

C h a p te r 4. T he O rg a n iz atio n of th e O rd e r

60

C h a p te r 5. T he E stab lish m en t of th e E arly B u d d h ist C an o n

69

C h a p te r 6. T he D ev elo p m en t of th e B u d d h ist O rd e r

76

C h a p te r 7. T he B u d d h ism of K ing A soka *

95

P a rt Two: N ikaya* B u d d h ism C h a p te r 8. T he D ev elo p m en t of N ik ay a B u d d h ism

105

C h a p te r 9. A b h id h a rm a L iteratu re

127

C h a p te r 10. T he O rg a n iz atio n of th e D h arm as in th e A b h id h a rm a C h a p te r 11. B u d d h ist C osm ology a n d th e T heory of K arm a

139 170

C h a p te r 12. K arm a a n d A v ijn ap ti-ru p a *

185

C h a p te r 13. T he E lim inatio n of D efilem ents a n d th e P a th to E n lig h ten m en t

197

P a rt Three: E arly M ahayana* B u d d h ism C h a p te r 14. T he E volutio n of th e O rd e r after A soka*

223

C h a p te r 15. M ahayana Texts C o m p o sed d u rin g th e K usana* D y n asty

247

C h a p te r 16. T he O rigins of M ah a y a n a

256

C h a p te r 17. T he C o n ten ts of E arly M ah ay an a S criptures

275

C h a p te r 18. T heory a n d Practice in E arly M ah ay an a B u d d h ism

296

N otes

313

B ibliographical Essay

323

B ibliography

345

Index

385

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE The Japanese version of this book, Indo Bukkyoshi * volume 1, was published by Shunjusha* of Tokyo in 1974; volume 2, not included here, was published in 1979. When Hirakawa began work on it, he intended to write a handbook for students interested in the development of Buddhism across Asia that would serve as a useful guide to the basic issues in Buddhist doctrine, history, and bibliography. Although the project soon became much longer and had a narrower focus than he had originally planned, it benefited in at least two ways from Hirakawa's original intention. First, it is an exceptionally comprehensive discussion of Indian Buddhism, treating its history, doctrine, and bibliography with an admirable degree of completeness. Most of the significant topics in Indian Buddhism are discussed in some detail. Second, it is a very clearly written text. Because Hirakawa wrote it with students as the intended audience, he composed it in a style that could be readily understood by students and informed general readers. The present volume is a translation of the first of Hirakawa's two-volume history. It covers the period from Sakyamuni* Buddha to Early Mahayana* just before Nagarjuna* and includes the periods on which Hirakawa did most of his own earlier research. From 1960 to 1968, he published three important studies on Buddhist institutions: Ritsuzo* no kenkyu* (A study of the Vinaya-pitaka*), Genshi Bukkyo* no kenkyu (A study of Early Buddhism), and Shoki Daijo* Bukkyo no kenkyu (Studies in Early Mahayana Buddhism). These studies, all coming out of his interest in the vinaya, demonstrated his mastery of Indian Buddhist institutional history. This research was particularly important in his formulation of a new theory of the rise of Mahayana *. By focusing on the need to identify an institutional base from which Mahayana arose, Hirakawa argued that stupa* worship and the formulation of Mahayana sets of precepts provided important evidence for the development of Mahayana Buddhism. Besides these book-length studies, Hirakawa has written over 240 articles on various aspects of Buddhism. These cover a wide variety of issues, such as the usage of fundamental terms or the roles particular figures played in the Indian Buddhist tradition. The ideas advanced in many of these articles and the background research that went into them have been incorporated into this history. Hirakawa has also been aware of the need for improved reference tools for scholars. He is currently supervising the compilation of a Chinese-Sanskrit Buddhist dictionary, a tool that will assist scholars in making better use of Chinese translations of Indian texts. He has also been an advocate of the use of computers in Buddhist studies. One of the earliest results of this interest was the publication of a detailed and computerized index of the

articles in Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu* (Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies), one of the leading publications on Buddhism in Japan. His interest in reference tools also led to his supervision of a concordance of the Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese versions of Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa* (Kusharon sakuin) Because the Abhidharmakosa is one of the most systematic expositions of Buddhist doctrine ever composed, it has been an influential text across Asia, even among those who did not accept many of its positions. The doctrinal exposition of abhidharma thought in Hirakawa's History of Indian Buddhism is based primarily on the Abhidharmakosa. This volume thus incorporates Hirakawa's mature views on subjects that he has studied in depth for several decades. It is published here as an independent work, giving an overall view of the first half of Indian Buddhist history. The second volume of Hirakawa's history covers Indian Buddhism from Nagarjuna* through Tantric Buddhism and the decline of Buddhism in India. As Hirakawa notes in his preface, the understanding of the history of Indian Buddhism is an ongoing process that must be continually elaborated and revised as our knowledge of the subject expands. He thus sees his own work as being improved upon by subsequent histories of Indian Buddhism by both Japanese and Western scholars. Hirakawa's historical interpretation is representative of Indian Buddhism as it is viewed by many, but certainly not all, Japanese scholars. It also differs from the perspective of many Western authors who have written histories of Indian Buddhism. Three ways in which Hirakawa's treatment differs from most of the histories of Indian Buddhism written in English are elaborated below: (1) use of primary sources, (2) secondary scholarship consulted, and (3) comprehensive coverage. First, English-language surveys of Indian Buddhism have relied predominantly upon Sanskrit and Pali * primary source materials, often ignoring important primary source materials available in Chinese and Tibetan translation. In contrast, Hirakawa has utilized materials from Chinese and Tibetan as well as Sanskrit and Pali. For example, Englishlanguage surveys have usually depended upon Pali materials for their presentation of Early Buddhism, mainly because these sources have been extensively studied by British, Indian, and Sri Lankan scholars as a result of Britain's historical ties with South Asia. For similar reasons, abhidharma studies in English have usually concentrated on the Theravada* tradition. Hirakawa has been able to use Chinese translations of early Buddhist texts such as the agamas* and abhidharma texts to better place the Pali material in the context of Indian Buddhism as a whole. For example, in the field of abhidharma, Hirakawa places his emphasis on the development of the Sarvastivada* tradition rather than on Theravada, primarily because the Sarvastivada material helps elucidate later Mahayana* developments. However, far from ignoring the Pali material, Hirakawa describes its place in the development of Indian Buddhism and uses it to provide a contrast with the Sarvastivada

interpretations. In addition, Hirakawa has used the scant source material concerning the Mahasanighika* and other schools to elucidate the role that these traditions played in the evolution of Indian Buddhism. Many English-language surveys of Indian Buddhism rely primarily on undated Sanskrit materials for much of their presentation of Mahayana; Hirakawa has used these sources, but also has employed dated Chinese translations of Mahayana sources as well as inscriptions from archeological sites to present a much fuller description of the origin, development, and social setting of Mahayana. His treatment of later Mahayana developments in the second volume has benefited from the increasing use of Tibetan materials by Japanese scholars. The importance of Chinese and Tibetan materials is reflected in the chapters of Hirakawa's work that discuss sources for the study of each period of Buddhism. Second, Hirakawa has utilized secondary studies that have been ignored by many scholars who wrote in English. Modern Japanese scholars have published more on Buddhism than the rest of the world combined. A bibliography of journal articles on Buddhism published by Japanese authors between 1970 and 1983 includes almost four thousand entries on Indian Buddhism (Ryukoku* daigaku Bukkyogaku kenkyushitsu [ed.], Bukkyogaku * kankei zasshi ronbun bunrui mokuroku [Kyoto: Nagata Bunshodo*, 1986], vol. 4). Unfortunately, few of these studies are known to Western scholars working on Indian Buddhism. Hirakawa's extensive reading of Japanese secondary scholarship is summarized in the History of Indian Buddhism. This work thus serves as more than a record of Hirakawa's own views of Buddhism; along with Nakamura Hajime's Indian Buddhism, it introduces the Western audience to the issues that Japanese scholars have considered important and to some of their conclusions. At times the subjects that attracted Japanese attention have differed from those upon which Western scholars concentrated. For example, topics such as Pure Land, Buddhanature (tathagatagarbha*), and the early development of Esoteric Buddhism receive much more emphasis in Hirakawa's history than they have in English-language surveys, partly because these traditions played major roles in the development of Chinese and Japanese Buddhism. Western scholars often have underestimated the importance of these traditions as they focused their attention on the traditions that interested them. The numbers of Chinese translations of tathagatagarbha or Pure Land texts suggest that these topics may have played a more significant role in the development of Early Mahayana* than some Western scholars have thought. In his discussion of Early Mahayana, Hirakawa traces these and other doctrinal themes back to early sources whenever possible, demonstrating the gradual evolution of many Mahayana positions. Third, Hirakawa's history maintains a better balance and is more comprehensive than many English-language histories. Earlier surveys of Indian Buddhism have generally

emphasized either one aspect of Buddhism, such as Theravada*, or one approach, such as Buddhist philosophy. Hirakawa's history includes three types of discussions: historical, bibliographical, and doctrinal. It also gives ample space to a number of subjects that have not been adequately treated in most earlier surveys, particularly in the areas of abhidharma traditions other than Theravada and Sarvastivada*, Mahayana devotionalism, and Esoteric Buddhist elements in Early Mahayana. Balance and comprehensiveness are especially important in a survey because the author should discuss connections between events and ideas that might be ignored in narrower, more specialized studies. Hirakawa examines the relations between movements in Buddhism, often tracing developments back to their origins in Early Buddhism. In the past decade, English-language scholarship on Indian Buddhism has been evolving in ways that will remedy many of the problems indicated above. The study of Tibetan sources and the use of inscrip tions from archeological sites appear in increasing numbers of scholarly articles. Younger scholars are using Chinese and Tibetan primary sources, as well as French and Japanese secondary scholarship. The recent publication of an English translation of Etienne Lamotte's Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien des origines a l'ere Saka * will add immensely to the information available in English. If this translation of Hirakawa's history is useful in the evolution of Buddhist studies in the West, it will have served its purpose. Finally, a few comments about the translation are necessary. This translation follows Hirakawa's text closely with several minor deviations. Hirakawa's introduction has been adapted to fit the needs of a Western audience. The first two chapters have been combined, and several minor changes in the text have been made after discussions with Hirakawa. Since Hirakawa's history was originally intended as a general reference for Japanese students, it is not as heavily annotated as the Western reader might normally expect of this type of book. The chapter notes, all of which have been included in a notes section following the text, generally refer to secondary studies in Japanese. Occasionally a note has been added to clarify some aspect of the translation or to refer to a significant Japanese discussion of an issue. The text references refer to primary sources. Because Hirakawa included few references to primary sources in his original text, I have augmented these so that sources for direct quotations or references to specific passages have been indicated to make the text conform to Western styles of scholarship. Many of the added references have been included after consulting Hirakawa's other writings and the studies to which he refers.

I have elected not to add extensive editorial notes discussing variant views on such subjects as the biography of the Buddha, the rise of Mahayana*, or the role that

tathagatagarbha* teachings played in Early Mahayana. Because the translation was intended to present Hirakawa's views, adding extensive annotation would have been tantamount to writing a new book. However, to help the reader find discussions of some of these problems in Western languages, bibliographical notes for each chapter have been included in a bibliographical essay preceding the bibliography at the end of the book. Hirakawa included a full bibliography of Japanese secondary works and mentioned a number of works in Western languages in the Japanese version of this book. I have translated the titles of the Japanese works in the Japanese bibliography at the end of the book. The number of Western-language works in the bibliography of related readings has been substantially augmented. I have also added to the bibliographical essay short bibliographical comments for each chapter consisting of notes about both primary and secondary sources the reader might consult for additional information or other views. For additional references, the reader should refer to Frank Reynolds' Guide to the Buddhist Religion for English-language sources or to Nakamura Hajime's Indian Buddhism: A Survey with Bibliographical Notes for Japanese sources. The titles of primary source texts have generally been given in both their Chinese and Sanskrit pronunciation at their first appearance; this choice was made to emphasize the importance of Chinese sources in the history. However, after the first occurrence, I have usually only given the Sanskrit title to keep the text from becoming too cumbersome. I have also added the Taisho * number, a reference to the Chinese canon, to texts available in Chinese to aid the reader in identifying the text and as a reminder that many of the texts are available in dated Chinese translations. Because the Sanskrit titles of works preserved in Chinese are sometimes problematic, I have adopted the convention used in the Hobogirin*: Repertoire du Canon bouddhique sino-japonaise of placing an asterisk (*) after the Sanskrit title if it is based on a Sanskrit or Pali* work, a number sign (#) if it is based on a reconstruction from Tibetan, and a question mark (?) if the reconstruction is doubtful. When a Sanskrit or Pali work is being referred to, no annotation is given after the title. In discussions of Early Buddhism, most authors are faced with the problem of whether to use Pali or Sanskrit terms. Because a completely satisfactory solution was difficult to arrive at, I have adopted the following convention. Sanskrit has been the preferred language, partly because its use was also applicable to Sarvastivada* and Mahayana* sources. However, because the Pali sources are so valuable in any discussion of Early Buddhism as well as indispensable for a discussion of Theravada* abhidhamma and history, I have used Pali at certain times. The most common occurrences have been either when a primary source in Pali is being referred to or in discussions of Theravada abhidhamma. In addition, some terms are known primarily in Chinese translation. In particular, some of the terms used in Nikaya* Buddhism in schools other than the Theravada and Sarvastivada or in early Mahayana are known only from Chinese

translations. A Sanskrit reconstruction of such terms would be difficult and lead to questionable results. In addition, terms have also been developed within East Asia that reflect or sum up the Indian situation well. In such cases, the term has been given in Chinese rather than a questionable Sanskrit reconstruction. In all cases where I have rendered Chinese and Japanese terms into Sanskrit, I have striven to use the concordances and reference works for the texts under discussion. This translation could not have been completed without the encouragement of a number of people, only a few of whom I can mention here. Hirakawa Akira repeatedly answered my questions concerning certain passages or about the Sanskrit equivalents to Chinese terms. Stanley Weinstein of Yale encouraged me to undertake the project and reassured me of its value when I felt discouraged. My wife Cindy helped with the style through her careful reading. Patricia Crosby and the editorial staff at the University of Hawaii Press have improved the text with their careful editorial questions. I dedicate the translation to Professor Hirakawa, who read vinaya texts with me and introduced me to the world of Japanese scholarship when I was a graduate student in Tokyo from 1971 to 1974. The clarity of his explanations, his concern for Buddhist scholarship, and his interest in his students have served as a constant inspiration to me.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE Indian culture is often said to lack historical consciousness. Because virtually no materials with accurate dates for India's ancient history exist, writing a history of Indian Buddhism may seem like a futile undertaking. However, an accurate historical account of Buddhism in India is vital to our knowledge of the overall development of Buddhism. During the last century, both Western and Japanese scholars have made great strides in the study of the history of Indian Buddhism. On the basis of their research, books have been published in Japan and the West with titles such as The History of Indian Buddhism or The History of Indian Philosophy. The present volume follows the pattern established by such studies. It reflects the current state of research and follows established opinions and theories as far as possible. In many cases, however, scholars have not arrived at a consensus. Such basic issues as the date of the historical Buddha's death, or parinirvana * are still being disputed. According to sources such as the Sri Lankan chronicle Dipavamsa* almost all the schisms of Sectarian (Nikaya* or Hinayana*) Buddhism had occurred before the reign of King Asoka*. In contrast, according to the sources of the Northern Buddhist tradition, the schisms occurred after Asoka's reign. This issue not only affects our evaluation of Asoka's rule but our account of the entire development of Early Buddhism and the emergence of Nikaya Buddhism. In this study, a chronology that permits the most reasonable account of the historical development of Buddhism has been adopted, but since this chronology has not yet been proven to be correct, other chronologies and accounts may prove to be more accurate.

Many other scholarly problems remain in Indian Buddhism, making the compilation of a definitive history impossible. Although I could have explained and contrasted the various views of each topic, such an approach would have made the study too cumbersome. Nor has all the evidence for each position been presented. Instead, in most cases only the most reasonable position has been introduced to produce a unified and consistent narrative.

Some of the relevant primary sources for positions are cited in parentheses within the text. In this volume, sources are usually from either the Taisho shinshu daizokyo * (Chinese version of the canon, cited hereafter as T) or Pali* texts published by the Pali Text Society. Studies by modern (usually Japanese) scholars analyzing these materials are listed in the endnotes. Research by Westerners is discussed in the bibliographical essay compiled by the translator. The bibliographies are compilations of sources that a student undertaking serious research on Buddhism might consult, rather than exhaustive lists of studies. When I first began this book, I intended to write a one-volume survey of the development of Buddhism from India to Japan that could be used as a reference. Because

Tokyo University was the site of student disturbances at the time, I found it difficult to allot my time as I had originally intended and eventually had to abandon my original plan for the book. I finally decided to concentrate on the history of Indian Buddhism and to divide the book into two parts. The current translation is the first volume of this project. In most narratives of Indian Buddhism, a number of gaps and inconsistencies are evident. I have striven to make this book more accessible to the reader than previous histories by stressing the connections between different periods and types of Indian Buddhism and by eliminating the gaps between periods and varieties of Buddhism. For this reason, special attention has been paid to such topics as the transition from Early to Sectarian Buddhism, the emergence o f Mahayana* Buddhism, and the contents of early Mahayana Buddhist scriptures. When several accounts of these topics exist in primary sources, they are compared in detail. I have also striven to clearly describe the doctrinal positions of major forms of Buddhism such as abhidharma in simple language unencumbered by technical jargon. This book owes much to the research of other scholars. Because I have been able to read and assimilate only a small part of the vast research on Indian Buddhism, errors may be present in the text. Criticisms and suggestions will be gratefully received and used to improve any future editions.

ABBREVIATIONS AN

Anguttara-nikaya *

Ch.

Chinese

DN

Digha-nikaya*

IBK

Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu*

KN

Khuddaka-nikaya

MN

Majjhima-nikaya

P.

Pali*

-PP

-Prajnaparamitasutra*

S.

Sanskrit

SN

Samyutta-nikaya*

T

Taisho shinshu Daizokyo*

Tib.

Tibetan

VP

Vinaya-pitaka*

*

edited Sanskrit version of the text is extant

#

Sanskrit title based on Tibetan sources

?

Sanskrit title uncertain

Introduction

T h e Sp ecial C h a ra cte ristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism B e c a u s e B u d d h i s m origin ated an d d eveloped in I n d b , u sin ^ che adjective l'In d ia n * h to describe it m a y seem unnecessary. W h e n B u d ­ d hism sp read bey on d In d ia 10 Southeast A sia. T ib e t, C h in a , J a p a n . a n d o th e r lands, certain aspects o f B ud dh ism w ere em p h a siz e d in each locale, g en eratin g a w ide v ariety o f in terp retatio n s a n d practices. Bud* d h is m was a d a p te d to m eet the re q u ire m e n ts o f (he people o f each area, resulting in a wide v ariation o f In terp retatio n s. In d ia n B u d d h ism . tOOT had u n iq u e ch aracteristics not em p h asiz ed in o th er regio ns. T hus, the te rm “ I n d ia n B u d d h is m ” is often used tod ay tn disting uish it from the B u d d h ism o f o th e r cou ntries. W h e n Ind ian B u d d h ism is c o m p a re d to C h in ese a n d J a p a n e s e B u d ­ d h ism ; differences ill clim ate a n d g e o g ra p h y are seen to affcci religious p ractice; those a d a p ta tio n s in practice b ro u g h t ab ou t c h an g es in d o c ­ trin e. In co ntrast, the countries w here T h e r a v a d a B ud d h ism ;s p r a c ­ ticed — such as Sri L a n k a, B u rm a , T h a il a n d — hav e clim ates a n d geo­ g raphies resem b lin g those o f In d ia m o re th an those o f C h in a an d J a p a n . As a result, T h e r a v a d a religious p ractice is m u c h closer to In d ia n B u d d h ism th an la East A sian B udd hism . A b rie f survey o f the d ev elo p m en t an d geo g rap hical sp read o f In d ia n B u d d h ism reveals m u c h ab o ut the u n iv ersal qualities and the distinctive characteristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism , as well as p ro v id in g an overview o f its d ev elo p m en t. B u d d h ism was founded in the fifth cen tu ry s .c . e . by

5 ak yam uni, w ho was b o rn in a region o f n o rth e rn In d ia a n d N epal controlled by (he S ak ya tril>e. A fter he decided tu becom e a religious m e n d ic a n t, he traveled to th e co u n try o f M a g a d h a In centra] In d ia , south o f (he G a n g e s R iv er, w here he p e rfo rm e d religious austerities. W h en he was a p p ro x im a te ly th iny -fiv e y ears old, £ a k y a m u n i realized en lig h ten m en t. T h is ex p erien ce, cen tral to B u d d h is m , was describ ed as ''bwnj? en ligh tened to the u n d y in g 1' an d " d isc o v e rin g [he p a th to free­ dom fro m s u ffe rin g .'' A lth o u g h h u m a n k in d is afflicted by v ario u s types o f suffering, the fear o f d e a th is the most basic, lead in g S a k y a m u n i 10 describe his ex p erien ce in term s o f (he “ u n d y in g ." A lth o u g h Sakyam u n i ceased to exist physically w hen he was eighty years old, his dec!aration o f enlig hten m e m exp ressed his confidence th a t his m in d h a d real* ized e te rn a l truths. T h e suffering present in all h u m a n existence has h e r n a c o n sta n t co n cern o f m a n k in d . S a k y a m u n i’s discovery o f an an swe r to this p ro b lem , a p ath o f liberation from suffering, has been the most u niv ersally ap p ealin g characteristic o f B u d d h ism . M o re t h a n any o th er feature, it has e n a b le d B u d d h ism to survive until the p resent. In I n d i a , h o w e v e r, B u d d h i s m d i s a p p e a r e d . B y b r i e f l y s u r v e y i n g the

history o f In d ia n tiuddhi&rn, som e o f Us special characteristics as well as several reasons for its d is a p p e a ra n c e ra n be ascertain ed . At th e tim e of S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s d e a th in the fifth c e n tu ry b .c . e ., th e Buddhist o rd er consisted o f small g ro u p s o f m endicant* in cen tral In d ia . T h ro u g h the efforts o f Sakyam uni*s disciples, B u dd h ism sp read to th e south an d west. In th e third c e n tu ry b . c . e ., after the co n v ersio n of K in g A soka, b u d d h is m was soon p ro m u lg a te d th ro u g h o u t India. W ith the grow th of the o r d e r a n d increases in the n u m b e rs o f m o n k s, d isp u tes aro se o v er th e o bserv an ce o f m on astic discipline an d the in te rp re ta tio n o f d o ctrine. T h e early o r d e r ev en tu ally divided into tw o schools: the progressive M a h a s a h g h tk a a n d the conservative S th a v ira v a d a (P. T h e ra v a d a ) , A d ditional schisms o c c u rre d un til m an y schools existed a n d B u dd hism e n te re d its sectarian (N ik a y a o r H ln a y a n a ) period. T h e term s “ eig hteen sch o o ls” o r ‘^twenty schools’' are found in m a n y trad itio n al sources th at refer to S ectarian H uddhism , but the n a m e s ol m an y m ore th an tw enty schools a re k no w n from inscriptions. O f these schools, th e T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv ad a, S au irfm tik a, SammatTya (all o f S ih a v ira v a d a lineage), a n d the M ah asarig h ik a schools w ere the must im p o rta n t. By the b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n e ra , M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism h ad also b eg un to develop. M a h a y a n a (great vehicle) B u dd hists critici/.cd the a d h e r e n ts o f N ikaya B u dd hism by calling [hem LIH i n a y a n a '' (inferior vehicle) B uddhists, a d ep recato ry term applied especially to S arv astivadins. A![hough a n u m b e r o f schools had arisen and h a d criticized each

o th er, all o f th e m were: recognized as B u dd hist. T h is to lera tio n for a w id e v ariety o f i n t e r p o l a t i o n s was based on th e Buddhist e m p h asis on ihe importance o f ihe in d iv id u a l's e n lig h te n m e n t a n d lit* freedom to to n f c m plate and in terp ret do ctrin e . A ccord ing to the W fn sku shih-ii u m ching ( 7 HM i^ G la -li, AfanjiLsrtpariprcckatyy the srhism s w ithin B ud dh ism resulted fro m the differing ex p lanation s o f S a k y a tn u n i’s teachin g by tw enty o f his followers. Each a d h e re n t, how ever, was said to have received a n d tra n s m itte d the B u d d h a ’s tru e teaching. Ln the travel diary o f l-ching (6 3 5 -7 1 3 ), a C h in ese m o n k w ho jo u rn e y e d th ro u g h Ind ia a n d Southeast Asia, ihe B tid d h a ’& teaching was said t o be like a gulden c a n e that h a d been b rok en in to eighteen pieces. J u s i as each piece o f the r a n e w as part o f th e original staff, so did th e essence o f the Rudd h a ’s teachin gs r e m a in u n c h a r t e d even th ough th e early o rd er had been fra gm ented ii^io ei gh teen sc hools (Mut-hat ch t k kei nei-fa thuan, T 54: 205c). Similar discussions are found in Buddhist scriptu res. B u d ­ dhist schools co uld recognize each o th e r as Buddhist because Ih eir teachin gs w ere not established on b lin d faith. A lthough this tolerance fur d o c trin a l differences is one o f Buddhism1* finest features, it penult* red the a p p e a ra n c e o f such a v ariety o f differing opinions in the o r d e r th at it led to a w eak en in g o f the d octrinal stances th at d ifferentiated B u d d h is m from the o th e r In d ia n religions o f rhar tim e. T h e rise o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a p p ro x im a te ly five h u n d r e d y ears alter the B u d d h a 's death is an ex am p le o f how B ud d h ism resp o n d ed to the d e m a n d s o f a new tim e . M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism included m a n y ele­ m ents not fo u n d in early B u d dh ism . D espite these inn o v atio n s, ihe original spirit o f th e B u d d h a 's teach in g was not lost in early M a h a y a n a . In fact, early M a h a y a im t* revived the spirit o f th e B u d d h a ’s teaching by a d a p tin g it for a new age. H ow ever, these in novative elem en ts brought h id d e n d a n g e r s w h h them , As lim e passed, m a n y B uddhists b ecam e m o re interested in the new additions t h a n in ihe original m es­ sage o f the B u d d h a , M ag ical elem en ts played an im p o rta n t role in Mahayana H uddhism from the beg in n in g , prnhably because ihcy w ere a response ro the reli* gious needs o f the c o m m o n people. Perfection o f wisdom j ulras ton* ta m e d claim s rhat th e text could proteet those w ho followed ir in a d d i­ tion, perfection o f w isdo m svtrea were som etim es called " g re a i w isdom mantras” (maha-vidyd'mantra) o r 11great m a n t r a s " (mahd-mantra). According to the Fa-hita ching ( T 9 :5 6 c -5 8 b , Saddharmapun4itTikasiitra)s faith in the b o d h isa tty a AvalokiteSvara w ould protect a person from all disas­ ters. A dvocacy o f the efficacy o f dhdratts (m agical in c a n ta tio n s) was fuund in m a n y M a h a y a n a scriptures. O v e r the c e n tu rie s, these m agical form ulas cam e to play a n increasingly important role in M a h a y a n a

B u d d h ism until, by the sixth century. Esoteric B ud d h ism h a d em erg ed as a distincl m o v em en t a n d b e g u n to develop in Ind ia A lth o u g h Esoteric B ud d h ism clearly belongs w ithin the B uddhist Fold, its ritu als a r t virtually indisting uishable fro m those o f H in d u ism . Eventually m u c h o f the do ctrin al basts for Esoteric B ud d h ism was ignored a n d only its ritual em phasized* c o n trib u tin g to the ev en tu al ab so rp tio n o f Esoteric B u d d h ism by H in d u ism . In co ntrast, Chint:sc, J a p a n e s e , a n d S o u th east A sian B u d d h ism developed in areas a n d cu l' lures th at differed from I n d ia . As a result, m a n y elem en ls o f In d ia n B uddhism were not easily assim ilated by ihe in d ig en o u s cu ltures. In fact, m a n y o f the d istin g u ish in g ch aracteristics o f In d ia n B u d d h ism were preserved b ecau se they w ere so co n sp ic u o u s in o th e r co un i ries. For ex am p le, because B u dd hist (cachings o f non su bstantiality p ro v id e d the do ctrin al basis for th e “ H i n d u 1* cerem o nies in the C h in ese a n d j a p anesc Esoteric B u dd hist tra d itio n s, these tra d itio n s nev er lost their B u d ­ dhist ch aracter. In In d ia , how ever, as B ud d hism b ecam e m ore Esoteric, x was in creasingly assim ilated into H ind uism * until it finally lost its B uddhist ch aractcr. Early M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m w as a religion o f m a n y facets; it in clud ed A r o iti b h a w orship, as welE as such scriptures as the Prajm pdram ttdLotus %Sad£haimapti#4atika), And Avatatmakg ftitras F ro m th e second c e n tu ry o f ih r c o m m o n e r a o n w a rd , theoretical w orks b ased on these scriptures w e re c o m p o s e d . T h e M a d h y a m ik a School w as based on teachings con* c e rn in g no ^substantiality. At first, the appellation " M a d h y a m i k a " was not used to d esign ate the school because an o p po sing M a h a y a n a tradilinn was nor p resent. O n ly after (he Yogacara tradition arose ab ou t o n e cen tu ry after M a d h y a m ik a did the te rm “ M a d h y a m ik a " com e to be used. Y ogacara was based on the system atic investigation o f id e a tio n ’ only doc trines. F o r the next several cen turies the two tra d itio n s coex­ isted. Even before Y ogacara e m erg ed as a distinct tra d itio n , early M a h a ­ y a n a texts h a d been com piled c o n c e rn in g ideation-only (oijnapUmatmtaJ a n d B u d d h a - n a tu r e (taifiagatagaTbha, th e potential to realize B uddhahuod). A m o n g th e m were the TatfidgatagarbfiusiitTa ( 7 ’6 6 6 -6 6 7 ), SrfmdlddtmsimhanadamtTQ ( T 3 1 0 +8, 353) an d the MahftpaTtnirvdnctsutrs. ( 7 ’ 374375). As lim e passed, ihe M a d h y a m ik a a n d Y ogacara schools developed a n d in Hue need each other, as well as Esoteric B ud d hism . Even d u rin g the period w hen M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism was m ost in fluen tial, N ikay a B u d d h ism was still flouri shi ng- In fact, N ikaya B u d ­ d h i s m w as alw ays the stro n g er o f the two m o v e m e n ts, as is d e m o n s tr a ­ ted in the travel diaries o f such C h in ese pilgrim s to In d ia as Ka-hsien (in Ind ia 3 S 9 - 4 I 4 ) , H s u a n -ts a n g (6 02 -6 64 ), a n d Inching (6 3 5 -7 13) By 1-

r h in g 's tim e, the differences beiw een N ikaya a n d M a h a y a n a B u dd hism h ad becom e less p ro n o u n c e d a n d ihe iwo tra d itio n s h a d b e g u n to blend together. Esoteric B u d d h ism su b seq u en tly b ecam e p o p u la r ant! pow erf'ulh in flu en c in g b o th (he N ikaya anti M a h a y a n a tra d itio n s. Kinally, as H in d u ism bccam c stro n g e r a n d ihe M uslim s in v ad ed In d ia , Buddhism lost m uch o f its v i g o r At the e n d o f the twelfth century. ih e V ikram aSfla M o n a ste ry was b u r n e d by M uslim troops, an event that sym bolized ihe d isa p p e a ra n c e o f Buddhtsl institutions from m ost o f India. Buddhism did survive, how ever, in eastern Bengal, w here a small n u m b e r of peo* pic hav e c arried On the B u dd hist traditio n tin til ihe present. E v e n after ihe M u s lim invasions, H in d u is m re m a in e d sirong, J a i n ­ ism also m a n a g e d to survive alth ou gh w ith only a small n u m b e r of a d h e re n ts: B u d d h ism , how ever, d isap p e ared , even tho ug h it had once sp read a c r o u a n d d o m in a te d India. A co n sid e ratio n o f several of the reasons for the different destinies o f th e religions helps elucidate some of ihe characteristics of In d ia n B u d d h ism , Ind ian B uddhism did nut establish a fixed o rtho do x do ctrin al position a n d then firm ly reject a n y d ev iatio n s front ii as heterodoxy. C o n s e ­ q u e n t IyT Buddhist do clrin c g radu ally ch a n g e d in a variety o f ways. O n e reason for B u d d h is m 's d isa p p e a ra n c e from India m ay lie in its liberal a ttitu d e to w ard different in terp retatio n s o f docirine. T i m A rgum ent does not im ply that th e Buddhist tolerance o f doctrinal diversity was m istaken. Because people's abilities to u n d e r s ia n d B u d d h ism differed an d historical circu m stan ces ch a n g e d , ii w as a p p r o p ria te that B u d d h m d octrine reflect the needs of its audience. H ow ever, if B ud d h ism rn u ld evolve freely, then the possibility that B u d d h ism could d isa p p e a r also h ad to be co n sid ered . T h e o rie s co n cern in g the dec line o r d isa p p e a ra n c e of " T r u e ' 1 B ud d h ism rir r u la te d very early in Buddhisi history. O n e o f the m ost influen tial theories in East Asia divided Buddhist history into three periods: T ru e D h a r m a , C o u n te rfe it D h a r m a , a n d the E n d o f the D harm a. B u d d h ism is not the only religion that does not stress strict a d h e re n c e to a certain set o f doctrines. H in d u ism also ad o p ted this flexible attitu dc. For e x a m p le K ihe Bkagavod-gitd, o n e o f ihe best know n H in d u scrip tures, perm it* a variety o f do ctrinal positions. 'I he d e m a n d lor ^ c o m p r o m i s i n g fidelity to d o ctrin e is rarely, if ever, found in H i n d u ­ ism. T h u s , a liberal attitu d e tow ard d octrine by itself c a n n o t ex plain the d is a p p e a ra n c e of B u d d h is m from India. B u d d h ism 's rejection o f an eternal a n d su b stan tial Self (dttrntn), a position m a in ta in e d since Marly B u d d h ism , m a y hav e been an im p o r ­ tant factor. B u d d h ism c o m p e te d with H in d u is m , J a in i s m , a n d o th e r religious iradition* th at all a rg u e d for the exist cnee o f a su b stan tial Self

In ad d itio n , theories ad v o catin g th e existence o f atman w ere closely tied to teach in gs abo ut re b irth . Because the belief in rebirth is one o f the m oal im p o rta n t te n e t6 o f In d ia n religion, Buddhists also h a d to develop theories to explain it. H ow ever, rebirth is not a necessary tenet o f S H ik ^ m u n i's teachings. A lth o u g h h r did not reject r r b ir t h , S a k y a m u n i w as p rim arily c o n c e rn e d w ith liberation frpm ih e suffering o f existence. If existence consisted o f cycles ofbixtfa a n d d e a th , then deliveran ce from those cycles w as his goal. T h u s Early B uddhists d id not need ro dism iss re b irth . In stead, theories co n c e rn in g rebirth were in co rp o rated into B u d d h ism , a n d the u ltim ate goal of the Buddhist p ra c titio n e r was in te rp re te d as frecdnni from th e cyclcs o f b irth a n d deagh. If reb irth ivere accep ted as a religious teach ing , th en s o m e th in g m ust acco un t lor co n tin u ity fro m e x ig e n c e io existence. A lth o u g h B uddhists did not recognize ihe existence o f diman, ihcy eventually h a d to recogni?.e the existence o f some e n tity o r force lhai passed th ro u g h [he cycles of reb irth ? a n d p e rfo rm e d at least som e o f the fu nction s o f an dtman. T h e M a h a y a n a concepts of B o d d h a -n a to rc (taihrtgaiagarbha) ant I store-con ■ sctouaness (olaya-vij.ndrnt) w ere sim itar in so m e o f th eir functions to atman. W ith in N ikaya B u d d h ism , the S a rv a stiv a d a School d ev eloped a system atic anil m ech an ical ex p lan atio n o f h u m a n existence to d e m o n ­ strate th at no dUnan ex islet I. H ow ever, (he S arv astiv ad a School losi m u ch o f its s tre n g th . In co ntrast, the S a m m a tfy a School g ain ed strength in later tim es, in part because o f the ap p ealin g q u ality o f th eir arg u m en t that a la s tin g pudgata (P erso n) w as present in rach in div id ual The travel diaries o f b o th H s u a n -ts a n g a n d Inching reveal that by the seventh an d e i g h t h u r n l u n r s the S a m m a t i y a School w;is m o r e p o w e r f u l t h a n the Siirv a s tiv id a B u d d h ism arose at a lim e o f m u ch suffering. T h e teach ing s o f nonsu b stan tiality a n d the non ex isten ce o f a su b stan tial Self w ere e m p h a ­ sised by th e historical B u d d h a . As tim e passed, how ever, Buddhist teach in g ch an g ed ^n d d o ctrin e s developed th at w ere sim ilar tr> the views on atrtan m a in ta in e d by o th e r I n d ia n religions. Even as these teach in g s d eveloped, B u d d h ism was alread y losing influence in I n d i a . I h u s t B u d ­ d hism s original rejection oi the atrium was p ro b ab ly one o f several fac­ tors th at led to its dcclm e in In dia, T eachings a n d theories ab o n r rebirth played a key role in the d e v e lo p ­ m ent o f In d ia n Buddhist th o u g h t. In c o n tra st, w h en In d ian B u dd hism w as in tro d u ce d to C h i n a a n d J a p a n , a lth o u g h reb irth w as accep ted as a p art o f B u d d h ism , it did not play a central role in the d evelopm ent of East Asian B u d d h ism . T h is difference arose b ecause tra d itio n al C h i ' ricsc a n d J a p a n e s e beliefs in spirits an d souls w ere not b ased on rebirth. In co n clu sio n , the following two points a re tw o o f the m a in them es that

can be traced th ro u g h In d ia n B u dd hism . F irst, B u d d h ism 's fund a m e n ­ tal a i m t ihe deliv erance o f people from suffering, was o n e o f its most attra ctiv e features. S eco nd , the history o f I n d ia n B ud d h ism is in ex trica­ bly co n cern ed w ith th e fo rm u la tio n o f d o ctrin e s that explain (he m e c h a ­ nism s o f rebirth.

T h e P e r io d ; of In d ia n B u d d h ism In d ia n B uddhism m ay be divided into th e following five periods: (1) Early B u d d h ism , (2) N ik ay a Or S ectarian (often called h iin ay an a) B u d ­ d hism , (3) early M a h a y a n a B u dd hism , (4) later M a h a y a n a B u dd hism , a n d (5) Esoteric B u d d h ism . A lthough the five periods are a rra n g e d in ihe chronological tinder in w hich the tra d itio n s arose, they arc also based on a catego rization o f types of B ud d h ism as m u c h as historical criteria. T h is book covers the first three periods. T h e discussion o f rhe first period is focused a r o u n d a d e a r descrip tion of the B u d d h a 's (caching. T h e p o rtrait o f E arly B u d d h ism j5 co m p leted with a discussion o f the B u d d h a 's b io graph y ami an account o f (hr esta b lish m en t o f the early B u dd hist order. T h e o rd er c o n tin u e d to dev elo p after [he B u d d h a 's d e a th A lthough the historical sources for this p eriod arc m eager, the history o f the o r d e r th ro u g h th e lim e o f K in g A£oka is chro nicled . A s o k a ’s view o f B u d d h ism is included in diis sec­ tion because it was sim ilar in m a n y ways to E arly B u dd hism A p p ro x im a te ly o n e c e n t u r y after th e B u d d h a 's d e a th , t h e eEirly o r d e r split into th e M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d S th a v ira v a d a schools. L a te r, fu rth e r schisms o ccu rred , resulting in a n u m b e r o f additional schools. T h e sec­ ond period o f Buddhist history is concerned with (he d e v e lo p m e n t o f S ectarian (N ikaya) B u d d h ism . Buddhist d o ctrin e at t h a t tim e was ty p i­ fied by th e d ev elo p m en t o f scholastic abhidharma philosophy. Because th e traditio n differed from Early Buddhism in m a n y ways, m osi scholars d istinguish b etw een Early a n d Sectarian B u d d h ism . S ectarian B u d ­ dhism was a m ajo r forcc in In d ia for o v er one th o u s a n d years, but most o f its im p o rta n t doctrinal dev elo p m en t o c c u rre d d u r i n g its first three centu ries, b e t w e e n 150 b . C . e . a n d 150 O.K. O f the m o re th an tw enty sects, the d o ctrin es o f only rhe S a rv a stiv a d a an d T h e r a v a d a schools a re u n d e rsto o d in a n y detail today. O n ly a little is know n ah o u r th e doctrines o f o th e r schools because o f the paucity of in fo rm ation co n cern in g (hem. T h e S au l ra n t ika a n d S a n m m iy a schools flourished after the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra . A lthough b o th proba* bly h a d hig hly d ev eloped system s of d o c trin e , detailed inform ation a b o u t (hem has no( survived. W h en l-ching dep ar(ed from C a n to n for

In d ia in 671, the T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv ad a, S a m m a tiy a , a n d M a h a san g h ik a schools w ere sliN th riv in g , Later, they g radu ally b len d ed with M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . In a d d i t io n , both S ectarian a n d M a h a y a n a B u d ' d hism were in fluenced by Esoteric B ud dh ism . U nfortu naiely , little is k n o w n a b o u t the* later phases o f S ectarian B ud dh ism . M a h a y a n a scrip tures w ere alread y i n existence by the lirst cen tu ry b . c . e ., in d icatin g th at M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism m ust have arisen aro u n d th e b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra while S ectarian B ud d h ism was still developing. E a rly M a h a y a n a practitioner* were especially interested in teachin gs on n o n s u b sta n tia lity o r em ptiness. A lthough m en tion s of n u n s u b s ta m ia b ly can be found in Early B u dd hist scriptures, M ahiyfinists stressed a n d d eveloped this them e far beyo nd an y th in g found in e ith e r E arly o r N ikaya B u dd hism . M a h a y a n a B uddhists strove to e m u la te ihe B u d d h a , following rhe s a m e p ath a n d achieving the s a m e status as he did by realizing B u d d h ahood And sav in g all sen tien t beings, M ahayJinists d e n ig ra te d Sectarian B uddhists, claim in g that S e ctarian B ud dh ists w ere content in re m a in disciples o f the B u d d h a instead o f striving to e q u a l his ach iev em en t. M a h a y a n a B uddhists referred to S ectarian B u d d h is m as “haDtikayarta” (vehicle for disciples or h earers), a term th at im plied thai S ectarian Buddhists were m ore passive a n d had low er aspirations th an M ah ay anists. S ec ta ria n B ud dh ists w ere criticized as bein g co n ten t to study for thtrir ow n hcntTit while M ahayaniiiis strove to leach others a n d b r in g them salvation. M a h a y a n a B uddhists referred to th em selves as “ hodhix atlvas" (beings w ho aspired to realize s u p re m e enligh ten m en l) a n d lo th eir teachings as the "bodhisottwyaiui” (vehicle for bodhisattvas). AI th ou gh the te rm “bodtusattva" h a d been used earlier by S ectarian B u d ­ d hists to refer to the historical B u d d h a w hen he was still practicing to realize e n lig h te n m e n t, the M a h a y a n a usage exten ded this appellation to m a n y others. Later, the term s "sTdvakaydna,> a n d ,lbodhisaitvaydna’! w ere often replaced by the term s “ H i n a y a n a " (small o r inferio r vehicle) a n d “ M a h a y a n a " (great vehicle). F ro m a p p ro x im a te ly 100 e . c .e . ui 100 c .e ., large n u m b e rs o f M a h a y a n a s c rip tu re s w ere com po sed by nam eless b od hisattvas. In the third p a rt o f this study, early M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m , the o rig in s o f M a h a y a n a a n d the co n ten ts o f early M a h a y a n a scrip tures a re e x a m ­ ined. T h e last two periods o f In d ia n Buddhism a re not discussed in This vol­ u m e, but a b rie f s u m m a r y o f later d ev elo p m en ts will help place the them es discussed above in perspective. D u rin g the fourth period, later M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , four m ajo r types o f th o u g h t developed: ( I ) M a d h y a m ik a , w hich arose after the second c e n tu ry c . e ,; (2) Yogacara

teachin gs o f ideal ion-only, w hich a p p e a re d o n e cen tu ry after M a d h y a m ika; (3) T a th a g a ta g a rb h a d o ctrin e s th a t developed in parallel with Yogacara th o u g h t; and (4) Buddhist logic* w hich arose after the above three tra d itio n s. T h e M a d h y a m ik a trad ition eventually split in to two schools o f th o u g h t: th e S v a ta n trik a an d the P rasan g ik a E ater, some M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara g ro u p s jo in e d to produce a YogacaraM a d h y a m ik a tra d itio n . By the sixth a n d seventh cen tu ries, Esoteric B ud dh ism h a d arisen anti a ttra c te d the atte n tio n o f some advocates of M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara. H ow ever, m a n y aspects o f the relationship betw een M a h a y a n a a n d Esoteric B u d d h ism re m a in unclear. T h e fifth perio d o f In d ia n B ud dh ism co n cern s Esoteric B u dd hism , T h e serious academ ic study o f this trad ition is still in its early stages b ecause o f a n u m b e r o f p ro b le m s th ai m ak e research difficult. A lthough a la rg e n u m b e r o f Esoteric Buddhist scriptures a re ex tan t, th ey h av e not been pul in to any kind o f order. In a d d itio n , because Esoteric B u d ­ dhism was in fluenced by H in d u is m , fu rth e r research into H in d u ism is neecssary. Finally, ritual as well as d o ctrin e m u st be ex am in ed if E so ­ teric B u d d h ism is to be fully u n d ersto o d . In Esoteric B ud dh ist texts, teachings are so m etim es referred to as “ E s o te ric 11 a n d d ifferen tiated from “ exoteric” M a h a y a n a teachings, th ereb y in d icatin g th at the c o m ­ pilers o f Esoteric w orks believed th at it had features n o t f o u n d in the M a h a y a n a tra d itio n . C o nseq uently , Esoteric B ud d h ism is assigned to a s e p a ra te perio d o f In d ia n B ud dh ism . In this study, the catego rizatio n of periods has been based on the d ev elo p m en t o f In dian B u d d h ism because its p u rp o se is to describe the d ev elo p m en t o f In dian Buddhist d octrin e; b u t the study cou ld also have focused on o th e r m od els a n d h a v e b een a r ra n g e d acco rd in g to In d ia n d y n astic history. A lthough B u d d h is m was a m a jo r force in In d ia from the fifth c e n tu ry b ,C ,£ l until after the tenth cen tu ry Cr£., this p erio d covers only about u ne-haJf o f In d ia n history. M o st In d ia n h isto rian s con sider the invasion of In d ia by M u slim s o f T u rkish ancestry in the eleventh cen tu ry to m ark the division bet wee n ancient a n d m ed ieval history M o d e m In d ia n his­ tory begins in th e eig h teen th cen tu ry with British control o f In d ia . T h u s the story o f “ B u dd hist I n d ia " belongs to an cien t history. D u rin g that p eriod, it w as o n e o f a n u m b e r o f In d ia n religions. T h u s the read er m ust r e m e m b e r that this survey o f In d ia n B u d d h ism covers only p a rt of the h isto ry o f In d ia n th o u g h t.

PART O NE

EARLY BUDDHISM

CH APTER I

Indian Religion at the Time of the Buddha

In d ia B efo re B u d d h ism IftjDDHtSM w as INFLUENCED by the social a n d religious e n v iro n m e n t in w hich it develo ped. In a p p ro x im a te ly 1500 a .n .t:., the A ry an s crossed the m o u n ta in s o f the H in d u K u sh am i in v ad ed In d ia , W h en they arriv ed , they found ab orig in al people* s u c h as the M u n d a s a n d Dravidians. T h e D ra v id ia n s h a d a highly developed cu ltu re a n d co n stitu ted a l a ri jf p ro p o rtio n o f the p o p u la tio n . A l t h o u g h th ry w e n 1 su b ju g ated by th e A ry an s am i integrated in to soeiciy as slave classes, ihe D ravid ian s in flue need later Ind ian cu ltu re in m an y ways. E l e m e n t s o f t h e i r religion such as the w orship o f goddesses, snake gods, a n d tree spirits played a p articu larly im p o rta n t role in th e H in d u ism o f later centuries. A n o th e r people, too, lived in In d ia before The arrival o f the A ryans, T h e y a re the people w ho fou n ded the In du s civilization* a highly d ev el­ oped cu ltu re th a t was situated on th e In d u s R iv e r a n d is th ought to have flourished from a p p ro x im a te ly 2500 to 1500 T wo o f its cities, H a r a p p a anti M o h e n jo - d a r o t a re particularly well know n as arch eo lo g i­ cal sites. A rcheological investigations have revealed (hat this cu ltu re covered an extensiv e area, w orked with b ro n z e , and c o n stru cted well’ o rg an ized cities. M a n y o f the objects found suggest th at In du s civiliza­ tion sub stantially influenced H in d u is m ; but the su d d e n decline o f the In d u s civilization has left u n a n sw e re d q u e s tio n s abo ut how its people co n trib u ted to the d ev elo p m en t o f late i In d ia n civilization. T h e A ry an s e n te re d In d ia from the northw est; by 1200 tt.c .n ., they

h a d settled alon g the u p p e r reaches ol ihe G a n g e s R iver in (he P u n ja b . T h e ir religion* based on th e ftgveda, was a form o f po lytheism in w hich forces o f n a tu r e , such as th e skyf rain, w in d , a n d th u n d e r, were deified. F ro m 1000 b .u .t . on , (hey c o n tin u e d th eir adv an ce e astw ard , g ra d u a lly settling ihe fertile area b e tw e e n the G a n g e s a n d (he J u m n a rivers. Because ihe area w as blessed with n a tu ra l resources a n d free from exter^ nal e n e m ie s h the A ry an s d eveloped a rich cu ltu re from 1000 to 500 h . c . f . , a n d m a n y of the d ev elo p m en ts th at c h aracterize d later In d ia n l iv iJi^ a ib n can be traced back to this period, By f 0 0 0 u . c . f . , p three texts [hat w ere successors to the Rjr-veda— the Sama-vfdnt Yajur-Vtdfi'i an d Alkarva-veda— h a d been com p iled , T h e Rrdhrtiartas, w hich explain the p rojx.-r p ro c e d u re s Tor perfori n t n ij Ved ic sac ri I I a t , we re coin pu sed a ro u n d BOO u.tr.c., a n d the philosophical tests o f the early Ufianifedi w ere co m piled a ro u n d 500 ( j.c .l. D u rin g this period f the A ry an s were a tribal people p rim arily en g a g e d in farm in g a n d h e rd in g . M e rc h a n t a n d artisan classes had fie[{un to a p p e a r , alth o u g h lari^c cilics liad nut yel developed- L a b o r was becoming m o re specialized, Society was d iv id ed in to four classes, called tarna (colors). At the top w ere two classes: th e priestly class (brt&hrrtapa), co m p osed o f those who sacrificed to the gods, a n d ihe ru lin g t aste (h a /nye), co m p osed o f rollers a n d w arriors. Btrlo^ th e m was rhe class, co m p osed o f fa rm e rs, herd ers, m e rrh a n ts , a n d artisans. T h e d u ty of the slave class (s'tidra) was to serve the o th e r three classes. E v entually the system b ecam e m ore specialized anti pro d u ced ihe m a n y divisions (hat m ak e u p the caste system today. A m e m b e r o f one (hiss was usu ally not allowed to m a rry o r even eat w ith so m eon e fro m another class. M on archies ru led by kings (rafttn) with d ictato rial po w ers aro se, an d alliances a n d rivalries dev elop ed . I h e In dian epic the Maftdbharttta concerns the effccts o f a w ar betw een the tribes, thai b etw een the U haratas a n d the P u ru s. A m o n g the fam ous kings o f this period was J a n a k a from V id eh a, a co u n try to the eas1 o f the cen lrat lands (madh^'adf.w) o f B ra h m a n ism , w hich w ere situ ated bciw een the G a n g e s an d J u m n a rivers. In V id c h a , cu ltu re and th o u g h t revolved a ro u n d p o w e r­ ful kings, while in ihe c e m ra l land s, the priests w en: th e c en ter o f soci* cty. A^ the A ry a n s a d v a n c e d eastw ard a n d c o n q u e re d the cen tral areas d ra in e d by the G a n g e s , th ey e x p a n d e d th eir te rrito ry a n d stren g th en ed th eir kingdom s. R elatio ns w ith the co n q u ered p o p u la tio n were closer th a n in the central lands b ecause the cu ltu re a n d social system w ere not * as in fluenced by A ry an culture. It was d u r in g this tim e o f pofirkal an d social ch an g e in areas s im ila r to V id e h a that the fo u n d e r of B ud d h ism was b o rn .

In d ia n R eligio n at the T im e o f the B u d d h a T h e B u d d h a was burn during a period when im p o rta n t social a n d reli­ gion s changcs w ere o c c u rrin g in centra] In d ia . T h e se changes later played a significant role in e n a b lin g B u d d h ism to sp read th ro u g h o u t Ind ia A lthough Vedtc religion and its priestly class wene influential an d powerful in northern I n d ia , they had only begun to sp read to the recently c o n q u e re d lands o f c c n t r a I In dia, which were d o m in a te d by the w arrior classes As the A ryans g radu ally ad v an ced from n o rth e rn In d ia dow n in to central In d ia , small tribes u n ite d to form m onarchies. Sixteen co u n tries existed in cen tral In d ia at the tim e of th e B u d d h a , but ihe weaker ones Were g radu ally b ein g Conquered by the m ore pow erful m onarchies. T h e most im p o rta n t o f these large co u n tries w ere K au sala, in the n o rth w e s t­ e rn part ol cen tral In d ia with i n capital at S rav asti, a n d M a g a d h a , south o f the cen tral part o f rhe G a n g e s R iv er w ith its capital at R a ja g rh a , M a g a d h a would eventually unify In d ia , relying on its rich farm areas for its power. At th e tim e o f the B u d d h a , powerful kings were already b e g in n in g to em erge. T h e G a n g e lic plain with its hot clim ate a n d plentiful rainfall is a rich farm area. At first* fa n n e rs a n d a h m dlo rd class d o m in a te d the area; but with the d e v e lo p m e n t o f w ealthy classes, m erch an ts a n d craftsm en a p p eared on ihe GangetEc plain, a n d cities developed. T h e m e rc h a n ts .md the cra ftsm e n org anized in to guilds a n d tra d e organization!;. L a te r, a class o f very w ealthy m e rc h a n ts (hcsthin) dev elo ped. T h u s at the lim e of ihe B u d d h a , m a jo r political a n d econom ic changes w ere occu rrin g in Central India, a n d the old system o f social classes was d isin teg rating . 'The B ra h m a n priestly class h a d lost m uch o f its prestige, su ggesting that the religion o f the Vfdm with its w orship o f n atu ral p h e n o m e n a no longer h a d as m u c h append as in earlier tim es. T h e intellectual classes of th e period w ere interested in the U p an ish ad ic philosophy, w hich id en ti­ fied dimart (indiv idu al soul) w ith brahman (cosmic principle). T h e y could no lon ger be sal is lied w ilh seem ingly prim itive religious beliefs that deified n atu ral p h e n o m e n a . In ad dition , th e A ryans h a d com e in to co n ­ tact wilh D ra v id ia n religion a n d had b een influenced by it, All o f these factors helped c r c a tr an e n v iro n m e n t co n d u civ e to the d ev elo p m en t of new religious beliefs. C e n tra l In d ia at th ai tim e was a n ag ricultu rally rich a r e a th at p ro ­ d u c e d a b u n d a n t food a n d thus could su p p o rt leisured classes as well as large n u m b e rs o f m onks. P eople w ith religious interests o fte n left th en hom es a n d b ecam e w a n d e rin g m e n d ic a n ts (pariordjaka)t living off aims

from ho useholder* while they im m e rse d them selvc* into a search for tru th . A lthough people cou ld usually be confident o f rheir livelihood d u rin g this tim e, it was also a period w i l h few diversion s o r a m u se r n t w s . As a result, y o u n g p e o p l e in p a rtic u la r seem lu h ave been beset by an x ieties anti b o red o m a n d to have tu rn e d away fro m th e everyd ay w o r l d to Seek tru th m r e l i g i o n . M a n y m e n iind w o m e n o f good f a m i l i r ; jo in e d religious orders. Ai the tim e o f th e B u d d h a , there were two p r im a r y classes o f religious p ractitio n ers in India: (he hrahm&nas a n d th e sramartos. T h e brahma^ms, represen tatives o f the m o re trad itio n al type o f practitio ner, w ere follow­ ers o f Vedic religion w ho officiated at sacrificcs. At the sam e Lime, (hey d ev oted th em selves to seeking ihe A bsolute th ro u g h th e stu d y o f a p h i ­ losophy rhuif idcntiiicd dtrnan w ith brahman. A brahmana's life ideally was d iv id e d into four atagga. W h e n yo u n g , he w as accepted as a disciple by a teach er a n d d ev o ted h im self to the study o f tlie Vtdas W h e n his studies were co m p leted , he re tu rn e d h o m e lo m a rry a n d becam e a h o u s e h o ld e r W h e n he grew old, he lei his soti take o v e r (he ho usehold a n d retired to the foresi ro live And p erfo rm religious practices. F in a lly he a b a n d o n e d even his abode in the forest to live a life o f w a n d e r in g a n d died while w an d erin g . T h e second type o f religious practition er, ihe sramano o r " p e r s o n who striv es,1’ was a new type o f figure noi m e n tio n e d in the o ld er I 'panixadi. H e a b a n d o n e d his h o m e ro lead a life o f w a n d e rin g anti begging. O ften he e n te re d this w ay o fltfe while young- there was no r e q u ir e m e n t (hat he pn.« ih ro u g h (he o ih e r stages o f life before h cco m in g a sramana. He devoted hitnself lo co n tro llin g a n d lim iting his desires, p racticing yoga, an d p e rfo rm in g severe religious austerities in the forest to experience the A b solu te o r to escape d e a th . Six fam ous sramayaa w ho lived a r o u n d th e rime of (he l^uddh^ are m e n tio n e d in Buddhist scrip tures. T h e y a re called the Six H e te ro d o x Teachers. Lach was (he Leader (ganin) o f a g ro u p o f disciples. T h e six are callcd P a r a n a KaSyapaj M a s k a r in G oS altpuira, Ajita K c£akam h ala, K a k u d a K a ty a y a n a , S an jay in V aira^L p utta. a n d N irg ra n th a JriatTp u tra . O n e o f the p rim a ry co n cern s o f ihese irajtmtuu w as w h e th e r m oral actions would hav e a n y tlfec t o n ihe person w ho perfo rm ed (hem , T h e first h etero do x leacher, P tira n a , a rg u ed that good a n d bad actions had no p a rtic u la r effect on ihe p erso n who p e rfo rm e d th e m H e d en ied morality, a rg u in g thai even if a person m u rd e re d a n d stole, his aciions cou ld not necessarily be co n sidered b a d since they resulted in no m oral effects. T h e second h etero d o x teacher, M a sk a rin Go£5lTputra, d e n ie d causal-

Lty. A ccording to G o sa llp u tra , a personas rise o r fa)) in the world was d e te rm in e d by fate, not by his actions. H is followers w ere tailed ihe Ajlvaka* (Ajivikas). T h e term “ Ajrvilta1’ is tra n sla te d in C h in ese Huddhiflt Texts as ,ca h etero do x religion (whose m e m b e rs lead) an evil life” (hsith-ming wai-tao)^ how ever, the In d ia n te rm probably m e a n t " th o s e w ho follow a strict m ode o f lifer' h referrin g 10 the severe austerities p e r ­ form ed by the Ajivika followers. T h e g ro u p h m en tio n ed in the edicts of Asoka a n d in the Arfha-sdstra. A long with the B uddhists a n d J a in a s , the Afivikas rem ain ed a n im p o rta n t g ro u p in In d ia d u rin g th e following centuries, G o sa lip u tra is said to have practiced au sterities with o n e o f the fo u n d ers o f j a i n i s m , M ah av lra* a n d a p p aren tly believed that he could a tta in salvation th ro u g h those austerities. T h e third heterodox teacher* Ajiia KeSakam bala* took a m aterialist position a n d a rg u e d that ev e ry th in g was com p osed o f only four ele­ m ents: e a rth , water, fire, a n d w ind. C o n seq u en tly , m oral acts were m eaningless. T h e m aterialist position v^as later m a in ta in e d by the L o kav ata o r C a r v a k a trad itio n. T h e fourth here rod ox teacher, K akudn K atyayana* recognized seven elem ents: e a r th , water, fire, w in d , pain, pleasure, a n d life. Because the seven elem en ts w ere u n c h a n g in g , K a k u d a a rg u e d that w h e n a m a n was killed w ith a knife* the knife only entered the spaces b etw een th e ele­ m ents. Because the elem en ts, the only real entities, were u n h a r m e d , the killing was o f no co n seq u en ce. K a k u d a 's theo ry o f rhe elem ents was a f o re r u n n e r o f Vaise^ika theories. T h e fifth heterodox teach er, S an jay in V a ira ttip u tra , was a skeptic. H e refused 10 give definite answ ers to q u estio ns, relying instead on ev a­ sive statem en ts. T h e skeptics' position was a p p a re n tly based on serious d o u b ts ab ou t the n a tu r e o f know ledge a n d on th eir investigations of logic. T w o o f the B u d d h a ’s m ost im p o rta n t disciples* S a r ip u lr a an d M a h a m a u d g a lv a y a n a * c a m e from this school. "I he sixth h etero do x teacher, N irg ra n th a J n a tip u tra * is also know n as M a h i v i r a , one o f rhe founders o f J a in is m , T h e term “ N ir g ra n th a " refers to being freed o f fetters. M a h a v tr a originally belonged to the Nirg r a n th a School, a g ro u p o f ascetics w ho a tte m p te d to free them selves of physical a n d m ental fetters th ro ug h the p ra c tic e o f austerities. T h r o u g h assid u o u s practice, M a h a v lra attain ed e n lighten m en 1 a n d realized that he was a J i n a (a victor o r one w ho had c o n q u e re d ig no ran ce). A fter M a h a v l r a ’s d e a th , his school called itself th e j a i n a order, T h e N irg ra n th a School claim s to have h a d a lo n g history before M a h a v i r a ’s tim e. In fact F arsv a (or P a s a ) HM a h a v i i a ’s predecessor in the largely m y th o lo g i­ cal lineage o f the tw en ty -fo u r founder h o f J a in i s m , was a historical figure.

Jaittiitiii anti B uddhism w ere a m o n g the strongest o f the nonBrahm anicaJ religions, a n d they sh are m a n y o f the sa m e d o ctrin e s an d technical term s. T h e goal o f the J a in a s is to fre t the soul by o v e rc o m in g the instincts a n d desires that arise from the physical b o d y T h e J a in a s thus perform aus Leri lies to w eak en the b ody's streng th. T h e j a i n a p r a c ­ titioner is also expected to m ake five greai vows, which form the ba.sis of his m o ra l discipline. T h e prohibitiorL a ^ i n s t killing LS particularly Strict. T h e rule against possessions is carried to such a n e x trem e by one g r o u p , the D ig a n tb a r a , that even clothes a re discarded, a n d made fol­ lowers practice th eir au sterities in rhe n u d e. J a i n a d o ctrin e a n d epistc mology w ere highly develo p ed. T h e J a in a s c o m p iled a c a n o n th a t has survived u n til today. T h e ir oldest scriptures are w ritten in the A rd hainagadh? lan g u ag e. T h e period a r o u n d th e fifth cen tu ry r . c . e . in cen tral In d ia was a tim e o f ferm ent in the history o f In d ia n th o u g h t h as the above list o f heterodo* teachers indicates. As we have seen, one o f ihe m ost im p o rta n t q u e stio n s discussed hy religious th inkers nr this tim e was w h e th e r o r not m ural actions affected the person who h a d perform ed them (in o th er w ords, the existence a n d fun clio ning o f k arm ic cause a n d effect). Tf m oral actions did have effects, then the religious p ra c titio n e r h a d to investigate how he m ight b reak his karm ic b o n d s a n d free his m ind or sou). T h is q u e stio n w as closely related to teachings co n cern in g re b in h . A lth o u g h doctrines c o n cern in g rebirth arc not found in (he Vtdai, by (he tim e o f the Upanifads teach in gs on r e b in h h a d b eg u n to ap p e a r. T h e te rm “samsarQ " for rebirth does not a p p e a r in the oldest Upanisads. b u t it is used frequently in Upanifads com posed after the tim e o f die B u d d h a It thus a p p e a rs that the co ncept o f re p e a te d cycles o f b irth a n d d eath was bein g given its classical fo rm u lation at th e sam e tim e th at B u d ­ d hism was being established. O n c e the concept o f rebirth was e s ta b ­ lished, people n a tu ra lly began to speculate ab ou i w h eth er some entity o r soul m ig h t travel th rou gh th e cycles o f b irth a n d death People w ere discussing k a r m a before th e tim e o f th e B u d d h a , of course. T h e idea o f k arm ic fruits* b o w ev erh was not generally recog­ nized at that tim e, T h e s e vague ideas o f k a r m a w ere in c o rp o ra te d into B u d d h ism a n d system atically in te rp re te d in a u n iq u ely Buddhist m a n ­ n e r as a law o f cause a n d effect. T h e J a in a s too recognized karm ic causes a n d effects, but for th e m the results o f actions w ere usually ch a ra c te riz e d as “ p u n ish m en ts"' (dan$a). A large n u m b e r o f theories were a d v a n c e d co n cernin g the S elf o r en tity (dtmen, jic«a, P. atlan), which ! ra n sm ig ra te d th rou gh birlhs an d deaths* a n d th e realm (lo ta) in which the Self existed. In the Pah Braftmajdiasufta, no less t h a n sixty-two different positions o n these s u b ­

jects a re described. A p articu larly im p o rtan t issue co n cern ed rhe m a n ­ n e r in w hich a co nstan tly c h a n g in g m in d co uld grasp o r perceive ihe u n c h a n g in g aiman thought to exist behind it. A cco rd in g to J a i n a sources, there were 36.1 different co n ten d in g schtjols that could be clas­ sified into four basic groups: those w ho recognized k a rm a , those w ho d id not recognize k arm a, the skeptics, a n d the m oralists. In Buddhist texts, the n o n-B u dd hist schools o f th ought a re divided into three m a in groups: those w ho believe that e v ery th in g occurs t h ro u g h rhe will of god (P itsaraaimmSna-odila), those w h o m ain tain that ev ery event is p re d e te rm in e d by past k a r m a (P. pttbbekatafciu), a n d those who believe that ev eryth ing occurs by chance (P. ahtlu, apaccaya). T h e B u d d h a rejected all three o f these altern ativ es because ihey d en ied free will a n d the efficacy of h u m a n efforts, in stead , he preach ed a m oral law o f cause and effect th at tra n sc e n d e d these th ree positions. N o n -B u d d h ist positions w ere categorized in o th er ways. O n e o f the m ost im p o rtan t is a classification into two philosophical positions T h e first h th e pariAamti-pada position, was m a in ta in e d by th e o rth o d o x 8 rah i na meal thin k ers, w ho arg u e d that b o th the Self a n d the world evolved a n d developed from the u n itary B rah m an . T h e second was m a in ta in e d by th ink ers such as K a k u d a K a ty a y a n a , w ho did not recog­ n ize a single A bsolute, bui instead a rg u ed th at people a n d the w orld w ere com p osed o f collections o f eternal e l e m e n t T h e ir position is railed arambha-vaAa. Both o f these positions w ere being fo rm u lated ar th e tim e o f the B u d d h a. R eligious practices a| ihLS tim e were also classified mlci tw o m ajo r groups: m ed itatio n a n d ascetic practices. T h o s e w ho ad v o cated m e d ita ­ tion tried to realize deliverance th ro u g h co n tem p latio n a n d q u ie tin g the m in d T h e ascetics tried to attain salvation by using ascetic practices to c u t o ff th e delusio ns th at t o n (rolled th e m ind. In conclusion, by the tim e o f the B u d d h a, Vedic religion h a d already lost m ost o f its p o w er to a ttra c t peop leh b u t no new religious a u th o rity h a d replaced it. In this age o f religious ferm ent , m a n y th inkers a p p e a re d , each seeking the A b so lu te within himself.

CHAPTER 2

The Life of the Buddha

T erm in o lo gy T a t vol - n d u k o f B i j o n h l s m is called the L' B u d d h a '' by b o th the B u d ­ dhist arid n on -B u d d h ist religious trad itio n s o f Ind ia; his followers were so m etim e* referred to as B a u d d h a s by the a d h e re n ts o f o th e r sch o o ls.1 T h e te rm “ B u d d h a"' m e a n s ' ‘enligh tened o n e .1' T h u s B u d d h is m m ight be called “ the religion o f e n l i g h t e n m e n t / ' A lth o u g h the term “ B u d ­ d h a ” ev en tu ally was used to refer to the fo u n d e r o f B u d d h ism , it o r ig i­ nally w as a c o m m o n n o u n often used by the J a in a s . F o r ex am p le, acco rd in g to the J a i n a [ext the Istbhdjyatm , the forty-five sages (jfi) are “ all huddhas who wil] not re tu rn rn this w orld T h e J a in a s usually used the term " J i n a " (sp iritu al victor) to refer to th e ir de facto fo u n d e r M a h a v ira . C o nsequently, th eir religion is know n as J a in i s m . T h e term L3 also found in Buddhist ie x ts h espetifdly in those from the M a h a y a n a trad itio n A n o th e r te rm used by b o th J a in a s a n d B uddhists was "arhat" o r “arnbant" (w orthy). T liis te rm was especially im p o rta n t in J a in is m l>eeause followers o f J a in is m w ere k n o w n as orhata.1 In B u d ­ d hism it cam e to refer to those followers o f the B u d d h a w ho h a d attain ed e n lig h te n m e n t, while the term “ B u d d h a '1 was Used to refer only lo S a k y a m u m B u ddha. Because S a k y a m u n i's followers often used the te rm 1‘ B u d d h a / ' th eir religion look its n am e from lhat te rm J a in is m a n d b u d d h is m also sh ared m a n y o th e r term s such as muni (sage) an d bhagavat ( l o r d ) /

B ir th of the B u d d h a T h e historical B uddha is often referred to as S a k y a m u n i (the sage o f the S ak ya o r Sakiya people). H e was b o rn m to
clan. A c c o rd in g m tra d itio n al acco un ts, his person al n a m e b efore h e left h o m e to live a religious life was S id d h a rth a (P, S id d h aith a). T he Sakya* were -i small kfatftya (w a rrio r caste) trib e w ho lived on rhe l>order o f In d ia a n d N epal; ih etr capital w as at K ap ilav astu . T h e Sakyas w ere prim ar i1y en g ag ed in rice farm ing- All h ou gh S a k y a m u n i was said to be fro m a kiatriya family, ihe Sakva tribe does not a p p e a r to h av e been divided in!(j four r a stts. C o r s ttju c n lly , no evidence exists to indiralC w h eth er S ak y am u n i was o f A ry an o r O rie n ta l racial stock. T h e g o v e rn ­ m e n t was an oligarchy w ilh the leaders a lte rn a tin g as head (rajan) o f the tribe. A lthough the Sitfcya trib e g o v ern ed itself, it was not com pletely in d e p e n d e n t since it w as d o m in a te d by K a u s a la in the south. M o d e m scholars often refer to the historical B u d d h a as G a u t a m a B u d d h a , Since G a u t a m a is the clan n a m e o f ihe B u d d h a , the tide m ay have significance w h en c o n tra ste d with B u d d h as such as K asy an * anf* M a itrc y a , w ho w ere from different clans. H o w ever, since both fCasyapa a n d M a itre y a a re only legen dary figures* there are no historical Bud* d h a s w ho corue Irom any clan o th e r th an the G a u t a m a clan. Lhe epithcl “ S s k y a m u n i " (Sage ol' th e Sakyas) refers to the historical B u d d h a in te rm s o f a social g ro u p that was larger t h a n the G a u t a m a clan. M o r e ­ over, S a k y a m u n i is rhe liric char has i rad ii ion ally been used to refer to the historical B u d d h a . T h e R u d d h a 's f a t h e r S u d H h o d an a, w as one o f ihe leaders o f the JF Sakyas. T h e B u d d h a 's m o th e r was n a m e d M a y a . Because she d ied seven days after the birth o f the futu re B u d d h a h e was raised by h e r y o u n g e r sister, M ah ap n ijftp att Gatitami". N a n d n was his y o u n g e r ha IIbro thcr. As the tim e a p p ro a c h e d for M a y a to give b irth to the fu tu re B u d d h a, she set out to retu rn to her native village o f D c v a d a h a . She gave b irth d u r in g th e jo u rn e y in a grove at L u m b im O n e o r iwo cen tu ries later, when K in g Asoka was on a pilg rim ag e o f the Sites associated with rhe B u d d h a ’s life, he Traveled to L u m b in l a n d h a d a stupa (m e m o rial m o n u m e n t) a n d a p illar erected there. A p p ro x im a te ly eight c e n tu ­ ries laieiv, the C h in e s e pilgrim H siia n -tsa n g visited the site T h e pillar w e i s discovered in 1396 a n d the inscription on ii decip h ered , identifying a sire in the m o d e rn village o f R u m m in d c i as the b irth p lace o f ihe Buddha. A cco rd in g to legend, w hen the B u d d h a w as b o rn a sage n a m e d Asita cam e dow n from ihe H im a la y a s . After loo king at the physical featu res of ihe baby, he p redicted: “ T h is child has only two paths open to h im . If he rem ain s a householder, he will b eco m e king a n d u n ite the world as a u niversal ruler. If he leaves h o m e (to b eco m e a religious m e n d ican t), he will becom e a B u d d h a .” —

B irth d a tc o f the B u d d h a A n u m b e r o f different theories have been a d v a n c e d co n cern in g ihe h l n h d a t e o f th e B uddha. T h e B uddha is said io hav e died at eighty y ears o f age. T h u s , nldst theories arc based on d e te rm in in g the d a te of hi* death a n d then caleuEating back w ard (o arrive a! the d a le o f his birth. O n e o f the most widely aceepied theories is ta p e d on the Sri L a n k a n historical chronicles, th e Dipaaamsa a n d the Mahai'amsa. O n the basis o f These sources, W ilhelm G eig er calcu lated th at [he B u d d h a died in +’Jj s . c . e . a n d co n seq u en tly h a d been born in 563 B.C.s.* H e r m a n n Jacobi* using ihe sam e m etho d a n d sources* m a in ta in e d chat the B u d ­ d h a d ied in 484 b . c .e ’6 T h e J a p a n e s e scholar K a n a k u r a E n sh o has a rriv ed ai the sam e d a t e . 7 T h e " d o tte d re c o rd '' tra n sm itte d alo ng with the C h in e s e tra n sla tio n o f [he T h e r a v a d a c o m m e n ta r y on the Vinapa, ihe Samarttafrdsddikii ( T 14t>2), also indicates a sim ilar date. At the conelusion ol each rain y season retreat after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , a dot was a d d e d to this text. T h is “ d o tte d re c o rd ’ was cited by Kei C h ’a n g -la n g , who finished c o m p ilin g a Buddhist b ib lio g rap h y a n d history, the Li-tai sart-pao chi, in 597 c . t . Fei n o te d that 975 d ots h a d been a d d e d to the text as o f the y ear 489 c . t . A n e rro r by Fei changes the dale to 490 I he death o f the fauddha w ould thus have occu rred 975 years p rio r to 490 c:. in 485 h , c . R., acco rdin g [o the d o tte d record / T h e a b o v e Theories were h ased p rim arily (in the Sri L a n k a n historical chronicles. A lthough some discrepan cies a r e found in the theories, most m o d e m scholars a g re e that the B uddha died w ithin a few y e a rs o f 480 l c.b_ A r o u n d the e n d o f the n in e te e n th century, M a x M u lle r a rg u ed that th e R u d d h a h a d died in 477 is.c;,e. a n d m a in ta in e d th at rhe Sri L a n k a n c h ro tik le s slu>uEd be corrected to co n fo rm to evidence fo u n d in B rahm anica! a n d J a i n a works., H ow ever, m a n y v a r ia n t theories arc found in the H in d u Ptirdnas a n d J a i n a texts. M u lle r unscientifically selected only those texts th at a p p r o x im a te d tlie m ateria l found in the Sri L a n k a n chronic!cs C o n seq u en tly , M u lle r's theory has few, if any, m o d ­ ern su p p o rters. T h e p r o m in e n t m o d e m J a p a n e s e scholar U i H a k u ju (1882-1963} has criticized (he above theories. Basing his a r g u m e n t on m ateria ls from the N o r th e rn trad itio n o f B u d d h is m , Ui arg u e d that only 316 years had passed b ciw ecn the dcitth o f The B u d d h a a n d A so ka's accession to rhe th ro n e . T h e B u d d h a 's dates w ere thus 4 6 6 -38 6 B.C.U.9 Ui no ted (ha( the Sri L a n k a n chronicles stated th at 2lft years h a d elapsed b etw een the B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d A so k a’s reign an d thai five kings h a d ruled d u rin g rhai pei iu d . H ow ev er, 2 If? years was roo long a period for only five kings to have ruled; Ui thus rejected the d ate of the B u d d h a 's death

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based o n ih e Sri L a n k an trad it inn- Ue arrived at his revised d a te o f Utfti b .c .k for the B u d d h a 's d e a th by taking 271 b . c . r , as ihe date o f A so k a’s ac.eesiiion a n d then co u n tin g back w ard 116 years on (he basis o f ev i­ d e n c e fr o m the N o r th e rn t r a d i t i o n M o te recently* N a k a m u r a H a jim e has acceptcd m ost o f U i'a calculations b u t revised (he d ate o f A soka's accession [u 268 is. c . e ., thus a r g u i n g th at the d e a th o f the B u d d h a o ccu rred in 383 B.C.e. 10 A difference o f a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry re m a in s betw een the posi­ tion m a in ta in e d by U i a n d the p o t t it o m held by mtisi W estern scholars (who hav e generally based th eir calculations on Sri L a n k a n sources). At p resen t, it seem s im possible to arrive at a con v incing theory to explain the differences b etw een th e two positions. Initially, the Sri L a n k a n chronicles w ould seem to be the su p e rio r source because o f their detailed lists o f kings a n d the n u m b e r o f years each reigned T h e sources o f the N o rth e rn tra d itio n seem w e ak er because they state only th at m ore th an one h u n d r e d years elapsed be (ween the d e a th o f the B u d d h a a n d rhe accession o f A snka, wirhour lisiing the n a m e s o f kings a n d the n u m b e r o f years they reigned. H o w ev er, the Sri L a n k a n tra d i­ tion iisrs only five kings as reig n in g for a period o f m o re th an twn c e n tu ­ ries, It also includes a lineage o f five m a ste rs o f the vinaya b etw een the tim e o f S a k y a m u n i a n d ASoka: U pali, D asaka, S o n a k a , Siggava, an d M u g g alip u tia T issa. (T h e N o rth e rn tra d itio n also m a in ta in s that live m on ks assu m ed im p o rtan t leadership roles in die o rd er b etw een [he tim e o f the B u d d h a a n d Asoka: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a , M a d h y a m ik a , S an ak av asI, a n d U p a g u p ta .) A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, B u d d h ism h a d divided into a larg e n u m b e r o f schools by the tim e o f A io k a. H ow ever, little evidence indieaiing thai so m a n y divisions h ad alread y occu rred is found in Asok a's edicts, a lth o u g h edicts frm n SancL S a r n a th , a n d Kav£ambl< alt im p o rtan t Buddhist sites d u r in g A sok a’s reign, a d m o n ish e d ihe o r d e r against permitting schisms. Such edicts indicaie th at conflicts were a ris ­ ing in Buddhist o rd e rs in a n u m b e r o f areas. T h e se d isag reem en ts p r o b ­ ably o ccu rred after the deb ate at the Second Buddhist C o u n cil o v e r [he ten p o in ts o f m on astic discipline, if [he fra g m e n ta tio n u f B u d d h ism into m a n y schools h a d not a d v an ced very far by ihe Time o f Asnka, then N a k a m u r a ’s dates o f 4 6 3 -3 8 3 a . c . l . for the B u d d h a w ould Ijc a p p r o p r i­ ate; they fit in well w ith rhe su b seq u en t history o f the d ev elo p m en t of (he Buddhisl o rd er (see c h a p te r six). T h e ad o p tio n o f N a k a m u r a 's da[es in this history, how ever, should not be in terp reted as a rejection o f the Sri L a n k an chronicles as sources. R ath er, the p ro blem o f rhe B u d d h a's d a te s needs to be stu died further, particularly in relation to the d e v e lo p ­ m en t o f J a in is m a n d B ra h m a n ism .

R e n u n cia tio n of L a y L if e A cco rd in g to tra d itio n al acco u n ts, S a k y a m u n i lived a life o f lu x u ry as a child. W h e n he g rew in be a y o u n g man* ht- m a rrie d Y asodharit; ihey hud a su n . R a h u la . Sfikyamuiii was deeply d istu rb e d , however* by exis4m iiiil prohltriTiii co n cern in g th<1 m ean in g o r life. W h t n he was twenly* n in e yeEirs old (a c c o rd in g lo v arian t areo u n is, he was n in e te e n n r thirtyo n e ), h e left ins family to becom e a w a n d e rin g m e n d ic a n t, S lk y a m u m seem s to hav e h a d a co n tem p lativ e n a tu re . Even before h e left his family, lie had o nce b eg un to m e d ita te Without a n y effort or p r e p a ra tio n a n d had atiained ihe First 'IVance as he was sitting u n d e r a tree w atch in g his lather, the king, plowing a n e a rb y field as p a n o f a religious c e r e m o n y S a k y a m u n i is ai&u said to hav e noticed the birds e a t' ing the w o rm s tu rn e d up by th e [slowing a n d to hav e been profoundly m oved by the w ay in w hich living c re a tu re s all h a rm e d each other. H e realized that although people m ay be repelled by seeing an old m a n . e v eryo ne ages. A lthough people do not w an t to suffer from illness o r to co m e in con tact w ith sick people, no o n e can escape illness. A lthough people fear d e a th a n d do nut wish to d ie h no one ean escape deathS a k v a m u m ’s c i h u i t d over ihe existential p ro b le m s ol life a n d d e a th w e i s d ra m a tiz e d in later b iog raph ies th ro u g h descriptions o f his e n c o u n ­ ters w ith fo u r m e n while on four sightseeing jo u rn e y s o u trid e his fath er's palace. First he e n c o u n te re d an old m a n , then a siek m a n , an d finally a dead m a n . Deeply d istu rb ed , he r e tu rn e d h o m e each time- O n his fourth o u tin g he saw a w a n d e rin g m c n d ic a n t a n d resolved to leave home a n d b eco m e a religious m en d ican t S a k y a m u n i left hom e against his p a r e n ts ' will Tn the m id dle o f the night, he m o u n te d his favorite horse, K a n ih a k a , a n d with his c h a ­ rioteer, C h a n d a , lefi ihe p a la te secretly. A c c o r d i n g to the Mahiptmnib hdnasbttantd (D N r vol. 2, p, 131), he “ left h o m e to seek the good (k u a la ).”

R e ligio u s A u sterities S a k y a m u n i left h o m e, shav ed his head, p u t on robes, a n d set out for the co u n try o f M a g a d h a tn th e south, rhe h o m e o f m a n y groups o f m e n d i­ can ts. At th at tim e , the public road k n o w n as the N o r th e rn R oute ( U tta r a p a th a ) b e g a n at SravastE, rail cast past K a p ila v a itu , a n d then tu rn e d south to K u S inagara, Vaisali, a n d the G a n g e s R iver. T h e road th en crossed the C a n g e s , e n te re d M a g a d h a , itnd e n d e d in fiapagrha

S a k y a m u n i p ro b ab ly (raveled to the c ity o f R ajag rh ^ on this road. A cco rd in g io iraditional sources, K in g B im bU ara saw S a k y a m u n i b eg ­ ging one d a y a n d d ecid ed Lo invite him to b e c o m e a m inister in the gov* e m in e n t, d isp atch e d a r e ia in rr lo p e rsu a d e S ak y am u n i lo a b a n d o n his religious quest, hut S a k y a m u n i refused. S a k y a m u n i eventually b egan practicing religious au sterities u n d e r the g u id a n c e o f o n e o f rhe m ost fam ous religious lead ers o f thai tim e, A raila K a la m a (P. Alai a K alam a), a m aster of m e d ita tio n . H e taught S a k y a m u n i how to a tta in a S tate of N o th in g n e ss th ro u gh m ed itatio n S a k y a m u n i , how ever, was not satisfied wit}] the results o f ihe mediialion a n d w ent to practice u n d e r a different teach er, U d ra k a R a m a p u t r a (P. U d d a k a R a m n p u tra ), w ho h a d a tta in e d a t ranee state o f N eith er P ercep tio n nor N o n p ercep tio n . T h is tra n ce was m o re subtle th an the S late ill N o th in gn ess a n d w as said tn com pletely q u i d the m in d . p e rh a p s by u n itin g it w ith som e form o f the A bsolute- HoWcver, S a k y a m u n i realized th at w h e n lie e m e r g e d from the tra n ce, his m ind w as still buffered by everyday p ro b lem s. T h u s sim ply q u ietin g the m ind th ro u gh m ed itatio n 'vas not equ ivalent to realising the A bsolute. Medi* talion was useful in discip linin g the m in d ' b u t the A bsolute also h a d a rational quality, which could be realized only th ro ug h w isdom . A n d so S a k y a m u n i left U d ra k a R a m a p u tr a . T h e T ra n c e o f NoEhingness a n d the 1 Vance o f N eith er P ercep tio n n o r N o n p ercep tio n a re b o th m clu d cd in the early B ud dh ist list o f F our Form less T ran ces A lthough som e scholars hav e q u estio ned w h e th e r ihese trances w ere actually co ntriv ed by A ra d a a n d U d ra k a , m ed itatio n (dhyatw) was cerlainly used lo qu iet the m in d before the tim e o f ihe B u d­ d h a . Relics fro m the In d u s civilization indicate th at the In d u s people p ro b a b ly practiced m e d ita tio n , A ra d a Ji^ d U d r a k a w ere certainly p r a c ­ titio n ers o f m e d ita tio n . W h e n the B uddha described the T h reefo ld T e ach in g o f morality, m e d ita tio n , an d w isd om , how ever, he placcd wis­ d o m above m e d ita tio n . In rhia w a y he indicated his belief thai m e d ita ­ tion by it sell w ould not allow a p ra c titio n e r to discover ihe iru ih . M e d i­ tatio n was a necessary tool for tra in in g th e m in d , b u t only w hen it was com / b in e d with w isdom could the tru th be realized. S a k y a m u n i then sought the solitude o f the forest to practice a u s te ri­ ties. H e chose a spot n ear the village at U ru v ilv a-sen an i on the N airanj a n a R iv e r w here he u n d e rw e n t disciplines such as constantly clenching his teeth a n d pressing his to n g u e against his palate. O n ly th rou g h a strong act o f will co uld he o v erco m e the p ain such practices entailed. O n c e he en tered a trance a n d stopped all b re a th front passing th ro u g h his m o u th a n d nose, b u t then is said to have b eg un b r e a th in g th ro u g h

E n lig h te n m e n t A lth o u g h S a k y a m u n i h ad ceased his ascetic practices, his b o d y was so em a c ia te d th a t h e th o u g h t ii w ould he difficult to attain the bliss o f even th e Kirst T ra n c e . H e finally decided to eat solid food to restore Ins stren gth , M ilk a n d rice w ere offered by a y o u n g w o m an n a m e d Sujara. A fter eating, S a k y a m u n i b a th e d in the N a i r a n j a n i R.tver a n d d ra n k some w ater W h e n the m e n d ic a n ts w ho h a d been a c c o m p a n y in g him saw him a b a n d o n in g liis austerities, they said, “ T h e iramaria G a u t a m a has fallen in to lux urio us ways a n d a b a n d o n e d his spiritual e ffo rts'’ an d left him . W ith the renew ed streng th from [he food, S ak y am u n i built a seat u n d e r a n asvattha tree, co m m en ced m e d ita tin g , a n d finally attain ed su p rem e en lig h ten m en t (abhi$ambodhi)t th ereb y b eco m in g a B u d d h a (en ligh ten ed b rin g ). T h e ahattka tree, a rype o f fig tree, b r e r b ecam e know n as the bodhi (en lig h ten m en tj-tree , T h e site was called B u d d h a gaya; a slufta was later erected th e re a n d it b ecam e a m a jo r pilgrim ag e site for Buddhists. A cco rd in g to (he T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n , the B u d d h a a tta in e d cnlightc n m e n t on the night o f the full m oon o f the m o n th o f Vaisakha (V isak ha), which falls in A pril o r M a y o r th e W estern calend ar, In J a p a n , the eighth d a y o f the twelfth m o n th is said to be the day o f the B u d d h a 's enlightenment. A ccording to traditional account8, th e B u d ­ d h a left h o m e w h en he was twenty-nine* a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t w h en he w as thirty-five, ta u g h t o th ers for forty-live years, a n d died at eighty. A ccording to a variant tra d itio n , however, he left h o m e w h en he was n ineteen , a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t ai thirty, a n d preach ed for fifty years. In ira d itio n al b io g rap h ies, the G u d d h a 's en lig h ten m en t is d escrib ed as occurring after a battle w ith M a r a , rhe god o f d e a th a n d desire. W ith e n lig h te n m e n t, the B u d d h a overcam e his fear o f death a n d cut olf lus desires H e n c e the battle with M a r a m ay rep resen t some o f the psy ch o­ logical conflicts th at religious practitioners e n c o u n te r In later accounts, M a r a is said to have actually a p p e a re d in front o f the B uddha. M a r a also a p p e a re d after the B u d d h a ‘5 e n lig h te n m e n t to tem p t the B u d d h a a n d to in dicate that ev en a n e n lig h ten ed being c an n o t escape d e t i n s such as those for food a n d sleep o r p ain s such as illness a n d d e a th . T h e B u d d h a , how ever, never su ccu m b ed lo M i r a 's tem ptatio ns. D e te r m in in g the exact co n ten t o f th e B u d d h a 's en lig hten m en I poses several m a jo r scholarly problem s. T he Agamas include a n u m b e r of s ta te m e n ts c o n cern in g the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e J a p a n e s e scholar L"i H a k u ju has com piled a list o f fifteen e x p la n a tio n s from early

s o u rc e s .11 T h r e e o f these a rc p articularly notew orthy. A cco rd in g to these e x p la n a tio n s, the B u d d h a attain ed en lig h ten m en t e ith e r by u n d e r ­ stan d in g ihe F o u r N oble Truths* realizing ihe twelve links o f D e p e n ­ den t O r ig in a tio n , o r m a s te rin g ihe F o u r T ra n c e s a n d a tta in in g the T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n Pow ers, (T h e s e teach in gs a re ex p lain ed in c h a p te r three.) T h e F o u r N o b le T r u th s , however, are designed to be u se d in in stru cting others a n d do not seem to represent ihe co n ten t o f the Budd h a 's en lig h ten m en t in its earliest form . S im p le r versions o f the theory o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n can be found in early s o u rc e s r in d icatin g that the twelve-link version o f the theory was fo rm u la te d laier. H o w ev er, the twelve-link version o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n m ay be a system atized ex p lan atio n b ased on S a k y a m u n i's m ed itation s w h en he realized e n ­ lightenm ent. T h e th ird th e o r y th at the B u d d h a a tta in e d the F o u r T ra n c e s a n d T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n P ow ers w hen he a tta in e d en lig h ten ­ m en t, was also a relatively late theory, ac c o rd in g to U i, T h e last elem en t ol the T h r e e S u p e r h u m a n Pow ers, th e know ledge that all o n e 's d efilem en ts have been erad icated , is sim ilar in m a n y w ays lo the F o u r N o ble T r u th s a n d rhe theory n f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . A cco rd in g lo a n o th e r tr a d itio n t the B u d d h a u n d ersto o d the D h a r m a (T eaching) w h en he was en lig h ten ed . W h e n he was sitting u n d e r a tree in m ed itatio n afier his e n lig h te n m e n t, he is said to h av e th o u g h t, " I t is ill to live w ithout paying h o n o r a n d o b ed ien ce to a superior. But 1 do not see a n y o n e in the w orld w ho has perfected morality, m ed itatio n , wisdom, e m a n c ip a tio n , o r the know ledge o f e m a n c ip a tio n m o re th an 1. T h u s I will live by paying h o n o r a n d obedience to the D h a r m a throu gh which I am e n lig h te n e d " (S N , vol. I, p. 139). In this sense, b o lh the F o u r N oble T r u t h s a n d th e do ctrin e of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n a re th e D h a rm a . T h e D h a r m a th at the B u d d h a realized th rou gh his e n lig h te n ­ m ent can b e u n d ersto o d by e x a m in in g the m ost basic elem en ts o f the Buddhist doctrines co n tain ed in th e early scriptu res. S om e m o d e rn scholars o f B u dd hism h av e em p h a siz e d in their in te r­ p retation s o f the B u d d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t the B u d d h a ’s origins as a m e m b e r of the U a u l a m a clan o f the £ a k y a iribe. A lth o u g h the B u d d h a did com e from a p artic u la r trib e, he h a d followers from a variety of stales o f centraJ In d ia . W h e n he died a n d was crem ated , eigh t o f the c o u n t r ie s o f central India d iv id ed his ashes a n d erected sltipa*. T h u s B u dd hism was at first a religion practiced by a limited g ro u p o f people in a sm all area, b u l la te r it sp read to all o f In d ia a n d io m a n y o th e r parts of Asia, In c o n tra st, J a in i s m , w hich arose at ihe sam e tim e as B u dd hism an d h a d sim ilar doctrines, n e v e r sp read o utside In d ia . H in d u ism , which was m u c h s tr o n ^ r r th an J a in is m , only sp read to a few parts of S o u th a n d S outheast Asia. It seem s, then, th at B ud d h ism had qualities

th at en ab led it to b eco m e a w o rld religion a n d m ak e it significant to m ore th an just a lim ited n u m b e r o f tribes o r peoples T h ose qualities w ere alread y p resen t in the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t. If th at enlightenm e m had been a p h e n o m e n o n (hat could be ex p lain ed as a function of hts m e m b e rs h ip in a certain trib e, th en the tra n sfo rm a tio n o f B ud dh ism into a world religion w o u ld have re q u ire d som e m a jo r figure as a s p o k e sm a n . But no such figure ap p ears in the history o f B uddhism . T h e religion fou nd ed by the B u d d h a included a teach in g, the elim ination o f suffering, th at tra n sc e n d e d th e co n cern s o f a n y p a rtic u la r tribe. T h r o u g h m ed itatio n the B u d d h a realized the wisdom th at accompa^ nies e n lig h te n m e n t. Traditionally, he is said to hav e rcaJizcd enlighienm e n t th ro u g h the cu ltiv atio n o f the F o u r T ra n c e s a n d the T h reefo ld Studies. E n lig h te n m e n t, how ever, is not equivalent to the F o u r T ra n c e s , T r a n c e {dhydna; C h , ching /u lqu iet e o n te m plat io n ’) is only one type o f m ed itatio n It was called a com fo rtab le w ay to attain e n lig h te n ­ m e n t because the p ra c titio n e r sits in a full-lotus position with the body in a com fo rtable position. Severe austerities are not req u ired . T h e p r a c ­ titio n er c o n c e n tra te s his sp iritu al energy a n d en ters ihe first tra n ce and th en g rad ually d e e p e n s it, going in to the seco nd , third, a n d fourth trances. T h r o u g h this practice the m in d is q u ie te d O t h e r form s o f m ed i tat io n —yoga, for e x a m p le — w ere also practiced in In d ia . T h r o u g h these practices the m in d cou ld be co n cen trated a n d focused until it h ad becom e qu iet o r tho ught h a d ceased. A dvocates o f the vario u s schools o f yoga claim ed th at a form o f m ystical wisdom could be realized th ro u g h such practices. B ud dh ist dhydna differed from yogte tra n ce in th at it was m u c h m ore d y n a m ic ; it w as a form of m ental co n cen tratio n th at p erm ittied ihe free activity o f w isdom . T h e definition o f B u dd hist en lig h ten m en t as " se e in g things as they actually a r e " suggests the d y n am ic n a tu r e o f Buddhist m e d ita tio n . T he m in d was considered to have a n in n a te w isdom . Because its basic n a tu r e involved th o u g h t, w h en the m in d was q u ieted a n d focused and cot] cent rat ion s tre n g ih e n e d , th en a su perio r form o f wisdom w o u l d n a t ­ urally be m anifested Both Buddhist m e d ila tio n a n d w ere m e a n s of p ro d u c in g w isd om , but since they em p lo y ed different m e th o d s o f co n ­ ce n tra tio n , the resultant w isd om pro bably differed. T h e w isdom p ro ­ duced w h en en lig h ten m en t was realized th ro u g h B u dd hist m editation was described a s " s e e i n g the D h a r m a ^ 1 T h e B u d d h a progressed th ro u g h m o re p ro fou nd m editative states as he passed th ro u g h the F o u r T ran ces, T h e s e w ere p ro b ab ly the n aiu ral result o f his m a n y years o f tra in in g , a te m p e r a m e n t thai seem s to have been suited to m ed itatio n from th e tim e he w as young, a n d the tra in in g he received from his early teachers A ra d a a n d U d ra k a . T h e term dhydna

has been used since rhe early Upanif&di w ith the m e a n in g o f " m e d i t a ­ tio n " {Chandogya L'fftinimd 7 . 6 . 1). but the F o u r 1 Vances should p ro b ab ly lie rcgiinli-d £18 n new m ed itatio n system d eveloped hy Buddhist*- T h e Four T r a n c e s were a d y n a m ic w ay o f focusing ihe m in d . T h e wisdom p ro d u c e d th ro u g h them w as not a mystical form o f in tu itio n . R a th e r , it allowed a p erson lo see things as th ey actually are in a ratio n al a n d free m a n n e r . W ith that w isdom , the p ra c titio n e r could know tr u th an d firmly a d h ere to th at tru th . W h e n he coutd not He shaken o r m oved from th at ir u lh by fear, p ain , o r passions, he h a d realized e n lig h te n ­ m en t. Because the m in d h a d been freed from th e fetters o f the defile­ m en ts a n d passions, this stale was called “ e m a n c ip a tio n " o r “ salv a­ tio n ” (rnoiaa, vimokfa, vimukti). T h e iru th th at lie realized th ro u g h his e n lig h ten m en t weis called nirvana (P nihbana), S om e itcholars have ex plain ed salvation as referrin g to the freedom o f the m in d from afflic­ tions a n d nirvdpa as referrin g to p e a c e .I?

T h e F irst Se rm o n A lter the B u d d h a h:id a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t, he rem ain ed u n d e r the kodhl-tree a n d e n te re d a d e e p state o f m ed it alive Concentration (samddhi) that lasted for seven days. W h e n he em erg ed from his m e d ita tio n , he w ent a n d sat u n d e r a n o th e r tree to c o n te m p la te the bliss th at had resulted from his e n lig h te n m e n t. W hite he w as sittin g u n d e r this second t r e e h tw o m e rc h a n ts, T r a p u s a a n d Hhallika, saw the H u dd ha, offered him cakes sw eetened with honeyT an d thus bccam c the firsi lay Buddhists. T h e B u d d h a d id nor leave th e tree Tor five weeks, D u rin g this time* he b e g a n to d o u b t w h eth er he should teach the co n ten ts o f Ins e n lig h te n m e n t to others. Because his teach in g (D h a rm a ) was su b tle an d p ro fo u n d , he feared that o th ers would not u n d e r s ta n d it even if he p reach ed it to them . T h e B u d d h a 's do u b ts m a y also hav e arisen from his te m p o ra ry difficulty in discovering a p u rp o se in Life once he h ad attain ed e n lig h te n m e n t, th e highest goal for a religious m an. T h e B u d ­ d h a o v e rc a m e his d o u b ts by tu r n in g aw ay from the self-centered quest lor \ih ow n e n lig h te n m e n t, d ecidin g instead to p reach to o th ers an d help them to w ard salvation. T h e resolution o f th e B u d d h a 's d o u b ts is p o rtra y e d in a m yth (htu relates that d u r in g the five weeks w h en the B u d d h a w as q u i e t l y c o n t e m p l a t i n g his e n l i g h t e n m e n t he b e g a n to feet h e sita n t a b o u t p reach in g . O n ly when ihe god B ra h m a in te rv e n e d an d en c o u ra g e d him to preach did the H uddha a g re e to do so. S om e m o d ern scholars have a rg u ed rhai deep religious significance t a n be fou n d in S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s hesitation to p r e a c h .11 But the

h esitatio n could have sp ru n g from m a n y sources. S o m e o n e w ho has h im self accom plished a m a jo r u n d e rta k in g can p e rh a p s u n d e r s ta n d that nihilistic feelings ntEiy beset a p erson after success. M a n y o f the Budd h a 's disci pics p ro b ab ly exp erien ced Such feelings after they h a d real­ ized e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e legends a b o u t S a k y a n m n i’s hesitatio n to p reach m a y have arisen because the H u d dh a was icm p ted sim ply m e n te r com plete nirvdrui after Ins e n lig h te n m e n t, th ereb y av oid ing the dif­ ficulties that th e p ro p ag atio n o f hi* teachin g w ould entail. B uddhists cam e ro believe th at so m e B u d d h a s in the past h a d d e rid e d , in fact, not to preach. S om e m o d e rn scholars argue th at the protytkabuddha (P. p a u c■ kabuddha) o rig in a te d fn im such storlfs. 'Y\iv pratyrkabuddha was a buddha w h o had a tta in e d en lig h ten m en t but died (en tered co m p lete ftirwiflc) w ith o u t ev er d ecid in g to p reach to others. T h e praiyrkahuddha was said by later B uddhists to have a sep arate vehicle (ydna) to en lig h ten m en t. O t h e r m o d ern scholars h a v e a rg u e d th at the co ncept o f the pwtyekabvddha did not arise from stories a b o u t S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a 's hesitan cy to p reach b u t from the exam ples o f sage a (tsi) who lived a n d practiced a lo n e .14 O n c e the B uddha decided to p r e a c h „ he h a d to d e te rm in e w ho his first au d icn ee w ould be. H e eventually decidcd to preach to the five m on ks who had helped h im w hen he was u n d e rg o in g austerities because he thought they w ould be able to u n d e rs ta n d the truths he h a d discov­ ered H e [raveled west to the D eer IJark ( M r g a d a v a ) a t B enares T o d a y the D e e r P ark is k n o w n as S aru atli a n d is the site o f ruins c o m m e m o r a t ­ ing the B u d d h a 's first serm on . A m o n g the ruins is a pillar erected by K in g Asoka. O n the capital o f th e pillar a re some exquisitely carved lions a n d the wheel o f ihe te a c h in g ( D h a rm a c a k ra ) . T h e B u d d h a 's preach ing is called the “ tu rn in g o f th e wheel o f the te a c h in g ." W h e n th e B u d d h a p reach ed his first serm on to the live m o nk s at Benares, he mid th e m to avoid rhe two extrem es o f asceticism o r lu x uriou s living; instead * they w ere to follow the M id d le W ay (muuihyaTna'pyaiipad). H e also told them ab ou t the F ou r N oble T r u th s , w hich consisted o f the tru th s o f suffering, the cause o f suffering, ihe ces­ sation o f suffering, a n d the w ay to end suffering- T h e first o f Ih r five m e n to becom e en lig hten ed th ro u g h the B u d d h a ’s teaching was A jnatak a u n d m y a , who becam e S a k y a m u n i 'i first disciple L a te r the o th e r four a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t a n d also b ecam e disciples, thus establishing the Buddhist o r d e r (sarigha). T h e B u d d h a then explained th at people h a d no eternal soul a n d w ere co m p osed o f the five aggregates, w h e re u p o n ihe five disci [iles realised the en lighten m en [ o t whats (an artutl is defined as so m eo n e w ho had com pletely elim in ated all defilem ents). Because the B u d d h a h ad elim in ated all his defilem ents he was also called an arhat.

H o w ev er, since the w isd om o f the B u d d h a a tta in e d th ro u g h en lig h ten ' m e m su rp assed chat o f his disciples, the disciples w ere not called buddhas. I he m e n w ho becam e m o n k s w ere called m e n d ic a n ts (bhikfti) Ik-causc they lived by la g g in g th eir food while d ev o tin g them selves to religious practice.

Grow th o f the Buddhist Order T h e B u d d h a ’s first disciples w ere the five m on ks to w h o m lie preached at S a rn a th . A ccording to the earlier b io g ra p h ie s o f the B u d d h a , he next co n v erted Yaaas, the son o f a w ealthy eld er (frtffhin) o f Benares. Yasas* p a re n ts a n d wife b ccam e liuddhist laym en (updsuka) a n d lay w o m en (jipdsika) F ifty -fo ur o f Yasas’ friends e n te re d the o r d e r a n d were o r d a in e d as m onks. All o f th e m arc said to have becom c arhats. T h e R u d d h a sent th e m out to sp read his teaching!;, say in g ' “ G n oui an d p r e a th , m o n k s, out ol com passio n for sentient beings, a n d out o! c o n ­ cern for the world firing benefits* h appiness, a n d c a rin g to gods anti m e n . N o tw o of you should go to the nam e place. P reach th e D h a r m a wi th reason a n d elo q u en ce so (hat il will be got>d at (h r beg in n in g , m i d ­ dle* a n d end '1 ( Vinaya, vol. 1, p. 20), O u t o f co m p assio n , the B u d d h a w ished to co n v ey to c o m m o n people at least so m e o f the tru th s hi’ had realized. T h e B u d d h a sub seq u en tly re tu rn e d to M a g a d h a , w here he co n v erted m a n y peopEe T h e B u d d h a 's victory over a no ted religious teacher, L r u v tlv a K a sy ap a, th rou gh a d e m o n s tra tio n o f s u p e r h u m a n powers, resulted in the conversion to B u dd hism o r UruviLva K asy ap a, his two y o u n g er b ro th e rs, a n d th eir disciplcs. T h e B u d d h a 's fam e sp read as a result of these a n d o th e r conversions. W h en he led Ins retin u e to R a ja g rh a , K in g S ren ik a R im bisara b ecam e a lay disciple a n d gave the B u d d h a a b a m b o o grove, w hich was used as q u a r te ts for m o n k s. Bimh isara thus b ccam c the first head o f state to protect th e older* a n d the b a m b o o grove b ecam e the base for the o r d e r ’s activities. T w o discipEcs o f [fie skeptic S a n ja y in . M a h iim a u d g a ly a y a n a an d SLiriputra, b ecam e the B u d d h a 's disciples. S a rip u tra was converted when he heard o n e o f the B u d d h a 's lirst live m o n a stic con verts, Asvajif, recite, " O f all things th at arise from cause, the T a th a g a th a has explained th eir causes a n d th e ir cessations. T h u s has th e g reat sramana t a u g h t 11 (Vinaya, vol. I, p. i f ) . S a r ip u tr a th en p e rsu a d e d M ah am a u d g a ly a y a n a also to becom e the B u d d h a ’s disciple. T h e B u d d h a is said to have pred icted (hat th e tw o m en w ould becom e leaders o f the o rd er; an d , in fact, th ey played m a jo r roles in sp read in g the B u d d h a ’s teachings.

A r o u n d the ia n ie tim e. M a h a k a s y a p a c o n v e n e d io B ud d h ism w hen he saw ihe B u d d h a near the B a h u p u tra k a G aitya (Mahai'aftu, vol. 3, p 50). H e is said to have practiced religious au sterities assiduously. A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , he assem bled the o rd er a n d su perv ised recitation of th e B u d d h a 's teachin gs at ihe First C ou ncil. A m o n g the B u d d h a 's m a jo r female lay disciples was V isakha M f g a r a in a tr , a native o f SravjistT an d a g e n e ro u s d o n o r to the o r d e r M uch later, the king o f die city, P rasenajit, was con verted to B ud dh ism by his wife, M allika. T h e m ost im p o rta n t of [he B u d d h a 's lay disciples w as S u d a lta , a w ealthy m e rc h a n t from S ravasti know n by the epithet A n a th a p in tfa d a o r “ the giver o f food to [he u n p ro te c te d " because o f the m a n y alm s he gave to o rp h a n s. H e first h e a rd th at “ a B u d d h a had a p p e a r e d ” w hen he was on a business trip to R a ja g rh a . Before (he nigh! was Over* he h ad visited the B u d d h a ai S u a v a n a , A fter S u d a tta b ecam e th e B u d d h a's disciple, he invited the B u d d h a to com e to Sravasti. To provide B u d ­ dhist m on ks w ith residences, S u d a tia p u rch ased a p a rk from P rince J e t a o f S rav asti, had q u a r te rs for the m onks built in ii, a n d p resen ted it to the order. T h is m o n a ste ry was know n as J e ia v a n a Its first buildings were e le c te d in ju s t th ree m o n th s, in d icatin g th at they w ere probably sim ple w ood structu res. A n u m b e r o f years after his e n lig h te n m e n t, the B u d d h a re tu rn e d to K a p ila v a stu to see his father, the king, a n d his foster m o th er, the q u e e n . At th at tim e he initiated his son R a h u la , who was still a child, as a n o v ­ ice (Jramtwera) a n d assign ed S a r ip u tr a to instruct R S h u la . T h e B u d d h a su b se q u e n tly in itiated m a n y o th er y ou ng m en inclu din g his cousans I>evadatta a n d A n a n d s , his h alf-b ro th er N a n d a , a n d a b a rb e r n a m e d Upali„ w ho h a d served the Sakya nobility, U pali ev en tu ally becam e an ex p ert in m o nastic discipline a n d played a n im p o rta n t role in (he early B uddhist order. D u r in g the forty-five years betw een the B u d d h a 's enlightenment an d d e a th , he traveled a n d p re a c h e d in central In d ia , stay ing p rim a rily in M a g a d h a a n d K a u ia la . O n a typical j o u rney, the B u d d h a m ight have set o u t fr o m R a ja g r h a in the so u th ea st a n d traveled n o r th , passing t h r o u g h N a l a n d a anti a r r i v i n g in the smal t village nf P i i t a h p u t r a fat th e sile o f the m o d ern ci[y o f P atn a), T h e B u d d h a w ould th en cross [he G a n g e s R iv e r a n d go to Vaisali on the n o r th b an k , e n te r in g the co u n try o f ihe Ljceh&vis, H e w ould c o n tin u e n o rth th ro u g h K u S in ag ara an d th en tu rn west to K ap ilav astu a n d southw est to Sravasti. F ro m th ere he m ig h t go south th ro u g h A]avi to K.ausambi* then east to B enares, an d from th ere back to R a ja g rh a . M a n y o f these iilCS l^ecaine shrine s o r im p o rtan t B u dd hist centers. O n e o f the B u d d h a 's favorite places to stop n e a r R a ja g rh a was

G r d h r a k u t a Mill. H e som etim es stayed at the A m ra y a stik a a n d YasL (iv a n a groves near R a ja g rh a . T h e First C o u n cil was held in the S aptapan}aguh& t a cave n e a r R a ja g rh a . In VaiSali, he w ould often slay ai rhe large M a h a v a n a lecture hall. In K a u s a m b i, the capital of V atsa, King LTdayana o f Vatsa b ecam e a n im p o rtan t p a tro n o f B ud d h ism after he was co nv erted by his wife. Q u e e n ^ y a m a v a lL A small m o n a ste ry in K a u s a m b i, th e G h o s ita ra m a , was given to th e Buddhist o r d e r by a devout la y m a n , G ho sita; after the B u d d h a ’* d e a th it dev eloped in to a la rg e m o n a ste ry . D u rin g the B u d d h a 's lifetime, the m on asteries w ere built o f wood. P assages in the Vinaya as well as archeological excavations oi Fiqalipu* tra hav e indicated thai m a n y o f its oldest sections, even the palaces of kings, w ere c o n stru cted o f w ood, an d the fences a r o u n d the earliest sid* pas w ere also w o od en . As tim b e r b ecam e scarccr, how ever, stone was increasingly used. T h e B u dd hist stupas a n d o th er m o n u m e n ts th at have su rv ived u n til the p resent day w ere con structed o f stone. A lter m a n y o f the y o u n g m en o f th e Sakyas had becom e m onks, ihe B u d d h a 's foster m o th e r a n d a u n t, M a h a p ra ja p a ti G a u ta n ii, expressed h e r desire to b eco m e a n u n . She went before the B u d d h a lo g elh er with a n u m b e r o f young w o m en to ask perm ission to becom e n u n s , but the B u d d h a refused h e r request even after she had rep eated it several tunes. O n ly after A n a n d a interceded with the B u d d h a was the e s ta b ­ lish m ent n f an o rd er b f n u n s (6/itkfuni) reluctantly p erm itted . To g overn rhe relations b etw een m o nk s a n d n u n s a n d to p rev en t sexual activity, the B u d d h a established s trin g e n t restrictions co n cern in g the in te r­ actions b etw een (hem . In a d d itio n , n u n s w ere req u ired to observe " e ig h t weighty rule*" (gumdhanna) that m ad e them s u b o rd in a te m ihe o r d e r o f m onks, Despite such restrictions on th ctr activities, m a n y ahlc n u n s w ere active d u rin g the lifetime o f th e B uddha. K se m a an d D h a r m a d i n n a w ere fam ous for their know ledge anti frequ cnlly lectured to m e n . L ltp alav arp a was skilled in the use o f s u p e rh u m a n abilities, a n d K r s a y ju r a m ] a tta in e d a rem ark ably p ro fo u n d level o f e n lig h te n ­ m ent. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y o th e r n u n s are re c o rd e d in early Buddhist lit­ e r a tu re . D etails abo ut m a n y o f the B u d d h a ls lay disciples a re know n. C itra was well versed in B u dd hist d o ctrine, a n d U g r a of Vaisali an d M a h a n a m a of the Sakyas w ere Famed for (heir alm sgiving. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y o f the B u d d h a 's m on astic disciples a re k n o w n , as are details a b o u t th e m . T h e b a n d it A rigulim alya was ta u g h t by the B u d ­ d h a and becam e his disciple. K ^ u tla p a n th a k a could not m em o rize even o n e verse o f th e B u d d h a 's (teaching, but he still a tta in e d a d e e p level of en lig h te n m e n t th ro u g h the B u d d h a 's g u id a n c e P u r u a M a itr a y a n ip u tr a

was an able preacher. M a h a k a iy a y a n a a n d M ah ak au ^ fhila w ere skilled ill e x p lain in g ihe D h a rm a . M a h a k a ty a y a n a sp read B u d d h is m to A vanti, south o f cen tral In d ia . P u r o a w as responsible for sp read in g B u d ­ d h is m to S u n a p a r a n t a k a o n (he west coast of In d ia . A ccording to a story thai p ro b ab ly d ates from (he period after B u d d h ism h a d alread y spread to South In d ia , a B ra h m a n n a m e d B av a ri from (he D eccan in S o u th In d ia sent sixteen o f his disciples lo cen tral In d ia to hear the B u d d h a ’s teachings {“ P a r a y a n a v a g g a ” c h a p te r o f th e Sufiani^ate), T h e sixteen disciples jo u rn e y e d alo ng the old tra d e ro u te know n as the S o u th e rn R o a d (D ak $ in ap ath a) from P r a t i ^ h i n a in th e D eccan th ro u g h U jjay ini in the co u n try o f A v an tir on to V idisa, K a u s a m b i, a n d S a k e ( a h linally a rriv in g in Sravastf. Because the B u d d h a was no lon ger in S rav asii, they c o n tin u e d traveling up the N o rth e rn R o a d ( U tla ra p a lh a ) to R a ja g rh a , w h ere th ey m et th e B u d d h a a n d b ecam e his disciples. A m o n g th etr n u m h e r w ere Ajiia a n d T is sa -M e tte y a , tw o m e n w ho later m a y have been som ehow identified with M a itr e y a (P. M e tie y a ), the fu tu re B u d d h a.

D eath o f the B u d d h a I h e B u d d h a 's teachings c o n tin u e d to sp read th ro u g h cen tral Ind ia, D u r in g this tim e , B u d d h is m com p eted w ith o th e r religious g ro u p s in In d ia . T h e m ost no tew o rth y o f (hese w ere the J a i n a s a n d Ajivlkas. Both A soka a n d his g ra n d so n D a s a ra th a d o n a te d caves in th e B a ra b a r Hills to the A jtvikas, indicating ih ai the AjTvikas w ere still influential in cen ­ tral In d ia d u rin g the cen tu ries after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th . D u rin g the last years o f the B u d d h a 's life, D e v a d a tla plotted to cause a schism in th e B u dd hist order. H e jo in ed forces with A ja ta s a tru , w ho h a d kilted his father, K in g B im b isara o f M a g a d h a , in o r d e r to inh erit the thron e. T og ether they m ad e plans th at w o u ld b rm g th e m fam e an d power. Devadatra w ent to S a k y a m u n i to ask for perm ission to lead th e B ud dh ist order, but S a k y a m u n i refused his req uest. D e v a d a lta is th en said to have a tte m p te d io kill the B u d d h a b y releasing a m a d elep h an t that tried to c h arg e the B uddha. L aier he p u sh ed a rock off a m o u n t a im top dow n tow ard the B u d d h a , a frag m en t o f w hich c u t the B u d d h a's foot. W h e n these a tte m p ts lo kill the B u d d h a Tailed, D e v a d a tta a t­ tem p ted to cau se a schism in the o r d e r by p ro p osing five new rules ihat req u ired g r e a te r austerities for monks, H e thus tried to attract to his cause m a n y o f those w ho h a d only recently jo in e d the order. H ow ever, tw o o f the B u d d h a 's leading disciples, ^ a r i p u tr a a n d M a h a m a u d g a ly a y a n a , m a n a g e d to ih w art his plans- A m o n g D e v a d a tta 's followers

were K n kalika a n d K a ta m o r a k a ti;y a k a . A jalasatru later re p e n te d the m u r d e r p f his father, 8 i in b i s a r a h a n d b ecam e a follower o f the B u d d h a. K in g P ra se n a jit o f K a u s a la d ied an d was succeeded by his son Vi-i^Q’ ctabha. Because the B u d d h a 's tribe, the Sakyas, h a d in sulted Vidud a b h a earlier, o n e o f th e new king's firsl acts was [o attack a n d d estroy them , T h is o ccu rred late in Ssakyamuni's lifetim e. L ater, K au sala was d estroyed by A ja ta s a tru , w ho th en tu rn e d his atte n tio n tow ard the V rji people, w ho lived n o rth o f the C an g e s. A ro u n d that tim e, S a k y a m u n i was leaving R a ja g r h a on th e last j o u r ­ n e y before his d eath. H e crossed the G a n g e s a n d en tered VaisaK, w here he co n v e rte d th e co u rtesan AmrapalT, w ho gave her g ard en s to the B u d ­ dhist o rd e r. W h ile he was p a s s i n g th e rain y season retreat alone at VaiSalT, the B u d d h a b ecam e very ill. A cco rd in g to later tra d itio n s, M a r a a p p e a r e d before him a n d u rg ed him to die. T h e B u d d h a th en predieted that h r w ould die in three m onths. S a k y a m u n i c o n tin u e d his journe>\ leading Vaisali, passin g throu gh tn any villages, and ev en tu ally arriv in g at Pava. T h e re he w as fed hy a blacksm ith n a m e d C u n d a a n d becam e violently ill with d ia r r h e a an d h e m o rrh a g in g . T h e food S a k y a m u n i h ad been served was called sukara\ mad da:-fJ in Pali; m o d ern scholars have identified it as e ith e r a soft type o f p o rk o r a variety o f m u sh ro o m . T h e B u d d h a c o n tin u e d to travel despite his illness, a rriv in g in K u s in a g a ra ( K u s in a r a ), w here he died (or en tered parinirvdpa) in a grove o f sala trees. A cco rd in g to the Mahdparinibbdna suitarita, S a k y a m u n i left a n u m b e r o f instructio ns fo r the o rd er before he died. F o r exam ple, w hen he was asked ab ou t i he fu tu re o f the order, he a n sw ered , “ W h a t does the o rd er expect o f m e? t h a v e p re a c h e d w ithout d istin g u ish in g b etw een esoteric a n d exoteric doctrines. In the teachings o f the B u d d h a th ere is no such th in g as the closed fist o f a te a c h e r h idin g things from his disciples" (chap. 2, v. 32). H e thus ex p lain ed that th e B u d d h a was not to be th ought o f as rhe head o f th e o rd er; rather, th e o r d e r was to he a cooperative c o m m u n ity w ithout a speciEtcd leader. A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , his teach ing s are said to have been passed from M ah ak aS y ap a to A n a n d a , a n d th en to M a d h y a m ik a an d so forth. Yet ev en this lineage refers only to the m a in te n a n c e o f the B u d d h a 's teachings, not to ihe lead ersh ip o f the order. T h e B u d d h a 's attitu d e is expressed well in his words: MBe a la m p u n to yourselves. Be refuges u n to yourselves. Let th<^ D h a r m a be y o u r la m p . L et th e D h a r m a be y o u r re fu g e " (chap 2, v. 35). T h e B u d d h a in stru cted his followers who h a d b eco m e m e n d ic a n ts not to h o n o r his rem ain s (sanra). R a th e r they w ere to strive after the highest good (P. sodnttha). H e told th e m , "Y ou should not th in k th a t y o u r teach-

fir's words have ceased am! th at you no lo ng er have a teacher. R a th e r you should let ihe teachings ( D h a r m a ) a n d rules (uiriaya) th at [ hav e set forth be y o u r teach er after I have d ie d " (ch ap . G, v. 1), S h o rtly before his d e a th he asked his assem b led disciples th ree tim es ''H a v e you an y q u e s tio n s ? ” W h e n lht:y rem ain ed silent all th ree times, he told them , “ All th in g s m u st decay. Be diligent in striving for s a lv a iio n ” (ch ap , 6, vv. 5 -1 0 ). T h e n he e n te re d a tra n ce a n d d ied {entered co m p lete nir­ vana). A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , the M allas o f K u s in a g a ra took his body, h o n o re d it w ith flowers, scents, an d m usic, a n d then c re m a te d ii. T h e re m a in s w ere divided among; eight of the peoples o f central In d ia , w ho took th eir shares a n d c o n stru cted stupas for th e m . Slupai w ere also build b y in div id uals for th e u r n th at h a d held rhe B u d d h a 's rem ain s a n d for the ashes from the c re m a tio n . In 1038 P epp e ex cav ated an old stupa ut P ip ra h w a , a site co n n ected w ith rhe Sakyas. In it he discovered an u rn with a n inscription w ritten in ch aracters that indicated it m ig h t have been co m po sed at the tim e o f K in g Asoka o r earlier. A ccording to the in scrip tio n , th e urn co n tain ed [he rem ain s o f S a k y a m u n i, w hich h ad been e n s h rin e d by the Sakyas. A fter the co n ten ts o f the u r n h a d been identified as S a k y a m u n t’s rem ain s, p a rt o f th e m w^rc p resen ted to T h a ila n d . T h a ila n d , in turn* divided its p ortion a n d sent p a rt o f the re m a in s to J a p a n , w here they w ere e n s h rin e d at th e Nttraiji T e m p le in N a g o y a . T h e u r n is in the collection o f the C a lc u tta M u s e u m , In 195R a n u r n c o n tain in g the re m a in s from a c re m a tio n was found at the site ofV aisali, A lth o u g h the u m h ad no inscription, it was sim ilar to the o n e P ep p£ h a d d isco v ered a n d identified as c o n ta in in g the B u d d h a ’s rem ain s. T h e acco un t in the Mahdparimbbdna. suttanta o f the division of the B u d d h a 's relics into eight parts thus seem s to be based on historical fact. T h e se stupas were th e fo re ru n n e rs o f o th e r stupas th a t w ere later erected th ro u g h o u t In d ia a n d served as c e n te rs for B uddhist devotees.

CHAPTER 3

Early Buddhist Doctrine

In tro d u ctio n to D o ctrin e T h e t e a c h in g s the B u d d h a had preached d u rin g thrit Iasi forty'five years of his life w ere recited at the First C o u n c il (satigit0 , (A lth o u g h w ritin g cxisfcd at this tim c , the scrip tu res w ere tra n s m itte d orally.) T h e D h a r m a a n d Vtnayu traditio nally are said to hav e been collected at the cptUUicil. T h e doctrines ( D h a r m a ) were o rg a n iz e d into s crip ty rcs (sutras) a n d ihi? sutras w ere eventually colkcicd to form a Sutra-ptioke (basket of .uJ^rjii). T h e rules a n d regulations o f m on astic discipline (L'inaya) w ere collected anti o rg a n iz e d in to a V'maya-pitahi {basket o f Vinaya). T h e Sutfu-pitaka is also m l led the Agama dr tra n sm itte d (teachings), a te rm in d icatin g th at th e sutras consisted o f teachings h a n d e d dow n from the past. As tlit- teachings w ere c o m m itte d
E arly B u d d h i s t D

octrine

" E a r ly Buddhist d o c trin e ." Scholars have been u n ab le to d istinguish the teach ing s o f the B u d d h a from those o f his im m e d ia te d iscip les.1 M o d e m schoiavs hav e often c o m m e n te d the hasic ration ality o f E arly Rudd hist doctrine. M a n y o f the sayings in clu ded in an early [>npu l a r collection o f verses,, the Dhammapada, a re ethical and ratio nal; they p rovide a stro n g ronirnsr to the superstition thai ch a ra c te riz e d some of [he o th e r religions in In d ia at this lim e. For ex am p le, according to the Dhammapada (v. 5): "K ilm ity is not ciim in H lal by enmity. O n ly w h en e n m ity is a b a n d o n e d , is it elim inated. T h is is an U n changing a n d e te r­ n al t r u t h . 11 T h e following verse from ihe Dhammapada (v. 60) is typical o f rhe rational attitu d e u n d e rly in g m u c h o f the B u d d h a s teaching: *“T h e n ig h i is long for a p erso n w ho c an n o t sleep. Ayojafia [ap p ro x i­ m ately nine miles] is a long way for a person w ho is tired. T h e cycles of b irth a n d deaih a re long for a foolish person w ho does not know (he T r u e D h a r m a ” Because he believed th ai m o ra l actions would m ak e m e n h a p p y a n d lead lo a rich, p ro d u ctiv e life, ihe B u d d h a co nstan tly u rg ed people to act ethically, to love each other, a n d not to kill. H e p re a c h e d that alm sgiving led to happiness b u t stea lin g d id nor, a n d that speaking the tru th led to co n te n tm e n i b u t lying did not. T h e Buddha’s teach ing s did not stnp with m oral 11y. H e laug h I people how to hve rationally, how to free them selves fm m rhe t o m rad Let ions a n d p ro b le m s o f ev ery d ay life. B uddhism strives to raise rhe m oral s ta n d a rd s o f society a n d to teach people lo live rationally. F ro m the lim e o f early B ud d h ism o n w a rd , R udd h ist m onasteries have been noted for th e ir hygienic condilions an d their high level o f culiure. W ith in rhe sim ple stru c tu re o f m o nastic life, people found the freedom to develop spiritually a n d culturally. A rchitectural a n d artistic techn iqu es developed a r o u n d m o nasteries a n d stupas. Discourses on ag ricu ltu ral m eth od s a n d On the investm ent o f merchan is ’ assets a re fo u n d in the Agamas, a n d discussions on m edicines an d m edical prac tires a re included in ihe Vinaya. But B ud d h ism does m o re th an teach people how to ljve ratio n al a n d sen si hie lives. It co n ­ tain s insights in io the existential an d spiritual problem s th at people e n c o u n te r a n d guides th e m as they seek to escape from th eir suffering. B u dd h ist practice focuses on the resolution o f the p ro b le m o f h u m a n suffering.

T h e F o u r N oble T ruths T h e suffering (duhkha) that characterizes h u m a n existence is often raicgorized into four types: birth, old age, illness, a n d dearh, A n ad d itio n al

four types are sometimes added: separation from loved nnesh associa­ tion with people one hates, inability ro obtain what one desires* and d i n g i n g (
are erad icated a n d the e n tire m in d is freed, a siage called " e m a n c i p a ­ tion o f ihe m i n d ’1 ((efo-vimakti). In this state the m ind o p erates in c o m ­ plete freedom , unaffected by r h i m . Because tru e bliss (sukha) is e x p e r i­ enced , nirvana i.Hsom etim es said to be the bliss o f extinction. Because the term “nirvana*' m ay be tran slated as “ ex tin ctio n ,” some people have c o n sidered nirvana 10 be a nihilistic state- However, only ihirsi is e x n n guished, not the m ind itself T h r o u g h the e x lin rtio n o f thirst, correct w isd om is m anifested, a n d w ilh that wisdom ihe u n c h a n g in g iru ih of nirvana is realized. T h u s nirvana w ould seem to be a slate o f existence thai can he logically posited. H o w ev er, ntrvapa can also be u n d e rsto o d as “ perfect peace h1" the tra n q u ility of ihe m in d th at has realized nirvana. S om e scholars prefer to in terp ret nirvana as p er feet p e a c e .2 T h e F o u rth N oble T r u t h is the way th at leads to the cessation o f su f­ fering (duhkhanirvdhagamini praiipad). Ii is e*plained th ro ug h ihe t i g h l ' fold N oble Paih (dtydiidngfrmdrga), which consists o f cu ltiv atin g ihe fol­ low ing a ttitu d e s a n d practices: right views, fight tho ug ht, right speech, righi c o n d u c t, right livelihood, right effort, right m indfulness, a n d right concent ration T h e lirst elem en t o f the p a th , right views, refers to “ see­ ing things as they actually a r e ,” T h e person who sees the world a n d h im self as they actually are com es to know rhe rruth o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig ­ ination. O n the basis o f fight views, right th ought arises, a n d is followed by right specch, right aelions, right livelihood, a n d right effort If th e Buddhist 's ev ery day life is based on right views, his life is in accord with religious tru th . T h e seventh elem eni o f the eightfold path, rcght m in d ­ fulness, has rwo aspects, right aw areness a n d right m em ory. T ogether they are ihe m ental pow ers n ecessary to m a in ta in a correct stale of m ind. T h e last elem en t o f the eightfold path is right c o n cen tratio n O n the basis o f righi views a n d right m in dfuln ess, ihe Buddhist p ra c titio n e r unifies a n d con trols his m in d , a n d thereby practices righi c o n c e n tra tio n o r m ed itatio n. O f the eight elem em s o f the p a ih , right views a n d right co n cen tratio n a re the m osi im p o rta n t. W isd o m arises out of m editation. By p racticin g the ti g h t fold N oble P ath , ihe Buddhist can realize nirvana o r d clivcrancc. In Sanskrit the F o u r N oble T r u th s arc called drya-satya. T h e te rm “a iy a " is tran slated as “ n o b le ” o r “ sa g e ," The B u d d h a m ay have decided to describe so m e o f his most basic d o ctrin e s w ith the w ord (‘dtya ** b ecau se he was co nfideni ihat the tru ih he h ad realized was in fact a t r u t h for th e A r y a n p e o p le. (A t th a t tim e , (he A r y a n p e o p le mi ghl hav e con st it ui ed the world as he knew it-) 'i he F o u r N oble T r u t h s w ere the subject o f th e B u d d h a ’s first ser­ m o n , deliv ered (o ihe five m on ks at ihe D eer P ark. W h e n the five m onks had h e a rd the serm o n they o b ta in e d “ eyes o f w isd o m " (dharma-

idikra) a n d realized th at 1(e very th in g w hich arises (samud&yt-dharma) will tt'iisc (nirodhe-dharma) ' f h e y arc: also saLci to lLhav e M:pn Ih r l ) h a r n i a 1 k n o w n the D h a r m a , a n d becom e enligh ten ed in ihe D h a r m a . '1 T hus w as th e world of the D h a r m a o p en ed io (hen),

T h e M id d le P ath and U n a n sw e red Q uestions T h e Eight Fold N oble Path is also called the M iddle Path n r W ay (madhyamn-praiipad). A life devoted to the pursuit o f o n e ’s desires is v u lg a r an d b ase In d u lg in g in sensual p leasu re does not lead to spiritual progress. H ow ever, the altern ativ e o f p erfo rm in g painful au sterities does not bring benefits. T h e B u d d h a rejected both cT these ex trem es an d a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t by following the M iddle Path T h e M iddle Path consists o f such elem ents as lig h t views, right tho ug ht, a n d right conc e n t ta t ion. T h e significance: o f the te rm lLrig h t ” is net c o m p le te ly ex p lain ed in the discourses on the Right fold N oble Path. R a t h e r it is found in the e x p la n a tio n s of the M id d le Path. All people h o p e that th eir experiences will be p leasan t, b u t a life d ev o ted single mi ndedly to pleasure leads to d e g ra d a tio n , nut to spirit* ufll progress. T h e practice o f austerities requ ires a stro n g will a n d $eri' ous effort' a n d alth o u g h such eilort is a d m ira b le , physical suffering by itself will not result in c n lig h tc n m e n i. A u sterities alone do not im prov e t he p rac t i t ione r "s abil i ty to reasu n 3 he si gn i fi cance o f t he term ’Lri gh t '1 in the e le m e n ts o f the Eightfold Noble P a th lies in the w isd om to dis­ cover the M iddle P a th berw een tw o extrem es. T h e fo rm u la o f th e M id die P a th is ap p lied to a variety o f situations, Besides its use in re g a rd to pleasure a n d suffering (VP, vol. I, p. 10), it is applied to such ex trem e op po site points o f view as an n ih ilatio h ism a n d etern al ism {SN, vol, 2. p. '18) o r the positions that ev e ry th in g exists a n d n othing exists (L W , vol. 2, p. 17). W hile the M iddle Path betw een suffering a n d p leasu re refers to religious p ractice, the M id d le P a th betw een anuih iJation ism a n d e te r ­ nal ism o r berween the views that ev ery th in g exists a n d n o th in g exists le frrs to religious doctrines. T h e religious p ractitio n er should strive to perceive th in g s as they actually arc, a n d not speculate o r hold p re ju ­ dices. If he is to follow the M id d le P a t h H th en lie m u st avoid fixed an d extreme p o sitio n s.1 V iew ing things as they actually are led th e B u d d h a to ad op t a posi­ tion o f r e f u tin g to an sw er certain qu estion s (avydkrta). W h e n the B u d ­ d h a w as asked w h eth er the u niv erse w as etern al o r nm o r w h eth er the univ erse e x te n d e d forever, he rem ain ed silent a n d did not answer. H e also rem ain ed silent when he was asked w h eth er the soul w as the sam e

as ihe body o r distinct from it an d w h en he was q u estion ed a b o u t w h e th e r th r T a th a g a ta (O n e who has thus com e o r B u d d h a) existed a fter d e a th o r not. T h e B u d d h a thus knew th e limits o f k no w ledg e an d did not a n s w e r qu estio ns co n cern in g m etap h y sical subjects a b o u t which m a n could not hav e knowledge. M a in ta in in g silence is dilTicult w hen a person is being ch alleng ed to resp o n d . M o st religious thin kers d u r in g the B u d d h a ’s tim e a rg u e d that only they knew th e absolute tr u th an d th at a n y d iv e rg e n t views were false. T h e y indulged them selves in a rg u m e n ts , each m a in ta in in g lhal his poainon w as correct a n d attack in g th e views o f others. T h e se m e n w ere p ro u d a n d egoistic. E ven if they had discovered religious tiiiths, ihose tr u th s w ere sullied by the blind w ay in w hich people clun g to an d d e fe n d e d them . Because th e B u d d h a rejected a n y type o f clinging, he viewed these d ebates as, futile a n d did not p a rtic ip a te in (hem H e was rational a n d self-control led. H e believed th at even tho ug h each o f fhe h etero d ox th ink ers insisted th at his position presen ted absolute tru th , th e ir positions w ere all relative. T h is situ atio n is illustrated in B uddhist texts by a n ancient tale in which K in g A d a r s a tn u k h a h a d a n u m b e r of b lin d m e n feel a n elep hant a n d th en ex plain w h at an e le p h a n t is {Udnnn, ch ap . 6. see. 4). T h e ir d escrip tio n s o f the e le p h a n t differed in a c c o rd ­ ance w ith ihe p a rt n f t h r anim al they had felt: for ex am p le, th e m a n w ho felt th e tatl said the e le p h a n t was like a rope; the o n e w^ho felr th e side c o m p a re d the e le p h a n t to a wall. T h e B u d d h a ’s ability ro see things as th ey actually a re a n d to rise above prejud ices a n d precon cep tio ns is d e m o n stra te d by his s ta te m e n t that the four castes a rc equal.* " M e n are not born vile. T h e y becom e vile d irn u g h th eir actions. D o not ask abo ut th eir b irth . O n ly ask about th eir actions*' (Sutlanipdta, chap. 3, v , 462). T h u s did the B u d d h a insist th at a m a n ’s w orth be d ete rm in e d th ro u g h his actions.

T h e F i v e A g g re g a te s an d the T e a ch in g o f N o -S e lf T h e B ud dh ist d o ctrin e o f no-Self (andiman; P. anaitan) is one o f the most basic teachings in B uddhism . It refers to the B u dd h ist position that no p erson has a r e a l f p e r m a n e n t, a n d su b stan tial Self, Tt d o t s nor deny, how ever, lhal people h av e selves o r idenlilies in th e con ven tion al sense o f rhe w ord. (In rhis study, w hen the w ord * 's e lf f is used in the sense of an etern al entity, it is capitalized; when it is used in the sense o f change ing entities o r personalities, it is nor capitalized.) W h e n these selves are viewed correctly they will b e seen to develop a n d ch an g e. T h e o rd in a ry p erson, how ever, views at least p a rt of h im self as u n c h a n g in g a n d thus

posits the existence o f a p e r m a n e n t Self a n d clings to this im ag in ed Sell. Because he d i n g s to this Self, he suffers in v ario u s ways. Yet, if the ordin a ry person viewed p h e n o m e n a correctly, he w ould find no p e rm a n e n t S elf In E arly B u d d h is m , the b o d y a n d m ind a re analyzed into five groups o r ag g regates (skandha; I1 kftandha) to d e m o n s tra te the teach in g o f noSelf. T h e five aggregates a r t form (rupa), sen sation (vtdtwa), perception (satnjnd, P. saniia)t m e n ta l form atio ns (samskara, P. sttnkfiard), a n d con$ c i o g j ] W (injndna; P. ifinndnaj. Rufia (form ) refers to things with form an d color, partic u la rly the body. Vtdana, sen satio ns o r s en se-im p res­ sions, a re classified into th ree group*: pleasant, u n p le a sa n t, a n d n eith er pleasant nor u n p le a sa n t. Samjnd are percep t ions, th e form ing o f m ental im ages o r rep resen tatio n s. Samskdra refers to th e p o w er of m e n ta l f o rm a ­ tion lo this case, it refers especially to the fu n ctio n in g o f volition o r the will. Vijndna o r consciousness refers to the fun ctio ns o f recognition an d ju d g m e n t. Because a person is co m po sed of these five c o n s ta n d y c h a n g in g ag gregates, his self js im p e rm a n e n t (amtya). Jf a person clings t o the false view o f an u n c h a n g in g Self, he will inevitably suffer. T h u s i m p e r ­ m a n e n t th in g s are said to be o r lead to su ffe rin g (duhkha) If a p e r m a ­ nent Self did exist, it w ould not be so m eth in g th at suffered o r led to suflering, since p e r m a n e n t entities exist in com plete freedo m a n d thus have n o th in g to do with suffering. T h u s th e very fact o f suffering in d i­ cates that a person does not have a Self. (If th e Self o r dtman existed, accord ing to B u d d h ism , it w ould have ihe characteristics o f b ein g e t e r ­ nal, in d e p e n d e n t, (he c e n tra l clem ent in the personality, a n d (he c o n ­ troller o f actio ns.) T h e B u d d h ist scrip tu res in clu d e statem en t* such as: J,A p artic u la r th in g is not o n e 's S eir(w h en it can be said th at) this thin g is not m ine (mama), I (aham) am not this th in g , o r this th in g is not m y Sejf. T h in g s s h o u ld be viewed w ith correct w isd om , ju s t as (hey a r e . '1' A ccording (o (he d o ctrin e o f no-Self, the p erso nality is in a state o f flux. H ow ev er, the leach in g o f no -5elf is not nihilistic. A ccording to the Silt' ianipdta (vv. 856, 919), both clinging to the idea o f the absence o f Self (mm ltan) a n d c lin g in g to the idea o f a p e rm a n e n t Self (attan) are e r r o r s Eventually, th e first ag g reg ate, form (or nipa), was in te rp re te d as in clu din g all m ateria l things. C onsequently, all im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m ­ ena w ere en co m p assed w ithin (he do ctrine o f the five aggregates. Such im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m e n a w ere called co n d itio n ed dharmm (sarpfkrta dharma, P, sarikhatu dhamma) a n d were c o n tra ste d w ith u n c h a n g in g or etern al existents, w hich w ere called u n co n d itio n ed dharmas (asarrufkrta dharma; P. assankhata-dhaTnrna). Both m'rwinn a n d space w ere considered to he u n co n d itio n ed dharmas. T h is fu n d a m e n ta l classification o f dharmasinto co n d itio n ed a n d u n c o n d itio n e d categories is found in the Agamas.

Ai a la te r date, a d is tin ttio n was m ad e b etw een the view th at no p e r ­ m a n e n t Self co uld be found within the five aggregates (pudgala-nairdtmya) a n d th e m ore inclusive position th at no p e r m a n e n t e n tity could be f o u n d w ithin the dharmas (dharma-nairdlmjya), but this distin ctio n is not found in the Agamas.

T h e D h a rm a an d D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n “ S eeing the D h a r m a " was an im p o rta n t religious aspect o f th e B u d ' d h a +s e n lig h te n m e n t. W h e n th e five m on ks heard the B u d d h a preach his first serm o n a n d h e a rd a b o u t the F o ur N oble T r u th s , th ey ;a w the D h a r m a a n d realized the D h a r m a . T h e ir p u re D harm a^eyes (P dhamma cakkhuTi1 vdttpadi) w ere o p e n e d . T h e te rm D h a r m a (P. D h a m m a ) comes from the root “dkjr,” w hich m e a n s " t o hold o r k e e p ." F ro m that root, the te rm c a m e to m e a n
act eristic), A rana (teaching)* po riyd ti (scrip ture), a n d niuatto (th ing ), E lsew here (AUhasSIiJit, chap. 2y 3also see FH? Expositor, vtj! I , p, ID], B u d d h ag h o sa deletes desarm from the lisi o f four tn e a n in g s a n d adds hetu (caUSe). First, w ithin the context o f the T h r e e Jew els (B u d d h a , D h a r m a h and sangha), D h a r m a m ean* “ the T e a c h in g .M A e the sam e tim e K refers to the tr u th o r to nttvdfta rhat is show n th ro ug h the To aching- S econd, w hen dharma (CA\. fa tia n g ) is used to refer to the n in e Told classification oF ihe T e a c h in g ( it is used in th e sense o f scrip tu re. T h e ninefold classification o f the l e a c h i n g w as a system o f o rg an izin g the m aterial in th e Agamas on the basis of c o n te n t. T h i s division wa* m ade before the m aterial was com piled into a Sutra-pitaka. T h e th ird m e a n in g o f dharma occurs w h en the te rm is used in (he sense o f cause (htUt), as in good o r evi] dharmas. Such dharmas p ro d u ce effects. For ex am p le, a good dharma has the p ow er to p ro d u ce good. W h en dharma. refers 10 so m ething ut-ilher good nor evil (auyafota), it is not used in the sense o f cause since su ch a n event does not hav e th e power iu eause a tjood o r b ad effect. In [he sam e way, so m elh m g th at was net a real entity m ight he railed a n " e x p e d ie n t dharma" (prajfiapli-dharma), but it w ould not be a dharma in the sense o f cause. The fourth m e a n in g of dharma is ''characteristic*' (guna). T h is m ean in g is found in th e list o f the eigh teen characteristics possessed only by the B u d d h a (astadas'o dvfttikd buddhadharmah). Finally, ihe use u f dhanaa as m e a n in g l* thing'1 (P. nissatta, ntjjii'a) is p ecu liar to B u d d h ism . This use o f the te rm does not occur m the Vedas ur in the early Uponifads. T h e dhttmws thai the ttu d d h a realised in his en lig h ten m en t a re included in this usage. W h en the H ud dh a realized en lig h te n m e n t, he " u n d e r s t o o d " nirvana. Nirvana is tr u th a n d real exis­ tence. In ihe sense thai it realty exists, nirvana is in clud ed as a dharma. In o ih e r w o r d 5, dharma is used to lefer to th at aspect of p h e n o m e n a l hat has ihe q u ality o f t r u t h — thaf is, o f h a v in g an e n d u r in g qualify. A p ra c titio n e r
posed (form , sen satio n , percep tio n, m enial form ation s, and conscious­ ness) a rc considered to be dharmcis. H ow ever, the aggreg ates o f form (rvpa) a n d m e n ta l p h e n o m e n a (samskara) t a n be f u rth e r classified anti subdivided tntn ad d itio n al dharmas. Riipa refer!; to butli the IkkJv am i m aterial objects. For the body, live dharmas referring to th e live senses arc listed: eye, car, nose, tongue* a n d body H e r e the laciety refers in the basis o f tactile sensations. Since this Category includes all parts o f the body, it ls eq u iv alen t to the physical body. T h e o lh cr sense o rg a n s. such as the ey et all have the physical body as th eir base Because it was felt that the physiological a n d m e n ta l aspects o f d ie physical body could be explained th ro u g h thc.se live sense n rg an s (indriya)t they w ere co nsid­ ered to be dharmas. T h e m aterial o f the external w orld is also divided in to live categories that a re the objects o f sense perception (panca-vtpayah): form s (rdpa). so un d s, smells, tasies, a n d tang ible objects. Jn this list, form (rupa) is used in a n a r ro w e r sense th an above (w here it referred to all m a tte r). H e re , rupa refers only lo visual objects, things wills form a n d c o l o r Such objects o f vision are f u n her divided in to categories o f color such as blue, yellow, r e d h and white. Each o f these elem ents exists as a dharma S o u n d s, smells, tastes, a n d tan g ible objects a rc also analyzed f u r t h e r into basic units. T h e four basic elem ents o f e a rth , w ater, fire, a n d wind are included in the catego ry o f tangible objects. T h e dkarmns related to (he m ind were inclu ded in the catego ry «f mental fo rm atio ns (sQmsk&ra) w h en categorized accord ing io the five agg reg ates. Such dharmaJ as atte n tio n (manasktira), intellect (malt), am i m ind fu lness (smrci) were also listed in this group. A tiitu d es such as belief (sraddha) and assiduous striving (vtrya) w ere tre ated as h a v in g the po w er to influence the m ind a n d ihus w ere considered in this g ro u p D efilem ents (kiiia) such as lust (rdga), h a tre d (pwtigha), pride (mdna), d o u b t (uicikttsd), an d w ro n g views (tdrift) w ere dharmas, In ad ditio n, thirst (trsnd) a n d ig no ran ce (auidya) were co n sid ered to be dharmas because they had specific puvvrrs o v er the m ind th a| ro u ld lnf e x t i n ­ guished from th e pow ers o f o ih e r dhamuis. I he identities o f a n u m b e r of different dharmas w ere d e te rm in e d using this type oF reasoning- In some o f the later passages in the Agamas, dharmas were classified acco rdin g io th e five aggregates (jkamfaa), the twelve bases (dya/ana)r a n d [he eighteen element* (tfAaJu) F ig u r e ! shows th e relationships a m o n g these. I n E arly B u d d h ism , the n u m b e r of dharmas is not fixed. Not is the te rm “dharma '"lim ited to ju s t the basic elem en ts o f exisiencc. H ow ever, if a survey o f early Buddhist literatu re w ere m ad e a n d the item s called dharmas e n u m e r a te d , the result w ould be close to the lists given above. Early B uddhists tried to explain individual existence th ro u g h theories

F i g u r e 1. C o m p a r i s o n o f th e F iv e A g g re g a te s , T w e lv e B ases, a n d E i g h t e e n E le m e n ts T w elv e Bases

E ig h teen E lem ents

I 2. Ii 4 5. 6 7.

Eye — Ear N ose Tongue body — Mind — F o rm s ------------

8. Sounds

9. 10 11 12 13. 14 15. Iti

Smells Tastes Tangible objcctsMenial objects Eye-consciousness----F.ar consciousncss Nose-consciousness Tongue-consciousncss

>

1 . Eye----2. Ear 3. Now 4. Tongue 5. Hotly — G. Mind — 7. Furms— 8. Sounds 9 Smells 10. T a s l n —] 1 7ii risible ot>jec [s 12 Mem*] object*—

Five Aggregates

I Form

5. Consciousness

— 2 Sensations I), f'erffpiiorh — 4, Mental formations

17 Rndy*con3ciousnc5S

18 Mind-consciousness_ ab ou t dharmas a n d thus saw Their existence as red u ced to physical a n d merita( dharmas. "I hcsc dkatmai w rrv not SLdjstant LaJ, eternally existing entities. T h e y arose th ro u g h D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (praitiyasamuipanna-dharma). T h e q u ality o f Truth is sug g ested b y the te rm "dharma " T h u s calling existents “dharmas** suggested thaT they w ere tr u e in some sense. \ ;iri'dna was said to be (he highest dharma because o f its qualities o f etern ality and tru th . Bui o th e r dharmas thai arose th ro u g h Dependent O r i g i n a ­ tion (pralftyasamutpdda) w ere also considered to h av e a n elem en t o f tru th T h e term "prattiyasamtitpdda" ( D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n ) is com posed of the elem ents "praiitya " ( m u t u a l l y d e p e n d e n t J a n d "'samutpadn ^ ( o r i g i n a ­ tion). a n d thus refers to item s th at exist by beinfl m u tu ally d ep en d en t or related to o th e r item s. In C h in e s e the term is tran slated “yiia.Tt-cht " with the “yiian ” s ta n d in g Tor "praiyaya” (con dition ) a n d “chi’* for swnutpada (o rig in atio n ), thus indicating that o n e ’s existence is d e p e n d e n t u p o n anti co n d itio n ed by others. T h is conccpt is expressed in the general for­ m u la th at “ W h e n (his exists, th at exists. Because this is p ro d u ced , TliaT is p ro d u c e d . W h e n This does not exisT7 (hat does not exist. W h e n this ceases, th at ceases." Being d e p e n d e d on others is a gen eral rule for all existence. T h e w orld is thus a place where n o th in g exists in d ep en d en tly

E a AlY BtJ&DHtST D o c t r i n k of e v e ry th in g else. In a spatial sense, this relation ship is described as “ b e in g m u tu ally c o n d itio n e d " (tdam pmtjayatd)* T h e world arises on the basts ol elem en ts ihat are m u tu a lly d e p e n d e n t a n d ihat cooperate or function in harm ony. T h is characteristic (dhdtu) o f the w orld is true w h eth er o r nut a B u d d h a a p p e a rs in ihe w orld, Dhamtas are established throu gh the ch aracteristic o f cau sality (S N f vol. 2, p. 25). Mew dharmas arise th ro u g h ihe c o m b in e d actions of several causes. T h u s co n n ectio n s arc present betw een the causes a n d the resu ltan t dharmas. These causal relationships ex ten d back into th e distant past. In term s o f space, th ey sp read th ro u g h o u t the e n tire world. T h u s a dMi<mnii*reaJrti (dharma-dhdtu) exists for each individual dharma^ which consists o f all o f iTS related dharmas. T h e lineages o v e r a period o f tim e for each dharma. o f ihe w orld are not simple. T h e y could not be rep resen ted , for exam ple, by a single silken Ihread If a p e rso n 's life a n d hered ity a re co n sid ered , lh ai person had two p a re n ts who in tu rn each h a d two p a re n ts. T h u s a single p e r s o n ’s a nee slurs ( a n d his h ered ity ) can be tra ced th ro ug h m any, m a n y people in a n e v e r-w id e n in g circle. Influences from m yriads of people are co n ­ cen trated in each indiv idu al life. T h e universal quality o f each p e rs o n 's life a n d h e re d ity — in o th e r w ords, the dharma'realm o f in divid ual exis­ tence— is found in such relations. C onsequently, p h e n o m e n a th at arise i(l acc o rd a n c e with the laws o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n are called dhar­ mas. T h is sam e type o f i n t e r n lai ion ship o ccu rs in te rm s o f space. A p h e n o m e n o n is related to o th e r things th ro u g h o u t the world. T h u s the world of d e p e n d e n t relations is a realm o f relationships a n d cu n iin m iie s, a dharma' r e a lm „ Each dharma is an indiv idu al existent a n d is thus sep arate a n d distinct fro m o th er dharmas. h \ o th er w o rd s, besides being related to o th er dhar­ mas, each dharma also has an aspect that establishes il as an individual entity. Tor ex am p le, lust can be correctly recognized because it exhihits qualities peculiar to lust, it thus was considered lo be a n individual entity. A g a in , w h en hate is c o m b in ed with to v e h h aie is not m anifested A lthough hate a n d love a re p resent at the sam e tim e, they a re distinct. L a te r, on th e basis o f such a r g u m e n ts , abhidharma scholars defined a dharma as s o m e th in g h a v in g its ow n identifying mark* w hich m ad e it clearly recog nizab le a n d d isting uish able from Others. Dharmas, th en , hav e two aspects: they a re interrelated a n d they are distinct from each other. In o th e r words, they have both universal an d individual qualities. Both o f these types o f qualities are bused on D e p e n ­ d ent O rig in a tio n . As an early text stares: “ T h ose who see D e p e n d e n t O rig in a l ton, sec the D h a r m a . T h o s e w ho sec the D h a r m a , see D e p e n ­ d ent O r ig in a tio n " (M N . vol. 1, p. 119). Each dharma has its own char-

a m r i s t i c a n d exists as a ca u se o r as the p o w e r to p e rfo rm a function Bui at the s a m e tim e, a dharma is im p e rm a n e n t a n d n onsub^tantial (analmarj). L ater, 1Ko M a h a y a n a iiiSiilciiCt that ~a\\ dharmas a rc e m p ty Mr non substantial was based on th e early Buddhist do ctrin e th at all dharmas a re Sclf-Jcsn a n d im p e rm a n e n t. T hese qualities of dharmas were m ajo r th em es in th e B u d d h a s serm o n s. A typieaJ ex am p le is rhe following p assage from a discussion o f lb* live aggregates; ''F o r m is im p e r m a ­ nent. Because it is im p e rm a n e n t, it is suffering S in ce dharmas are im p e rm a n e n t, suffering, a n d subject to change* they are d evoid o f a Self.” A lthough dharmas h av e th eir ow n th aratttrisliL S , they d o not esisl independently, T h e y d e p e n d On Conditions o r causes— in o th e r w ords, on o th er dharmas— in o rd er to arise. Dharmat thus inevitably ch an g e. T h e basic n a tu r e v t dharmas is said to be decay a n d chan ge. Thest: teaching s arc s u m m a r is e d in the fo rm u la o f tht- three m arks (o r characteristics) o f existence by early B uddhists {Dhammapada, W . 277*279): ( I ) All dharmas a re devoid o f Self (P. sabbe dhamma anatld). (2) All p h e n o m e n a a re im p e rm a n e n t (P sabbe sahkhard anicca). (3) AI! phen o m e n a a re sufferin g (P. sabbe sankhdfS dvkkhd). T h e first [wo m a rk s are Chisety re la te d asjHtctS o f p h e n o m e n a . T h e n o r th e rn Buddhist trad ition sub stitu tes fLnirvana is tra n q u ility ” for the th u d m a rk . T h e s t a t e m e n t "all p h e n o m e n a a r e i m p e r m a n e n t rf suggests chat alt existence is ceaselessly ch an g in g . I m p e rm a n e n c e is the essential n atu re o f co n d itio n ed dharmas. Since dharmas ch an g e constantly, they c an n o t be g rasp ed as fixed entities. T h e term “sa^iskdra" (P. JaAkhata), som etim es tra n sla te d as 41the act o f f o rm in g " o r “ s o m e th in g fo rm e d 1' (in o ther w ords, pheno m en a)* reflects this quality. T h u s to stress the fluid n a tu r e o f all existence, the second m a rk is “ all sarnskdra a re im p e r m a n e n t,” not L’ all dharmas a re im p e rm a n e n t .” T h e term "samskara" concerns the in terrelatio n sh ip s present in existence, while the lerm dharma11 conte r n s the entities o f which existence is com posed. T h a t is, the te rm s are concerned w ith different aspects o f the sam e things a n d events. E xistence is con stan tly ch an g in g . A lthough m a n can n o t escape this basic fact, he still clings to things an d tries to keep th e m fm m ch a n g in g , leading to inevitable d isa p p o in tm e n t. T h u s the third m a rk is that all p h e n o m e n a a re suffering A lthough e v ery th in g is c h a n g in g , that chan ge is a c o n tin u u m . A n y th in g in th at c o n tin u u m w ith its ow n m a rk is a dharma. Vet dharmas are also the co nstan tly c h a n g in g StHjU&araS. T h u s dharmas shrjuld not Ik: clun g to as su b stan tial entities, a teaching expressed in the form ula “ All dharmas are devoid o f Self,11 In co n clu sio n , by u n d e rs ta n d in g D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n a n d the n o n s u b sta n tia lity of things, the Buddhist p ractitio n er comes to u n d e r ­ sta n d the w ay in w h ic h existence m ay b** view ed sts dharmttst he com es to k now the tru e n a tu r e o f existence.

T h e T w e lv e L m k $ o f D ep en den t O rig in a tio n {’dvffdaidjiga pratityasam utpdda ) T h e teachin gs on dharmas arc ap p lied to a n in d iv id u a l’s life th ro u g h the d o ctrin e o f rhe twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n , T h e twelve Jinks (anga) are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Ignorance (avidyd) M e n ta l form ations (samskara) C o n scio u sn ess (vijndna) N a m e a n d form (ndmarupa) Six sense o rgans (paddyatana) C o n ta c t lietween sense o r g a n an d sense object (spatsa) S en satio ns (vedand) D esirc(lrfn d ) G ra sp in g (upddano) C o m in g into existence (bhava) B irth (jdli) O ld age a n d death (jardmararta).

T h e twelve Jinks rrveal (he basis o f m a n s existence, the fun ctio nin g of reb irth a n d k a rm a . The Iasi Zink, old age a n d d e a th (jaTamererta), is symbolic o f th e suffer* m g o f o u r lives. T h e basis for old age a n d d e a th is birth (jatf), Tf a p e r ­ son is born, th en ag ing a n d death inevitably will follow. In form ulations o f the twelve links, this relation ship is usu ally expressed in (lie following w ay: H‘Birth is a (necessary) Condition for agin g a n d d e a th ." Birth w ould not occur w ithout c o m in g into existence (bhava). S ince bhava refers to re b irth , th e causes o r co nd itio ns for rebirth a re th e p receding ro u n d s o f births a n d deaths. T h u s teachings on reb irth a n d d e a th are included in the d o ctrin e o f the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . T h o s e r o u n d s o f b irth a n d d e a th are suffering. O n e o f the principal cau ses o f com ing in to existence (bhava) is clinging o r g raspin g (updAdna). C lin g in g to existence is a m ajo r factor in the c o n tin u a tio n o f existence. T h u s " g r a s p in g is a necessary condition for b e c o m in g .1' A m a jo r factor in the d ev elo p m en t of g rasp ing is desire (trfna, P. ianfid). At the basis of all d efilem en ts (kltsa) arc desire a n d dissatisfaction- T h u s , d e s ir r is said to be a cause o f grasping. O u r w orld o f delusion ii based on desire. In fact, n o th in g m ore basic t h a n desire can be d e te rm in e d . C o n seq u en tly , desire is fo u n d at th e b e g in n in g o f a sh o rter list o f five links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n (hat il hist rate how d esire leads to suffering: desire, g rasp in g , becom ing, b irth , a n d old age a n d death. Desire arises as the result o f variou s

Causes, i n the list o f t h e twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n , se n sa ­ tions (vedand) a re a necessary condition o f desire. S en satio n consists of the- receptio n of d a ta from sense objects. It can be classified in to three categories: p leasan t, u n p le a s a n t, anil n e ilh r r pleasam n o r u n p le a s a n t. W h en sensation s are ex perienced, desires arise T h u s sensations are said to be the causc o f desire. T h e causc o f sensation is contact (sparsa; P. phasia), the con tact of subject a n d object in p ercep tio n , or in o th e r w ords, the h a rm o n io u s inti-rat lion o f consciousness (aijndfia; P vinndna), sense object (vifaya), a n d sense o rg an (indrtya). C o n ta c t thu* is th e relation o f sense objects w ith th e faculties o f p ercep tio n , a n d in this way is a necessary co nd ition if sensation is to occur. C o ntact is d e p e n d e n t u p o n the six sense o rg an s (faddyatano) o r bases o f p ercep tio n : ( y e t ear, nose, lo n g u e , body, a n d m ind. If the sadayatana a re c a p ta in e d in term* o f subject a n d object, the si* sense objects (form s, sou n d s, smells, tastes, tangible objects^ a n d ideas) arc also included,. thus m a k in g this category e q u iv a le n t to the twelve bases (dytilmta) o f perception , l’hc sadAyaiana a^e fhus co n sidered lo be ihe cau se o f con tact. T h e existence o f the sis sense o rg an s is d e p e n d e n t u p o n th e m in d an d b od y (ndmarupa) o f a person. Ndma refers to th at which can b e n a m e d bul uoi seen, the m in d , Rupa refers to the hndy, b u t in a b ro a d e r sense it also refers to all m aterial ohjects. C on sequent Iy, ndmarupa is said to be a n ecessary co nd ition for the j addyaiano (six sense organs). T h e basis o f a p e rso n 's m in d an d body (ndtnartipa) is said to be his consciousness (oijndnd), in o th e r w ords, the m e n ta l fu nctio ns o f c o g n i­ tion such as recognition a n d ju d g m e n t. Six types o f consciousness are identified: eye-conscious ness, ear-consciousness, nose-consciousness, to n g u e'c o n scio u sn ess, body-consciousness, a n d m in d ’consciousness. If consciousness com pletely stops, th e m in d a n d body will soon cease to exist, b ecause the m ind a n d body are d e p e n d e n t on consciousness for th eir co o rd in atio n a n d unity. F ro m a b ro a d e r perspective, the world is a p p r e h e n d e d th ro ug h the cog nitiv e fu n ctio n in g ol consciousness. T h u s consciousness is said to he ihe cau se of m in d a n d body (rtdmartipn). H o w ­ ever, the activities o f conscious;]ess a re only possible in a fu n ctio n in g m in d a n d body. C on scio usness can n o t exist w ithout a body. T h u s ndmarupa m ay also be said to be the cause o f consciousness Ndmarupa a n d bijndna clearly h a v e a relation of m u tu a l d e p e n d e n c e . It w ould thus tie possible to e n d the search Ibr the cau se o f Suffering at this point. H ow ev er, even tho ug h m in d a n d body a n d consciousness a re said to be m u tu ally d e p e n d e n t, consciousness acts as the unify ing a n d m ore active elem ent in rhe relation. C o nsciousness is th u s said to be m ore basic th an m in d a n d body.

C Lin scions ness is d e p e n d e n t u p o n m ental form ations (sarpskara) A lthough a p e rs o n ’s experiences arc o rg an ized a n d unified by his co n ­ sciousness, his consciousness assu m es its indiv idu al c h a ra c te r from thought a n d sp eculatio n. T h e forces lhal color and shape consciousness arc ealted (lie j armkdra. In its mosi general sense, samskara refers to the ]K»wfr lo form (hjngs. F o r f i a m p l e , in [he Pali slaECnu-nl JoiiMiirn" aniccd 13 (all sarnskaras a re im p e rm a n e n t), it refers to the forces that form ev ery th in g in the world, In a n a rro w e r sense, lamikara refers to the fourth o f the five ag gregates, m ental fo rm atio n s, particularly volition In the context o f [he twelve links of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , j amskaro refers io ihe m enial fo rm atio ns that influence consciousness. Jt is often explained as referrin g (o k a r m a r Past k a r m a influences consciousness, wEiich th en acts a n d m akes ju d g m e n ts u n d e r those influences. A p reco n d itio n for jamskdra is atiidyti (P. auijjd) o r ig no ran ce. In this instance, ig n o ra n ce refers to th e absence o f correct know ledge. An ig n o ­ ran t person does not know thai im p e rm a n e n t p h e n o m e n a a r e h in fact, im p e rm a n e n t. H e is u n a b le to see things as they actually are- Ig n o ra n c e is not an active q u ality It at her, various delusions are p ro d u c e d when o th er m en tal activities are influenced by ig n o ra n c e E v ery ih in g that a w orldling (prthagjaw) sees is influenced by ig no ran ce. H ow ever, just as a d r e a m ceases as soon as a p erson realizes th at it is a d re a m , so does ig n o ra n ce d is a p p e a r as soon as a person realises Ihat it is ig norance. C o n seq u en tly , the p u rp o se o f rhe d octrine o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n is fulfilled wiih th e discovery o f ignorance. Because ig no ran ce is ihe cause of m ental form ations, the cessation o f ig no rance results in (he e n d in g nf m cm a! form al ions (samskara). Similarly, th e cessation o f m ental f o rm a ­ tions results in (he cessation nf consciousness and so nn until the process results in the cessation o f old ag e a n d death. T h e twelve links o f D e p e n ­ den t O rig in a tio n ihus illustrate how th e existence o f suflerin g can be e n d e d , until finally all o f the aggregates o f suffering (duftkhn-skondhi) are said to have been ex tin g u ish ed . M ed itatio n on this process o f succes­ sively p u ttin g an end to the twelve links is often d o n e b ack w ard , sta rtin g with uhl age a n d d e a th . T h e B u d d h a is said to have realized e n lig h te n ­ m ent by m ed itatin g on the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a l ion fur' w ard a n d b a c k w a rd . T h e twelve links should be viewed dharmas existing acco rdin g to the taws o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . If a person cannoi m aster ihe law of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n a n d u n d e rs ia n d dharma iheory, he c an n o t correctly u n d e r s ta n d the twelve links. If he views th e twelve links egocen^ trically, as th ou gh he w ere a n u n c h a n g in g entity, they will be no m o re th an m e re concepts to h im , ce rta in ly not a vivid illustration o f Aharma [heory a n d D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . W h en [he twelve links a rc u n d e r ­ stood, a p e r s o n ’s incorrect views abo u t the Self are correctcd.

T h e twelve links can be used as a com p lete o u tlin e for u n d e r s ta n d in g D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , S h o rte r sets o f links w ere also used to explain certain Buddhist [cachings. S o m etim es igno ran ce a n d m en [a! formalions were o m itte d from the list o f links, leaving ten links. T h is set w ould thus begin w ith consciousness a n d n am e a n d fo rm , tw o m utually d e p e n d e n t links. It was used to d e m o n stra te th at existence is suffering. At o th er tim es, the link o f the six sense o rg an s was also o m itted , leaving only n in e links A short list consisting o f only rhe last five links (desire to old age a n d d e a th ) was used to d e m o n stra te the close connection betw een desire a n d suffering Even sim p ler ex p lan atio n s o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n w ere som etim es em ployed- Since th e F o u r N oble T r u th s consist o f two sets o f cause a n d effect, they could l)c considered to be h simplified form o f the teach in g o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a ti o n . T h e full set o f twelve links was p ro b ab ly not found in B ud d h ism from the very b e g in n in g . W h e n S a k y a m u n i sat u n d e r ihe bodki-irec an d m e d ita te d on the tru th o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n * he p ro b ab ly u n d e r ­ stood ii in an intuitive w a y T h e discovery o f the n a tu r e o f his ig n o ra n ce was eq u iv alen t to u n d e rs ta n d in g D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n , L ater, as the tru th of D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n w a s ex p lain ed lo others, v a rio u s w a y s n f leachin g it w ere developed, un til these ex p lan atio n s w ere com piled into th eir final form as the twelve links. M e d ita tio n s on D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n necessarily involved con sid eratio n o f dhamas. T h r o u g h these m ed itatio n s, the causes o f o n e 's delusions eo uld be p u rsu ed . I h e v ario u s sets of links, devised w ith this goal in m in d , becam e extrem ely im p o rta n t in later forms o f B u d d h ism . Since the i,rnk o f m ental form at inns could be in te rp re te d as referring to k arm a a n d the link o f b eco m in g as referring to rebirth* l>oth r e b in h a n d k a r m a w ere in co rp o raied in to teachings on D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tion. T h e o rie s a h o u t b o th rebirth an d k a r m a h ad b eg un to develop a r o u n d the tim e o f the carjy Upanifodi a n d the B u ddha. T h e se theories w ere in c o rp o ra te d into B uddhism and in te rp re te d in co n c o rd a n c e with B u dd hist doctrine.

R e ligio u s P ra ctice A cco rd in g to early B udd hist teachings, religious tru th was realized when the p ra c titio n e r saw things as they actually existed with a m in d u nfettered by delusions a n d defilem ents. T h u s , prejudices a n d cltngm g — lo both m aterial objects a n d w rong ideas— h a d to be elim in ated . Bad m ental q u alities w ere called defilem ents (kUie; P. kittsa). D esire (trfrid) a n d ign orance (avtdya) w ere the most serious a n d fu n d a m e n ta l defile-

mentst Ignorance was also known as stupidity

(m aha), M o h a , ruga

(lust),

a n d dvcpa (a n g e r o r h a tre d ) w ere often g ro u p e d to g eth er as basic defile■ m e n ts a n d called the three poisons (tndosapaha) because o f th eir p o w e r­ ful effects on th e m in d . O t h e r serious defilem ents m en tio n ed in early B uddhist scrip tures w ere p rid e , d o u b ts a b o u t m ajo r B u dd hist te a c h ­ ings, a n d w ro n g views. D efilem en ts lhal c o n trib u te d to an indiv idu al's cgocentricity, such as p rid e in h im self the belief in an u n c h a n g in g Self, a n d clinging to m ateria l objects, received special atten tion . W ro n g ideas a b o u t the world, such as the belief that ritu als lead to salvation o r blind ad h eren ce to incorrect views, prevented the d ev elo p m en t oT correct views. Because w ro n g attitu d es w ere th o u g h t to flow o u tw a rd from the m in d , d efilem ents were also called LHim p u ritie s ” o r “ im p u re outflow s" (dsrava). Because defilem ents (Mesa) tain ted th e m in d , B ud dh ist p ractitin n ers strove to e lim in ate such d efilem en ts A ccord ing to o n e view o f B uddhist p ractice, on ce the d efilem en ts w ere e lim in a te d , the m in d was no lo n g er c o n ta m in a te d a n d the w isd om th at was the tru e n a tu r e o f the m in d was n a tu ra lly m an ife sted (prakrti-pafistiddham cittam). T h e beginnings of ibis train of th o u g h t a p p e a re d in the Agamas (th ou gh the te rm prakrti was not u sed w ith the m e a n in g o f essential n a tu r e in early so u rces).7 A n o th e r in terp retatio n was m a in ta in e d by some Hodd hist p raciitinners. A cco rd in g to this second view, defilem en ts such as hist, ang er, an d the affirm ation o f an eternal* u n c h a n g in g Self w ere not ex tra n e o u s attifcudes th at ob scured rhe n a tu r e o f the m in d b u t w ere an intrinsic part o f the p ractitio n er. C o n seq u en tly , a clear division betw een the iru e n a tu r e o f the m in d a n d e x tra n e o u s defilem ents cou ld not be m a in ta in e d . How* ever, since the correct w isdom , w hich den ies the defilem ents, is also found in the p r a c titio n e r the p o w er nf self-denial would also seem to be a p a rt o f the m ind. T h is position w as in co m p atib le w ith th e view that the tru e n a tu r e o f the m ind was p u re . As B ud d h ism d ev elo p ed , b o th of these positions were m a in ta in e d a n d elabo rated by practitioners C o rrect wisdom was to be realized th rou gh the practice o f the E ig h t­ fold N oble P a th , Buddhist practice was also described by the T hreefold L e a rn in g (infit siifdm ), w hich consisted o f morality, m e d ita tio n , an d wisdom . T h e p ractiiio n er first resolved to live in a m oral m a n n e r by fol­ lowing the Huddhisi precepis* H e placed his faith in th e T h r e e Jew els (the B u d d h a , his Teaching, a n d the o rd e r) a n d th en followed the precepis a p p r o p ria te to his status. A lay believ er followed five precepts (ab stin en ce from taking life, from stealing, from illicit sexual co n d u ct, from false Speech, a n d from intoxicants). T h o s e w ho re n o u n c e d lay life to b e c o m e noviccs, m o n k s, o r n u n s o b serv ed ad ditio n al p recep ts in accord an ce with thcLr Status. F| he Sc precepts form ed the basis for a strict

life o f religious practice. Because th e p ra c titio n e r re m o v e d h im self fm m had influences th ro u g h his observance o f the precepts, h e w as able to lead a life free from rem orse a n d anxiety. O b s e rv a n c e o f the precepts was thus said to lead to good health. W ith a tra n q u il m in d a n d a health y body, th e p r a c tu io n e r p re p a re d to begin th e next phase oi his p r a c t k e , m e d ita tio n (adhicitiam), the second pfirt o f th e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g . T h is stage cu lm in ated in th e cultivation [if th e four stages o f trance (caiur-dhydna). A n u m b e r o f practices to p re ­ p are a person for th e four stages uf tra n ce w ere Hcscribcd, inclu ding m e d ita tio n s on the c o u n tin g o f b re a th s, on (he im p u rity o f the body* on the four re m e m b ra n c e s (catidn smrty-upasthdndni: to caJl to m in d th at the hody is im p u re, th at sensations are suffering, th at the m in d is im p c rm a n e m T a n d that p h e n o m e n a a re w ithout su b stan tial reality), on the lour u n lim ited m in ds (ati\vary apramdridni o r brahmauihdra; a m ity tow ard Oth­ ers, com passio n for the suffering of others* sym path etic jo y at the good hurt Line o f others, anti e q u a n im ity ), a n d on the th ree gates to e m a n c ip a ­ tion (n on su bstan tiality , signlessness, a n d wishlessness). M ed itatio n was classified in to two m ajo r categories: q u ie tin g the mint! (samatha; P. j amaiha) anti th en , on the basis o f that tra n q u il m ind, g ain in g insight (mpafyand; P. vtp&fwrjd) in to the tru th. T h e th ird p a rt o f the T h re e fo ld L e arn in g was the cu ltiv atio n o f w is­ d o m a b o u t D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n . T h is w isd o m was based on medita* tion. Wheci m e d ita tio n was divided into the categories o f m e n ta l t r a n ­ quility (samatha) anti insight (vipasyana), insight was so m elim es in clu d ed in the category of wisdom in t h e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g , T h e four r e m e m ­ b ra n c e s a n d four u n lim ited m in d s w ere m ajo r form s o f vipasyand, but the m ost im port am forms o f vipasyand m ed itatio n used to d ev elo p wis­ d o m w ere m ed itation s on th e F o u r Noble T r u th s , on th^ five aggregates (realizing th at each ag g reg ate is i m p e r m a n e n t, n on su b stan tial, a n d ch a ra c te riz e d by suffering), a n d on D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (consisting o f reflecting on th e links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n hoth fo rw ard an d b ack w ard ). As corrcct w isdo m developed, the d efilem en ts (kld a ) w ere elim in ated . W h e n th e T h re e fo ld L e a rn in g had been co m pleted, freedo m from suffering was realized T h e p ra c titio n e r knew th at he h a d been em an ci p a te d (vimtikti-jndna). Because all defilem ents h a d been elim in ated , e m a n c ip a tio n was said to be p u re o r uninMuenLed by the defilem ents (anasrava). A person w ho h a d realized mwdjia w as said to have th e " fiv e ­ fold m erit o f the body o f the Dharmo” ( C h . wu-Jrn Jti'shen-. morality, m e d ­ itatio n , w isd om , e m a n c ip a tio n , and the know ledge a n d vision thai a c c o m p a n y e m a n c ip a tio n ). T h e se were th e dharmas o f religious practice th a t the arbat realized.

In ad d itio n , a list o f thirty-seven practices th at led to en lig h te n m e n t (bodhipaksa) w as em p h a siz e d in early Kuddhist sources. T h e thirty-seven w ere as follows: The four r e m e m b ra n c e s (smrty-upatthdnani) T h e four correct exertions (jomyak-praAana) T h e four practices necessary for th e a tta in m e n t o f s u p e r n a t u ­ ral pow ers (jddhipdda): the cultivation ol strong inten tio n (chanda), a ssid u o u s striving (bfiya), m e n ta l application (itUa), a n d e x a m in a tio n (mtnuim.id) 13—] 7. T h e five d o m in a n t religious faculties (indriyo): faiih (sraddhti), assiduous striving (vfrya), m ind fu lness (sati)f co n cen tratio n (zantddfti), a n d w isd o m (prttjnd) I ft-22. I he live pow ers (bdla): th e sam e as the five faculties except th at ihe five pow ers a rc stead ier a n d m ore linmly established 2 3 -2 0 . T h e seven elem ents tra d in g to e n lig h te n m e n t (sambodhy-ariga): m in d fu ln ess (yati), d iscrim in atio n co n cern in g the dharma (dharma-viaiya), a ssid u o u s striv in g (virya), jo y (prill), m ental tra n q u ility (prasrabdhi), c o n c e n tra tio n (satnadhi), a n d e q u a ­ n im ity (upekid)

1-4. 5-6. 9 -1 2 .

30-37. The Eightfold Noble Path T h r o u g h these practices, a person a d v an ced tow ard e n lig h te n m e n t alo ng a w ay divided into four m ajo r stages: s tre a m -e n tra n t (srataapaflrta), once- r e tu rn e r (sakrddgdmin), ntrn re tu rn e r (andgdmin), and arhai (w o rth y o r saint). Each o f these stages w as subdivided into a path (ptttipanna) lead in g tn the stage (h ere a fte r this subdivision is called the c a n d i d a l for the stage) a n d th e fruit (phala) o f the p ath , thus m a k in g a total o f eight categories. T h e se categories a p p e a r in the Agamas. T h e terna *^)ttream~ijntrtnt” referred to a person w ho had en tered a n d was p artic ip a tin g in the stream th at is B uddhism . H e will not retrogress fm m this stage. A person h e r a m c a s tr e a m -e n tra n t w h en he placed his (aith in the T h r e e Jew els (B u d d h a , D h a r m a , a n d sarigha) a n d observed the precepts. O t h e r theories o f how a person b ecam e a s tr e a m -e n tra n t a re found in Buddhist scriptu res. F or ex am p le, a p erso n was said to becom e a s tre a m -e n tra n t w h en he h ad cast off the three Fetters o f belief in a p e r m a n e n t Self, d o u b t, a n d the belief that m orality o r rituals will lead to salvation. A ccording to a n o th e r theory, a person becam e h s tre a m -e n tra n t w hen he saw ^'things as they actually a re " s T h e term “ once-re t u r n e r ” referred to so m eo n e who h a d lo re tu rn lo this w orld once m o re before a tta in in g ntrvdna. A p erso n m ight die w ith ­ out com pleting his religious practice an d be born in a h eav en w h e re he

could c o n tin u e it- II Ilv wt i t u n ab le lo c o m p k lc his practice and attain nirvana in heaven h he w o u ld [hen be born in this world once m o re to fin­ ish his religious train in g ; hence, he was called a o nce-retu rn er. A tta in ­ m e n t o f ihiii stage was said to result fm m ih e e lim in a tio n o f [he three fet­ ters and w eak en in g the hold o f the [hree poisons (lust, h a tre d , a n d d elusion). T h e te rm “ n o n r e t u r n e r ” referred to a p erso n w ho h a d died in this world a n d was reb o rn in a h eav en where he w ould attain nirvana. 1 Itr did not re tu rn to [his world. A n o n r e tu r n e r w as said to hav e cut ofl the five letters b in d in g hitn to the d esire-realm : belief in a Self, belief that rituals lend to salvation, d o u b t, h a tre d , a n d lust. An arhaty a person w ho has attain ed the fourth a n d last Stage, had com p leted his religious tra in in g , elim in ated all his defilrmcnt-s, an d a tta in e d nirvana in this world. I he above view o f the stages of practice is found in the Agarttes. It c o m b in e d religious p ractice with B uddhist ideas o f reb irth a n d the three realm s (d esire, form , a n d formless) into which a person m ight be re b o rn D o ctrin es w ere thus arrived at th at w ould acc o m m o d a te those people w ho could not realize e n lig h te n m e n t d u r in g th eir c u r re n t life­ tim es by allow ing th e m to co ntin ue their practice o v e r a n u m b e r of life­ tim es. T h e concept o f hells (narata, nirajya) is also found in the/l^awjaj, as is the bchci that a [ifiStm wikuld b t burn Lritu One u f five destinies (pafica gatoyah): d en izen s o f hell h h u n g ry ghosts, an im als, h u m a n beings, gods,

T h e Buddha The stages o f the four can d id ates an d four fruits described above refer to the e n lig h te n m e n t o f the B u d d h a's disciples. Since the B u d d h a a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t shortly after he sat u n d e r the iWAi-tree, these stages did not apply to him- L a te r, h ow ever, w h en N ik ay a (s e c ta ria n or H in a y a n a ) B u ddhism was developing, the B ud d h a was said to have practiced the six perfections for three incalculable eons a n d then for a n o th e r h u n d r e d eons to p ro d u ce the th irty-tw o special characteristics o r a B u d d h a 's body. T h is th eo ry was later ad o p te d by M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dhists. Even in early B u d d h ism , the fdtaka tales o f the B u d d h a 's p r e ­ vious births w ere e x p o u n d e d to describe his earlier religious practices. D u rin g S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a ’s lifetime, his disciples w ere inspired by his im pressive personality, but th ey still viewed him as a h u m a n being. It was after the H u d d h a s d e a th that lie was g rad ually divin ized an d viewed as s u p e rh u m a n T h e B u d d h a w as called T a th a g a ta (the “ T h u s C o m e O n e 1’ o r he w ho h a d com pleted his practices a n d arrived at

e n lig h te n m e n t), A rh ai (w orthy), S a m y a k sa rp b u d d h a {he w ho has att a tried s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t), an d o th er honorific n a m e s, m ak ing a list o f te n titles. T h e body o f [he B u d d h a — like that o f o th er m en, nn p e r­ m a n e n t a n d not free from (he suffering n f b i r l h , old age, sickness, an d d e a th — was nevertheless believed to hav e h a d th irty tw o m a rk s that a p p e a le d only on the bodies o f B uddhas o r universal rulers a n d not on o rd in a ry m e n . Additionally* ihe B u d d h a was said to e m b o d y five pure virtues (C h. ivu-fen Ja-skm% morality, m e d ita tio n , w isdom , e m a n c ip a ­ tion, a n d the aw areness tif e m a n c ip a tio n . T h e B u d d h a aiso was said to possess eighteen ch aracteristics, such as his special pow ers a n d compstssinn, tliat d istin gu ished him from o r d in a ry m en (ajtadasa dvtnikd huridhndharfndh). T h e B u d d h a h a d m astered (he four b ases o f s u p e rh u m a n pow ers (caUiT-rddhipadsh); asp iratio n , striving* contro llin g the m in d , an d view ing things w ith w isdom , all with the p u rp o se o f cu ltiv atin g s u p e rio r m ed itatio n . A lthough the B u d d h a was said to have h a d the ability to extend his lifetim e io last a n eon if he so desired , by th e lim e he was eighty years old, fie h a d p reached to all those to w hom he should have p re a c h e d an d had p lan ted the seeds o f fu tu re conversion in others; he thus freely gave up his life. T h e B u d d h a ’s d e a th was called parmin'dna (co m p lete nr>id jm). T h r o u g h his death, ihe B u d d h a was said lo have c n te r rd the realm o f nirvana w ith o u t corporal r e m a in d e r (anttpadise?& nirvanti-dhiituh) At a later dale, the B u d d h a ’s a tta in m e n t o f nirvana d u r in g his lifetime (the extinction o f defilem ents) was k n o w n as ntrtwind w ilh corporal r e m a in d e r ( sopadhifrja -wrwinajt, while th ro u g h d e a th he w as said to have e n tered titrudjia w ithout corp ora! rem a in d er (turupadfiistya-nirvarta).N

CHAPTER 4

The Organization o f the Order

T h e Id e al of the B u d d h ist O rd e r The

B u d d h i s t O r d e r is cEilkd "sarigha" in S a n sk rit. In Buddhist

texts, it is o ften referred to as ih e “ h a rm o n io u s o r d e r ” (samagfa-sangha) lo indic&ie that it is o rg a n iz e d to pro m ote p e a ie and h a r m o n y a m o n g its ( h e m b e r s .1 T h e religious goal o f individual Buddhism is to realise enlightenment a n d to five a liTe that is in a g re e m e n t with a n d c o n tr ib ’ utes to th eir religious objectives. Such individuals sh o u ld be able to assem ble a n d live b g c t h t r peacefully a n d h arm o n io u sly W h en u n r n lig hten ed people a re m em b ers o f the iangha; they a re expected to strive to m a in ta in peace in the o r d e r while irath p erson strives to realize e n lig h te n m e n t for h im self T h e Ind iv idu al's efforts to live in peace an d h a r m o n y with his fellow p ractitio n ers should be in com plete ag reem en t wilh Ins eflorts to realize his Spiritual goals. T h e B u d d h a w as rev ered as the root o f the D h a r m a , ihe eye o f the D h a r m a , an d tin- e n i l i i i d i m c r n l o f t he D h a r m a . f I n d l f c t p l n p l a t e d ihetr c o m p le te faith in h im by p a y in g hom age to h im as a great teacher (idstr), th ey alw ays 1olio wed his instructions. C o n seq u en tly , they were ea!kjd “ h e a r e r s ' 1 (srattoka, F\ sdvaka). T h e B u d d h a exhibited impressive tranquility, w hich arose out o f his d e e p m e d ita tio n , instilling those w ho m et h im w ith a deep sense o f calm . M o reo v er, because o f the B u d d h a's vast w isd om , insight, and. aJl c n c o m p a s sin g co m p assio n , his disciples t r u s t e d a n d followed h i m w i t h o u t h e s i t a t i o n . A l t h o u g h t h e y h a d v a r i o u s a bil itie s a n d p e r s o n a l i t i e s , m a n y w e r e a b l e to r e a l i z e t he g o a l s n f i h e i r

religious practices. Teacher a n d s tu d e n t sh ared in a sim ilar enlighteninent ex perience a n d belonged to the sam e o r d e r (sangha). T h e n a tu re o f (lie sangha was freq uently c o m p a re d lo the ocean with th e follow ing eight analogies^ ( I ) ju st as th e ocean beco m es g radu ally deeper, so does study in the o rd er gradu ally progress; (2) jusl as (he w aters o f the o c e a n n e v e r exceed its shores, so do the B u d d h a 's disciples n ever break (he precepts; (3) jusl as the ocean n e v e r keeps a body and alw ays casts ii back on s h n rc h so does th e o r d e r alw ays charge those w ho violate the precepts with th eir offenses; (4) j u s t as various rivers flow in to Ehe ocean a n d lose th eir n a m e s, so do those w ho e n te r the o r d e r a b a n d o n th eir social classes a n d lay n am es to b e called only *'disciples of Lhc B u d d h a 1' o r “ m o n k i 1*; (5) ju s t as a salty taste is diffused th ro u g h o u t the o c e a n , so is the “ taste"h o f salvation diffused th ro u g h o u t the o rd e r; (6) ju s l as the ocean does noi increase o r d ecrease no m a tte r how m an y rivers flow into it, so does rhe o r d e r not increase o r decrease no m a tte r how m a n y o f its m em b ers e n te r nirvana. (7) just as a variety of treasu res is h id d e n in the ocean, so are p ro fo u n d Icachings a n d precepts found in th e o rd er; (8) ju s t as greai fish live in the ocean, so do illustrious d i s d j pies o f the B u d d h a live in the order. T h e se eight c o m p ariso n s were called the eight w onderful q u a l i t y (djfa adbkutordhamtA) o f the o rd er an d were u^ed to explain its u n iq u e character.

T h e F o u r C ro u p s T h e B u d d h a '^ dtstip les w ere d ivided into two types: lay believers an d m end icants. A lay m an w as called an npdsaka, a n d a lay worn an was called an vp a sifa T h e term “vpvs&kQ*’ refers to o n e w ho w aits u p o n or serves ( a n o th e r person). T h u s an upasaka served m e n d ira n ts by s u p p ly ­ ing the item s, such as food a n d robes, th a t they re q u ire d for their reli­ gious lives. T h e m e n d ic a n ts instructed the lay believers aboui how to p ractice B ud d h ism while living as lay devotees. A lay person b ecam e an updsaka by placing his faith in the T h r e e Jew els, T ho se w h o w ere p a r ­ ticularly zealous also observed the five p recepts for laym en a n d layw om en. A m ale B u d d h ist m e n d ic a n t was callcd a m o n k (hhikfu), a n d a female B uddhist m e n d ic a n t was called a n u n (bhiksimi). T h e te rm “bhiksu11 refers to a m an w ho begs. T h u s the bhihu d ev o ted h im self to p erfo rm in g religious au sterities while living by m ean s o f rhe requisites given him by lay believers O n c e a person b ecam e a m onk by receiving the full ordi* n atio n (tiposaflpadii), his life was strictly regu lated by the a p p ro x im a te ly

250 p recepts for m o n k s. T h e four groups (cattif pari fad) o f B u dd hists w ere the m o n k s, n u n s , la y m e n , a n d lay wo m en.

T h e B u d d fiisl O rd er ( S a h g h n ) D u rin g the tim e o f (he B u d d h a , political groups a n d trad e guilds were called jerigha. T h e rcrm was also applied to religious orders, a n d thus the B u dd hist o rd er was called a sangha. ( T h e term l'gana’' [group] was som etim es used to refer to religious orders, p articu larly for M a h a y a n a orders?, w hich w ere som etim es called bvdhisativa-garm.2) In its very bro ad est sense the te rm *'sangha " might h t used to refer in all four g roups o f B uddhists; however, w h en it was used in early B u d ­ dhist texts, ft usually m d icatcd only the tw o orders o f m en dicants. W h e n ih r m antis assem b led (hey were eaJled ihe o r d e r o f m o nk s (bhikftisangha); (he n u n s w ere called the o r d e r o f n u n s (bhtkfvni-iangha). Both o rd e rs to g e th e r w ere usually referred to as <JT h e Tw o O r d e r s ." T h e o rder? w ere largely in d e p e n d e n t o f each o th e r a n d a u to n o m o u s, with each responsible for m a in ta in in g its ow n m on astic discipline. T h e four g ro u p s o f B uddhists w ere no( referred (o collectively as a single ord er (sangha) O n ly in div idu als over tw e n ty years old could receive the full o r d in a ­ tion a n d th u s becom e m o nk s o r nuns, T h o s e who w ere no< yet tw enty could be initiated (pmOTajyd), receive th e ten precepts, a n d e n te r the o ld e r as m ale (itamanera) o r female novices (sramanert). U sually the m i n ­ im u m age Ebr novices was fourteen, but in special cases i( m ight be lo w ­ ered to seven. Such y o u n g novices were called " c ro w -c h a s e r s fl (kdktifitpaka) W h e n a female novice b ecam e eighteen, she w ould u n d e r g o a c e re ­ m ony qualifying h e r lo be a “ p ro b a tio n a ry n u n " (HJqormni). Fnr two years sh r w ould observe six rules. W h en she h a d com pleted this t r a i n ­ ing. she COllld becom e a n u n . M o n k s, n u n s , p ro b a tio n a ry n u n s , male nDviiiis, a n d fem ale novices are often g ro u p e d to g eth er in B uddhist texts a n d called the “ five g ro u p s o f m e n d ic a n ts .” W h e n la y m e n an d lay w n m cn w ere added to (h c st Five, rhe e n tire set was referred m as “ the seven g r o u p s .” Lay Buddhists were expected to o b serv e live precepts: abstentio n from killing, stealing, sexual m isco n d u ct, false Speech, a n d intoxicants. In ad d itio n , on the six uposatha days each m o n th (the eighth, fo urteen th, fifteenth, twL-nty-third, tw en ty -n in th , a n d ihirtic:th), (hey w t'if also EO abstain from earing after midday, w itnessing displays o f m usic an d d a n c e , a n d using p erfu m es a n d garlands* m a k in g a total o f eight p r o

ccpts observed. O b se rv a n c e o f these p recep ts was not com pulsory. If a lay person violated a p recep t, no penalty w as im posed. In contrast* the five g ro u p s o f m en d ican is w ere req u ired to o b t t r v c the precepts lo m a in ta in discipline in the order. Set penalties w ere im posed on those m e n d ic a n ts w ho violated the precepts, A person was expected to oh serve the m o ra l precepts (Jila) o f his ow n accord, sim ply becau se he h a d resolved to follow Buddhist practices. Since the precepts differed for the variou s group.1! o f B uddhists, w h en the precepts w ere co n ferred , the recipient h a d to choose w h eth er he w ould live and practice as a lay devotee o r a m e m b e r o f a m onastic o r d e r T h e precepts served as the foun dation for a p e r s o n ’s religious practices. F o r a m o n k o r n u n , observance o f the prccepts w as c o m p u l­ sory, since these rules reg ulated th e o rg a n iz a tio n , c o m m u n a l life, an d discipline o f the order. T h e rules o r precepts o f the tangha, o f which th ere were a p p ro x im a te ly 250 for m o nk s, w ere called th e vitiaya. T h e m ost serious class o f p recepts was called ihe pAisjika; c o m m issio n of a partijiki,i o Hen sc was p u n ish e d by p e rm a n e n t exputsion from the nrder. In a d d itio n , a m o n k could be tem p o ra rily s u sp e n d e d from th e o r d e r for the violation o f a n y o f th irteen sanghdiiihsa precepts. Even though m o rality w as p rim arily b ased on the in d iv id u a l’s self-control, the rules o f the viftaya served as controls im p o sed by the order. A distinction betw een tw o basic types o f sartgka is m ad e in B uddhist texts. T h e first type, (he “ present o r d e r '3 (sarnmukhibhiita-sitngha), refers to a n o rd er (hat exists in a p a rtic u la r place a n d tim e. W h e n four o r m o re m on ks assem b le a n d form a n order, it is a presen t order. T h is type o f o rd er has certain geographical b o u n d a rie s (sim d)r A ny m o n k within those b o u n d a rie s is req u ired to atten d all m eeting s (hai a re held. T h e pro ced u res for co n d u ctin g such m eetings a re called karrm*, anti (he p e r­ son w h o conducts the m e e tin g s is called the m aster o f cerem onies (karmadcdtya). Rveryonc was required to be p resent o r acco u n ted for at m eetings, Full a tte n d a n c e w as p articu larly im p o rta n t at fortnightly upotatha assem blies (heEd on the fifteenth a n d th irtieth d a y s o f the m o n th ) as well as at the rain y season retreats, since im p o rta n t m u n a sn c business such as (he selection o f officials o f the o r d e r w as c arried oui at these m eet­ ings. Tn m ost cases, a m in im u m o f four m o n k s was req u ired to vote on m onastic business. H ow ev er, c e rta in karman (p ro ced u res or cerem o nies) req u ired m ore m o n k s. At least five m on ks w ere req u ired to hold the praudfuna cerem ony, held at the en d o f the th re e -m o n th rain y season retreat to m ark the dissolution o f the o rd er th at h a d observed the retreat to g eth er D u r in g the cerem ony, monks pointed out a n y erro rs o r q u e s ­ tionable b eh av io r rliey h a d observed in each o th e r d u rin g the retreai

an d th e n confessed their faults to each other. Since a sufficient n u m b e r ol mtinks to con&hlulr a n n rd er had (o h ‘ prcst'nl to h ear the cnnfcjsinri o f it m on k, at least five m o n k s were req u ired far the ptavdrana. To perform a full o rd in a tio n am i co nfer the statu s o f m o n k h o o d on a c a n d id a te req u ired ten m onks: a p re c e p to r w ho sponsored ih e c a n d id a te , a m a ste r of cerem onies w ho co n d u cted the o rd in a tio n , j te a c h e r w ho instructed the c a n d id a te a b o u t the precepts a n d q u e stio n e d him abo ut his eligibil­ ity to e n te r the order, a n d seven witnesses, I n outlying areas w here ten m onks cou ld no| be a ssem b led Without great difficulty, h u w ev rr, a full o rd in a tio n could be co n d u cted by five m onks (p recep tor, m aster o f cerem onies, le a th e r, a n d tw o witnesses). A m in im u m of tw enty m o n k s w as req u ired ro re a d m it a s u sp e n d e d m o n k (w ho h a d b een ch arg ed w ith an y of the th irteen fanghddtUfO offenses) into the order. In a larg e m onastery, c o n d u c tin g m onastic bu sin ess could re q u ire so m uch tim e th at it m ig h t infringe u p o n a p e rso n 's religious practice. C on seqL itn dy r a special o r d e r of only ten o r tw enty m o nk s m ight be established w ithin a small a r e a in o r n e a r th e m o n a ste ry p rim arily for the p u rp o se o f o r d a in in g m o n k s o r lifting suspensions. Eventually, the a re a d esig nated as the m eetin g place of this special o r d e r was called the 11precepts p la tfo r m " o r simarmtydele. T h e p resen t o r d e r was a n a u to n o m o u s u n it It g o v ern ed itself in acco rd an ce with the vinajta a n d c o n d u c te d its o w n fortnightly assem blies an d ra in y season ret real s. It a d m in iste re d the o rd e r's assets, sueh as the buildings a n d g ro u n d s o f ihe m onastery, a n d e n s u re d ihai they were used in a fair m a n n e r. In a d d itio n , the o rd er d istrib u te d equal shares of ihe food a n d clo th in g il received as :dms to the m o nk s to help th e m lead religious lives. A present o r d e r was g o v ern ed hy the p recepts o f ihe vittaya, but did not hav e th e right to alter those precepts. T h e vinaya tra n sc e n d e d the rights a n d interests o f a n y single o rd er M o re o v e r, alth o u g h a present o rd er had the right to use th e m o n astery a n d its build ing s, it did not have the right to sell t h c m r T o explain this situation , (he existence o f a h ig h e r level o f the sant>ha was posited. It was cidlcd “ ihe o r d e r o f ihe four q u a r t e r s " o r the " u n iv e rs a l o r d e r " {cdtxtrdtsa-stingfui) a n d consisted of all the disciples o f the B u d d h a . It tra n sc e n d e d tim e a n d place an d inclu ded the m o nk s o f the past, p resen t, a n d fu tu re; it en c o m p a sse d all g eog rap hical areas; it c o n tin u e d forever. M o n a ste rie s a n d o th er b u ild ­ ings all belonged to the o r d e r ol th e lour q u a rte rs ; it was rep resen ted by the set o f preccp ts th at go v ern ed all of the p resent o rd ers. O r d e rs o f n u n s were org an ized in basically the sam e w ay as orders of monks. H ow ev er, the n u n s received m s(ru ctio n in Buddhist leaehings an d precepts from the m onks. To e n s u re th at m on ks a n d n u n s re m a in e d

chaste a n d above suspicion, contact betw een the tw o g ro u p s w as strictly re g u la te d by a set o f eight m ajo r o r weighty ru les (gurudharma) 3

P r d tim o k fa T h e rules followed by m o nk s o r n u n s a re collected in a g e n re o f lite ra ­ tu re called the prdlimoksastitra. T h e re are a p p ro x im a te ly 250 precepts for m o nk s a n d 350 for n u n s . T h e pTalimoks&sutia docs not include direction;; for co n d u ctin g th e assem blies a n d p e rfo rm in g the cerem o n ies that regulate the sartgha, T h e disciplinary m les for m o nk s a re divided into eight c lasses, a n d those fo r n u n s in to s e v e n . T h e m ost i m p o n a n t e lass t nn s ist s o f the fou t pdrdjika rules for m o nk s (eight for nuns): ab s te n tio n from sex­ ual in terco u rse, stealing , taking h u m a n life, a n d lying ab ou t o i k ' s s p ir ­ itual achievem ents. C o m m ittin g an y o f these nets entails p e r m a n e n t lifelong expulsion from the order. 1 he th irte e n sanghddiiefa rules for m on ks are second io rhe pdrdjtka in i m p o n a n c e , (Lists o f seventeen Eind n in e te e n m les a re found in the vinnyas for n u n s .) In clu d ed are rules co n cern in g sexual offenses, false accusations against a n o th e r m o n k o r nun oT c o m m ittin g a parijtka offense, a n d a tte m p ts to cause schism s in the order, If a person c o m m its an y o f rhese arts, he m u st go before rhe assem bled sarigha an d confess his w ro n g d o in g . T h e n for seven d a y s he m ust live a p a rt from the o r d e r an d do p e n a n e e (ttuSldftfljL Follow ing this, the o rd er nia^1 m eet a n d read m it him if th ey are satisfied with his penance. A person who unsuccessfully a tte m p ts a pdtdjika o r sangkodise$a ofTense is ch arg ed w ith an a tte m p te d (sthuldtyaya) offense. Thf* th ird class o f p recepts consists o f (wo rules c o n cern in g offenses of u n d e te r m in e d (aniyata) gravity, Roth co n cern rhe activities o f m onks found w ith w o m en . T h e gravity of the offense is d e te r m in e d in a c c o rd ­ ance with th e te stim o n y o f witnesses. T h is class is found only in (he p re ­ cepts for m o nk s. T h e fourth class o f precep ts consists o f th irty nQihsaTgika-prdynscittika rules for m o n k s. N u n s also observe th irty rules. T h e se co n cern posses­ sions. F o r ex am p le, a m onk m a y possess o n ly one set o f th ree robes. A ny additional robes m a y be kept only tem porarily. S im itar restrictions apply to th e cloth u p o n w hich he sits, special robes for the rain y w earher, b eg g in g bowls , and m edicine. In a d d itio n , m on ks and n u n s m ay not possess gold, silver, o r je w e l s If these rules a re v iolated, (he p erso n m ust s u r r e n d e r the iicm s in q u e stio n a n d confess his o r her w ro n g d o in g . T h e fifth rlass o f precepts consists o f the pdtayantska rules T h e se n u m ­

ber DO o r 92 for m o n k s, d e p e n d in g on w hich oinaya is Consulted, an d b etw een 1 4 1 a n d 201 fur n u n s . T h e se rules concern m in o r offenses such as speaking harshly a n d lying. C o m m ittin g such offenses re q u ire s co n ­ fession. T h e sixth class consists o f th e praiidtiamya rules. T h e s e m in o r rulers, four for m o nk s tind eight for nUflj, con cern (he acceptance anti c o n ­ sumption o f in a p p ro p ria te ItKxJ, i he seventh class, ihe saikfa, consists o f 75 o r 307 rules, d e p e n d in g on which vinaya is consul led. T h e n u m b e r o f regu latio ns is the sam e for m onks us for n u n s . T h e se rules concern etiq u ette a n d the pro p er p ro c e ­ d u res for such activities as begging, e a tin g s a n d p re a c h in g If a person violates d ie m , he n r she should reflect on ins w ro n g d o in g by himself. A violation o f these rules is called a dufkjia, literally a “ b a d action. ' Besides had actions, a second classification o f h a d sp eerh is mentioned in m a n y tests. Tiit; eighth class, tile adhikaTarm-btimaiha. Consists o f seven rules fur b o th m on ks a n d n u ns. T h e se rules co ncern the resolution of dispu tes within the order. Seven pro ced u res for resolving d isp u tes are described in the vinaya. W h e n a dispu te occurs, the h e a d m o n k o r n u n shu uld use Ih r a p p r o p ria te p ro ced u res to resolve it. If this is not J o n e 1 Ihe head mi>nk o r n u n is ch arg ed w ith a h a d action (dufkfta). Eti Buddhist texts, the pdrdjika^ staghddiscfa, nai^sargika-pidyascittika, pdtayantika^ a n d duskrta are so m etim es collectively called the five classes o f offenses. If the sthuldtyaya (a tte m p te d ) offenses amJ bad speech artalso a d d e d to the list, they a re collectively called the seven classes of offenses. T h e Pali Vinaya lists 227 p recepts for m o n k s a n d 3 1 1 for n u ns. T he Dhatmagupttika vinaya, followed m East Asia, lists 250 for m o nk s a n d 343 lor n u n s . T h e n u m b e r s v a ry in o th e r oinayas; how ever, the most imj>ortarn p recep ts in the v ario u s vinayas are the s a m e , indicating th at the rules d a te back to the tim e o f E arly Buddhism .*

R e ligio u s L ife in the S a rig tia T h o s e who wished to e n t e r the wngha w c rr ad m itted w ithout re g a rd to race o r social class. A m an w ho w anted to e n te r the o rd er was expected to (ind an ex perienced m o n k w ho w ould serve as his precep tor (upadhyaya ) after the c a n d id a te h a d been accepted in to th e order. T h e p re c e p to r p r e p a re d three robes a n d a begging bowl for th e ap p lican t. H e then assem bled an o rd er o f at least ten monks on the precepts p latform an d th e full o r d in a tio n w as conferred u p o n the applicant.

A n applicant had to satisfy ccrtain re q u ire m e n ts before he could jo in th e order. A te a r h e r (ratio 'nusasaka acarya) was a p p o in te d to q u e stio n the c a n d id a te a b o u t [he a p p ro x im a te ly tw enty conditions lh al could b a r adm ission lo the order. A successful c a n d id a te h a d to hav e perm issio n from his p arents, n e v e r have c o m m itte d a pdrdjika offense, a n d not be a d e b to r o r a crim in al fleeing from the g o v e r n m e n t.1 T h e m onk who offi­ ciated at the o rd in a tio n was called the m aster o f cerem o n ies (karma kawka-atdrya). A fter the o rd in a tio n was complctedy the new m onk was in stru cted in rhe four pdrajika rules an d in rhe four sup po rts (nisraya) for m on astic Jife th at serve as general guidelines for m onks. T h e four sup* p orts consisted o f statem en ts by the m e n d ic a n t thai he w o u ld live as a m onk by begging for his food, use discarded rags for robes, practice an d sleep u n d e r the trees, a n d use the ex c re m e n t o f cows a n d discarded m edicines to cu re h im self o f illness. T h e se w ere basic guidelines^ a d d i ­ tional provisions p e rm itte d exceptions to the four s u p p o rts, such as accep tin g inv itation s to m eaJsh using new clothing, living in bu ildings, a n d u s in g m edicines m ad e from trees a n d roots. A fter o rd in a tio n , rhe c a n d id a te b ccam c a disciple o f his p rccep to r. T h e y lived luge (her while th e p receptor instru cted the disciple in the precepts, d o c trin e , m e d i a t i o n , a n d religious austerities. If the discipte received perm ission from his preceptor, he m ight go to study m ed itatio n o r d o ctrin e u n d e r a speciaJ te a c h e r (atdrya) skilled in those subjects. T h e d is o p le was cx ptx tcd to serve his p re c e p to r as he w ould serve his nw n father, a n d ihe p re c e p to r was expected to look a lte r his disciple as he w ould carc for his ow n son. T h e y were to divide the food a n d clothing ih ey received betw een th e m , care for ca^h o th e r w hen o n e o f rhem was sick, a n d hf*]p c a d ; o th er wilh th eir religious pracrice T h e m onks w ere ranked according to the n u m b e r o f years that h ad elapsed since th eir o rd in a tio n . C o m m u n a l Jife was based on seniority, a n d m on ks h a d to pay obeisance to those in the o rd er w ith m ore seniority. Because m o n a stic Jife was designed to en ab le a m onk to control his desires, m on ks w ere not p e rm itte d to cat after n o o n iim c a n d w ere to shu n all forms o f e n te r ta in m e n t, A typical d a y in a m o n k 's life w ould entail rising early in the m o rn in g an d m e d ita tin g . T h e m onk w ould go out to beg for his food later in the m o rn in g a n d then re tu rn to eat with the o th e r m o nk s before noon. O n ly one m eal w as ea te n each day. In the aftern o o n , he could visit the houses o f l a y believers o r go to a fore si to m ed itate. In the e v en in g , he m ight g ath er w ith o th er m o n k s to discuss the B u d d h a ’s teachin gs o r his m editatio ns, hie m ight also go to talk with his teachers. H is life w as filled with silence o r with discussions o f the B u d d h a ’s teachings. L a te r in th e ev en in g , he w ould w ith d ra w tu his ow n room to m ed itate. H e finally went 10 sleep late at n ig h t. Six tim es

each month lay men would Cotne to the m onastery to observe the upemt h a w “ m et ting d a y s / ’ The monks would preach Buddhist teachings to [hern and confer (he live lay precepts. Tw ice each month, [he monks observed upomtha for (hem sc Ives. O n ihe evenings o f those days, the monks would gather 10 chant (h e prdtimakfa. O riginally, Buddhist m on ks w ere to follow a life o f w an d erin g - T h e y w ere to c a r ry only a very few item s with th e m . Party texts specify si*: th re e m b es, a b egg ing bowl, ei cloth to sic u p o n , a n d a w ater stra in e r T h e (me m ajo r break in th eir life o f w a n d e r in g o ccu rred d u rin g ihe ra in y season, F o r th ree o f rhe four m o n th s o f the rain y season, th e monies w ere to g a th e r to g eth er in one ptacc for a period o f intense study an d practice. At the end o f this rain y season retreat, they p e rfo rm e d a B e l i a l c e re m o n y (pmodrajia) a n d Ijegan th eir life ol w a n d e rin g ag ain . Since the m o nk s c u s to m a rily m ad e new robes or rep aired th etr old ones after the rain y season re treat, they often decided to c o n tin u e living in the sam e place for an ad d itio n al period. T h e robes consisted o f large pieces o f d o t h ih at w ere w rap p ed a r o u n d the body. L a y m e n used while rolx.Ls. T h e m o nk s used robes d y ed a dull yellow. T h e w ord for robes, ka^dyar was taken from th eir color T h e y w ore three robes: a low er one m ade o f five pieces o f cloth sewn together, an u p p e r robe m ad e of seven pieces, a n d A large robe m ad e u p of betw een n in e a ltd twenty-five pieces. T h e robes w ere usually m ad e of co tton, b u t flax, silk, a n d wool w ere also u s e d . Since a largt- n u m b e r of pieces o f clolh w efe req u ired for the robes, it was not easy for the m onks ro Eissemble all rhe m aterial Before m o n asteries w ere established at the d e stin a tio n s o f the w a n ­ d e rin g m o n k s, they usually slept in the o p en o r u n d e r a tree Since rain usually felt ouly d u rin g the fo u r-m o n th rain y season, sleeping outside did not p resen t a n y p ro b le m s at m ost times. S om e o f the B u d d h a rs disciples wished to live an even m o r e ascetic life ill an rhe o n e dc.-scrilx.-d here. L a te r m on ks c o n sftju cn ily com piled a list o f twelve (som e tra d itio n s list thirteen ) rules (dh&ta) c o n c e rn in g aus[critics. O n e o f the B u d d h a ’s disciples, M a h a k a s y a p a , was p articularly fam ous tor his p ractice o f austerities.

CHAPTER 5

The Establishment o f the Early Buddhist Canon

T h e F irst C o u n cil S h o r t l y a f t f r the B u d d h a d ied , M a h a k lify a p a p rop osed d ial a c o u n ­ cil be tailed to o rg anize a n d agree u p o n the co n ten t o f th e B u d d h a 's c a c h i n g s . H e feared that if this were not d o n e [l«r B u d d h a 's teaching s w ould quickly dec line. O b t a i n i n g rhe consent o f som e o f the B u d d h a's disciples, he assem bled five h u n d re d m o nk s at R a ja g r h a . T h is m e e tin g is generally called the First C o un cil (saiigtti).1 T h e term ftsfingUi" m e a n s " t o chant t o g e th e r " a n d refers to the m a n n e r in which the early m onks c h a n tc d in u n iso n the (cachings (hey m em orized. A [though m a n y schol­ ars have ex pressed d o u b ts a b o u t w h eth er this council was actually held* smcc it is m e n tio n e d m m a n y sources a m eetin g o f some km d m ust have b een held at this tim e. At the First C o u n c il, the B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t a n d co n sta n t c o m p a n ­ ion A n a n d a recited the B u d d h a ’s teachin gs ( D h a r m a ) T h e rules r e g u ­ lating m o n astic discipline w ere recited by U p il i , a m o n k ren o w n ed for his d e e p know ledge o f (he vtnaya. ( T h e ir recitation s were p ro b ab ly b ased on early versions o f the Sutnt-pifeka a n d Vinqp&pitaka; the Abhidharmaptiaka was com p iled later.) Tn facilitate m e m o r i z a t i o n , th e mottfcs assem b led short prose passages (sutra) o r verses (g&thd) th at expressed im p o rta n t doctrines. T h e se sh ort expositions o f doctrine were s u p p le ­ m en ted w ith e x p la n a to ry passages. F o r ex am p le, stories (niddna) e x ­ p la in in g the circu m stan ces o f the com position o f verses were tre a te d ,

m e m o riz e d , a n d tra n s m itte d fro m person to p erso n Later, tran sitio n al passages w ere ad d ed to tie these texts together. Eventually, lo ng er passages callcd dhcttmapatyayu o r parydya were com piled Still later, lengthy stitrai w ere p ro d u ced T h e te rm "sutipi** (or sdtranta) origin ally referred to the w a rp in w eaving, a n d was used to suggest ihat rich m ean in g s were in c lu d e d in short sentences. D u rin g the cen tu ry following ihe d e a th o f ihe B u d d h a , a n u m b e r o f lengthy iuina w ere com piled. T h e precepts o r rules o f th e vinaya were com piled tn lo a list ("jilted the prdtimofaa early in R ud dh isi history. In usages that seem to be v ery old. the rules them selves w ere galled J&ras, a n d the e x p la n a tio n s o f these rules w ere called nttr&QtbhaiigA. A correct u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the precepts was necessary if the m o nk s w ere to Jive in acc o rd a n c e w ith B ud dh ist cusiom . A long with these rules, p ro c e d u re s a n d cerem o n ies (kantum) to be used in m a n a g in g ihe o rd er w ere fo rm ulated a n d t a m e to occupy die g re a te r part o f the ch ap ters (skandhaka) in die VinAya-pitaka. L ater, ihese cerem o nies a n d p ro c e d u re s w ere o rg a n iz e d by some schools into a lisi o f IQ] ktpman, but a large n u m b e r n f barman w ere in use by the o r d e r at an early date I he early prdtimokfa a n d skandfiaka w ere p ro b a b ly com posed ■Approximately one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . Soon after th e B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m onks b eg an to specialize in either the D h a r m a o r the vinaya. T e rm s such as " te a c h e r o f the sutras" (suttantika)t ihprtwrlaimer o f the D h a r m a " (dharmakathika), " u p h o l d e r o f the vinaya" (vinayatjkaia), a n d - u p h o l d e r o f the D h a r m a ” (dharmadhara) begat; ap p e a rin g - T h e d e v e lo p m e n t of the Sufrv-pitakv a n d th e I'tntiyapiiaka from the rime o f rhe First C o un cil until the r a n o n assu m ed its present form at c an n o t l>e traced in m uch detail. It is clear, however, [hat d u r in g the first c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , his teachings h ad been com piled in to a Stjira-pifaka a n d lh al the rules on m o nastic disci­ pline h a d been collected into a Vtnayti-pitaka. About o n e cen tu ry after th e Buddha’ s d e a th , the e a ily o r d e r splii into two schools, the S th a v ira v a d in i a n d (he M ahasarighikas. T h e se schools su b seq u en tly suffered schism s th at ev en tually resulted in at least eighteen schools. D u rin g this tim e the c a n o n s maintained by the variou s schools were e x p a n d e d a n d ch an g ed . T h e texts in Pali tra n sm itte d to Sri L a n k a a n d the C h in e s e tran slatio n o f the Vtnaya- a n d S&Cra-pitakaa ex tan t tnday a re from this period o f sectarian o r N ikaya B uddhism . S ince a long perif>d elapsed b etw een the lim e o f die original com pilatio ns o f ihe Sftita-pifdkn and Vinaya-pifaka an d th e lim e w h en they c a m r to rxisi in their p resent fo rm , they c an n o t be restored to th eir original form. O l d e r an d n e w e r section!) o f the texts have clearly been m ixed to g eth er in the canon^ in use lt>day.!

The O rg a n iz a tio n o f th e E x ta n t C a n o n s B uddhism was b ro u g h t to Sri L ank a by M a h in d a d u rin g the reign uf A so kit. T h e SuiTH-pifaka o f (hat c a n o n was divided in to five collections (Nikaya), a fo rm a t m ain tain ed by the V ib h ajjav ad in s o f the T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . I he lan gu ag e used was Pali, a n an cien t (iinJec! from V id isa o r Khflsa in th e so u th w estern p a n of cen tral India. M a h in d a ’s m o th e r h a d com c from this a re a , a n d M a h in d a had co n seq u en tly tra n sm itte d the B uddhism o f this region to Sri L a n k a. Jn c o n tra st, the B u d dh ist texts taken to C h in a by way o f C en tral A sia w ere from n o r th e rn In d ia . T h e se suitas were o rg a n iz e d into four collec­ tions callcd Agamas (C h. a-ban). T h e four collections tra n slated into C h i ' ne&e are not all from the &amc B uddhist schuol. T h e Q ?ang a-han (fting (jT 1), w hich c o rresp o n d s a p p ro x im a te ly to the Pali Digha-ntkdya, w as from the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School. T h e Chung a-han cfling { T 26) a n d the Tsa a-han ( 7 ’9 3 )] w hich correspond a p p ro x im a te ly to the Pali M&jjk \m a - a n d Sarnyutta-nikdyas, w ere from the S a n a s i i v a d i n School, a n d ihe Tseng-ia-han ching ( T 125), w hich corresponds ap p ro x im ately to th e Pali AhgtiUara-nikdya, is said to be from the M fih asan g h ik a School, but ihis las! a ttrib u tio n ap p e a rs to be incorrect. T h e Pali Vinaya is from the T h e r a v a d a School. Five co m plete o r full vinayas w ere tran slated into C h in ese. T h e y are as follows: 1 . T h e Ssu-Jm lu ( T 1428) o f the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School. 2 . T h e Skih -sung lu { 7’ 143 5) o f t he Sarvas! i vad i n S ch o o l. 3. T h e I u ( T H 2 l ) o f th e M ahTiasaka School. 4. T h e Mo-ho-stng-ch Vt u ( T l 425} o f th e M a h a s a n g h ik a School. 5. T h e Km -pen shou-i-chieh-yu-pu lu ( T 14 4 ? - ] 4 5 1 ) o f the Mvilasarvast i vad in School, T h e M u la^ arv astiv ad in Vinaya also exists in a T i b e ta n translatio n. T h e o rg anizatio n o f rhe Vinaya- an d Suira-pitakas is o u tlin ed below: I.

Vinaya-pitaka (T h e r a v a d a ) A. {explanation of the precepts) 1. Mahduibhariga (ex p lan atio n o f the precepts for m onks) a, Pardjika (ch apter1on violations req u irin g expulsion) b , Pdcciiiyd (c hapte r on violations requ irin g con fessio n ) 2, Bfiikkhunivibhaiiga (ex p lan atio n o f the precepts for nun&L divided into ch ap ters o n pdtajiba a n d pdttiUya offenses)

B, Khandhaka (ch ap lers on knmma fpro ced u res for assem blies] anti o th e r subjects) t . Mahtiiagga (ten c h a p te rs) 2 . Cutfavagiga (i welve ch ap ters) C’. Part varapat ha (a p p e n d i x) II

Svird'pi&iiui:T h e r a v a d a version is divided m iu five Nikdyas; v e r­ sions used in Other schools a re generally divided into four Agomas A. Digha-nikdya (th irty -fo u r loncg luthu): c o rresp o n d s to ihe ( 'h ting a -han thing ol the Chiiriniljju(>1 aka School, translated in 413. with thirty sutras ]f Majjhitna-nikaya (15"J mUtu rtf m e d iu m length): c o rre s p o n d s to the Chung a ban thing (221 siittai ol m ed iu m length) ol the S arv asiiv ad in School, tra n sla te d i n t o C h in e s e in 398 C„ Samyuita nikaya {2H872 suttas o rg an ised accord ing ic> con tent): c o rresp o n d s to the T ia a-han thing (1,362 sufraj) o f die Sarvastivadin S chool, tra n sla te d into C h in ese in 443 I). Ariguitara-nikaya (2,198 suit as o rg a n iz e d acco rdin g to the n u m ­ ber p/ item s ill the d o clrm a l list Ljndrr discussio n): t o r re­ sp on ds u> the I\m g -i a-han thing ("171 sfitras) o f an u n d e t e r ­ m in ed school, tra n sla te d into C h in e s e in 3B4 K Khuddaka-nikaya (fifteen m iscellaneous suttas not included in a n y ol the above four Nikdyos): c o rresp o n d s to a n u m b e r o f in d e p e n d e n t w orks tra n slated into C h in e s e

1 his o u tlin e describ ing the o rg a n iz a tio n o f die vinaya is based on tEuPali te n t,3 rrhe C h in e s e tra n sla tio n s o f th e vtnaya generally are orgEinized in a sim ilar m a n n e r. T h e PSli Vinaya was p ub lished by hi O ld e n b c rg ( The Vinaya pitaka m Pali, 5 volutnes, L o n d o n , 1879) a n d was later tv p rin te d by the Pali Ie*i Society T h e P&Umokkha (th e list of precepts recited at the fortnightly assem blies) hEts also b f e n published A partial English tran slatio n o f the lull Pali Vinaya was d o n e for the S a cred Books of the East (vol. I 3 f 37, 20) by T. W. k h y s D avids a n d i i . CIEdenher^. A fo m p lete Flnglish tran slatio n o f the full Vtnaya, titled T h f Book o f the Discipline, w^s d o n e for the S acrcd Books o f the B uddhists by I B. H o r n e r (vol. 10. 11, 13, 14T 20 r a n d 25). A J a p a n e s e tran slation o f the full Pali Vinaya is ineluded in the iVandri datzokyo (vol. 1-5). T h e Samantapasddika, a c o m m e n ta ry on the vinaya by B ud dh ag ho sa, exists both in Pali a n d in a C h in ese translatio n ($han-ckim-tu p 'l - p ’&sha. T 14G2), Five lull vinayas w ere translated in to C h in ese; they are in clud ed m th e Tahho datzokyd(yoJ, 22-24). U seful in tro d u cto ry essays a re found in the a n n o ­ tated J a p a n e s e tran slatio n s o f the C h in ese vinayai, pratimoksas, a n d com-

mentaries included in the 2 6 -volume Rilsubu section of the Kokuyaku issaikyd. Tibetan vinaya works are included in volumes + 1 -4 5 or ihe P e­ king edition of the Tibetan canon, with commentaries inducted in vol­ umes 1 2 0 -1 2 7 . T h e vinaya texts in the Tibetan canon belong to the Mulasarvastivadin School. N o c o m p l e t e S a n s k r i t te x t o f a full vinaya is ext Em t. H o w e v e r * m a n y S a n s k r i t f r a g m e n t s o f vtnayas w e r e d i s c o v e r e d in C e n t r a l A s i a by th e P e il io t a n d G e r m a n e x p e d i t i o n s . M o s t o f t h e f r a g m e n t s w e r e f r o m th e prdtirnokpas, sutravibharigas, skandhakas, a n d c h a p t e r s o n k a rm a n o f th e Sarvastivadin* M u lasarv astiv ad in , an d M a h asaiig h ik a sdiools. A m o n g t h e S<mskrit t e x t s d i s c o v e r e d i n T i b e t b y R a h u l a S a r i k r t y a y a n a a n d p r e s e r v e d in P a t n a w e r e c o p i e s o f th e M a h a s a r i g l i i k a P rdlim oksa a n d B h ik p u n t-u in a y a , t h e s e h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d ( W . P a c h o w a n d R M i s h r a , T h f P rdtim oksasdtra o f the M a h d sd n g h ik d s [ A l l a h a b a d * 1 9 5 6 ]; G . R o t h , B h ik fu n i-V in a y a including B h ik f u n ip ra kirn a ka a n d a S u m m a r y o f the B h ik f up ra kirn a ka o f the A rya -n u ih d id n g h ika - L ekotta ravodin [ P a t n a , 1^ 7 0 ]; B. J i n a -

n a n d a t A b h tsa m a c d rik d [BhiksuprakiT tiaka] [ P a t n a , 1% 9 [). Thr- m o s t coin^ pi Etc e x t a n t S a n s k r i t vinaya w a s f o u n d a m o n ^ t h e M u l a s a r v a s t i v a d i n te x ts d i s c o v e r e d at a n old stu p a a t G i l g i t in K a s h m i r . M a n y o f t h e s e tex ts h a v e h e e n p u b l i s h e d b y N a l i n a k s h a I ^ u t t a s d i g i t M a n u sc rip ts, vo l. 3 , p a r t s J - 4 h M d ia sa iv d stiv d d a -V in a y a v a stu ( S r i n a g a r , 1 9 4 2 ’- 1 9 5 4 ). T J j e p r & timaksa w a s p u b l i s h e d by A. C . B » n n t r | i : c in 1 9 5 4 . l i c c a u s c ol t h t n u ­ m e r o u s e x t a n t m a t e r i a l s o n vinaya, th e s t a t e o f m o n a s t i c d i s c i p l i n e a n d t h e vinaya b e f o r e a n y s c h i s m s h a d o c c u r r e d in t h e e a r l y B u d d h i s t o r d e r c a n be d e d u c e d b y c o m p a r in g the literature o f the v a rio u s schools.1 T h e c o m p l e t e P a h S u tfa -p U a k a h a s b e e n p r e s e r v e d u n t i l t h e p r e s e n t . 5 T h e f o l l o w i n g w o r k s h a v e s u r v i v e d in C h i n e s e Tr an sla tio n : T h e S a r v a s t i v a d i n v e r s i o n s o f t h e M a d h ya m d g a m a ( T 2 6 ) Eind t h e itaTjiyuktdgam asulra ( 7 ' 9 9 ), t h e D h a r m a g u p t a k a v e r s i o n o f t h e D ifg h d g a m a ( T I), a n d a v e r ­ s i o n o f t h e Ekotiardgarna ( T 1 2 5 ) th a t h a s n o t yet b e e n i d e n t i f i e d as i j c l o n g m g to a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t .4 T h e P a h N ik d y a s h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d in T h e r a v j i d a c o u n t r i e s s u c h as S r i L a n k a . T h a i l a n d , a n d B u r m a , tit I 8 7 R T . W R b y s D a v i d s o r g a n i z e d t h e Pali T e x t S o c i e t y a n d w it h t h e h e l p n f o t h e r s c h o l a r s b e g a n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o p u b l i s h Pali texts. T h e jd ta k a s , h o w e v e r , w e r e p u b l i s h e d s e p a r a t e l y by V . F a u s b o l ! { T h tJ a ta k a r n Tbgsths* ivith Its C om m entary, 7 v o l u m e s , 1 8 7 7 - 1 &9 7 ). M o s t o f t h e N ik d y a t h a v e

b e e n t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h a n d p u b l i s h e d by t h e Pali T e x t S o c ie ty .' I n a d d i t i o n , a J a p a n e s e t r a n s l a t i o n o f th e N ik d y a s h a s b e e n i n c l u d e d in v o l ­ u m e s 6 - 4 4 of t h e N a n d tn daizdkyd- C o m m e n t a r i e s o n t h e P a l i N ik d y a s s u c h as R u d c U i a g h o s a ' s S u m a n g a ia v tld s in tU a v c a l so b e e n p u b l i s h e d by th e P a l i T e x t S o c ie ty ; t h e y a r e i n d i s p e n s a b l e r e f e r e n c e s lor r e s e a r c h o n rhe N ik d y a s.

The Chinese translations of the A g a m a j are included in the first 1 whi volumes ot [he f u t i f w d aizokya In addition, a largr nuinl)i'r of iu tr a i belong ink; to ihe A g a m a s were translated ima Chinese as independent workii. The Chinese vers intis of the A g a m a j have been translated into Japanese (K u k u y a k u in a ity ii- A gcm hv) The Chinese A g a m tu and [he Pali N ik d y a s have been compared by Ancsaki Masaharu. Later, in 1929, Akanuma Chi?.en published his classic study of [he Chinese ifnd V a li versions df [hr Hinayatia the K a n p a $hibu J hiagon gojJiSf&ktt, n worli ihat has proven to lit an extremely valuable reference tool. The Tibetan canon contains only a few translations of independent su tro r that are also found in the A g a m a s or N ik a ja s (Peking edition. vol. 38-40). A few frag­ ments of Sanskrit texts of early m tra s hnvc ht en found in Central Asiii.1’ Many oi ihtsc have been published in journals. In addition, A. F, R. Hoemle has published a collection of thr fragments, The Sanskrit frag­ ments discovered by German expeditions to Central Asia were pub­ lished by K. Waldschmidt and his students 9 Among them are versions in Sanskriric languages of such important works as the M a b a p a rtn ib b a n tilu ito , \fith a fm d a n a .\u iin , and l/d d n d fa r g c . Finally, nn early vertion ofthe l}haTtnatm.da has been published hv J, BrOugh CVhr (la n d h a r i D ham iflftndfl [Oxford, I9b2j).

T h e Ninefold and Tw elvefold Divisions o f the Teaching

Many modem scholar* believe that before early Buddhist teachings (Dharma) were collected into the four A g a n u u or five N ik d y a s, the teach­ ings were o r ^ n i^ d into nine (n a u u n g a -sa ia n a ) or twelve (dvadasdngn* dharrtwftTAiw
Ninefold Division 1. S u lla 2. Geyya 3. Vfyydkararia 4. G dthd 5. U dana 6. Itiv u tta k a 7, J d ta k a 8. Vedatla 9 . A b b h u ta d h a m m a

Twelvefold Division 1. S u tra 2. Gey a 3. Vydkarana 4. G dthd 5. U ddna 6. N id a n a 7. lliv r tta k a 8. J d ta k a 9. V aipulya 10. A d b h u ta d h a rm a 11 . A va d d n a 12. U padesa

divisions into four A § m a s or five N ik a jm t but most scholars consider the nmcfold and twelvefold classifications to be earlier. Although the nine­ fold and twelvefold lists certainly do contain some very early elements, theja&i&u were ton isuit'd relatively laieT indicating lha! the ninefold and twelvefold lists as they arc now constituted should uol be readily judged to be early lists. A Tull consideration of this problem would include disCu&iobS of the Khuddaka-nikaya of the Pali canon and ihe T ia tiangs (kfud rtth ip iu th ts^ which it re sometimes mentioned in conjunction with the four A g a m a s.

CHAPTER 6

The Development o f the

Buddhist Order

T h e O r d e r a f t e r th e B u d d h a s D e a th A t rHE Tim e of the B u d d h a 's d e a ih . th* B uddhist o r d e r h ad Spread only w ithin te n ir a l In d ia T h e B ud d ha'* b irth p lace , LumbinT, and the plate where he died, K u s in a g a ra , were both on the n o r th e r n fringes of central In d ia . B u J d l u y a y a , w h ere he a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t, was in (hi’ s o u th e rn part o f cen tral In d ia . T h e J)i-cr P ark ai S a r a a t h , w h t r t he p re a c h e d his first s e rm o n , w as in the w estern p a n o f centra! India. T h e s e four sacred sire* t]f relitftjarics o r m em o rials (caiiya) soon flourished as pilgrim age c e n te rs (/W , vol. 2, p, 140). For early B u d ’ iJhists, the te rm " c e n tr a l c o u n t r y ” (rmdhya-dtsa), found in m a n y B u d ­ dhist texts, referred [o cen tral I n d i a . 1 A fter the B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m issionaries sp read B u d d h is m io the west an d southw est, (T h e V in d h y a M o u n ta in s blocked the sp read o f B u d ­ dhism to the south, a n d the east was tropical a n d u n d e v e lo p e d .) T h e y wi re p artic u la rly .successful in the southwest. B u d d h ism a d v an ced m o re «lowly in the west because this a r e a was a stro ng ho ld o f B ra h m a n ism . D u rin g Ihe B u d d h a ’s lifetim e, m issionary activity Is reported En the w estern p a n o f l n d i a , O n e of rhe B u d d h a ’s ten ch ief di trip les, M a h a k a ty a y a n a (P. M a h a k a c e a y a n a ) was a native o f A vanti {where UjjayinT was the capital). M a h a k a ty a y a n a is said have been especially adept a1 giving d etailed ex p lan atio n s o f th e terse s u m m a r ie s o f teach in g s that the B u d d h a ’s disciples h a d m e m o riz e d A cco rdin g to the Agamas, M a h a k a I y Elyan a later r e tu r n e d to Avanti to p reach . W hile he was in A v an tir M a h S k a ty a y a n a o rd a in e d S r o n a k o d k a rn a (P. S o n a k u ;ik a n n a ) n a native

o f A p a r a n ta k a (Is. A p a ra n ta ), which was on the west coast o f Ind ia. W h e n ^ f o o a k o tik a r g a was a b o u t to go to visit the B uddha in S ravasti (P. S av atth i), M a h a k a ty a y a n a requested th at her ask [hr HimIdlLa for perm ission to m ak e five except ions to the ob servan ce o f tht: precepts. O n e o f these p e r m u te d m onks living in rem ote areas, w here it was diffi­ cult to assem b le the req u ired n u m b e r o f m o n ltsh to o rd a in new m onks w ith an o r d e r o f five m o nk s instead of the u su al ten. a A cco rd in g to virtayas o f the S th av tra lineage, S roflakotikarna was a disciple o f M uhakatyElyana, H o w e v e r Anayas o f ih e M a h a s a n g h ik a lin ­ eage state th at S ro n a k o tik a rn a was a disciple o f P iirn a (P. P uiina), a native- o f S n r p a ra k a in S u n a p a r a m a k a . S n r p a ra k a , also know n as Sopara, was a seaport on th e west coast o f In d ia to the n o rth o f th e m od ern city o f Bombay. O n e o f A soka1s edicts was discovered in this a r e a A fter P i n n a realized e n lig h te n m e n t, he re tu rn e d to preach in his ow n c o u n ­ try, w h e re he m ad e m a n y disciples- T h e tuira in w hich h r tells the Bttdd h a abo u t his detcrminEition to spread B ud d h ism is widely k n o w n (A/,Vp no. 145), T h r o u g h his efforts, B u d d h ism w as established in thin a r e a in w estern India. Stories a b o u t th e m an y m erch an ts w ho hccam e B u d ­ d hists a re found in the Agamas. M a n y o f these con verts h a d com e lo c e n ­ tral India for business p u rp o ses, professed th eir faith in B u d d h ism , an d th en re tu rn e d to th eir h om es to preach th eir new religion. Such figures □s P iir n a anti M a h a k a ty a y a n a are ex am p les o f this type o f L tticv er. A n u m b e r n f riitras descrihe how M a h a k S ty a y a n a preach ed in M a th u r a ( n e a r D elhi) a n d Avanti. T h e verses in the prologue to the Pdrdyanti'i
h a v e spoken m the Pdrayana-i-agga itself. C on sequently, the p ro lo g u e d o t s not provide evidence th at the B u d d h a's fam e ex ten d ed to the [)ccc an d u rin g his lifeiime. P a r a g e s such as ihese prove that B u dd hism sp read along th e S o u th ­ e rn R o u te after th e B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h e b irthplace rtf K in # A so k a’s son M a h in d a , w ho is cred ited w ilh bein g the tra n s m itte r o f B u d d h ism to Sri T a n k a , is said to hav e been UjjayinT. T h e texts o f Sri L a n k a n B u dd hism are w ritten in Pali, a lan g u a g e closely resem bling that in one of A l o h a ’s edicts found at G i r n a r on the K a th ia w a r P eninsula n e a r A p a n in ta k a . B u d d h ism w as obviously firm ly established in this region by the tim e of K in g A so k a.7

T h e Political Situation A cco rd in g to Sri L a n k a n sources, the B u d d h a d ied in the eighth y ear of the reign o f K in g A ja ta s a tru (P. A jatasattu ), ru le r o f M a g a d h a , w ho had su cceeded to the th ro n e after killing hi.s father. K ing Himbi5ara. A ja ta s a tru c o n q u e re d m uch o f central In d ia a n d increased th e p o w er of M a g a d h a . His d y nasty c o n tin u e d for several generation s until the p eo ­ ple o v e rth re w it d u rin g ihe reign o f K in g N agadiisaka- O n e o f Niigadasrtka's m in isters, S u s u n a g a , was cro w n ed as the new king a n d founded the S u sim 5 ga d yn asty D u rin g this period , M a g a d h a c o n q u e re d Avanti. H o w ev er, after a sho rt tim e, the S u s u n a g a dy nasty was replaced by the N an da dynasty, w hich th en am assed great m ilitary p ew er a n d conq u e r e d a large territory, e x te n d in g its b o rd e rs bey on d In d ia , H ow ever, ii declin ed after only tw enty tw o years. Trt 327 b c.E. A le x a n d e r ihe G real led a targe a rm y in to n o rth western In d ia a n d c o n q u e re d it. Instead o f pressing on , how ever, he led liis a rm y out o f In d ia a n d died in Babylon in 323 n, c f ~ T h u s cen tral In d ia w as sp ared conquest W th* M a c e d o n ia n s, In the a lte r m a th of the d iso rd e r b ro u g h t a b o u t by the M a c e d o n ia n invasions, young C a n d r a g u p t a , w ith the aid o f his p rim e m in ister K ao[ilya, assem bled troops, toppled the N a n da. dynasty, an d foun ded the M a u r y a n dynasty. H e destroyed M a c e d o n ia n p o w er in northwestern In d ia , c o n q u e re d m u ch o f ihe rest o f In d ia , a n d thus established a stro n g k in g d o m , w hich he ruled for tw en ty-lbu r years. C n n d r a g u p ta was succccded by his son B in d u sara , w ho ruled for tw enty-eight years, B in d u s a ra 's son, Asoka, ascend ed the th ro ne in 268 B.C.Ei A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, 21fJ years passed betw een th e lim e ol the B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d ihe y ear Asoka bccam c king In c o n ­ trast* sources in the N o r th e rn trad ition state that the time b etw een these

iwu events w as only one h u n d r e d years. If the above account o f the political situ atio n in Ind ia is correct, one h u n d r e d years w ould seem to be too short fo r (he tim e sp a n betw een the B u d d h a ’s d e a th am i A£oka's succession In the A^-ju-wang chiian ( T 50:99c hAssikardjaoedana*}, a work belonging to th e N o n h e rn trad itio n of B u d d h is m , the n a m e s o f twelve king* of M a g a d h a arc listed, b e g in n in g with E im b isara and co n clu d in g with S usim a, a C ontem p orary o f Asoka. T h e d u ra tio n s o f th e ir reigns, how ever, a n : not listed, m a k in g it difficult to d e te rm in e w hether the fig u re o f 100 years o r ?]ft years is m o re trustw orthy. T h e m a n y p o in ts m which the various accounts disagree prevent a n y o f them from being co nsidered an infallible source. A lth o u g h the dates in the Sri L a n k a n chronicles w ould sec in to be m ore tru stw o rth y th an those in o th e r accounts, even the Sri L a n k a n histories p resent m a n y difficult p ro blem s when they are used to reconstruct a history o f the early Buddhist order. C o n seq u en tly , the p ro blem of d e te r m in in g w hat period elapsed betw een th e B u d d h a a n d Asoka m u st re m a in u nso lved for the p resen t. T h e fol­ low ing acco un t o f the d ev elo p m en t of rhe B ud d hist o r d e r relies u p o n b o th th e Sri L a n k a n chronicles and the N o r th e rn so u rces.1

T h e Second Council and the First M a jo r Schism in the Order A fter th e B u d d h a ’s d e a th , m issionaries sp read B u d d h ism from cen tral In d ia to the southw est along the S o u th ern R o u te , B u d d h ism was aJso tra n sm itte d to w estern In d ia , w h ere it flourished in M a t h u r a (M a d h u rit), a tiiy on the b a n k s o f (he J a m u n a to the so uth east o f m o d e rn Delhi. M a th u r a is a considerable distance from central India. Because it is the 1o ra tio n w here K rish n a w orship arose, it is a sacred place to H in d u s . A t one tim e, how ever, B u d d h ism flourished there, and it was a stronghold o f [he S arv astiv ad in School, A cco rd in g to scrip tures, M a h a k a ty a y a n a preach ed in M a th u r a . N o sutras record the B u d d h a as p r e a c h in g there. In fact. he s ta te d that M a t h u r a had five m a jo r p ro b le m s that m a d e it u n p leasan t tn live in (su rh as bein g d u sty a n d h a v in g m a n y m ad dogs), and he therefore avoided it. Since M a th u r a was far from cen tral In dia, it w ould take som e tim e before B u d d h ism reach cd It. O n e h u n d r e d years afier th e B u d d h a 's d e a th , at ihe tim e o f the Sec­ ond C o u n cil. B u d d h is m was still not strong in M a th u r a . T h e Second C o u n cil was held because th e m o n k s o f Vaisali w ere said to have a d o p te d ten practices th at violated the precepts. W h e n a d isp u te arose o v er (hose practices, seven h u n d r e d m o nk s assem b led in Vaisah an d d e te rm in e d th at (he m o nk s o f Vaisali w ere in error. A lthough deciding the status o f th e ten practices in question was the m a in reason for the

m eetin g , tht- Dtpavatftsa, a S o L an k an chronicle, refers to th e m eeting as [Ik- “ Second C o u n c i l " b ecause th e c a n o n w as ch a n te d after the oilier business h a d b e e n com pleted;* However^ the “ C h a p t e r on [he C o un cil hhj' the S even H u n d red * ' in (he Virvija stales only that th e m e e tin g con d en ied the ten practices a n d d o t s not co n sider it 10 be th e Second Council. A cco rd in g to Pali sources (he ten d isp u ted practices a n d th e rules they violated w ere as follows: i. C a r r y i n g salt m a n a n im a l h o r n — violated a rule against the storing o f food %. Talcing Food w hen die shado w on the su nd ial is tw o lingers past n o o n — violated a rule a g a in st eatin g after noon 3. After eating, traveling io a n o th e r village to eat .m o th er m eal the satiiL' d a y — violating the rule against o v ereatin g ■I. H o ld in g several fortnig htly assem blies w ithin th e sa m e b o u n d a ­ ries (sima) — v io lated p ro ced u res r e q u irin g all m o nk s w ithin the s\md ro a tte n d the sam e fortnightly assem bly 5. C o n firm in g a n ecclesiastical act in a n in co m p lete assem bly and obtain m g a p p ro v a l from ahsent m on ks a f te rw a r d — v iolated the rules o f p ro ced u re ai m o nastic m eetings (i. C itin g h a b itu a l p ractice as (he au th o rity for violations o f m o n a s ­ tic procedure®—violated the rule? o f p ro c e d u re 7. D r in k in g m ilk w hey after m eals— violated th e rule against eatin g special Rkx I w h en o n e was not sick H. Drinking u n l e m i t n i e d w ine— violated the rule against d rin k in g in tox icatin g beverages 9 U sing a mat with fring es— violated the rule c o n cern in g the me a su rc m e n ts o f rugs It). A ccep tin g gold a n d silver— violated the ru le p ro h ib itin g m onks from receiving gold a n d silver All at these practices w ere b a n n e d in the full sets o f p recep ts lor m o n k s.4 B ecau se o b s e rv in g the full precep ts would have req u ired s p e ­ cial efforts by (he rnonks, the ad v o cates o f th e te n practices were a tte m p tin g to liberalize m o nastic practict-. 1 he a r g u m e n t co n cern in g th e tc a th practice, w h e th e r m on ks could m uch gold a n d silver, was especially bitter* In the: following discussion, the story o f the S econd C o u n cil is s u m m a r iz e d in acco rd an ce with the " 'C h a p te r on the C o u n c il o f Seven H u n d r e d ” from the Pali Vimya A p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , a m o n k n a m e d Ya£as (P Y a s a -k a k a p ^ ik a p u tra ) w as traveling in Vaisiili w h en he

D evelopm ent

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r u n R u n n m s r 0 &[h ; r

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noticed [hat the nuinks o f th at a r e a were receiving aims o f gold a n d sil­ ver directly from Jay believers. W h e n he p o in ted oul to th em ihat their activity w as in violation o f th e rules in ihe WJUtya, (he m o n k s tjf Vaisall expelled him from the o rd er Yasas th en traveled west to seek assistance. Yasaji appealed Lu m o nk s from Avanti* P av a ( P a th e y y a k a ) h a n d areas alo ng the S o u th e rn R o u te , Avanti an d Other areas along the S o u th ern R o u te h a d alread y been o p e n e d up to B u d d h ism hy M a h a k a ty a y a n a a n d P u r n a a n d (hus m u st hav e been the sites o f w ell'established orders by this tim e. T h e m o nk s o f P a v a were p ro b ab ly from the w estern p a n of K au sala. T h is area was to the far west o f SravasEi, and included S ahkasya a n d K a n y a k u b ja A little further to rhe west was M a th u r a P a v a was the she o f a very strong B uddhist o rd er ai ihis tim e. T h u s , a c e n ­ tury after the B u d d h a 's death h B ud dh ism h a d sp read b e y o n d central In d ia a n d was becom ing a n im p o rta n t force in w estern India. A m o n g the in flu ential m on ks in the west was an elder n a m e d Sam* b h u t a Saflavasi, \w cd on M o u n t Ahngang:). A n o th e r im p o rta n t cid er was K evata, w ho was from Soreyya* a town on the u p p e r r e a d ie s o f the G a n g e s R iv e r n e a r S an k asy a, th e c en ter ol the area a ro u n d Pava* B ecause Yasas so u g h t help in the west, th e a r g u m e n t o v e r the len points o f vinaya is o fie n |h o u g h t o f as a d isp u te b etw een ihe m o nk s o f ihe easi a n d the west. H o w ever, because some m on ks in the east ( M a g a d h a an d VaiSali) jo in e d w ith those in th e w cji in opposing th e ad o p tio n o f the ten points, the dispu te should be viewed as o n e betw een a conservative g ro u p , which ad v o cated a sirict in te rp re ta tio n o f ihe precepts, a n d a m ore liberal g ro u p , w hich w ished to p erm it ccrtain ex cep tion s to the o b serv an ce o f the precepts. T h e d issem ination o f B ud d h ism d u rin g the r e n tu r y after the B u d ­ d h a 's d e a th led to an increase in the n u m b e rs o f m on ks a n d its diffusion o v e r a b ro a d e r geog raph ical area. A m p le o p p o rtu n ities existed for d if­ ferences o f in te rp re ta tio n ro lead to con trov ersies In vo lv ing the order. T h e conservative position prevailed at th e council, p ro b ab ly because m ost n f ihe elder? favored a conservative a p p ro a c h . Eventually, a d e c i­ sion weis reached to ap p o in t four m onks from the west a n d four from (he cast to consider the ten po im s a n d judge their orthodoxy. T h e elders chosen as represen tatives ru le d Ehar all ten points should be rejected. M a n y m o n k s, how ever, refused to accept th e ir ruling, a n d th eir d issat­ isfaction c o n trib u ted to a schism in the order. T h e schism , often callcd the basic schism (C h, ken-pm resulted in the form atio n o f two schools: the M a h a s a h g h ik a , whose m on ks refused to accept the c o n s e rv a tiv e ru lin g o f the co m m ittee of cighi m o n k s, a n d (he S ih av irav a d a (P. T h e ra v a d a ), whose m o n k s agreed with the co n serv ativ e ru lin g T h e n a m e M a h a sa h g h ik a m ean s

" g r e a t assem b ly " a n d suggests (hat m an y m o n k s belon ged Id the liberal l a d ion. According io [lit1 jrpii-tsung-iuri'jtiw ( / 2 (W], SutHtiytibtiedufKiTtitittuuah a 9', hereafter cited as Samaya), ii work by Vasumllra from the Northern

tradition concerning ihe formation of [lie schools of Hinayana Bud­ dhism nHiid their doctrines, the cause of the basit schism was five teac hings promulgated by Mahadeva However, many modern scholars believe ihai Nfah3devu*s five [joints Were in Faci the cau.se of a later sl Iies.ui ttiul thai they mistakenly were considered by Vasumitra to have been the cause of the basic schism. A cco rdin g lo th e t-inayas ol v ario u s schools a n d o th e r sources, ihe c o n ­ troversy over ih# ten points o f practice o ccu rred a c e n tu ry a fte r th e Rudd h a 5 d e a th M oreover, th e Sri L an kan c h i o n i d e s a n d t h t Sam aya o f the N o rth e rn tra d itio n both d a te the basic schism to the sam e tim e Still o th e r stories c o n c e rn in g schisms in the o rd er a re reco rd ed in T ib e ta n sources; how ever, b o th N o r th e rn an d S o u th e rn (Pali) sources arc in a g re e m e n t that a schism thai resulted in th e far m at ion of the M altasah g h ik a a n d Stftavtra schools o ccurred otic c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th Since th e I'inayas o f th(? T h e r a v a d a , S arv astiv S d im MahTiSasaka. a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a schools all record ihai th e cortiroversy/pver th e ten p o in ts o f virtaya (iccurred one cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , this dis­ p u te m u st be co nsidered lo be the cause ol the basic schism . 1 h r five p o in ts ol d o ctrin e ad v an ced I»y M ahfideva m ay have added to rhe co n tro v ersy s u rr o u n d in g th e first sc h is m . M a h a d e v a laughi [hat {1) arhats m a y be sexually tem p led , (2) at hate h a v e a residue ol ignn’ ranee, (!*) arhtits m a y hav e d o u b ts , (+) nrfiat^ m ay attain en lig h te n m e n t th ro u g h th e h elp o f others, a n d (i>) the p ath is a tta in e d with an ex c la m a ­ tory rem ark . 'I'he five points in dicate th at M ah& deva had a low o p in io n ol the e n lig h te n m e n t of arhats. M a h a d e v a ’s five po in ts o f d o ctrin e are included in ihe SarvAstivadin ^ c K b d 's fanui^i ( 7 49:1 5a, Itta, 20a) anti Mahdmbha^a (7 * 2 7 :5 1 ] a - c ) h as well as th e T h e r a v a d a work, ththKathdvat thu (bki '1, p a n s 1-3). M a h a d e v a s Five poin ts o f d o ctrin e thus are re p re ­ sen tativ e o f ihe issues d e b a te d by ihe schools o f H i n a y a n a B uddhism . lu discussing the basic schism , the ex ten t o f buddhism's sp read in India a n d the difficulties in c o m m u n ic a tio n betw een areas o f In d ia must be ta k e n inm account. T h e schism p ro b a b ly d id not o ccu r o v e r a period oi d a y s d[ m o nth s. C o n seq u en tly , scholars c an n o t d e te r m in e exactly w h e n it o c c u rre d o r at w hat poim it w as com pleted. H o w ev er, the schism clearly did u ccu r a Utile m ore [han a e e m u ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . As th e dissension g rad ually sp read a n d involved m a n y o f the o rd e rs lei v a rio u s p a r ts ol In d ia , a rg u m e n ts o v er a n u m b e r o f different p o in ts arose. A ccord ing to th e Sam aja, M d h ls a n g frtk a d o ctrin e included

certain views on the bodies o f the B u d d h a a n d the concept ol the bodhis a ltv a that mi ght have d raw n opposition from m ore conservative m onks. H o w ev er, these doctrines were p ro b a b ly developed by J a m M a h a s a n g h ik a m o nk s a n d do not represent M a h a s a n g h ik a do ctrin e at the tim e o f the basic schism.

SariavasI and Monastic Lineages T h e ch ap ters on rhe S cco n d C o u n cil container! in the v ario u s uinayas are m ag re e m e n t a b o u t the identities o f the senior m onks o f rhe B uddhist o r d e r ap p ro x im ately a cen tu ry after the K ud d h a's d e a th . In the east S a rv ak arn in was an im p o rta n t elder, a n d in the west R e v a ta a n d Sarfib h u ia S an av ast were in fluential. T h e roles o f these three m en are stressed in the Sri L a n k a n sources an d a re relarcd to the acco u n ts o f a m onk n a m e d S an a k a v a si in N o rth e rn sources. In Such N o rth e rn sources as the DiujidL'adarja, A yu-w ang ttman ( 7 ’ 2042, Asokardjdl'addrta*), A-yU W&Tlg tkw g ( 7 '3 0 4 3 , Asokatdja.Jji(fd?), an d Ken-ptn yu-pu lii tsa-skih ( 7 ’ 145 J ( AftiimaTVtishvdda Liriayak.iudrakavaitaj?}, the following p atria rch al lin eag e is given: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a , & anakavasi, a n d U p a g u p ta . T h e m o n k M a d h y a m ik a m u s t also be m e n tio n e d M a d h y a m ik a was a fellow s tu d e n t w ith SiJ^aicavJs^ u n d e r A n a n tla ; how ever, since M a d h y a m ik a becam e A disciple o f A n a rida j u s t hefore A n a n d a d ied , M a d h y a m ik a should p ro b a b ly be co n sidered a c o n te m p o r a ry o f U p a g u p ta . S an ak av asi, M a d h y a m ik a , U p a g u p r a , an d o th ers m e n tio n e d in these lineages are also discussed in bri L a n k a n .sources. In th e following p a ra g ra p h s , the roles o f these m e n a n d rhe relatio n betw een the N o r th e rn a n d Sri L a n k a n acco u n ts o f th em are an aly zed . Sam bhiltii S an av asi is m e n tio n e d in the c h a p te r on the Second C o u n ­ cil in the Pali Vinaya. H e w as a disciple o f A n a n d a , as w as S an ak av asi, w ho is m e n tio n e d in N o r th e rn sources. Both lived abo ut one cen tu ry after ihe B u d d h a 's d e a th A ccord ing to the Pali Vm aya, Sail a vast lived on M o u n t A hoganga. &anakavasi is said ro have resided on M o u n t U i u m u n d a in M a th u r a (JP ivydpadatta, p. 3 i9 ) . A lth o u g h the n a m e s of the two m o u n ta in s w ere d ifferent, b o th m o u n ta in s arc said to have been reached by boat. ( T h e n am e o f M o u n t A hogariga indicates that it w as p ro b ab ly on the G a n g e s R iver.) T h e n am e “ S a n a v a s i” does not a p p e a r in the following tist o f p a tri­ a rch s found in Sri L a n k a n sources: U pali, D asak a, Son ak a, Siggava, a n d M o g g a lip u tra T issa. A so k a’s teacher M o g g aJip u tta Tissa is said to h a v e resided on M o u n t A h og artga {SamantQpds&iikd, p. 53). K ing ASoka

sent a boar to rhe m o u n ta in to b r in g M o g g a lip u tra hack rn rhe capita]. Ell c o n tra st, N o rth e rn sources state both that S a n a k a v a sl's discipte U p a g u p ta was Anoka's teach er Hnd ih at U p a g u p ta su tc c c d c d his teacher on M o u n t U n i m u $ t f a . M o reo v er, acco rd in g to N o rth e rn sources, Asoka sent for U p a g u p ta with a boat a n d the b o at then r e tu rn e d to P a ja lip u tra In conclusion, alth o u g h th e n a m e s nf ihe tw o m o u n ta in s are different, the accou nts resem b le eai:h o th e r in m a n y ways. S an a k a v a si o f N o rth e rn sources is not called " S a i p l i l m t a 1' as is SanavasT o f the Sri L an kan 1rati it ion. A lth o u g h ^at.iakavajfT a n d Sarjib h u la S a n a v a s i can n o t be p ro v en lo be identical, since they w ere both A n a n d a *s disciples a n d lived at the sa m e tim e a n d in sim ilar places, they p ro b ab ly w ere, tn fact, the sam e person. In Sri Lankan sources such as the DipQikiqua, Afafttivawsa, a n d the Samantapdsddikd, the following lineage o f vinaya m asters is recorded; U p a li, O a s a k a , S o n a k a , S iggava, a n d M u ^ d l i j j u t t i i I iSsft, S m c e , accord ing io Sri L a n k a n sources, M o g g aJip u tta T issa ii saitl to have been A soka's teacher, five g e n eratio n s ol leachers w ould have served betw een the d e a th o f the B u d d h a an d th e accession o f Asoka to the th ro n e. In N o r th e rn sources, Asoka's teacher is said to have been U p a g u p ta ; th us, ac c o rd in g to N o rth e rn sources, four g en eratio n s of Leachers would have passed betw een the d e a th o f the B u d d h a an d Asoka. S a in h h u ta SiinavasL does dot a p p e a r in the lineage in the N o r t h ­ e rn sources b ecau se, as a disciple of A n a n d a , SanavasT belonged to a different lineage In c o n tra st, the Sri L a n k a n lineage o f mnaya m asters w as based on the fact th at M o g g a lip u tta 's p recepto r was Siggava an d S ig g av a’s p re c e p to r was Son ak a and so forth back lo UpaJi. C o n s e ­ quently, there w as no place in the Sri L a n k a n Uncage to add A n a n d a . A cco rd in g lo die lineages found in N o r th e rn sources, U p a g u p t a ’s p recep tor was SanakaviisJ, S an ak av asl's p recepto r was A n a n d a , an d A n a n d a "s p re c e p to r was M a h a k a sy a p a . H o w ev er, d o u b t exists a b o u t w h eth er A nanda"b p re c e p to r was M a h a k a sy a p a . A cco rd in g lo the Pali Vinaya, A n a n d a 's p re c e p to r was n a m e d B cla^hasfsa, indicating that A n a n d a ’s p re c e p to r p ro b ab ly was not M a h a k a s y a p a (Vinaya, vol. 4, p. &6). W h y M a h a k a s y a p a was listed eis A n a n d a ’s p recep to r m u st be COJV sidercd further. A fter the B u d d h a 's death M a h a k a s y a p a was p ro b ab ly the B u d d h a's m ost pow erful disciple. Mahakasyapa presided o v e r the First C o un cil M o reo v er, a n u m b e r o f stories in the Agamas d e m o n stra te ihe respect lie Id for M a h a k a sy a p a . For ex am p le, in one story the B u d d h a shared his seat w ith MahE~tka£yapa a n d then h a d hint preach. In a n o th e r story, the B uddha ex ch an g ed Ins ta tte re d robes for M a h a k a s y a p a 's large h e m ­ pen robe (sanghati). Since S a r ip u lr a a n d M a u d ^ a ly a y a n a It ad prede-

ceased (he B u d d h a , M ah ak aS y ap a w as rccognizcd by ev eryo ne as the most influem ial figure in ihe B uddhist o rd er after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th . C o n sequently, later, w hen those in A n a n d a 's lineage traced t h r i r sp irit' ual ancestry, th ey did not m entio n A n a n d a s actual p re c e p to r since he was alm ost com pletely u n k n o w n an d did nothing to b o lster A n a n d a hs au thorit y. 1n s te a d , t hey devi sed a le g en d in w h ich M ah jitc a syap a bestow ed the leach ing on A n a n d a . O n e n f the m ajo r objections to the (radLtioh that M a h a k a s y a p a was An an d a ’s p re c e p to r is th at m a n y legends suggesting that serious discord existed b etw een M ah afcaiy ap a a n d A n a n d a a re fo u n d in m e Agamas an d vinayas. F o r exam ple* accord ing to the c h a p te r on the First C o u n cil in the Vinaya, a fter the First C o u n cil, M a h a k a s y a p a described several s e ri­ o u s erro rs m ad e by A n a n d a a n d urg ed A n a n d a to confess them . O th e r stories concern criticism s that A n a n d a ’s followers m a d e against M a h a ­ kasyapa w hen he was older. M a h a k a s y a p a w as influential im m e d ia te ly after the B u d d h a 's d e a ih , bur Eater A n a n d a 's followers gained in s tre n g th until they b ecam e the stro ng er faciion. A n a n d a h a d m a n y strong connections with ihe o rd e rs in the west. In m a n y episodes in ihe Agamas, he is described as staying anti p reach in g to people at ihe G h o s ita r a m a in K a u sa m b I, in the w estern part o f e e n ’ tral India,® Since A n a n d a liked to proselytize in the west, he p ro b ab ly h a d m a n y discipics there. W h e n a c o m m itte e o f eight m on ks was chosen to investigate ihe poinls at issue at (he S eco n d C o u n cil, six o f (he eight w ere An a n d a 1s disciples. Because A n a n d a h a d lived lon ger (Han most of (he H uddha'? o th er im m e d ia te disciples, his disciples w ere a m o n g the eldest m e m b e rs o f the o r d e r a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry after rhe B u d ­ d h a ’s d e a th . T h e above accou nt agrees w ith o th e r in fo rm aiio n ab ou t A n a n d a 's age. At the tim e o f the B u d d h a 's d e a th . A n a n d a served as his personal a tte n d a n t, a position p ro b ab ly not held by an elderly m o nk . A ccording to the Ta-chih'tu tun ( 7 '2 5 : 6 t i a h MahaptajMpatamitopadeia) a n d th e com m c n ia r y cm (he Thfragdtkd, A n a n d a was the B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t for tw enty-live years. If A n a n d a h a d becom e rhe B u d d h a 's a tte n d a n t im m ed iately after he was o rd a in e d , th en he was p rob ab ly forty-five years old ai the B u d d h a 's death a n d m ight well have lived for a n o th e r thirty to forty years. A m in d a 's disciple S an a k a v a si was a native o f R a ja g r h a acco rdin g to N o r th e rn sources such as th e A-yu-wang thing ( T 2(H3, Aiokartijasuita?) H e in tro d u ce d B u d d h ism to M a lh u r a io £(he wcsl M o u n t U r u m u n d a , m e n tio n e d earlier, was in M a r h u r a , an d S a n a k a v a si's disci pic U p a g u p (a was a native o f M a th u r a (A-yii-wong chuon, T 3 0 :1 1 4 b , 117b). T h u s by rhe tim e o f Sariakavasi, B ud d h ism was sp read in g (0 M a th u r a .

A cco rd in g to Sri L a n k a n sources, m ost o f ihe eiders chosen io serve on the c o m m itic c to d ecid e the issues th at arose at rhe lim e o f the Seea n d C o u n cil I raced their (meji^es b ack io U pali even while ack n o w led g ­ ing thar (hey were A n a n d a 's disciples. T h is d iscrep an cy probably occurs because M a h in d a , rhe m onk w ho tra n sm itte d B ud d h ism ro Sri L a n k a, was in U p a li’s lineage (U p a li. U a s a k a , S on ak a, S iggava, M ogg a lip u tta , M a h in d a ). M a h i n d a ’s lineage was probably em ph asized in Sri L a n k a n sources because M a h in d a was o n e o f the most im p o rta n t figures in Srj L a n k a n B u d d h ism , Lineages were a Sacred issue for m o n k s, a n d tra cin g a lineage back ih ro u g h a series o f p receptors an d disciples was an ackn ow led ged way of p ro ving the o rth o d o x y o f a p e r ­ son's o rd in a tio n . C on sequ en tly , m onks w ould not hav e forgot len o r fa b ­ ricated ihe Im eage o f M a h in d a a n d his preceptor. T h e fact th ai m onks such as S o n a k a a n d S ig g a v a h w ho are included in ihe lineage betw een U p ali a n d M o g g a lip u tta T issa, do not a p p e a r a s m a jo r figures in the history o f the liuddhist o r d e r suggests that such lineages a re p ro b ab ly au th en tic. T h e lineage should be u n d ersto o d as referrin g to the relatio n­ ship b etw een p recepto r a n d disciples, not as in d icatin g th at figures such as S on ak a a n d Siggava w ere p a n o f a lin eag e of m o nk s w ho su pervised ihe order. A cco rd in g (o Sri L a n k a n sources, th ere w ere five gen eratio ns of i-'truiya m asters b etw een th e d e a th o f die B u d d h a a n d the lim e ol A£uka. A ccording io N o r th e rn sources such as die A-yii-wang chuan ( T Afojarajiivddma *), b ecau se A n a n d a 's disciple San aka vast was longlived „ A sok a's teach er U p a g u p ia was in the fourth g en eratio n after die H uddha. T h e lineage in the N o rth ern sources from A n a n d a to Sana^ kavasT io U p a g u p ta was based on ihe relation ship of p re c e p to r lo d isci­ ple, reflecting the im p o rta n c e o f o rd in a tio n s, bul the relationship b etw een M a h a k a sy a p a a n d A n a n d a was not o n e o f p re c e p to r ro disci­ ple. To explain d m discrepancy, the lineage in N o r th e rn sources h a d to a s su m e rhe form at o f being a transm ission o f rhe reaching ra th e r than an ordination lineage. A c c o rd in g to N o rth ern sources, A sok a's teacher was U p a g u p ta o f M n u n i U r u m u n ^ a . in Srt L ank an sources, A soka's te a c h e r was M o g g a lip u n a T issa o f M o urn A h o g an g a. Aii h o u g h the tw o teach ers resem b le each o ih cr in certain ways, th ey can n o t reaso n ab ly be identified as ihe sam e person Q u e stio n s c o n cern in g w h eth er only one m o n k o r both m o n k s w ere A s o k a ’s teach ers re m a in u n a n s w e re d ai p resen t. Evidence from the lineages ih u s indicates th ai the Sri L a n k a n figure o f 218 years for the period b etw een the B u d d h a 's d e a th a n d Asoka's succession is sim ply lot) long. T h e figure o f 116 years found in N o rth e rn sources is m u c h m ore reaso nab le.

M a d h y a n tik a an d the D isp a tch o f M issio n a ries T h e N o r th e rn a n d S o u th e rn (Sri L a n k a n ) tra d itio n s agree on a n u m b e r ol po ints co n cern in g M a d h y a m ik a - A ccording lu ihe N o r th e rn t r a d i ­ tio n , he was A n a n d a 's Iasi disciple. A p p ro x im a te ly a h u n d re d years after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , h e w ent to K ash m ir, w here he built a place 10 m editate a n d live- Stories ab ou t him describe how he conv erted some evil d rag o n s (N a g a ) in K a s h m ir ro B u dd hism , sp read B u d d h ism a m o n g the people, a n d laug h 1 the people how lo grow tulips to m ak e their living. A ccording to the Sri L a n k a n tradition , m issionaries from the Buddhisi o r d e r w ere sent to v ario u s lands d u rin g th e reign o f Asoksi at the re c o m m e n d a tio n o f M o g g a lip u tia T issa. E m in e m m on ks w ere dis­ p atched to n in e areas, with M a jjh a n tik a going to K a s h m ir a n d G a n d h a ra . M a jjh a n tik a look five m o nk s with him to K a s h m ir a n d c o n ­ verted evil d rag o n s th ere by using his s u p e r h u m a n pow ers a n d (he people by teach in g the Asivisopama'siida. M a jjh a n tik a is p ro b ab ly the sam e person as the M a d h y a m ik a m e n tio n e d in ihe N o r th e rn sources. Since the M a d h y a n tik a m e n tio n e d in the N o r th e rn sources was said ro he ihe Iasi disciple o f A n a n d a , he could hav e been a c o n te m p o r a ry of U p a g u p ta . A n d if U p a g u p ta Uved d u rin g A so k a's reign, then th e m is­ sionary activities o f both m en w ould hove b een assisted by A sok a's support o f B u d d h ism . Since B u d d h is m h ad sp read to M a ih u r a d o lin g this tim e, Ihen M ad h y an lck a m ight Very welJ have taken it farth er n n rlh to K ash m ir, A cco rd in g ro Sri L a n k a n chronicles, at th e sam e tim e M ajyhantika w as p roselytising in K ash m ir, o th er e m in e n t m o nk s from the o rd er in M a g a d h a were sp read in g B u d d h ism to o th er p a rts o f In d ia , Each e m i ­ nen t m o n k w as seni with a g r o u p o f five m o n k s, since five w as th e m in i­ m u m n u m b e r re q u ire d to p erfo rm fult o rd in a tio n s . A lisr o f these e m i ­ nen t m onks, the a re a s in which they proselytized, a n d the tutr& s that they p re a c h e d follows.

Mahideva went lo Mah isainandalu and preached the D evadutosutta Rakkhita went to Vanavast and preached the An^itiattagivOiuUa Dhammarakkhtta went ro Apa ran taka and preached tlv AgghiJchtuuiup a m a su tta

M a h a d h a m m a r a k k h i ta w em to M a h a ra s jh a a n d p re a c h e d the MaAandradakassQpa -jdtaka M ah iirak k h ita w ent to YonaJoka an d p reach ed ihe Kdtakdrdjnasuttonta M a jjh im a w ent to H im ttv sftla p a d e sa a n d p re a c h e d ihe Dhammaaikka' pavattnnauiita

S n n a k a a n d U t t a r a w ent to S u v a n g a b h fim i a n d p re a c h e d the Brahma-

jdlasutia M a h in d a w eni to L a h k a d ip a (Sri L a n k a ) a n d preached the Culahatihipadopamasutta a n d o th e r sutras M a h is a in a p d a la , w here M a h a d e v a was sent, seem s to b e lo ihe south o f the N a r m a d a River* but ii has also been identified widi M ysore. A ccording to ihe StafwAi'ffl tti ( T 24:6ft lc-fi2a), the C h in ese iranslatio n o f B u d d h a g h o s a ’s Samantapdsddika, M a h a d e v a a n d M a jjh a n tik a were teachers (dcdrya) at M a h i n d a ’a full o rd in a tio n . Episodes co n cern in g two figures n a m e d M a h a d e v a a rc inclu ded in S arv astiv ad in sources, M a h a ­ d e v a is said to be b o th a m o n k w ho caused the schism b etw een the Schavira a n d M a h a s a n g h ik a schools b y p re a c h in g his “ five p o in ts 5’ an d a M a h a s a n g h ik a m onk w ho lived at M o u n t C aitika a n d caused the schism th at ted to the form atio n ol the C a itik a School (w hich is related to the M a h a s a n g h ik a School) by p roclaim in g the Hlfive p o in ts ." T h e for­ m e r figure, the m onk responsible for the basic schism , is p ro b ab ly a fie* tionaJ ch aracter, T h e jaLter lived a p p ro x im a te ly two cen tu ries after the B u d d h a ’&d e a th ai M o u n t C a itik a , along th e m idd le p a rt o f the K rsn a R iv e r in A n d h r a . It is u n c le a r w h eth er this M a h a d e v a should be id e n ti­ fied with [he (Tiunk o f th e sam e n a m e who wa>i disp ^tchi'd as a m issio n ­ a ry by M o g g a lip u tta T issa. T h e place called “ A p a r a n t a k a ” has been identified with a site on the west coast o f In d ia , an a r e a previously o p e n e d to B ud d h ism by Purrta. M a h a ra ( f h a is n e a r B om bay in M a h a ra ^ r a ;, Yonaloka was in the n o rth in the area w here a n tim b e r o f C re e k s lived. H im a v a n ta p a d e s a w as in the H im a la y a n regio n, a n d S u v a n n a b h u m i was in e a ste rn In d ia n e a r B u rm a . Besides M a jjh im a , fo u r o th er m o n k s — K a s s a p a g o tta h A lakadcya, D u n d u b h is s a ra j a n d S a h a d e u a — helped p ro p a g a te B ud d h ism in the H im a la y a n area A m o n g ih e fu n erary u rn s found at the second stupa, at Sanci w ere one for " K a s a p a g o t a 11 [n rj, a teacher in the H im a la y a n area, a n d a n o th e r for the sage “ M a jh im a " {*&]■ T h e se archcological finds p ro v id e ad d itio n a l evidence co n cern in g M a jjh im a ’s activities in H im a la y a n areas. M a h in d a e q u ip p e d h im self for his jo u r n e y to Sri L a n k a at th e V idisa m o n a ste ry (P. Vedisagiri) n e a r SancT, b ade farewell lo his m o ih cr, an d d e p a rte d with five m o n k s. F ro m V id isa he p ro b ab ly traveled to the west coast o f In d ia , b o ard ed a ship going south, ro u n d e d the tip o i l tie In d ia n s u b c o n tin e n t, a n d lan d ed in Sri L anka. Because the dispatch of mis* sio n aries to v ario u s p a rts o f In d ia is p ro ven in p a rt by in scriptions, the

sc rip tu ral account o f the m issionaries m a y be reg ard ed as essentially factual. To s u m m a riz e , A n a n d a o p en ed K ausam bT to B u d d h ism . O n e h u n ­ d re d years after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , B u d d h is m h a d sp read ro Sarikasya, K a n y a k u b ja , A vanti, a n d along the S o u th e rn K uute. B u dd hism was s u b se q u e n tly in tro d u ce d to M a th u r a by ^aipakavasj a n d U p a g u p ta . M issio n aries were th en disp atch ed to K a s h m ir, s o u th e rn I n d ia , a n d the H im a la y a n region. StOne.s co n cern in g th e te rrito ry otpOS-ed to Bud* d h ism d u r in g the lifetimes o f &anakavasl a n d U p a g u p ta agree with the accou n t o f the d isp atch o f m issionaries in the n ex t period. T h u s the m is­ sionaries w ere probably sent out betw een 100 a n d 150 years after the B u d d h a ’s d e a th . If the Sri L a n k a n version o f B ud dh ist history is followed in w hich 218 years elapsed betw een the B u d d h a 's d e a th an d A s o k a ’s succession, then th ere w o uld b e a h u n d r e d -y e a r gap b etw een Kacifikavjm a n d M o g g a lip u tta d u r in g w hich the o rd er w ould have been virtually m o rib u n d .

Th e T h ir d Council As the above diseussion indicates, a n u m b e r o f differences exist betw een the N o rth e rn a n d S o u th e rn acco u n ts o f the early B u dd hist order. T h e r e are also im p o rta n t points o f a g reem en t betw een the different accounts. By the tim e o f K in g A fc k a , th ere h ad been four o r five gen eration s of leaders o f the sangha, a n d the p ro p ag atio n o f B u d d h ism in K a s h m ir h ad b egu n. In die s o u th h B uddhism h a d sp read ro rhe Deccan plateau . A ccording ro rhe Sri L a n k a n traditio n, d u rin g A io k a 's reign m ission­ aries w ere sent to various parrs o f l n d i a . H o w ev er, a project o f this m a g ­ nitude p ro b ab ly could not have involved ju s t one school o f N ikaya (H in ay iln a ) B u d d h ism , the T h e r a v a d a . M o reo v er, ac c o rd in g to the fifth c h a p te r o r the Dipavanisa, a Sri L a n k a n chronicle, m a n y schism s o ccurred d u rin g rhe second e e n tu ry after the B u d d h a ’s d eath. T h e se schisms ev en tu ally led to the eighteen schools o f N ikaya B ud dh ism . T h u s according to th e Sri L a n k a n accou nt, the C a itik a School o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage (fo un ded by M a h a d e v a ) w ould alread y have been establish ed in A n d h r a by the time o f A so k a’s succession to the throne. T h e D h a r m a g u p ta k a a n d th e K aSyapiya schools w ould have already split away from th e S arv asiiv ad in School, a n d the K a s h m iri S arv n stiv ad m School w ould alread y have h a d a stro n g base. In a d d i­ tio n , accord ing to the Sri L a n k a n tra d itio n , o th e r schools h a d been established by A so k a’s tim e , such as the M ah lsasak as, D h a r m a g u p la -

kas, S a m m a tly a s , a n d VataJputrlyfls, a n d h a d p r o b a b ly sp read beyond c en tral In d ia . T h u s , acco rd in g lo Sri L a n k a n sources, by the tim e of Asoka, B ud d h ism h a d probably alread y sp read th rou gh our Indio an d m o i t o f the schism s ol N ik ay a B u d d h ism h a d alread y occurred, h is d o u h tlu l w h e th e r m issio naries w ould have been d isp atch e d to these areas when B u d d h ism was alread y so firmly established in th e m . T h e acco u n ts in die Sri L a n k a n chronicles o f th e schism s a n d th e dispatch nf ihe m issio naries b y A soka a r e clearly diJTiculf to reconcile with each other. If bo th the schisms a n d ihe dispatch o f m issionaries a re historical ev en ts, then the N o r th e rn tra d itio n ’s accou nt is m o re reasonable. A cco rd in g to this acco u n t, th e m issionaries were dispatched before the schisms* o f N ikaya B u d d h ism . ( T h e Sri L a n k a n claim that m a n y o f the schisms occu rred before Asoka's reign is discussed in c h a p te r &.) A c c o rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, b itter dissension was evident in the o rd er d u r in g Asoka's tim e. H o w e v e rh such discord w o u ld pro bably have b een resolved by a series of schisms that gave m o nk s a choice cjf orders. A m ore n a tu r a l o rd er of events w ould place die dissension before the schism s. T h e Sri L a n k a n chronicles describe discord in the o rd er at ^ a ja lip u tra d u rin g A soka's reig n , indicating th at discord had b rok en out in the o rd e rs o f central India. To resolve the situ aiio n . M ogg a lip u tta T issa was s u m m o n e d Irotn M o u n t Ahogariga. T h e edicts of Asoka from K a u s a m b i, S a f n i, an d S a rn a th strongly w arn ed against schisms in the order, statin g th at m onks w ho caused schisms w ere to be expelled a n d laicized, ( T h e fact th a t the e d k i s w ere c arv ed in stone s u g ­ gests th at th e discord probably h a d been o ccu rrin g for a long period .) T h e carved edicts w a rn in g against schisms w ere located at the stro n g ’ holds o f the w esiern m o nk s o f Avanti a n d the S o u th e rn R o u te at the tim e o f th e Second C o u n c il, a n d thus reflect the s itu a tio n in In d ia n B uddhism after the dispu te o v e r the ,htc n p o in ts 1’ o f vsnaya had o ccu rred . A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n trad itio n , M o g g alip u tta Tissa was invited 10 M ajalipm ra, w h ere he defrocked heretics a n d purified the o rd er so th at those re m a in in g a d h e re d to V ib h a jjh a v a d a doctrine. L ater he assem bled one th o u sa n d m o n k s an d c o n v e n e d the T h i r d C o u n cil. To specify o rth o d o x doctrinal positions, lie com piled the Kathdi'titthu (P o in ts of C o n tro v e rsy ). T h e se events o ccu rred in a p p ro x im a te ly th e eigh ­ teen th y ear o f A so ka's reign. H ow ever, if most o f the schisms o f N ikaya B u d d h ism h a d alread y o c c u rre d , as is stated in the Sri L a n k a n sources^ it is unlikely th at (he v ario u s orders could have been purified a n d forced to conform lo V ib h a jjh o v a d a d octrine. M o g g a lip u tta T issa p ro b ab ly w ould not h av e been able to stop the a r g u m e n ts betw een the m on ks of

Kau£3mbTt SlficT, a n d Sftmathf. M o r e o v e r if M o g g a lip u tta Tissiy did assem ble o n e rh on sand m o nk s a n d co n v en e a council^ he p ro b a b ly w ould not have selected m o n ks from o th er schools. C o nsequ ently, rhe T h ird C o u n cil can n u i be recognized as an event in vo lving th e Buddhist o rd e rs o f .ill o f India. Since ihe Kathavaithu was co m piled w ithin the T h e r a v a d a order, som e so n o f council m u si hav e been con ven ed . H o w ev er, (hr- council was held nor d u rin g Asoka's reign , but a p p ro x im a te ly a c e n tu ry after Asoka. Since the doctrines o f the vario us schools o f N ikaya B u dd hism art- e x a m in e d a n d criticized in th e Katkdwtttfiti, this texi tnust have h e r n com piled after these schools arose, probably d u r in g the last hall o f ihe second cen tu ry n.c.E . T h u s if [he T h ir d C o u n cil IS c o n s i d c m l to be a historical ev en t, ii was a council held only w ithin ihe T h e r a v a d a School d u r m g [he la tte r p a rt n f [he SL'rond re n tu ry h .C . k .

T h e D ates o f the B u d d h a T h e above discussion clearly d e m o n s tra te s fhc difficulties o f accepting the tra d itio n al Sri L a n k a n account of ihe early Buddhist o rd e r. Sri L a n k a n statem en ts that [he B u d d h a died 2 IS years before A sok a's s u c ­ cession to the thro ne a n d th at most o f (he schisms in the o rd e rs had o ccu rred by A sok a's tim e are difficult to reconcile with o th er aspects o f B u dd h ist in
lim e o f his a m vat in Sri L a n k a , monies there claim ed thai 1,457 years had elapsed since (Jit: B u d d h a 's nirvana ( T 5 I :8G5a). C a lc u la tio n s bused on (his figure in d icate that ih e B u d d h a's ntrvdna w ould have o ccurred s o m e tim e before (000 a .c .n ., a d a te nor even clo.se to o n e b ased on a p erio d o f 218 years betw een (he B u d d h a ’s d eath a n d A soka's succes­ sion. T h e figure o f 218 years w as thus not ev en accepted by alt Sri L a n k a n m o nk s. A su rv ey o f o th e r p rim a ry source m ateria ls fro m In d ia reveals lh al in m ost cases A s o k a ’s reign is d a te d one h u n d r e d years o r slightly m ore a fter the B u d d h a 's nirvana. A m o n g the texts with a figure o f one h u n ­ d re d years are the To. chuan-ytn tun thing ( T 4:309c, Kalpandmanrfitika*), Scng-th u so-chi thing ( 7 '4 : 1 4 5 a ) h H stenyit thing ( T 4:368c, DairtumukaniddAdSiitra), Ts& pi-yu thing ( T 4 : 5 0 3 b ) , Chung-thing thuan tsa -p ’i yu ( T 4:541c), T ta a-han (htng ( 7 ’ 2:162a. Satnyukidgama), Dttydvaddna (p. 36ft; Vaidya tLd . Hp. 2 3 2 )hAy&*wang chuan ( 7 ' 5 0 9 9 c b Aioknrdjdvaddna*). A yu-wang thing ( T 5 0 : 13 2ah A.iokardjasdtTa?), Ta-thih-tu fan (7" 25:70a. A/ahaprajfidparamitftpodtia)„ a n d the Fcn-ptrh kitng-tr tun (7 25 :39 a). In H s u a n -ts a n g 's travel d ia ry (7 * 5 1 :911a), the period is o n e h u n d r e d years long, a n d in l-c h in g 's travel d ia r y ( 7 ’ 54:205c) it is only som ew hat longer, thus in d icatin g that the figure o f app rox ifn aicly one h u n d re d years was accepted in h id Ia at the tim e of their travels. In the T i b r i a n tra n slatio n o f the SamayabhedopaTananatakra (P e k in g no. 5639), Asoka's succession is said to have occu rred one h u n d r e d years a fter the B u d d h a 's nirvana, white in H su a n - l u n g 's C h in ese tran slation (7" 49:15a) rhe period is said to be m o re th an one h u n d r e d years. P a r a m a r t h a 's C h in ese tra n sla tio n , the Pu chih-i tun, a n d a n o th e r C h i ­ nese tra n sla tio n , the Shift pa pu tun , b o th have a figure o f 116 year* (7~ 4 9 : lfla, 20a); how ever, in th e Y i i a n a n d M i n g d yn asiy ed itio n s o f Param art h a 's tran slatio n, the figure is ch a n g e d to [60 years. A cco rd in g to the 7"a-fang-ieng wu-hsiang thing ( T J 2 : 1097c; M ahdmtghastiiTaff). !20 years elapsed betw een ihe B u d d h a 's nirvana a n d A sok a's succession. I n the Alo-ho r t o-yth thing ( T 1 2 :10 13ca Ajahdnidydsutra?), rhe period is stated to be less t h a n 200 years. A cco rd in g to B h av y a 's Sde-pa tha-dad-par bytd-pa dan Tnam-par bsad-pa (Nikdyabhtdavibfuxriga'Vydkhydna, Peking no. 5640), a T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n d a te d ihe first m a jo r schism b etw een the S thavit as a n d M a h a sa h g h ik a s as occu rrin g 160 y ears after the B u d d h a 's nirvana, d u r in g A sok a's reign. S o m e scholars have relied heavily on B h av y a 's figure o! 160 years a fter the B u d d h a ’s death for the first schism O n the basis o f the figure o f 160 years, w hich occurs in th e Yiian a n d M in g d y nasty editions o f the Pu chih-i tun, they have a rg u e d th at the figures o f 116 years o r “ slighdy m ore lh an one h u n d r e d y ears" found in o th e r tran slalio n s should be

amended to 160 years. However, the S u n g dynasty and th e Korean edi­ tions of the Pu
tions* A cco rd in g io Sri L a n k a n sources, M o g g alip u tta put an e n d to the disputes a m o n g the m on ks in P a ia lip u tra am i ad v o cated [he d isp atch of m issionaries to vario u s lands. M a jjh a n tik a was sent io b rin g the teach ­ ings of B u d d h ism tn K a s h m ir, M a jjh im a a n d K a ssa p a g n tta rn the H im a la y a n regio n, and M a h a d e v a tu s o u th e rn In d ia . B uddhism thus sp read ro all o f In d ia wirh A so ka's conversion a n d assistance. D u rin g A sok a's reign, t h t disputes w ithin ihe o rd er became* m o re e v id en t, but still not severe en o u g h to C&UsC a schism. O n ly after A soka'a d eath did th e actual schism o f the o r d e r into the S th av ira a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools occur, p rob ably in p a r t b c ta u s c o f the decline o f the M a u r y a n em p ire. T h u s serious d isp u tes arose w ith in the early Buddhist o rd er's ra n k s before A so ka's reign , but the o r d e r did not actually split into schools until after A sok a's d e a th . T h e spread o f B uddhism to all o f l n d i a m e a n t th at regional differences w ere added to doctrinal differences with the result th at f u rth e r schism s o ccu rred rapidly d u rin g the c e n tu ry after A sok a's d eath .

CH APTER 7

The Buddhism of King Asoka

T h e E d icts T h e B u d d h i s m ol K ing A soka is p r e s o r te d here tn c o n ju n c tio n with E a rly RiitJ-rthi^in r since A io k n ’s ideas a re closer tn E arly B u d d h ism than to N ikaya B u d d h ism . I he d ates o f K in g A soka n reigU, usually given nx 2 6 8 -23 2 t i . c. f . , a rc b ased on Rock Edict X I I I , which listed the n a m e s o f five kings to the west o f In d ia to w hom K in g A soka sent m issionaries to s p re a d B uddhism - In clu d ed were (he kings o f S yria, Egypf, an d M a c e d o n ia . T h e d ates o f K in g A soka's reig n , w ith a possible e r r o r of two m ten years, w ere calcu lated by c o m p a r in g the d ates o f these li^e kings. Because In d ia n s h a d little ini crest to hisrory, we have few In d ia n historical records; these d ates provide a b e n c h m a rk u p o n which m an y o th er d ates of an cien t In d ia n history are based. A ccord ing to the Sri L a n k a n historical ch ron icle the Altihavamsa (chap , 20, v P 6), Asoka reig n ed for fhirty-sevcn years- according to the Purdnas, he ruled for thirty-six years. The inscriptions that survive from A so k a’s reign p ro ’ eide the m osi reliable source for discussing his tim es. Besides the edicts, Sri L a n k a n sources such as the M ahauamui, a n d Samanlapdsddika should also be consulted. T h e N o r th e rn trad itio n includes such sources as the A -yu iu a n g eftwin ( T 2042, ASokarajdw ddna*), the A y u -w a n g thm g AfokarajastUra?)) a n d the Divydvadax/i A cco rd in g to le g e n d a ry biographies, Asoka led a violent life as a y o u ih an ti weis responsible for the deaths o f m a n y people Later, h o w ­ ever, he co n verted to B ud d h ism a n d ruled benevolently C onsequently; he was e a tlrd D h a rm a so k a (Asoka o f the T eaching) A so k a’s edicts a re a

m ure reliable sou rce Tor in form ation a b o u t his lift, T h e y state (hat Asoka co n v e rte d io B u d d h ism a n d b ecam e a Buddhist lay m an in th e s ev en th year o f Ms reign, b u t was not particularly pious for the follow­ ing tw o a n d o n e -h a lf years. In the eighth y ear o f his reign he c o n q u e re d the co u n try o f Kaliriga after a c a m p a ig n in w hich he saw m a n y in no cen t people killed. P riso n ers w ere d e p o rie d to o th e r land s, ch ild ren w ere s e p ­ a rated fruin p arents, a n d h u s b a n d s from wives. T h e king was greatly s a d d e n e d by thejie scenes a n d cam e to believe ih at w a r w as w ro n g , ihat the only real victory was one b ased on the tru th s o f B ud dh ist (cachings ( dha rrrvs-uijaya), not one based on force a n d violence. F o r m ore th an a year, A soka lived n e a r a B u dd hist o rd er a n d p e r ­ form ed religious austerities In the tenth y e a r o f his reign, he ‘ w ent to sambodhi" (R ock Edict V IJJ), T h e te rm “sambodhi'1 m e a n s e n lig h te n ­ m e n t a n d can be in te rp re te d as m e a n in g c ith e r that the king was en ligh tened o r that he jo u r n e y e d to B u dd hagay jt, the place o f the B u d ­ d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t; F ro m thai lim e on, Asoka e m b a rk e d on a series of pilgrim ages to sices c o n n e c te d with [he B u d d h a 's life. A cco rd in g to one edict, some tim e alter the tw entieth year o f his reign, he visited L u m b in i, the site o f the B u d d h a 's b irth ( R u m m in d c i Pillar Edict), A soka assiduously p racticed his religion a n d strove to establish a n d extend the D h a r m a in ih« lan ds he ruled o r influenced. U n d e r his reign, th e people w ere ta u g h t w ith pictures depicting heavenly palaces. T h u s , according to the in scrip tio n s, the people w ho form erly h a d no relations with the gods now h a d such relations (B ra h m a g iri R o c k Edict). F ro m the twelfth year o f his reign until the tw en ty -sev en th year, K in g Asoka w orked t o sp read Buddhist teaching s as h e U nderstood them by h av in g stone inscriptions carved. M a n y o f these have been discovered. S om e, carved on polished stone slabs, are know n as Rock Edicts, while o th ers, c arv ed on larg e s a n d s to n e pillars, a re called Pillar Edicts. T h e re a n 1 two types o f Rfick Edicts. F o u rtee n M a jo r Rock Edicts have been disco vered at seven places alo ng the b o rd ers o f the territory that A soka contro lled , inclu din g G im a r . T h e y generally have long texts a n d a re the m ost rep resen tativ e n f the edicts M in o r Rock F-dicts have been d isco v­ ered at seven places in cen tral a n d so uthern India. T h e se edicts g e n e r­ ally co n cern B u d d h ism , bui so m e co n cern Asoka's practices. T h e in scriptio n concerning the seven suiras that Asoka re c o m m e n d e d (see below) was found at Hairat t one o f the sites o f the M in o r Rock Edicts B oth M a jo r a n d M i n o r Pillar Edicts have survived. Six n r seven M a jo r Millar Edicts have Ejeen discovered at six sites, p rim a rily in c e n ­ tral India. Like the Rock Fidicts, th ey gen erally concern the co n ten t of the D h a r m a . T h e y w ere erected after the tw enty-sixth y ear o f Asoka's reign. T h e M in o r Pillar Edicts were usu ally situ ated at Buddhist pi]-

g rim age sites such as S a r n a th a n d Sanci. T h e subjects covered by them concern the B ud dh ist o rd er (sangha) and include w arning s against schisms. T h e se pillars were generally cap p ed wilh carv in gs o f anim als. T h e pillar discovered ai S a r n a th is cap ped by four lions facing o u tw ard . Beneath th e m a re four wheels o f the teach ing , T h is exquisite carving has b een ad o p ted as a n ation al sym bol, a p p e a rin g on m o d e rn I n d ia 's seal; the wheel ap p e a rs on its flag. A noka’s inscriptions w ere first discovered by m o d ern scholars in the n in eteen th century, T h e se discoveries have c o n tin u e d in recent years. In 19+9 a n inscription in A ram aic was discovered at L a m p a k a in A fg h an istan . An inscription w ritte n in b o th G reek a n d A ram aic was fo u n d ai K a n d a h a r in 195JJ, a n d the discovery o f a R ock Edict within th e d t y limits o f Delhi was rep o rted tn 1966. M o re th an th irty edicts h av e been identified- A lthough g reat progress has been m ad e in u n d e r ­ s ta n d in g the inscriptions since rhe first o n e w as deciphered in 1873 by J a m e s Prinscp* m a n y un solv ed p ro blem s co n cern in g the inscriptions re m a in .

T h e D tiarm a P reached b y K i n g A soka T h e king believed th e B u dd hist teach in g th at all m en w ere essentially equal. H e n c e t ajl m en, inclu din g him self, w ere to observe the B u d d h a 's T e ach in g ( D h a rm a ) . People w ere to follow a m o ra l code o f co m p assio n a n d sincerity. A m o n g the reco m m en d ed activities w ere h a v in g c o m p a s ­ sion for living beings, speaking th e t r u t h , acting w ith fo rb earan ce an d patience, a n d h elp in g the needy. A lthough these prescriptions a re sim ­ ple, A soka believed th at they w ere im m u ta b le t i l t h s th at all should fol­ low. To tra n sm it th e m to fu tu re gen eration s, he had his edicts carved in stone. T h e im p o rta n c e o f respect for (he lives o f sentient beings was repeat* edly stated in A£okaTs edicts. N eedless killing was pro h ib ited . I f a n im a ls w ere to be killed, p reg n an t a n d n u rsin g a n im a ls w ere to be sp ared . Two types o f hospitals were built in the country, o n e for a n im a ls a n d one for people. M edicinal plants w ere cultivated, trees p la n te d alongside th e roads, a n d wells dug. Places to rest a n d o b ta in d rin k in g w a te r were built for travelers (R o^k Edict III). In these ways, Asoka eased the lives o f both m e n a n d anim als a n d d e m o n stra te d his love a n d affection (dayd) for all sentient beings. In A so k a’s edicts* the im p o rta n c e of o b ed ien ce io p arents, teachers, a n d su p erio rs was repeatedly 3tres3ed, Elders w ere to be tre ated with courtesy. F rien ds, scholars, b r a h m a n s , tmmanas, p o o r people, servants,

And slaves were to be tre a te d properly, a n d the d ignity o f each person respected. In ad d itio n , alm s w ere Eo be given [o b r a h m a n s , hamanas, and the poor. T h e king h im self gave u p the sport o f h u n tin g an d e m b a r k e d on D h a r m a lo urs (dk&rma-yatrd) a r o u n d the co u n try (R uck Edict V III), O n these tou rs, he visited religious a u th o ritie s a n d schol­ ars, gave alm s, held interview s with the c o m m o n p co p te1 anti tau g h t a n d a d m o n is h e d the people a b o u t ihe D h a r m a . T h e se D h a r m a tours were Asoka's g reatest pleasure. F or Asoka, teaching n r giving the D h a r m a (dkarma-ddrm) to others co n stitu ted the m ost excellent fo rm of alm sg iv in g a n d res it tied in friendships based on the D h a r m a . By p re a c h in g the D h a r m a to others, a person w ould receive rew ard s in this lile, a n d cou ntless m erits w ould be p ro d u c e d for his later lives. A long wiih the em p h asis on givin g the D h a r m a to others, Asoka u rg ed people to c o n s u m e less a n d a c c u m u la te little, a n d th u s control th eir desires. Asoka was especially diligent io his co n d u ct of government a flairs. H e o rd e re d ihat governmental p rob lem s be re p o rte d io h im at a n y an d all tim es, ev en w h e n he was e atin g , in th e w o m e n 's q u a r te r s , o r in his g ard en s, For Afioka, c o n d u c tin g good g o v e rn m e n t was (he k in g 's chief responsibility tu the people n f the country. Benefiting ai! the Ijeiugs of the w orld ant] th en increasing (hose benefits w as (he noblest (ask in the world. All die k in g 's efforts to rule were thus expressions o f his desire to repay his d eb ts to o th er sentient beings H e w ished to m ake people h app y in this w o rld and help th e m attain h eav en in th eir fu tu re Lives, H e co n sid ered all seniient h rin g s (o be his ch ild re n (R ock Edict V I). In the edicts, ihe D h a r m a w as defined in a variety of ways, as goodness (iddhu), few passions (aipefrapa), m a n y got>d acts (hahukalyoiia), affection (daya)r alm sgiving (dana), tru th (satya), a n d p u rity o f action (sauca). T h e realization o f D h a r m a (dharma-pralipatti) was said to consist o f affe c tio n t generosity in giving, I r u t h , purity, gentleness (mSrdam), a n d goodness: if a person e n g a g e d tn alm sgiving, but had not le a rn e d to control his senses (samyama) o r lacked g r a titu d e (krtejtiaid) o r was w ith ­ out steadfast sincerity (drdhabhakiCd}, he was a base person Asoka w a rn e d that b r u ta lity in h u m an ity , anger, p rid e , a n d jealousy all led to even m ore defilem ents ^Clood is noi easy to accom plish A nyone just b e g in n in g to do good will find it difficult,'' he stated- But then A io k Li noted th at lie had ” accom plished m a n y t;cH>d d e e d s " {Rock

Edicts IV -V ). A soka sp read his views on the D h a r m a m tw o ways, th ro u g h regulation& c o n c e rn in g (he D h a r m a (dharma-niyama) a n d qu iet co n tem p latio n o f the D h a r m a (dharma+atdhyati), R eg u latio n s co n cern in g ihe D h a r m a were p ro m u lg a ic d by the king T h e se laws were directed in p a rtic u la r

a g a i n s t kil ling. T h u s * t h r o u g h t h t f or ce o f l a w i h e p e o p l e w e r e m a d e [rj o b s e r v e A s o k a ’s v i e w s o n t a k i n g life.

Contemplation o f the D h a rm a involved quieting the m in d a n d m ed i­ ta tin g on ihe D h a r m a . T h r o u g h such co n tem p latio n the people w ould attain a d eep er u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the p ro h ib itio n on tak in g life a n d then app ly ii 10 th eir o th er actions. Q u ie i co n tem p latio n o f the D h a rtn a was considered to be su p erio r to regulations rn fo rc in g the D h a r m a (P illar Edict V II). Asoka em p h a siz e d th t im p o rt a nee of n o t killing, o f v alu in g all life, a n d o f re s id e lin g people. Even a person sentenced to tleaih w as given a respite ol th ree days for relatives to app eal o r for ihe c o n d e m n e d to p r e ­ pare for the next Jife By th e tw enty-sixth yeitr o f his reign, Asoka h ad alread y declared am nesties fnr p riso n ers twcnty-five times (P illar Edict V ) r T h e m a in teaching o f A so k a’s D h a r m a , respect for Jife, was based on the realization that o th e r beings w ere also alive a n d had feelings. The o th e r v irtu es stressed by A sok a— k in d n ess, giving, truth fulness, p u r ity o f action, o b e d ie n c e to p a re n ts, just trc a im e n t o f o th ers, g rati­ tu d e to society— all arose out o f that basic realization. T h e co n ten ts of A s o k a ’s D h a r m a were rich indeed. In o rd er that the D h a r m a m ig h t always he practiced th ro u g h o u i the area he ruled, Asoka a p p o in te d m in isters o f D h a r m a (dharma-mahdnidira) w ho w f r t tO travel ih riio gh ou t the c o u n try every five y ta r s a n d ascer­ tain (h:H ihe D h a r m a w as being p reached (S e p a ra te Rock Edict I: D h au li). Because the longest c d ir t, R o ck Edict X I V , does n o t specifically state th at A so k a’s D h a r m a was derived from B u d d h is m , some scholars have q u estion ed w h eth er it was Buddhist. H o w ever, rhe D h a r m a p reach ed b y Asoka was not based u p o n a n y n o n -B u d d h ist tra d itio n . F o r e x a m ­ ple, the te rm “dharma " WAS discussed in such H in d u Bharmaiditra works as the Law s o f Alanu, w here it was used to m e a n law as in crim in al an d civil law, T h e te rm was also used in N y aya th o u g h t, and both dharma a n d adharma w ere term s in J a i n a philosophy. But in each ctise. (he term was used in co m pletely different ways from A so k a’s edicts. T h e term “dharma" was used in Vedic a n d U p ani^adtc literatu re w ith a m e a n in g close but not identical to A Soka’s use. T h e c e n tra l idea o f th e Upanisads, how ever, was the identity o f B rah m an a n d dlmart, I he term “dharma " d id not occupy th e cen tral position in U pani$adic tho ught as it did in A so ­ k a ’s thou gh t. In the Bhagavad*gitdr dharma was an elem en t in the im p o rtan t term ' svadharma p o n e ’s own d u ty ), which was used in the K a r m a y o g a (Way o f A ction) system . A variety o f m oral virtues was listed in rhe Rhagavad-

gila, mfcmy o f them identical to those in Asoka's edicts. H ow ever, w a r was c o m m e n d e d ill the Bhagavod-gitd, w hereas A£oka d isap p ro v ed o f it. in c o n tra st to nn n-B u d d h ist religion, th e te rm l
A s o k a ’s Su p p o rt of the B u d d h ist O rd er A lthough ASoka h a d co n v e rte d TO B u d dh ism , he ire aied o th e r religions fairly. R o ck Edict X II stales ihat he " g a v e alms (ddaa) a n d h o n o red (pujd) both m em b ers o f religious orders a n d the laity o f all religious groups (pdr$ada) . h1 In R o ck Edict V I ], he d eclared th at he " w ish e d m e m b e rs o f aJl religion!! to live ev ery w h ere in his k i n g d o m / 1 In Pillar Edici V I I , A soka tinted th at he had ap p o in ted m inisters o f D h a r m a lo he responsible for affairs related lo the B udd h isi order. O l h c r m inisters of D h a r m a w ere responsible for the affairs o f B ra h m a n s , Ajivikas, or J a in a s (N trg ra n th a s). Asoka was lair in his tre a tm e n t o f all religions, but he w je p a r tic u ­ larly d ev o ted to Buddhism* as is illustrated by the inscriptions c o n c e rn ­ in g his ow n life. A soka c o n v e rte d to B ud dh ism a ro u n d the seventh year o ftiis reign. A ccording to th e M in o r Rock Edict from R iip n a ih , for the next two years he was not very devout in his practice, but (hen for a period o f m ore th an a y ear be " d re w u car lo the o r d e r ” (iahghah upttah) a n d practiced assiduously T h e p hrase " d r e w n e a r to rhe o r d e r 1' p r o b a ­ bly indicated ih at A soka was affiliated wilh the B u dd hisi o rd er a n d p e r ­ form ed ihe s a m e practices as a m onk. A cco rd in g to Rock Edict VIM. A soka w eni to “j ambodhi’' (p ro b ab ly the bodhi irec at B u d d h a g a y a ) it) the te n th year o f his reign. T h e INfigalisagar Pitlar Edict recorded th at in the fo urteen th year o f his reig n , Asoka h a d a stupa ded icated to th e past B u d d h a K u n iik a m a n a rep aired a n d then personally m ad e offerings at it T h e L u m h in i Pillar Edict recorded th at so m etim e after the tw em jerh year o f his reign, A soka traveled to the B u d d h a 's b irth p lace a n d p e r s o n ­ ally m a d e offerings Ihere. H e th en h ad a stone pillar set u p a n d reduced the taxes o f ihe people in lhal area. T h e edicts at S ah ci, S a r n a th . an d K a u s a m b i ail w a rn e d against schisms in ihe o r d e r a n d d eclared th at any m o n k o r n u n w ho tried lo cause a schism w ould he defrocked. W a rn in g s against schisms w ere includ ed in the M in o r R ock Edicts as well. In the Bairai E dict, A soka paid h o n o r to the o r d e r a n d then declared

lhal he respected (gaurat/a) a n d put his faith (p ra id d a ) in the T h r e e J e w ­ els. Mr th en stated that all o f the B u d d h a's teach ing s were good, but rhai certain d o t trines (d ka rm a p a iy d y a ) w ere p ari icruleuiy useful in e n s u r ­ ing that B ud d h ism w ould e n d u r e frar a long lim e. T h e n a m e s o f the fol­ low ing seven texts w ere then listed. L V utayosam ukoM { T he S u p e r io r T eachin g o f the V in a ya ; Vinaya, vol. I, p. 7ffv) 2. A t i j o m t s a i t i ( N o b l e L i n e a g e ; A N t I V : 2 f l n v ol . 2. p. 2 7)

3. A n d g a ta -b fia yd m ( D a n g e r s o f t h e F m u r e ; A N , V T vol, 3, p. 100F*)

4. M u n ig d ih d (V erses oil RecUises; S u tta n ip S ta , vv, 207-22 1) 5. M o m y a s u it (S u tra o n

the

Practice

o f Silence,

S u tta n ip d ta ,

w.

6 7 9 -7 2 3 ) G Upatisapasine (Upatia&a'g Q u estio n , SitUanipfta, vv. 9 5 5 -9 7 5 ) 7. Ldghuhvdda (T h e E x h o rta tio n to R fibula. M N , itur 61) In o rd er th at ihe correct te a c h in g m ight lon g e n d u r e , m o n k s, n u n s , la y ­ m en, a n d lay w om en w ere (o listen to these w orks freq uen tly a n d re Heel o n th eir contents. T h e only edici co n cern in g stupas relates how A soka rep aired a stupa hclonginjj Lo the- past B u d d h a K o n a k a m a n a ( K o n a k a m u o t). H o w ev er, in literary sources such as the A-yii-ivartg chtng (7* £043, AfokafdjaSUtfd?) descriptions a r e lo u n d o f how Asoka m ad e offerings to the B u d d h a 's reb ics. In a d d itio n , Asoka is said to hav e o rd e re d fi+hOOO stupas built th ro u g h o u t the realm a n d to hav e benefited m a n y people. Al the u rg in g o f U p a g u p ta , Asoka e m b a rk e d on a series o f pilgrim ages fn pay hom age nt Buddhisi sices, including L u m b in i, the D eer P ark at S a r n a th , Budd h a g a y a , a n d K u s in a g a ra . At m an y o f these sites he had stupas c o n ­ structed, Stupas w ere also built for two o f the B u d d h a 's m ost im p o rta n t disciples, S a r ip u tr a a n d M a u d g a ly a y a n a - L ater, w h en the C h in ese pil­ grim s F a-hsicn a n d H s iia n -tsa n g traveled th ro u g h In d ia , th ey rep o rted that m a n y o f these stupas still rem ain ed- fn m ore recent tim es, archeologists have excavated a n d stu died m an y stupas a n d discovered th at rhe oldest p a n s o f the slUpas often d ate back to Asoka's tim e, in d icatin g the accu racy o f these records. Because Asoka was a fervent convert to B uddhism a n d strove to p ro p a g a te tt+ he was p raised a n d called " D h a r m a A so k a." T h e ideology o f D h a r m a p ro p ag ated by Asoka included m a n y lofty ideals. U n f o rtu ­ nately, how extensively it sp read a m o n g ihe people a n d how deeply it was u n d ersto o d by rhem rem ain s unclear. Asoka greatly aided the B u d ­ dhist order, recognizing th at it co n tain ed people who p u t the D h a r m a

i n t o practice. H ow ever, as the o rd er b e c a m e wealthy, the discipline o f

those in it m ay well have b e g u n to dec t i n e . L argo gifts to t h e o rd er b e c a m e b u rd e n so m e to t h e n a t i o n ’s economy. Accounting to the A-yu-uwug ching an d o th e r sources, w hen A.soka was o t d h his m in isters anti the p rin c e acted against ASoka Eind forbade any g ]fu to the order., In (he en d , Asoka was avow ed to give th e o r d r r on]y h alf a m y m h a la n fiimataka) fruit, which he held in th e palm o f his h an d . T h is legend ind icates th at A so ka's c a re e r probably declined at the end o f his life. Tn fact, rhe M a u r y a n e m p ire losr m uch o f it s p o w er a n d dis­ a p p e a r e d shortly after A so ita1s death. Yet A soka's D h a r m a c an n o t be ju dged as being without value because o f the fate o f his e m p ire . R ath er, his D h a r m a m ust be ju d g e d on its ow n merits.

PART T W O

NIKAYA BUDDHISM

CHA PTER &

The Development of Nikaya Buddhism

THF.TF.klw “ N ikaya B u d d h is m M1 refers to m O n .u lit B uddhism after (he initial schism into the M a h a sa n g h ik a a n d S lh a v ira schools had o c ­ cu rred- It m usi he re m e m b e re d , however, (hat o lh e r group* o f B u d ­ dhists existed at this tim e. F o r ex am p le, B u d d h ist lay m en w ere not in clud ed in ihe Buddhist sangfiat b u t w ere very active d u r in g a n d after the B u d d h a 's life. Im m e d ia te ly after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , laym en divided his rem ain s (la n m ) in to eight p a rts anti con stru cted burial m o u n d s (stupas) for [hem, T h e se stupas w ere c o n stru cted at the in tersec­ tions o f m a jo r roads (D i\\ vol, 2, p. 142) w h ere large g ro u p s o f people cou ld assem ble, not at the m onasteries w here m on ks lived. Stupas were ad m in istered by laym en w ho w ere a u to n o m o u s from the o r d e r of m o n k s, a n d most o f (he devoices were also laym en. A cco rd in g (u the A y n iv a n g th in g ( T 2043, Aiokardjo.sutra?)i a bio g ra p h y o f K in g A soka, the king o rd e re d th at th e eight stupas be o p en ed a n d the relics divided an d d istrib u te d th ro u g h o u t the country, where th ey w ere io be the basic of new stupas. In p a rt, Agoka was r e s p o n d in g to th e g ro w in g p o p u la rity of stupa worship* In a d d itio n to (he sites o f the old stupas, four great piigrim age sites h ad been established a n d w ere frequently visited by believers: the B u d d h a ’s b irth p lace , ihe tree u n d e r w hich he attained en lig h te n m e n t, the park w h ere he preached his first se rm o n , a n d th e place w h ere he died. U nfo rtu nately , how ever, lite ra ry sources do not describe in a n y detail the beliefs o r d o ctrin es held by these g ro u p s o f lay believers, alth o u g h they obviously con gregated a r o u n d stupas to praise the B u d d h a a n d stren g th en th eir faith in him . A lthough (he activities o f these groups o f lay believers later cam e to play an im p o rta n t role in the rise of M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m , the m ain-

s tr e a m o f E arly B u d d h is m was co n tin u ed not by such lay grou ps, b u t hy the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism T h t B u d d h a ’s m a in teachin gs wfcrtr tra n s m itte d by his im m e d ia te disciples such as M a h a k a sy a p a an d A n a n d a ( S a rip u tr a a n d M a u d g a Jy a y a n a h a d p red eceased the B u d d h a) to th eir disciples, a n d th en were ev entu ally passed on to the m o nk s of N ik ay a B u d d h ism . N ikaya B u d d h ism w as often callcd " B u d d h is m for disciples’* or " B u d d h i s m o f those w ho s tu d ie d .11 It did not stress the im p o rta n c e of tr^ c h in g others. Because N ik a y a B u dd h tsm seem ed so passive In M a h a y a n a B uddhists, they called it ^ r a v a k a y a n a (ihe vehicle o f (he srdvakas). T h e te rm “ inindbaPJ m e a n t " th o s e w ho listened to the Budd h a 's w o rd s,” a n d thus referred to his disciples. O rig in a lly lay people w ere also called smvakast but by the tim e of N ikaya B u d d h ism the te rm seem s to have been lim ited to those w ho h a d been o rd a in e d N ik a y a Buddhist d o c trin e w as a m o n a stic teach in g for those who w ere willing to leave th eir hom es to becom e m o nk s o r n u n s , strictly observe the precepts, and p erfo rm religious practices. B oth doctrinal study a n d religious practice p resu p p o sed th e a b a n d o n m e n t o f a p erso n 's life as a householder. A strict line s e p a ra te d those w ho h a d been o rd a in e d from lay people. In ad d itio n , N ik ay a B u d d h ism was for those w ho were secluded in th eir m o n asteries. W hite in retreat, they led ascetic lives a n d devo ted them selves to scholarship a n d religious prac* hees. Il was not a B u d d h is m iff the: streets, d e d ic a te d to sa v in g Others; rather, the e m p h a s is was On the co m pletion ol a p e rso n 's ow n practice. C o nsequently, M a h a y a n a B ud dh ists d e p re c a te d N ikaya B u d d h is m by calling it H in a y a n a (small vehicle), m e a n in g it had a n arro w o r inferior teaching. Since th eir m o n asteries w ere often wealthy, N ikaya Buddhists did not have to trouble them selves a b o u t living ex p en ses a n d w ere able to d ev o te m ost o f th eir tim e to religious practices. T h e ir o rd e rs often received th e devotion Emd (m a n u a l help o f kings, q u e e n s , a n d m e r­ c h a n ts , w ho gav e large estates to the m o n asteries. K in g K am sk a was p articu larly fam o u s for his su p p o rt o f th e S arv astiv ad in School; hut accord ing to in scriptions, ev en before K a n i$ k a h a N o rth In d ia n go ver­ n o r general (mahskfatrapa) n a m e d K u s u lu k a a n d a g o v e rn o r (kfairapa) n a m e d P atika gav e lan d to the order. In S o u th In d ia , the q ueens an d royal families o f th e A n d h r a n d y n a sty s u p p o rte d the Buddhist orders. M a n y inscriptions survive re c o rd in g th eir gifts o f lan d M a n y o th e r inscriptions d a tin g from the second cen tu ry b .c .e . to the fifth ccn tu ry c .k . record gifts o f cav e-tem p les a n d land tn stupas a n d to the B uddhist o r d e r as a whole. A cco rd in g to these in scriptions, orders b elo ng ing to m ore lh an tw enty sehoots existed d u r in g this p eriod

In ad d itio n to ret liv in g su p p o rt from royalty* B u d d h ist o rd e rs were aided by th e m e rc h a n t classes. M e rc h a n ts tra d e d w ith foreign countries a n d distant cities, trav elin g across deserts a n d th ro u g h d a rk forests in c a ra v a n s o r crossing (he sea tn reach th rir d estin atio n . To overcom e the difficulties and d a n g e rs ihat they e n co u n tered on th eir travels, m e n chants h a d to be b ra v e , patient* a n d capable o f m a k in g calm an d ratio n al decisions. T h e ratio n al qualities o f B ud d h ism m atch ed the n eeds o f su ch people. In a d d itio n , when m erch an ts trav eled to foreign countries, they h a d to be able to ^ s e r i a t e freely w ith peoples o f different nationalities a n d social cl asses. T h e strict caste system o f H in d u ism m a d e it an in a p p ro p ria te religion for such m erch an ts. (Farm ers* in co n ­ trast, w ere strongly tied to H in d u ism ) Since B u d d h ism did not recog^ nize the caste system , it was especially attra ctiv e to m erch an ts. M e rc h a n ts w ere in terested not only in the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­ d h ism , b u t also in the M a h a y a n a orders. A m o n g the rich m e rc h a n ts a n d leaders of m e r c h a n t classes (srepfhin) w ere U g ra a n d S u d a tta , a co n ’ vert o f th e B u d d h a w ho was k n o w n for the alm s he gave to o r p h a n s a n d th e needy. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y olhcr m erch an t leaders w ho w ere early B uddhist believers a re k n o w n from early B ud dh ist sources M erchant leaders w ere often p o rtra y e d as b ein g in the au d ien ces in M a h a y a n a scriptu res. Such people p ro b ab ly also gave alm s 10 the N ik ay a B uddhist orders. W ith aid from both king* an d m e rc h a n t leaders, the m e m b e rs of the N ikaya Buddhist o rd e rs could devote them selves to iheLr scholarship a n d practice. T h e analytical a n d highly detailed abhidharma systems o f Buddhist doctrine w ere fo rm u lated in such m onasteries.

T h e Se co n d and T h i r d C o u n cils t n c h a p te r six w c analyzed the story o f how a d isp ute o v e r ten items of m on astic discipline led to an assem bly o f elders at Vaisali. A ccording to the C h a p te r on the C o u n c il o f Seven H u n d r e d o f the Pali Vinaya, seven h u n d r e d elders discussed the ten item s in acc o rd a n c e with the utnaya T h u s , th eir m eetin g is called a council on vinaya (pina/asaAgtti). No men* tion is m ad e in the Pali Vtnaya o f the com p ilation o f the Suirs-pitaka or Vinaya-pi taka after the investigation of the ten points was concluded. The C h in ese tran slatio n s o f the full uinayas Jigrcr with Ihis account. Although the c h a p te r tides o f the C h in e s e vimtyas on the council s u r e s t that the vinaya w a s recited a n d com piled a g a u ’L, W L t h m | h e t h a p l e r s them selves no m en tio n is m ad e o f a re o rg an izatio n o f the Vinaya■ or Siitra-pitaka. In c o n tra st, acco rdin g to the Sri L a n k a u chronicles, the Dipavamia a n d Mahd\bamsa, after the d ispute over the te n item s was con

elu ded, the seven h u n d r e d elders with R e v a ta as th eir le a d e r held a council on d o ctrin e (dhamma-sangnha) th ai req u ired right m o n th s In com plete. T h is is called (he Second C o u n cil (dutiya-saiigaha) in the T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . T h e Dtpwantsa acco u nt c o n tin u es, a d d in g th at the d issen ting monks w ho w ere expelled from [hr o r d e r th en g ath ered ten th o u sa n d supporters a n d held th eir ow n council to com pile (he B u d d h a 's teachings. T h is was called th e G re a t C o u n cil (Mah&sarigiti). These m on ks were said to have Compiled taJse teach in g s, rejected the canon agreed upon al the First C o u n c il, a n d com piled th eir own can on . T h e y m o v ed sutras fm m o n e p a n o f th e c a n o n to an o th er, thereby disto rtin g the d o ctrin e s of the five Nikdyas. T h e y confused o rthodox a n d h etero do x teachings a n d did not disting uish b etw een teach ing s to be taken literally a n d those re q u ir­ ing in te rp re ta tio n s. T h e y disca rd ed p arts o f th e Sutra* a n d the tiinaya an d coin posed false seripiures, w h ich they su b stitu ted for the rejected texts. A ccording to the Dipavamsa acco un t, the m o nk s o f the G re a t A ssem ­ bly com piled new versions o f the sulras a n d vinaya q u ite different from those o f the S thav iras. T h is g ro u p is called **the m on ks o f th e G re a t C o u n c i l " (M ah asarig itik a) in the Dipavamsa a n d “ the G reat A ssem b ly ” (M a h a s a n g h ik a ) in the Mahavtfrnta T h e n a m e " M a h a s a n g h ik a " m eant th at these m o nk s co n stitu ted rhe m ajority o f m on ks at the initial schism T h u s , a c c o rd in g to ihe Sri L a n k a n trad ition , after the initial schism the T h e r a v a d a a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools eaeh held a sep arate council. N o m e n tio n o f a council is found in the / pu {sung l m tun ( 7 ' 203!l» SamayabhtdoparacanQcahaH, h e re a fte r referred to as a history a n d discussion o f the schools o f N ikaya B u d d h ism accord ing to N o r th ­ ern B u dd hist traditions. A ccording to (lie -Samcyw, a h u n d r e d years afler the B u d d h a 's death h d u rin g the rctgn o f K in g A£oka, “ four groups could not reach ag re e m e n t in discussions a b o u t the live points o f d o c ­ trin e proposed by M a h a d e v a " {"/" 4!):l5a}. C o nseq uently, th e Buddhist o r d e r w as divided into tw o schools, the S th a v ira a n d the M a h a ­ sanghika. T h e four groups w ere th e N aga g r o u p ('fib . G n as-b stan -k lu ), the g r o u p from the b o r d r r a r e a (T ib , S ar-p ho gs-pa), the learn ed g ro u p (T ib . M ari-d u -ih o s-p a), a n d the v en erab le group. (O n ly three groups a re m e n tio n e d in rhe T ib e ta n translatio n, bur four g ro u p s are m e n ­ tioned in a C h in ese tra n sla tio n , T 4 9 :2 0 a.) Viriayas from both the M a h a sa n g h ik a a n d die S ih av ira lineages a g reed th at a council o f seven h u n d re d m on ks was c o n v e n e d to discuss ten p oin ts o f controversy. {H ow ever, the ten points a re not specifically m en tio n ed in ihe Mo-hit-seng-ch 'i lu, T 1425, Mahdsanghikavtnaya5.) T h u s , there is ag re e m e n t th at a council was c o n v e n e d , but only T h e r a v a d a sources such as th e Dtpaiamia include statem en ts th at the

Sutra-ptiaki was recited and ex a m in e d after the council. T h is series ol ev en ts is generally referred to as the Second C o u n cil, but sources do not agree ab ou t w h e th e r the Vinaya- and Sutra-pitahn w ere re o rg a n ise d at this lim e. Since sources do agree dial seven h u n d r e d m on ks Hid a s se m ­ ble a n d co n vene a council, at least this aspect o f the trad itio n m ust be recognized as a historical fact. T h e story o f ihe T h ir d C o u n cil is found only in Sri L a n k a n sources such as th e Dipavamsg, Mahduatnsa, an d Samantapdsddikd. A ccording to th ^ sr sources, the Second C o u n cil was h eld a h u n d r e d years after the B u d d h a 's death d u rin g the reign o f K ing K alaso ka; the T h i r d C ou ncil (iatiya-SQngoha) was held d u rin g th e reign o f K ing A$oka, w ho wife crow ned 218 years after the B u d d h a 's d eath. T h t ‘ T h ir d C o u n cil is said to hav e been presided over by M o g g alip u tta Tissa, and the doctrines discussed at the council io hav e been recorded to the Kathduatihu (P o in ts o f C o n tro v ersy ). T h e Sri L an k an trad ition thus distin g u ish es betw een the reigns of K alasoka (1*. K a (asoka) a n d A soka (P. Asoka) a n d re fates the sto ry o f tv/o councils. In c o n tr a s th in the & n u y d ( T 4 9:18a), a w ork in the N o rth e rn tra d itio n , K in g A s u k a ’s reign is said to h a v e o ccu rred a little m o re th a n a c e n tu ry after rhe B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h is la tte r timt* scale does not allow sufficient tu n e for a T h i r d C ou n cil Lo have been c o n v e n e d . M oreover, the work in which the d isp u tes o f the T h ird C o u n c il a re said to have been collected, the Kathduatihu, is fo u n d o n ly in the T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . T h e 'H u rd C o un cil is not m e n tio n e d in the lit­ e r a tu re o f th e o th e r schools. T h u s , if it w as held, it a p p aren tly Involved only the T h e r a v a d a School. I he Sri L a n k a n acco un t o f the T h ir d C o u n cil follows. D u rin g die reign o f K in g A soka, the B udd hist o rd er flourished because oi the king's financial s u p p o r t, b u t m a n y people b ecam e m o n ks only b ecau se m o n a s­ teries offered an easy w ay o f life (thsyyasamudsaka). M o n a stic rules were not closely ob served a n d religious practice was neglected. D isp utes arose in the order, N ot ev en th e fortnightly assem bly was held- To cor reel such abuses, M o g g a lip u tta T tsss with the su p p o rt o f K ing Asoka p u rged the order. T h o s e who ag reed th at B u d d h ism was vibhajjevdda (th e teach in g o f d iscrim in atio n ) were accep ted as B ud dh isi m onks; those who d isag reed were expelled from the order. M o g g alip u ita Tissa then com piled the Kathdvatthu to explain the orth od ox position, a s se m ­ b led a th o u s a n d arhttts, a n d held a council to com pile the D h a rm a . T h is was the T h i r d C o u n cil. Tin: Sri L ank an T h e r a v a d a School u n d ersto o d B uddhism as the “ reaching o f d is c rim in a tio n " (vibhajjuvatia). N o th in g was to he a d h e re d to in a o n r-s id e d m an n er. If people single-mi n dedly insisted that they u n d e rsto o d the tru th , a rg u m e n ts w ould in ev itab ly en su e. T h u s , reality

was to be u n d ersto o d by ^ d is c r im in a tin g ” b etw een o n e s id e d n eg ativ e an d poiiiivL: pOiitiuns. T h e T h e r a v a d a Sfiidot was also called ihe V ib h a jja v a d in (those w ho d iscrim in ate) School* T h e T h i r d C o u n cil was p ro bab ly held at some point w ith in the T h e r a v a d a School a n d focused on this trad itio n o f d is c rim in a tin g betw een e x tre m e s. T h u s , ihe histnritity o f the T h i r d C o u n cil c an n o t be com pletely d en ied, T h e co n ten ts o f the K a th d o a tth u are b ased on points o f co n trov ersy th at arose am o n g tlur various schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . T h e text thus p resup po ses the c o m p letio n o f the v ario u s schisms of ihe schools. T h e p resent text o f rhe Kuthavatiku nmsi be d a te d n( least one hundred years after A soka, pertiaps d u r in g the last h a lf o f the second cen tu ry BlC.e. If the lest o f th e K dthdoattha accurately r e f i e m th e issues o f ihe Third C o u n cil, then that council mu*t hav e o c c u rre d in the t t e o n d c e n ­ tury* n.c.E.

Later Schisms A fter the initial split that resulted in Iin' S th a v ira a n d M a h a s a n g h ik a schools, fu rth er divisions o ccu rred [hat led to a proliferation n f *c hoots. T h e M flhasdrighika School was rhe first to experience a schism, p r o b a ­ bly because It h a d m ore m e m b e rs a n d h a d a d o p te d a m o re liberaE alii* t tide 11 !vvj] j i F d o c I r i nal i s;>u t S . A s a r e s U MT it W a s m u re d r fJ in i It Id a d m in is te r th an th e S th a v ira -School. A ccording m ihe& m flya (7*2031), th ree ad d itio n al schools— th e lik ak v y av ah ai ika, L o k o tta ra v a d in , an d K a u k u f ik a — split o ff from the M a h a s a n g h ik a d u rin g the second cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d eath T w o m o re schism s, which o c c u rre d d u rin g the second c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , resulted in ihe BnhusrutTyn a n d the P r a jn a p tiv a d in schools. At the e n d o( th at century* M a h a ­ dev a proclaim ed his five points at a caitya (re liq u a ry ) in Southern India. T h e a rg u m e n ts that arose co n cern in g the five p o in ts resulted in a fou rth schism a n d three new sctiools: the Caitilca, A p a ra sa ila , a n d Uttar&£aila. T h u s , a total o f eight new schools arose out o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School d u rin g the second cen tu ry after the B u d d h a's d e a th . A ccording to t h e Satnaya, rhe S th av iras m a in ta in e d th eir u n ity d u r in g th e c e n tu ry w h en ihe schools o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lin eage w ere under* goinjj schism s. However^ divisions in the S ih a v iia lim-a^e began o c c u r ­ rin g d u rin g the th ird cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . F irst, th e Sarv astiv ad tn (also know n as the H c tu v a d a ) Schon] split aw ay from the S th a v ira (or H a im a v a ta ) S c h o o l . N e x t , the V atsFputny* School bro ke aw ay from the Sarvitstivadin School. T h e VatsIputrTya School su b se ­ q u en tly gave rise to four m ore schools: the D h a rtn o tla rfy a , B hadraya-

niysi. S a m rn a tiy a , a n d $ a n n a g a rik a . In a fourth schism , th e S a rv jb tiv adin School gave H « to the M ahtSasaka S chool, which in tu r n , in a fifth schism , led to the fo rm atio n o f ihe D h a r m a g u p ta k a School. H i t D h a r m a g u p ta k a School claim ed that its (cachings h a d been received from (he B u d d h a 's disciple M au d g aly fty an a. In a sixth schism, the K asy ap iy a {or Siivargaka) School broke a w a y from ihe S arvastivadin School. T h e above sis schism s o ccurred d u rin g ihe Ihird c e n tu ry alter t h t B u d d h a 's d e a th . T h e seventh, in w hich the S a u tra n iik a (or S a n k r a n tik a ) School broke aw ay from th e S arvastiv ad in S chool, o c ­ c u rre d d u rin g the fourth cen tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d eath. T h e Sau* u iin n k it Sdifiol c n i p h a ^ i ^ d th t im p o rla n c e o f sutra; over sditras an d claim ed th at its teachin gs o rig in ated w ith A n a n d a , the m onk w ho had c h a n te d thejjJiraj at the First C o un cil. T he S th av ira lineage u n d e rw e n t seven schisms that resulted in eleven schools, while the M a h a sa n g h ik a School divided into a total o f nine schools. T h e sch ism s in ihe tw o original schools th u s resulted m a total o f tw en ty schools. T h e p h rase " t h e schisms into the eighteen schools," w h ic h is found in a n u m b e r o f Buddhist te x ts , refers to r h t e ig h te e n schools pro d u ced by these later schisms, b u i not jq the tw o original schools. T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a School co n tin u ed to exist as a sep arate en tity despite u n d e rg o in g four schism s. T h e fate o f the original school o f the Si ha v ira s is not so clear. T h e first schism in the S th av ira lineage resulted in the S arv astiv ad in a n d H a irn a v a la schools. A lthough the H a im a v a ta School is called the "o rig in al S th av ira S cho o l" tn the S&tktya, th e H a t m a v a t a S rhool was influential o n ly in an a r e a in the n o rth a n d was far from cen tral I n d ia , w h ere m ost o f the im p o rta n t even ts in very early B uddhist history occu rred M o reo v er, the school does not seem to have been very powerful. T h e o th e r schools tn the S th a v ira lineage split off from the S arv astiv ad in School. C onsequently, th e acco un t found in the Samaya seems qu estionable. V a su m itra , the au th o r, was a S arv astiv ad in m o n k , an d m ay h av e w ritten (his account to d e m o n s tra te th at the S arv astiv ad in School w as the most im p o rtan t school a m o n g those in the S arv astiv ad in lineage. V a su m itra 's overall position thus w ould seem to conflict w ith his statem en t that the h a i m a v a l a was the original S th a v ira School. T h e early schisms o f the S th av ira lineage o ccu rred d u r in g the third c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . A ccording to Ui H a k u j u ’s theory, (be B u d d h a died in 386 E.C.L. (o r 333 B.C.E. accord ing to N a k a m u r a H a jim e ), 116 years before Asoka's co ro n atio n . If U i's d ates a re used, th en the M a h a s a n g h ik a schisms would have n ccu rrcd d u r in g the third c e n tu ry b . c , e , an d the S th av ira schism s d u rin g the second a n d first con-

F ig u r e 2 . T h t S ch o o ls o f N i k a y a B u d d h i s m a c c o r d in g i o th e Sam aya School i of the M ah

ng hi fcfi lin tijjf

(total of nine schools: eighi according to ihe Ch hen dynast / translation o f th e

Mahasanghika first schism

(second century a, r (after Buddh a's

Ekavyavaharika Lokottaravadin Kauku|ika

second schism BahuSrutiya (sccond

century

a

n

.)

third schism ■----------- *-----*———------ ------ ------ ---------------- - P r aj napt tv adin (second century a n )

fourth schism (end of the second ccntury a n )

Caitika — Aparafaila — Uttaraiaila

m ric s Brt;r£. T h e S a u tra n iik a School w ould h a v e com e into existence by the f i r s t c e n t u r y b . c . e . 1 If the Sri [,a n k a n chronicles a re followed, how ever, th en the B u d ­ d h a 's d e a th is placed in 4S4 b .c .e . (according to J a c o b i a n d K a n a k u r a KclsIlo), 213 years before A s o k a fS co ro n atio n . T h o s the M a h a s a n g h ik a schism s would have o ccu rred before A so k a's tim e a n d the S th a v ira schisms d u r in g the c c n tu ry after A iok a. E:igurc 2 illustrates the schisms acco rd in g to H i d a n - t u d g ’i tra n sla tio n o f th e Saitmya ( 7 T2G31). T h e acco un t o f the schism s p resen ted in the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, th e Dtp&vamsa a n d Mahdvam.sat differs sub stantially from rhe descriptio n fo u n d in the Samaya. A cco rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n chronicles, the schism s in b o th the M a h a sa n g h ik a an d T h e r a v a d a (S th av ira) lineages all o ccu rred d u r in g ihe second c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . Since the Sri L a n k a n chronicles state that A soka b ecam e king 218 years after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , the schism s p resu m ab ly w uuld have been com -

School ■of tb c S th a v ira l in c i^ r (Itifiil o frlrven schools; ihe original Slhavira and Haim avata schools ate distinguished tn th e C h 'i n translation, making a tot at o f twelve)

Original Sthavira (Ch. pen shang-tso) o r H aim avau r. first schism

Sthavira

(beginningufihind ccntury a .*.} I_______________

sccond schism

Sarvastivadin or H ctuvadm ■

third schism

— Dharmouariya ■Rhadrayaniya

(third century a . n .)

— Sam m atiya — §annagarika

Vatsiputriya(third century a n .)

fiflh schism

fourth schism

Mahtiasaka-

D harm ag up tak a

(third century a . n . )

(third ccntury a . n .)

sixth schism KaiyapFya or Suvarjaka (third century a .s.)

seventh schism ( b e g i n n i n g o f fourth c c n t u r y

Sautrantika or Sahkrantika a n

,)

p itte d before ASoka ascen ded the throne. A soka w o u ld th u s have reigned d u rin g tht height o f sectarian B u d d h ism . The A sokan edicts, however* give little evidence rhat ASoka ruled d u r i n g a period w hen B u d d h ism was fiercely sectarian . A c c o rd in g (o the Dipavamsa a n d Kiahdvamsa, the first schism o ccu rred w h en the M aha& trighika ( M a h a s a n g itik a o r M a h a sa n g h ik a Vajjiputtp k a ) School s^v c rise to the G o k u lik a (called the K a u k u ;ik a in th e Samaya; the SaWtaya eq u iv alen t is given in p a re n th e se s for th e next feiv p a r a g ra p h s ) a n d the E kavy oh arik a (E k a v y a v a h a rik a ) schools. In a sec^ o n d schism , the Pafinati ( P ra jn a p tiv a d in ) a n d B&hussutaka (B a h u s m -

tfya) schools broke aw ay from th e G o k ulik a School (A cco rd in g to the Samaya, all four o f (he above schools Spill aw ay from (he M ah a'iah g h ik a School.) N ex t, th e G e tiy a v a d a (C aitik a) School arose. A cco rd in g to the Dipavamsa, it b ro k e away fro m the M a h a s a n g h ik a School; but in the Mafiatrtrtisa, it is said ro h a v e arisen from th e Pafinari a n d B ah u ssu tak a schools. A total o f six schools (in clu din g the M a h a sa n g h ik a ) is m e n ­ tioned in this scries o f schisms. T h e later schisms in the schools o f [he T h e r a v a d a (S th av ira) lineage h r gill wilh the form al inn o f [he M a him sasaka (M a h is a sa k a ) a n d Vajjip u tta k a (V atsipu triya) schools out o f the T h e r a v a d a School. N ex t, four schools— the D h a in m u ta r iy a ( D h a rn iu tta rty a ), B h a d ra y a n ik a (Bhad r a y a n ly a ), C h a n d a g a r ik a ( 5 a o n a gflrik a)p a n d S aip ra itly a (S a m m a tly a ) - - a r o s e out o f th e V ajjip u ttak a School, T h e S a b b a lth a v a d a (Sarvasrivada) a n d D h a m m a g u ttik a ( D h a r m a g u p ta k a ) schools w ere th en fo rm ed out o f th e M a h im s a s a k a (M a h is a sa k a ) School- (T h e 5dma>'a, on [he o th er h a n d , m ain tain s that btith [he M ah isa sa k a a n d the VaiSJpU* trly a arose from [he S a rv a stiv a d a .) T h u s , the S a rv a stiv a d in School is p o rtra y e d as o n e o f the oldest schools in the Samaya, b u t as a m ore recent school in th e Sri L a n k a n chronicles. In b o th traditions, the Vatsip u triy a is said to have been th e suurcc for four later schools including ihe Sam m atTya a n d D h a rm o ita riy a . Finally, acco rdin g to ihe Sri L a n k a n chronicles, the S a b b a tth a v a d a gave rise to the fCassapiya (K a sy a p iy a ) S ch o n ^ w hich in lu rn gave rise to the S arikantika (Saiik ran tik a) School. I"he S u tta v a d a ( S a u tra n tik a ) School later b ro k e away from th e S a h k r a m ik a . (In the Samaya the last th ree schools are said to have split aw ay from the S arv astiv ad in S cho ol.) In [he above a c c o u n t, the T h e r a v a d a a n d o th e r schools o f its lineage total twelve. W h e n these twelve arc added to th e six schools from the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage, (hey totaJ eighteen schools. T h e freq u en t m e n ­ tion o f ' ‘eig hteen schools” in v a rio u s sources p ro b ab ly in d ira te s lhal at one tim e eigh teen schools did* in lac[h exist. A ccording to [he Sri L a n k a n chro nicles, the eig hteen schools w ere form ed d u r in g the second c e n tu ry after the B u d d h a 's d e a th . O cher schools a p p e a re d later, h o w ­ ever. T h e Dipai-amm lists the following six schools without identifying the schools from w hich th ey arose: H e m a v a tik a ( H a im a v a ta ) , Rajagiriya, S id d h a tth a k a . P itbb aseliya, A p araseliy a (A p arasaila), a n d A pararajag irlk a. In the Samaya, the H n im a v a ta is identified with the S th a v ira School form ed at th e tim e o f th e initial schism , a n d is thus one o f the oldest schools. I n the Mahdvamsa, in co ntrast, it is listed as a later school. T h e A p araseliy a School is included in [he schools th at d ev eloped out of the M zihasuhghika S chool, according to the Samaya. i n B u d d h a g h o s a 's c o m m e n ta ry on the Kalhatxitthu, four schools a re callcd " A n d h a k a

schools"1: the Pubbaseliya, Aparaseliya, R ljagiriya, and Siddhatthaka. They seem to have been i elated to the Mahasanghika School. In the Aftihrit'amia’» list nf e3]t- .six later schools, the A p a ra riija g in k a School is rep laced by the Vajiriya School, In a d d itio n , the D h a m m a r u c i a n d Sagaliya schools* w hich broke aw ay from the Sri L a n k a n T h c ra v a d a School, a rc also m e n tio n e d . T h e schisms ac c o rd in g to the Sri L a n k a n th r a n ic lc s a re d ia g r a m e d in F ig u re 3. As has been n oted , the precedin g two acco u n ts o f the schisms in rhe B u d d h ist prefers differ in several im p o ita n t ways, T h t accou nt o f the origins o f the S arv astiv ad in Schnol found in the Sri L a n k a n chronicJci is p ro b ab ly correct. T h e areas o f ag reem en t in the acco u n ts presen ted by (he iw o tra d itio n s pro vide u$ with at least a general view o f (he o r d e r o f the schisms. T h e n a m e s o f a n u m b e r o f schools n o t found in th e above two a c c o u n ts art" know n. A n d re Bareau has com piled tht' n a m e s o f thirty* (bur schools from literary sources an d From inscriptions reco rd in g gifts madr: to v ario u s orders. Below is a list oI schools that follows the spelling given by B a r c a u .1 1. 2. 3, 4. 5. 6. 7, 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

M a h a sa n g h ik a L o k o tta ra v a d in E k a v y a v a h a rik a G ok ulik a o r K u k k u jik a B ah u sru tiy a P ta jn a p iiv a d in C a ih y a o r C a itik a A ndhaka P u rvasaila o r U ltarasaila A parasaila K ajagiriya S id d h a rth ik a S th a v ira H a im a v a ta VatsTputriya S a m m a tiy a D h a r m o tta riy a B h ad ray an iy a S a n n a g a rik a o r $ a n d a g iriy a

20. S arv astiv ad in V aib h asik a 21. M u lasarv ax tiv ad in 22. S a u tra n tik a o r S a rik ran tiv ad in 23. D af$ tantik a 24. V ib h a jy a v a d in (Sri L a n k a n T h e ra v a d a Sch 25. MahTsasaka 26. D h a r m a g u p la k a 27. K asyapiya o r S u v arsak a 28. T a m ra s a tiy a (Sri L a n k a n School) 29. M a h a v ih a rn Sect o f the T h e r a v a d in School 30. Abhayagiriva.'iin o r D h a m m a ru c ik a 31. J c ta v a n ty a o r Sagalika 32. H etuv& din 33. U i ta r a p a th a k a 34. V etullaka

Figure 3 . Schools of N ikaya Buddhism according to Theravada Sources

Schooli of the Mahuadghika lineage (relation of traditional si* school vindicated by solid lines; dotted lines indicate additional schisim)

Bahussuiaka (Bahulika) — Gokulika C

Pannativada

Mahasanghika — — Ekavyoharika Rajagiriya — Cciiyavjda Siddhatthaka Pubbaseliya

(Andhaka schools)-----Aparaseliya Apararajagirika (Vajiriya)

Schools of the Theriivada lineage (rrlaciun uf traditional twelve schools indicated by solid lines; ducted lines indicate additional schisms) — Mahirnsasaka-—t— Sabbmihavada----- Kassaptya

T

Dhammagutiika

Theravada — ■D h a m m u tla r iy a

— Bhadrayanika — V ajjiputiaka^— — Chafldagarika —S^nimifiya —Hcm avata I— Dhammaruci Sag ally a

Saiikantika 1 Suttavada

Sources for the S tu d y o f th t Sch ism s In [he Sri l . a n b n tradition, the m a j o r sources for the study o f thr schisms are such works as [he Dfpavajnsa, the .\fahdramsa, ami liutldha ghu sa's K atM vatihu-QUhakathd A key sou rc e in ihe Sarvastivadin t r a ­ dition, V a s u m i t r a hs Samayabhedoparacanacakra (tiled as Samaya), survives in three C h in e s e translations ( 7 ' 2 (J 31 - 2 0 3 3 ) and a T i b e t a n translation ( P ek in g no. 563 9), T h e above works are the mosl im portant so ur ce s for t h e s t u d y o f the schisms o f Nikaya Bu dd hism . In addition, iwo Ch in e se translations o f Indian texts, the W cn-fhu-shih-h usen chmg ( T 4 6 B , M an-

jufriparipfech a ? ) anti the She-h-fu wen thing ( T I 4 6 5 t Sdripiitrapariprcchd?), are useful. I h e sixth pari o f [he third fascicle uf S e n g - y u ’ s Ch'u. jaftts'ang-chi chi ( T 2 J 4 5 ) includes a valuable disrussion o f the schisms that focuses on (he positions o f the five schools whose full vinayas were translated into Chin es e. T h i s account was influential in C hinese B u d ­ dhis m. T h e following sources in T i b r t a n are alsn impor ta nt : B h a v y a ' s Sde pn tha-dad-par byed-pa dan rnam-par bsad-pa ( P ek in g no. 5 6 4 0 , Ahkdyabhedavibhanga-vyakhyana) , V ini lad eva 1s Gsb an tha- dad-pa rim -pat klog-ptih i hkhor-to-las fd e p a tha-dadpa hat an pu b id a sp a ( P ek in g no. 564 I „ .S’ dttKzyabhedoparacauacakre nikaya-bhedopadesana-sarigraha), and the D ge-ttfiul'gyi dan-pohi to dn-ha ( P ek in g no. 5 6 3 4 , SramayeTa-varidgia-pTccha}. In H h a v y a s Nikdyahhedavibhanga-vydkhydria various theories c o n c e r n ­ ing the schisms o f Nikaya B u d d h i s m are p r e t e s t e d , including accounts from the S lh a v ir a , M a h a s a n g h i k a , and S a m m a l t y a schools. According to a S t h a v i r a legend, A so ka ascended the th rone 160 years afier the Buddha’ s deaih. S a m m a r i y a traditions m ai nta in ed that the initial schism be tween the S t h a v ir a and M a h a s a n g h ik a schools o ccu rr ed I97 years afrer rhe B u d d h a 's death Dissension co ntinued for the next s m y th ree years, with the llrst schisms in (he M a h a s a n g h i k a School occu r­ ring during lhal lime. S o m e mo de rn scholars regard [he da le o f 137 years after the B u d d h a 's death for ihe in ilia] schism as reliable. Bareau h a s argued that (he acco un t in VinTtadeva’ s wnrk represents (he Mul»sarvaslivadin position, A n u m b e r o f theories are also presented in T a r a n a t h a ' i history o f Ind ian Bu dd his m. However, since the works by B h av y a and others ihat have survived in the T i b e t a n tradition were co mp ile d during or after the sixth century, long after the schisms had oc cu rred , their value as historical sources for the schisms is diminished. O t h e r later sources with info rmation on the schisms arc the M ahdiyutp atti { e n tr y nO, 2 7 5 } and l-ch ing 's N an~ kaichi-ktm nri-Jn chuon ( T 2 J 2 5, A Record o j the Buddhist Religion as Practiced nr In d ia and tht M alay A rchi­ pelago).*

I n m o s l o f t h e s e w o r k s , i h e in it ia l s c h Lsni is s a i d t o h a v e r e s u l t e d in t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t w o s c h o o ls . H o w e v e r , t h e o r i e s al so ex is t t h a t m a i n t a i n l h a l t h e in it ia l s c h i s m r e s u l t e d in t h r e e ( S t h a v i r a , M a h a s a n g h i k a , ai u l V j b h a j y a v a d i n ) n r f o u r s c h o o l s ( c i t h e r rh e M a h a s a n g h i k a , S a n / a s l i v a d i n , V a t s t p u i r i y a . a n d H a l m a v a t a s ch o o ls o r i h e M a h a s a n g h i k a . S a r v a s t i v a d i n , T h e r a v a d a , a n d S a m m a t i y a sch oo ls) , h i t h e M a h a v y u tp a tli t h e f o u r b a s t e s c h o o ls a r e list ed as (h e S a r v a s t i v a d i n , S a m m a f t y a , M a h a s a n g h i k a , a n d T h e r a v a d a . l - c h i n g li ste d t h e M a h a s a n g h i k a , I h e r a v a d a . M u l a s a r v a s t i v a d i n , a n d S a m m a t i y a s c h o o ls as t h e f o u r b a s t e s c h o o l s ( 7 ' 5 4 : 2 0 5 b ) , H o w e v e r , in s o m e sutras a n d sdstr&i, a triaaye t r a d i t i o n s i n g l i n g o u t t h e f o l l o w i n g live s c h o o ls f o r s pe ci a l e m p h a s i s is m e n tio n e d : D h a r m a g u p t a k a h S a rv a stiv a d in , Kafiyapiya, M ah Jsa sa k a, arid V a i s i p u t r l y a {it* s o m e lisis, the M a h a s a n g h i k a S c h o o l r e p l a c e s t h e V atstpuiriya),

H s u a m t s a n g m e n t i o n e d s u c h a vinaya t r a d i t i o n in his

travel diary ( 7 ’ 5 1 :882b). To summarize, the first or initial schism resulted in two schools: the Sthavira and the Mahas an ghika, After a n u m b e r of further schisms, four schools emerged as the most powerful ones o f iheir time: the Mahan n g h i k a , T h e r a v a d a , Sarvastivadin, an d Sammaiiya. Later, the Sam* matiya School b c ta m e particularly strong, as is indicated by the entries in the travel records of Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang. Ln the discussions of Buddhism found in Rrahmanical philosophical lexis, ihe M a h a y a n a M a d h yam ik a and Yogacara schools and the Nikaya Buddhist Vatbhaftka (Sarvastivadin) and Sautrantika schools are often mentioned. Later, in Sankara's (eighth century) Brahma ultra' bhasya (II. 2. lfl), three schools are discussed: Sarvastitvavadin (Sarvastivodtn), V ijnanasTitvavadin (Yogacara), and ftarvasnnyarvavadin (M ad h yam ik a). According to scholars, the Sautrantika School was included in the S arv astitv avad in category by Sankara. Later Vedanta thinkers regarded S an kara 's philosophy as the high point of Indian phih tMophy and ranked other schools nf thought below it in a hierarchical fashion. For example, in works such as the Sawamata-snrigmha, SdrvasiddhflntQ-fangTaha (attributed to Sankara), M a d h a v a ’s (fourteenth century) StiTiddarsana-iangraha, and Madhusuclana Sarasvatl's (fificemh or *ixteentit century) 1'iahthdnabheda, the tnaterialist Lokayata tradition is ranked the lowest. Directly above it is Buddhism (Battddha) and rhen Jainism. Four traditions are listed u n d e r Buddhism: the M a dhyam ika, Vogicara, S autrantik a, and Vstibhagika. T h u s ihe Sautrantika and Sarvastivadin schools were viewed as being representative o f H In ay ana Buddhism. Vedanta scholars probably chose these four schools of Buddhism because ihey represented a variety of positions anti could be presumed

in a d ia g ra m m a tic fashion. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s w ere said to reg ard ihe e x te rn a l w orld as real (bdhydrtha-pratyahatva). S a u tra n tik a s were said ro regard the ex ternal world as h av in g only an in sta n ta n e o u s existence a n d limn to h av e a rg u e d th at its existence could be recognized only th rou gh inference (bdhydrthantimeyatua). T h t Ytigiicarins were said to recognize only consciousness eis existing a n d to d en y ihe existence of the external w orld (bdhydrthaiunyeioa). Finally, the M stdhyam ikas claim ed that hoth subjcci a n d objeer were toon su b stan tial (sart'asunyatva).

Later Developments in N i k a y a Buddhism O n c e B ud d h ism had sp read t h ro u g h India d u r in g K ing A so k a’s reign, il c o n tin u e d to develop, i n the initial schism betw een M ah asan g ltik as an d Sthavira*; m ost o f the m on ks w ho s u p p o rte d the ad o p tio n o f ihe ten item s of m on astic discipline in d ispute had been associated with the Vrjis (V a[jipultaka) o f Vaisali in cen tral In d ia , they h a d conslitu ted (he nucleus o f lhe M a h a s a n g h ik a Order. C onsequently, after the schism, ihe M a h a s a n g h ik a * b e c a m e p articu larly influential in central India. In f o o tr a s i, ihe m o nk s w ho opposed (he ten items h a d been from Avanti in w estern In d ia a n d from along the S o u th e rn R o u te . Conse* qu eatly , the S lh a v n a o r d e r was more- influential in w eilern India. Asokti's son M a h in d a is tra d itio n ally crcdiied with introduc ing T h e r a v a d a Ruddln^m lo Sri L a n k a. M a h m d a ’s m o th e r was from V idisa m U y a y in i along rhe S o u th e rn Routed M a h in d a assem bled the m aterials for his jo u rn e y in w estern In d ia a n d set out from th e west coast by ship. T h e Pali lan g u a g e closely resem bles the lan g u ag e found on inscriptions at G u n a r . All ol this evidence suggests that the S th a v ira o rd er w as cen­ tered in w estern India. S arv astiv ad in works lead lo .similar conclusions co n cern in g th e geographical d istrib u tio n of the tw o schools. A cco rd in g to fascicle y(J o f the Mahdvibkam ( T 2 7 : 5 1 0a~ 5l2a), the dispute o v e r the five issues that M a h a d e v a raised o ccu rred d u rin g Asoka's reign AftcT the S th av ira m onks w ere defeated in th e d e b a te by the g r e a te r n u m b e r o f M ah asahghika m o nk s a n d expelled from the K u k k u ta r a m a m o n a ste ry (eslablished in P lfa lip tttr a by A lo k a ), they wont ro K a s h m ir A cco rd in g ro the A-yil-wang thing ( 7 ’ 5 0 :1 5 5 c - 15£a, AfokarajariUrv?)* U p a g u p ta esta b ­ lished B ud d h ism in M a th u r a , a n d M a d h y a m ik a csiablishoiJ it in K a s h m ir. T h e s e tra d itio n s agree wilh the fact thai K a s h m ir later b e c a m e a stron gh old o f ihe S arv astiv ad in School. T h e great wealth ihe 5arv&£tiv£duiS a c cu m u lated in K a s h m ir e n a b le d th r school to d ev elo p a d etailed abhidharma philosophy.

T h u » , ihe S ih av ira School was influential in the w estern a n d n o r th ’ ern p a n s o f In d ia , while ihe M a h a s a n g h ik a School was d o m in a n t tn the c e n tra l a n d s o u th e rn parts of Ind ia, M a n y in scrip tio n s c o n cern in g the M a h a sa n g h ik a School have been discovered in s o u th e rn Tndia, In genera I, how ever, t h t M a h a s a n g h ik a tra d itio n w as w eaker th an the S th a v ira tra d itio n . T h e n a m e s of m a n y schools b elo ng ing to the S th av ira tra d itio n , such as the S arv astiv ad in , T h e r a v a d a , a n d S am m aliy;*, art- well know n. In c o n tra st, o utside o f the M a h a sa n g h ik a School itself, the n a m e s o f relatively few schools from th e M a h a s a n g h ik a lin ­ eage a re well know n. In a d d itio n , m an y w orks belonging to schools o f the S th a v ira trad itio n hav e su rv iv ed 1 but only the Mahai/oi(ur a b io g r a ­ phy o f the B u d d h a from ih e L p k o u a r a v i d i n School, a n d two o r three o th er w orks from schools in the M a h a sa n g h ik a trad itio n are ex tan t. M a n y q f the la te r schisms in N ikaya B u d d h is m o ccu rred d u rin g the second ccn lu ry ft.c.K. T h e reasons for the schisms are nut clear. N n r is it know n w here m ost o f the “ eighteen schools'' w ere located. A lthough M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism h a d arisen by the first cen tu ry B . c . t ^ N ikaya B u d d h is m did noi d c d t n e Instead , b o th N ikaya a n d M a h a y a n a B u d ­ d h is m llourished d u rin g the n e s t few centuries, i n fact* N ikaya B u d ­ d h is m was the larg er o f the tw o m ovem ents. M a n y scholars have arg u e d that M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism arose from the M a h a sa n g h ik a School- The M a h a s a n i'lu k a Schno! was nut, however, ah so rh e d by M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism ' it c o n tin u e d to exist lo n g alter M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m dev elop ed . E v en d u rin g I-c h in g ’s (t>35-7 I J ) tra v ­ els, it was co u n ted a m o n g th e four m ost pow erful Buddhisi o rd e rs in India. T h e re are relatively few m ateria ls ex tan t re g a rd in g the later d ev elo p ­ m e n t o f N ik a y a B u d d h ism . T h e travel records o f C h in ese pilgrim s to ln d j ‘1 a re p articu larly v ^ tu a b lr in this nCspeet. I'a-h&icri left CbiiM in 3^9. In his travel record, the F b-km chi ( T 2 0 B 5 ) , he m en tio n ed ihree classification* o f m onasteries: H in a y a n a m o n asteries, M a h a y a n a m a n astcries, a n d m onasteries in which bo th H in a y a n a and M a h a y a n a teachings w ere stu died. F o r ex am p le, accord ing lo t ’a-h sien 's diary, three th o u sa n d m o nk s in rhe c o u n try o f Lo-i ( R o h i o r Lakki) in N o rth In d ia stud ied both H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a teachings, a n d three thousand m o nk s in P a - n a (B arm u o r R a r m u ) stu died H in a y a n a teachings. Because F a-h sien 's d iary is only one fascicle long, the entries are not d etailed , but he does in dicate that n in e c o u n trie s w ere H m a y a m s l, ihree w ere M ah& yanist, a n d three were b o th H ln a y a n ist a n d M a h a y a nist. In ad d itio n h he m e n tio n e d m o re th an tw enty o th er c o u n trie s w here B uddhism was practiced (alth o u g h he did not identify the ty p e o f B u d ­ d hism followed). W hile F a listen gives us some idea o f B u d d h ism in fifth -century I n d ia , hi' did nut reru rd the n a m e s (if t h t schunls in the

v ario u s p a rts o f In d ia he visited, M a n y aspects o f o u r view o f In d ia n B ud d h ism at th a t tim e m u st therefo re re m a in vague. T h e n ex t significant travel d iary was w ritten by H s u a n -ts a n g (6 0 2 f>64), w ho left C h in a Ibr In d ia in 629. H is travel record, the H fi-yu thi ( T 2087, Buddhist Records o f the Western Worid)t is a d etailed rep o rt of Endian B ud d h ism in t h r scvenlh century. T h e do ctrin al affiliations of n in ety -n in e areas w ere reco rd ed . O f these* sixty w ere H inayana* tw en ty -fo u r M a h a y a n a , a n d fifteen were places in which both H i n a y a ­ n a and M a h a y a n a teach ing s w ere followed. O f rhe sixty areas where H in a y a n a teachings w ere followed, fourteen w ere S arv astiv ad in , n in e ' teen w ere S a m m a tiy a , two w ere T h e r a v a d a , th ree w ere M a h a sa n g h ik a f o n e was L o k k o ta ra v a d in , five w ere M a h a y a n a - T h e r a v a d a h a n d sixteen w ere only said to by H in a y a n is t w ith no fu rth er inform ation supplied. T h e ahove n u m b e rs suggest that in the first h a lf o f the seventh c e n ’ tu ry h the H i n a y a n a o rd e rs w ere very influential in In d ia . T h e S a rv a sti­ vadin a n d S a rn m a iiy a schools w ere especially powerful. T h e o n ly mcn^ tions o f schools o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage w ere ihe th re e locations w here th e M a h a sa n g h ik a School itself was followed a n d the single placc idenrified as L o k o n a ra v a d in . W h en H s iia n -tsa n g m e n tio n e d five places th at followed the M a h a y a n a - T h e r a v a d a School, he was p ro b ab ly referring ro a b ra n c h o f the Srt L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School th at h a d ado pted m a n y elem en ts o f M a h a ­ yana th o u g h t ( T 51 918b, 929a, 934a, 935c* 936e) In th e seventh century. there were tw o m a in b ran ch es o f Sri L a n k a n B u d d h ism : (he M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in , w hich represen ted [he ortho do x T h e r a v a d a School, traditio nally said to have been b ro u g h t to Sri L a n k a by M a h in d a ; an d t h t A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin , w hich ad o p ted m a n y elem en ts o f [he V tuulyaka b ra n c h o f M a h a y a n a teachings. W h e n F a-hsien traveled to Sri L a n k a in 41Gf he rep o rted th at Etye th o u s a n d m o nk s belonged to the A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin , th re e th o u san d to the M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in , an d tw o th o u sa n d to the C e tiy a p a b b a ta v jh a ra . W h ile he was in Sri L a n k a , F a-hsien o b ta in e d a n u m b e r o f tejtts of the M ahifiasaka School, in clu d ­ ing its Vinaya, C h ’ang a-han (c o rresp o n d in g to th e Pali Dtgha-nikaya), Tsa a-tmn (co rresp o n d in g to th e Pali Khuddaka-nikiiya), a n d the Tsa~tsang ( T 7 4 5 r Kstidrakasutra). H s u a n -ts a n g was u n a b le to go to Sri L a n k a because o f wars on th e island d u rin g the tim e he w as in ilndia, However* he did note th at “ the M a h a v ih a ra -v a s in reject th e M a h a y a n a a n d p ractice the H in a y a n a , while the A b h ay ag irt-v ih ara-v asin study both H in a y a n a an d M a h ^ y ^ n a te a th m g s a n d p ro p a g a te (he Tripitaka'7 [ T 51:934b). T h u s H s iia n -tsa n g p ro b ab ly called th e A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara-v asin a M a h a y a n a T h e r a v a d a g ro u p because they followed some M a h a y a n a teachings while relying p rim arily on T h e r a v a d a teachings. By the tim e o f H s u a n 't s a n g h In d ian B ud d h ism was already b e g in n in g

to decline, Hsuum [tiding described the general scare o f B u d d h ism at G a n d h a r a w h en he w rote th at its stupa-i were largely ‘‘o v erg ro w n ruins/* Also,, “ alth o u g h there were over one th o u sa n d m onasteries, (hey w ere d ila p id a te d a n d deserted ruins, o v erg ro w n with weeds. T h e re w ere also n in n y tem p les belon gin g ro no n -B u d d h ist relig io n s” ( T 5 1 :379c). H is description reveals fu rth e r th at H in d u is m was gradu ally g ain in g in stren gth . A lthough the S arv astiv ad in School h a d been rhe strongest school of N ik ay a B u d d h is m , by H siia n -isa n g 's tim e the S a m m a tiy a Schuol h ad b eco m e the m ost influential. F o r ex am p le, inscription* from S a rn a th reveal th at a lth o u g h the m o n a ste ry at the D eer P ark had belonged to the S arv astiv ad in School d u r in g the K u$aua dynasty, by the fo u rth cen tu ry ii was cun trolled by rhe S a m m a tiy a School. O n e o f the m a in reasons for this ch an g e m ay have been th at the S a m m a tiy a School's affirm ation of a “ p e rs o n " (pudgala) was closer to the H in d u d o ctrin e o f Self (dtman) th an ii w as tu the dharma theory o f th e S arv aa[ivadin S chool. W h e n I*ching trav eled to In d ia in 67 I , he spent m ost o f his tim e stud yin g at the great B u d dh isi u n iv ersity at N a la n d a . A ccording to his travel diary, Non-hat chi-kuei nei-fa chuan ( T 2 125, A Record o f the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and tht Malay Aichiptlago)y the distinction b etw een H i n a y a n a and M a h a y a n a m o nk s was nor very clear. Both ob serv ed th e 250 11H i n a y a n a " p re c e p ts a n d practiced in acco rd an ce with the F o u r N oble T ru th s . T h o s e w ho read M a h a y a n a texts a n d w o r­ sh ip ped b o d h isa ttv a s were M a h a y a n ists , while those w h o did not do eith e r were H m ay am S ts ( 7 ’54:2U5eJ. A m o n g the M ahay an ists* only the M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara schools were m e n tio n e d . I-r h in g generally em p h a s iz e d the w ay M a h a y a jia a n d H i n a y a n a practices w ere m ixed. I-chin g described H i n a y a n a Buddhism as b e in g d o m in a te d by the M ahasahghika^ T h e r a v a d a , M u la s a rv a stiv a d in , a n d S a m m a tiy a schools. In M a g a d h a all four schools w ere p racticed, a lth o u g h the Sarv asiiv ad in School w as partic u la rly strong. In S in d h a n d L o -c h 'a ( S a n ­ skrit n am e u n k n o w n ) in w estern India* th e S a m m a tiy a School was d o m in a n t, alth o u g h the orher ihree w ere presen t to a lesser e x ten t. In s o u th e rn I n d ia , the T h e r a v a d a School was pow erful a n d the o th e r schools h a d only a m in o r presence. Sri L a n k a was com pletely d o m i­ nated by th e T h e r a v a d a School, a n d th e M a h a s a n g h ik a School h ad w ith d ra w n from the island. In eastern In d ia , all four schools were p resent. S outheast Asia w as d o m in a te d by the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in School, w ith the S a m m a tiy a School m a in ta in in g a small presence. O n ly M o-lo-y u (rhe M a la y p en in su la? ) exhibited M a h a y a n a influence. T h e travel records cited above indicate th at In d ia n B u d d h ism in the sixth a n d seventh cen tu ries w as d o m in a te d by the S arv astiv ad in , S am -

m a tiy a , a n d T h e r a v a d a schcjnls. W h e n H su an-t sang visited I n d ia , he no ted the existence o f S arv asiiv ad in s, b u t m ad e no m e n tio n o f the M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s, FL!'(y years later. I-chin^ n y [ t j [he existence o f the M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s, bur did not m en tio n th e S arv astivadin 3 T h e term ''MuEftStuvBStivatfin” occurs p rim arily in sources from tht1 T ib e ta n tra d itio n , such as the w orks o f flhavya a n d T i r a n J tt i f t a n d th e fatehauyul' p a th I "he differences b etw een the two te rm s a n d the reasons th ey c a m e to be used are not co m pletely d e a r . H ow ever, the distinction was p r o b a ­ bly m ad e w h en [he S a rv astiv ad in School in central In d ia d ra m a iiz e d its differences with the school in K a s h m ir by ta ilin g itself the M u lasarv astivadin S ch oo h Sarvastivfidin teachings are said to hav e been passed alon g a lineage consisting o f M d h a k h A y a p , A n a n d a , S a n ak av asi, U p a g u p ta , ^n d so forth. Both S an ak av asf a n d U p a g u p ta fived in M a th u r a . U p a g u p ta received K in g A so ka's p a tro n a g e ; M a d h y a n tik a . an able disciple of S an ak av asi, established the school in K ash m ir. H ow ever, M a d h y a n tik a was not listed in (he lineages o f the school. For ex am p le, a b io g ra p h y of A soka (A-yU-waag chuan; T 5 0 : 121a, 126a) includes the following lin ­ eage: M a h a k a sy a p a , A n a n d a , SnnakavasT, U p a g u p ta , anti D hltika. T h e sam e lineage is found in the fortieth fascicle o f the Ktn-ptnrsh uc-tch ’ifh'yu'pu p ’i-na-yeh tsa-sftiA ( T 24:41 lb ), a w ork c o n ta in in g m iscellane­ ous in fo rm atio n on the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in vinaya, in d icatin g that the lineage was accepted by rhe M u la sa rv a stiv a d in s. Tn c o n tra st, in a n o th e r w ork on A soka, the seventh fascicle of the A-yH-wang cfiing ( T 50: 152t'), the following lineage was inclu d ed: M a h a k a s y a p a , A n a n d a , M a d h y a n (ika. Sfmakavasi, a n d U p a g u p t a M a d h y a n tik a was probably inserted in the lineage h e the insistence o f lh
T h e T h e r a v a d a T ra d itio n of Sri L a n k a T he island o f Sri L a n k a, off the s o u th e rn tip o f India, has an area of a p p ro x im a te ly 25,000 s q u a re miles an d a p o p u la tio n o f th irteen million people, in th e past, it has been called T a m b a p a n n l . Sirphala, Lahkad tpa. a n d C eylon. T h e ra v a d a B ud dh ism is practiced by m a n y o f the inhabitants* a trad itio n [hat is also followed in T h a ila n d , B u rm a, Laos, an d C a m b o d ia . B ud d h ism was first b ro u g h t to Sri L a n k a by A so k a’s son M a h in d a ,

four o th er m o n k s, a n d M a h in d a 's servants. T h e king ol Sri L an k a, D ev a n a m p iy a i ijlft, h a d a Idmplc to n slru clctJ tn [he capital city nf A n u r a d h a p u r a for M a h in d a a n d his followers to practice in. T h e tem ple was Jater called the M a h a v ih a r a an d b ecam e (he base for (he M ahavi* h&raviutn sect in Srt L a n k a . T h e O t i y a p a b h a t a v i h a r a m o n a ste ry was built in M ih in ta ie . the purl at which M a h in d a h a d arrived. M a h in d a s y o u n g e r sister, the n u n S a h g h a m itta , also w ent to Sri Lanka. She b ro u g h t a t u t t i n g from the b td h i- tm a n d established the o rd er o f n u n s on th e island B ud d h ism su b seq u en tly flourished on Sri L a n k a, wilh m a n y m on ks a n d n u n s jo in in g th e o rd er a n d w ith im perial su p p o rt c o n ­ trib u tin g to [he co n stru ctio n o f m on asteries.

Tht construction of the Abhayagiri-vihara in the first century n.c.c. is especially noteworthy, since this monastery became the base fur a seeond major sect of Theravada Buddhism in Sri Lanka The stroggle between the monks of the Abhayagiri-vihara and the monks of tht Mahavihara continued to influence Sri Lankan religious history for the next several centuries. In 4 4 ti.O.li,, Yaltagamani Abhaya became king of Sri Lanka; however, he was forced to flee shortly thereafter by the Tamils. Fifteen years later he refined the throne and ruled for twelve years {Ji 9 - I 7 b.c.k.), In 2 3 b.c.e, he had the Abhayagiri monastery built and presented it to rhe elder Mahatissa—whom the Mahavihara monks had previously expelled from their monastery. When Mahatissa wen I to reside in the Abhayagiri monastery, he was accompanied by a number of munks from the Mahavihara, thus leading to a split between the two groups. D u r in g [he reign o f V a ^ a g a m a n i A b h ay a, ihe B uddhist c a n o n , which had trad ition ally been tra n sm itte d th ro u g h m em o riza tio n and recita­ tio n , was finally w ritten d o w n . Five h u n d r e d m o n k s from [he M a h a v i­ h a r a sect p artic ip a te d in the copying sessions. T h e y did not receive any assistance from the king since he su p p o rted the A bh ay agiri sect. T h e m onks w ould recite th e w orks they had m e m o riz e d a n d o th e r m onks w ould th en verify their accuracy. Next, the recitations w ere edited an d w ritten d o w n . At this tim e, the Canon consisted o f the Tripilaka (sutra, vinaya, a n d abhidharma) a n d co m m en tarie s. T h e decision to put the c a n o n into w ritten form was a m ajo r step En a r riv in g at a definite f o r m u ­ lation o f its co n ten ts. M ean w h ile, the A b h a y a g iri sect had w elcom ed a n eld er o f (he Vajjip u tta k a School in In d ia n a m e d D h a m m a ru c i a n d his disciples to their m onastery. T h e A bh ayagiri sect is co n seq uently som etim es know n as the D h a m m a r u c i sect. D u r in g * u h sc q u rm years, the A h hay ag iri seel m a in ta in e d close relations with In d ia n B uddhists a n d ad o p ted m an y new teach in gs from In d ia In co n trast, the M a h a v ih a ra sccr ha $ carc-

fully m a in ta in e d the V ib h a jja v a d a trad ition oil T h e r a v a d a B ud dh ism u ntil the present day. D u rin g the reign o f V oharika Tissa (2 6 9 -2 9 1 ), a n u m b e r o f In d ia n a d h e re n ts o f the; V etultavada sect o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism c a m e to Sri L a n k a a n d w ere allowed to stay ai the A b h ay ag iri-v ih ara by the m onks; but the king quickly expelled th e In d ia n m o nk s from Sri L a n k a T h e V etuJlavada monk* la te r reasserted their influence at thf* A hhayagiriv ihara. In protest, a g ro u p o f m onks from A bh ay agiri left rhe m onaslery a n d established a th ird sect at D ak k h ip ag iri d u r in g rhe reign of GofhaEihaya (3 0 9 -3 2 2 ). This g ro u p , k n o w n as the S ag aliya seel, w as Associated w ith the J c t a v a n a m onastery. K in g G o fh a b h a y a h a d sixty of th e V ctullavada m on ks arrested , expelled from the o rd e r, a n d d epo rted to India. L a te r, K in g M zthascna ( r 334-361} suppressed the M a h a v i h a ­ ra seer, vvhieh th en e n te re d a Jong period o f decline. T i le A b hayagiri sect, tn c o n tra st, pro sp ered D u r in g the reign o fS iri M e g h a v a n n a (3 6 2 409) a relic o f the B u d d h a , one o f his teeth, was b ro u g h t to Sri L an k a fm m Kaliiiga in India a n d e n s h rin e d in the A b hayag iri m onastery. In the fifth cen tu ry d u rin g the reign o f M a h a n a m a (4 0 9 -4 3 1 ), the g reat c o m m e n ta to r B u d d h ag h o sa cam e to Sri L a n k a. H e lived at the M a h a v ih a r a m onastery, w here he wrote c o m m e n ta rie s on the Trips t/tka an d general expositions on Buddhist d o c trin e and practice A ccord ing lo the Cutmamsa (3 7 :2 1 5 -2 4 6 ), B u d d h ag h o sa was fi B rah m an w ho had co m e from th e vicinity w here the B u d d h a hatl a tta in e d e n lig h te n m e n t in cen tral In d ia . A ccording to B urm ese sources, he was a native o f T h a to n , B u rm a , w ho traveled ro Sri L an ka 943 years after th e B u d d h a's d e a th in the reign o f K in g M a h a n a rn a . R e c e n t scholarship has revealed th at B u d d h ag h o sa w as p ro b ab ly a native o f South India. W h a te v e r the case m a y be, it is c e rta in that B u d d h ag h o sa d id co m e to Sri L a n k a from a foreign country, resided a t th e M a h a v ih a ra , and s u p p n rte d th e M a h a v ih a r a tra d itio n . In ad d itio n , he w ro te ihe Visuddhimagga (P a th of P u rificatio n ) a n d a scries o f detailed c o m m e n ta rie s on the B uddhist c a n o n based on o ld er works in (he T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n . A cco rd in g to so m e sources, he translated the old S in h a le s e c o m m e n ta rie s into Pali. A fter he com pleted hts w ritings, he r e tu r n e d io his n ativ e country. B u d d h a g h o s a 's f o r m u la tio n o f T h e r a v a d a docirines lias re m a in e d the s ta n d a rd o n e until the presen t tim e. T h e rivalry b etw een the M a h a v ih a ra a n d A bh ayagiri sects c o n tin u e d th ro u g h the centuries. In g en eral, m o re rulers seem to have su p p o rted the A b h a y a g iri sect. T h e M a h a v ih a ra sect, how ever, successfully e n d u r e d its m a n y h ard sh ip s a n d preserved a p u r e r form o f T h e r a v a d a d o c trin e a n d m on astic discipline D u r in g the first h a lf o f the eighih cen(ury, M a h a y a n a a n d Esoteric Buddhism w ere practiced in Sri L an k a.

T w o o f the m on ks responsible for p ro m u lg a tin g Esoteric B ud d h ism in C h in a , V ajrflbodhi ant] A m o g h a v a jra , visited the island. In the first h a lf o f the eleventh cen tu ry d in in g the r d g n ol M a h in d a V, w hen Sri L a n k a was in v ad ed by rhe Saivite C h o la d y n a s ty o f S o u th In d ia , the capital cily a n d ihe B uddhist m o n asteries w ere red u ced lo ruin s. A fter a h a lf cen tu ry o f fighting, the Sri L a n k a n king V ijay ab iihu I ( 1 0 5 9 - 1 113) Ibrced ihe C h o la s to leave the island, restored the m o n a r ­ c h y a n d invited B u dd hisi elder* from B u rm a to rcsiore B u d d h ism in Sri L a n k a. in the twelfth century, K in g P a r a k k a m a b a h u 1 (J 153-1186) d e ­ frocked the d e c a d e n t m o nk s in th e M a h a v ih a ra , A b h a y a g iri, an d J e ta v a n a sects a n d purified the B uddhist orders in Sri L a n k a. T h e o rth o d o x T h t- r a v id a B ud d h ism of the M a h a v ih a r a sect sub sequ ently received g o v e rn m e n t su p p o rt, a n d the A b h a y a g iri sect was com pletely b a n n e d , nev er to regain influence. T h is m a rk e d the e n d o f (he ten c e n ­ turies o f rivalry betwyun ihe sects. T h e M a h a v ih a r a sect a n d its o r th o ­ dox T h e r a v a d a trad itio n have c o n tin u e d to d o m in a te Sri L an k an B u d ­ d h ism until the present day. In su b seq u en t cen tu ries, ihe island was in v ad ed by the C h o la s , P o r ­ tug uese, D utch, and British. Tn the eig h teen th century, K in g K ittisiri R ajasitp h a invited te n m o n k s from T h a ila n d io h elp restore ihe B u d ­ dhist o rdc r. A ftcrw a r d , S o u t heast A sian mo nks, we re pc ri od ic all y invited to Sri L a n k a to S treng th en the order. T oday Sri L a n k a n Bud d hism is divided in to a n u m b e r of fraternities tra cin g th eir origins to these m issions fro m S o u th east Asia. T h e m a jo r fratern ities are rhe S iy a m , K a ly a n i, A m a r a p u r a , a n d R f u n a n n a .

CHAPTER 9

Abhidharma Literature

T h e Establish m ent o f the A b h id h a r m a * P ifa k a

by which the schuol* o f Nikaya Buddhism are di ffe rentiated is called the abhidharma. The term ; 'abhidharma'’ (P. abhi­ dhamma) means “the study o f the dharma. ” The lerm “dharma " refers lo the doctrines preached by the Buddha; it may also refer to the truths revealed by (hose teachings. Consequent IJfi abhidharma may be interp re ted as meaning studies of [he Buddha's teachings or research into the truihs revealed by the Buddha. T h k litf.ra ru ith

Even before the co n tcn ls o f the Sutra-pitaka h a d been finalized, (he B u d d h a 's disciples were a n a ly z in g his teachin gs wilh m eth o d s sim ilar m those em ploy ed la te r in abhidharma. T h e se early anaJyses w ere often in c o rp o ra te d in to lutras. A fter the SHina-pifaka h a d been established an d its contentii determ ined* abhidharma investigations w ere co n sid ered to be a s e p a ra te b ra n c h o f lite ra tu re . Abhidharma studies w ere la te r com piled into a collection called the Abhidharma-pitaka, w hich was c o m b in ed with ihe Suira-pttaka a n d Virtaya-pifaka to m ake u p [he ‘ T h r e e B askets” or 7 ripitaka (P. Tipttaka) o f the early Buddhist can on , T h e c a n o n was lim ­ ited to these ih ree baskets o r Collections, Jn the T h e r a v a d a S th o o l, the te rm " P a l i" ( o r Paji) is used w ith the m e a n in g o f "‘s c rip tu re " to refer to the Tnpitaka, b u t not to refer to the c o m m e n ta rie s on the Tripiiaka.' The Sarvastivadin School argued that rhe abhidharma was preached by the Buddha. Sarvastivadins thus believed lhal the entire Tnpitaka was, in a broad sense, the Buddha's preaching. 1 However, the similarities in the texts of the Sutra-pifakas and Vinaya-pitakas followed by the various

schools reveal that the basic contents of these two collections were deter-

iiiiiLtd W o r t the divisions tif Nikqya had occurred, in tonirast, the contents of abhidharma literature varies with each nf the schools, indicating that this class of literature was compiled after the basic divisions o f ih** schools had occurred. T he Abhidhantid-pifakas of most of the schools were probably Compiled during a period beginning in 250 b .c . 7.. (afier the first m ajor schism) and ending a ro u n d (he start of the co m m on era.

F r o m S u tr a -p ita k a t o A b h id h a r m a ^ p ita k a

W ilh the increase tn the volum e o f abhidharma literature, a special divi­ sion of the canon, an Abhittharma-pifaka, was established. Before this, the canon went through a transitional phase in which m aterial was placed in a “ mixed b asket” (Ksudraka-pitaka) of the canon 1 T h e Kfudraka-pifaku was the repository for materials thai had been left our of the four Agarrtas (the Dirghdgama, Afadh j'amago in a, Sajnyuktdgama, and EkottnTdgama) and thus included both early and later texts. T he Mahisasaka, D harm aguplaka, and M ahasanghika were am ong those schools that included the Kfudrai'fl-pi/aka in their cannn. T h e only extant exam ple of such a division of the canon is found in the T h era v ad a Tipilaktit where it is called the Khuitdaka-nikdya father than the K f udraka-pifaka T h e term “kftidraka" (P. khuddaka) m eans " s m a ll” or " m ix e d 1'; but the m eaning " m ix e d " is more appropriate. However, a "m ix e d dgama" (Tsa a-han thing, or literally, kfudrakdgama; cl. Abhidharmakosabhdsya, p. 466) ia included in the Chinese canon (7 99 and lOl). Since this work corresponds roughly to the Pah Sflfflyttftanikdya and not to the Khuddaka-nikdya. the term ‘'Khuddaka-nikdya ,J is translated into C hini^c for convenience as hsiao-pu or “ small section." Fhe Khttddaka-mkdya is not small, however* as it is the larges! of I he five Nikdyas > Fifteen works arc included in the Pali Khuddaka-nikdya. A m o ng them are very old writings such as the Dhammapada (W ords of the Doctrine), Suttanipdta (Collections of Sottas), Theragdthd (Verses of the Elder M on ks)Ha n d Thtiigalhd (Verses of the Elder Nuns). O th e r texts included in the Khuddaka-nikdya were composed at a later date; arnon^; these are ihe Niddesa (Exposition) a n d the Paiisambhiddmagga (Way o f Analysis). In both style a n d content the latter two works are sim ilar to fully devel­ oped abhidhamma literature, and thus represent a literary stage between the Nikdyas and the works of the Abhidhamma-pitaka* Both texts were compiled a ro u n d 250 r . c . r . , a date that would m ake them forerunners of abhidhamma literature.

T h e Niddesa is d iv id e d in to tw o p a r ts : th e " M a h a n i d d e s a ' 1 a n d t h t “ C u l l a n i d d e s a . ” T h t first p a n is a c o m m e n t a r y on th e " A n h a k a , 1' th e fo u rth c h a p t e r o f th e Suitanipdta. T h e s e c o n d p a n consists o f c o m m e n t a ­ ries o n Iwo p a rts o f ih e Sutianipdta: on th e fifth c h a p t e r ( “' P a r a y a n a " ) a n d o n ih e Ktuiggauisdna-sutta, w h ic h is c o n ta i n e d in ih e first c h a p te r. S in c e th e five c h a p te r s o f th e SultanipdUi a r e not e x p la in e d in th e o r d e r in w h ic h th e y are fo u n d to d a y in t h e Pali c a n o n , th e Suttanipdia vjas o b v i­ o u sly n o t e d ite d i n to its m o d e r n fo rm a l o f five c h a p te r s u n til a fte r the Niddes a w as c o m p ile d M a n y e le m e n ts o f t h e Niddtsa, such as its m e th o d o f d e f in in g d o c tr in e s a n d its te ch n ica l te r m s , a r e s im ila r to those fo u n d in abhidhamma texts. T h e Pafisantbhidamaggii ( P a t h o f D is c r im in a tio n ) c o n ta i n s d iscu s s io n s o f th e p ra c tic a l a p p lic a tio n s o f m a n y o f t h e to p ic s fo u n d in abhidhamma lite ra tu re . At th e b e g in n in g o f rhe text is a list n f fifty-five to p ic s rhar are d is c u s s e d in th e w o rk . T h e s e topics a r e called mdfikd, a te rm c h a r a c te r is ­ tically used in T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma texts. T h e list o f mdtikd in rhe Pafisamhhidamagga is nor as re fin e d o r as well o r g a n iz e d as th o s e in la te r T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma tex ts. T h e Niddtsa a n d Patisambhiddmagga a r e fo u n d o n ly in th e T h e r a v a d a c a n o n . N o te x ts r e p r e s e n t i n g this tr a n s itio n a l p h a s e f r o m stitra to abhidharma a r e f o u n d in eK tam S a r v a s tiv a d in lite r a tu r e

The Theravada Abhidhamma-pifaka T h e T h e r a v a d a Abhidhamma-piiakA is c o m p o s e d o f s e v e n tre a tis e s c o m ­ p iled successively b e tw e e n 2 5 0 a n d 50 b . c . e . T h e oldest o f th e se is the PuggalapanOati ( D e s ig n e r io n o f H u m a n T y p e s ) . T h e n e x t o ld e st tex t is th e first p a r t o f th e Dhammasangajti, w h ic h c o n sists o f lists of 122 mdtikd (m a tric e s o r to p ic s ) in rhe ' ‘A b h i d h a m m a - m a t i k a M a n d +2 in the ‘’S u ita - m a L ik a .11 T h e s e lists fu n c tio n as ta b le s o f c o n te n ts fo r th e w o rk . T h e p re v io u s ly m e n tio n e d Puggalapannafi h a s its o w n list o f mdtikd, w hile m o st o f th e o t h e r tre a tise s o f th e P & i Abhidkamma-pilaka a r e b a se d o n the Iisls in rhe Dhammasangani (B u d d h is t P sycho lo gical E thics). T h e v a rio u s dhammas are d iff e r e n tia te d o n ih e b asis o f th e se lists. T h e Vibhanga, h o w ­ e v e r, c o n ta in s its o w n list o f topics, th e “ S u i t a - b h a j a n i y a ” ; this list a p p e a r s to be early. T h u s th e Ptiggalapantiati a n d th e lists at th e b e g in ­ n in g o f th e Dhamtnasurigani a n d Vibhanga (B o ok o f A n a ly s is ) c o n s titu te th e oldest p a rts o f th e Pall Abhidhamma-pi taka Before th e abhidhamma tents w e re c o m p ile d , the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f lists o f mdtika w as a n i m p o r ­ ta n t issue a m o n g e a r ly B u d d h is t sch o la rs. T h e a n a ly s is o f dhammai tn th e s e v e n tre a tise s o f th e Abhidhamma pi taka th e re fo re p r im a r i ly focuses

on th e 122 elem en ts o f ihe "Abhidhamma-mdtikd" o f the Dhammasarigani, I he m e n w ho m em o rize d ihe mdtikd were k n o w n as mdtikd-dhara. T h e r e m a in in g p o rtio n s o f the Dhammojangam a n d Vibhanga were co m piled next. T h is literatu re consisted o f an alyses o f B ud dh isi d o o trin e ih n ju g h th e e x a m in a tio n nf dhamntas from v ario u s perspectives. T h e last w o rks o f the Abhidhamma pitaka to he com piled w ere the Dhdiukathd (D isco u rse on E lem en ts), Yamaka (Book of P airs), a n d Patthdna (C o n d itio n a l R elations). T h e se (hree treatises co n tain m o re detailed analyses o f doctrines, in clu din g the dy nam ics o f the relations a n d in te r­ actions o f the vario u s dhammas. T h e Kaihduatthu (P o in ts o f C o n tro v e rsy ), a work c o n ta in in g criticism s o f the heretical teach in gs o f o th er schools, also was com piled d u r in g this later period. T h e w o rks o f rhe Pali Abhidhamma-pitaka a re not a r ra n g e d in the o r d e r of th eir c o m p o sitio n . R a th e r , they are found in the following sequence, which was d e te rm in e d by B ud dh ag ho sa. 1. Dhammasangani (E n u m e ra tio n of Dhammas o r B udd hist P sycholog­ ical Ethics) 2. Vibhanga (T h e Book o f A nalysis) 3 . Kathdiatthu (Points of C ontroversy) Fuggaiapannati ( D escription o f H u m a n T y p e s) 5. Dhdtukathd (D iscourse on E lem ents) 6. Yamaka (Book of Pairs) 7. Patthdna (C o n d itio n a l R elations). M a n y o th er abhidhamma w orks exist in Pali, but they a re co nsid ered to be extracanonicaJ a n d a re not in clud ed in the Abhidhatnma-pitaka. T h e co n ten ts o f ihe three m a jo r sections o f th e T h e r a v a d a c a n o n — rhe Sutton Vinaya t a n d Abhidhamma-piiakas— w ere finaJly d e te rm in e d a r o u n d (he first c e n tu ry b,C,e, As th e study o f B u dd hist d o ctrin e an d practice c o n tin u e d , c o m m e n ta rie s (atfhakathd) w ere w ritte n A n u m b e r of texts survive th a t a re re p resen tativ e o f the tra n sitio n al period betw een w orks in clu ded in the Abhidhamma-pifaka a n d full c o m m e n ta ­ ries. T h e y a re rhe M itixdapanh* (Q u estio n s o f K in g M iiin d a), the Netupakarana (T h e G u id e ), a n d the PeiakapadesQ (P ita k a -D is c lo su re ).1 (T h ese th re e w orks are included in (he Khuddaka-mkdya o f (he B u rm e se version of the T h e r a v a d a c a n o n .) T h e Prtaka was also p ro b ab ly o f this genre, h u t u n fo rtu n a te ly it has nor su rv iv ed r T h e s e w orks were w ritten in ap p ro x im a te ly th e first c e n tu ry C.E., after the co n ten ts o f the Abhidbamma-pitaka h a d alread y b e e n established T h e M\l\ndapanh& is based on discussions o f Buddhist d o c irin r b etw een a G reek k in g M itin d a ( o r M e n a n d r o s , r. ca. 150 b . c .E.), w h o

ru le d in n o rth e rn In d ia , a n d a Ruddhisr m onk n a m e d N ag asen a. T h e text exists in both Pali a n d C h in ese (Nu-hsitn p i-d t'iu thing, 7 1670), Several srhnnls besides i h t "['heravada used the lexl "rhe Pctaka also seem s ro have been stu died in a n u m b e r o f SCh o d s , (T h e term "p ’\-tePJ referred to in the sccond fasciclc of the Ta-chih-tu inn [7 ’ 2 ^ :7 0 b ( M ahdpr&jndpdramitopadtia] m ay refer lo the Ft j aka.)

T h e A b h x d h a r m a - p ita k a of the S a r v a s t i v a d in School T h e Abhidharma-pi taka o f rhe SarvastivaHin School is co m po sed o f seven treatises. T h e m ajo r treatise is th e JndnapTaithdna (Source o f K no w led ge) by K a ty a y a n ip u tr a ; it was com piled a p p ro x im a te ly three h u n d r e d years after the d e a th o f the B u d d h a in the first o r seco nd c e n tu ry li.c.E. Since this w ork system atized S arv astiv ad in d o ctrin e in a n a u th o rita tiv e w a y ii was highly reg ard ed by S arv astiv ad in thin kers. Consequently, the oth er six treatises w
translations. T h e C h in ese version c:T the Frajnaptisasira is a partial tra n s ­ lation, c o n tain in g only the section on causes' b u t a seem ingly com plete T ib e ta n translatio n (P ek in g nos. 55 8 7 -5 5 8 9 ) exists wilh sections on the cosm os, c a u s e s d a n d k a r m a T h e o th e r five “ feet" a n d the J m n a p m slhdrta were not tran slated in to T ib e ta n , I he Jnanapraslhdrtti, iis six ‘T e ei,1’ <md the a u th o rs lo w h um the texts are a ttrib u te d are listed below. 1, Jhdnapraslhana ( T 1543-1544) 2 , Prakara napdda ( T 15 4 1-1 5 4 2 ) 3, Vijndnakdya ( 7 H1539} 4 Dharmas kandha ( T 1 537) 5. Prajnaptisdstra ( T 15 3 8} 6. Dhdmkdya ( T 1540) 7. Sa rigitiparydya { T 1536)

K a ty a y a n ip u tra Vasu in i t ra D e v a s a rm a n ^ a r i p u tr a M a u d gal ya ya n a Purna M ah ak au ;{h il a

T h e n a m e s o f the a u th o rs o f the seven treatises hsted above ate from Y asom itra's Sphuidtthd Abhidharmakosattydkhyd (p. 11), w here the classifi­ catio n o f the seven treatises as “ b o d y " a n d “ feet” is also fou nd (p. 9). T h e CEiinese tran slatio n s have a slightly different list o f au th ors. M a n y o th er S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatises exist. S om e S arv astiv ad in s seem to hav e believed that the Abhidharma‘piiaka should not hiLve been lim ited tt> the above seven texts. H ow ever, since the above list has trad itio n ally been highly reg arded by Et odd hi sis (for ex am p le, see th e Ahhidharmakasavydkhyd), these seven works should p ro b ab ly be co nsidered as the S a rv a stiv a d in AbhidharrtUt'ptiaka Besides the C h in ese a n d T ib e ta n tran slatio n s m en tio n ed abo ve, a n u m b e r o f frag m ents o f Sanskrit abhidharma texts discovered in C e n tra l Asia are e x tan t. F ra g m e n ts o f texts such as the Sarigilsparydya a n d the Frakaranapado hav e been puEjlished by W ald sch m id t a n d o th e rs .6 T h e existeiicc of a f r ^ m c n t o f the Dhamittikandha has also been a n n o u n c e d .'

A b h id h a r m a - p ita k a from O th e r Schools T h e S arv astiv ad in a n d Pali Abhidharma-pifoJuts a re rx ta n i in th eir c o m ­ plete forms. In a d d itio n , several abhidharma works falling ou tside these two tra d itio n s sh o u ld also be m e n tio n e d . T h e Sht-ti-ju tx-p'i-i'an tun ( /" 1548, Sdnputrdbhidharmasdstra?) in thirty fascicles, w hich probably b e ­ lo n g ed to the D h a r m a g u p ta k a School, is p articu larly im p o rtan t,* A lth o u g h ii does not display th e advanced do ctrinal d ev elo p m en t o f the Pali a n d S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n s, it is v aluable b ecau se it is o n e o f the

few ex tan t lo ng er ahkidharma works from an o th er tra d itio n , A short * th re e-fast tele, incom plete translatio n o f a SammitLya work alsn s u r ­ vives, the S M -m ^ti-pu tun ( T 1649, Samtnitiyfl-s&tra?), T h e pudgdavadin (personalist) position is p resen ted in this work. 'I he dale o f com position o f th e Icjti has not been clearly d e te rm in e d . T h e C h'm g sh ih inn [ T 1646, TbUoosiddhUastra?) by H a r iv a r m p n w as p ro b a b ly co m p osed betw een 250 an d 350, a n d thus w as co m p iled loo late to be included in a n Ahkidharma-pitaka T h e iext, w hich seem s to reflect a S a u tra n tik a point o f view, was tra n sla te d in to C h in ese by K u m a ra jiv a a n d stud ied widely in C h in a d u r in g the fifth a n d sixth c e n ­ turies. W h en the C hinese p ilg rim H siia n -tsa n g r e tu rn e d from In d ia , he b ro u g h t both H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a sutras a n d mj/reu w ith h im . A cco rd in g to his travel diary, a m o n g the H in a y a n a texts w ere sixtyseven w orks from th e S a rv a stiv a d in School, fourteen T h e r a v a d a works,, fifteen M a h a s a n g h ik a w orks, fifteen S a m m a tiy a works, tw enty-tw o M a h isa sa k a works, sev en teen KasyapTya w orks, a n d lorty-lw o D harm a g u p ta k a works, H s u a n - is a n g 's figures in d icate that the cano ns o f these schools included Abhidharma-pitakai. H o w ev er, since H siia n -tsa n g tra n sla te d only the S a rv astiv ad in texts, th e w orks from the o th e r schools are no longer ex ianL I-clung* in his travel diary* notes th at the S a rv a s ­ tivadin, S a m m a n y a , T h e r a v a d a , an d M a h a sa n g h ik a schools each hart a c a n o n of a p p ro x im a te ly 3 0 0 ,0 0 0 verses.

C o m m e n ts rial L iteratu re O n ly the c o m m e n ta rie s on the AbhiHharmtt'pititktis o f the S arv astiv ad a an d T h e r a v a d a schools are extant- A n u m b e r o f c o m m e n ta rie s were com p osed in S inhalese in the First a n d second centuries c.E. by m o n k s o f th e Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School, A m o n g thc.se c o m m e n ta rie s were Mahdtthakatha. Andh&k&tt}wkatkdt Mah&p&Cwrii KvntMtoffhaJktlttet, SvnkhfifxxUhakaihat a n d Uttarovihdratthakathd In th e fifth cen tu ry a new g r o u p nf c o m m e n ta to rs a p p e a re d , w hich included B u d d h ag h o sa, B u d d h a d a tt a r a n d D h a m m a p a la . T h e y p ro d u c e d new c o m m e n ta rie s based on Ihe ones com po sed several c e n tu rie s earlier. Since their new co m m en tarie s s u p p la n te d the o ld er ones, th e earlier c o m m e n ta rie s w ere sub sequ ently tosi. T h e UlUtraviharaffhakcUha is a w ork o f the A b h a y a g iri-v ih a ra sect of the T h e r a v a d a School. T h e C h in ese tran slatio n o f U p a tiss a 's (fl. second c en tu ry ) Vimutlimagga, the Chiih-t'o'laQ lun ( T 164R), also e x p o u n d s (he positions o f the sect. T h e m ust im p o rlan l c o m m e n ta io r in the T h e r a v a d a trad itio n was

B udd h ag ho sa (fl fifth c en tu ry ). O n e o f his m a jo r works, the Vissudhimagga (P a th o f P u rificatio n ), explains (he d o ctrin es o f ihe M ahavihfira sect n f the T h e r a v a d a Kt hnoL b u d d h a g h o s a also extensively utilized the old S inhalese co m m en tarie s to write new c o m m e n ta rie s (althgknlhd) in PaJi on th e Thcravacfjl c a n o n . B u d d h a g h o s a ’s v o lu m in o u s c o m m e n t a* ries a re co nsidered to be ihe c u tm in a iio n o f th ree cen tu ries o f Sri L a n k a n Scholarship, T h e most fam ous o f his c o m m e n ta rie s a re as fol­ lows: SamtmiapdsadikQ— c o m m e n ta ry on the Vinaya Sunutngatavilasinft—c o m m e n ta ry on the Dighanikdya Fo.p(imaiiidfiiii—c o m m e n ta r y on the Maijhima-mkdyu SaraUhappukasini— c o m m e n ta ry t>n the Samytiita^nikdya M m w ethapSm tti— c o m m e n ta r y on (he Ariguiterfrrtikdya Attfididitni— c o m m e n ta ry on (he Dhatnmastingani In LidditLon, B ut]dhaghosa Wrote the DhammapadatthakQtha, w hich is a c o m m e n ta r y on the Dho.rtimapada, an d the Paramalthajotikd, w hich ineludes c o m m e n ta rie s on the Suilampdta a n d the Khuddakapatha. Buddlhaghosa m a n a g e d to write c o m m e n ta rie s on v irtu ally the entire T h e r a v a d a c a n o n . H is A ttfm d tin i a n d VimddhimaggQ arc a m o n g the most im p o rta n t exposiiions o f T h e r a v a d a d octrin e. H is c o m m e n ta ry on the Kathai'tilthu, the Kfitk&VQllhuppakafana/fhaAatJid, is im p o rta n t because ii identifies the pDjitions held by the H in a y a n a schnols in d n etrm a l controVersies. E lem en ts o f M a h a y a n a d ocirinc a re also fo u n d in these c o m ’ m i l i t a r i e s a n d w ould m ak e a fruitful subject for f u rth e r research. T h e Sri L a n k a n chronicles m u st also be m e n tio n e d here, altho ug h they a re n o t canonical c o m m en tarie s. T h e Dipatwjisa relates th e sto ry of th e B u d d h a 's b irth , the h isto ry o f ccnfra! In d ia , th e tra n sm issio n of B ud d h ism to Sri L a n k a , a n d the su b seq u en t hism ry o f Sri L a n k a un til the reign o f M ah ascn ii (r, 325-352). T h e id en tity o f the a u lh o r i.s not k n o w n ; how ever, since K u d d lu g h o s a was fam iliar w ith ihe Dtpavamsa, it was a p p a re n tly com piled d u rin g the first h a lf o f [he iifth century. T h e ch ron icle is a v aluab le source, for il re]ales secuEar political history as well as Buddhisi history, Because (he literary style o f the Dipaiarjisa was a w k w ard , it w as rew ritten as (he Mahavarnsa by M a h a n a m a d u r in g the reign o f D h a tu s e n a (r. 460-47B). A lth o u g h th e subject m a tte r o f the Alahdw m ia is die sam e as lhal o f the Dfpovamsa, the Mahdvamja is m ore d etailed. T h e Cuiaumnsa is a long chronicle, based on the Mahauamia, that relates Sri L a n k a n history u p to the eig h teen th century. T h e Sdsanauamsa, co m po sed in B u rm a by P a n f ia s a m in , is also an im p o rta n t historical source, it traces the history o f cen tral India u n til the tim e of th e T h i r d C o u n cil a n d th en relates th r m issionary activities o f m o nk s in

v ario u s lands, T h e section co n cern in g B u rm a (know n in ihe chronicle £3 A p arao tara fg h a) in Lhc sixth c h a p te r is especially valuable. A lth o u g h the Sdsanavamsa, com piled in 18G1, is a relatively recent w ork, it is b ased on m u ch older sources. A fter the tim e o f B u d d h ag h o sa, Sri L a n k a n B ud d h ism d eclined for several centuries. In th e elev en th century, the M a h a v ih a r a sect reas­ serted itself, a n d m a n y scholarly m onks a p p e a re d . A m o n g th em was A n tiru d d h a , a u th o r o f the AbhidhammaUhasadgahgt a n o u tlin e o f T h e r a ­ v ad a B uddhist d octrinc. In Ind [a the S arv astivadin School flourished in both G a n d h a r a an d K a s h m ir T h e two gro up s, how ever, differed on certain points o f d o c­ trin e. T h e G a n d h a r a g ro u p was the m o re progressive, a n d eventually the S a u tra n tik a School arose out of it. Since the K a s h m ir g ro u p was m ore c o n s C n / a l i v t , K a s h m ir re m a in e d H S arvastiv ad in s l m n g h u l d . After th e Jndnaprastfiana a n d its six au xiliary treatises w ere com p o sed, a school o f c o m m e n ta to rs i( vaibhdsika) arose. T h e results o f tw o h u n d re d years o f scholarship by these c o m m e n ta to rs was com piled in to the A-p Vta-mo ia -p ’i p ’o-sha tun ( T 1545, Abhidfiartha*miih
q u o te d a n d criticized P articu larly im p o rta n t arc the c o m m e n ts an d criticism* o f four scholars know n as “ the lo u r critics o f th e Vibkdfd" (Abhidharnutkosabhdfyat p. 296; Abhidkarmadipa, p. 259): G hogaka, D harm a t rata. V a s u m itra , a n d H u d d h ad ev a. T h e y represent th e o rthodox S arv astiv ad in position, b u t ev en their views a re so m etim es criticized in the Mahdvibhdfd. G hogaka is credited w ith th e a u th o rsh ip t>f the Abtddhanoamfiarasalattra ( 7 1553), a h a n d b o o k o f abhidhamut; but it is not clear w h eth er the a u th o r o f the h a n d b o o k is identical w ith the person m e n tio n e d so often in th e Mahdvibhdfd. A n u m b e r o f figures n a m e d D h a r m a t r a ta a re k no w n: the one m e n tio n e d in the Mahdvibhafd, the com piler o f th e Uddnavarga, the au th o r o f the Wu-shih p 'i - p ’o-sha lun (7 I5 5 5 HPancavaslukavibhafdsdstra?}, an d the a u th o r o f the Tsa a -p ’i-l'on-hsin iun ( T 1552, AbhidharmasdrapraitktmakasdstTa?). T h e a u th o r o f this last w ork lived in the fourth c e n tu ry an d thus can n o t be identified with the D h a r m a t r a t a o f the Mahdvibhdfd F igures n a m e d V asu m itra a re m e n tio n e d freq uently in abhidharma lite ra tu re , in c lu d in g th e scholar referred to often in the Mahdvibhdsd a n d the a u t h o r s ) o f the Prakaranapdda( T 1541-1542), Samayabhedop&rtean&t&kta. ( T 2 0 3 1-2 0 3 3 ), a n d T sm p fo-hsu-mi p'u-sa so-thi lun ( T 1549). D e te r m in in g w h eth er ail o f these figures a re identical o r not is e x trem ely difficult; there w ere p ro b a b ly at least tw o peop le n a m e d V asu m itra. B u d d h a d e v a was a D ar?tan tik a thinker. T h e n a m e MB u d d h a d e v a M a p p e a rs in a n inseription on a pillar w ith a lion-capital (Konow, Kharofthi Inscriptions, p. 48), S o m e scholars have a rg u e d th at the insert prion refers ro rhe s a m e m a n n a m e d in rhe Mahdvibhdfd. ParSva was a n o th e r influential Vaibha$ika. T h e com p ilation o f the Mahdvibhdfd w as a m a jo r ach ievem ent an d m a rk e d th e e n d of one phase o f S arv astiv ad in abhidharma studies, Hecause the w ork was so larg e, it did not offer a system atic view of abhidharma theory. C o n s e q u e n t Iyhd u r in g the period w hen the Mahdvibhd>ij was being c o m p le te d , S arv astiv ad in scholars began w ritin g sh o rter w orks o u tlin in g abhidharma theory. A m o n g these are the Pi-p 'a-sha inn ( T 1547, Vibhdfds'dstra?) by Sitapai^i(?)> th e A -p 'i-t'a n fuin iun ( 7 ’ 1550, Abfiidharmah^dayasdstra?) by D h arm a£ ri(?), the Tsa a - p ’i-t'an hsin lun ( T 1552,, SamyiiAtdbhidharinahrdayasdstra?) by D h a r m a t r a t a , a n d the J u a-p'it'a-rno iun ( T 1554, Abhidharmdvatdrasdsirajf) by S k an d h iia. tracer, Vasub a n d h u com piled his m o n u m e n ta l w ork, the Abhidharmakosabhdfya. T w o C h in e s e tran slatio n s ( T 1558 by H s u a n -ts a n g a n d T 1559 by P a r a m a rtha) a n d o n e T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n of rhis work exist. In a d d itio n , the S a n s k rit text o f the verses w as published by V, V. G okhale in 1953 as the Abhidharmakosakdrikd. T h e S anskrit text o f both rhe verses a n d prose

c o m m e n ta r y by V a s u b a n d h u was published in 1967 by P. P r a d h a n as ihe Abhidharmakofabhdfya. S om e scholars place V a s u b a n d h u 's life from ca. 320 lo 400, hut a date o f a ro u n d 450 seem? m ore reaso nable. T o explain rhe v ario u s p ro blem s co n cern in g V a s u b a n d h u 's dates, Erich F ra u w a lln e r has su gg ested that two m en n a m e d V as u b a n d h u m ight h av e played key roles in Buddhist history. T h e earlier V a s u b a n d h u w ould hav e lived a r o u n d 32C-3B0 an d been the y o u n g e r brOlher o f A san ga, w h ile (he la tte r w o u ld h av e been th e a u th o r o f th e Abidharmakosa with d ates o f 400-480. H ow ever, F r a u w a lh ic r ’s a r g u m e n t has not g ain ed wide acceptance. It is m o re r e a ­ son ab le 10 view V a s u b a n d h u as a single figure w ith d ates o f a r o u n d 400-480.® V a s u b a n d h u 's Abhidharmakosa is a skillful a n d system atic p re se n ta tio n o f (he S a rv a stiv a d in position. H ow ever, b ecause V a s u b a n d h u s o m e ­ tim es criticized S arv astiv adin doctrines from the S a u tra n tik a point of view, S a rig h a b h a d ra wrote a treatise, the A - p ’i-ia-mo shun-chengdi tun ( T 1362 [AbhidhariTui] Nydydnttsdras'dstTa?), p re se n tin g th e position o f the K ash m iri S arv astiv ad in School. In his w ork, S a h g h a b h a d r a refuted the teachings o f the Abhidharmakosa a n d d efen ded o rth o d o x S arv astiv ad in d o ctrin e s' but even S a rig h a b h a d ra was influenced by (he Abhidharmakosa a n d ad v an ced some new d o ctrin e s that difTered from the tra d itio n al position* m a in ta in e d by S arv aslivath ns. C o n s e q u e n tly his teachings a re referred to as docirines o f " th e new S a rv astiv ad in ( S c h o o l) /1 S a h g h a b h a d r a aJso wrote the A p ’i-ta-mo'tsang hsien-imug lun ( T 1563, A bhidhurmak osasdstrakdrikavib hdfya#). T h e Abhidharmakosa p ro fo u n d ly influenced s u b seq u en t B ud dh ism , A fter it w as w ritte n , th e s tu d y o f the Abhidharmakosa b ecam e th e m a jo r activity o f later abhidharma researchers, a n d a n u m b e r o f c o m m e n ta rie s on ii w ere w ritte n . G u ^ a m a ii (4 0 0 -5 4 0 ) a n d V a su m itra a re both c r e d ­ ited w ith c o m m e n ta rie s on the Abhidharmakosa, but n eith er c o m m e n ta ry is e x tan t, S lh ir a m a ti’s (5 1 0 -5 7 0 ) co m m entary, the Tattvdrtha, survives in a com plete T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n (P e k in g no. 5fl75) a n d in fra g m e n ts in a C h in ese tran slation ( 7 ' 1561), Later, V asom itra wrote the Sphutdrthd Abhidharmakos'avydkhyd, w hich exists in S an sk rit a n d T ib e ta n (P e k in g no . 5593). A c o m m e n ta ry by S a m a th a d e v a is aJso ex tan t in T ib e ta n . R ecently the S an sk rit (no C h in ese o r T ib e ta n translation exists) text of the Abhidharmadipa, an abhidharma work that follows the Abhidharmakosa, was p ub lished. In a d d itio n , s u b c o m m e n ta rie s by P u r n a v a r d h a n a an d o th ers exist in T ib e ta n . T h e basic S arv astiv ad in abhidharma literatu re is com pletely ex tan t in C h in ese tran slatio n a n d includes th e seven treatises o f the Abhidharmapifaka, the Mahdvibhdfd, th e Abhidharmakosa, a n d m a n y o th er texts Tibe*

(ftn rriin^latitms o f abhidharma materia] arc primarily conccrned with the Abhidkannakosa and its commentaries. In recent years, Sanskrit texts of such works as the AbhuHutrmokofOt Sphujartha Abfiidfiarmakosavyakhyd, and AhhiHharrtiadipa have been found, adding to our understanding of the ab/tidfianrm tradition. A m ong the texts discovered by a German expedi­ tion to Central Asia were some on abhidharma. Several oT these have been mentioned earlier.1*

A b h id h a r m a

Texts from Other Schools

Few texts from schools other ihan the T h eravada and Sai'vastivada are extant. Texts such as the Sht-li-fu a - p ’ i-f'dfl /an ( T 1M 8, Sdripuirdbhidharmasdstra?), $an~mi-ti-pu lun ( T 1649), and C h ’cng-shih iun ( T 1646, Tattvasiddhisastra?) have already been discussrd. Other abhidharma texts should also be mentioned. T h e Ssu-ti /urt (7" 1647. CatuJuatyasdstra?) in four fzisciclca contains citations from a text tailed the A 'p^ -t'an -tian g iun or Tsang tun (Ptiaka?) and from Sautramika sources. Although it is clearly a text compiled by the monks of one of the schools of Nikaya Buddhism, scholars have not determined which school produced the Ssu-ti tun. T h e P'i-chik-Jbym-yuan lun ( T 1650) in two fascicles is a com mentary on ihe verses on the rhinoceros in the Sultanipdta. T h e Ftn-pith kung-le iun ( 7 1507) in five fascicles is a com m entary on the Ekottardgama ( T 125). These texts, loo, were composed by monks from the Nikaya schools. The Mah&vihkdjd ( T 15 4 5 )T Kathdvaithut and Buddhaghosa1^ com m en ­ tary on the Kathdvatthu also contain numerous references to the doc­ trines of Nikaya Buddhism. The best systematic account of Nikaya doc* trine in a primary source is Vasumitra*s SanutyabArdofiaraiaaaatkra ( 7 ' 2 0 3 1 -2 0 3 3 and Tibetan translation, Peking no. 5639). This text has long been a subject of research in East Asia and is usually read with K 3uci-chi's ( 6 3 2 - 6 8 2 ) commentary, the I-pu-tsung'lun-iun jh u -ch i (Zvkuzdk^6 parr I, vol. S3, fasc. 3). (T he fbushtirinrorj ju k k i hotsujin edited by O yam a Ken'ei is a valuable reference,) Chi*tsang's ( 5 4 9 - 6 2 3 ) Sait‘ttm ftfLitfFt-i also contains useful information on Nikaya doctrine, as do the C h ’eng-yeh iun (7" 1609, A"afmm'u&thipraka ratta#), Wu-yun iun (7" 1612, Panc&skai\dhaptakaranu§)t and Vydkhyd-yvkfo, alI by Va^ubandhu, M In addition, M ah ay an a sources contain passages critical of the schools of Nikaya Buddhism, which sometime* yield information about doctrine. However, even when all of these sources arc consulted, a com prehen­ sive view of Nikaya doctrine is still difficult to formulate.

C H A P T E R 10

The Organization o f the Dharmas in the Abhidharma

A b h id h a r m a and M a tr k a Um.IKF T1IF. TFR\j ‘'dharma/* which was in USC bcfiirc iht: tm ic o f th e B u d d h a , The t e r m "abhidharma'' (P abhidhamma)*, is peculiar to Budd h ism , Jn tht- Agemoj it is used in the sense o f " r e f e r r i n g *o the dharma. " \ ,ntcr It also cam c to hav e th e m e a n in g o f “ research into the dharma. ,h T h e elem en t “abhi1’ in the w ord abhtdhartrut has the m e a n in g o f " re fe r rin g t o f" but it can also m e a n " s u p e r io r .'' C o n s e q u e n t Iy, abhidharma is som etim es in te rp re te d as m e a n in g " s u p e r io r dharma, ” hi S arv astiv ad in texts, ic is u sually found w ith [he sense o f “ refurring lo the dharma. " while in P ali texts ic is m ost often used wiih the m e a n in g o f " s u p e r io r dharma. ” * T h e early stages o f the analysis of the D h a r m a (ihe T eachings n f the B u d d h a) can be lo u n d m the Agamas In these passages, often called abhidharma-katfia (discussions o f abhidharmti), the R uddhft's w o rds w ere collected a n d classified, In analyses ta ile d vibhanga, his T eachings were explained in sim p ler words o r exam in ed a n d ap p lied to o th e r situations. T h e critical analysis o f teachin gs was an im p o rta n t aspect o f the B u d ­ d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t T h u s some o f the texts in the AgamaS are dev oted to d etailed analyses n f doctrine. F o r ex am p le, th r M id d le P a th consisted o f an analyiical process o f cho osing the M id d le W ay from a synthesis n f two e x trem e positions. In o th e r texts the te a c h in g is a rra n g e d according lo the n u m b e r o f elem ents in the d o c trin e o r the subject m a tte r u n d e r discussion. O n c e the e o m e n ts o f the SHtra-pitaka h a d been firm ly d e te rm in e d ,

abhidharma studies could no lo ng er be included in it, a n d a new way o f o rg a n isin g ihe results o f these analyses was n eed ed . S tu d ies o f (he dhanrm Wi re com piled inlo ihe Abhidkamm-pitakas A m o n g (he im po riant aspects o f s tu d y in g abhidharma w ere the selection o f topics for research arid ihe su b se q u e n t analysis o f those topics {dharma-pravicaya). T h e se topics w ere called mdtrka (P. matika), w hich m ay he ira n sla te d as “ m a tric e s '1 o r “ lists,’"2 T h e people w ho devoted them selves to these studies w ere called mdtikadharc in Pali. M dttka a re not clearly listed in the S a rv a stiv a d in abhidharma icxts, but such lists o f lopics played a t e n iral rote in th e d ev elo p m en t o f the PA]i abhtdhamtrui texts. In the beginn in g o f the earliest Pali abhidhamma treatise, the Puggalapanriaiti ( H u m a n T y p e s), is a table o f co n ten ts called the mdtika^nddfsa, w hich lists the fob low ing six topics (pannatii) th at co rresp o n d to mdiikd. khandha (a g g re ­ gates), ayaiana (sense o rg an s a n d (heir objects), dhaiu (sense organs, sense object s, a n d sense-conscious nesses), sacca (tru th s), mdriya (facul­ ties). a n d puggala ( h u m a n types). T h e last catego ry is su b d iv id ed into seclions th at e x ten d from one p erso n to ten persona M a n y ad dition al mdlika are c o n ta in e d w ithin these divisions. I h e m a in subject o f the Fug gahpanhatti is the analysis o f these n u m e r ita l g ro u p s o f h u m a n types. T h e co n ten ts o f th e Sdnputrdbhidharmas'dstra ( T 1548) a re a rra n g e d in ihe following o rd er: dyatnna, dhiitu, shandhat the P o u r N obte T ru th s , an d indtiya. It th u s includes m ost o f the sam e mdtjkd listed in rhe Pali Puggaiapannatti. H ow ever, the topics o f th e Sdfiputrabfiidharmasastra are not called mdtrka e ven th ou gh the y w ould s ee m to C or re s p o n d to mdljkd M o reo v er, a variety o f o th e r topics has been inserted b etw een the e n d o f fascicle five, w h ere the discussion o f indriya (bases o f co g nitio n) e n d s , a n d the b e g in n in g o f fascicle t i g h t , w here (he discussion o f pudgala (persons) begins. At th e b e g in n in g o f th e Pali abhidhamma w ork entitled the Dhammasangant (C o m p e n d iu m o f Dhammas) is a section called Lhe '‘Abhidhamma* m dtikd" w h ere tw en ty -tw o threefold doctrin al topics a n d o n e h u n d re d twofold topics are listed (A threefold doctrinal topic is a teach in g divided into th re e p a rts, such 33 the T h r e e Jew els: the B u d d h a , his T e ach in g , a n d the B ud dh ist o rd er.) T h e se lists a re followed by a sup ple­ m e n ta ry list o f forty-two iwofold topics entitled the ''Suttanttka-mdtikd " T h e ex p lan atio n s o f the mdtikd th at co nstitute the m ain p a rt n f th e text of the Dhammaiarigttni are placed after the lists o f topics. T h e process by w hich these mdtikd w ere chosen an d collected by m e m b e rs o f the T h e r a v a d a School ia not clear, but of the forty-tw o iw ulbld topics listed in the "Svdaniika-tibhidhamma/* thirty-one are also included in a list of thirty*three twofold lopics found in a sutta, the SarigitisuttanUi {D N t no. 33), Since the o r d e r o f the d esig n a tio n s listed in the tw o w orks is very

d o s e , the list o f dhammas in ih e Sarigiii'juttflFifti a p p a re n tly p ro v id e d the basis fur the mdtikd. T h e Pali ian^tfi'juffartfa t o r res p o n d s to (wo works in (he C h in ese can o n : th e Chung-(hi thing in the Ch'ang a-han thing ( T I, Dfrghdgama) a n d the Ta-thi-ja-mm ching ( T 12, Sangttiiutra*). T h is sutra e v en tu ally in Rue need t h t S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatise ihe Sangiiiparydya ( T 1536). M dtikd a re explained in tw o o th er w orks o f the Pali Abhidhainmapitakq, rhe Vi&hanga &nd the Patthdrtar in d icatin g that the term mdtikd w as used often in T h e r a v a d a B u d d h is m . In the SdripulrdbhidharrnasdstTa ( I I54f3)n tuples identical to mdtrka are discussed, b m a re not referred to as mdtrka. Mdtrka a re not m e n tio n e d in ihe seven treatise,*; of ih e Sarvaslivadiii Abhidharma-pxtaka; how ever, io m e o f these SarvAsttvadin t r e a ­ tises, such as the Sangitiparydya ( T 1536) a n d ihe Dharmaskandha ( T 1537), are C om m entaries based on matrkd, C on sequently, in the S a rv a s ­ tivadin treatise Shun-chmg-Ii fan ( T 1562, Ny&pMtiS$r&£istr4?)t the rerm “mdtrka** h exptained (7 '2 9 :3 3 (Jb ), an d a n u m b e r o f exam ples o f mdtrka are listed . A m o n g ihe ex am p les are elem ents o f [lie t h i r l y seven acq u isi­ tions that lead to e n lig h te n m e n t (saptitnm&td'bwitupak?ikd-4hsrms^) such as th e lour m indfulnesses (tatvari imrtyupdsthdnans) a n d the (bur right efforts (cat van samyakprdhdnam). A c c o rd in g to ihe tex t, “ B eg inn ing wilh the Sangitiparydya, Dharmafkandha, an d Prajiuxpii&Jtra, all such wyrk* are called mdtrka” { / 29:330b). T h u s th e texts them selves were con sid ered to be mdtfko. K!&ew here in the Shun theng it tun ( T 29 :59 5b ). the te rm "upadrs'a,11 one o f tht: twelve divisions o f th e teach ing , is e x p la in e d as heinR eq u iv a le n t to mdtrka a n d abhidharma. Ln the A-yii-tvang chuan ( '/ ' 2042, Asokardjdvaddna*) a division o f the c a n o n called rhe Mdtrka pifaka ( C h . me te-U c h ’ith tsang) is m e n tio n e d instead o f a n Abhidharma-pitaka ( T 50:113c). Its t o m e n t s are said to he gin w ith the four rypes o f m in dfulness, the four right efforts, a n d o th e r elem ents o f ihe thirty-seven acquisitions that lead to e n lig h te n ­ m e n t, ;ind a rc thus close to the exp lan atio n in the Shun-thtrtg-Ii fan S im i­ la r ex p lan atio n s a re found in such w orks as ihe A-yu-wang (fang ( T 5 0 : l 5 2 a 1 Aiokardjautitra?) a n d the Ken-pen ytt-pu-la tsa-shih ( T 24:408b, Mutasarutiytivdda vinQyukfudrakavustv#). T h u s mdtrkd w ere know n within the S a rv astiv ad in a n d M u lasarv astiv ad in schools. T h e th jriy ^ e v e n acquisitions lead in g to e n lig h te n m e n t were a p a rtic u la rly im p o rta n t ex am p le o f mdtrka ior these schools. H o w ever, the term Clmdirkd " is not found in the seven treatises o f the S arv astiv ad in Abhidhamu-pit&ka; instead) th e le rm ' ‘abhidharma Mis used, C o n seq u en tly , th e com pilers of [he Mahdvibhdsdidsira a n d the Abhidharmakosa did not discuss the term mdtrka. M dirkd w ere not only used for the classification o f dharma), they were

also fcmployed in vinaya texts Although matrkd are not found in the Pali

Vinaya, [hey a re iiis-erd in Sjtrvi^UYadid vinaya texts. T h e title o f the Sa p 'o-to-pu p ’t-nt mo-U-U) ch *ith (7 " ] 44 1, Sarudstii'ddauirtayamdtrkd?) suggests that ii is a co llection o f mdtrkd from the Vinaya A c o m m e n ta r y on tht D h a r m a g u p ta k a Vt^aya, the m u (Jung ( T I4t>3, Vinqyam atrkdsutra^ has a sim ila r title. As the mdtrkd used to exp lain tlic D h a r m a d eveloped, they were g rad u ally in co rp o ra te d into the various Abhidharma pitAkas T h e term "m atrkd " is still preserved l a th e treatises o f th e T h e r a v a d a Abhidham m apitaka, but it has been e x p u n g e d from the S a rv a stiv a d in Abhidharma pitaka a nd I he Sdripuftdbh idha rm^'aitra a nd repl aced with ihe term "abhidharma M As the mdtrkd system whs e la b o ra te d , exp la n atio n s and c o m m e n ta r ie s c o n c e r n in g th e m e an in g s o f key words were developed and d o ctrin e s were explicated in detail. G radu ally, a b ra n c h oE Buddhist studies arose that was p rim arily concerned with the exp lan atio n o f d o c­ trin e. T h i s tradition was called "stu d ie s o f the D h a r m a "' o v abhidhaima. O n e m e a n in g o f the word “a b h i" is " f a c in g / ' I f this d clln ition is used, then abhidharma ca n be interp reted as " f a c in g or viewing the P h a r m a ” and w as thus occasi^tialty tran slated into C h in e s e as " tut-ja . " However* a s noted e arlier, "n b h i” also has the m e a n in g o f " s u p e rio r ," and abhidharma m ay also be interp reted as m e a n in g “ superior o r in c o m ­ p a ra b le D h a r m a " {Atlhasdiint, I. 2; The Expositor, vol. I , p. 4 ; dhammdUftka, dh& ntnavim affha,' Afahdvibhasd, T EM 5, fasc. 1t in ir o .), T h e lat­ te r in terp re ta tio n suggests that the abhidharma tradition is superior to and tran scend s tEie earlier, unanalyzed D h a r m a . In the Alo-ho-seng-cht iii (7 " 122:475c, Alahaiarighikai-inaya?), abhidharma ls said to be the ninefold te a ch in g (navatiga-ta.'iQna), and it h interpreted as m e a n in g “ su p erior D h a r m a . ” T h e Huddha's te a ch in g was thus so m etim es seen as abhi­ dharma. T h e m a jo r ch ara cte ristic o f abhidhanna is iis em p hasis on analysis (vibhanga), P ro b le m s arc e x a m in e d from a variety o f perspectives to arrive at a co m p re h e n siv e u nd erstand ing o f issues, tn B u d d h a g h o sa ‘s AtthasdiinT {{. 3; T h t Expositori vol. 2, p. 4) these invest l o t i o n s are called analysis o f itutras (suttanta-bhdjansya), analysis o f abhidharma (abhidhammabhdjaitiya), and analysis throu gh questions and answ ers (panhd-purfhakaHaya). In the S a rv a stiv a d in Sch oo l analyses o f dharmat involved a variety o f perspectives such as w hether the dhatma is visible (ianidatianti) o r not, im p en etra b le (pratigha) or not, influenced (.td.trai'a) by the d e filem en ts or no i; w hether scru tin y (i-ndra) and investigation (mtarka) ca n be applied Ui it or not; which o f the three realm s (d esire, form , and formless) it cfdsts in' and w h e th er it is m orally good, b ad , o r neu tral. T h e s e c a t e g o ­ ries were called the " g a te s of a n a ly s is ."

D h a r m a and A b h id h a r m a 1 ’hc te rm “ n h a r m a " refers to the T eachings preach ed by the !iu d [lh a.! Stncc the B u d d h a 's T eachings co n cern ed th e facts o f h u m a n existence, D h a r m a t a n be in te rp re te d as referrin g to the true n a tu r e o f h u m a n existence. H u m a n existence is m ad e up o f constantly c h a n g in g p h e ­ n o m e n a a n d o f the basic entities that co n stitu te p h e n o m e n a . E x am p les o f phenomenal existence a re th e body, the mind* a n d the external w orld. H o w ev er, p h e n o m e n a l existence can he an aly sed further. For ex am p le, w ithin the body a re elem en ts such as the visual, auditory, an d g u sta to ry faculties Si nee [he visual a n d a u d ito ry faculties p erfo rm d if­ feren t functions, they have different qualities. T h e v ario u s types o f p e r ­ ception a n d the o rg an s th at a re rhe bases o f those p ercep tio ns are called indriya* T h e b o d y is an aly zed in to visual, auditory, olfactory, gustatory, an d tactile o rg a n s. T h e ‘'tactile o r g a n '1 refers to the skin, flesh, m uscles an d o th e r pEtrts of the b od y w ithout th e o th e r four sense Organs. T h e m in d , too, is an aly zed into c o m p o n e n ts such a* ju d g m e n ts , m em o ries, a n d em otions. T h e se co m p o n e n ts a re analyzed furth er, revealing m a n y m e n ta l faculties. F o r ex am p le, a list o f defilem ents (kltsa) m ight include lust (raga), h atred (dvffa Or pratigha), p rid e (tndnti), d o u b t (mti&itsa), a n d w ro n g views (dfifi). O th e r m ental faculties were also inclu ded in such lists. S om e pairs o f m ental faculties o r qualities seem to be m u tu ally exclusive. Such pairs include love a n d dislike. lust a n d h a tre d , a n d good a n d bad. C o n seq u en tly , so m e abhidharma th in k ers a rg u e d th at it was u n re a so n a b le to believe th at all such m ental faculties w ere a ttrib u te s o f a single e n tity callcd the m in d . R a th e r, the m in d was co m p osed o f m a n y m e n ta l faculties actin g in concert. M en ta l faculties such as d o u b t, faith, lust* a n d h a tre d w ere considered to be in d e p e n d e n t entities, a n d the activities a n d changes o f the m ind w ere u n d e rsto o d in term s o f th eir interactions. I he elem en tal entities o f w hich p h e n o m e n a l existence was co m p osed w ere called “dharma*," a usage o f this term th at is p artic u la rly im p o rta n t in N ikaya B uddhism . W h e n the te rm frdharma " i s u s e d in the abhidharma tra d itio n , it often refers to the entities that m ak e u p p h e n o m e n a .

U ltim ate E x iste n ce ( P a T a m d r th a - s a t) and C o n v e n tio n a l E x iste n ce ( S a m i ^ t i- s a t) In th e Abhidharmakosa ( T 2 9 :1 66b; Abhidharmakos'abhafya, p. 334, II. 1-2)* existence is divided into two categories: u ltim a te existence (Paramaribosat) a n d con ven tion al existence (sarpvrti-sat). Dharmas a re classified as

Paramaribo.-sat.* 1 he flilTcrcilce b d w e e n (he (wo calc^orics can b t illus­ tra te d wilh the following exam ples, A vase can be d estro y ed by s m a s h ­ ing it a n d is therefore said to exist in a co nv en tion al sense. A piece of cl nth w ould be classified in the same manner. A human b ein g, a c o n ­ g lo m era tio n o f various physical an d m ental elem en ts, exists m a c o n ­ v en tio nal sense (samvrti-sat). H ow ever, if the vase had been g reen , th en th at green color w ould c o n tin u e to exist ev en tho u gh the vase h a d been sm ashed. E ven i f the vase were redu ced to the smallest elem ents, to a to m s (paramdntt), the green color w ould still exist. Item s th at do not d e p e n d on o th e r items for th eir existence, which exist in a n d o f t h e m ­ selves (o r have self-nature fivabhdvaf) are said to be u ltim ately existent a n d are called dharmas. M e n ta l functions* such as lust, m a y also be called dharmas since th ey can n o t be analyzed in to m o re basic elem ents Dharmas a re also an aly zed in te rm s o f th eir powers. T h u s the dharma called lHlu S lM has the p o w e r o f cau sin g lusl to arise in the m in d . A ny dement th ai cannot be a n a ly s e d f u rth e r is ultim ately existent* It is a dharma a n d has its ow n self-natu re (sa-wabhdva). Ii is a real existent {dravyotah sat, Abhidharmakosdvydkhyd, p. 524, 1. 29), In the Muiamadhya makakdrikd, ftclf-nattire (svabhdva) is defined as ''t h a t w hich exists in an d o f i t s e l f ' (svobhdvahX “ s o m e th in g that is n ot m a d e M (kfyfrtfttdj), and “ s o m e th in g not d e p e n d e n t on o th er things for its ex istence" f n trdpfkfd, Prasannapadd, p. 262,11. 11-12). A dharma is also defined as so m eth in g th at has its ow n d istinctive m ark (svatakfanadhdrandd dfwrmnJi, Chu-she ion, T ^ S r l h ; Abhtdharmako sabhdjya, p. 2, 1. 9; atlhano ta/cAhanam dhdrentiii dhamma, Visuddhimagga, ch ap . 15, par. 3; H a r v a rd O r ie n ta l Series, vol. 4 1, p. 48, 1. 17). T h e color green o f a dhanm o f green w ould be t h t distinctive m a rk ($tmtakfana) o f that dharma. In c o n tra st, self-nature (svabhdva) w o u ld refer to the existent called g reen, w hich is m ade u p o f atom s. Strictly speaking, since self-n atu re itself is e q u iv a le n t to bein g a dharma, it is not correct to say th at s o m e th in g having self-nature is a dharma. S o m e th in g th at has a self-nature a n d is m ad e up o f dharmas has convention*!! existence. T h u s s e lf 'n a tu r e — in o th e r w ords, th at which has a distinctive m a r k ^ i s a dharma. H o w e v e r, th e term s +Hself-nature a n d ''d istin ctiv e m a r k " are som etim es used in terc h an g eab ly w ithout the above distinction.

C o n d itio n e d Dharmas (Saijiskjta Dharma) a n d U n c o n d itio n e d Dharmas (Axamskfta Dharma) As was ex p lain ed above, dharmas have a real existence as elem ents. H o w ev er, p h e n o m e n a are co n s ta n d y c h a n g in g , so th at alth o u g h dhai*

mas arc real exist cn ts, th e y a r c n o t n e c e ssa rily e t e r n a l real ex isten ts. C o n s e q u e n t l y dharmas w e re classified as e ith e r c o n d itio n e d ( tr a n s ito r y ) o r u n c o n d i t i o n e d (e te r n a l) dharmas. T h i s classificatio n o f dharmas is fo u n d in rh e Agamas, b u t w a s nor sy ste m a tic a lly e x p la in e d u n til t h e rise o f N ik a y a B u d d h is m . Nirvana is a n e x a m p le o f a n u n c o n d itio n e d (asaniskfta) dharma. It is a real existent* t r a n s c e n d i n g tu n e . W h e n th e J iu d d h a a tta in e d e n lig h te n ­ m e n t, h e w as o n e w ith nirvana. In the S a rv a s tiv a d in abhidharma sy ste m , nirvana is called a n aly tica l c e ssa tio n (praiisankhyd nirodha) — th e c essatio n a tta in e d th r o u g h th e a n a ly tic a l p o w e r o f w is d o m . In O ther words* t h r o u g h th e p o w e r o f w is d o m , t h e d e file m e n ts are c u t off a n d will n e v e r a ris e a g a in . T h e S a r v a s tiv a d i n abhidharma s y s te m also re c o g n iz e d n o n a n a ly tic a l c e ssa tio n (apralisankhyd-niTodha) a n d s p a t e (akdsa) as u n c o n d i ­ tio n e d dharmas, m a k in g a total o f th re e ty p e s o f dharma m this category. N o n a n a ly tic a ] c e ssa tio n (apratisankhyd*nirodha) refers to c e ssa tio n th a t o c c u rs b e c a u s e th e n e c e s sa ry c o n d itio n s for th e p r o d u c tio n ( o f defile m e a t s a n d so fo r th ) are not p re s e n t a n d will not b e p r e s e n t in t h e f u tu r e . T h i s ty p e of dharma o f c e ssa tio n d o e s not rely o n th e a n a ly tic a l p o w e r o f w is d o m to a ris e . Nirvana is re c o g n iz e d b y th e S a r v i s t i v l d i n s a s l>eing th e s u p r e m e dharma. In th e Abhidharmakosa [Ohii'Sht Iun, fasc. 1), o n ly nirvana is re fe rre d to as a dharma in th e u lt i m a t e s e n s e (paramdr-

thadharma). Tn c e r ta in cases, ev en th e c h a r a c te ris tic s o f dharmas (dharmalak^anah) a re c o n s id e r e d to b e dharmas (AbhidharrnakaJabhdfya, p, 2, 1, 5 )4 A dharma is s o m e t h in g w ith its ow n d is tin c tiv e m a r k o r c h a r a c te ris tic . Nirvana is th u s c o n s id e re d a dharma. C o n d i t i o n e d dharmas also h a v e th e ir ow n m a r k s ev en (h o u g h th e y a r e i m p e r m a n e n t . B o th th e T h e r a v a d a a n d S a r v a s tiv a d i n schools e x p la in th e im p e r m a n e n c e o r c o n d itio n e d dharmas b y n o t i n g th a t a lth o u g h e a c h dharma h a s its ow n m a r k , th e m a r k exists for o n ly a v e ry sh o rt p e rio d in th e p re s e n t. A c c o r d in g to th e Abhidharmakosabhasya (p. 193, 1. 1), “ C o n d i t i o n e d dharmas cease e a c h in s ta n t (samskftam kjariikam). 11 A c c o rd in g to th e Visuddhimagga (c h a p . 11, par. 41; H a r v a r d O r i e n t a l S e rie s 41, p. 308, J. 29 ), “ T h e y a r e dhammas b e c a u s e th e y each h a v e (h e ir Own c h a r a c te ris tic a n d m a i n t a i n it for a n a p p r o p r i ­ a te le n g th o f tinie (khandnumpadhdrantna). " C o n d itio n e d dharmas a r e real e x iste n t* , b u t b e c a u s e th e y ccasc in an in s t a n t , th e y c a n n o t be c lu n g to o r g ra s p e d . I f this p o in t h a d b e e n p u r s u e d , ir m ig h t h a v e led to th e p o s i­ tio n that dharmas w e re n o n s u b s ta n tia l; h o w e v e r, th e e x iste n c e o f the dharmas w as e m p h a s i s e d b y t h e schools o f N ik a y a B u d d h is m T h e prohle m o f th e n o n s u b s ta n tia lity o f dJtamt&i w a s e v e n tu a lly ta k e n u p by M a h a y a n a B u d d h is ts . I f th e p h r a s e " e v e r y t h i n g is i m p e r m a n e n t ” (sabbe sarikhdrd antcca,

Dhammapada, v. 2 11) is interpreted literally, it would mean (hat conditioned dharmas cease instantaneously. This position was held by rhe Sarvastivadin School. Although mental faculties dearly do seem to cease instantaneously, same schools noted chat rhe dharmas chat consti­ tuted rhe phenomena of the outside world such as mountains, earth, and our bodies seemed to last for a longer time. The Vatsiputriyas and Sammatvyas recognized the principle that dharm as cease instantaneously but insisted that the dharmas that constituted (he outside world persisted for a time (S. katantara-wLsa?). According to rhe / pu-tsung lun iun ( T 49:l6c, 17b, Samayabhedoparatanatakrajf „ hereafter Samayo), besides the Sarvastivadins, the Mahlsasakas and the Kasyapiyas maintained ihe position that dharm as arose and ceased instantaneously.

A b h id k a r r tm as A bsolu te Truth an d C o n v e n tio n a l T ruth As was explained above, nirvana was considered to be the highest of the various dharmas. Since the study of these dharmas is callcd abhidharma, the wisdom (prajnd) that arises along with an understanding of [he dharmas may also be called abhidharma. The wisdom that knows nirvana is one with nirvana; it is the wisdom of enlightenment. Thus according to the Abhidharmakosa, “ Purr wisdom and Ms accOmpammrnt& are called abhidharma. ” Thus the pure wisdom of enlightenment and the various physical and mental dharmas that function in concert with that wisdom are all called trabhidharma^ or abhidharma as absolute truth" (parajn&Tthikc 'bhidharmah, Abhidkarmakosabkafya, p. 2, 1. S> 7 19:1 b). The term "abhidharma ,f also refers both to the texts thai enable the practitioner to realize the absolute truth and to the knowledge still influ­ enced (sdsrava) by the defilements through which the practitioner studies the abhidharma texts. These definitions of the term are sometimes referred to as " abhidharma as conventional truth" (sdntttika ‘bhidharmah). When abhidharma refers to (he wisdom wirh which nirvana is known, monks stressed that abhidharma was the Buddha's preaching, if the term was used to mean superior or incomparable Dharma, (he texts usually referred (0 abhidharma as absolute truth Abhidharma texts thus employed (he term “abhidharma " in two senses that corresponded to absolute and conventional truth.

U n co n d itio n e d D h a r m a s and the B o d y o f the B u d d h a One of the mos( basic ways to classify dharmas is according to whether they are conditioned or unconditioned In the Sarvastivadin tradition

since the co m pilation o f ihe Dharmas kandha (7"2G ;505a). th ree u n c o n d i­ tio n ed dharrrtas have been recognized: analytical cessation (prtttiSfttikhyS* niradha), non analytical cessation (apratisankhyd-modha), a n d space (aka* fa). In, th e T h e r a v a d a tra d iiio n , only o n e u n c o n d itio n e d dharma, nirvana, is recognized (Dhammnsarigani, p. 244), a position also m ain tain ed in the Agamas a n d by th e V atstpu lriya School. A ccording to the Samaya ( 7 4 9 : 1 5 c ) , ihe M a h a s a n g h ik a , Ekav yav ah ari ka r Lokott a rav ad i n . an d K a u k u ;ik a schools all recognized the following n in e u n co n d itio n ed dhar­ mas- ( I) analytical cessation, (2) nonanalytical cessation, ^3) space, (4) the realm o f th e infinity o f space (dkdsdnantydyaiana), (5) the realm o f the infinity o f consciousness (vijnaadnantydyalana), (6) the realm o f n o th in g ­ ness (akinicanytiyatana), (7) the realm o f n eith er consciousness nor u n c o n ­ sciousness (naivasQmjnd'mtffflfljwy/otoriG), (B) the law o f Du p en d en t O r i g i ­ nation (C h. yu a n -tki chih-hsing), a n d (9) th e law o f the nob le path (C h . $hwg-tav chth h fin g ),1 T h e M a h js a s a k a School also recognized nine u n co n d itio n ed dharmas, but its list differed som ew hat from lhal o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School a n d inclu ded such item s as im m ov ab ility (C h . p u ttin g ), the e te rn a l law o f good dharma (Cli. shan-Ja chfn-ju), the e te rn a l law o f b a d dharma ( C h . e-fa chtn-ju), th e etern al law o f in d e te rm in a te dharma ( C h . wu*chi chenyu), the etern al law1o f the p ath ( C h . tao-thih chenj u) t a n d the etern al law o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n (C h. yuan-cki chtn-jtt). T h r Jaw o f D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n was included in the list o f u n eo n d i tioncd dharmas bccause it was reg ard ed as an u n c h a n g in g principle. T h e S o rv astiv ad in s disagreed w ith this position a n d did not recognize the existence ol a p rin c ip le ol D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n sep arate from c o n d i­ tioned dharmas. F or the S arv astiv ad in s, th e Jaw o f D ep en d en t O r ig in a ­ tion itself was con d itio n ed . For the M ah isasak as, the p ath (o nirvana w as recognized as an u n c o n ­ d itio n ed dharma because the practices established by ill? B u d d h a w ere co n sid ered to be e te rn a l tru th s . T h e S arv astiv ad io s opposed this posi­ tion by m a in ta in in g that alth o u g h nirudfla was u n co n d itio n ed , the w is­ d om th e Butftdh# had realized was co n d itio n ed a n d not etern al. T h is issue w as closely related ro the d e b a te a b o u t w h eth er the B u d d h a 's body is eternal o r not. A cco rd in g to the S arv astiv ad in a n d T h c r a v a d in posi­ tions* the B u d d h a h a d e n te re d parinirt>drta in K u s in a g a ra w h en he was eighty years old. T h u s both the body o f the B u d d h a a n d his w isdom w ere not etern al. T h e R u d d h a w as co n sid ered io be a co n d itio n ed entity, ex isting only in the form o f a n o rm a l h u m a n b ein g. A ccording to the Santay a, the M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d related schools disagreed with this in te rp re ta iio n . T h e y m a in ta in e d that B u d d h a s are all s u p e r m u n ­ d a n e . . . . T h e physical bodies (C h . shxh-sftm; 3 . rupakaya.J o f the B u d ­ d h a s are lim itless, . . , T h e kno w led ge that he has alread y m a ste re d the F o u r N o ble T r u th s a n d ihai th ere is no thing m ore that h e m u s t arco m -

pli^h is alw ays p resent in a B u d d h a until the lim e o f his partntrvana" ( 7 4 9 :1 5 h -c ). T h e B u d d h a 's ex ig en ce h consc<]Licn!]yt exten ded bey on d the eighty years o f life o f (he historical B uddha, S a k y a m u n i. A llhough this conception o f ihe B u d d h a was not as developed as M a h a y a n a ideal? of ih e sambhagaJtaya (b o d y o f bliss), it still recognized the etern al aspect o f th e historical B u d d h a , Consequently* ihe a d h e re n ts o f these schools rec­ ognized the nohle p ath to sal vation as uncon ditio n edl n te rm s o f the F o u r N oble T r u th s , the S arv astiv ad in s a n d T h e rav ad ins viewed only ihe T h i r d N oble T r u th — the (ruth o f nirvana o r the extinction o f suffering— as u n co n d itio n ed , tn con trast, followers o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a , M a h ls a s a k a , a n d related schools con side red b o th the T h i r d (nirvana) a n d the F o u r th T r u th (the p a ih ) to be u n co n d itio n ed . F urtherm ore* by con sid erin g the law o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n to be u n c o n d itio n e d , they a rg u e d th at a n u n c h a n g in g tru th m o l d be found in the w orld of d elusio n re p resen ted by ihe firsi iwu N oble T r u l h i (suTler* m g anti its causc). T h e se theories later developed inio the concept thai d elusio n a n d e n lig h te n m e n t w ere fund am en (ally the s a m e since both were losub*!ani ial. It was also close t o [he position th ai the m in d was inh erently p u re , b u t h a d been tainted with im pu rities. A ccording to the SemayQ, the M ah asan g h ik a* h a d arg u e d , in facl, [hat the m in d was essentially p u re ( 7 h4 9 :l5 c ). A cco rdin g to the Sdripuirdbhidharmasasira, w hich m ay be a D h a r m a g u p ta k a text, the m ind h a d a p u re n a tu r e , but was tainted by external d efilem ents (r2 8 :6 9 7 b } _ Implicit in such a posi­ tion w ere the beliefs that th e basic n atu re o f the m in d was etern al an d u n co n d itio n ed a n d that th e essential n a tu r e o f co n d itio n ed dharmas was, in facl, u n co n d itio n ed - T h e s e positions h a d m u c h in c o m m o n w ith the d o c trin e th at the law o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n was u n c o n d itio n e d A cco rd in g to the Sdriftitirdbfiidharmeiosifa ( T 2& 526c), there w ere n ine u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas th at w ere o b j e n s o f the m in d (dharmdyatana): E. C essation th ro u g h w isdo m (pratisankhyd-nuodha), w hich p e r m a ­ n ently elim in ates the defilem ents 2. C essation th ro u g h factors o th e r th a n w isdo m (&prati$ankhyd nirtfdha) by which dkamuxs lose the possibility o f being p ro d uced b ecau se the necessary co nd ition s for p ro d u c tio n a re not present 3. D e te r m in a tio n (myoma o r rtijcla) o f (he family (gvtra) of p ractitio n ' era to w hich a person belongs (on ce a p e rso n 's family has been d e te rm in e d to be th at ufsravaJuis, pratyefnabuddfias, o r b o d h ttatfy as, it c an n o t b e c h a n g c d .) 4. D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n seen as an etern al [ruth (dharma-slkiti) 5. T h e u n c h a n g in g quality of m u tu a l d e p e n d e n c e o r co n ditio nin g (pratyaya; th e text lists ten types nfpraiyaya)

6. K now ledge o f the infinity o f space (dkdsdnaniydyatatm-jtidna)

7. Knowledge of ihe infinity of consciousness

(vijn d n /in a n iyd ya ta n a -

jn a n a )

S. K now ledge o f the realm o f nothingness (dkintcanydyatana-jndna) 9. K n o w led g e o f the realm o f n eith er p ercep tio n nor non perception ( n
Im p u r e (Sasrava) an<J P u r e (Andsrava) Dharmas [impure dharmas a rc those ta in te d with defilem ents (kltx'a, P kdrsa). P u rr dharmas are u n ta in te d . Because B u d d h as a n d arhaii have elim in ated the d efilem en ts th ro u g h th e w isd om o b tain ed in e n lig h te n m e n t, such wis­ d o m is called pure. Since u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas do not co m b in e with defilem ents, they Uh> arc pure. In the Abhidharmakosa ( 7 2 9 ; i b ) , the te rm (im p u re) is defined as H<3!l th at is co n d itio n ed en ctp i the p ath lo s a lv a tio n ,'1 Both the cause of this w orld o f illusion (desire, the S econ d N oble T r u th ) a n d the effect (suffering, (he First N oble T r u th ) a re said to be im p u re. W h e n defilem ent* laint o th e r dharmas, ihe dharmas h a r m o n is e with each o th er a n d increase the stren gth o f ihe defilem ents (anitfdyita) T h is o rc u rs in tw o ways. T h e first w ay occurs w h en dharmas associate an d (aim each o th er (samprayogalo nusayita). F o r e x a m p le h iflu s t a n d wisdom ju n ctio n sim ultaneously, th en w isdom will be tain ted o r colored by lust. T h e second way occurs w hen defilem ents influence ev en ts throu gh objects o f co gn itio n (alambana tnuiayitn). F o r ex a m p le , w hen a beautiful object is seen, defilem ents o r passions arise anti [aim the object o f c o g n i­ tion, A B ud dh ist story relates how a B ra h m a n w o m a n 's passions were arou sed w hen she saw th e B uddha. T h r o u g h this stuiy* S a rv asliv ad iu s arg u e d th at even the B u d d h a 's physical b o d y could b c c o m e an object of

defilem ent, F u r the SarvastivacJins, since all of th e dfiamias that t a n causc (he defilem ents to a rise a rc im p u re dharmas, all physical bodies, in clu din g that o f the B u d d h a , a re im pu re. T h e a d h e r e n ts o f (he M a h a sa n g h ik a School criticized this view by a rg u in g th at all B u dd has are free o f an y im p u re dhannas. W h en a person looks at the B u d d h a 's beau tiful body, since the flames o f his passions are q u itte d , the b o d y o f th e B u d d h a can n o t be an object o f d efilem ent. T h is d e b a te was related to a m o re general p ro blem in N ikaya B u d d h ism of w h e th e r physical elem en ts w ere necessarily im p u re o r w h eth er some of ih e m m ight be p u re.

T h e V arieties of D h a r m a s T h e S a rv a stiv a d in system described above is som etim es c h aracterize d by tht: p h ra se " th e firsE fifteen elem ent I (dhaiu) are all influenced by (he d efilem en ts." I n o th e r w ords, out of the eighteen elements* the five sense o r g a n s (eye, ear* nose, tongue, body), the five sense objects (form s, sou n d s, smelts, tastes, and tangible objects), a n d the five c o rre s ­ p o n d in g sense-conscioustiesses are all tain ted . T h e s e fifteen elem ents w ould be ta in te d even for a B u d d h a. O n ly the m in d , m e n ta l objects, a n d m en tal consciousness m a y be u n ta in te d , th at is, free o f a n y in flu ­ ence from the d efilem ents; T h r e e m ajo r classifications o f dharmas a re fo u n d in the Aganuu: ihe five agijrc^ates {paricu-!,kflTjdf!dh)r the twelve ba ses o f cognition (dvadaiaayatandrtt), a n d rhe eighteen elem ents ( aptddafd-dkdtavaft) T h e ir re la tio n ­ ships are d ia g r a m m e d in F ig u re 1 in c h a p te r three.

M a tte r T h e S a n sk rit te rm for m atter, rupa, is used in tw o senses in Buddhisi texts. W h e n tt is in clud ed in lists such as the five skandkas (agg regates), it is used in a b ro ad sense. In such cases, it refers to ten ol the twelve bases o f co gn itio n (dyatana): the five sense o rg an s (indriya: eye, car. nose, to n g u e , a n d b o d y ) a n d the live sense objects (trifQjKi; forms, sounds* smells, tastes, a n d tan gib le objects), tn its n a rro w sense, the te rm “rRpa” refers only to form (samsthdna) a n d color (narpa), the objects of vision Besides classifying the live sense o rg an s a n d sense objects in die ag g reg ate o f m a tte r (rvpa-itcandha), the S arv astiv ad in School classified u n m an ife sted m a tte r (mtijnapti-rufxt) as a form o f m atter, m akin g a total o f eleven types o f m atter.

When rhe B uddhist notion o f m a tte r is reconciled w ith th e eighteen d e m e n t s (dha(u), ihe five sense o rg an s a n d five sense objects are classi­ fied as m atter. Since un m anifested m a tte r is classified as a m ental object. part o f the base of cognition (dynUina) o r elem ent (dhdtu) o f menMl objects is in clud ed in (he aggregate o f m a tte r. W h en m a tte r is co n ­ sid ered in light o f [he twelve bases n f cognition, only th e m in d a n d some m ental objects are not classified as m atter. In the classification o f the eigh teen elem en ts, the m j n d f m ental objects except u n m an ife sted m a t ­ ter, a n d the six consciousnesses a re not m atter. But in the S arvaslivadm List o f seventy-five dharmas, o n ly eleven dharmas art: m atter. T h e varieties of m a tte r can b e classified into m ore precise categories. A lthough the five sense o rg an s are not an aly zed fu rth er, the cerise objects arc e x a m in e d in detaiE. F o r ex am p le, visual objects a re classified into lour basic colors (blue, yellow, red, a n d w hite) a n d eight basic sh ap es (long, short, sq u are, r o u n d , high, low, even , a n d u n ev en ). O t h e r categ ories such as clouds a n d sm oke a re a d d e d to m ak e a total ol tw en ty-o ne visual categories. In a d d itio n , th ere a re eigh t types o f sou nd s (in clu din g pleasant a n d u n p leasan t), three (o r so m etim es four) types n f sm ells (gnod, b a d , excessive, and not excessive), a n d six types o f tastes (sweet, sour, salty, p u n g e n t hitter, a n d astringent). T h e re are eleven tactile objects, in clu din g such qualities as heaviness, lightness, a n d coldness. T h e four elem ents (mahdbhHta)—e a rth , w a te r, fire r anti w in d —a rc also listed as tactile objects because they can be perceived only w ith t h t body. T h u s , w hen a person looks at fire o r w ater, he m ay see red o r blue, but the essence o f the c le m e n t, such as the heat o f fire an d the w etness o f waier, can be pcrcetved only with his body. T h e essence o f e a rth ts hard n ess a n d the essence o f w in d is m o v em en t. All m a tte r o th e r th an the four elem en ts is called bhautika o r " t h a t which ts com p osed o f the four e le m e n ts.” T h e five sense o rg an s, five sense objects (except th at p a ri o f the catego ry o f tangible objects that includes th e four elem ents), a n d u n m a n ife ste d m a tte r are all bhautika In co n trast the four elem ents a re called “ that w hich m akes u p fo rm ." A lthough the five sense o rg an s and five s e n s e objects a re co m p osed of ato m s (paramdrm), bhautika m a ile r is not directly constituted o f atom s of t h r e l e m e n t s . R ath er, th e elem en ts an d bhautika m a tte r a re each form ed from different ato m s. All o f the basic types o f bhautika m a tte r necessary for the Ib rm atio n o f " m o le c u le s 13 (form s, smells, tastes, a n d tangible objects) m u st arise sim ultan eo usly an d be acc o m p a n ie d by the elem en ts in various co m bin ation s. In fluids the w a te r elem ent is d o m in a n t, in solids the e a rth elem ent p red o m in a te s, a n d in hot objects (he fire ele­ m ent is prevalent. T h e m in im u m state in w hich m aterial objects exist is a “ m nlecu le” o f at least eight atom s th at arise concom itantly. T hese

eight a to m s a rt1 the Four elem en ts a n d four bhautika Atoms o f form , smell, taste, a n d touch. IT a n y o n e of these varieties 0 1 atom s is absent, the “ m o le c u le ” c a n n o t exist. F o r s o u n d , n in e varieties o f atom s are present, In the “ m olecules” o f the sense o rg an s, th e n u m b e r o f varieties o f ato m s increases. S ense o rg a n s, such as t h t eyes, are said to be different from o th e r parts o f the b od y because they are delicate o rg a n s, h a v in g the function o f cogn itio n, T h e y a re m ad e o f a su btle o r p u re form o f m a tte r (rdf>aprasdda). U nm aniTested m a tte r (iw ijn a p U -r u p a a lth o u g h classified as m a tte r, is not com p osed o f atom s an d is thus called a m e n ta l object. As th e te rm “ u n m a n if e s te d ’r implies, it is a ty p e o f m a tte r that can n o t be seen. U n m a n ife ste d m a tte r is discussed in c h a p te r twelve.

C o rre sp o n d en ce s b e tw ee n D ifferen t Sy stem s of D h a r m a s M a tt e r is given special a tte n tio n in m ost o f the early classification sys­ tem s o f dharmm such as the twelve bases o f cog nitio n o r the eigh teen ele­ m ents- In the twelve bases only the m ind a n d m e n ta l objects are not m a tte r O f ihe eigh teen elem ents only the m in d , m e n ta l objects, a n d the six consciousnesses a re not m atter. However* the m in d and its functions w ere a n a ly s e d f u rth e r hy early B uddhists F o r exam ple, four o f the five agg regates (sen satio n, perception, m e n ta l fo rm atio n s, a n d conscious­ ness) a re not m a tte r S en satio ns an d p erceptio ns a re each co nsid ered to be psychological functions. S ensations (vedand) refer to the sensations received by (he sense organs. PerceptLOn (sarrjnd) l s ihe m e n ta l process o f form ing im ages o r n o tio n s in the m ind, Ln the S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n , the v ario u s m ental o r psychological fun ction s a rc reg ard ed as real entities o r dharmas. T h e y are called co n ­ c o m ita n t m e n ta l faculties (emiaiika-dharjm), a te rm also found in Pali T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma texts (ttt&sika-dhomma).6 In S arv astiv ad in texts, alt o f th e c o n c o m ita n t faculties except sen satio n a n d p ercep tio n are in clu ded in the fourth aggregate, nam ely m e n ta l fo rm a tio n s (saitiskdra). T h ose dharmas called "fo rces th at a re n eith er m e n ta l n o r m a te r ia l” (ritta-vipTdysikta-stunskaTd dharmdh) arc also includ ed in the fourth a g g re ­ gate. fn ihe system s o f twelve bases (dyatana) and eig hteen elem en ts (dhdtu), the ag greg ates o f sen satio ns, percept ion sT a n d m ental fo rm a ­ tions a r t inclu ded in the category o f m ental objects. T he fifth ag g reg ate, consciousness (vijndna), is the subjective aspect of cognition. S o m etim es the consciousness o r m in d (cttfc) is c o m p a r e d to a k in g (Cjh. hsin-wang) a n d the c o n c o m ita n t m e n u ! faculties (C h- hsm-so) a re c o m p a re d to the retain ers d e p e n d e n t u p o n the tdng. In the classili-

Cfttion o f The twelve b a s ts , the m in d c o rresp o n d s to the mana-dyatana or m en tal base. In the classification o f the eig h teen elem ents, the m in d co rresponds to t h t clem ent o f the m in d (manoiijiiijnadhdtu) a n d ihe six consciousnesses, T h e three u n c o n d itio n e d (osarnsfota) dh^rmat are not included in [he five ag g reg atesr O n ly co nd ition ed dhernws co rrespond to the aggregates. H o w ev er, in the classifications o f t h t twelve b a s ts an d eighteen elem ents, u n co n d itio n ed dhcrmas are ind ucted in the categ ory o f m e n ta l objccts. Since the co rresp o n d en ces b etw een the v ario u s classification system s arc com plex, a b rie f review m a y be helpful. M a tte r corresp on ds to ihe form aggregate. In the twelve bases it corresp on ds to the five intern al an d five ex tern al b ases o f sense cognition a n d to p a rt o f th e base o f m e n ­ tal objects. In the eig hteen elem en ts, it corresp on ds to th e five sense o rg an s, the five sense objects, a n d p a rt o f the category o f m en tal objects. T h e m in d corresp on ds to the consciousness ag g reg ate. In the twelve bases, it corresp on ds to the m ental base. In th e eigh teen ele­ m en ts it corresp on ds to (he m in d and to the six consciousnesses. T h u s the var ious dharmas considered to be the ohjeets o f the m ind a re not a n a ­ lysed to a high degree in the Agamas. In the abhidharma lite ra tu re , h o w ­ ever, they a re analyzed extensively. C onsequently, m u c h o f abhidharma philosophy focuses on the co n co m itan t m e n ia l faculties, (he forces that arc n eith er m ental n o r m ateria l, a n d the u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas.

Defilements (K le s a ) M a n y o f the defilem ents m e n tio n e d in abhidharma fiterarure as c o n co m i­ tant m e n ta l faculties w ere originally fo u n d in the Agamas. A m o n g the lists in the Agamas are (he three poisons o f Itisi (rdga), h a tre d (dvrsa)t an d delusion (moha)' the four violent ouiflows (ogha) o f desire, w rong views, ignorance, a n d a tta c h m e n t to existence, the five h ind rances (niuaTflna) nf lust, h a tre d (pratigha)t sloth a n d to rp o r (styinam iddha), restlessness an d w o rry (anddhatya-kaukrtya)t a n d d o u b t (vicikksd); the five fetters (samyajana) th at b in d a person to the desire realm , nam ely, belief in a Self, d o u b t, the belief th a t ritu als will lead to salvation, lust, a n d a n g e r; the five fetters th at bind a p erson to (he form a n d formless realm s, namely, a tta c h m e n t (o form , a tta c h m e n t to ihe form less, p rid e , restlessness, an d ignorance; a n d the seven fetters o f desire, h a tre d , w r o n g views, d o u b t, pride, a tta c h m e n t to existence in rhe form a n d formless realm s, an d ig norancc, In a d d itio n , th e Agamas include m en tio ns o f individual defilem ents such as being u n a s h a m e d of one's w ro n g actions (ahrikye) or lack o f a n y e m b a rra s s m e n t over o n e ’s w rong actions in front o f o th ers

(anapatrdpya). ( F o r ex am p les o f such lists sec [he Sangithutta, no. 33 of the Dtghanikdya. ) M ost o f the m a jo r defilem ents discussed in the abhidharma literatu re a re fo u n d in the above lists. In the S arv astiv ad in abhidharma treatise the Dhatiikdya ( T 26:614b) defile m en is a re categ orized into such groups as the te n general fu n c­ tions o f defilem en t, the te n m in o r functions o f defilem ent, the five defilem ents, a n d the five w r o n g views. In la te r texts these g ro u p s are o rg a n iz e d further. Finally, in [he Abhidharmakpia [ T 2 9 :1 9c), eighteen d efilem ents are listed a n d d iv id ed in to ihe following three groups, G e n cral funct ion s o f dc fi lem en t (kUivnu\hdbhumika dharmah) 1. D elusion (moha) 2. N egligence (pramada) 3. In do len ce (kausidya) 4. D isb elief(dsraddhya) 5. T o rp o r (stydna) 6. R estlessness (auddhaiya) Minor functions <;f defilement (patiitakitsabhumikddharmdh) 1, A n g e r (krodha) 2. R e s e n tm e n t (upandha) 3, F lattery (sdthya) 4. J e a lo u s y (trfyd) 5 - R cjcct ion o f cri Iici sm (praddsa) 6. C o n c e a lm e n t o f w ro n g d o in g (mrakja) 7. P arsim o n y (mdtsarya) 8. Deceit (mdyd) 9. C o n ce it (mada) 10. C a u s in g inju ry (vihijjxsd) G c neral funct ion s n f cviI (akuialatnah&bk tim tkd dha imah) 1. A bsence o f sh a m e (ahrikya) 2. A bsence o f e m b a rra s s m e n t (anapatrdpya) [n ad d itio n lo [he above defilem ents, eight dharmas are Raid to he in d e ­ t e r m in a te fu nctio ns (amyata), T h e y are as fallows: 1. R e m o rse (kaukrtya) 2. D row siness (middha) 3. Inv estigation (vitarka)

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

S cru tin y (vicdra) Lust (rdga) H a tre d (praligha) P ride (mana) D o u b t (vicikilsa)

W ith rhe exception o f inv estigatio n an d scrutiny, all of the in d e te r m i­ n a te dharmas can be co nsidered defilem ents. M o reo ver, lust, h atred , a n d d o u b t can be co n sid ered grave defilem ents. C on sequently, (he Abkidhfirmakasa %system t)f classification o f in d e te rm in a te dharmas is not com pletely satisfactory. In rhe Abhidharmakosa (7~ 29:98b) the defilem ents are called proclivi­ ties (anusaya), a n d a c h a p te r is devoted to these proclivities. Si* o f them a re listed: lust, hat red , pride, ig norance, w ro n g views, a n d d o u b t . T h e category o f w ro n g views is som etim es e x p a n d e d to a list o f five proclivi* lies: belief in a Self, d in g in g to ex trem e positions sueh an nih ilationism o r etern al ism, disbelief in causal ton, clinging to w rung view s, an d the belief th at rituals will lead to salvation. W h en the c a te g o ry of w r o n g views is rep laced by these five beliefs, a list o f ten proclivities is the result. T h e se ten proclivities are analyzed acco rd in g to criteria of w hich o f the three realm s ( d e s i r e form , a n d formless) th ey o c c u r in an d w h ich o f the P o ur Noble T r u th s o r m ed itatio n m ay be used to elim inate th e m . A list o f ninety-eight deli lem en Is is th ereb y produced. T h e p u r ­ pose of religious p ractice is to cut ofT these defilements. Io ad d itio n to th e n in ety -eig ht defilem ents, (he following list o f ten b o n d s (p/iT}'avastfidna) is inclu ded in (he " C h a p t e r on P roclivities1’ in the Abhtdhannakcfa. lack o f sh a m e o v e r one s ow n w rongdoing (dhrikya), lack o f em barrassm ent: before o th ers over w ro n g d o in g (anapatrdpya), jealo u sy (iTfyo), p a rsim o n y (rndtsarya)t d istraction (auddhatya), rem o rse (kaufatya), to r p o r (stydna), drow siness (middha), a n g e r (krodha), a n d co ncealm ent of w ro n g d o in g (mrakfa). W h e n ihese te n are a d d e d to the ninety-eight p r o ­ clivities, the resulting list is called th e V108 defil[-ments.,h T h e categ o rizatio n of d efilem ents in the Abhidharmakosa has nor been com pletely system atized sincc their tre a tm e n t van ies in different chapters. T h e deli lem en is listed u n d e r such categ ories as th e six general functions o f dcJileinent, ten m in o r functions o f defilem en t, two general functions o f evil, a n d six o f ihe eight in d e te rm in a te functions are not Completely consistent, particularly in the case o f in d e te rm in a te func­ tions. In the T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma text the Dfwmmasarigarii(p. 76), a n u m ­ b e r of m enial functions a re discussed. T h e m ind is classified u n d e r th ree categories: good. b a d h a n d neutral types o f consciousness T h i r t y

types of mental faculties contribute to the production of a bad type of C on scious ness, itirludint; w m n i^ Vti'ws, w rori^ intention, la r k o f s h a m c ,

lack o f e m b a rra s s m e n t before others, lust, ignorEince, a n d dullness I i ow ever, the T h e r a v a d a view on defilem ent! was si ill not com pletely sy stem atized in the seven canonical abhidhamjttt treatises since no catc gory for d efilem en ts alune was established, A la te r n o n c a n u n k a l abhidhamma text, the Abhidhammatfhaiangaha, lists the fo[lowing fourteen m e n ta l fun ction s ttf evih ig n o ra n c e (avijjd). lack o f s h a m e o v e r o n e 's w ro n g d o in g s (ahirika), lack n f e m b a r r a s s m e n t b efore o th ers o v e r o n e 's w ro n g d o in g s (anattappa)t b ro o d in g (kskkucca^ craving (lohha), w ro ng views (ditthi)y pride (maria), h a tre d (paltgha), jealousy (ista), p a rsim o n y (rnacchariya), restlessness (uddhacra), to rp o r (thina), drow siness (middha}, a n d d o u b t (iuctkiuhd). W h en these m ental fu n ctio n s o f evil act c o n t o n e itantly’ w ith the m ind a n d o th e r m ental faculties, the result is a defiled or evil type o f consciousness.

T h e A n a ly s is o f the M in d ; Concomitant Mental Faculties ( C i t t a - s a m p r a y u k t a - s a m s k a r a ) Because a major objective o f B uddhist practice was to cut o ff the deft le­ m en is (klesa), a w ide variety o f passions was discussed in the Agamas. Mm only the most basic m ental functions nfher th an (he defilem ents w ere m e n tio n e d in the Agamas. A m o n g the m ental fu nctio n s m e n tio n e d tn these early texts w ere sensatio n (vtdana), p crccptinn (samjnd), volition (ttttaH), atte n tio n (manaskdra), contact (b etw een the sense o rg an , object, a n d consciousness {jr^onfa]), m ind fuln ess (imj-ci), investigation (vitarka), s c ru tin y (uicata), a n d dcsinc ((handa) W ith th e d ev elo p m en t o f ahhidkarma lite ra tu re , o th er m e n ta l functions w ere a d d ed , giving a m u c h m ore riel ailed view n f ihe activity of ihe m ind. To cut ofl the passions, the relatio nsh ip o f the defilem en ts in the o th er m ental fu nctio ns h a d to be investigated a n d described. In the S arv astiv ad in tra d itio n , the process o f catego rizing an d d escrib in g the mental fun ctio ns began w ith the abhidharma work the DHdtukaya ( 7 1540). I he c u lm in a tio n o f these efforts is found in the AbhidharmaAusa's list o f forty-six dharmas classified into the fol low ing six c a Eegori es ( 7* 29; J 9 a ; A bhidharmakosabhdsyn, p . 55, 1. 13): 1. G en eral fun ctio ns (mahobhurnika), ten dharmas 2. G e n e r a l fu n ction s o f good (kusaUmahdbhiimika), ten dharmas 3. G eneral functions o f defilement (kitiiimahdbhumtka)^ sin (thermos

4. General furtttiom o f evil (f&lijtatnniaklbhutnikil), [wo dhatm&i

ft. M in o r functions o f defilem ent (pan{t&MtSabhiimika), ten dharmas 6. In d e te rm in a te function* eight dharmas In th e S arv astiv ad in system , the m in d is called atia-bhum i u r (hr m in d -g r o u n d , a term that ap p e a rs in the Dhdtuktiya ( T 26: 4 lb). T h e use o f tht* te rm ffbhiimi " suggests (hat (he tn in d is viewed as the b a te upon w hich the m en tal faculties arc m anifested T h r ciftQ-bhumi also lias the p o w er to p m d u r c the m ental faculties. T'he m in d m ay also be th o u g h t ol as the base for the iu n c tio n in g o f the m en tal faculties. H o w ev er, since a giHid m in d c a n n o t luhction with a base th at is not good, the c x i i t r n c f of five types Of g ro u n d s (hhums) 13r b ases, each witli its ow n p artic u la r m e n ­ tal qualities, is postulated. (A lth o u g h six types o f m e n ta l faculties arc. said 10 ex ist, in d e te rm in a te fun ctio ns are nut co n sidered to be a bhumt ) F o r ex am p le, the UcJa&bumt is con sid ered tu be the base from w hich the d efilem en ts arise. D efilem ents such as lust a n d a n g e r are nor always p re s e n t in the m in d ; th ey arise w hen circu m stan ces are favorable to the profluciLon o f d e file m e n t 5- Consequently* a g r o u n d n r Ejasc w here they exist in a httent form is thought to Eje p resent. O t h e r states o f m i n d , such as a good m in d , have th eir ow n bases. T h e base Tor m ental func* rions such as e m b a rra s s m e n t he fore o th ers o v e r one's w ro n g actions (apatrapya), sham e over o n e ’s actions (hri), a n d assiduous striving (v.irya) is called the lHgood g r o u n d '’ (icusatabhiimi'). T h is type o f speculation eventually led to ih e S arv astiv ad in S chool's division o f m ental faculties in lo five types o f m en tal g ro u n d s: general Eunrtinns, g en eral Junctions o f good, general fu n ctio ns o f defilem ent, general fu nction s o f evil, an d m in o r Junctions o f defilem en t. A sixth categ ory o f in d e te rm in a te fu n c­ tions included those m ental functions not lim ited to any p a rtic u la r ground(s). T h e f o r ty - s ix m e n t a l f u n c t i o n s a r e liste d b e lo w ,

A. T h e te n general fu nction s a re those th a t arise in m e n ta l slates, w h eth er they art' gOnd, evil. Or i n d e t e r m i n a t e a n d tn the m e n ia l stales o| the th ree realm s (desire, form* and formless); 1. S en satio n (vfdand) 2. In te n tio n (cttand) 3. P ercep tio n samjnd) 4. D esire (chanda) 5. C o n ta c t (sparsa) 6. Wisdom (prajnd) 7. M i nd fu Iness (smrti)

ti. M ental application (manaskdra) 9. A s c e rta in m e n t (adhimvksa) 10. C o n c e n tr a tio n (samadhi) B. T h e len g en eral ju n c tio n s ol tjood a re alw ays p resen t in good m e n ­ tal states. W h e n ihe following ten m en tal fu nctio ns are p resen t in the m in d , a “ good m ental s ta te 1’ exists: 1. Belief (sraddha) 2. E a rn estn ess (apramdda) 3. Suppleness (prasrabdhi) 4. E q u a n im ity (uptksd) 5. S h a m e (hri) 6. E m b a rra s s m e n t (apatrdpya) 7. Refra i n i n g froi n erav mg (aiobha) 3. R e fra in in g fro m h a tre d (adocfa) 0. R rfra in i ng fro/ft cau sin g in ju ry f.avihinuS) JO. A ssiduous striv in g (vfrya) C . T h e six general functions o f defilement are alw ays present in defiled nuncl-s. T h e y art1 hsltd along with th t dharmas in (he fallowing three categories in the section on defilements in this chapter: D E. f\

T h e I wo general fun ction s of evil T h e ten m in o r functions o r defilem ent T h e eight in d e te rm in a te functions.

T h e AbhidhtiTmakaia states only lhal " investigation* sc:ruhny> rem o rse, drow siness, a n d so fo rth " are in d e te rm in a te functions, a n d dues not list eight dharmai. H o w ev er, sitice the dharrnas o f lost, h a tre d , p rid e , and d o u b t are n o t in clu ded in a n y o th er categories, the C h in ese c o m m e n ­ ta to r P 'u - k u a n g a d d e d th e m to the List o f in d e te rm in a te functions to m ak e a total o f eight ( Chii~she-luTi chi, T 4! :78b). T h e In d ia n c o m ­ m e n ta to r Y a io m ttra also state* th a t there a r t eight dharmns in ih e categ ory o f in d e te rm in a te functions, su g g estin g that (he trad itio n o f in ­ clu d in g eight dharmas in this categ ory o rig in ated in In d ia (Abhtdhamiakttsabhdiya, p. I3‘2, 11. 2 i-2 2 ) . H ow ever, Y asom itra added four o th er d e ­ filem ents to the four alread y found in the Abhidharmakasa. R egardless o f w hich list is followed, sources are in ag re e m e n t that eight dharrnaf a rc in clu ded in this category, m aking a total o f forty-six m e n ta l fu n c­ tions.

T h e C o n c o m it a n t A r is i n g o f t h e M in d a n d M e n ta l F u n c tio n s As was discussed earlier, the S&rvastivadins m a in ta in e d that moot at faculiies w ere in d e p e n d e n t entities, Such faculties as lust a n d h atred seem ed to p erfo rm such directly apposed fu n ctio n s that they h a d to be distinct dh&rmas. H ow ever, even th o u g h m a n y faculties w ere co n tain ed in the m ind, each person a p p e a re d io have a certain u m ty rhai m a rk e d him as an individual. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s h a d to explain that unity. If the m en tal fatuities w ere all com pletely in d e p e n d e n t entities, th e n thai u n ity w ould be difficult to acco un t for. T h e S arv astivad ins solved thi> p ro b le m by a rg u in g that th e m in d (citia, in o th e r w ords, consciousness a n d j u d g m e n t) a n d m ental faculties arise at the sam e tim e a n d w ork coojwratively. F o r ex ample;, w hen a good m in d arises in the desire realm , it involves the m ind as well as (he ten general m ental faculties (mahdhhumika), ihe ten genera! faculties o f good (kusala-m
at the sam e tim e (kdia), a n d both m a in ta in th eir ow n identities as substances (dravya). I he f h t r a v a d a Schuol also has tlc v d o p fd a theory o f ihe roncom ita n t e o! the m ind and m enial faculties, but its contents differ slightly from that o f the Sarv astivadin School ( Vimddhimagga, chap. 17, par, 94). In th e S a rv a stiv a d in School, ihe te rm samprayukta has the m e a n in g jarnprayuMafa-Jiflu (o o n c o m ita n t cause). F o r ex am p le, a c c o rd in g lo the Abhidharmakosa, a good m ind in the desire realm re q u ire s th e c o n co m i­ tant arisin g o f the m ind a n d at least tw enty -tw o m e n ta l faculties. N o n e o f the req u ired m enial faculties m a y be absen t. [f o n e o f th e m is lack­ ing, th en the o th e r tw enty^one m en tal faculties c an n o t arise; thu s, that one dharma is nccessary for the re m a in in g tw en ty-o ne io arise, Ii is b ecau se o f this type of in te rd e p e n d e n c e th at the m in d a n d the vario us m en tal faculties a re describ ed as being c o n c o m ita n t causes for each other. A sim ilar relation ship is found a m o n g form (nipa) dharmas. Dharmas o f ihe four e le m e n ts a n d seco n d ary m a tte r (bhautika) arise simulta* ncousty ro con stitute m atter. H o w ev er, th e relatio nship o f ihe v ariou s dharmas o f rvpa th at arise at the sa m e tim e is not called “ concom itant cause," but “ s im u lta n e o u s c a u s c " (sahabhu-helit). T h e four elem en ts of e a rth , water, fire, a n d air alw ays arise sim ultaneously, If one elem en t is missing, the o th e r three c a n n o t arise in depen dend y. T h u s , each elem en t acts as a cause lor others. T h is ty p e of relatio nship is called " s i m u l t a n e ­ ous a n d m u tu a l causc anti effect.” T h e te rm '‘c o n c o m ita n t c a u s c " refers only to psychological p h e n o m e n a and is a special type o f sim ultan e o u s cause.

T h e M en tal Faculties A cc o rd in g to T h e r a v a d a B u d d h ism In ihe T h e r a v a d a tra d itio n , consciousncss is classified in to eig h ty -n in e types on the basis o f its qualities, E ighty-one are varieties o f m u n d a n e consciousness, d istrib u te d a m o n g t h t th ree realm s as follows: fifty-four types for the desire realm , fifteen for th e form realm , a n d twelve for the formless realm . T h e r e m a in in g eight types o f consciousness a re s u p ratn u n d a n e , m a k in g a IntaJ o f eighty-nine varieties. A ccording to a n o th e r T h e r a v a d a classification system , th e eight types o f s u p r a m u n d a n e consciousness can each exist in a n y o f the first five trances (jhdna), m ak ing a total o f forty types o f s u p r a m u n d a n e co n ­ sciousness. W h e n these are a d d e d lo the eig hty -o ne lypes o f m u n d a n e consciousness, ihe result is a list o f I2J types o f consciousness. H o w ­ ever, the list o f e ig h ty -n in e varieties is the m u st c o m m o n .

An early ex am p le o f this style o f classification is found in the Paftiom* bhiddmagga. T h e system was fully fo rm u la te d in the DhammasorigaTii an d w a s a c c e p t e d as e s t a b lis h e d d o c t r i n e d u r i n g th e p e r io d w h e n t o m m c n t a *

ries on the Abhidhamrna-pitaka w ere being com piled. T h e el ass ideation o f consciousness in to good, b a d , a n d n eu tral types is found in the Agamas. O t h e r schools o f N ik a y a B ud d h ism f u rth e r classified the types o f con* stiou sness in to lists o f ten a n d twelve acco rdin g to w h eth er (hey were m u n d a n e o r s u p r a m u n d a n e a n d according to w hich o f th e three realm s (desire, form , a n d formless) they belonged. H o w ev er, ihe detail found in t h r T h e r a v a d a Its-t o f e ig h ty 'n in e lypes o f consciousness is noi found in the doctrines o f o th er schools. T h e te rm “cttasika ” (m e n ta l functions) has long b e e n used in T h e r a v a d a R uddhism . F o r ex am p le, in the Dhamnuuangttrit (p. 9fT.), the m e n ta l faculties th at arise in each o f the e ig h ty -n in e types o l'to n scio u sness a re specified- In th e discussion o f th e first lype o f good conscious­ ness o f the desire realm , fifty-six m en tal faculties are m e n tio n e d . H o w ­ ever, (he repetition s are freq u en t, an d w h en the m e n ia l fatuities are en u m e rated , a total o f only tw e n ty -n in e actually com e in to play in the v ario u s types o f consciousness. T h e m en tal faculties in different types of consciousness a re also discusscd in the Kathdualihu, b u t only eighteen m ental faculties a re m e n tio n e d , indicating th at the n u m b e r o f m ental faculties h a d still not been d e te rm in e d in a definitive w ay w h en the tre a ­ tises o f the T h e r a v i d a Abhidhamma^piUika w ere b e in g com piled. Finally, B u d d liad atta, a c o n te m p o r a ry o f B u d d h ag h o sa, li&ied fifty-two m ental faculties in his Abhtdhammavaldra. T h e fifty-two m e n ta l faculties were acccpied as the o rth o d o x n u m b e r in the T h e ra v iid a School, tho ug h later w orks do not alw ays agree Completely on w hich should be included. A cco rd in g to the Abhtdhnmmatthasangaha there are: T h ir te e n n eu tral m en tal faculties I Seven universal faculties (fo u n d in ev ery consciousness) 2. Six p a rtic u la r faculties (found only in som e si a tes o f conscious­ ness) F o u rtee n m en tal faculties o f evil 1. F o u r universal faculties (fo u n d in every evil consciousness) 2. Ten p a rtic u la r faculties Tw enty-five m ental faculties o f good a n d p u rity 1 Nineteen universal faculties o f good 2. T h r e e faculties o f abstin en ce 3. T w o faculties o f u n lim ited n ess 4. O n e faculty o f w isdom

T h e universal n eu tral m e n ta l faculties (sabbacittasddhdrafia) arise in all types o f consciousness. T h e y co rresp o n d to the genera] fatuities (\mahdbhumika) o f th e S arv astiv ad in S chnuf. T h e T h c ra v a d in s , with fiftyiw o m ental faculties, hav e a lon ger list th an the forty-six m e n ta l facul­ ties o f the S arv astiv ad in s. T h e difference arises b ecau se the T h e ra v a dins classify as mentaJ faculties some dhammas th at rhe S a rv astiv ad in s did not recognize as m enial faculties, A m o n g these a re life force (jiviitndriya; a sim ilar dharma is classified as a force not co n co m itan t w ith th e m in d by th e S arv astiv ad in s), tra n q u ility o f m e n ta l faculties {kdyapasad dht, opposes restlessness)! lightness o f m ental faculties (kdyobhutd, opposes d row siness a n d lo rp o r), pliancy o f m ental faculties (kayamudtitd, upposes p rid e a n d w ro n g views), a d a p tab ility o f m e n ta l faculties (kdya■ kammannatar p ro d u c e s serenity in p ro p itio u s things), p roflcien ry o f m e n ­ tal factors {kdyapdgunnatd, opposes disbelief), a n d re c titu d e o f m ental factors (kayujfakatd, opposes deception). In ad d itio n , right speech (sammaudca^ right action (sammdhammania), a n d rig h t livelihood (satnmddjiva) a rc co nsid ered to be m ental factors by ihe T h e ra v a d in s , but are not in clu ded in S arv astiv ad in lists o f dharmas. T here are also o th e r dif­ ferences b etw een the T h e r a v a d in an d S a rv a stiv a d in views o f m en tal faculties.

The Concomitant Mental Faculties as Presented in Other Schools T h e She-li'Ju a -p i't'a n iun ( T 1546, SdriputrdbhidharmajdslrQ*) belongs to n eith er a T h e r a v a d in nor a S arv astiv ad in lineage. C o n c o m ita n t m en tal faculties are m e n tio n e d in various places th ro u g h o u t the text. W h e n these faculties arc system atically collected, a list o f th irty -th ree is pro* d uced . M e n tio n s o f c o n co m itan t m en tal faculties a re found scattered th ro u g h o u t th e text o f H a r i v a r m a n ’s Ch'cng-* shift tun ( T 16+6, Tattoos iddkUdstra?). W h e n these a re syste m an e ally collected, they total thirty-six dharmas acco rd in g to some au th o rities a n d fo rty-nine dhaunas according to olhers. A lthough co n co m itan t m ental faculties are discussed in the Ch ’eng-ihih Atn, they are not con sid ered to be distinct a n d real entities. T h e S a u tra n tik a School is fam ous for its refusal lo rccognizc ihe in de­ p en d en t existence o f c o n c o m ita n t m en tal faculties. A ccording to th e A 'p ’i-ta-mo shun-chtng-ii iun ( T 29:2B4b, Nydydnusdrasdstra?) by Sarigha­ b h a d ra , the S a u l ran tikas recognized only sen sation , percep tio n, an d volition as co n c o m ita n t m e n ia l faculties. T h e D afp tan tik as, w ho b e ­ lo nged to the sam e lineage as the S a u tra n ttk a s , also d id not recognize c o n c o m ita n t m e n ta l faculties. A ccording to the Kathdvatthu (bk. 7, see,

3), n eith er did the R ajag iriy a an d S id d h a tta k a schools, both o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage. T h e adherent,1! o f these schools e m p h a s iz e the u n ita ry n a tu re o f th e m ind. W h e n sensatio n is o ccu rrin g , the entire m ind is sen sat tun W h e n perception is o ccu rrin g , the whole m in d is p e r ­ ception, T h e varieties o f psychological p h e n o m e n a are th u s viewed as m anifestation s o f a u n ita ry mind-

T h e Unity and Continuity of the Personality T h e S arv astiv ad in s ex plained the no-Self theo ry in a m ech an ical Fash­ ion , con sid eH ng each o f the m ental functions lo be sep arate entities. But ihis ty p e o f in terp retatio n did not sufficiently explain the o rg an ic u n ity o f the m in d . C o nsequ ently, the S a rv astiv ad in s ad v an ced the th eory of ihe to n com i tan l arising o f t h t m ind a n d m ental functions. Stncc the m in d a n d m ental functions arose an d te a s e d in an instan t, the theory of c o n c o m ita n c e still did not sufficiently explain (he un ity o f the m in d . T o solve this p ro b le m , the S a rv astiv ad in s described the m in d as a g ro u n d o r base (citk-i>hvtni)i T h e Yogacarin branch o f M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism explained the un ity o f the m in d by p o s tu la tin g a realm o f rhe u n c o n ­ scious* the alaya-vijnana, from which both ihe conscious m in d a n d its objects arose. T h e S arv astiv ad in s did not acknow ledge ihis type o f c o n ­ sciousness, but did recognize live types o\ citta-bhurm from w hich psy^ chological p h e n o m e n a arose T h e defilem ents (kltta) a re also called anu/aya. T h e S a rv astiv ad in s in te rp re te d anutaya as m e a n in g “ so m eth in g that g rad ually becom es stro n g er," while the S a u ira n rik a s in terp reted it as ^ so m e th in g sleepi n g '1 o r d o rm a n t- T h e word “anus'aya” m ay be tra n sla te d as m e a n in g “ piocliviiy to do w r o n g ." Even w h en hatred a n d lust a r t not manifest in th e conscious m in d , they a re still believed to be present in the c o n ­ scious m in d in a d o r m a n t state. A lth o u g h the ritta -hfjurjn was said to be the locus o f these proclivities,, the d octrin e o f citto-bhumt still did not e n a b le the S arv astiv ad in s to describe the contin uity o f the m in d a d e ­ quately. Tn this e n d , (hey argued for th e presence o f a dharma o f llfeforce (jivitrndriya), w hich would exp lain the o bv io us c o n tin u ities o f a person d u rin g his lifespan. In ad d itio n , the S arv astiv ad in s discussed the c o n tin u u m o f m in d (citta-samtana), the w ay in w hich fo rm e r a n d latter in stan ts o f m in d co n stitu ted a stream o f consciousness. In the en d , b ecause the Sarvfistivadin view o f m en tal faculties was insufficient to pro vid e a co nvincing ex p la n a tio n of the co n tin u ity o f th e m in d , th e S arvastivadin s w ere still faced w ith solving p ro b le m s such as how m e m ­ ory cou ld function w hen the m in d was arisin g a n d ceasing each in stan t.

O t h e r schools did noi recognize tin- m in d ’g r o u n d d o c trin e a n d digs had 10 find different ways 10 explain the co niinu ity a n d un ity n f rbr p e r ­ sonality. For ex a m p le , the T h e r a v a d a School used ihe idea o f a su b c o n ­ scious d im e n sio n n f m in d (bhavatiga-vinndrio o r bhavaitga-cilia) to explain these problem s. T h e te rm "ftfeuwifa” is fo u n d in th e Pali abhidhamma text Patthdna (vol. I, p. I6 3 f.) anti in Ihe Mihtidapanha (bk. 4, chap . t), sec, 36). W h e n nn m en tal fun ction s are present in consciousness {that is, w hen a person is unconscious), bhavanga-vii\ndm is still prcseni W h e n stim uli from ihe ou tsid e world n r from w ithin the m in d activate the consciousness, how ever, the m ind ch an g es from its subconscious slate to a consciousness directed toward sense objects. T h is process is called “ a d v e rtin g the m i n d " (dvajjana), C o g n itio n is e x p la in e d as c o n ­ sisting o f twelve processes, in c lu d in g recep tion (iainpaticchana), j u d g in g an im pression (santirana), a n d d e te rm in a tio n (t>otihappana). In add itio n, ihe T h e r a v a d a School developed a list o f fifty-two m ental faculties, a derailed analysis o f rhe m in d c o m p a ra b le to that Found in S a rv a stiv a d in lertts. T h e list o f twtilvc processes th at o c c u r d u r in g cognition is a theorypecu liar to the T h e r a v a d a School. A lthough B ud d h ism g en erally p aid m ore a tte n tio n to psychological analysis th an o th e r religious traditions, the T h e r a v a d a Schoni c arried such analyses farth er th a n the o th e r schools w ith in B u d d h is m . T h e T h e r a v a d a tre a tm e n t o f the bhtis&ngQ (which served as both a subconscious a n d a life-force) is siiruJar to posi­ tions ad o p ted in ihe Y ogacara traditio n T h e S a u tra n tik a School explained the co n tin u ity ol ihe m in d by using the concept o f m enial seeds (bija). Seeds were th e m ental ex p eri­ ences o f ihe pasi p reserv ed in the m in d in a latent staie, T h e c o n ti­ n uities a n d changes o f psychological p h e n o m e n a w ere describ ed by referrin g to the ch an g es th at seeds went th ro u g h w ith te rm s such as co n ­ tinuity (s&nfati), tra n sfo rm al ion (porindma), a n d d istinclion th r last in the series o f changes the seeds u n d e rw e n t), 'l b elucidate the c o n ­ tinuity o r id en tity o f each indiv id ual, the S&Utrantikas used the concept o f a tru e person n r pudgalu (paramarthapudgaia) T h e S au tra m ifcai also recognized ihe existence o f a subtle form o f the m enial skandhm (ekarasor skandha) th at w ould c o n tin u e from earlier reb irth s to later ones, a posi­ tion so d istinctive lhai the S a u tra m ik a s w ere co n seq u en tly so m etim es callcd by a n o th e r n a m e , Sar'ikrantivadin (the school th at m a in ta in s th r tra n sm ig ra tin n o f the skandhos'). T h is special form o f ihe sknndhas was sim ilar lo a su b lle consciousness (stifatfw-mtinovijiidnn) th at continually existed and was not cut off by d e a th , but c o n tin u e d on to the ncxl life. P ercep tio n c o n tin u e d to exisi in this su btle consciousness, but only to a m in ute degree, th u s m a k in g subtle consciousness sim ilar to the u n c o n ­ scious. T h e subtle consciousness was said to con tinu e 10 function b e h in d m a n 's grosser, ev ery d ay consciousness.

T h e VatsfputrTyas a n d S am in Aliyas arc fam o u s for m a in ta in in g ihat a pudgafa (person) existed thai tra n s m ig ra te d from o n e existence to a n o th er. T h r pudgala was criticiiicd by o th er B u dd hist schools as being eq u iv a le n t lo ail eternal soul (dtman). H ow ever, the V a ts lp u tn y a s a rg u e d thai ihe pudgala was n eith er ideniieal to ClOr se p a ra te Ironi [he skandhas. If ii w ere identical to t h t skandhas, th en tlie B u d d h a 's teaching lhal no etern al Self could be found in th e skandkas woufct have been v iolated . If the pudgata w ere sep arate from the skandhast lht.in it would hav e ijte n im possible to recognise it. T h e was thus a nietaphysieal eniity, so m ew h at sim ilar to th e aiman o r eternal & dft w hich B u d ­ dhism generally d id not recognise. H ow ever, the VatsJputrTyas ackn ow l­ edged (he existen ce o f an dintan o r Self in a different sen sr th an tliai ad v o caied by m a n y o f the n o n -B ud dh ist tra d itio n s. T h e pudgala w as an entity (hat p rov id ed the co n tin u ity in a p e rso n 's existences, b u i was n e i­ th e r idem ieal to nor sep arate from the skandhai. T h e V aisipu triyas aug£ gested a new catego ry o f p h e n o m e n a 10 which ihis Sell belonged, the inexplicable (Gh. pti-k'o-shuo tsangj, T h is ealego ry w as added to four o th e r categories recog nized by the S a rv a stiv a d in s (conditioned dharmas in ihe past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharrmt)^ m ak ing a total o f live categories o f existence recognized by the V a ts lp u tn y a s . T he VatsTputnya view o f a Self was v eh em en tly criticized In the n i m h c h a p ­ te r o f the Abhidhanmkoia. V arious view* o f a " s e l f th at w ould explain the ro n tin u ity betw een births a n d reb irth s w ere p ro po sed by o th er schools. A cco rd in g to the flrsl fasticEe o f the She ta-shtng lun ( T 3 l : J 3 4 a , Mahayanasangraha#), rhe M ahafranghikas p o stu lated the existence o f a “ basic co n scio u sn ess'1 ( C h . kirn -pen sfith), rind th e M ah isasak as m a in ta in e d th at a skandha in a subtle w ay persisted th rou g h births a n d deaths (C h. ch'iung shcng-ssu yu'ft). A c c o rd in g to ihe M akdvibhdjd ( 7" 2 7 : 7 7 2 r „ 774a), the Dflr^|antikns a n d D iscrim in ato rs recognized ihe existence o f a subtle (C h. hsi-ksin) or c o n tin u in g su bcon scio us m in d , T h e se ideas served as th e basis for the d ev elo p m en t o f M a h a y a n a doctrines o f alaya-vijnana. F in a lly the d o c­ trin e th at the m in d is originally p u re, which was m a in ta in e d by (he M a h a s a n g h ik a 5 a n d the a u th o rs o f the Sdripuirabhidharmasdsira ( T 2ft: 697b), was based on the position that th ere was a c o n tin u in g p u r e m e n ­ tal substratum.7

Forces Not Concomitant with the M in d ( C itta -v ip r o y u k tQ fi S a rfiskH ra k) F u n c tio n s th at do not arise con co m itan tly with the m in d a re n e v e r th e ­ less classified as parr o f the aggregate o f m e n ta l fo rm atio ns (jarnikdra-

skattdha). As was ex plained above, mental faculties are dhannas that arise concomitantly with the mind and are part of the iamskaTa'skandha. Jn the classifications o f dyatanas (bases) and dhdtm (elements), they are in­ cluded as part of the dharma'dyalana or dharma-dhdtu (mental objects). However, other forces (samskdra), which do not arise concomitantly wirh the mind, arc also included in the satrnkdra-skandha. 'Hie Sarvastivadins established a gfnup of fourteen dharmas that fit into this group. T h e y arc neither physical nor mental. Some of (hem have a physiological aspect, but others do not. T h e fourieen forces thai do n o t arise co n co m itan tly with tin* m in d are as follows; 1. Possession (prdpti) 2. Dispossession (aprdpti) 3. S im ilarity o f bein g ( nikdya-sabhdga)

4. Hinh 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

and

existence in a heaven without perception (d sa m jn ik a )

A bsorp tion w ithout p ercep tio n (asarrijnisamdpatti) A bsor pt ion o f re ssat ion ( nhodhaia rndpalti) Life-force (jivilendrxya) O r ig in a tio n (jati) Subsistence (sthiti) D ecay (jard) E xtin ction (anityatd) Words (ndmakdya) S entences (padakdya) Syllables (vyanjanakaya)

Life-force is ihe lifespan viewed as a dharma. A b so rp tio n w ith o u t p e r ­ ception is a m ed itatio n in which ihe m en tal fun ction s u p to a n d in c lu d ­ ing p erception cease. T h e ab so rp tio n o f cessation is an eveo d eep er m ed itatio n in w hich the m e n ta l functions u p tu a n d in c lu d in g sensation cease Because both a re unconscious slates, th ey a re included in the calCgory o f forces n eirher m ental n o r m aterial. T h e above three dharmas are objectifications o f certain aspects o f living o r existence. W h e n a p erso n w ho has en tered an a b so rp tio n w ithout p ercep tio n dies, he is reb o rn in a realm o f no perceptio n . Because this realm is d evoid o f p ercep tio n , the dharmai o f w hich it is com po sed are in clud ed a m o n g the furrcs thai arc not c o n c o m ita n t with ihe m ind. Similatity, rhe dharrrm used to explain how sentient beings arc distin­ guished into groups, is present in at! sentient beings. A being exists as a horse or a cow because it possesses a horse or cow dharma of similarity. T h e dharmas o f possession (prdpti) an d dispossession (aprdpti) are

re lated to (he process o f e lim in atin g defilem ents. A lthough defilem ents m ay not actually be arising in the m in d o f a n o r d in a ry p erso n at a p a r ’ titu la r m o m e n t, the defilem ents are still p resen t m a latent form an d still have not Ijeen elim in ated . Prdpti is th e fo rte ihat links the defile­ m ent* to a person. T h u s a personas c o n tin u u m (w hich is c o n sta n tly ch ang ing ) is said to 11possess ” deli lemen ts, Even th o u g h the defilem ents them selves m a y not be m an ifest, the prdpti o f the defile m en is is presen I wirhin the c o n tin u u m . In con trast, hecausc a n arhat has elim inated his passions, ev en if a worldly m in d should arise in him , the prdpti o f the d ciilem en ts w ould not b e c o m e a p ari o f bis c o n tin u u m T h u s , if the s a m e o r d in a ry th ought w ere to arise both in an o r d in a ry m an a n d in a n arhat, the results w ould be very different in term s o f the arou sal o f the d efilem en ts W h e n the defilem ents are cut off, ihe dharma o f aptdpti or dispossession keeps the d efilem en ts away. T h e dharmas o f prapti an d aprapti are req u ired as part o f the S arv astiv ad in ex p la n a tio n o f a c o n tin ­ ually c h a n g in g p e rs o n . Bin ev en t h e d ita m a r o fp ra p ti a n d aprdpti t h e m ­ selves arise a n d cease each in sta n t a n d a re d e p e n d e n t 011 o th er dharmas a n d a part o f the c o n tin u u m th at m akes up a personality. O th e r dfutrmas co n sid ered not co n c o m ita n t with the m in d w ere (hr forces th at give significance to words (ndma/cdya), se m e n res (padakdya), a n d syllables (tiyadjartaJtaya). T h e se forces are viewed as real entities. T h e four ch aracteristics— original ion (jdti), subsistence f'itfii'it,), decay (jara), a n d extinction (anityatd) — are partic u la rly controversial categ o­ ries a m o n g thc dharmaf not co n co m itan t wilh th e m i n d . 8 In the Sarvis^ tsvadin system , (hey are the forces b ehin d ih e in sta n ta n e o u s n a tu re o f ph e n u m e n a , the fortes that causc the im p e r m a n e n t? o f everything. T h e se four forces w ere considered to be sep arate entities from the p h e­ n o m e n a iliey affected. Because all o f the in stan tan eo u sly a p p e a rin g dharmas o r ig i n a t e d f subsisted, decayed, a n d b ecam e extinct at the sam e in sta n t, the forces b ehind im p e rm a n e n c e cam e to be considered as real existences in a n d o f them selves, as forces n eith er m ental n o r m aterial. F o rte s noi concom itant wilh the m in d (citta-i/iprayuktdh sarrtskdtdh) are als» discn ssrd m the Sdripulrabhidharmasdstra ( T 211: 547b), in d icatin g thai such dharmas m ust h av e been recognized by the school th at p ro d uced th at text. A ch ap ter devoted to the subject is m cluded in the Ta&Bas-iddhisdstra ( T 32:289 a), discussing a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e g ro u p o f dhar­ mas fo u n d in S a rv astiv ad in sources. A n im p o rta n t difference exisis, how ever, in the m a n n e r in w hich cittaviprayuktdh samskdrah a re tre ated in these traditions. A lth o u g h Lhtf S arv astiv adin s considered these dhatmai lo be real entities (drat>ya), ihe a u th o r o f the Taitvajiddhiiiditra considered ih e m 10 be only expediently p osited entities. A c c o rd in g to B u dd hagh os a ’s c o m m e n ta ry on the fCathdvalthu (bk. I I, chap. 1; bk. 14, chap. 6),

th e SammatTyas a n d the P u rv a ss ila s re to g n iz e d forces noi co n co m itan t w ith ihe m in d In V a s u m iira 's Samaya (7* 45:15c, 16c), (he Malnsasafcas are said to m a in ta in th at the “ n a tu r e o f th e proclivities (anusoyc.) is that th ey are not c o n c o m ita n t with the m i n d ,11 T h e M ah asaiig h ik as are said to hold rhe p o sld o n th at “ th e anusayas a rc n e ith e r [he m in d (citta) nor mcittaJ fatu ities (cattasika-dharma). M D o r m a n t passion s w ere th u s cun* side red to be dharmas noi t o n e omi tarn with The m in d by the M a h a sarighikas a n d M ah isasak as. M a n y o f th e schools o f N ik ay a B ud dh ism recognized (he existence of dharmas not co n co m itan t with the m ind. T h e T h e r a v a d a S chool, h o w ­ ever, does not recognise th e m , but does include a n u m b e r o f dharmas th at co n cern such issues as lifespan or physical qualities in th eir list of fifty-two m e n ta l states o r faculties (cttaiikn). C on seq uen tly , the T h e ra v a d ins do not use the te rm “ dharmas not c o n c o m ita n t w ith th e m in d -" T h e relation sh ip b etw een physiology a n d psychology ts subtle. F o r ex am p le, h ecau sc th e h eartb eat is a physiologital function but is easily influenced by psychological factors, the T h e r a v a d in s cou ld con sider lifespan tn be a m en tal function.

T h e Scventy -five D h a j - m a s in Five Groups V ario u s types of dharmas o r elem ents o f existence discussed w ith in the abhidharma tra d itio n have been review ed above. T h e S arv astiv ad in School classified these dharmas into five groups: form frii^aj, m ind (citla)t m en tal faculties (caitasika), fortes not co n c o m ita n t with (he m in d (ciiutejiprayuJtidfi-tarnskdrdh), a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharmas (asamskrta}. T h is classification system first ap p e a rs in the Prakaranapdda ( T 26:692b). In this text, Ibrm dharmas a re p re se n te d first. N ext, the m ind that takes ic rm as an object is discussed. T h ir d , the m ental facuilies th at arise c o n c o m ­ itantly1with the m in d a re described. F o u rth , the forces n o t co n c o m ita n t wilh the m in d are p resen ted . T h e se four g ro u p s a re all co n d itio n ed dharmas 1 he fifth g ro u p , u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas, h c o n ira sie d w ith the first four, W h e n the Prakaranapada was com piled, this classification ol the ele­ m e n ts o f existence w as the clearest exposition available o f th e types of dharmas., L ater, the co n ten ts o f each g ro u p o f dharmas were definitively d e te rm in e d in the Abhidharmakosa in the following m an n er: 1. Form : eleven dharmas (the five sense o rg a n s, five sense objects, an d u n m an ife sted m a tte r) 2. T h e m in d : one dharma 3. M e n ta l functions: forty-six dharmas (listed earlier in the discus­ sion of the analysis o f the m in d )

4. F ortes nut c o n co m itan t w ith the m ind; fourteen dharmas (listed earlier in t h t discussion o f this topic) 5. U n c o n d itio n e d dharmas: ih ree dharmas (analytical cessation, nonanalytical cessation, spacc) T h e classification of dharmas into five g ro u p s was u sed in In d ia only by the S arv astivadin s. L a te r in C h in a , the C h 'e n g s h i h (Taitvasiddhifasira) School ad o p ted a list o f eighty-four dharmas divided into the frame five g ro u p s (fo u rteen form dharmas, o n e m in d , forty-nine m e n ta l facul ties, seventeen forces not c o n c o m ita n t w ith the m in d , a n d th ree u n c o n ­ d itio n ed dhprmas), (See (he Yuimakyoguho antakit Doinx/um Bukkyo ztnsho, vol. 5.) C h in ese m o nk s o rg a n iz e d the dharmas of rhe TatWasiddhististra in to a system sim ilar to th at o f S arv astiv ad in texts; b u t n o th in g c o rre s ­ p o n d in g to (his a r ra n g e m e n t is found in the tesa o f the Tattuasiddhisdstra ( 7 ’ 1646). N o attem p t to m ake a co m p reh en siv e list o f si I the dharmas is found in T h e r a v a d a B u d d h ism , fn the Ahhidhammatthaiangahat lists o f S 9 a n d 121 types o f consciousncss, fiftynw o m ental faculties, a n d eleven an d tw enty-eight types of form a re fo u n d , b u t n o c o m p reh en siv e list o f all the dharmas is included. T h u s , a c o m p re h e n siv e list o f all dharmas w ould seem tn be u n iq u e to the Karvaa1 1vadin School. In Early B uddhism , the elem en ts o f existence w ere classified into groups such as the five aggregates* twelve base*, a n d eigh teen elem ents, hut these early classifications fell short o f the needs of ahhidharma schol­ ars in a variety o f ways. U n c o n d itio n e d dharmas w ere not inclu ded in the five agg reg ates (skandha). M o reo v er, from the point o f view of the abhidharma specialist, the tw o aggregates o f sensatio n (vedana) a n d p e r­ ception (sarpjiiti) eoujd be included in rhe ag g reg ate o f m ental form atio ns (samskd/a). T h u s , the live aggregates did not prov ide a good m odel for th e classification o f dharmas In m an y passages in the Agamas, all exis­ tence is said to be en co m p assed by the twelve b ases (ayatana) o f c o g n i­ tion. Both co n d itio n ed a n d u n c o n d itio n e d t/farncoj a re in clud ed in the twelve bases a n d eighteen elem en ts (dhaiu). H o w ev er, a large n u m b e r of dharmas such as the m e n ta l functions, forccs n u t c u n c o m h a n t with the m in d , a n d u n co n d itio n ed dharmas are inclu ded in the one base o r ele­ ment o f m enial objects. In contrast, ten bases a n d ten elem en ts are devoted to form (rupa). T h is type o f analysis is clearly out o f b alan ce an d not suitable for the classification o f dhannai. T h u s , the S arv astiv ad in classification o f five g roups w as a significant new d e p a r tu re in the a n a l ­ ysis of dharmas

CHA PTER II

Buddhisi Cosmology and the Theory o f Karma

T h e Three Realms B u d d h i s t c o s m o l o g y ' has piayed an im p o rta n t role in C h in a , J a p a n , a n d o th er B u d d h ist countries. F o r exam ple, it w as influential in J a p a n ltrltj) [he M
g e th e r th ere w ere a total o f eight oceans a n d n in e m o u n ta in ranges. T h e last m o u n ta in ran ge m a rk e d the o u te r b o u n d a rie s o f the world a n d was called [he G re a t Iron M o u n ta in s T h is system w as describ ed as a “ ennta in e r-w o rld 11(bftajana-ioka) fur sentient beings. Above the world w ere heavens in h ab ited by gods a n d o th er heavenly beings. T h e heavens w ere divided into tw o groups: the D esire H eav en s a n d the F o rm H eav en s. T h e r e were six D esire H eavens. T h r UnwrM was situated on a platfo rm on the top o f M o u n t S u m e ru a n d was inhabitcd by four h eaven ly kings responsible for g u a rd in g the lo u r direct ions. T h e n ext h eav en , in the m idd le of th e p latfo rm , w as the abode of the th irty -th ree Vedic gods. T h e fuur re m a in in g heavens floated above the top o f M o u n t S u m e ru . B eginning w ith th e lowest they were as (bilows: 1►Y a m a n a m slbilnEim— heaven of Yama 2. T u si i a - “ H e a v e n w h e re future B ud dh as reside be Tori: th eir linat b irth 3. N ir m a n a - r a ta y a — H e a v e n w here beings create th eir ow n objects o f pleasure 4. P a r a -n ir m it a - v a s a - v a n in — H ig h e st D esire H e a v e n ( T h e plea 3UTC3 of ail the other Desire H eavens ca n be enjoyed from this h e a v e n .) T h e heavens o f the form realm were divided into F o u r M e d ita tio n (dhyana) H eav en s, with the F o u rth M e d ita tio n H eav en occup yin g the highest place. T h r F o ur M e d ita tio n H eav en s w ere, in t u r n , su bd iv id ed into seventeen h eav ens as follows: First M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s 1. R ra h m a k a y ik a — H e a v e n o f B ra h m a 's followers 2. R r a h m a p u r o h ita — H e a v e n o f B ra h m a 's retainers 3. M a h a b r a h m a n — H e a v e n o f U ra h m a him self Second M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s 1. P a r ltta b h a — H e a v e n o f lesser light 2. A p n i m a n a b h a — H eav en o f un lim ited light 3. A b h a s v a ra — H e a v e n o f universal light T h i r d M e d ita tio n H eav en s !. P a r itta s u b h a — H eav en of lesser pu rity 2. A p ra m a i^ a s u b h a -^ H e a v e n o f u n lim ited purity 3. S u b h a k r ts n a —f l c a v c n o f universal p u rity

F o u rth M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s [. A n a h h r a t a — T h e cloudless heaven

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. S.

P u n y a p r a s a v a — H e a v e n where th e fo rtu n ate a re b u rn BfhatphAJa— H e a v e n w here w orldlings w ilh g reat d eed s are b o rn A vfh a— H eav en for th e rebirth o f ihe sage w ithout passions Ala p a — H e a v e n w ithout the heat o f passion S u d r s a — H e a v e n o f perfect m anifestation S u d a r s a n a — H e a v e n o f perfect vision A k a n ifith a ^ U iifiic st (lo rm ) h eaven

V ariations in ihe list ol' heavens exist. T h e S a rv a stiv a d in School of K a s h m ir m a in ta in e d ihai th e h eav en o f B r a h m a 's m inisters and the h eav en o f B r a h m a h im self should Lie c o m b in e d since ihe m in isters w ere B r a h m a 's retain ers, thus m a k in g sixteen heavens. T h e S arv astiv ad in teachers in the west a rg u e d in favor ui the list o f seventeen F u rm Hirav* ens- T h u S a u tra n tik a S c h m ! d i n n e d th at Ih ere were eigh teen Form H eavens. In ihe Sfiihcfii ching o f th e Ch 'tag a-han thing { ! ' 1, Dtrghagama). a (ext that was p r o b a b ly used in the D h a r m a g u p ta k a S chool, the n a m e s o f tw enty^tw o h eav en s in the form realm are listed. T h e tw enty -tw o Form H eav en s are also m e n tio n e d in the Sdnpuir^bhfdharma/djtrtf ( T 28'601c). A lthough differences existed b etw een ihe positions held by v ario u s schools, all o f th e m agreed that the highest h e a v e n o f the form re a lm w as called A k a n ij[h a . In th e M a h a y a n a tradition, (he h eav en was also know n as the peak o r btiavdgra ( O g ih a ra , Honwa datjiun, u.v, afatniftha). T h e formless realm (drdpya-dhdiu) was a w orld w ithout bodies or places, a spiritual realm consisting o f four levels: u n lim ited spa.ee, u n lim ite d consciousness* n o th in g n ess, a n d n eith er p ercep tio n n o r nonp ercep tion . T h e desire, f o r m h and formless realm s collectively w ere called the th ree realm s, T h e y m a d e up th e w orld w here sentient beings were reb o rn . In ihe desire realm , sexual differences w ere present- C n n s o quently, ii was a realm with sexual a n d o th er desires. S trug gles over m ateria l objects led to desire, anger, a n d fights, Since Vedic tim es the gods hav e b een considered to be differentiated sexually, a n d stories have been luld o f th eir jealousies a n d battles. T h e B uddhists in c o rp o ra te d ihese gods into ih eir cosm ology a n d placed th e m in such places as ihe H e a v e n o f th e T h irty -th re e (T ray astrirn sa), o n e o f Ehe six D esire H c a v ' ens. O l ihe guds, only B r a h m a resided in a h eav en o f the form realm , ihe First M ed itatio n H e a v e n . B ra h m a received this h o n o r b e ra u se the m e d ita tio n s un th e four u n lim ited m inds (catwiry apmmandTti)— amity, co m p assio n , sy m pathetic joy, a n d e q u a n im ity — were also called the

four brahma-viharas (ab od es o f B rah m s). T h e y w ere considered To he p r a c t i c e [hat m ig h t result in re b irth in B r a h m a 's heav en . Because B r a h m a ’s h eav en was sd closely co n n ected wilh these m e d ita tio n s, B ra h m a was said fO reside in th e First M e d ita tio n H eav en . T h e f o u r M e d ita tio n H e a v e n s were worlds m odeled after m e d ita ­ tions. If a p ractitio n er m e d ita te d an d a tta in e d one o f the four m e d i a ­ tions, but died w ithout a tta in in g e n lig h te n m e n t, ih en he cou ld nut e n te r nirvdna, he w ould, how ever, be reho rn in a h eav en th at c o rresp o n d ed to ihe m ed itatio n he had a tta in e d , not in a b a d destiny. Because a person ex p erien ced physical h ap piness o r bliss in m e d ita tio n , his r e b irth wax said to be in the form realm , w here he w ould have a b o d y with w hich to ex perien ce bliss. H o w ev er, while h e was deep in m e d ita tio n , he w ould ex perien ce n e ith e r h u n g e r n o r sexual desire a n d would not perceive the ou isid c w orld. No conflict!) o r a n y o th er ty p e o f interaction w ith o th e r people w ould occur. C o nsequently, in the form realm no sexual d istin c ­ tions existed. Food was u nn ecessary a n d a n g e r u n k n o w n . Buddhist descrip tion s o f the in h a b ita n ts o f the M e d ita tio n H eav etw thus reflected the experiences o f people in d e e p m editation As an individual ro.se to h ig h e r levels in ihe form realm , his body b ecam e la rg e r a n d his lifespan longer. A com plex system o f hot a n d cold hells was located u n d e r the e a rth . T h e hells, ibe four great co n tin en ts, the su n a n d m o o n , the six Desire H e a v e n s , a n d B r a h m a 's h eav en tog ether m ad e u p one world. T h e world itself floated in sp ate , w here it was s u p p o rte d by circles o f variou s substances. Directly b e n e a th the w orld was a circle ol ineial. T h is circle rested on a circle o f w ater th a t, in t u r n , rested on a circle o f w ind (vdyumandala)' a w h irlw ind o f a ir th at kept the system floating in space C o u n tless n u m b e rs o f such worlds existed floating in space. O n e th o u ­ sand worlds m ad e up o n e small qhiliocosm. O n e th o u sa n d small ehitiocosms m ad e up o n e m id dle chiliocosm , a n d o n e th o u s a n d m iddle chi IiOcrisms m ad e up une great eh L b or n s r u . A H u dd ha could p reach th ro ug h o n e great ehiliocosm . S a rv astiv ad in s believed th at tw u o r m ore B u d d h a s w ould n e v e r a p p ear at the sam e tim e in the sam e g reat chiliocosm Since the B u d d h a s h a d finite lifespans a n d rheir teachings lasted Only a lim ited time* past B u d d h as h a d ap p e a re d before S a k y a ­ m u n i B u d d h a , and in th e fu tu re, Mai trey a B u d d h a wns expected to ap pear. Since m a n y greal chiliocosm s existed sim u ltan eo u sly th ro u g h o u t the u niv erse, m on ks b egan to consider (he p ro blem o f w h eth er a n u m b e r of B u d d h a s cou ld a p p e a r at the sam e tim e. T h e S arv astiv ad in s denied that m a n y B u d d h a s could a p p e a r al the sam e tim e, bul the M a h a s a n g h ik a s arg u e d thai m a n y B u d d h a s m ig h t a p p e a r at the sam e tim e in different

regions o f (he un iverse. T in s issue is discussed in the Kathavatthu In the Alah&vasiit, the position is m aintained thai m any B u dd h as m ight ap p ear .:it the sam e tim e in vario u s p a rts o f I he universe. A description o f ihe u n iv e rse sim ilar to thr1 above acco u n t is found in several wiras, in c lu d in g ihe Shih-chi chmg in the Ch 'ang a-fian thing ( / ’ I , DlrghSgtm a), th r Tn lou-I $ui (hing ( T 23, LekfiStAano?), a n d the Ch't^jhiA yin-peri ciitng (7" 25). C osm o log ical theory was developed fu rth er in abhidkarma w o r k s such as I h e I A sh ih ti p 'i- f Iflrt iurt ( T 1 6 4 4 . Lokapra} nap* iyabhidharma^}, T h e s e theories were sy stem atized in S arv astiv ad in lexis such as the Afahavibhasc ( T 1545} an d ihe Abhidharmakosa ( 7 ‘ I55ti). In ad d itio n , a n u m b e r o f do ctrinal differences w ere found in the cosmology it a I theories ol ihe v ario u s schools o f N ikaya B uddhism . T h e J a in a s p resen ted a view o f the un iverse that differed in m an y ways from B u d d h ism , H in d u theories a b o u t the un iv erse w ere d e v e h o p ed fu rth er in the Purdttas. T h e s e sources ean be c o m p a re d w ith those from the Buddhist tra d itio n .

T h e D e s tr u c tio n a n d F o r m a tio n o f th e W orJd Since ev e n the world is im p e rm a n e n t, it eventually m ust decay All the worlds in a threat chiliorosnq a re p ro du ced ai the sam e tim e Likewise, ihe d e stru c tio n o f alt ihe worids o f a great chiliocosm occurs at the sam e tim r, T h e destructiv e process begins w ith [he d ev clo p m en i o f m orally good m in ds in sentient beings. A fter a long lim e, the sentient b ein g s in [he hells a re ^El reb o rn in high er realms. T h e hells, em p tied o f all s^nliem heings. w ould serve n o p u rp o se. T h e d estructio n o f a w orld thus begins with the hells. A fter a tim e , anim als a n d th en m e n a re reb o rn in (he heavens a n d the e a rth is em p tied . T h e three calam ities (disasters b rou gh t ah inn by w ind, fire, a n d w ater) begin lo d estro y the w orld ih ro u g h storm s, tires, a n d floods. E ventu ally the w orld a n d h eav en s Up to a n d in clu din g B r a h m a 's h eav en are destroyed. T h e physical w orld is called the “ contA incr-w orld” b ecau se it c o n ­ tains sentient beings a n d d e p e n d s u p o n the collective k a r m a o f those sen tien t b ein g s for its m a in te n a n c e , if those sentient beings cease io exist in the co n tain er-w o rld , the karm ic forces that hold m a tte r tog eth er v an ish , a n d th e world decays intti atom s that float in space. T h e p eriod from l>eginning to e n d d u rin g w hich the w orld is destroyed is called ihe P eriod o f D estru ction ; it lasts iw enty eons (katpas). N tx( is a P erio d o f E m p tin e s s, in w h itb m a t te r floats in space as a to m s; itHtoo, lasts tw en ty eons Finally, the se m ie m b ein g s reb orn in the S eco nd M e d ita tio n H e a v e n a n d above beg in e x h a u stin g the good k a r m a th at led to their

re b irth s in h e a v e n . T h e i r k a r m a m atu res, causing tlit:ir reb irth in the First M e d ita tio n H eav en (B ra h m a -h e a v e n ) a n d below. T h is k a r m a causes a grca* wind that becom cs the circle o f w ind on w hich th e world will rest. T h e cun tainer-w orld is progressively form ed d u r in g the Period o f F o rm a tio n , w hich lasts tw enty eons. It is followed by a P eriod of M a in te n a n c e chat also lasts tw enty eons, d u rin g which th e w o iid is m ain tain ed - T h e n th e world decays again. T h e un iv erse c o n tin u e s in this fashion f o r e v e r re p e a tin g the stages o f fo rm a tio n 1 m a in te n a n c e , d estru ctio n , a n d em ptin ess.

Rebirth S en tien t beings repeat the cycles o f life a n d d e a th (samidra) w ithin the world described above. T h e following five destinies (geti) or births are o p en to a sentient being: d en izen o f hell (narafia, nir?ya)> h u n g ry ghost ( brein), anim al (tijyanc), h u m a n being (m anuka), o r god ('dtva). Needless to say, re b irth in hell w o u ld involve the inosi suffering a n d reb irth in h eav en w ould be the m ost pleasant. Sonic schools o f B uddhism recog­ nize a sixth destiny, the asuras o r d e m o n s w ho con stantly fight w ith the gods for control o f h eav en . A cco rdin g to the Makavibhdsd ( T 27:868b), the S arv S stivad in School recognized only five destinies a n d criticized the positions o f schools that m a in ta in e d th at there w ere six destinies as co n trad ictin g the sutras A cco rd in g to th e Kathdiatthu (bk. 8, sec. I), the T h e r a v a d a School also reco g n ized only five destinies. In his c o m m en t ta ry on the Kathnvafthu, B u d d h ag h o sa identified the school* th at recog­ nized six destinies as the A n d h ak as a n d th e U tta ra p a th a k a g , both of M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage. In the Ta-chih-lu fan ( T 25: J 35c, MahdprajndpSramitapadtia), the V atslp u triy a School is said to m a in ta in that th ere are six destinies. Because the Ih'thih-Ui fan also foflows the six-destiny docrrine, th e six-destiny do ctrin e is generally held to be the o rth o d o x p o s i­ tion in C h in a a n d J a p a n alth o u g h most o f N ikaya B u d d h ism ado p ted the fivc-destiny theory. S en tien t beings [nay be b o m in four different ways, Birds a n d reptiles are born from eggs, a n im a ls from wombs* insects from m o istu re, an d the gods ih ro u g h tra n sfo rm a tio n . A sentient b e in g ’s life cycle is divided into four stages: b irth , the tim e betw een b irth a n d d e a th , d e a th , a n d the tim e b etw een d e a th a n d the next b irth (antardbhaua). D u rin g th e period betw een d e a th a n d the n e* t birth, a b em g is said to exist as a spirit c o m ­ posed o f subtle types o f the five s k m d h a s (aggregates). It is called a g andharva a n d m u st w a n d e r a n d search for th e place o f its nexi b irth . T h e Sarvjistivadin School recognized the existence o f the antnrabbavn,

however, ihe m a jo rity o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m a rg u ed against the reco gn itio n o f a state betw een lives T h e entardbhnva is rejected in ihe Kathdvaithu (bk. 3, sec, 2). Tn his c o m m e n ta ry on the Kaihdvotifw, B u d d h a g h o s a slated th ai the SaipxnitTya a n d th e Pubbase* liya schools accepted th e existence o f th e gandharva. A cco rd in g to th r M ehdvibhdfd ( 7 ’ 27r35Gc)T the D isc rim in a to rs rejected ii- T h e M ah ifasakas a re also said io have rejected it. T h e Sm ayabludoparaanttAkra { T 2013) lists the M a h a s a n g h ik a , E k a v y a v a h a rik a , L o k o tia ra v a d in , an d K a u k u f i b as schools th at do not recognize gandfiarvas. In the Sdripu(rdbhidharmasdstra ( 7 ‘ 28:fi08a)n th e existence o f the aniarobhava is denied. In ihe Ivttwu\ddhis&strv (7 '3 i2 ;2 5 6 b -c ), a rg u m e n ts both fnr a n d against the d o ctrin e arc p resen ted . T h e statu s n f th e untardbhava a p p a re n tly {□spired considerable co n tro v ersy a m o n g the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­ d h ism T h e in stant w h en (he tutartibhava en ters the m o th e r's w o m b is called pniisaipdhi. It c o rresp o n d s to the third link, n am ely consciousness, in ihe Lwelve^link d o ctrin e o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . Five stages in the d e v e lo p m e n t o f the fetus in the m o th e r's w o m b (panea garbha-avasthdft) arc e n u m e ra te d ; kalaia (first week of d ev elo p m en t), arbuda (second week), peun (th ird week), gfiona {fourth week), a n d praidkhd (the (hirtyfour weeks e x te n d in g from th e fifth week until birth). Five stages of d ev elo p m en t after b irth (pawa jdia-avaiihdh) ace also e n u m e r a te d : infant or to d d le r (b irth to five y ears old), childh oo d (six to fourteen years), yo uth (fifteen lo tw enty*nine years), m a iu re a d u lth o o d (th irty to ihirtyn in c y ears), old age (above forty years until death). In ihis m a n n e r , cycles o f birth, life, d e a th , a n d antardbhava re p eat. N o b e g in n in g ol the cycles exists.

Rebirth and K a r i n a Interpreted through the T w e lv e Lin k s of Dependent Origination T h e fu n ction o f k a r m a in reb irth can be explained using the twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n . T h e firsi two links, ig no rance (avidyd) an d m en ial fo rm atio ns (swmkdra), relate Eiow ihe past actions in a p e r s o n ’s p revious lives alfect his present situ atio n . Ignorance concerns the defilem en ts th at a person h a d in the past (ptiTva-kUsa). M cn ta ) fo rm atio ns r e p ­ resent the k a r m a re su ltin g from ihe good a n d bad actions o f a person in ihe past (pirpa-kartm n) lhal d e te r m in e m a n y aspects o f his present life. T h e th ird link, consciousness (vijndnaX re p resen ts the consciousness that en ters a m o th e r ’s w o m b at the b e g in n in g o f a p erso n 's p resent life. T h e o fh er ag greg ates a rc also present in very subtle forms at this

m o m e n t, bul since consciousness is The: d o m in a n t aggregate* it is used to represent this stage in u p e r s o n ’s life. T h is m e th o d o f ex p lan atio n o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n in w hich the links a re classified a c c o rd in g to a tim e o r stage in a p e r s o n ’s life is callcd the dvaitfuka in terp retatio n In ihis type o f exegesis, the d o m in a n t aggregate d u r in g a p artic u la r stage is som etimes singled o u t for em p h asis. T h e fourth [ink, n a m e a n d form (immarvpa), co rrespo nd s to the fetus g ro w in g in the m o th e r's w o m b a n d the d ev elo p m en t o f ils body an d m in d . T h e com p letio n o f rhe fetu s’s sense o rg an s corresp on ds to the fifth Jink, the six sense o rg an s (fatfdyatana). T h e child from b irth until o n e o r two y e a rs o f age is e q u a te d wilh (he sixth link, con tact (spatsa) b etw een sense o rg an a n d object. T h e flense o rg a n s, objects, am i c o n ­ sciousness arc all p resen t, but the in fa n t Still can n o t p r o p e rly d is c r im i­ n ate b etw een suffering a n d pleasure. T h e si age ac w hich a child is able to differentiate b e tw e e n suffering an d p leasu re but does not yet have a n y sexual d tsire s c o rresp o n d s lo th e seventh link, sensation (vtdand). T h e e m erg en ce o f sexual lusi c o rresp o n d s io ihe eighth link, desire (IrsTid), S triv ing for fam e a n d fortune is re p re s e n te d by ihe n in th link, g ra sp in g (tsptiddna). A person thus a c c u m u la te s k a r m a that will b ear fruil in rhe future. T h is stage corresponds to the ten th link, b eco m in g (bhava). T h e links o f desire a n d g rasp ing in the presen t are sim ilar to the link ol ig n o ra n ce oi (he past, since aJI rcsti]| m the: form at tnn o f k arm a, i n a sim ilar way, (he link o f b e c o m in g in the p resen t is sim ilar to the link o r m e n ta l fo rm atio ns jn (he past, since bo th can be e q u a le d w ith k arm a. T h e th ird th ro u g h the te n th links are all explained as re fe rrin g to a p e r­ s o n 's p resent life. T h e five links from consciousness to sen satio n are called the five fruits o f rhe p resen t, which w ere caused by acrions o f the past. T h e three links o f desire, graspin g, a n d b eco m in g a re called the three present causes, w hich will b e a r fruit in rhe future. A p e rso n 's fu tu re b irth is d e te rm in e d by the three presen t causes. F u tu re births a re re p resen ted by (he eleventh link, b irth (jati)L T h u s , j o b ’ is sim ilar to consciousness at ihe m o m e n t o f co n c e p tio n in the present life, in o th er w ords tn the th ird link, consciousness. T h e result o f fu lure b irth is old ag e a n d d e a th (Jardmarana), the twelfth link. It c o rresp o n d s to the Jinks o f n a m e a n d form th ro u g h sen satio n in the p resen t life. W h e n the twelve links a re d istrib uted am o n g th ree lifetimes, tw o links co n cern past causes, five links present effects, th ree links p resent cau ses, a n d two links fu tu re effects. T h e cycle o f cause a n d effect is re p e a te d twice. C o n s e q u e n tly this ex p lan atio n is referred to as “ the two cycles o f causc a n d effect o v e r the three lim e p erio ds.1' Ig n o ran ce, d esire, a n d d in g i n g a re all defile m en is (kftia) T h e k a rm a

arising Iron] these defilejnents is represen ted by tht: lin k ; i)[ m enial form atio ns a n d becom ing. "I’h t p h e n o m e n a (vastu) a ris in g from k a rm a a r t rep resen ted by ihe re m a in in g links, from consciousness to sensation a n d b irth , ofd age, a n d death- T h u s p h e n o m e n a arise from k arm a. Liner, those sa m e p h e n o m e n a serve as die basts for additional k arm a. T h e tw elve links o f Im p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n th u s illustrate how existence c an be c h a ra c te riz e d a* endless cycles of defilem en t. k a r m a , a n d p h e­ n om ena. M o reo v er, since p h e n o m e n a a rc ch aracter tied by suffering, these cycles m ay also be c h aracterize d as defilem ent, k a rm a , a n d suffer­ ing. In this m a n n e r , the twelve links m ay be ex p lain ed as a n illustration o f k arm ic cause a n d effect. l‘h e above d escrip tio n has been called a n L'em bryological in te rp r e ta ­ t i o n ' by some m o d ern scholars because o f its e m p h asis on the physical d ev elo p m en t o f an indiv idu al. A lth o u g h this e x p la n a tio n probably d e p a r t e d ErOin the original lrtteill o f the teachin g o f t he twelve links, it eventually becam e very influential because it linked rebirth with D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . T h e S arv asltv ad in School stressed it (Abhidharmakosa, T 29:43a). 11 also ap p e a rs in T h e r a v a d a texts. B u d d h ag h o sa explained it alun g with a n u m b e r o f o th e r in te rp re ta tio n s of D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n ( Visuddhxjnagga, ch ap . 17, see. 2 8 4 ’ H a r v a rd O riental Series, vol. 41, p. 495).

Th e F o ur Interpretations of Dependent Origination S arv astiv ad in s used the twelve links o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n to explain reb irth a n d karm a. H o w e v c rh they did not ignore o th e r types of e x p lan atio n s. F o u r in te rp re ta tio n s arc discussed in the ChU-ihe iun (7 29:4$c; Abhidfiaryttakoiabhdsjit, p. 132, Jt. 24ff.): in sta n la n e o u s (ksdJtikd), prolonged (prdkar/tka)r serial (sambandhika), a n d a set o f stages (was* thika). A cco rd in g to the in te rp re ta tio n o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n as in stan tan eo u s, all twelve Jinks a re present in the five agg reg ates at the s a m e instan t. T h is ex p lan ation stresses the in te rd e p e n d e n c e a n d sim u l' t an eous existence of the twelve links. T h e second e x p la n a tio n , the in terp retatio n o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n o v e r a prolonged period o r tim e, co n cern s the causal relationships betw een dharma.^ which arise at different a n d so m etim es widely sep a­ ra te times. T h e third in te rp re ta tio n , serial, co n cern s the m a n n e r in which the twelve links in stantan eo usly arise and cease in co n tin u o u s scries. In the Iburth in te rp re ta tio n , D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n as a set of stages, each link is co n sid ered ro represent a stage in the processes o f reb irth a n d k a rm a .

T h e S i x C au ses (H e t u ) t Four C o n d itio n s ( P r a ty a y e ) , and F i v e Effects ( P h a fo ) tn th eir discussions o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n (pmiityastmutpdda), (he S a r v is t i v id i n s an aly zed causal ion into six causes* four conditions* an d five fruit* (» r c'ffcctsjr T h e ft »gr con [Jit ions a re said to hav e b een first p re a c h e d by ihe B u d d h a a n d lo have a p p e a r e d in th e Agamas, b u t arc nut found in the ex tan t versions o f the Agamas. A list o f te n condition* ap p e a rs in ihe Sdnputrdbhidbarrrmsdstra [ T 2 ft:679b-c), in w hich the Sarv astiv ad in four conditions a re included. T h e four co n d itio n s are also in clu ded in the list o f tw e n ty - four co nd ition s found in the T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma texi the P&iihoita (p. 1(1,, section on C o n d itio n a l relations), T h u s it ap p e a rs thai the SarvaNtivsidin do ctrin e o f the four con dition s p ro b ab ly arose out of the early studies o f co n d itio n s (pratyaya) con du cted by ihe schools o f Nikaya B uddhism . In the S arv astivadin tra d itio n , the four conditions are first m e n tio n e d in the VijnanakdyapadiiseistTQ ( T 26\ 547b) a n d later in the Mahduibhdfd ( T 1545) a n d the Abkidharmakosa ( 7 ’ 1558). Jn contrast* th e d o ctrin e o f sis root causes (htiu) a p p e a re d later an d w as discussed for (he first rime in ihe jndnaprasthdna ( 7’ 26:920b). C o n s e q u e m ty ihe six root causes a rc u n iq u e to the S a r v a s tiv id in School. T h e s e doctrines are ex p lain ed below in acco rd an ce with die Ahhidharma* kosa ( T 2 y :S0a). T h e Sat vaetivadins explained existence by classifying it into seventyfive dhafTMtt, Clause a n d efTecl w ere discussed m ainly in term s n f |h<- sev­ enty-! wo conditioned dharmas that function as causes. T h u s , the Sarvastivadins considered D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n itself to be co n d itio n ed (in contrast to so m e o th e r schools in which it was co n sid ered to be an u n c o n d itio n e d dhamm). T h e causal characteristics o f dhannas have been c o m p a re d to w a te r b e h in d a d a m T h e w ater has the potential to p ro d u ce electricity as it flows over the d a m , b u t oncc it flows o v e r the d a m it loses that potential, fn ihe sa m e w ay existenis (dhamuts) will have different p o ten tials d e p e n d in g u p o n their position. For the Sarvastivad in s, ro o t cau ses descrilie the potential o r p o w er o fd h a r m a inot the rela­ tions betw een dhatmas. T h e S arv astivadtn s classified the causai potential of dharmas (which is different fro m ihe intrinsic n a tu re of dharmas) inm six categories: cau sc th at serves as the reaso n o f being (kdrartaheiti), s im u lta n e o u s cau se (sahabhuhttu), h o m o g en eo u s cause (sabhdgahetu), Conco m itant causc (satTtprayuklakahtlu), universal cause (sarvatregaiutti), an d cause o f fruition (vipdkahftu), I he first category, kdranahttu (cause as the reaso n o f b ein g), refers to cause in its b ro ad est sense. F o r a n y single dharma, all o th e r dharmw serve

as kdrsnahtitL In o th er w ords, all o th e r dharmas assist in [he p ro d u ctio n o f a n y giveji dharma. Even if th ey do not function tn a posiiive way, they a r e m id tn help b ecau se ihey du noi p rev en t iht: arisin g n f the dharma in q u e s tio n ; this tyjie o f n w t c a u ic is called ft pow erless fidranahflu. Even u n c o n d iiio n e d dfiarm&i have tikis characteristic, since they do nm pre^ veni the arisin g o f c o n d itio n e d dharmas. Dharmas that have the positive potential to p rod uce o th er dharmas are said ro be tJe m p n w e r e d ” karanahetu. T h e second category. sahabhtihetu (sim u ltan eou s cause), refers to dhar­ mas th at simultaneously serve as ihe cause and effect o f each other, T h e y a re in te rd e p e n d e n t F o r e x a m p le , (he four elem ents (e a rth , wilier, fire, anti w ind) m u st all arise s im u lta n e o u sly in a m olecule. If o n e is miss^ ing, the oihers can noi arise. T h u s they serve as auxiliary causes for each nrher. T w o ex p la n a tio n s o f sim ultan eo us cause w ere a d v an ced in w hich ihe concept was ex p lain ed by using the m odel ol a trip o d . In ihe first e x p la n a tio n , ihe term refers to the relation ship a m o n g rhe three legs. Each leg is a s im u lta n e o u s cause for t h t o th er tw o ( C h . chit-yuyin hu-i-kttd). A ccording to the sccond e x p la n a tio n , rhe th ree legs a rc called sim u lta n e o u s causes because they co o p erate in s u p p o r t­ ing som ethin g sep arate from themselves, ihe effeCI (C h. chu-yii-yin i-kuo). T h e ih ird category* sabhdgahetn (h o m o g e n eo u s c a u s e ^ refers lo the manner in w hich a good cau se leads ro a good result o r a b a d cause leads to a bad result. Ln this case, dharmas o f a p artic u la r type w ould be the cau se for the arising ol o ih e r dharmas of that sam e type A h o m o g en eo u s cau se gives rise to a c o n c o rd a n t effect (nisyanda-phaia). T h e fourth category, wrftfitayuitofcakttu (co n co m ita n t cause), is deseripiive o f the c o n co m itan t rclaiionship betw een the m in d (eitta) find m en tal faculties (caitasika). It is not used to describe th e relationship b etw een dharmas n f m at re r o r m are rial objects C o n c o m ita n c e refers to five ways in which the m in d a n d m en tal faculties to r r e s p o n d ; they d ep en d on the sam e sense o rg a n s, they have the sam e sense o b je c l, th ey f a t e ihe sa m e aspect o f th at object, ihcy function at (he sam e tim e , a n d th ey h a rm o n io u s ly act to p ro d u ce One type o f tho ught (ihdl is, they have th e s a m e essence), Because d ie co n co m itan t cause descril>es (he s im u l­ t a n e o u s a n d m u tu a l relation ship betw een the m in d a n d m ental fu n c­ tions, it is considered to be a special in stan ce o f cause as ihe reason of being (kdranahetu). T h e fifth category, sawatragahetu (universal causc), is descriptive o f a Special instance o f h o m o g e n e o u s cause. In lilts case, a particularly pow ­ erful type ol defilement, universal prOchvily (sarL'atrngdnus'aya), in flu ­ ences the m in d a n d the m enial defilem ents in its own sp h ere (bhumi),

in clu din g all ihe defilem ents, regardless o f w hich o f the F o u r Noble T r u th s o r m ed itatio n mil'll! be used to elim in a te them . U niversal causes th u s taint both th e m in d a n d m ental faculties. Eleven Types oi' such defilem ents exist. T h e iarvatragahftu concerns causes a n d effects that arise at different times. T h e sixth category, vipdkahetu (causc o f fruitio n), refers to thtf ease in w hich cause a n d effect are o f different types F o r ex am p le, a good cause m a y p ro d u c e a p le a sa n t cffeei, A b ad cause m a y p ro d u cc suffering or u n h a p p in e s s. T h u s a good o r b a d fruit ion a I cause* leads to a fruit o f re­ trib u tio n (vipaiephala) th at is p leasant, u n p le a s a n t, o r neutraJL 'The cau se o f fruition differs from the h o m o g en eo u s cause (sabhdgahcfu), in which the cau se a n d effeci a re similar. T h r o u g h these tw o categories of cause, the m oral law o f cause a n d effect is exp lained. F o r e x a m p le h a good dharma w ould have the p o te n tia l to give rise to a n o th e r gnt>d dharma a n d thus act as a h o m o g en eo u s cau se o r to give rise to p leasu re a n d thus ac t as rt can se oI' fru i t io n . I n i he 1at ter ease t ptea su i t (o r su (Teri n g) i 5 noi c o n sidered to be good (or b a d ) a n d thus the cause is said to differ from th e effect. Five effects o r fruits (phaia) relating to the six causes are describ ed : fruit o f retribution1(vipakaphaia), dom inant effect (adhipatiphala), c o n c o r ­ d a n t e ffec t ( m syandaphafa) r an rh ropO mo rph ic cffec I (puTusabaTQphafa), a n d sep arativ e effect (visamyogaphala). T h e fruir o f re trib u tio n is the result o f the cau se of re trib u tio n . I he d o m in a n t effect is ihe result o f the aggregate o f causes as reasons o f being (kdranahetu). H o m o g e n e o u s (sabhasttifieti1) arid universal causes (sareairagahHu) both result in concord an l effects (nisyandnphah) In o th e r words, th e cau.se a n d efiTcci a re sim ­ ilar. S im u lta n e o u s (sahabhdhetu) an d co n co m itan t causes (samprajuktakahttu) both result m a n th ro p o m o rp h ic effects (ptiTUiakdraphaiti), T h e te rm “ptifbfttfctra'* literally m e a n s " h u m a n activity," but in this case, it is in terp reted as referring (o the way in which dfiartnm can sim u ltan eo u sly be bolh cau ses a n d effects o f each other. H ow ev er, if the te rm purupa* karaphala is in te rp re te d literally as the "effects of h u m a n activity,11 then d o m in a n t a n d co n co rd an t effects con id also be said to be varieties o f purusakdraphaia. T h e above four effects can be m a lc h e d up wilh all o f the six causes. H o w ev er; ihe Sarvastivadins recognized a fifth effect, a sep arativ e effect ( viicmyvgapKal*). T h is tffcci is identified w ith e n lig h te n m e n t, th at is, with cessation th ro u g h analysis (pratisartkhyd ntradha) a n d nirvana It is realized th ro u g h religious practice. However* since praiisarikhyd-nirodha is an n ncondii iorted dhanna, it can n o t be p ro d u ced by c o n d itio n e d dharrrtas. Yet because nirvana is realized th ro u g h practice, pratiiankhyd-nirodha is catego rized as an effect w ithout a cause. R eligio ns p ra c tic e could be

classified as a cau se in (he sense oT fu n ctio n in g as a reaso n for he m g (kdranahetu), b u t ihe S arv astiv ad in s did not recognize ihe possibility o f a e o n d itin n e d dharma serving as the cavtse o f an u n c o n d itio n e d dhanva C o nsequ ently, separativ e effect was said to have no cause, Ln ad d itio n to the li£l of iix types Elf caustr, the S a r v is liv a d in s bjid a n o th e r list o f five aspects of cause, w hich described ihe relatio n sh ip b etw een the four elem en ts a n d secondary m a tte r (bhmtfHta). T h e ele­ m e n ts were said to be ihe causes o f ihe origin, tra n sfo rm a tio n , su p p o rt h d u r a tio n , a n d d ev elo p m en t o f bhautika m a tte r. In the p reviously dis* cussed System o f six causes, these five aspects w ould all be classified u n d e r the categ ory o f cau se as a reason for bein g (kdrajtahtiu). T h e S arv astiv ad in s som etim e* a d d e d four m u re effects to the five dis^ cussed earlier, m ak in g a total o f nine. T h e four ad d itio n al effects are cd tT t d e p e n d in g on u h a s t, as trees d ep en d on the earth (pratisthdphala), effect arisin g from ihe religious practices o f a w orldling (pTayvgaphala), el feet arisin g fro m the h a r m o n io u s activity o f a n u m b e r o f cause*: (sdmagriph&ld); a n d effect arisin g from m e d ita tio n while on the p ath for nobles (bhdiandphala). T h e four conditions (pr&tyaya) are causal co nd itio n (httupratyayn), im m ed iately preced ing co nd ition (sanuinantarapratyaya), co nd itio n o f the t ibse rv ed obj ec t (dfa mb a napraiyaya), an d p re d o m in a n t Condition (adhipatipralyaya). 'I he category o f causal co nd ition en co m passes al! o f the six cau ses except cause as a reaso n o f being. Im m ed iately p reced in g c o n ­ d itio n s refer only to the m in d an d m e n ta l functions, noi to m a te ­ rial things. In the s tream o f co ntin ually arising dharmas of m in d an d m e n ta l functions* the dhartnas o f o n e instan t m u st cease before ihe dhar* mas o f the next m o m e n t can arise. O n ly after a ‘‘p la c e ” exists for these dhartnai can they ap p e a r. T h u s the Hhtinna.\ o f the precedin g instant are called the
Figure 4. Relationships among the Six Causes* Four Conditions, a n d F iv e E ffects Four Condition*

Si* Causes

Five Effect!

Predominant

Reason for being

Dominant

Sim ultaneous---Anthropom 0 rph ic Concomitant ---Causal-

Homogeneous Concordant

U niv ersal-----Retributive Immediately preceding

Retributive Separative

Observed object

!. 2r 3r 4. 5. 6.

7. 8. 9. 10.

CauaaJ (htiu-pTatyaya) P ro x im o y (anantnTO'pTatyaya) O bjcct o f cognition (dlambana-pmlyaya) D e p e n d e n c e (nis'rttya-pratyaya) K a rm ic (karma-pratyayA) R e tr ib u tio n o r fruition (vipdko.-pratyaya) C o n a s r e n c c (mhajata ■pratyaya) D ifferentiation (anyonya-pratyaya) R ep e titio n (ds/vana-pratyaya) P re d o m in a n c e (adhipati -pratyaya)

In the T h e r a v a d a abhidhamma text Patthdna (p. if,, C o n d itio n a l rela­ tions), the following tw en ty -fo u r types o f conditions are e n u m e r a te d . h 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

C au se (hriu) O bject (drammana) PredominEmce^WfoprfiV) P ro x im ity (anartiara) C o n tig u ity (samananiara) C o n a s c c n c c (.sohajaia) 7. M u tu a lity (anriamarna) 8. D e p e n d e n c e (nissaya)

9. 10. 11. 12 . 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

S jro n g d e p e n d e n c e ( up&fm$aye) P ren ascen ce (purqala) P o stn asccnce (pacchdjdta) R ep e t it ion (dsnana) K a r m a (kamma) R e trib u tio n (vipdka) N u tr im e n t (dhdra) F aculty (indriya) M e d ita tio n (jhdna) P a th (magga) A ssociation (sampayutta) Dissociation (vippayutta) P resence (atthi) A b s c n c c (natthi) D is a p p e a ra n c e (vigata) N o n d is a p p e a ra n c e (avigata)

T h e lists o f four, te n 1 a n d tw enty^four types o f co n d itio n s a n d th r list of six types o f causes have m a n y elem ents in c o m m o n . In conclusion, in o r d e r to use ihe twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a ­ tion to ex p tain the circu m stan ces o f re b irth , the schools o f N ikaya B u d ­ d h is m devised an e x p la n a tio n th at d istrib u te d the twelve links over th e past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re in tw o cyclcs o f cau se a n d effect. Tn ad ditio n, they analyzed the various con ditio n s that m ig h t affect D e p e n d e n t O rigin a tio n a n d com piled lists like those abo v e. But they m ay hav e becom e so engrossed in analysis ih at they lost sighi o f the overall significance nf rhe d o ctrin e o F D c p e n d c n t O rig in a tio n .

C H A P T E R 12

Karma and Avijnapti-rupa

D h a r tn a s

and K a r m a

T o a l a k c e ExrtM T , abhtdharma th o u g h t is a sy stem atizatio n o f the d o c­ trine o f k a r m a (S. karman; P. kam m a)J Since B u d d h is m does not recognize the existence oE a creato r gud, B uddhist th ink ers often em p lo y (he d o c trin e o f k a r m a to explain th e creation o f the w orld. H o w ev er, it sh o u ld be no ted that dfmrrrta, not k a rm a , is the m ost basic con cep t in B u dd hism . T h e B u d d h a (the enligh ten ed one) a tta in e d e n lig h ten m en t by u n d e r s ta n d in g dharmas, T h e svorld And its in h a b ita n ts a re com posed o! dharmas. M o reo v er, iince individual existences can be explained by referring to dharmas, people a re said to have no real a n d su bstantiv e identity a p a rt from dharmas. C onsequently, B uddhists advocate a no* Self (andtTTuw) do ctrin e . O n c e a person has u n d ersto o d dHoma theory, the view th at he is a su b stan tiv e entity sep arate from o th e r existences vanishes. T h e w orld of dharmas is a world o f caustU con nections w h ew ev ery th in g is in ter related. T h e self is only a provisionally reco g n ized , co nstan tly c h a n g in g entity, d e p e n d e n t u p o n o t h e r trxistencCs. Since the world is co m po sed o f dharmas, ev en gods a re co m po sed of dharmas. C o n s e q u e n tly B u d d h is m has no place for a c r e a to r god who tra n scen d s dharmas. A lthough all existence is com po sed o f dharmas, the o rd in a ry p erso n (prtha^jana) m istakenly clings to the view th a t he is a n in d e p e n d e n t, su b stan tiv e entity. H e believes that he is sep arate from others a n d bases his actions on th at w ro n g view. H e grows attach ed to those things that he perceives as his ow n a n d develops rivalries with o th er people. A rg u m e n ts arise as he bccom es p ro u d o f him self a n d jeai-

o u s o f others. H e covets m o re a n d m ore m aterial things. T h e se defilem c n t i (klasa) arc all based u p o n a fu n d a m e n ta l ig n o ra n c e (moha) o f dfiar ma.s a n d causation . A lth o u g h a p erso n does not have a p e r m a n e n t a n d real Self, he still clings to th e id ea o f a Self, T h e o r d in a ry p e rso n 's actions arc profoundly influenced by this m iscon ceptio n. A lthough no Self actually exists, the psychological a ttitu d e s b ased on clinging to the id ea o f a Self are real T h e ft a n d m u r d e r are c o m m itte d bccause o f such attitu d es. If a person co m m its m u rd e r, h e m ay [hen fear retaliatio n o r p u n is h m e n t, a n d his psychological attitu d es such a i fear an d guilt will also be real T h u s , the psychological states based on the concept o f a Self, such as cov eting things, fearing retaliation, o r feeling guilty, all b r in g abo ut results that a rc s o m eh o w a p p r o p ria te to those attitud es. E ven tho ug h no real Self exists, th e relatio nsh ip b etw een actions a n d th eir co n seq u en ces Ei established as if th ere w ere a Self. T h e w orld o f dharmas is tra n sfo rm e d into a w orld o f k a rm a . F ro m the p o in t o f view o f absolute tr u th no Self exists, yet a world g o v ern ed by k arm ic cause a n d effect b ased on m iscon ception s about such Selves is established. W ith e n lig h te n m e n t, how ever, th at world vanishes. C o nseq u ently, the D anM intikas a rg u e d thai even the k a rm a th at w ould p lunge o n e into d eepest hell cnuld be tra n sfo rm e d . In o th e r w ords, the k arm ic consequences o f even th e m ost h ein ou s acts, such as p atricid e o r m atricid e, cou ld be obviated. Such a belieT was based on the u n d e rs ta n d in g th at k a r m a was essentially non su b stan tial. H o w ever, the o rd in a ry person could not com pletely d en y the effects o f k a r m a ju st as he could n o t readily elim in a te his ten d e n c y to cling to th e idea o f a Self even th o u g h he tried to do so. F or the o r d in a ry person, a denial of k a r m a w o u ld b e t a n t a m o u n t to m hiliS m .

The Three Types of Action T he original m eaning o f " k a rm a M is "actio n .” In the Mahavibhtijd ( T 27 :58 7 b ), three definitions o f karm a are distinguished. T h e first is “ actio n ,” k arm a in its broadest sense. T h e second m eaning is “ ri|uai.h' In clu d ed in this u sag e are the ad m in istrativ e p ro ced u res o f the B uddhist order. If a p a r t o f a n ad m in istra tiv e p r o c e d u re is o m itte d o r if the p ro p er o rd er is not followed, an ad m in istra tiv e action o r ritual is r e n ­ d e re d invalid. Since rituals a n d ad m in istra tiv e action a re particularly im p o rta n t types o f actions, they a re chosen for special tre a tm e n t in B u d ­ dhist tho ug ht. East A sian B u dd hist texts disting uish b etw een these two uses o f the term k a r m a by using different c h a racters to write them even

th ou gh the original Sanskrit te rm in both cases is ihe sam e. K a r m a as ritu al action is transliterated into C h in ese as chieh-rttit a n d read in J a p a ­ nese as either fcatsuma o r kanma. T h e C h in ese ch aracter yeh (Ja p a n e s e read in g go) is used lo refer to k a r m a in its b ro a d e r sense as action. T h e third m e a n in g concerns the results o f actions. G ood a n d b ad actions en tail results o r fruits. In this case k a r m a refers to those fruits. A force lhal c an n o t be jjerccived rem ain s after a good o r bad action has been com p leted, T h a t force is also called k a rm a . F o r ex am p le, the w ords o f ev en the m ost solem n pru m ise Vanish after an m stan t. W h en a person is killed, the act o f killing quickly ends. A lth o u g h v ario u s pieces ol evidence o f the killing m ay re m a in , th at evidence is different from the act ii-self A nd the evidence will also vanish eventually. Y n ev e n after ihe action has e n d e d , a force that can n o t h e perceived rem ain s. A lth o u g h the m o m e n t it takes to m ak e a prom ise quickly passes, a p erson m ay still feel responsible for (UI filling that prom ise even after m a n y years h av e passed A lter a person has been killed, the guilt o r responsibility for rhe d e a th m a y follow ihe killer for years. T h u s , alth o u g h an action is quickly c o m p le te d , (he force o f th at action c o n tin u es. In a sim ilar way, actions m ay have Iong-ierm legal or eco n o m ic eon sequences, bul for B u d dh ists it is the m o ral force o f the action th at is callcd k arm a. B u d ­ d hists were p articu larly in terested in the f u rth e r analysis o f this type o f k a rm a .

T h e Origins of the Theory of K arm a T h e theo ry [hat good a n d b a d actions affect a p erson in the fu tu re a p p e a r s in I he early Upani'jq ^ . 10 the lirhadaTaneater f spanifad (111 . 2 .13), a m a n is said to “ b eco m e a good m an th ro u g h good action a n d a b ad m an th ro u g h b a d a c tio n .Sl In th e Chdtuiogya Upaniiad (V .10.7) a p erson is said to be reb o rn th ro u g h a good w om b th ro u gh gotid co n d u ct (tarana) a n d a b a d w o m b th ro u g h b a d co n d u ct. Both o f these s ta te m e n ts are r e p ­ resent alive o f theories th at accept th e k arm ic effects o f actions. H o w ­ ever, theories ol k a r m a in In d ia were still in a state o f flux d u rin g the perifid w h en th e B u d d h a a p p e a re d , a n d m a n y o th er ex p lan aiio n s of k a r m a w ere being a d v an ced , A variety o f theories o f k a r m a is fo u n d in the Agamas. I he B u d d h a is said to have been a p ro p o n e n t o f k a rm a . A cco rd in g to th e Angatiarm Nikaya (vol. i h p. 267), “ T h e B u d d h a is an advocate o f k a r m a (kammvadin), an advocate o f rhe position that actions have effects (kiriyai'drfin), acid an advocate o f concerted action (vinyavddm )." T h e ack n o w led g ­ m ent o f k a r m a ts directly related to spiritual en d eav o r, sincc reEigious

e n d e a v o r is usually based on th e recognition o f free will. T h e view that a p erso n receives the fru iii o f fait actions is possible only if he has a free w ijr Beliefs that m a n s destiny is d e te rm in e d by ihe godjt o r by fan* o r if, a m a tte r o f chance leave no ro om for free will A person r a n n o t he hcM responsible: for his actions acco rd in g to such theories. If k a r m a is in te rp re te d in a very m ech an icat m a n n e r. h r too, ean be seen Lis a fatalistic leaching . Fatalistic in terp retatio n s o f k a r m a were ad v o cated by a n u m b e r o f non Huddhist g ro u p s B u d d h ists, by interp r e tin g k a r m a th ro u g h ihe teaching o f i> cpendeni O r ig in a tio n , af­ firmed free will a n d the value o f religious practice. If the S e lf is con sid ­ e r e d to be a p e r m a n e n t a n d sub stan tial entity, then it c an n o t ch an g e a n d c an n o t be a flee ted by the fruits ol a p erso n 's actions, if the causal relations lh ai affect a person a re not ackn ow led ged, then the causal laws g o v e rn in g k a r m a also c a n n o t be rcco g n iied . C o n seq u en tly , B uddhists applied rhe M iddle W ay b etw een ann ih ilation ist a n d eiernalist positions a n d th eir teachings co n cern in g D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n to k a r m a an d I h e re b y refuted fatalistic theories of karm a. D u r in g the tim e o f th e ttu d d h a , most o f rhe Six H eretical T eachers d en ied die efficacy o f k arm a. A lth o u g h t h e j a i n a tcachcr M a h a v ira rec­ ognized the efficacy o f k a r m a , he e m p h a s is e d its resulls by focusing on the three p u n is h m e n ts (danda) for physical, v erbal, a n d m e n ta l bad actions. In c o n tra st, the B u d d h a em p h asiz ed the m otive b e h in d an action in his theory o f k a rin a . In stead of ihe three p u n ish m e n ts , he discussed the three types o f k a r m a (physical^ v erbal, a n d m e n ta l) an d em ph asized m e n ta l k a r m a in p articular. A larg e n u m b e r o f teach ing s c o n c e rn in g k a r m a is found in th e Agamas. M a n y o f these stress the incv* it ab le rep ercu ssio n s o f a p e rso n 's actions, as is illustrated by the follow­ ing passage from the Fa-chii chin# [ T 4:Ti65a, Dharmapada): " T h e r e is n o p lare w here o n e can floe from h a d k a r m a " ' O n ly a few passages co n cern in g k a r m a a re fo u n d in the Suttampdta, b u t ihe following is significant for its use o f the te rm “vipdka ". " T h e wise whet perceive d e p e n d e n t o rig in atio n correctly u n d e r s ta n d action a n d its differently m a tu rin g (vipSk&) fru it" (v 653). T h e term ^tfipSka** m ay be tra n sla te d “ fru itio n a!" o r " m a t u r in g ." H ow ever, since the term has ihe prefix m e a n in g ^d ifferen t,” it cam e to m e a n "differen tly m a t u r i n g a n d was th u s tra n sla te d i-shu in C h in ese W h ile k arm a (the actio n o r cause) is good o r b a d , its result ib- pleasure or suffering. T h e results o f k a r m a a re n e u tr a l in the sense th at they are n eith er good nor badn T h e results o f k a r m a a re thus said to m a t u r e in a w ay lh ai m akes cheni q ualitatively different from their k arm ic causes. L a te r, d u rin g ihe period w h en abhidharnm treatises w ere bein g com piled h ihe relationship b etw een good anti bad causcs a n d m orally neutral results w as codified

th ro u g h rules c o n cern in g “ differently m a tu r in g cause a n d effect” (viptika-hetu, vipdka-phata). T h e te rm vipdka is found frequ en tly in the Agamas. 1ci a d d itio n , c^riy in B u d d h ism good k a r m a was said to b rin g a good result a n d b a d k arm a to b rin g a b a d resist Irt abhidharma r realises this relation ship was described as h o m o g en eo u s cause (labhaga-htlu) an d co n e o rd a m effect ( nifpatuia-phafo). Early te s ts also stated th at good actions led to fortune white bad actions led to m isfortune. Pleasure and suffering a rc the psychological eq uivalen t o f fortun e a n d m isfn rtu n r Terrns such as “ m erito rio u s (punya) k a r m a ” a n d ‘’m e r it” a p p e a r f re ­ q u en tly in the Agamas. T h e term s “ white k a r m a ” (sukiakarmarj) an d “ black knrm a*h(ktfQaiarmen) w ere som etim es used in th e Agamas to refer to good a n d b ad actions.

T h e Nature of K a r m a T h e r a v a d a teach ing s on k a r m a a re o rg an ized and ex p lain ed in Rudd h a g h o s a ’s Atthasalini (chap . 3, IE. 9 2 -1 3 6 ). S arv astiv ad in theories o f k a r m a are p re se n te d in detail m the c h a p te r on k a r m a o f the Abhtdharmakosa. In B u d d h is m , actions a rc generally divided into ihree categories: physical, verbal, a n d m e n ta l. O f these th re e , m en tal actions consist solely o f m ental con stituen ts. In c o n t r a s t physical a n d verbal aciions consist o f a m ix tu re o f m ental con stitu ents, i n c h as rhe m otiv e a n d d e c i­ sion to do so m eth in g, a n d v erb al o r physical c o n s titu e n ts , .such as call­ ing out wilh the voice o r m o v e m e n ts of the body. Because bo th physical an d m ental co nstitu en ts play roles in k a rm a , abhidharma scholars d ev o ted co n sid e rab le energy to d e te r m in in g w h eth er th e essential n a tu r e o f k a r m a was m ental o r physical. A c c o rd in g to the T h e r a v a d a School, the essence o f all three lypes o f action is volition (aland). Cetana is ex p lain ed as the pow er to create a type o f consciousness. T h e T h e r a v a d a School thus stresses rhe m ental aspect o f action. T h e S a u tra n tik a School also m a in ta in e d th at volition was the essence of k a r m a HA ctio n s w ere co n sidered to be the fun ctio nin g o f volition To d e m o n s tr a te their relation to volition, actions w ere an aly zed into three stages: co n sid e ratio n o f the a p p ro p riaten ess o f the action (C h. shrn-lii jjfr)., arrival at a decision {Ch. chuth-iing j*tr)h a n d directio n o f the body o r m o u th to perform th e action {Ch. tung-ja shtng-ssu)* Physical ancf verbal actions w ere m an ife sted in the last stage. frt the T h e r a v a d a S chool, the aciions o f the b o d y a re called kdyavinnati

(physical expressions) a n d fall u n d e r the categ ory o f physical k a r m a , In o th e r w ords, physical actions a rc expressions o f (he volition [hat is [ho CSSriltc o f k l r m a . Ill a sim ilar niilnm'r, milcclLnn^ a n d ch an g es o f ihe voice a rc tailed verbal expressions. Volition is ihus expressed throu gh vcrbaJ acts such as c u is in e o r indistinct p rattlin g . T h e essence o f any action is volition. Physical anti verbal actions have no good o r bad qualities in a n d o f them selves. T h e m oral q u ality o f actions is d e te r ­ m in ed by rhe m in d th ro u g h intention. [n c o n tra st, the S arv astiv ad in s did not c o n sid e r the essence o f p h y si­ cal a n d verbaE k a r m a Id be volitinn. W ith o u t bodily actions and speech, physical a n d verbal k a r m a can n o t exist. C on sequ en tly , th e essence of yhysicaJ k a r m a is said to be th e co n fig u ratio n o f the body (samsthana) at the instan t w h en a physical act is co m pleted . In a sim ilar m a n n e r , the essence o f verbal k a r m a is the last sound w h en a verbal act, such us lying o r sw earing, is com pleied A ccording to a classification found in the A gam ast k a r m a could be div ided into !wu m a jo r categories: k a r m a lim ited (O m ental processes (ceianti tarffraj a n d k arm a in which the m e n ­ tal processes a re ex pressed th ro u g h physical o r verbal actions (cetqyrtua karma), S arv asliv ad in s a rg u e d th at physical a n d verbal k a r m a should be classified in the la tte r categ ory and not the former.

M a n ife ste d and U nn ianifested A c t iv i t y As was explained earlier, actions can be divided into tw o categories: those thal can be perceived o r h e a rd an d those th at can n o t be pcrceived. T h e s e tw o categories are called m an ifested activity (vijriapti'karma*) an d u n m a n i Jested activity (atynapli-karrnan) by S arv asiiv ad in thinkers. S in ce m ental activity is nev er m anifested ou tsid e o n e 's m in d , these c a t­ egories are not ap p lied to m e n ta l activity. But they are ap p lied to physi­ cal a n d verbal actions. Physical actions can be p erceived by the eye an d verbal actions Ejy the ear. T h e s e aspects o f m a n 's actions are c o n s e ­ q u en tly called m an ife sted actiona. Such actions e n d m a n in stan t, yet they still retain the potency to produce a karm ic effect. Since th at p o te n ­ tial can n o t b e perceived, U is called u n m an ife sted activity. M anifesled activities hav e a physical existence in th e sense th at they can be p e r­ ceived by th e eyes o r ears, but such m anifested activity can th un p ro d u ce u n m an ife sted (avijnapli) k arm a. Because im m a n ife sle d k a rm a has a physical asp ect, often o rig in atin g in m anifested k a rm a , it is called amjftepti-rupo ( u n m anifested m a tte r) Avijnapii-karman can he tEiuught of as m an ife sted action that has ended but has p ro d u ced a force o r p o te n ­ tial that c o n iin u e s to exist. W h e n con dition s a re su itab le, that potential

will p ro d u ce an effect, Avijnapti-karman thus serves as an in te rm e d ia ry betw een causc a n d effcct. T h e S arv astiv ad in s a rg u e d th a t avijnapU-karman has a physical exis­ tence. Since it c a n n o t be seen, th ey did not classify it as a visual object, but as a m ental object, one th at was noi co m p osed o f ato m s. T h e til h e r schools o f N ikaya B ud d h ism d isagreed w ith the S arv astiv ad in position. T h e S a u t r l n t i k a j , m a in ta in in g that the csscnce o f physical, v rrh a l, a n d m ental k a r m a was volition h d id not recognize the distinction b etw een m anifested a n d u n m a n ile s te d k a rm a . H o w ev er, since the m e n ­ tal faculty o f volition lasted o n ly an in s ta n t, they had to recognise that s o m e in te rm e d ia ry betw een an aciton a n d its k a rm ic resuli m u st exiat. F o r the S au tra n l ikas, ihe seeds (f>t;a) o f v olihon serve this function. Seeds rise a n d cease in a co n tin u o u s si ream (samtati) thai grad ually c h an g es (pari/tdma) u n til at last the seeds hav e suMicienl pow er to p ro d u c e a result (visesa). T h is ty p e o f in te rm e d ia ry force b etw een an action a n d its karm ic result was called “ a c c u m u la tio n 1’ (upaaiyu) by the M ah asarig h ik as a n d " in d e s tru c tib le ” (aviprartasa) by the S am m atiy as. T h e ie rm “aptjriapti,“ tra n sla te d into C h in ese in several ways, is also discussed tn the Ch'tng-shifo lun { T 32:290b, Thftoasiddhifastra?) a n d the She-lt-fu a -p yi-£*an lun ( 7 ’ 2B:526c, 5 8 l a t tfariputrdbfiidharmasasira?). T h e schools o f N ikaya H uddhism generally recognized some im perceptible force that served as a n in te rm e d ia ry betw een karm ic cause a n d effectt alth o u g h the n am e (hey gav e ihis force varied.

T h e Essence o f the P recep ts: A Sp e cial T y p e o f U n m a n ife ste d A c t iv ity O n e o f the m a jo r reasons for the S arv astiv ad in insistence th at u n m a n i ­ fested m a tte r existed was th eir interest in a type o f atttjnapit-rupa called (he <4essen re o f the p r e c e p ts ." 3 T h e essence n f rhe p recepts resem bles u n m a n ife ite d activity o r k a r m a as the force th at jo in s actions w ith their k arm ic results, b u t is different io certain ways. T hese differences can p ro b ab ly be a ttrib u ted to d evelopm ents w ithin S arv astivadin doctrine. S arv astiv ad in thin k ers a rg u e d that when a p erson is o rd a in e d with the precepts* he is physically en d o w ed w ith a force th at helps him refrain from d o in g w rong. T h is po w er is called the “ csscnce o f the p r e ­ cepts. "f F o r ex am p le, w hen a laym an accepts the five lay precepts, he vows not to take life. T h is vow helps h im reg ulate his aciions after the o rd in a tio n a n d leads him to refrain from w ro n g d o in g th at m ight result in killing. In the sam e m a n n e r, a person w ho vows not to d rin k alcoholic b everag es m ay be able to refrain from p a rta k in g o f them even Ih o u g h h r

w a n ts to d rin k th e m Such resolve is d u e to th e p o w er of his vow. T h is p o w er that discourages w ro n g d o in g is instilled w ithin a person at rhe tim e o f his o rd in a tio n . It c o m id u e s to exist in a physical sense even w h en ihe persons forgets a b o u t the p recep ts, is asleep, o r is th in k in g a b o u t w ro n g d o in g . H ow ever, if a p erso n does not p erfo rm all ihe p ro p e r actions o f the c e re m o n y o r if he neglects to recite som e o f ihe w o rds o f his vows at his o r d in a tio n , th en the essence o f the precepts is not instilled in him . The essence c f the precepts Lhui th ought o f Sis a p o w er created by physical actions but invisible to the eye. If is therefore classified as avijnapU-rupa ( u n m a n if e i t e d m a tte r). T h e essence o f th e precepts provided a con cep t th a t w as used to etas sify B ud dh ist ad h eren ls. A B u d d h ist la y m a n o r w o m a n was d istim g ulsh ed from a n o n -R u d d hist by his o r h e r possession o f the essencc o f the five lay precepts. A m o n k w o uld have a different type o f essence of the precepts, w hich d istin gu ish ed him from a B ud dh ist la y m a n . Etms a p erso n was not a m o n k sim ply b ecause he w ore robea (kosdya) o r lived an austere life, but because he h a d been instilled with the essence o f a p a rtic u la r set o f precepts. S im ilarly he did not cease to be a m onk if he b ro k e (m in o r) precepts, he si ill possessed th e essence of the precepts. T h e o rie s on the essence o f the precepts were an im p o rta n t co n cern of m o n k s. T h e schools o f N ikaya B u dd hism m a in ta in e d a n u m b e r o f d o c­ trin al positions on the concept. T h e S a rv a stiv a d in School con sid ered th e essence o f the precepts lo h a v e a physical existence a n d cl ass i lied it as u n m a n ife ste d m a tte r (avijnaptt-nlpa). T he S a u tr a n tik a s catego rized it as seeds (bija). T h e T h e r a v a d a School co n sidered the essence o f the pre cepts to lie in volition (tetana), an e x p lan atio n found in B u d d h a g h o s a fs Visuddh imagga (ch a p . I h sec. \ 7 , Path o f Pu ri lica t i o n ). "I he term " e ssc n c e oE the p re c e p ts ” (C h. thith-t'i) docs not a p p ear in th e C h in ese I ran si at ion o f the Abfitdhannakofar b u t the phrase
be te rm in a te d by a n n o u n c in g that one n o lo n g er has the will to obsci-ve ihe precepts o r lh ai o n e a b a n d o n s the precepts. At th at tim e, one loses the essence o f the precepts.

T h e T h r e e T y p e s o f R estraints U n m anifested m a tte r o r k a r m a is classified into th ree categories: that which restrain s fro m evil (swftoara)f lhai w hich does not restrain Irom evil (asamuaTii), and th at w hich n eith er restrain s nor docs not restrain from evil (Tmit'asajnvara-naiami'aTa). " T h a t which does not r e s tr a in 1’ refers to evjt precepts such as vow ing that one wilt m a k r b u tc h e rin g a n i ­ mals his profession " T h a t w hich n eith er restrain s n o r does nut r e s tr a in 1' refers 10 the possibilities that arc not solely good o r evil p r e ­ cepts; Et m a y be called a n eu tral type o f u n m an ife arcd b arm a W ith o u t Vowing to do either good o r b a d , a good m in d arises in a person for a tim e, a n d th en an evil m ind- O r a person m ay d o good for a lim e an d then evil. In such a caseT c ith e r good or evil u n m a n ife ste d k a r m a could be p ro d u c e d " T h a r w hich restrain s from ev il" is classified into three subcategorics: the restraints o r the form al precepts o f the Vinaya (p T aiim aksa-sam vam), the restraints arising out o f m ed itatio n (4/t^tutjttWj/UiiitdJL a n d the restrain ts arisin g th ro ug h the a tta in m e n t o f a p a rtic u la r stage on the p a th to e n lig h te n m e n t (andiravd-iamL'ara). Prdtirnoksa-samvara refers to the restraints ag ain st d o in g w ro n g that a person feels becau se he has been o rdain ed w iih the precepts, DkydTiajasarrivara refers to ihe p o w er o f m e d i­ tation to prevent evil. In the East A sian Buddhisr tra d itio n , it is also tran slated as the " re s tr a in ts o f q uiet c o n te m p la tio n " o r th e " p re c e p ts a c c o m p a n y in g m editation 11 T h is rype o f restrain t ends w h en (he p racti­ tioner em erg es from m ed itatio n. An&nera-satyiitffa refers to ihe p o w er that prevents w ro n g d o in g th at is o b ta in e d by a p ractitio n er w ho has realized enlig hten m e m . In the East A sian B u d d h ist tra d itio n , it is called " t h e restrain ts arisin g from the p a t h " ( C h , but^hi-c/aeh) o r the “untainted r e s tra in ts " ( C h . wu~Iqu IQ-i). T h e se restraints a re lost if the p ra c titio n e r backslides. T h e last tw o types o f restrain ts a re called " p re ccpts th at arise out o f the p ra c titio n e r’s state o f m i n d ” (nUa-attuvartin).

C la ssifica tio n of K a r m a O n e o f the m ost f u n d a m e n ta l ways o f classify mg k a r m a is by referring to the p a r i o f the body th at p erfo rm s die action. T h e result is a threefold

classification o f physical, verbal, an d m e n ta l k a rm a . O th e r systems nf classification w ere also develo ped. O f these, th e m ost im p o rta n t is based on m o ra l s ta n d a rd s A threefold classification o f good, b a d , o r m orally n eu tral k a r m a is used often in B uddhist texts. A cco rd in g to rhe Abhidhtinnakttidi good Icarma leads to tranquility. G o o d k a r m a is divided in to tw o categories: actions leading to a differently m a tu r in g result that is d esired a n d actions leading to nirvana. K a r m a is th u s ju d g e d on w h eth er a w elcom ed result is o b ta in e d th ro u g h a n action o r not. Since pleasure is the result o f differently m a tu rin g effects th at lead to desirable results, k a r m a th at prod uces pleasure is called " g o o d . " T h e m onastic rules o f the prattmokfa a re useful guides ro practices, w hich will lead to ihe realisation o f nirvdtta a n d th u s a re also called " good K a r m a th at leads to a p leasu rab le result is “ g o o d ." But because this good k a r m a belongs to the realm o f b irth a n d d e a th , it is called " i m p u r e g o o d 1’ (in c o n tra st to the " p u r e " good, w hich leads to w ard nirvana). A con crete ex am p le o f such im p u re good is th e p aih o f the te n good acts (dasa kusala-karma-palhdh). 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. G. 7, 8, 9, 10.

A b sten tio n A b sten tio n A b ste n tio n A b sten tio n A b sten tio n A b sten tio n A b sten tio n A b sten tio n A bsten tio n A b sten tio n

fro m from fro m from from from from fro m from from

killing living things stealing u n c h a s te activities lying m alicious speech h a rsh speech indistinct c h a tte r covetousness anger w ro n g views

'[’he opposite actions a re called " th e p ath o f th e ten l>ad a c ts," T h e s e lists have been used as guides for good a n d b a d actions since th e tim e of tho Agamas, B ad k a r m a leads ro the differently m a tu r in g effect o f suffer­ ing. N eu tral k a r m a is a n action that leads to n eith er p leasu re n o r suffering. Nirvdjux is a pure good (andsrawkusafa), but it is not a type o f k a rm a R a th e r , nirvdfia transcends k a rm a . lit COrtlrastj the p ath to mtvdtia—'th e wisdom o f e n lig h te n m e n t— is considered to be b o th p u re good a n d p u r e k a r m a (and*Tavani-iuiT7ntin). It is absolute good (paramdTtfia-iubha), which does not lead to a differently m a tu r in g effect. In the T h e r a v a d a School, p u re k a r m a perfo rm ed by som eone who is still p racticin g (sekha) leads to a differently m a tu r in g effect. It m ay result in e ith e r th e a tta in m e n t o f the stage w here no f u rth e r practice is neces-

sary (aitkha-ph&la o r arahant) o r one of the lo w er stages w h e re religious p ractice is still necessary before beco m in g art arahant P ure k a r m a per" fo rm ed by so m eo n e a t rhe final stage product’s no cflfcct G o o d was classified into four categories by ihe Sarvastivadins^ (1) absolute Rood, namely, nirvana; (2) intrinsic: good, namely, (hr five q u alities o f m ind that a re intrinsically good (frhaine, e m b a r ra s s m e n t, re fra in in g from h a tre d , r e fra in in g from craving, and th e a b sc n c r of ig n o ra n ce); (3) co n co m itan t good, namely, those qualities rhat a rt1 not intrinsically good but that function co n co m itan tly w ith (he five in trin s i­ cally good qualities; (4-) responsive good (samuHhdntrta ktisal^i^ namely, goud th at arises j o response To intrinsic o r co n co m itan t g o o d. A m o n g ihe varieties o f good includ ed in this last r a j r g o r y are k a r m a fm m v e r­ bal o r physical action s, u n m a n ife ste d k a r m a f a n d certain o f (he dharmas th at du not arise co ncom itan tly with the m ind. T h e lo u r categories of good are used ro explain how the ten genera! functions o f good act. Several o th er classifications o f k a rm a a rc fo u n d in the Abhidharmahosa. K a r m a is catego rized as m erito rio u s (piinya), which is good p erfo rm ed in the desire realm ; u n m e rito rio u s , which is evil p erfo rm ed in the desire realm ; a n d im m o v ab le, G o o d actions (such as certain m e d ita tio n s or tra n c e s) p e rta in in g to the form and form less realm s a re called im m o v ­ able k a rm a . K a r m a is also catego rized as actions th at rcsuh in a pleasant b irth som ew h ere betw een the desire realm a n d the T h i r d M e d ita tio n H eav en o f Ih r form realm (iukha-vrdaniya-karma), actions resulting in an unpleasam rebirth in the desire realm (duhkha-uedaniya-karma), a n d actions resulting iit a birth ihat is n e ith e r pleasant nor suffering in th e F ou rth M e d ita tio n H e a v e n o f the form realm o r above (adufckAa-awkha vedaiufekarma), K a r m a m ay also be categorized by c o m p a r in g il with colors such as black (evil), black a n d white {good but im p u re actions o f ihe desire realm ), w hite (good), a n d n e ith e r btack n o r white (p u re o r andirava). T h e tim e at w hich recom p ense occurs p rov ides a n o th e r s ta n d a rd for classifying k a r m a . A ctions m a y em ail reco m p en se in this Life (dtsiadhaTTna-vfdaniyam karm a\ in the next life (upapadya-mfdanfyam karma), in a fu tu re life after but not in the next b irth (aparaparydya-vedaniyam karma), o r at an in d e te r m in a te tim e (aniy&td-utdaniyam karma).

T h e E x is te n c e o f the P ast an d F u tu re Because the S arv astiv ad in s used the te rm “ u n m an ifc sted m a t t e r " to refer to th e “ essence o f the p rccep ts," u n m a n iie ste d m a tte r grad ually

lust its significance as the factor tying k a rm ic cau se a n d effect together. T h i s d ev elo p m en t was p ro b ab ly related to th e S arv asiiv ad in insistence that co n d itio n ed dharmcu exist in the past, p re se n t, a n d fu tu re. T h e dharmm chat fun rtion in stan tan eo u sly in the present arise from the future th rou gh the p o w er o f " o r i g i n a t i o n / 1 o n e o f th e four characteristics found in the list o IdkanHai not eon comil a n t with the m in d . E ach dharma has these four ch aracteristics (o rig in atio n , subsistence, decay, an d e x tin ctio n ) c o n c o m ita n t with it. T h r o u g h these characteristics (or forces), dharmat exist in the fu tu re until th ey arise in the p resen t. T h e re they subsist for a n in stan t a n d th e d fall into th e past. T h e present cortGists of those dhi'tsaiyu-t'i kuo-wei ivii-t’i).

C H A P T E R 13

The Elimination of Defilements and the Path to Enlightenment

T h e M ean in g o f Defilement A ccO R m N G t o the S arv astiv ad in text j u a - p ’i-ta-mo iun ( T 2 d :984a, AbhidharTndi>atsrasdiiTa§)1 “ D efilem ents are so n a m e d because [hey cause both the b o d y a n d m in d to be afflicted and! suffer. T h e y a re also ta ile d proclivities (mnufaya)." T h e te rm '"d efilem en t" is f u rth e r ex p lain ed as referring to th a t w hich di&turbs th e m in d a n d body a n d p re v e n ts t r a n ­ quility, A cco rd in g to the Visuddtiimagga ( H a r v a r d O rie n ta l Scries, voL 41t jj, 50&), '“ T h e defilem ents a re so n a m e d because they them selves are dcliled (ssAkUitfha) a n d because th ey defile (sanktlesika) th e dhammas associated w ith th e m .” A ccording to this ex p lan atio n , ihe Pali te rm Lrktlesa ” ts. derived from th e s a m e root as jankilissati (to stain o r defile) T h e d efin itio n o f th e Sanskrit te rm "kiesa " in the J u a - p ’i-ta-mo tun is b ased on the S an sk rit root kiis (to afflict). H ow ev er, the S an sk rit te rm ' fcliftamanas*’ (often translated into English as “ afflicted consciousn e s s M) was d eriv ed from the m e a n in g “ s t a i n e d '1 T h e te rm “ defile* m e m 11 fk itia ) does not a p p e a r very often in the Ag/m as, b u t it occurs f re ­ q u en tly in abhidharma literatu re. I n the Piili Vibhangv ( c ha p. 171 sec 9, p a r r 9 5 2 ) o r Rook o f A nalysis, a list o f eight defilem enls (aftha kiUsavaith&ni) is p resented: greed, h atred , d elusion, prid e , w ro n g views, d o u b ts, sloth, a n d d istraction . Tw o m ore are a d d e d in the Dkamm&sangarti (n o. 1229) to m ake a total o f ten defile­ m ents (data kiU idntiU tm i): absence o f e m b a rra s sm e n t before other* o v er One's w ron g do ing s a n d ab scn ce o f sham e for o n e ’s w ro ng do ing s. T h is

list o f ten ({(.'liEcincnls was u sed frcqucnlly in H u T ^ d i i i discussions o f the defilem ents. A ta le r none an u n it al abhidhamma text, the Abhidhamma^ thasangaha (p. V2) m e n tio n s several oilier lists in ics sy stem atizatio n o f the v ario u s s a s o f defilem ents used since the Ago/not. In clu d ed are the four {im pure) outflows (dsava), lour violent outflows (ogha), four yokes (yoga), four b o n d s (kayagaAlh&)} four groupings (upadaaa), six h in d ra n ces (nii'arana), seven proclivities (anusaya), leo filte rs (suwwjana), a n d i m defilem ents. M nst tif these ways o f classifying rhe d efilem en ts had a p p e a re d in th e Agamas A ir a v a (P. aiowt) is the oldest o f these term s. It ap p e a rs in both the Sut' tanipdia a n d thc Dhammapada, w h ere it is used to define one o f the q u a li­ fications o f an en lig h ten ed person: he has e x h a u s te d all bis outflow s (P, atai'd khina). In B u dd h ist texts this te rm is used in rhe sense o f o u t ’ flow because th e m in d 's defilem ents m ove o u tw a r d a n d affect othet things. In j a i n i s m , the term is used with (he sense o f inflow l>erause d efilem ents are said to flow from the ex tern al w orld into the body, w here they a d h ere io the titman. T h e use o f the terra in bo th B uddhisi a n d J a i n a texis indicates th at its origins a re very early. Buddhist texts list four m ajor types o f drrava: sensual desire (kama-dsrava), desire for existence (bhdua-asrava), w r o n g views (dwfi-dsrava)t a n d ig n o ra n re (ai>idya-asiai/a). T h e term s “ogha ” (violent outflow o f defilem ents) a n d tryoga " (yoke) a re also early. T h e e o n itn is o f the four violent ouiOciws uf rlefilements anti the lo u r yokes are identical to the four outflows. Six h in d ra n c e s (nii'arana) a re m e n tio n e d in the AbhidhammaHhasa/igaha, a lth o u g h usually only five a re listed in the Agamas. T h t w v e n proclivi­ ties a re also discussed in v a rio u s places in th e Agamas. T h e ten fetters a re usually divided into two g ro u p s in the Agamas— five that b in d sendent beings to the form a n d form less realm s a n d five th at bind beings to the dtrmrr realm . By cu ttin g ofl such (icfilcincnl^ the practitiniun is able to escape from the cycles o f re p e a te d births a n d d eaths. T w o lists o f ten fetters arc included in t h e Abhidhammafthasangaha— ten fetters found in t he sut tar an d a si i ght Iy di Ife ren t list n f te n fe rtera aeenndin g to abhidhamma lex I*. By r e a rra n g in g the first list o f leu fellers, tw o a d d i­ tional fetters w ere inclu ded: jealousy a n d parsim ony. T he revised list is also found in sources such as the Dhammasangarn (no, 11J 3). T h e ten fet­ ters from the abhidhamma lexis a n d the ten tic file m cnts lislrd above w ere b o th dev eloped d u r in g the period when the Pali abhidhamma texts were b ein g com piled. T h e p roliferation o f term s for the defilem ents is d u e , in p a n , to dis­ a g r e e m e n t a b o u t w hether the defilem ents are viewed as actually s la in ' m g the m in d o r as m erely o b sc u rin g its iru c n a tu r e T ho se m on k s w ho m a in ta in e d th at th e basic n a tu r e of the m in d was pure a d h e re d to the

position dial the defilem en ts obscured o r covered the tru e , u n ta in te d essence o f the m in d . T h e m in d itselfcou ld not be tain ted o r stain ed . A variety o f ways o f classifying the defilem ents d eveloped w ithin B u d d h ism . M a n y o f th e sam e elem en ts art- found in the v ario u s lists, th us, m ost o f the im p o rta n t varieties o f d efilem ents a re includ ed in ihe lo ng er lists such as the ten fetters o r ten defilem ents. T h e following elcmi'iits found in ihe ten d efilem en ts arc p articu larly im p o rta n t: crav in g (to b h a ), h a tr e d { ( b tfa ) , d elusio n (ntnha), p r id e (m d n a ), w rong view s (d r fii), d o u b t (L/icikitsd), to rp o r (jfyana), an d distraction (euAdhatya) C r a v in g s arc s u b d iv id e d im o crav in gs for desirable objects a n d crav in gs for con
stand y activc. R ather^ th ey a re always present in a laten t state an d b eco m e active only w hen circu m stan ces a re suitable for th eir appear* ance. Sonic B u dd h ists a rg u e d th a t defilem ents w ere stored in the u nconseious as seeds until they fu nctio ned actively. T h e Y ogacara d o ctrin e o f a sto re'co n scio u s ness (dlaya-ttijndna) arose o u t o f a need to explain how such seeds w ere stored a n d how m em o ry fu nction ed. T h e Sarvastivadins, how ever, m a in ta in e d th at all dharmas ceased fun ctio nin g after an inslant. Instead o f bein g sto red in a consciousness, potential defilem en ts existed in a tim e p erio d, the fu tu re. T h e y w ere co n n ected to th e co n tin u o u s s tre a m (samtdrta) o f a p erso n 's dharmas by the force o f the dharma o f possession (prdpti) B e c a m e the defilem ents w ere present in ii latent form th ro u g h the p o w er o f possession, they could not be said to have been elim in ated in a worldling even th ou gh (hey w ere not being m anifested at a p artic u la r tim e.

Th e Ninety-eight Proclivities O n e ol the m a jo r ways o f classifying defilem ents o r proclivities is by the type o f know ledge th at can d estro y them . U s in g this m eth o d , m a n y p ro ­ clivities can be divided into four groups (dHtUf'prakara) on the basis of which of (he F o ur N oble T r u th s a rc used (o elim in ate them- T h e se p ro ­ clivities can th u s Ese elim in ated by knowledge o r suffering, its cause, nirvana, o r the p ath . Such proclivities o r d efilem en ts a re con ceptu al erro rs (darsana-htya-kltsa) co n cern in g religious tru th s that can be d e ­ stroyed th ro u g h the p ath o f insight (darsana^mdtga). A lthough these defilem ents can be elim in ated th ro u g h an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f the F our N oble T r u th s , o th e r d efilem en ts can n o t be d estroyed so readily. T h e s e Other defilem ents (bhaaand'hrya-k/eia) m ust be elim in ated ihrOugEi the practices of the p ath o f m ed itatio n (bhSBOH&mSrga) because they have becom e so hab itual a n d in g ra in e d that know ledge is not sufficient to cut th em off. O n ly ih ro u g h co n sta n t religious p ractice can such defilem ents as crav in g , h a tre d , ign orance, a n d pride be elim in ated . In c o n tra st, the five w r o n g views a n d d o u b t a rc all concep tu al defilem ents a n d can be com pletely elim in ated th rou gh a know ledge o f th e F o u r N o ble T r u th s an d D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n , To a certain extent, craving, h a tre d , ig n o ' ra n re , a n d pride earn also be elim in ated th ro ug h know ledge o f the F o u r Noble T r u th s since these four defilem ents exist as both conccptu al errors a n d as defilem ents th at m u st h e elim in ated th ro ug h p ractice. In co n trast, the live w ro n g views a n d d ou bi exist only as defilem ents that can be d estro y ed th ro u g h knowledge. A list o f five types ( fltitka^pmkdrdft)

o f d efilem en ts is p ro d u c e d w h en ihe d efilem en ts d estro y ed by practice a re a d d e d to rhe con ceptual defilem ents d estro y ed by the F o u r N oble T r u th s . D efilem ents m a y also be classified a c c o rd in g to w hich o f the th re e realm s (desire, form , form less) [hey belo ng . F o r ex am p le, since th e d esire realm is ch aracterized by m u ch suffering, elim in atin g (he Craving for sensual pleasure in this realm is not too difficult. However* because [he form a n d formless realm s a re characterized by su b tle types o f bliss, e lim in a tin g the c ra v in g for existence in those realm s is m ore difficult, ThUe, the craving for existence in both o f th e hig her (the form and formless) realm s can be elim in ated only after the crav in g for sensual pleasures has b e e n cut off. (T h e cravings for existences in (he two u p p e r realm s a re d estroyed at (he s a m e tim e, not consecutively.) Ry classifying defilem ents acco rdin g to the realm to w hich they p e rta in a n d how they arc elim in ated , a list o f n in ety -e ig h t is p ro d u ced . T h irty -six types o f defilem ents are found in the desire realm . T en are c u t o ff by an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e nobEe (ruth o f suffering O n ly seven {craving, h a tr e d , ig n o ra n c e , p rid e , d o u b t, disbelief in c a u s a tio n , an d clin g in g to w ro n g views) arc elim in ated by the noble [ruth s o f the cause o f suffering a n d rtiVmifta, T h e three proclivities o f belief in d Self, belief in extrem ist views, a n d belief that ritu als lead to salvation a re not affected by know ledge o f th e no ble tru th s o f the cause of suffering an d nirvana. Eight proclivities a re elim in ated by (he tr u th o f the p alh (the s a m e seven as for the p rev iou s two tru th s a n d the belief th at rituals result in salvation). T h u s thirty-tw o proclivities u f [he desire realm are elim in ated th ro u g h th e F o u r N oble T r u th s . F o u r m ore are cut off th ro u g h m e d ita tio n , m ak in g a total of thirty-si*. T h e defilem ent o f h a tre d is not fo u n d in the form a n d formless realm s. Since the desires for food a n d sex do n o t arise in these tw o realm s, no object o f h a ire d is present in (hem. O th erw ise, the sam e dis­ trib u tio n o f d efilem ents specified for the desire realm prevails. T h e result is th at n in e proclivities a rc cut off by th e tr u th o f suffering, six each by the tru th s o f th e cause o f Suffering a n d nirvana, seven by the tru th o f the p ath , a n d th ree by m ed itatio n . T h irty -o n e proclivities arc found in each o f the two high er realms. T h u s a total o f ninety-eight p r o ­ clivities is listed for [he th ree realm s. O f the ninety-eight proclivities, eleven a re said to be p articu larly strong. From a m o n g the proclivities o il o ff by the tru th o f suffering, th ey a re (] —5) ihe live w ro n g views, (6) d o u b t, a n d {7) ig n orance. F ro m a m o n g the proclivities cut off by the tr u th o f the cause o f suffering are (8) d i s b d i c f in cau satio n, (9) clinging to w ro n g views, (If)) d o u b t, an d (I I) ig no ran ce. T h e ir influence ex ten d s th ro u g h o u t the p a rtic u la r realm

flsIhatu) an d lan d (hhUmt) jn w hich a person acts. ( T h e three realms are fu rth er d iv id ed into nine lan d s; desire realm , th e F ou r M ed itatio n H t ii v t n s nf the f o r m realm , a n d th e F o u r F orm less H e a v e n s .) U n i v e r ­ sal causea even call forth chose d efilem ents th a t can only be cut off by co n te m p la tio n s on th e tru th s o f nirvana anti th e jjath o r by m ed itation. C o n seq u en tly , these eleven a re called " u n iv e rs a l proclivities " In the S a rv a stiv a d in e n u m e r a tio n o f ih e six causes, th e ir activity is describ ed as " u n i v e r s a l c a u s e " (tarwinagahttu) bee a Lise o f t h e i r influence on o t h e r defilem en ts N in e o f the universal proclivities (all except the belief in a Sell and belief in e x tre m e views) a re called the "d efilem ent* thaL b in d a pfrsiin to the u p p e r r e a lm s." Ig n o ra n c e m ay be f u rth e r classified into tw o types: co n co m itan t ignoranee a n d special ign orance (auidyd-disttuki). T h e lirsi typer alw ays fu n c­ tions co n co m itan tly with o th e r d eliiem cnis. H ow ever, ig no ran ce also functions in oEher ways. It lies at the base o f all incorrect th ou gh ts and thus ts the fo u n d a tio n o f all m ental functions. In o th er w ords, ignorance functions as th e b asis o f defiled a n d evil states o f m ind as well as neutral a n d good states. u Special ig n o ra n c e 11 refers 10 these aspects o f ig n o ­ rance (its activity in d e p e n d e n t o f a n y o th e r defilem ents a n d its influence o n Jill o th e r m e n ta l faculties). W h e n ig n o ra n ce is d escrib ed as one o f the twelve links ol Dependent Origination* it is ignorance in tins special sense. F u rth e r p o n d e rin g on the n a tu r e ol ig no ran ce ev en tu ally led to the Y ogacara no tion o f an afflicted conscious ness (klista-manai o r manat) T h e co ncept o f p rim o rd ial ig norance ( C h . ken-pcn w u -m n g o r wu~skih wti-rnirjg) e x p o u n d e d in the Ta-ihtng ch V-Aiin Inn { T nos. 16GG-16f>7, A w ak enin g ol F aith ) p ro b ab ly was a n extension o f the idea of special ig n o ra n ce. T h u s th e Sarvasiivariin distinction b etw een co n co m itan t a n d Special ig n o ra n c e b a d m ajo r significance for later B uddhism .

T h e lOtS D efilem ents Besides the n in ety -e ig h t proclivities, the S arv astiv ad in s h a d a list o f 108 d efilem en ts (th e result o f a d d in g ten bonds [paryavasthdna\ to the ninetyeig ht proclivities)- T h e ten b o n d s (also called secondary defilem ents or upaUtsa) a re ab sen ce o f sh a m e , absence of e m b a r ra s s m e n t, jealousy, parsim ony, rem o rse, drow sin ess, d istractio n , torpor, ang er, a n d c o n ­ cealm en t o f w ro n g d o in g . As was explained earlier in this chapter, lists such as this were d eriv ed from a basic set o f six (w hich is Sometimes e x p a n d e d to ten) proclivit ies.

lly a n a ly z in g the basic list in v ario u s w ays, a d d itio n al lists w ere geiver.11 cd, such as the n in e fetters (samyajanaX the five fetters b in d in g a perscn lo ihe u p p e r realm s. th e five fetlers b in d in g a person tu (h r desire re a lm , a n d (he th ree bonds (banithana' craving, h a tre d , d elusion). A cco rd in g in ihe " C h a p t e r on P roclivities” o f the Abhidharmakofa, all defilem en ts an- en co m p assed by th e lists o f proclivities a n d secondary defilem ents. However* the hat o f seven(y-five dharmas c o n ta in e d in the " C h a p t e r on J1acu ities'' (atdrtya) o f the Abhtdharmakos'a docs not agree in m a n y respects w ith the views p resen ted in th e " C h a p t e r on P roclivi­ ties. ” For exam ple, lorly-six o f the seventy-live dhaunas are m enial fac­ ulties. M a n y o f these concern defilem ents such as the six general fu n c­ tions of defilem eni (delu sio n, negligence, in dolence, disbelief, torpor, a n d d istractio n), the tw o general functions o f evil (absence o f sliainc, absence of e m b a rra s s m e n ;), a n d the len m in o r fu nction s o f defilem ent (an ger, c o n cealm en t o f w ro n g d o in g , parsim ony, jealousy, rejection of criticism , causing injury, re se n tm e n t, deceit, fladery, a n d conceit). H o w ever, som e o f the m ost im p o rta n t catego ries discussed in the " C h a p i e r on Proclivities” are not m c m io n c d in the above lists o f dharmas A m o n g th e m a re c ra v in g , h a tre d , p rid e , a n d d o u b t. T h e category o f in d e te rm in a te dharnuu in the " C h a p t e r on F acu lties" is d escrib ed as con sistin g o f " re m o r s e , drow siness, investigation, scrutiny, a n d so f o r t h / ’ If the p h rase “ a n d so forth” is in te rp re te d as m e a n in g crav in g , h a ir e d , prid e , a n d d o u b t, the result w ould be a list o f eight in d e te r m i­ n a te dharmas a n d a total o f forty'six m ental faculties. In fact, these are the usual n u m b e rs o f dharmas included in these tw o categories, V a s u b a n d h u probably did not clearly define the place o f crav in g an d o th e r Jjti port ant pnoct iv it ies in the lists o f dharmas b e t a use he was c o n ­ cerned w ith different sets o f p ro blem s w h en he w rote the ^ C h a p t e r on F acu lties" a n d the "‘C h a p t e r on P ro clivities.'’ M o reo ver, such d isc re ­ pancies m ay indicate th at V a s u b a n d h u was d ra w in g o n a v ariety of scholastic tra d itio n s w hen he w rote the Abhidharmakosa a n d did noi alw ays reconcile the differences betw een th em .

S ta g e s o f P r a c tic e Tn the Agamas the levels o f a tta in m e n t n f (he B u d d h a ’s disciples arc ju d g e d acco rdin g to a fourfold h ierarchy; (1) s tre a m -e n tra n t (srotdpaUi; P. sotapatti), (2) o n c e -re tu rn e r (sakrdagdmin; P. sakadagamm), (3) nnnrc* t u r n e r (S. a n d P. tmdgamin^ a n d (4) afhat (P. arahant). Each of these st>* is divided fu rth e r into tw o partsi a p ath leading lo the stage (h crt" a fte r tra n sla te d as c a n d id a te ) a n d ihe actual stage o r fruit itself,

T h e flrsr stage, s tr e a m - e n tra n t, refers; to a person w ho has en tered the stream o f R u d d lu sm . O riginally the te rm was used in relcr to a n y o n e whrj hjid 9 pure acid in destructible laich in B u d d h ism . H ow ever, in ihe Agamns (S N , vol. 5, pp. 3 5 6 - 3 5 7 ’ Shih-sung tii [ 7’ 2 3 : I 2 9 k t Sarvdstivddavinayv]), the s ta n d a rd ex p la n a tio n is th at it refers to o n e w h o has cui off the th ree fetters: th e belief in a sub stan tial Self, the belief lhai the p erfo rm a n c e o f ritu als will lead to salvation, a n d d o u b ts a b o u t B uddhist d octrin e. A s trc a m -e n tra n t will nor fall in to a b a d rebirth (such as a d e n ­ izen o f hell, h u n g r y ghost, a n im a l, or ttiura {dem igod]). H e is destined to attain e n lig h te n m e n t a n d will do st> w ith in seven rebirths in this world. A person w ho has a tta in e d th e second stage, o n e e - re lu m e r , has cut off th e th ree fetters a n d w eak ened the hold o f the th ree poisons (tfidofdpaha. crav ing , h a tr e d , a n d delusion ), A on ce re tu rn e r will re tu rn to this w orld o n e m o re tim e a n d (hen attain salvation. A person w ho has reached the th ird s ta g e , non re tu rn e r, does nut re tu rn tu this world in any fu tu re b irth ; rather, he rep eatedly is born a n d dies in h eav en until he en ters m nana. H e has cut off the five low er fetters (th e previously m e n tio n e d ih rec fetters, along wilb h&lrcd a n d the belief lhai a person has a substantial Sell) that tie h im lo eaisicnoc in rhe desire realm (kdmadhatu). T h e fo u rth a n d final stage is the arhaf, a p e rso n w ho has cut off all his defilem ents. H e has o b ta in e d the w isd om (hal is salvation a n d lm m in d a freed from d e file m e n ts.' I he m ost im p o rta n t early list o f stages ro n sists o f eigh t steps, b e g in ­ n in g with c a n d id a te for s ir e a m - e m ra m a n d c u lm in a tin g w ith the actual At age o f tirhal. O t h e r m ore d etailed e x p la n a tio n s o f ihe stages o f the Jrdvaka are occasionally found in the Agamas. F o r ex am p le, in the Fui ’ttTJ ching ( T l£ 6 l6 a , Dakkhintyya) o f th e Chung a-han ching (Madhynmd* gama), eig hteen stages o f tra in in g (saikia) a n d n in e stages bey on d tra in ­ ing (asaikia) a re m e n tio n e d . T h is was a fu rth er elab o ratio n o f the trad it ion ill eight stages T h e stages n f practice described in the ejbhidharma lit­ e ra tu re a re based on such teach ing s from the Agamas.

T h e S ta g e s o f P r a c t ic e A c c o r d in g to th e T h c r a v a d a S ch o o l In the T h e r a v a d a School, the levels of practice a re classified into seven stages o f purification: 1. M o rals (sila-visuHdht) 2. M in d (citta-visuddki) 3. Views (ditihi-visuddht)

4. Trani.Lending d o u b ts (kankhdi'itanma■visuddhi) 5. K n ow led ge a n d vision o f w h at constitutes th e p aih (maggdft\ag$a■ ndnad.assQna-vxsu.ddhi) (j. K no w ledg e a n d vision o f tlie m eth od o f salvation fpatipnddnanadassana-visuddhi) 7. W i sdum (natf&laSiaM-vissuddh i) TEie seven p urifications a re m e n tio n e d in the Agdtnasr as well as in such works as the Ch 'tng shsh lun ( 7 ' J 646, Tatiwisiddhisd-tfra?) a n d ihe Yii-ch'tth iun ( T 1579, Yogdcdrabhumis'dstra#), T h e y a re also described in derail in B uddhagho& a’s Visuddhittt&gga* T h e first level o f practice, purification o f morals* concerns the observance o f the precepts. T h e seco n d , purification o f the m ind, involves the d ev e lo p m e n t o f p u n t m e d ita tio n s an d (he realization o f eight a tta in ­ m e n ts (samdpatti). T h e se [wo p u rifications provide the fo u n d a tio n neces­ sary for the realisation o f w isd o m (Visu4dhitncggaf H a r v a r d O r ie n ta l Series, vol. 41, p. 375), T h e re m a in in g Jive pu rificatio n s a re co n cern ed with w isdom itself. A cco rd in g lo [he Vt$uddhtinagga, d iscern m en [ (jdnana) is a n aly zed into three co m p o n en ts: p ercep tio n (itinnd), consciousness (vinm ^a), a n d w is­ d o m (panndna). Sanna m ay be tra n sla te d as sense p crccp iio n , w hite oinPTarta refers to analyiical u n d e r s ta n d in g based on sense perceptions. Panrjdna o r w isdom refers to a m ore profo un d and compEete form o f insight o r u n d e r s ta n d in g ( Visnddhimaggpt p 369). W is d o m is said to exist as right views (ditlhi), know ledge (ndtta), a n d vision (dasiartQ). W isd o m is also often e q u a te d with the c o m b in a tio n o f k n o w led g e a n d vision (ndnadassana). T h e last five purification s are discussed in chap . 18-22 o f the Vtsuddhimagga. T h e discussion of the purification of kno w ledg e a n d vision (w isdom ) in c h a p . 22 is particularly im p o rta n t *incc it concerns the lev­ els o f e n lig h te n m e n t. F m m p u rificatio n o f views to purification o f the know ledge a n d vision o f the m eth od o f salv ation , the p ra c titio n e r has not realized enligh ten m em a n d is still involved with m u n d a n e k no w l­ edge, In th e Iasi pu rification, shat of w isd om , he is co n cern ed w ith the wisdom th at com es with e n lig h te n m e n t, w ith p u re , u n ta in te d kn ow l­ edge. T h e first iw o pur ifit ations consist o f p re lim in a ry practices T h e ra v a da practice begins with m o rality an d th en progresses with meditation. W h en [hese have been m a ste re d , practices lead in g to w isd om begin. T h e s e consist o f m c d ita iio n s d esig n e d to develop w isd om . A m o n g the subjects used a re the im p e rm a n e n c e , nonsubstantiality, a n d suffering th at ch aracterize ihe five agg regates. T h e twelve bases, c ig h ie rn ele-

m erits, tw en ty -tw o faculties ( indri}d)t F ou r N oble T ru th * , a n d twelve links o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n fire also su b jects o f m ed itation. T h e th ird o f the seven p urifications concerns views. In this purified’ lion, (he various dhammas o f n a m e an d form ( ttam a-tupt) a re seen as they actually are th ro u g h m e d ita tio n s on the four p r im a r y e le m e n ts (maAfibkata), eig hteen elem ent? (dhatu), twelve bases, a n d five ag greg ates. T h e fourth purification, on tra n scen d in g douhts, focuses on the origi n ation, ch an g e, a n d cessation o f n a m e a n d form. D oubts a n d m isconcep­ tions c o n c e rn in g c a u sa iio n d u rin g ihe past, present, a n d fuiure are eradi ta ic d , A m o n g these m isconceptions are the views that causes do not exist, that alt is created a n d Controlled by n god, that m a n lias an eternal soul, a n d that a person com pletely ceases to exist with death. T h ro u g h this purification, the practitioner ob tain s knowledge based on the D h a m m a , knowledge o f ihings as they actually are, a n d correct views. T h e fifth p u rificatio n , kiujrtvledge and vision co n cern in g the path , co n cern s d isc rim in a tio n b etw een the correct p a th to salvation an d w ro n g practices o r theories o f salvation. T h e sixth pu riffa a linn, know ledge a n d vision co n cern in g th e m e th o d ol salvation, co n cern s know ledge o f the correct p ath to salvation. By fol­ lowing the p a th , th e p ra c titio n e r g ra d u a lly o b ta in s th e n in e knowledges b ased on co n tem p latio n o f o rig in atio n a n d cessation, co n tem p latio n of disso lutio n, c o n tc m p la iio n o f a p p e a ra n c e as [error, co n tem p latio n of a p p e a ra n c e as d a n g e r, co n tem p latio n o f dtspassion, desire for d eliv er­ ance, c o n te m p la tio n o f reflection, eq u an im ity a b o u t fo rm atio n s, an d conform ity with iru ih . T h r o u g h these know ledges, [he p ra c titio n e r d is ­ cern s ihe correct path , T he above four purificatio ns lead ing to wisdom (third th ro u g h sixth) a r e all stages o f wot Idlings (puthujjiina) still b o u n d by feiters. Even th o u g h know ledge a n d vision a re purified, I rue know ledge a n d vision have not yet arisen . H ow ev er, the nin th know ledge o f the sixth p u rifica­ tion (co n fo rm ity with th e tr u th [stucanutomikam ndrtarn)) is wisdom c o n ­ c e rn in g the F o u r N oble T ru th s . From it arises know ledge o f th e ch an g e o f lin eag e (gotrabhunana) which leads to pu rification o f w isdom , the sev’ e m h a n d last p urification. T h e seventh pu rification is divided in to four stages: the know ledges o f the path o f s tre a m -e n tra n t, o n c e -re tu in e r, n o n re tu rn e r, a n d wuhant. A lthough the fctiowledge o f ch an g e o f lineage lies betw een the sixth a n d seventh purification s, it belongs to n d < h er of [hem . B etw een ihe sixth a n d seventh purifications, the p ra c titio n e r ceases to be a w orldling a n d o b ta in s [he know ledge that he now belongs to the lineage o f sages (anya). In te rm s o f S arv asiiv ad in do ctrine (explained below), this stage w ould c o rre s p o n d to lhai o f acquiescence (h a n d ) in (he degrees o f fav o r­

able roots. In the S arv astiv ad in p ath, tb e slaves o f [he w o rld ling (prthdgjana) ft re divided in to [he th ree degrees o f the wi sc anti th e Four d egrees o f favorable roots (w a rm th , su m m it, acq uiescence, a n d p in nacle of w orldly (ruth). T h e third th ro u g h th e sixth o f the T h e r a v a d a purifica* tions w ould co rresp o n d to the th ree d egrees o f the wise a n d 10 [he stages o f w a rm th , su m m it, and acquiescence in the S arv astiv ad in path. H o w ­ ever, there a re points on w hich the tw o versions of the p a th do not a g r e e .7 F ro m know led ge in conform ity with tru th , the p ractitio n er progresses to the kn ow led ge o f change o f lineage a n d from there to the purification o f w isdo m , the seventh purification. T h e p urification o f wisdom is rhe p ath o f sages. In the S arv astiv ad in p ath , it w ould co rrespond to the p ath s o f insight, m e d ita tio n , a n d no fu rth er tra in in g (discussed later in this ch ap ter). A ccording lo the Visuddhimagga, th ree ways o f e n te rin g this sagely p ath exisi: faith, w isdom , a n d m e d ita tio n , A person w ho en ters th ro u g h the first gate, faith* a n d has becom e a can d id ate for s tre a m -e n tra n t is called a saddhdnusarin (one whose practice is based on faith). F ro m the tim e he becom es a s tr e a m -e n tra n t until he beco m es an arahant, he is called a saddhavimutta (one lib e ra te d by fa ith ).3 A person w ho uses the secon d gate, w isdo m , a n d has b eco m e a candi* date for s tre a m -e n tra n t is called a dhamTnanuseitifi (o n e whose prat:tice is b ased <m D h a rm a ). F ro m (he tim e he becom es a ftre a m -e n t rant until he becom es a c a n d id a te for awftaTtthnod, he Is a ditfftippatta (one w ho has realized correct views). W h e n he has becom e an arakant, h e is called a pannavimutta (One liberated by w isdom). A person who uses (he ihird g ate, m e d ita tio n ; a n d is a n y w h e re betw een b e in g a c a n d id a te for s tre a m -e n tra n t and a c a n d id a te for amhant is called a kayasakihin (bodily witness). W h en he becom es an arahani a n d a t t a i n s the t ranees o f Ihe formless realm , he is ealled 3 n ubhatobhd’ gtwimvtta (twiee liberated o n e); in o th er w o rds, he is liberated by w ay of the trances a n d by w ay o f the s u p e rm u n d a n e p ath based on insight ( Visuddhimagga, p. 565). T h u s , there a re three gates lu (he sagely p ath acco rdin g (o T h e ra v a din doctrin e: faith, w isdom , a n d m ed itatio n . W h e n rhe p ra c titio n e r is a c a n d id a te for s tream 'e n t r a n t , he m ay be called one whose practice is based on fa ith , one whose p ractice is b ased on D h a r m a , o r a bodily w it­ ness, d e p e n d in g on the gate (hnough which he e m e rs. Retween the stages o f s tre a m -e n tra n t an d c a n d id a te for orahan t hood, he m ay be called one lib erated by faith, one w ho has realized correct views, or bodily witness (as he was ab ov e). A fter he has becom e an arahant, he m a y be called o n e liberated by faith (as he was above), o n e liberated th ro u g h w isd om , o r twice liberated. T h e se seven ra n k s in the three

gates a re so m etim es collectively called the “ seven sages." In S a rv a stiv a ­ d in do ctrin c , only the gates o f faith an d w isdom a re discussed. T h e rela­ tions o f the seven ra n k s in the th ro e gates a re illustrated in F igure 5 T h e Visuddhimagga re lies prim arily on discussions from the Agamas for its tre a tm e n t o f the defilem ents cut off in practice, but it goes in to m ore detail. A m o n g the d efilem en ts to be cm off are the ten fetters (samyojana), ten d efilem ents (kilesa), Ire w rongnesses (tnicchattn), eight worldly stales (lokadhamma), five types o f p a rsim o n y (maechariya^ three p e r v e r ­ sions (vipaltnsa), four ties (gantha), four b a d ways (agati), four im p u re influxes (dsava), four violent outflows (tig&t), four yokes (yoga), five hindranees (ninarana), a d h e re n c e (pardmdsa)f four types o f g rasp ing (upddana)t seven proclivities (anusaya), three j i i i n s (mata)l tun w rn n g art inns, an d twelve u n w h o leso m e arousals o f th o u g h t (cittupdda). M a n y elem ents are re p e a te d in these lists, b u t th ey are all d estro y ed by the know ledges o f th e four p ath s (si re a m -e m ra n t a n d so forth). T h e ex p lan atio n s o f how the v ario u s d efilem en ts are d estroyed i* p rim a rily b ased on [he Agamas K n ow led ge o f die ch an g e o f lineages (gotrabhnndrui) does not arise only d u r in g the tra n sitio n from the sixth p u rification (know ledge a n d vision of the m etho d o f salvation) to the seventh purification (p urification of wisdom ). It also arises w h en the p ra c titio n e r progresses to the p a th of the o n c e -re tu rn e r, n o n rc tu rn c r, o r arahant. Each o f the four stage* of c a n d id a te is considered to b elong to a different lineage (gotra).

T h e T h r e e D egrees o f the W ise and the F o u r D egrees o f Favorable Roots T h e S a rv astiv ad in system o f th e stages o f practice is described in detail in w orks such as the jndnaprastkdnasdstra ( 7 ’ 1544) a n d the M ahdvibfiftd ( T 1545). T h e se ex p lan atio n s w ere p resented in a system atic m a n n e r in th e c h a p te r on the wise a n d the sages o f the Abhidharmakosa ( T 1558I 559). T h e first seven stag es— (hose o f a w orldling (prthagjuna)— are divided into the th ree degrees o f th e wise a n d the four d egrees o f favor­ able roots. N ex t, th e p ra c titio n e r en ters into the d egrees o f being a sain t, w h k h a re classified as th ree paths: the p ath o f insight into rhe tru th (satyadars'anamdrga), the p ath o f m ed itatio n (bhdi'andmdrga), a n d the p a th in w hich n o th in g re m a in s to be learn ed (asaikfa) In th e p ath s both of insight a n d o f m e d ita tio n , the p ra c titio n e r is a saik$af a p erso n w ho still m u st study a n d practice even though he is a sage. W h en he has n o th in g m ore to learn (asaiksa) o r accom plish in religious term s, he becom es an arhat. A cco rd in g to th e S arv astiv ad in view o f th e p a th , before a person en ters ihe th ree d egrees o f the worthy, he m u st u n d e rg o p relim in ary

F ig u r e 5. T h e Seven Sages o f the Theravada Path Path oflnsighl

Paih of Meditation

Gai^ of Faith

Sadtfhd/iusdrin

--------------- Sadikeitim vtte --------------

G a l r o f Wis do m

DhuTttmaiiuidTin

Diiihippatta

Sarvastivadin

Equivalent

G a i c of Meditation Four Candidates and Four Fruits

---------------- Kayasakkhin ---------------Candidate for Stream-till rant

Paih o f No Further Training

PttHniiiimxtta UbhatobhixgwunuttQ

S i x S l s g f s from

Arah&nt

Strcam-entranl lo

C and id ate for Arahanl

practices to purify his body, T h e s e practices co rresp o n d to the first two stages in the T h e r a v a d a p ath o f purification th ro u g h o b se rv a n c e o f the p recepts a n d purificiuion th ro u g h m e d ita tio n , (However* the T h e ra v ad a purification th ro ug h m ed itatio n also c o rresp o n d s in pari to the rhree d egrees o f the wise.) T h r e e sets o f practices co n trib u te to the p re lim in a ry p urificatio n o f th e body. First, th e p ra c titio n e r m u st observe the precepts a n d rectify his c o n d u ct. H e should live in a tra n q u il settin g w here he can q u ie t his m in d . S ccon d, he m ust re d u ce his desires a n d learn to be satisfied with w h a te v e r he possesses. T h ir d , he should learn to be satisfied with w h a te v e r clothing, food, o r shelter he possesses; he should also vow to cut off his defilem ents nnd to follow rhe religious p ath By cu ltivating these practices a n d attitu d es, he develops a healthy body a n d tra n q u il m ind. H e finds a q u ie t place to practice a n d fosters the w illpower neces­ sary for lead in g a religious life. H e is ready to begin the practice oI: m e d ­ itation. A fter passing th ro u g h these prelim in ary stages, the p ractitio n er p e r­ form s religious austerities to attain the three degrees o f the w orthy : the livefold view for q u ie tin g th e m in d , p artic u la r states o f m in dfulness, a n d a genera! state o f m in d fu ln ess. T h e fivefold view for q u ietin g th e mind consists o f five types o f y o g it p r a c t i c e th at calm th e m in d and cor­ respond to calm ab id in g (samatha). T h e five a re m e d ita tio n s on im p u ­ rity, c o m p a ssio n . D ep en d en t O r ig in a tio n , classifications o f th e ele­ ments, and counting the breaths. T h e m editatio ns on impurity anti COUnl tn g the b r e a t h s a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t . O n c e (he p ra c titio n e r is ftrmIy established in calm ab id in g , he begins to practice insight m e d ita tio n (vipasyand), w hich consists o f the cultivation o f p a rtic u la r a n d genera! states o f m indfulness. F o u r types o f m in d luhiess (iatv&ri smriy-uptLilhanani) are stressed: m in dfulness o f the im pu-

rijy o f rhe body, m ind fu lness thai ail sensatio ns arc ill (du.hkha)l m in d fu l­ ness th ai the m in d is I m p e rm a n e n t, a n d m in dfuln ess th at all p h e n o m ­ e n a (dharma) a re n o n s u b sta n tia l. If a p ra c titio n e r m ed itates on these subjects individually, h e is cu ltiv atin g p a rtic u la r siaies m indfulness. C u ltiv a tio n o f these stales o f m indfulness d estro y s four types o f wrotlg views (viparydsa-catufka), n a m e ly wrongly p erceiving p h e n o m e n a as p u re , blissful, etern al, o r su bstantial. N ext is the cultivation o f a general state o f m in dfuln ess W hile he is p erfo rm in g his m ed itatio n on the dh&rmas, the p ra c titio n e r tu rn s his atten tio n to the body, sen satio n s, m in d , a n d the dharmas to g e th e r a n d realizes th at all h av e the characteristics in c o m m o n o f being im p u re , im p e rm a n e n t, ill, a n d n o n su b sta n tia l. A f t e r the pr ac t it io ne r h a s c o m p l e t e d the three d e g r e e s o f the wise

(so m e tim e s called the " e x te r n a l degrees o f the w o rld lin g " ), he advances t h r o u g h the f o u r degrees o f favorable ro ots (also called the " in te rn a l degrees o f the w o rld lin g "). T h e three degrees o f the wise a n d the four d e g re e s o r favorable roots a re p re p a ra to ry steps (pfayega) for the p ath o f insight a n d a rc thus stages o f the worldling. T h e four d egrees o f fav o r­ able roots are w a rm th (usmagata), peak (mdrdhan), acquiescence (kfdnli), an d the pin nacle o f worldly tr u th (liukikdgraiS). T h e practices for these stages consist p rim a rily o f m editatio ns on six­ teen aspects o f the F o u r N ob le T ru th s. In re g a rd to the im t h o f suffer M g, the p ra c titio n e r c o n te m p la te s how p h e n o m e n a a re ( I ) i m p e r m a ­ n en t (aniiya), (2) suffering (duftkha), {3) n o n s u b sta n tia l (sunya), a n d (4) Selfless (andtm ahi) Tn re g a rd to the tr u th o f the cause o f suffering, he con siders (5) how defiled causes (fatu) result in suffering, (&} how suffer* ioig o rig in ates (aamitdaya) a n d increases, {7) how suffering is caused by a series o f causes (prabhaia), a n d (B) how co n d itio n s (pratyaya) act as co n ­ trib u tin g cau ses to suffering- W h e n c o n te m p la tin g the tru th o f nfnupo, th e p ra c titio n e r considers (9) how th e defilem ents all ccase (nirodha), (10) how nirvana is peaceful (santa) because it is free o fc o n fu s io n b ro u g h t a b o u t by the defilem ents, (11) how nirvana is exccllenl (pranita) b ecause it is free o f all ills, a n d (12) how nirvana constitutes a n escape (mfisarana) from all m isfo rtu n es. In regard to the tru th o f the p ath , he con siders (13) how the p a th (marga) is sagely, (14) how ii is re a so n a b le (nydya) b ecau se it accords wilh the tru lh , (15) how it leads to the a tta in m e n t (pratt patti) o f nirvana, a n d (16) how it results in lib era tio n (nairydnika) from samsdra. U p to this p o in t, religious practice for the S arv astiv ad in consists of ob serv ing the precepts, red u cin g desires, a n d learn in g to be satisfied w ith w h a te v e r is possessed, as well as m editatio ns b ased on im purity, th e c o u n tin g o f b re a ih s, th e F o u r N oble T r u th s , and the four states of m in d fu ln ess. M ed itatio n s on the F o u r N oble T ru th s a rc particularly

c e n tra l to these p ra c tic e s A fter ihe p ra c titio n e r adv an ces fro m the stapes o f th r w o rldling to rhe stapes of th e saint, in w hich he follows the p ath s o f insight a n d m e d ita tio n , he co n tin u es his m e d ita tio n s on ihe I 'c u r Niibic I ruths. As the p rant U lo n er's k n t i w l t t l g t ' o f t h t F o ur Noble T ru th * becom es m ore p ro fo u n d , he is able to cut o ff the defilem ents th ro u g h the pow er o f his d e e p e n in g wisdom . Since the four degrees of favorable roots are realised th ro u g h practices based on th r F o ur Nnblc T ru th s , these degrees rep resen t differences in the p ro fu n d ity o f the p ra c titio n e r's u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e T ru th s. T h e firsi d eg ree is called “ head" (usmegate) because it is a sign o f the “ fla m e s " o f th r religious p ath th at will rise in the practitioner. T h e sec­ o n d d e g ree is called " 's u m m it1' (murdkan) because the p ra c titio n e r has a d v an ced (u the highest point o f his religious life up to this lim e. li is the last stage from w hich a bad r e b in h is still possible. T h e p ractitio n er also realizes that if he c o n tin u es, still higher levels o f u n d e r s ta n d in g can be reached. In a sim ilar way, w hen a m o u n ta in c lim b e r has cl im b ed a peak, he sees still high er peaks a h e a d to conquer. T h e th ird stage is called "acquiescence'" ( k fm ii) because [lit p r a c ti­ tio n e r acquiesces to the F ou r N oble T ru th s , It is a form o f en lig h ten ' m e n t in re g a rd to m u n d a n e w isdo m . A person will not backslide b e y o n d this stage once he has reach ed it. T h e p ra c titio n e r's religious ''fa m ily " (gotra) a n d th e u ltim ate goal he has the po tential to realize is d e te rm in e d white h e is in the s ta g r o f acquicsccnce. People, with th ree types of p otential a re fount! practicing in the four stages o f favorable roots: those with ihe p otential lo b e c o m e arhats (sraLaka-gotra o r stfya-gotra, Abhtdhatmakoia, p. 34fl), those w ith the potential ro b e c o m e pTOtyekabuddhas, an d those with the potential to becom e B u dd has. W h e n a p erso n o f ihe iravaka-gotra is at rhe stages o f h eat (ufmeg/ata) o r p eak (ttiurAhan), his gotoa m a y ch an g e to e ith e r of the o th e r two; but once lie has realized the stage o f acquiescence (kfantx) as a p erso n o f the irdvaka^gaiTa his gotrn wiit n e v e r ch an g e. T h o s e people w ho belong to c ith e r the ptaiytkabuddha o r th e B u d d h a gotra do not ch an g e th eir gotm a n d are lim ited to th e goals ol th eir p a rtic u la r “ family," T h u s , the p ra c titio n e r's goira is p e rm a n e n tly d e te rm in e d w hen he reaches the stage o f acqoiescence ( 7 ’29:120c). A person m u st sp e n d a long tim e p racticin g in the stage o f acq u ies­ cence, O n c e he passes th ro u g h it, he a tta in s the pinn acle o f worldly tru th (tatikikdgratd), the highest dharma a i th e m u n d a n e . It is the highest lorm o f e n lig h te n m e n t b ased on m u n d a n e know ledge anti is p ro du ced th ro u g h frequent m ed itatio n on the sisiccn aspects o f the F ou r N o b lr T ru th s. Since it is the highest point on this p a rt o f the p a th , it lasts only an in sta n t. A fterw ard , (he sagely paths a p p e a r a n d the p ra c titio n e r enters the path o f insight.

In th e p ath o f insight (darsana-mdTga), p u re (andsraua) know ledge, the w isdo m o f e n lig h te n m e n t, em erges an d develops. In co ntrast, th e p r e ­ vious sla n ts o f the th ree w is t d egrees an d four degrees o f favorable roots a re b ased on im p u re (dsrava) a n d co nv entio nal know ledge (samvrti' jnrirta). A cco rd in g to the S a rv a s tiv a d in s h practices b ased on im p u re know ledge could lead to p u re know ledge even th o u g h , strictly speaking, such a relatio n sh ip ra n c o u n te r lo the s ta n d a rd law o f cau se a n d effect. W ith this p u re know ledge, [he p ra c titio n e r realizes cessation th ro u g h analysis (pratisankhya-niradha), an u n co n d itio n ed dharma. T h is iype o f causal relatio n is called ihe sep arativ e cfTcct (visamyoga-phalti); no g en ­ eral o r aciive cau se (kam ia-fatu) is found in this relation. O t h e r schools suggested a n o th e r a p p ro a c h to rhe p rob lem of e x p la in ­ ing how p u re e n lig h te n m e n t could arise from a m ind seem ingly defiled. A cco rd in g to th e m , ev eryo ne intrinsically possessed the qualities lhai w ould en ab le h im to realize e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e M ah asaiig h ik as, D isc rim in a to rs, a n d others m a in ta in e d that the original n a tu r e o f the m ind w as pure. L ater, this type o f do ctrin e developed into the M ahayana T a th a g a ta g a r b h a (B u d d h a - n a tu re ) tra d itio n , w hich held that every person possessed p u re , u n c o n d itio n e d dharmas from the b e g in ­ n in g . T h e lull fo rm o f the term “ th e p a ih o f in s ig h t'1 is " th e p ath of insight in to t r u t h '1 (satyadarsanam tirga). T h e p ra c titio n e r is en lig h te n e d by rhe p ro fu n d ity o f the F o u r N oble T ru th s. T h is e n lig h te n m e n t has two aspects: acquiescence (kfanti) a n d know ledge (jridna) T h r o u g h a c q u ie s ­ cence, the defilem ents are cut off; an d by know ledge, cessation throu gh analysis (prattsankhy&mrodha) is o b ta in e d . T h e p ath o f insight consists of fifteen in stan ts. T h e first in sta n t ls devoted to acquiescence to the Firsi N oble T r u i h (th a t existence is suffering) in the desire realm F ro m the tim e o f this realization , the p ra c titio n e r is a sage (£iya-saUva)> D u rin g the second instant, know ledge o f the tr u th o f suffering in the desire realm is realized. In the ih ird in sta n t, the p ra c titio n e r acquiesces to the tru th o f suffering in th e form a n d formless realm s; a n d in the fourth in stan t, he obtains know ledge o f rhe tru th o f suffering m the form an d formless realm s. T h is p a tte r n is rep eated for the th ree tru ih s o f the cause o f suffering, its extinction, a n d ihe p ath . H o w ev er, in the fif­ teen th in sta n t {acquiescence o f the tru th o f the p ath for th e tw o higher realm s) know ledge o f the t r u t h o f the p ath for the two hig her re a lm s — in fact, k n ow ledg e o f all F o u r N oble T r u ih s — is clearly Seen with the wis­ d om o f e n lig h te n m e n t. C onsequently, these fifteen in stan ts co n stitu te the p ath o f insight- It is not the ease, however, thai ihe sixteenth instant

{knowledge o f th e tru th o f the p ath in the (wo h ig h e r realm s) is not expericnoed at flll R ath er, ic is re p e a te d over a n d o v e r ju s t as the validity ol the F o u r N oble T ru th s m a y be repeatedly perceived. W h a t w ould h av e c o rre s p o n d e d to the sixteenth instant is the b e g in n in g o f ihe path of m ed itaiio n . T h e p ath o f insight into the F o u r Noble T ru th s is also called e n te rin g into “ the sagely p ath o f p u re wisdom and cutting off ihe defilem ents th a t b in d one to life” (niydmdvakrdnti). T h r o u g h it, the eighty-eight d efilem en ts th at m a y be c u t o ff th ro u g h an u n d e rs ta n d in g of the F our N oble T r u th s a re destro yed . A distinction is d r a w n b d w r t n tw o typers o f p ractitio n ers w ho e n te r the p ath o f insight. T h e first, th e sraddhdnusdrin (ihe person w hose p r a c ­ tice is b ased on faith), is so m eo n e with dull faculties. H e en ters the p a th n f in sigh 1 th ro u g h faiih. T h e second, the dharmanuxdrirx (the p erso n whose p ractice is based on his u n d e rs ta n d in g n f the D h a r m a ), is s o m e ­ one w ith s h a rp faculties, H e en ters the p a th of insight th ro u g h his m e d i­ tatio ns on th e D h a r m a . I n term s o f the stages o f the four c a n d id a te s a n d fnll E' fruits, e n t r y t(j ihe [ 13 th n f insight c o r r t s p o n t l s tn ibe s ta ge 0 } tmrlij a ca n d id a te for s tre a m -e n tra n t. In th e sixteenth instant o f realization o f the F o u r N oble T r u th s , the p ra c titio n e r en ters the p ath o f m editation (bhdmna-mdrga). T h e r e he repeats iiis religious practices u n til they hav e be com e in grain ed. Since the sixteenth in stam o f the p a th o f insight is a repetitio n o f the e x p eri­ ence o f the fifteenth insiani, the p ath o f m e d ita tio n m ay be said to begin at the sixteenth instan t, a point that c o rre s p o n d s to the fruit o f stream e n tra n t. Because the sixteen in sta n ts follow each o th e r in a necessary pro g ressio n , oncc the p ra c titio n e r has e n te re d the p ath o f insight, he is assu red o f realizing ihe fruit o f stre a m -e n tra n t W h en a p erso n who practices in accord w ith faith (sraddhdnusdnn) en ters th e p ath o f m e d ita tio n , he is said to be “ one w ho ha* realized p u re know ledge th ro ug h fa ith " (sraddhddimukta). T h e person wrho prac* l i d 'i in accord with his u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the D h a r m a (d h a r r n a n iu r ir in ) is said to be "o n e who has attained correct v ie w s" (dfftififofrta) when he en ters the pa th o f m ed i ta t io n. T h e f o l l o w i n g Six stages are i n c l u d e d in

the p ath o f m e d itatio n : (1) ihe fruit of stream -en tran t* (2) th e c a n d id a te an d (3) the fruit o f 0 nee - ret u r tier, (4) th e c a n d id a te a n d (5) ihe fruit of non re tu rn e r, a n d (6) the c a n d id a te o f arhat. A n o n r e t u r n e r w ho has realEzed the a b so rp tio n o f cessation (ntfodha-samdpattt) is called a '*bodily w itn ess” (kdyasdkfin). W h en th e p ractition er finally cuts off all defile­ m ents, he ia tailed “ one w h o no longer n eed s to p ra c tic e " (asaiha). T h e p erson whose practice is b ased on faith m u st still g u a rd him self against retro gression after he has becom e an arhat even (hough his m in d is freed

o f de Filcments ( sStnayinki kdntd cftovinmkiitt). H e m u st also wait for the a p p r o p ria te Lime to e n te r m editatio ns. In con trast, thy p erso n w hose practice has been based u p o n a n u n d e r s ta n d in g o f ihe D h a r m a will no* be su bject to retrogression after he becom es an arhat (asamayai'imukta) H e is able to e n te r m ed itatio n w hen ev er he chooses a n d realizes einan* cip aiio n th rou gh w isdom (prajndvimukta), w hich destroys ignorance. If he can also e n te r the a b so rp tio n o f cessation he is said to have realized em a n c ip a tio n th ro u g h both wisdom a n d m ed itatio n (ubhayaiobhdgavimukta). T h e seven stapes on t h t sagtrly p a th —smddkanusQTin, dhartndnusdrirt, sraddhddhimukui, dr$iiprdpta, kdy&sdksin, pnjndvim ukte, utthayatobhdgtiuirnukta— a re collectively k n o w n as the " se v e n sages.” A lthough a list of seven fiages is also found in T h c r a v a d a sources, th e T h c r a v a d a list dif­ fers from th at oE the Abhidharmakosa. V arious o th e r stages a re also d escribed in the Abhidharmakosa. For ex am p le, a p erson w ho will be reb o rn only several m o re lim es (kularikuia) before becom ing a n arhai is includ ed rts a subdivision o f those w ho a re c a n d id a te s for once re turner. Kive {or so m etim es seven) subdivisions o f non r e tu rn e r a re spec i lied, includ in g the m m r r t u r n c r w ho realizes pannirvdna while he is betw een lives in (he antiirdbhava (antardparinirvdyin). Six {or so m etim es nine) ivpes ol qthats a re <Ji51ingu 1shed on the basis o r s uc h e riteria as w h eth er o r not they backslide and the circu m stan ces u n d e r w hich they m ight backslide. W h e n ail o f these categories were collected ihe result was a list o f eig h teen categories o f I Etose in [raining (iaikpa) a n d nine1Categories o f those w ho h a d co m p leted th eir tra in in g , a total o f tw enty-seven types o f wise m en an d sages. A sch em atic list o f th e S arv astiv ad in p ath is o u tlin ed below

I.

T h e Stages o f the S arvaarivadin P ath P re lim in a ry practices

II. S e v e n s t a g e s o f th e w is e

A, T h r e e degrees o f the wise 1. Fivefold m ed itatio n lor q u ie tin g the m in d 2. P a rtic u la r states of m indfulness 5, G e n e ra l state uf m indfulness H. T o u r degrees o f favorable roots [in tern al degrees o f the worldling) 1. W a r m th ( ufmagala) 2. Peak (murdhan) 3. A cquiescence (ksanti) 4. P m nacle o f wo rid] y t ru th (laukikdgratd) III. Seven degrees o f the sage

A, T h e p ath s o f tra in in g J. T h e p ath o f insight (dariana-mdrga' can d id ate for Slreame n tra n t) a. T h e p ractitio n er w ho h in accord w ith faith (had* dhdrtuidtin), progresses to 3 a b. T h e p ra c titio n e r who is in accord wilh (he D h a r m a (dfianndjiusdrtrt), progresses to £b 2, T h e p aih o f m ed itatio n (bhdvand-marga, si r e a m -e n tr a n t io can d id ate for arhat) a. He who has realized p u r e knowledge through faith ( sraddhddhimukta) h,

Her w h o h a s a t t a i n e d c o r r e c t v i e w s ( drsiiprdpta)

B h 7 he pa t h o f no fu rihe r t rai n ia g (asmkfa, arhat)

T h t T e n T y p e s o f K n o w le d g c E n lig h te n m e m is based on p u re (andsravti) know ledge. A cco rd in g to S arv astiv ad in J o t l n n t , wisdom (prajna) is the m ental faculty with the b ro ad est ran ge o f fun ctio ns co n cern in g know ledge. W is d o m e n a b le s people to u nd erstan d * a function th at is also called investigation (pmmiaya). W isd o m is analyzed b y dividing it into th ree a sp e c ts- h a n (i/ jrtdna, a n d drfti. K fd n ti (acquiescence) elim inates doubts. Jndna (know ledge) has the function o f firmly establish in g the u n d e r s ta n d in g Z}r?A usually m ean s " v ie w s ” in K uddhism , as tn the list o f five w ro n g views o r ihe correct views m e n tio n e d in the eightfold p ath . In (his instance, ii m ight be tra n slated as " l o o k i n g / 1 since it refers to inferring a n d .searching for ihe tru th . I n (he sixteen in stan ts o f (he p ath o f insighl, drfti w ould Lie in clud ed wilh (he eight in stan ts o f acquiescence, since an elem ent o f seeking exists in acquiescence, Because the defilem ent* a re not c o m ­ pletely c u t off by acquiescence, th e p ra c titio n e r m ost seek fu rth er to e lim in a te th e m completely. W is d o m is so m etim es classified according to the m etho d by which it is a tta in e d , as in a list o f th ree types of know ledge gained as the p racti' tioner travels the p a th to salvation: w isdom gained th ro u g h hearing, throu gh th o u g h t, a n d th ro ug h religious practice. T h e fir11 ty p e is w is­ dom resulting from h earin g the D h a r m a p reach ed o r from reading books. T h is ty p e o f w isd om is also said to be in n ate, w hereas the ncxi tw o types are developed th ro u g h practice. T h e second type, w isdom th ro u g h tho ug ht, is the result o f c o n te m p la tio n , especially c o n te m p la ­ tion o f correct doctrines. T h e th ird type* wisdom th ro u gh religious practice, arises by p u ttin g the first tw o typers o f wrsdom rnto practice

th ro u g h m editation* In o ih er words, it IB eq u iv alen t to a p p ro p ria tin g ihe w isd om for on eself and m a k in g it an integral pari o f nneself. U su ally discussions o f w isdom in abhidharma literatu re refer to this last type {Abhidharmakoia, T 2 9 :1 1 6 c). T h e m ost basic classification o f wisdom is twofold: im p u re (andtraim) an d pure (dsrava) w isdom , Since know ledge is the most im p o rtan t aspect o f w isd o m , the sam e division into p u re a n d im p u re is used for knowl­ edge. T h e se two classifications, in turn, are e x p a n d e d into the following rrn types o f know ledge (dasa-jnandm) (a b r ie f dcscrip*ton o f the object or function o f each know ledge is included). \ . C o n v e n tio n a l know ledge (satnvtii-jHana)— kn o w ledg e in the e v eryd ay sense o f the w ord, b o th Conditioned arid u n co n d itio n ed dharmas m a y also be objects o f this Type o f know ledge ‘1. K now ledge o f dhantuts (dhatma'jndna) — the true aspects o f dharmas a n d the F o u r N ob le T r u t h s relative to the desire realm i . S u b se q u e n t know ledge (anuaya-jAdna) — (he F o ur N oble Truths relative to th e form a n d formless realm s 4. K now ledge o f suffering (duhkha-jndna) —d efilem en ts subject to the Firs< N oble T r u t h elim in ated 5. K n ow led ge o f origin ation ( samudaya jndrta)— defilem ent* subject [u the Second N oble T r u t h elim in ated 6. K n ow led ge o f cessation (ntradha'-jnana) — defilem ents subject to the T h i r d N oble T r u t h elim inated 7 K no w ledg e o f p ath (margajjiana) — defilem ents subject to the F o u rth N oble T ru th elim in ated 3, K n ow led ge o f the m ind s o f o th ers (paracitfayMotta} 9. K n ow led ge o f exiinction (kfaya-jnarto) — the know ledge th ai [he d efilem ents hav e been extin gu ish ed , suffering u n d e rsto o d , the cau se of suffering elim in ated , Mir&fyd realized, a n d the p a th c o m ­ pleted 10- K now ledge o f n o n p ro d u c tio n (anutpada-jndna) — the know ledge that the conditions that w ould allow yny f u rth e r suffering or reb irth s to occu r arc ab sent Except for co n ventio nal know ledge a n d some form s o f [he kno w ledg e oi o th cr m in ds, all o f these types o f know ledge are
be accom plished h a s tn fact been accom plished. T h e know ledge o f n o n ’ p ro d u c tio n is the u n d e r s ta n d in g th at the circu m stan ces th at w ould lead to fu rth er practice will not arise again. Because both o f these are k no w l­ edges o f a state o f co m pletio n, they have no elem en t o f seeking in th e m , bui they do have the q u ality o f know ledge. T h e second th ro u g h the sev­ en th types o f knowledges involve the elim in atio n o f both d o u b ts an d co n jcciu re a n d therefore hav e both the aspects o f loo king (drfti) an d know ledge (jndna). K now ledge o f o th er m ind s m ay be eith er a p u re o r an im p u re k no w l­ edge . A d van t e d p ract i t ioners o f bot h B udd hisrn a nd h eterud Ox reJ i gion s w ere th ought to be able to acq u ire live s u p e rh u m a n abilities (clairvo y­ ance, d a ir a u d ic n c c , know ledge o f the m in d s o f others, the ability to go w herev er o n e wished, and the ability lo r e m e m b e r past lives). B uddhist p ra c titio n e rs w ere th o u g h t to naturally o b ta in the know ledge o f the m ind s o f o th ers when they b e c a m e sages. In such a case, this know ledge w a s purr-

R ut whcrn it w a s o b t a i n e d by a n o n - B u d d h i s t , it w a s i m p u r e .

O t h e r t h a n ihe ahnve n in e types of p u r e k no w led ge (nos. 2—J0), all types o f know ledge a c q u ire d th ro u g h h earin g , t h o u g h t a n d religious p ractice a re con ven tion al types o f knowledge.

M editation T h e cultivation o f wisdom m u st be based on a fo u nd atio n o f m e d ita ­ tion. T h u s h the practice o f m ed itatio n precedes the acqu isitio n o f wis­ d om . T h e S an sk rit term used for m ed itatio n h ere is samddhi, which m ay be tra n sla te d as " c o n c e n tr a tio n .” In samddhi, the m in d is not agitated; even if o n e 's atte n tio n moves o r changes, the m ind will not be agitated. Samddhi m ay be con trasted with the term '[yoga,,r w hich com es from a root m e a n in g ” to jo in to g eth er." T h e m ind is focused a n d jo in e d to the object. Yoga is th u s a quiescent form of m ental c o n cen tratio n . In Early B u d d h ism , the term “samddhi'* is often used. T h e te rm “dhydne” was used to refer to the m editative stages that resulted in samddhi. T h e term “yoga ,J is not used very often in B u dd hist texts, bui e x a m ­ ples o f it can be found in the Agamas a n d abhidharma texts. In abhidharma. texts, samddhi is defined as the state in w hich th e mi rid is c o n c e n tra te d on one object (cilta-fka-agratd) a n d thus has a p p ro x im a te ly (he s a m e co n ­ tent as “yoga. ” T h e dhydrm (tranccs) are d iv id ed into four classes: first, secon d, th ird , an d fourth T h is r!ossification occurs in the Agamas. T h e best type of samddhi occurs w hen two types o f m ed itatio n , calm ab id in g (famatka) an d insight (mpasyand), are in e q u ilib riu m . As the p ra c titio n e r pro-

grcsses th ro u g h t h t four dkyanai, his pow er o f concern rat ion intensifies. Ell the first dhydna he applies investigation (vitarka) a n d scru tiny (tu a ia ) fn tht* o utside w orld. F ro m th e sccond dhyana o n w a rd his p erception of ihe outsider world has biren cut offh an d investigation anti scru tiny are no lo ng er applied. In t h t first th ro u g h (ho ihird dhydna he still experiences a physical bliss. But in the fourth dhyana this bliss has d isap p e ared T h e rm n d is p u re a n d estab lished in equ anim ity . T h e essence ol the four dhyanat is th e c o n c e n tra tio n on a single objcct. Since w isdo m fun ctio ns alon g w ilh m e d ita tio n , the function in g o f w isd om becom es stro n g er as ihe p ra c titio n e r progresses in his m ed itatio n M e d ita tio n exists in ihe desire realm , b u t it is alw ays incom plete. C o n seq u en tly , th e desire realm is a place w h ere the ev ery d ay scaitered o r unfocused m in d p re d o m in a te s. Ii is not a place o f m editation (dhydnabhumi) as a re the form a n d formless realms. Between (he desire realm a n d the first dhyana is a p re p a ra to r y stage o f m ed itatio n (andgamya). In both this stage a n d th e first dhyana, investigation a n d scru tiny are applied. In the im e rm e d ia le stage (dhydna aniam) betw een the first an d second dhydna, only scru tiny is p ie sent' investigation has ceased. Both s fru lin y a n d investigation a re functions of th o u g h t, but investigation, t eases first becau se it is a c o a rse r fo rm o f m ental activity. F ro m rile sec­ ond dhydna o n w a rd n eith er investigation n o r scru tin y is p resent. W ith in the fourth dhydna is a co n cen tratio n w ithout perception (aiamjr'it jarnapatii) in which all perception has com pletely ceased. NonB uddhists a re said ro be p a rtic u la rly fond o f e n te rin g this rrancc an d often io m istake it lor nirodpa. If a person dies while he is in this tra n ce, h e will be r e b o r n m th e r e a l m w ilh out p e r c e p t i o n , w h i c h is a p a r t o f the F o u rth M e d ita tio n H eav en , NirodHa-scmdpatti (cessation a b s o rp tio n ) resem bles co n cen tratio n w ithout perception. But in nirodha-tamdpafti, the m en tal functions dow n io sensation cease. O n ly B uddhists e n te r lUh form o f m e d ita tio n . If a p erso n dies while h e is in it> he will be reb orn in the realm o f n e ith e r percep tio n nor n o n p ercep rio n (naiva-samjnriTujwrtijna dyaiaTia) in the form less realm , W'hLlc the p ract it Loner ls in the fourth dhydna, he ii n e v e r com pletely free o f some sense o f his body. H ig h e r form s o f m e d ita tio n , however, consist o f consciousness only, d ev o id o f any sense o f the physical body T h e se h ig h er m ed ira tio n s are called the four formless a b so rp tio n s. T h e term “ f o rm " in ihis case refers 10 the physical body. In the Four trances the p ra c titio n e r was a w a re o f his body while he m e d ita te d . If he died while he was in o n e of the dhyanas, he was reb o rn in th e c o rresp o n d in g heaven in the form realm . T h o s e w ho die while in th e fo rm k s s a b s o r p ’ Hons a re sim ilarly reb o rn in the formless realm* Since the formless realm is d evoid o f m a tte r, it can n o t be said to exist as a physical place.

H ow ev er, hirth a n d death occur w id u n the formless realm, a n d lim e m u s t therefore exist in it, T h e four formless absorp tion s a re the infinity of space, ihe infinity o f consciousness, no th ing ness, and n eith er p e rc e p ­ tion n o r no n percept ion.

N ir v a n a

and the T h ree Realms

T h e th ree realm s (desire, fo rm , a n d formless) co rresp o n d lo m editative an d m en la] states T h e three realm s com pose th e co n d itio n ed (m m siyia) w orld in w hich sentient being s go th ro u g h cycles o f b irth a n d d e a th . A tro rfiinjf to abhidharmsi tesis, nirvana lies o u tsid e thi1co n d itio n ed world. It is a realm bey on d space a n d tim e. A lthough it is eTernal, it seems d evoid o f c o n ten t, a realm o f n othingness. A n arhat cuts ofi all his defilem c n ts, ex ting uish es his k a rm a , an d a b a n d o n s both bo dy a n d m in d w h en he en ters final nirvdjuz, Because even the w isdom gained in en lig h ien m cn t is c o n d itio n ed , it, loo, m u st be a b a n d o n e d . T h u s , n o th ing rem ain s w hen he en ters nirvana. T h is view o f nirvana was errrSeized by M ahiiyim a B uddhists as bein g th e extinction o f body a n d m ind. O n e o f the m a jo r reasons for the rise o f M a h a y a n a was the dissatisfaction with this view o f mtvane, Consequently, M a h a y i n * Buddhists sought tu land th eir goal w ithin this co n d itio ned w orld so that they m i^h t view both (heir goaf a n d the world in a m o re positive m a n n e r.

P A R T TH REE

EARLY M AH AYAN A BUDDHISM

CHAPTER 14

The Evolution o f the Order after As'oka

I n d ia after A so k a T h e M au ey a n E mpirje declined rapidly after the d e a th o f K in g A£oka {r. c. 268-1*32 b .C.E.) a n d was finally destroyed by the general Pu$yamitra in a p p ro x im a te ly ISO b . g . k .1 P u ^ y am itra fou nd ed the S uh ga d y n a s ty ; how ever, his p u w er never ex ten ded beyo nd the G an g etic plain. Also a t this tim e, a succession of G reek kings in v ad ed n o r t h w e s t e rn In d ia a n d established several d ynasties. In s o u th e rn In d ia the S a ta v a h a n a dynasty, an A n d h r a n dynasty, was established on the Deccan p lain a n d re m a in e d in p o w er from 200 n , a E , u n til the th ird c e n tu ry c.p. D u rin g the four cen tu ries in which this d yn asty ru le d , a flourishing c u ltu re developed in politically stable S o u th In d ia , Finally, along the east coast in the form er lan d s o f K aliriga, the C eti d y n asty was founded Its th ird king, K h a ra v e la (fi. first c e n tu ry b .c . p.,), was particularly fam ous. Inscrip tion s describing his acco m p lish m en ts have been d isco v­ ered , hut the later history o f the d y n a s ty is u n k n o w n .

Sunga D yn asty T h e Surign d y n a s ty fo un ded by P u ^ y am itra, lasted for H 2 years. A lth o u g h P u s y a m itr a s u p p o rte d B r a h m a n is m a n d p ersecu ted B u d ­ d hism , m ost later kings in this dy nasty favored B u d d h ism . Inscriptions reco rd th at K in g D h a n a b h u ti-Y a c h ip u ta c o n trib u te d a gate (to/ana) an d stone: b u ild in g (silakammamta) to the B uddhist stupa Hi B h arh u t. H is son,

P rin ce V adh ap^Ja, m ad e c o n trib u lio n s for the erectio n o f the railing (w dika) (hat s u rro u n d s (he stupa. In add ition , Q u e e n N a g a ra k h ita gave dun a lions for the cuus ( r u n ion o f the railing. Inscription s found at M a th u r a reveal th at V fidhapala also helped w ith (he building o f th e rail' ing there.

Bharhut and Sanct B h arh u t is situ ated in th e so uth w estern part o f cen tral In d ia on the m a in road from the west coast in lan d to M a g a d h a Because o f its loca­ tion, the B u dd hist com plex at B h a rh u t was com pletely desiroyed by non B u dd hists w hu invaded In d ia . In 1873 A. C u n n i n g h a m , a British g en eral w h o c o n d u c te d an archeological survey o f I n d ia , discovered the ruin s. T h e east gate a n d those p arts o f ihe raiEing that h a d suffered the least d a m a g e w ere s u b se q u e n tly taken to the C a lc u tta M u s e u m , resto red, a n d exhibited, 1 Key indicate th at B harhut was a m agnificent site. An inscription co n cern itig K in g D h a n a b lm ti was found on a pillar o f the east gate. T h e stupa d ates from the m iddle o f the secon d cen tu ry &.C.E.,, the h eig h t o f the S u n g a dynasty. P a ia iip m ra a n d Y id isa w ere the political Centers o f the S un ga dynasty. Because K ing A so k ahs son M a h in d a was a n ativ e o f Vidifia* the tow n b ecam e a m a jo r c en ter o f B uddhism ; there w ere m a n y stupas in ils en v iro n s. M o re th an sixty o f these stupas, know n collectively as die “ tthtlsa T op es,” hav e b een discovered. A lthough m ost o f Them are in ruins* the ones at S a n ta — a p p ro x im a te ly twenty, b o th targe a n d s m a l l " a re still in good condition. T h e fam ous g reat stupa at S anci is well prc served. It is an im p o sin g stru c tu re , Hi.4 m eters high a n d with a d ia m e ­ te r o f 37 m eters. R e s e a rc h has revealed (hat it liegan as a small tiled siupa built d u r in g A so k a‘s tim e a n d that su b se q u e n tly it was covered w ith stone a n d e x p a n d e d to its present p ro p o rtio n s d u rin g the Stinga dynasty: R ailin g s w ere )ater built a r o u n d it a n d four gaies p o in tin g in the c a rd in a l d irectio n s were co n stru cted . O f the four gates, the s o u th e rn one i* the oldest At] inscription states thai it was c o n stru cted d u rin g lin­ early perio d o f th e A n d h r a n dynasty. Thus th e stupa wan g rad ually built a n d e x p a n d e d d u r i n g (he M a u r y a n , Surigan, a n d A n d h r a n dynasties. T h e four g ates arc covered with delicate relief carv in gs thai h a v e m a d e S anci fam ous a m o n g art historians. Since m ost o f the kings o f th e S u hg a d y n a s ty fav ored B u d d h ism , rhe religion m a d e substantia! a d v a n c e s d u rin g this period. M a n y o f the railings ul B h arh u i were carved at this lim e. T h e inscriptions on th em in dicate that th e bio g ra p h y o f (he B uddha a n d die jtitaka tales w ere the

favorite subjects for carving. Fifteen scenes from the b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a a n d th irty-tw o fm m the jdtak&i h av e been idem ified. In ihe scenes from the bio g ra p h y o f the Buddha, t h t figure o f the Bu dd ha is not represented as a h u m a n b eing but is instead sym bolized by the b o d h i-lttt with an a d a m a n tin e seat before it. A n im als a n d people are d e p ic tin g paying h o m a g e to the seat. Because the B u d d h a h a d e n te re d nirvana, m a n y felt th at he could not be re p resen ted in h u m a n form . In a d d itio n , the ap p e a ra n c e o f foiffa-irees rep resen tin g th e seven past B u d ­ d h a s (S ak y am u n i was the seven th) in ihe carvin gs suggests that people believed in th e seven B u dd has d u r in g this period. T h e n a m e s of those people w ho c o n trib u te d to the co n stru ctio n o f the railings a n d o th e r S tructures al B h arh u t w ere reco rd ed in inscriptions at the site* A n e x a m in a tio n o f the surviv in g 20EJ inscriptions yields v a lu ­ able in fo rm atio n ab ou t those who su p p o rted the con stru ction o f B h a r ­ hut. N a m e s o f indiv idu al m o nk s anH n u n s are included in the insrrip* lions. Sura? ol them h a d titles such as petakin (one w ho upholds a pi taka) o r pacarukfyika (one w ho is well versed in rhe five Nikdj&s). Such tides indicate lh al the canon w as alread y divided in to at least ihe Stitta-pttaka a n d Vtnaya-pilaka ai [his tim e An Ahhujhamrrut-pifaka m ay also have been established by this tim e. T h e te rm ,Lfive Nikdyas*' suggests th at the Suttapilaka w as alread y divided into five p arts, p rob ab ly in the sam e m a u n e r as was d o n e in Pali B u d d h ism . T h e title iuttontika (jnfto-m asier) is also found. Six ex am p les o ccu r o f people called bhdnaka (ch an ters o f scrjpture). Pali sources, such as th e Vtsuddhinuigga, include th e te rm s Digha-bhdnaka (nn c wh n ch a n ts Ihe Dtgha -u tkdya) an d -Ma naht (un e w ho eh a nts the Majjhima-nikdya), indicating rhai some people specialized in certain N t kayos. T h e te rm “Dharma-bhdriaka " ( c h a n t e r s o f the D h a r m a ) ap p ears in M a h a y a n a sources. Since the inscriptions at B h arh u t use only the term ' ‘bhdnaka/’ ihe co n ten ts o f the c h a n tin g re m a in unclear. O n e o f the six c h a n te rs in these inscriptions is called diya (sage) a n d th ree are called bhadanta (v en erab le). T h e s e four ch an ters w ere m on ks; how ever, ihe o th e r two c h a n te rs hav e no ap pellaiin n in d icatin g th at they were m o n k s. T h e previously m e n tio n e d ptfakvn w as called the “ sage (aya) J a t a M a n d was thus clearly a m o n k , “ T h e m a s te r o f the five N ikdyas,” how ever, was only called “ B u d h a r a k h ita ,” leav in g his s ta tu s unclear. T h e Mjarta-m astern was called the “ sage (aya) C u l a ” a n d was iherefore a m onk, S an ci is sou th w est o f B h a rh u t, n e a r the b o rd e r b etw een central an d w e iie m India. T h e inscriptions collected from 5 a n e t n u m b e r 9 0 4 1 m a n y m o re lh an w ere found ar B h arh u t. Includ ed a m o n g these a re in sc rip ’ tions on the lids a n d b ases o f five fu n erary u r n s discovered ai stupa n u m -

b c r 2. T h e co n ten ts o f two o f rhe u rn s a rc identified as rhe “ rem ain s of ihe sage o f the K a s a p a g o ta family w ho la u g h t in th e H im a la y a n a r e a ’1 a n d " ( h e rtn liiin s uf (he sage M a jh n n a ." In such wurfcs as tht‘ JlrmffFpJapdsadikd (7* 2 4:685a), these two m en are said lo hav e sp read Buddhism to the H im a la y a n regions d u rin g A soka's reign. A n o th e r urn is id en ti­ fied as c o n ta in in g ihe rem ain s o f “ M o g a lip u ta " and m a y hav e co n ­ tained th e relies u f M u g g a lip u tta T issa, K in g Anoka's teacher. F o u r u r n s w ere discovered in stupa n u m b e r 3. O n e o f these has an inscription identifying the co n ten ts as the re m a in s o f “ S a r ip u i a .11 T h e inscription on a n o th e r slJitts thilt it c o n t a i n s the r e m a i n s o f lLM a h a j m O g a l a n a . T h e se m a y have some relation lo two o f the B u d d h a s c h ie f disciples, S a r ip u tr a a n d M a h a -m o g g a lla n a (S. M a h a m a u d g a ly a y a n a ); however, the urn s a p p e a r to date only from the second cen tu ry u.c.E, T h e four gates a n d the railings at S a n d w ere built in th e first c e n tu ry b .c .e . T h e gates are d eco rated with delicate relief carving* p o n raying deities w ho g u ard B u d d h ism , as well as tw cnty-eighl scenes from the B u d d h a 's life a n d six from jdtaka iale*. T h e nam e* o f a very large n u m ­ b e r o f d o n o rs a re also (ound on ihe gates a n d railings. In clu d ed are m onks, n u n s, a n d lay believers. T h e n a m e s o f m a n y m o re n u n s than m onks a re recorded. T h e targe n u m b e r o f inscriptions such as “ a d o n a ­ tion o f the n u n Yakhi w ho is a resident o f V jillv ah an a" in dicate that m a n y o f t he d o n o rs d id not 1ive at Sim c i. M a n y o f t he m on ks a n d n u n s w ere from V idisa, T h e residences o f som e d o n o rs artr not recorded. In inscriptions co n cern in g lay h elicv trs, ihe appeElal Lims upaidka (lay ­ m an) a n d updsikd (la y w o m an ) rarely a p p e a r; usually only th eir n am es a re recorded. T h e reason for this om ission re m a in s u n c le a r T h e re are also five ex am p les in w hich the d o n o rs a re called ''h o u s e h o ld e r ” (gahap&ti) a n d seven teen in w hich ihey are colled " h e a d of ihe g u i l d '1 (tctthi) T h e g reater frequency o f th e te rm " h e a d o f the guild*' is a n Endicaiion o f the larg e n u m b e r s o f believers from the m e rc h a n t class. In ad ditio n, th ere are tw o o r th ree ex am p les o f c o n trib u tio n s by villages a n d several by Buddhisi o rg a n iz a tio n s (Bodha-gothi, Baudd/u-goffhf). O n e G reek d o n o r is also m e n tio n e d . In o n e inscription the d o n o r is described as a m onk w ho h a d “ m a s ­ tered ihe five collections (nikdyas).11 A ccording to a n o th e r inscription, a lay w o m a n n a m e d Avisina o f M a^alachifca(a who was well versed in the sutras (juiduJani) m ad e a c o n trib u tio n . (T h is in scrip tio n a p p e a rs twice.) O n e ex am p le o f a la y m a n versed in the jiIiras (mtlantika) is also recorded. Tw o in sc n p iio n s describe ihe d o n o rs (one la y m a n , one m onk) as reciters (bhanaka). A lth o u g h the schools oJ N ikaya B u d d h ism m ust hav e existed at th e iim±' w h en Sancf a n d B h arh u t w ere bein g esiab-

lished, it is no tew o rth y that not a single reference to a n y o f these schools ap p e a rs in the in script tons from the two sites. N ear Safici a re tw o sets o f stvpaj, the A n d lie r a n d B ho jp ur stupcs} which a rc u sually g ro u p e d to g eth er w ith the BhTtsa Topes. R eliq u aries a n d inscriptions hav e been discovered at the th ree A n d h e r stupas, located in a small village to the southw est ofBhMsa. T h e n a m e s " M o g a lip u ta " Emd 11H iritT p u ta ” a p p e a r in rhe inscripiionsn Besides S anci and B h a rh u l, a n o th e r im p o rta n t site in cen tral India is fo un d at B u d d h a g a y a , th e place w here S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a attain ed e n lig h te n m e n t, A caitya (m e m o ria l m o u n d ) was constru cted at this site ar a n early d a te ]during the £ u n g a dynasty, a m agn ificent b a lu stra d e was built a ro u n d the site o f th e B u d d h a 's enlightenm ent* hut only re m a in s o f it survive today. T h e c e n te r o f this sacred site is the " a d a ­ m a n tin e th r o n e " ai rhe foot o f rhe bsdhi^ tree w h ere S a k y a m u n i was seated at the tim e o f his e n lig h te n m e n t. D u rin g the G u p t a d yn asty the g reat stupa o f B u d d h a g a y a w as erectcd. (T h e great stupa fo u n d there tod ay is a resto ratio n d o n e at a later d a te .) T h e oldest s u rv iv in g struclu re at the site tod ay is a part o f its b a lu stra d e . T ra d itio n a l accou nts m a in ta in e d th at it d a te d back to rhe tim e o f A s o k a h but rccem research has revealed th at ii was built after B harhut had been co nstru cted . A m o n g the carving s on th e b a lu stra d e a re five th at p ro b ab ly concern the b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a a n d two th at a re related to the JaUtkas. Several o th e r im p o rta n t sites exist in central In d ia , Part o f an old b a lu stra d e was u n e a rth e d at P a [a lip u tn iT suggesting th e m agnificence o f the tem ples established by A soka at the A so k aram a. M a n y o th er tem pies a n d stiipas m ust hav e existed in cen tral In d ia , but little re m a in s to be seen today. Hciwever, a stone pillar erected a( [he o rd er o f K ing A soka a n d inscriptions in B ra h m t script d a tin g from the second r e n tu ry b . c . e . w ere discovered at S a r n a th , the site o f the Buddha*s first s e r m o n . T h e inscription on the cap sto n e for a b a lu stra d e notes that it was co n ­ trib u ted by the n u n S atp v ah ik a. A stupa m u st also hav e existed at the Asnka ram a. D is c o v e ry o f a B uddhist site from the S u n g a d y n a s ty was :ilso m a d e a! L a u riy a N a n d a n g a ^ h in Bihar. A p p a re n tly a large stupa existed th ere, but no inscriptions have been found.

T h e Karrva D y n asty T h e n in th king ol the S u n g a dynasty, D e v a b h u tif ruled ten years until approximately 70 a . c . t . , w h en he was assassinated at the instigation of his m in ister V asu d cv a. T h e K a n v a dynasty, foun d ed by V asudcva,

tasted forty-five years a n d ruled the G a n g e s R iver basin, It was a weak dynasty, how ever, a n d d u r in g rhe rule o f its fourth k in g was c o n q u e re d by th e A n d h r a n d y n asty fro m the south. T h e M a g a d h a region s u b se ­ qu ently Fell u n d er the rule o f the A n d h ra dynasty for a long p e n q d -

T h e M acedonian K in g s of Northwestern India F ro m a p p ro x im a te ly ISO B.C.E „ w hen th e s tre n g th o f th e M a u ry a n E m p ire w as alread y on the w an e, a series o f foreign peoples *bega*i in v a d in g n o rth w e ste rn I n d ia , w hich was th e reafter d o m in a te d by for­ eign arm ies for a long tim e. T h e first o f these foreign in v a d e rs w ere th e G reek s, called “ja va iM " in Sanskrit an d "yona Min Pali, b o th te rm s that w ere p ro b ab ly b ased on the place n a m e " I o n i a ." A le x a n d e r the G r e a t in v ad ed Ind ia in 327 b .C.E,, sp read in g G re e k cu ltu rc a n d cu sto m s, but h a d been repulsed by C fln d ra g u p ta (r. ca. 3 2 1 -2 9 7 ihe fo u n d e r o f th e M a u r y a n dynasty. A fier A lex an ­ d e r's d e a th , only w estern In d ia co n tin u ed u n d er M a c e d o n ia n ™ ler Scteucus I„ fo u n d e r o f the S eleucid dynasty* disp atch ed a G re e k n a m e d M eg asth en es to serve as his en vo y in C a n d r a g u p t a ’s co u rt at P atalipu tra in central In d ia . M eg asth en es was statio n ed in P ftjalip utra from ca. 303 to 292 B.c,Er a n d wrote a record o f his experiences there that b ecam e fam ou s. By abo ut the m iddle of the third cen tu ry n.C.E., Bact r i a (m o d e rn Halkh, the a r e a betw een the O x u s a n d In d u s rivers in n o r th e rn A fg h a n ista n ) a n d P a r th ia h ad gained th eir in d e p e n d e n c e from Seleucid rule. F r o m the third cen tu ry b.g.E. to the m iddte o f th e second cen tu ry u . c . t . v a n o th e r Seleucid king, A ntiochus 111 o f S y ria , a n d the fourch king o f Bacrria, D e m e trio s, in vad ed In d ia . T h e y o ccup ied n o r th ­ e rn In d ia a n d a d v an ced into central India. In ihe first c e n tu ry a .c .z . K in g M a u e s o f the Saka people in vaded In d ia a n d e n d e d the rule of M a c e d o n ia n kings in n o rth w e ste rn India. O f the M a c e d o n ia n kings recorded in Ind ian history, M e n a n d r o s (k n o w n in In dian la n g u a g e s as M iiin da) is partic u la rly im p o rta n t. M e n a n d ro s in v ad ed In d ia a n d ru led an a r e a e x te n d in g from central In d ia to A fg h an istan from ap p ro x im arety 160 to 140 b . c: , e . T h e capital o f his e m p ire was &akala. M e n a n d ro s is th o u g h t to hav e hetd a n u m b e r o f d eb ates w ith a Bud* dhtst m o nk , N a g a s e n a , a n d to have been co n v e rte d to B u d d h ism , T h e co n ten ts o f th eir talks were collected an d com piled into (he Mi(ituiap
rh r Afa-hsien pi-ch 'in ching ( T J670a). T h o s e p a r ts found in b o th versions con stitute the oldest elements o f the work a n d offer a fascinating view of certain aspects o f In d ia n B ud d h ism d u rin g rhe firsi a n d second rentu* ries h .c .k . N o elem ents o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a re in clu ded in the work, which shows Buddhist d o c trin e in t h r tra n sitio n al p e rio d betw een the Agatnas a n d the d ev elo p m en t o f abhidkarm& literatu re. In 3 937 a reliquary was discovered at Shinkot in t h t Sw at R iv er Val* ley in rhe u p p e r reaches o f the In du s River. A cco rd in g to the inscripiion o n it, the rem ain s w ere e n s h rin e d in t h t reliq u a ry d u rin g the reign of K in g M ilin d a (or M in a d rn , according to the inscription), p ro v id in g a d d itio n a l evitience (hat B ud d h ism w as followed in n o rth e rn In d ia d u r ­ ing the tim e o f M ilin da. D u rin g A so k a’s reign, M a jjh a n tik a was sent as a n em issary to n o r t h ­ w estern India 10 establish a Buddhist o rd er there. A lthough m u c h of the early history of this a r e a is n o t k n o w n , it is clear thai th e S arvastivadin School b ecam e the d o m in a n t B uddhist school in K a s h m ir a n d G an d h a ra . T h e rem ain s o f m a n y Buddhisi stupas have bet'n d iscovered in n o rth w e ste rn In d ia , indicating (ha! B u d d h ism was flourishing in this a r e a by th e second c e n tu ry w.C,Fr. O n e o f the most im p o rta n t o f these finds is the D h a n n a r a jik a stupa discovered at T axila. T h e oldest p a rt L>f th e stupa d ates from (he tim e of K in g Asoka. T h e ruins in the a re a reveal th at th e D h a r m a raj IIt a stupa was huge, s u rro u n d e d by lodgings for believers, and u n d o u b te d ly o n e o f th e major B u d d h ist cen ters in N orth In d ia for a Inng tjme. A roll n f thm silver plate was discovered m o n e o f the old halls n e a r the stupa in 1914. A ccording to th e inscription o n it, a B a c tria n n a m e d U ra s a k a h ad e n s h rin e d a relic o f the B u d d h a in a hall he had buili that was d ed icated lo a b o d h isativ a. T h e inscription is late, d a t in g frorn the m iddle o f the first c e n tu ry c . k . , but m a n y B u d ­ dhist antiq u ities cxcavated at S irk ap in TaxtJa a re m u c h older; th e old est dates from the second c e n tu ry y.c.E. In scrip tio n s have been found in d icatin g that a n u m b e r o f G reek s h ad co nv erted to B ud d h ism by ihe first cen tu ry h*c,k. A ccording lo an inscription on a reliq u a ry u r n found tn th e Sw at Valley, the u r n Con* taincd a relic o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a and h ad been installed th ere by a G reek gov erno r (mrrtdaTkh) n a m e d T h e o d o ra s . A c o p p e r plate found at the simie sire records th at the stupa was built by rhe metidarkh a n d his wife. 'I he te rm "metitfarkh ih refers to a n office tn the G re e k a d m in is tr a ­ t e system. A lthough il m a y be translated as “ g o v e r n o r . " the mtridarkh p ro b ab ly did noi govern a very large le m to ry . T h e significant Tact* h o w e v e r is th at Buddhist believers d ev o u t en o u g h to com m ission stupas could be found a m o n g this class o f officials. G reek B u dd hists w ere found ev en in A sok a's time. A m o n g the Bud*

dhist m issio naries disp atch ed by A soka w as a G reek n a m e d D h am m a ra k k h ita , who w ent to A p a ra n ta k a to sp read B u d d h ism . G reek donor?; arc also m e n tio n e d in ihe inscriptions at SaficT, su g g estin g that so m e G reek s m u st have co n v erted tu B ud d h ism soon after th eir arriv al in In dia. B u d d h is m was a ratio n al a n d m o ra l religion, easily a d o p te d by fur eign peoples. G reek s tim id readily respond it> the B u d d h a 's teachings a n d w orship ar Buddhist stupas. In co n trast, B rah m an ism a n d H i n d u ­ ism in clu ded m u c h folk religion. T h e y w ere based on a caste system th at, ac c o rd in g to the L
i"

T h e Sa k a In v a sio n T h e S ak a people are referred to as the Hii-chUfig in the C h in ese d y n astic histury, the Han shu. At one lim e they h a d lived n e a r ihe Mi R iv e r in C e n tra l Asia, but a ro u n d 180 r . c . e . they w ere forced by th e U i g h u r t to m ove west. T h e Sakas ev en tu ally d estro yed the M a c e d o n ia n stale in B actria a n d m a d e th at th eir base. H ow ever, the H s iu n g -n u later pushed the U ig h u rs f u rth e r west, a n d the U ig h u rs in t u r n c o n q u e re d Baclria (C h. T a -h sia). T h e Saka, forced to jikivc s o u th , in v ad ed India. A ro u n d 1(10 r . c . h . M a u e s becam e the first Saka king. H e c o n q u e re d n o rth e rn I n d ia a n d was on an e x p ed itio n to c o n q u e r M a th u r a when Lie died. M a u e s h a d called him self "‘the kin g o f king s," b u t after his d e a th the S ak a people broke apart in to sm aller groups. T h e v ario u s areas they h a d c o n q u e re d were each ruled in a s e m ia u to n o m o u s fashion by govcr n o r-g en erals called kfatrapa o r inakdk^atrapa. P articularly im p o rta n t were K u su lu k a a n d his son P alika. w ho ruled in N orth l n d i a T a n d R aju la, w ho ru led in M a th u r a . I h e S ak a rulers p a tro n iz e d B ud dh ism . A cco rd in g lo a c o p p e r plate found at th e stupa at T ax ila, w hich d ales from the first cen tu ry b .c.E ., P a tik a built stupas in areas w h ere n on e had existed a n d ins tailed the rel­ ics o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a in th e m He is also cred ited w ith (he e s ta b ­ lishm ent of m onasteries* According to the inscription on a pillar topped by lions found at M a th u r a , Ayasia K aftiu ta, the wife o f the mahaksatTapti

R a jn la , alo ng w ith h e r relatives and the w om en in the palace, com mis siuned th e b u ild in g ol a stupa w ilh a relic u f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a . T h e y also bu ilt m o nasteries and gave alms to ihe S arvastiv ad in School R aj Li­ la’s son, Sudani►gave land for ihe support of cave-temples io tw o m on ks o f the S a rv a stiv a d in School, B u d d h a d e v a a n d Budhila. T h is inscription, w hich d ates from ab ou t 10 b .c .e . , includes ihe earliest m e n ­ tion o f ihe n a m e o f a school o f N ikaya B uddhism .

P a r th ia P a r t hi* was originally located so uth east u f the C a s p ia n Sea. In die th ird c e n tu ry b .c .e . A rsakes rebelled against the king n f Syria a n d established the P a rth ia n kingdom . T h e C h in ese have traditionally culled the P a rth ia n s ‘ an-hsir ** a Irans Iiteratio n of Ar&akes. T h e Parthians extended th eir b o rd ers at the ex p en se o f the G reeks, a n d laier d u rin g the reign of K in g Anes in v ad ed India. T h e next k in g h G o n d o p h arn eS i lived aro u n d the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n era an d ruled in n o rth w e ste rn In d ia . By the e n d ol the first c e n tu ry c . t , , the P a rth ia n s h a d replaced the Sakas as ru le rs o f n o rth w e ste rn I n d ia ' shortly afterward^ the K u $ a n a dy nasty replaced the P a rth ia n s as the c o n q u e ro rs o f n o rth w e ste rn India. T h e P a rth ia n s were B u dd hist. A n u m b e r o f P a rth ia n m on ks played im p o rta n t roles in carry in g B uddhism to C h in a For ex am p le. An Shili kao (the c h a ra c te r “a n " was taken from the term o r P a r th ia a n d was used as an etb n ik o n indicating the m o n k 's P arth ian n a tio n a l­ ity) was a p rin c e from P a rth ia . H e b e c a m e a B uddhist m o n k . Studied abhidharma, a n d m a ste re d a n u m b e r of m e d ita tio n techn iqu es. A fter he arrived in C h in a d u rin g the reign o f E m p e ro r M uan {r. 146-167) of the T*ater H a n , he tra n sla te d m a n y works from the Agamas a n d abhidharma literatu re. S everal decades later, d u r in g the reig n of E m p e r o r King ( r 168-189), a n o th e r P a rth ia n , A n H siian , traveled to C h in a . In the m i d ­ dle o f the third cen tu ry a P a rth h m n a m e d T 'a n - t i is rep o rted in C h in a

K usana Dynasty T h e K u ^ an as, k n o w n to the C h in ese as the “ T a -y iie h -c h ih " or U ig h u rs , were originally in C e n tra l Asia betw een T u n - h u a n g a n d C h hilian; they m o v ed west after they were d efeated by the H s m n g 'n u in the secon d c e n tu ry u . c . e . F o r a tim e they settled to the n o rth o f the O x u s R iver, but th en m n v ed on ro defeat th e T a -h sia, By a r o u n d 123 u.c.e, they had ad v an ced into the fo rm er kin gd om o f B acttia, At that time

th ere w ere five tribes n f U ig h u rs , rhe strongest bein g the K u d in a s T h e y a d d e d to th eir p o w er w hen they b ro u g h t the o th e r four tribes u n d e r th eir enntrn]. In the last h a lf ol the first t r n l u r y they co n q u ered P a rth ia a n d inv aded India u n d e r their leader, K u ju la K adphises. He was succeeded by W t m a K adp hises. i n the first h a lf o f th e second ccntu ry c k_, he was followed by the fam ous K in g K a n a k a , w ho h a d seized p o w er from the K a d p h ise s' lineage- K a n i n a created an e m p ire thai stretched from C e n tra l Asia in to A fgh anistan a n d included the n o r th ­ w estern a n d n o r th e rn parts o f In d ia . K<mi$kafs e m p ire was ihe largesi in S o u th Asia since A io k a 's tim e. It en co m p assed peoples o f m a n y races includ ing In d ia n s, G reeks, S akas, a n d P a rth ia n s. M o re o v e r, th e K u ^ana E m p ire occupied a key position on the trade routes betw een the R o m a n E m p ire, In d ia , a n d C h in a . T h e c u ltu re s o f the v ario u s peoples living u n d e r K u $ an a rule c o m b in ed with th e s tim u lu s p ro v id e d by East-W est tra d e p ro d u ced a d y n a m ic new society a n d cu ltu re in N o r ih In d ia . A new m o v e m e n t in B u d d h is m , the M a h a y a n a tra d itio n , developed im pressively u n d e r K u ^ a n a rule. In ad d itio n , B u d d h ism was stim u lated by Grtrek a n d G rcco R o m a n culture to p ro d u ce new form s o f a reiki Lecture a n d carving. T h e art o f G an d h a r a , for ex am p le, was noticeably influenced by the G reeks, Buddhist tem ples b e g a n to a p p e a r with C o rin th ia n c o lu m n s a n d capitals, as wcJ] as G reek d eco rativ e pattern s. G reek influence ev en tu ally even reached j a p a n by w ay o f C e n tr a l A sia an d C h in a . T h e a rch itectu re o f the Hnrytijt T rm p le in N ara, J a p a n , clearly reflects G reek influence. D u r in g this period, B udd hist carv in g adv an ced . S cu lp tu res were strongly in fluenced by G reek sculpture, as is evident Erom the G reek style o f the facial expressions a n d clothing, particularly the folds o f (he cloth, p o rtray ed in the carvings. T h e influence oJ G r e c o - R o m a n art on B ud dh ist a rch itectu re a n d s cu lp tu re o f h u m a n figures was alread y evi­ d e n t in the P a rth ia n p eriod . Im ages o f the B u d d h a him self, however, w ere not p ro d u c e d at this l i n i u . T h e y first a p p e a re d i n G a n d h a r a (in Ihr n o r th e rn p a n o f m o d ern P akistan) an d in M a th u r a in central In d ia d u r ­ ing the last h a lf o f the first c e n tu ry c . t , , the early p a rt o f the K u s a n a dynasty. D u rin g the second c e n lu ry fc.t. Buddhist s cu lp tu re prolif­ e rated . T h e B u d d h a was first p o rtra y e d in scu lp tu re in rhe context o f reliefs d epicting his b io g ra p h y a n d earlier lives. T h e se reliefs w ere used to o r n a m e n t Buddhisi stupas a n d Buddhist a rch itectu re at such sites as B h arh u t a n d Sanci in cen tral In d ia , In these early reliefs, how ever, the B u d d h a was only sym bolized, not represented w ith a h u m a n figure. O n ly with th e e m erg en ce o f C a n d h a r a n art was the B u d d h a p o rtray ed in h u m a n form . At first, he was depicted as being ap p ro x im ately the

sam e size as the o th er figures in the reliefs even tho ug h he was the ccn* tral figure. L ater, how ever, th e figure o f the B u d d h a was m ad e larg er th an the o th e r figures. Finally, he was rem ov ed from the biographical scenes, a n d in d e p e n d e n l im ages o f the B u d d h a w ere sculpted. I n d e p e n d e n t images o f (he B u d d h a served as object* o f w orship an d co n seq u en tly had a dinicrenl function from the B u d d h a p o rtra y e d in reliefs depicting his biography. Such objects o f w orship m a y have been d eveloped by those w ho w ere carv in g reliefs d ep ictin g the B u d d h a's b io g ra p h y in response to the stupa w orship cults. Buddhist biographical literatu re also m a y hav e played a role in these dev elo pm en ts. W h e th e r the p o rtra y a l o f (he B uddha in h u m a n form was d u e to the influence of G reek sculptors o r w h eth er it w as the result o f inevitable d ev elo p m en ts in fiuddhist d o ctrin e rem ain s a q uestion, i f it were d u e to d evelopm ents in B udd hist do ctrtn c , then it p ro b a b ly h a d its roots in stupa w orship an d lay beliefs in th e B u d d h a ’s p o w er to save people. A cco rd in g to N ikaya Buddhisi do ctrin e , w hich w as fo rm u lated by m o n k s T w h en the B u d d h a died he en tered into “ nirvana w ithout r e m a i n d e r '1 a n d thus a b a n d o n e d his physical body. Since he co uld no lon ger be seen, he could not be porl rayed with a n y form , h u m a n o ro lh e rw is e . I he beliefs u f K u ju la K ad ph ises an d W c m a K a d phistiS a re not clearly k no w n ; hut d u rin g th eir reigns, B u dd h ism ap p e a rs to have flourished in n o r th e r n I n d ia , w here m a n y B uddhist ru in s have been found, in clu ding the D h a r m a raj Ika stupa at T a x ila , the K u n a la stupa, a n d the ruins at K alaw an . M a n y discoveries at these sites d a te from the K u s a n a period. T h e ru in s at K a la w a n in clu d e the largest m o n a ste ry fo u n d in n o rth e rn India. An in scrip tion from a taitya hall from the sire includes the daie “ the 134th y ear o f A z e s / f which c o rresp o n d s to 77 c ,e . T h e inscription records the e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics in the ait)ta hall a n d th eir p r e s e n ta ­ tion to the S arv astiv adin School, the earliest m e n tio n in n o r th e rn I n d ia o f a school o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . A m o n g the later in scriptions, which d a te from the second c e n tu ry c . e . o n, is one found n ear P e sh a w a r in n o r th e rn P ak istan . T h e re K in g K a n a k a established the fam o u s great stupa o f K a n a k a , the ru ins of w hich w ere ex cav ated at S h a h ’jT-ki DherT. A n u r n for relics was discov’ ered that h a d been e n s h rin e d at the K a n isk a -v ih a ra (monastery'). T h e inscriptio n on the u r n clearly states that the K an isk a^ v ih ara belonged to the S arv astiv ad in School. A n inscription d a te d 148 C.£. on a small co p ­ p e r stupe from K u r r a m n e a r P esh aw ar records the enshrinement o f the B u d d h a 's relics a n d th eir d o n a tio n to the S arv astiv ad in School. A m o n g the o th e r inscriptions from n o r th e rn In d ia th at include (he n a m e s o f schools is one m en tio n in g ihe co n stru ctio n of a w a te r supply a n d a n o th e r reco rd in g the excavation o f a well, borh for the Sarvasriva-

d ins. A cco rd in g to o ih e r inscriptions, a cupper tadle was given t o K a iy a p iy a School a n d e a rth e n ja r s 10 th e BahuirutTya a n d Ka£yapiya schools. These inscriptions d a te from approximately the second c e n ­ t u r y C.E.

T h e S arv astiv ad in School was p articu larly stro n g in n o rth e rn In d ia But m a n y inscriptions co n cern in g the b u ild in g o f stupas in n o rth e rn In d ia do not m e n tio n the n am e o f an y o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d ­ d h ism . F o r ex am p le, an in scrip tio n records th e e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics b y two G reek nuridarkhs (governors). T h e S ak a g o v e rn o r P atika h a d rel­ ics e n s h rin e d a n d stupas buitt at vario us sites in clud ing K stiem a at T axiU , b u t these stupai a p p a re n tly w ere not given to any p a rtic u la r School, T h e se in scrip tio n s w ere d a te d a p p ro x im a te ly th e first cen tu ry c.ti. M ost o f ihe inscriptions c c n c t m i n g stupas w ere sim ilar tu these a n d did not include the n a m e o f a n y o f th e schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m .2 B u dd hist sites h ave also been fo u n d in A fg h an istan . T h e discovery of A sokan inscriptions at L a m p a k a an d K a n d a h a r proved th at B ud dh ism was being s p re a d in these areas by the tim e o f K in g Asoka. T h e subse­ q u e n t history o f Buddhist prose! ytizari on in these areas is n o t know n in detail, but by the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra B ud d h ism was flo u rish ' in£. In m o d ern times m a n y B uddhist archeological sites have been ex cav ated in A fg h a n ista n , includ ing the rem ain s o f the castle tow n of B c rg ra m , the slupas at B lm a ra n , an d the ruin s from H a d d a a n d Shotorak. F u r th e r to the west are the cavc-tem ples o f B am iy an , within w hich a re two very Jarge stone B u d d h as a n d som e m u rals, B ergram has b een identified as the ancient site o f K apist, Illustrations o f the B u d ' d h a ’s bio g ra p h y a n d o th e r antiquities h a v e been found at this site. A reliq u a ry was discovered in a n an cient stupa at B im nran. A cco rd in g to a n inscription on it, a m a n n a m e d & v a r a ta [ta built a stupa to en sh rin e the relics o f the B u d d h a d u r in g the S aka p eriod M a n y artifacts hav e also been found at H a d ^ a . A cco rd in g to an inscription on a w ater vase, it h a d been placed in a stupa for the B u d ­ d h a 's relics d u r in g th e Kujai^a dynasty. A b ro n z e re liq u a ry was found ai W a rd a k , to the west o f K a b u l. O n it w as a n inscription stating that the B u d d h a 's reties had been en sh rin ed w ithin the V ag ram a rega M u n aste ry a n d th at they h a d been given to the M ah asarig h ik a School, A wish for K in g H u v i s k a fs good fortune was also expressed in the inscrip­ tio n , which was d a te d rhe fifty-first y ear o f rhe e ra , a dare c o rre s p o n d in g to 1 7 9 c . il. d u rin g the K u>ana period. A lth o u g h m a n y inscriptions have b een discovered in both n o r th e rn In dia a n d A fg h an istan , only a few include the n a m e s ol the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . K a n is k a ’s su p p o rt for th e S arv astiv ad in School is clearly m anifested in ihe inscription found a I the g reat stupa of K anipka. His support is Eitso

the subject o f a n u m b e r o f legends. F or ex am p le, accord ing lo the Afamitu> p U fa chuan ( T 2 0 4 6 ) , a b io g ra p h y o f ASvagho^a, w hen K a n ijk a attacked cen tral In d ia , he d e m a n d e d the B u d d h a 's begging bowl an d A svagho^a as c o m p e n s a tio n . In respo nse to the king's req uest, Asvagho$a w ent to n o rth w estern In d ia an d sp read B uddhism there. K aniska also p aid h o m a g e to P arsv a o f t h r S arv astiv ad in School, a n d at P arsv a's re c o m m e n d a tio n assem bled five h u n d re d arfmts a n d con vened a council T h is council is co m m o n ly called the F o u rth C ouncil. T h e h u g e twoh u n d r e d ’fascicle Mafidvibhdjd {T 1545) is said to have been c o m p iled as a result o f this council. K a n is k a was succceded by Viisiska, H u v is k a , a n d V asu d cv a. T h e s tre n g th o f the d y n a s ty g radu ally w aned] a n d by the e n d o f the th ird century, it occupied only a smalt p a rt o f n o rth e rn In d ia , B ud d h ism c o n ­ tinued to flourish in n o rth e rn Ind ia d u r in g this perio d E a rlier in M a th u r a , a g o v e rn o r (ksatrapa) n a m e d S u d asa h a d established the G u h a - v ih a ra (m o n astery). L a te r d u rin g the K u s a n a dynasty, in the forty-sev en th y ear ol the epoch th at began with K an iska, K in g Huvigka h a d the Huvi&ka-vihara co nstructed at J a m a lp u r on the outskirts of M a th u r a , It was d eco rated with b eautiful carvings. T h e s e w ere d e ­ stroyed by n o n -B u d d h ists, however, a n d to day the m o n a ste ry is in ruins. M a n y frag m ents o f fences, pillars, and Buddhist im ages have b e e n found in the ru ins. M a n y o ther tem ples also w ere located at M a th u r a , In serif?! tons found a r o u n d M a th u r a in dicate that a n u m b e r o f the schools o f N ik ay a B ud d h ism had m o n asteries there, includ ing the M a h a s a n g h ik a (m e n tio n e d in six inscriptions), S arv astiv ad a (two in ­ scriptions), S a m m a tiy a (o n e inscription)] a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a (o n e inscription). M a n y o th er in scrip tio n ! th at do not include the n a m e s of a n y o f the schools hav e also been found- M a t h u r a ’s status as a m a jo r B u d d h ist c en ter is co n firm ed by passages in the travel d iaries o f Fahsien a n d H siian -tsa n g . M a th u r a a n d G a n d h a r a a re fam ous as the tw o sites w h ere the Bud d h a w as first p o rtra y e d in h u m a n form in sculpture. T h e first im ages w ere m ad e at M cithura at a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e tim e they first a p p e a r e d at G a n d h a r a . H o w ev er, the im ages from M a th u r a , w hich h ad long b een an a d v an ced c en ter o f plastic arts, a rc not copics o f those fro m G a n d h a r a a n d are d o n e in a different style, indicating th at the im ag es a| the Iwo sites w ere p ro b ab ly c re a te d in d ep en d en tly .3 P erh aps the artists o f M a th u r a w ere stim ulated by the a p p e a ra n c e o f the G an d h a r a n im ages o f the B u d d h a to sculpt im ages in th eir ow n style. Few exam ples o f M a th u r a n tre a tm e n ts o f the B u d d h a 's b io g ra p h y hav e been fo u n d , but m a n y p o rtray als o f people h o n o rin g ihe B u d d h a hav e been found a m o n g the M a th u r a n artifacts In early exam ples, the object of

w orship is the bodhi-tree o r a stupa. L a te r these objects w ere replaced with a h u m a n figure o f the B u d d h a n a n d finally, figures o f variou s b o d h isa ttv a s a n d B ud dh as were m ad e. In the d ed icato ry inscriptions on the M a th u r a n statu es o f the B u d d h a, the carvings them selves a re some* rimes referred to sim ply as " i m a g e s " (prautnd) r a th e r th an as “ im ages o f the B u d d h a / ' id en tical im ages a re referred to in so m e inscriptions as ,La seated im ag e o f a b o d h isa ttv a 1' but in others as (1a seated im age o f (he B u d d h a .Jh T h e variety in te rm s used to refer to the carvin gs p ro b ab ly indicates differences in th eir use. H ow ever, d ie doctrinal reason* under* lying su^h distin ctio n s in term in olo g y rem ain unclear.

T h e A n d h r a n D yn a stie s T h e A n d h r a n d yn asties a re divided into tw o periods. D u r in g the first, the S a ta v a h a n a r d y J h u u se ruled the D eccan p en in su la. T h e second period consists ol th e decline o f the S a la v a h a n a royal house a n d the e m erg en ce o f a n u m b e r o f local kings, each o f w hom d efen ded his own territory. W ith [he decline o f M a u ry a n pow er a ro u n d 200 B t h e S atav ah a n a family, w hich cam e from th e western p a rt of th e D eccan , increased th eir influence. T h e ir pow er, w hich lasted un til the third c e n tu r y ffiE., was based on an area w ith P aith an ( P r a s tijlh a n a ) , the so uth ern te r m i­ n u s o f the S o u th e rn R o u te, at its center; b u t th ey seem 10 have com e from a n area th at in clu ded N asik an d A ko la to the n o rth . By th e second cen tu ry c . e . , the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a sty w as at its height; it e x te n d e d to a large area to the south o f the V in d h y a M o u n ta in s a n d the N a r m a d a R iver, w hich served as the n a tu ra l b o u n d a rie s b etw een cen tral an d s o u ih e rn In d ia , F o r a tim e , the & atavahanas even e x te n d e d th e ir ru le n o rth o f th e N a r m a d a River. T h e capital o f their k in g d o m was ai D han y a k a ja k a , on the e a s te rn seacoast n e a r ihe b a n k s o f the K ^ n a R iv e r T raditionally, the S a ta v a h a n a royal fam ily is said to h av e ruled for 460 years a n d to hav e p ro d u ced thirty Icings. A n u m b e r o f these “ k in g s," how ever, were the h ead s o f b r a n c h e s o f the family. It is probably m ore a ccu rate to say th at the S a ta v a h a n a fam ily ru le d for ap p ro x i­ m ately 300 years w ith sev enteen to nineteen kings reigning d u r in g this period. By the third c e n tu ry c , e r the S a ta v a h a n a family h a d lost its p o w er a n d th e D e tc a n was ru le d by a n u m b e r o f different families, cach contro llin g a small area. D u r in g this period th e Ik^vaku royal fam ily established Itself in th e region aro u n d the low er reaches o f the G o davari River. It was a stro n g s u p p o rte r of B ud dh ism . By th e fo u rth cen tu ry the G u p ta d y n a sty h a d u n ited In d ia .

Cave-tem ples O n e o f th e m a jo r d istin g u ish in g features o f B ud d h ism in th e D cccan is the cave-tem ples found in the area, especially in the G h a ts, the m o u n ­ tain r a n ^ c alo ng the w eil coast. A p p ro x im ately Iwclvc h u n tln td ta v c te m p le t have been (bund in I n d ia ' seventy-five p ercen t o f th e m are H uddhist, w ith th f oldest d a tin g from rhe first o r second cen tu ry ft.cr£. T h e excavation o f cave-tcnsples reached its peak d u r in g th e n e s t several centuries. R ocky m o u n ta in s, b a rre n o f trees* arc found th ro u g h o u t the Deccan Since there was not en o u g h wood lo b u ild m o n asteries, they were carved mil u f ruck, hi these m oim taim ms areas, m o n asteries a n d stupas were r o n s i r u u e d in large caves instead o f on level g r o u n d as in o th er p arts o f India, C’ ave* tem ples, because ihcy w ere c o n s tru c te d out of long* las ting m aterial, p ro v id e significant in fo rm atio n ab nu i m o n a ste ry life in a n c ie n t India, T h e m ost fam ous cave-tem ples are fo u n d at A ja n ta , BhAja, Nasik, K arli, a n d ELllora T w o types o f caves arc found at these sites' caves used for w orship, which co n tain ed a siuftn, a n d eaves used as q u a r te rs for m onks. T h e eaves u sed for w orship a re called cetiyaghara T h e stupa'; found in (hem a re m ad e o f sto n e a n d a re m u ch sm aller th an ihosc fo u n d above the ground.. A com plex o f cells for m onks (viftara) usually encircled a large re c ta n g u la r cham ber. T h e e n tra n c e to the com plex was on one wall E n try ways to a n u m b e r o f cells (layana), each serving as the resi­ dence u f o n e o r two m o n k s, w ere fount I on the u ih er three walls o f (he central c h am b er. O n e p a rtic u la rly t&cgc vihdra at ElLora consisls o f three stories with a total o f m ore t h a n a h u n d re d cells for m onks. T h e large centra! c h a m b e r w as used for ev ents such as the Inrt nightly assem bly (upasfitha), at w hich the precepts were recited. T h e en try w ay s a n d the pillars in the {ttiyaghams w ere often elabo rately c a n e d , while the nifwras were usually plain H ow ever, the uifiaras at A jan ta a n d E 11ora arc carv ed . T h e wall p a in tin g s at A jan ta are partic u la rly fam ous. Nasik is a d r y to rhe west o f A jan ta a n d EUora. T h e cave-tem ples in this* a r e a a re m idw ay up the slope o f m o u n ta in s ou tsid e the city. T h e r e arc a total o f tw enty three cave tem ples w ith the oldest d a iin g from the second Century b pc .e . A n inscription in the fo u rteen th cave records rhai it was com m issio ned by a high official w h o lived in Nasik d u rin g the reign o f K in g K a n h a . T h is king has been idcn uftcd as K in g K fsn a , who was the second ruler o f the A n d h r a n dynasties a n d th e y o u n g e r brother o f S im u k a , rhe Hi st king o f the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a s ty i f this is correct, the cave w ould have b een cx cav atcd d u rin g the lirst h a lf o f the second c e n ­ tu ry a .c .F , T h e style o f ihe fetters o f rhe inscriptions in the stupa h ;lJ1 of

the th irte e n th cave in dicates th at they d ate from th e second cen iu ry w■o . k. A cco rd in g to (his In script lOft, (he village o f D b a r n b ik a raised the fu nd s for the cave. D espite all o f this B u d d h is t activity, th e A n d h r a n dy nasties generally s u p p o rte d B r a h m a n is m , p ro b ab ly b ecau se ih(' p e rfo rm an ce o f h orse sacrifices a n d o th er rituals resulted in yreat prestige for the rulers. In the first o r second c e n tu ry C.r,., Nasik was occupied by the K s a h a ra ta Family o f th e $ ak as. A c c o rd in g lo two inscriptions in the e ig h th cave, (he K gabaratp g o v e rn o r (jksairapa) LJsavadata c o n tr ib u te d b o th m o n e y a n d land 10 Buddhists. U ^ a v a d a la 's n am e aEso ap p e a rs in a cave at K arli. O th e r records o f S ak a c o n trib u tio n s a re Found in the eighth and s ev en teen th caves. At the b e g in n in g o f the th ird century. Nasik was recap tu red by the S a ra v a b a n a s A cco rd in g to a n inscrip tio n in the third rav e, G o ta m lp u tra Sri S a ta k a iu m c ru sh e d th e K s a h a ia ta s a n d defeated the G reek s, S akas, a n d Pal lavas while c o n q u e rin g a larg e area. In th e (bird cavc at Nasik his n a m e a p p e a rs twice as a d o n o r o f land a n d caves. Sri Pulum ayj, also o f the S a ta v a h a n a s , is listed as a c o n trib u to r to the Cave-lempiles i,ti a n o th e r inscription from the third cave. A fu rth e r inscription in this th ird cave reports that, the cave was given to the o r d e r o f m on ks of the f th a d a v a n iy a " (R h a d ra y a n ik a o r Bhadrayanfyfli) School by the em press d o w ag er o f G o ta n r ip u tr a , an d a n additional inscription scales rhat Sri P u lu n ia y i, the dtUCCt successor o f t jtH am Jpntra, gave lan d lo ih r m o nk s ol the HhadrayEunya School. A n u m b e r o f o th e r caves, in clu ding th e sijtth, i e m h T a n d fifteenth, were given to die Universal sanghe. T h e recipients o f m a n y o f the o th e r raves a re u n k n o w n . A M a h a y a n a im ag e, w hich was a d d e d later, is fuund in th e sev en teen th cave. The K hadrayan iya School Is also m entio ned in rhe cav e-tem p le c o m ­ plex o f K a n h c ri n ear Rom bay, whieh consists o f 109 large a n d small cave-tem ples. O n e t>f the la rg e r caves; at ihe c en ter o f the com plex serves as the cnityti hall. T h is cen tral tatlya was d o n a te d to the m a ste rs of the lih a d ra y a n iy a School d u r in g ihe reign o f the illustrious K in g Yajiiasri in the la tte r p a n o f the S a ta v a h a n a d y n a sty ( n e a r the e n d o f the second c e n tu ry c ,h ,). T h e o th er eaves at K a n h e n w ere ex cav ated d u r in g the period b etw een the e n d o f th e second century c . k , a n d ihe eighth c e n ­ tury. T h e seventieth t a v e also w as given to the B h a d ra y a n ly a School, while ihe twelfth* forty-eighth, seventy-sev enth , a n d righiy-first were d o n a te d to the universal order. T h e cave-tem ples ai Karll a rt in the sides o f m o u n ta in s on the road betw een Rom b a y a n d P o o n a. T h e se caves a re as old as those at Nasi It T h e c e n te r o f th e com plex is a large cave with a taiiya in it J3.H7 m eters w ide a n d 37 67 m eters lo n g f m a k in g it the largest stupa hall in India.

T h is splendid ex am p le o f In d ia n cave-tem plc a rch itectu re w as exca­ vated w ithin a ccn tu ry o f the b e g in n in g u f the c o m m o n e ra . A ccord ing to an inscription, it was rhe gift o f a guild (setfii). H o w e v e r the n a m e s of indiv idu al d onors a rc c a rv ed o n eleven pillars w ithin the cave. O n e pil­ la r co n ta in in g relics was given by a c h a n te r (bhdnaka) n f the ’ D h a m m u ta r iy a ” ( D h a r m o t t a n y a ) School n a m e d S atim ita. N in e o f the pillars were d o n a te d by G reeks. T h e cavc was th u s the result oi c o n trib u tio n s fm m a variety o f sources. A cco rd in g to o n e inscription in rhe c n v c h a g o v e rn o r (ksairapa) n a m e d U s a b h a d a ta o f the K s a h a r i t a family o f the Sakas donaiecl tht- village o f K arajika for the s u p p o rt o f all those in the universal o rd er w ho had gone forth from th e ir h o m es a n d w ere staying a i the cav e-tem p lc (pawgiitinam cdtudisasa sagha). T h e ceitya cave, cun sc * q u e m ly h did not belong to any p a rtic u la r school o f N ikava B u dd hism . L a te r this a r e a was controlled by the S a ta v a h a n a dynasty. In s c rip ­ tions from ihis later period arc also found in the caitya cavc. A ccording 10 one, the village o f K a ra jik a was ev entu ally given lo the m o nk s a n d novices o f the M a h a sa n g h ik a School w ho w ere residing tn the cavc-tem pies (paiVijitana bhikhuna uikdyasa Afahosagfiiyana), in d icatin g th at the Cave-temples w ere later controlled by the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. To the n o r th o f the caitya hall in the q u a r te rs for m o nk s is an inscription co n ­ cern in g the d o n a tio n of a m eetin g hail (mal&po) w ith n in e ro o m s to th e M a h a sa n g h ik a Strhool in the tw en ty-fou rth y ear o f the reign o f K in g Sri P u lum ay i, T h e caves at H haja are n e a r K arli. Ai th eir c en ter is a cave that served as a eaitya hall. Tt is flanked by caves on c ith e r side w ith cells for m onks. N o n e o f the caves, includ in g the central one. is very large. T h e caves d a te fm m the first cen tu ry b . c . f . o r earlier a n d a rc thus o ld er than those at K arli, the sev en teen th is the oldest. Eight inscriptions have been found ai the caves. F ou r o f these reco rd the n a m e s o f d u n n rs. T h e re m a in in g four are found on smalt uHpoi at the edges o f the eaves an d record the n a m e s u f the ciders w hose rem ain s are c o n ta in e d in the s t i ­ pes. T h e residents o f the caves at B haja do not seem to have belonged ro an y o n e p a rtic u la r school o f N ik ay a B udd hism . J u n n a r is a tow n fony-si* m iles n o rth o f P o o n a. N ear the tow n are five sets o f cave-tem ples with a total o f m o re t h a n 150 large a n d small cav e-tem p les th at w ere c a rv ed betw een the first cen tu ry n.c.F.. a n d (he second cen tu ry c . e , A p p ro x im a te ly th irty inscriptions hav e been collecied from these caves ih at co n cern d o n atio n s o f stupa halls (ceUyaghata), cav e-tem p les (lena), w ater ta n k s, m a n g o frees, lan d , a n d so forth. T h e m ajority o f the donors w ere local in h a b ita n ts. T h e stupa hall o f the fiftyfirst cave at M o u n t SivanerT in J u n n a r w as c o n trib u te d hy a rich a n d inlluential m e rc h a n t. T h r e e G reek donors a n d o n e iSaka a re also m e n ­

tioned in o th e r insert pi tons. A large m eeting-hall was d o n a te d by a miii* i*ier for the S ak a governo r N a h a pan a (U ^ a v a d a ta ’s father-in-law ), indieatin g th at the K ? a h a ra ta family o f th e ^ a k a s contro lled a wide area. An Inscription at j u n n a r records the d o n a tio n of a cave a n d w a te r tank to th e u r d e r o f nun s o f the L4D h a m m u t a r i y a M School. T h is is the only ex am p le o f an inscription c o n c e rn in g n u n a from the cave-tem ples, p ro b ab ly because nun s usually lived in tow ns ra th e r th an in caves. T w enty-eig ht caves a re fo u n d at A jan ta. T h e stupa halls o f the n inth a n d ten th caves a n d the n e a rb y q u a r te rs for m o nk s in th e twelfth an d th irte e n th caves a rc ihe oldest, dfiiuig from th e b e g in n in g o f ih^ c o m ­ m o n era. In scrip tio n s in the stupa htill o f the ten th cave a n d in the q u a r ters for m o nk s o f (he twelfth e a v r contemn do no rs. T h e form er was given by relatives o f K in g P u lu m ay i a n d the latter by m erch an ts. T h e eleventh* fo u rteen th , a n d fifteenth caves, all w ith q u a r te rs for monks^ were opened next. T h e rest o f the eaves w ere developed after [he G u p ta period. T h e se later eaves, especially the firs( a n d second, a r t fam ous lor th eir exquisite carvings a n d beautiful wall paintings. Ellora, c o n ta in in g th irty -fo u r eaves, is n ear A ja m a . T h e oldest caves, the first th ro u g h the t we] Ith, a re H u dd htat. 1 he ten th r a v e is a sttipa ha] I„ white the o th ers co n tain q u a r te rs for m onks. All were developed d u r in g the G u p ta period. T h e y are elab orately cai"vcd a n d co n tain M a h a y a n a im ages, just as the later caves at A ja n ta r T h e th irte e n th th ro u g h rhe iw c m y -n in th eaves a re H in d u ; included a m o n g th e m i& the K aitasa tem p le, fam ed for the high q u ality o f its carving. T h e r e m a in in g five tem ples are J a in a .

Stupas T h e ru ins o f large stupa} exi&l at A m a ra v a ti a n d N a g a rju n a k u j .1J a in the e a ste rn pari o f the D cecam A m a ra v a ti is on the s o u th e rn b an k o f rhe K is tn a (K rs n a ) R iv e r a b o u t sixty miles from the m o u th , ju s t to the east o f the old city o f D h a ra n ik o f ( D h a n y a k a ja k a ) T h e great stupa at A m a ra v a ti, w ith a fifty-m eter d ia m e te r at its base, w as m ostly intact w hen it was d iscov ered in 1797. H ow ever, the p re c e d in g year, th e local ru le r h ad established his new capital at A m a ra v a ti. T h e great stupa was s u b se q u e n tly destroyed a n d used as b u ild in g m aterials for the new city. T h e carved m a rb le panels a n d fence a ro u n d the itupa were rem oved, a n d the ru in s o f the stupa w ere evenlually co n v e rte d in to a pond. Som e o f the m arble rp rv in g s, how ever, were saved, tod ay they a re in the col­ lections o f the British M u s e u m in t e n d o n a n d m u se u m s in M a d r a s an d C a lc u tta , '[’hey suggest the fo rm e r splend or o f A m a ra v a ti. Tail portals

faced each o f the four c a rd in a l directions. T h e s tru c tu re w o i s u r ­ ro u n d e d by a walk for circum am b u latio n with a b alustrade on the Out­ side, T h is m ag n ifice n t stru c tu re was Worthy o f its n am e, M a h a c e tiy a (great shrine). T h e stiipa d ates baek to before (he b e g in n in g o f the r o n v m a n e ra In the m iddle o f the second cen tu ry c k_, it was rem odeled to m ak e the im p o sin g stru c tu re described above. M a n y o f rhe 160 inscriptions from A m a ra v a ti d a te from the sccnnd a n d th ird cen tu ries c .E Jh b u t eleven of them a re even older. A ccording to one inscription d a tin g from th e reign o f K in g P u lu m a y i o f the £ a ta v a h a n a dynasty, the ch ild rc n o f the m e rc h a n t Puri co m m issio ned a scu lp tu re o f the wheel o f the D h a r m a lo p resen t Lu the U rg e stupa u f the B u d d h a , w hich w a a th e p ro p e rty o f the ' ‘C e t i y a '’ (C aitik a) S chool„ in d i­ catin g th at the great stupe belonged to the C etiy a School m the second cen tu ry C.t:. In o th e r in scriptio ns from A m a ra v a t7 f the “ C c lik a ' or “ C e tiy a v a d a k a ” Schuol is mentioned* [n inscriptions recording gifts from la y m e n , the te rm 11h o u seh o ld e r" (gahap&ti) was oft^n used to describe the donor. If the d o n o r was a m em b e r u f the Buddhist order, th en he o r she was often c a lk d a m u n k o r a n u n ; but in some inscriptions the d o n o r was callcd “ one w ho has gone forth from h o m e 'f (papajita) o r a m ale o r fem ale religious m e n d ic a n t (samana or samanika). P h ra srs w e rr also used such as L,(d o n a te d ) by a n u n to g e th e r w ith h e r d a u g h t e r s " o r " (g iv e n ) by a w o m an who has gone forth from h e r ho m e to g eth er with h e r d a u g h te r w ho has also gone forth " In the last tw o cases„ the inscription p ro b ab ly referred to a d a u g h te r b o rn before th e w o m an h ad en tered the o rd e r; If such were not the ease, th en the w o m a n w ould hav e given birth while she was a n u n . S im ilar passages a re not fo u n d in th e inscriptions from n o rth e rn In dia. T h e re m a in s o f m a n y B ud dh ist stupas have been found in the area a r o u n d the low er rcachcs o f the K is tn a R iver. P articularly im p o rta n t a re two very' large stupas at Bha([iprolu a n d G hanfas'ala, which have d iam eters at th eir bases o f 45 a n d 37 meters* respectively. T h e large stiipa at B haniproJu is very old. T h e style o f th e letterin g on an inscription o n a sm all box for relics fou nd inside it dates from the third c e n tu ry g . c . r , , in d icatin g th at the stupa was p ro b ab ly c o n stru cted d u rin g the reign o f A£oka, A lto geth er eleven inscriptions, m ostly rccurds of d o n o rs, hav e been found at the stupa at B h attip ro lu . Five inscriptions have been discovered at G h a n fa sa la . T h e y d a te from the third cen tu ry c hE> and recurd the n a m e s of don ors. A m o n g th e m is an inscription c o n ta in in g a term char seem s to in dicate that the 14A p a ra se liy a ’h(A p arasaila) School was active in the area at this tim e. A stone pillar with an in sc n p tin n has been found at D hanyaka^aka

(Dh&rantfcof}, th e capital o f the S a ta ^ a h a n a dynasty. A cco rd in g to the inscription, a m in ister gave rhe pillar, w hich h a d a wheel o f The D h a r m a on it, to the o r d e r o f m o n k s o f the '" P u b b a s e liy a " (F u rv asaiia) School. T h e pillar was th en set u p nr the eastern gate o f a large m o n astery (mahavihara), in d ic a tin g that rhe m o n a ste ry belon ged to rhe PuhbaseJiya School at o n e tim e, N a g a r ju n a k o n d a (also know n as N ag arjun iko n< ja)h situ ated on a plateau on the s o u th b a n k o f the m iddle reaches o f the K istn a River, w as rhe cap ital for the fk?vaku state. A lthough th e n a m e o f rhe site seem s Lo in dicate th at it h a d som e co n nection with the great M a h a y a n a B u dd h ist th in k e r fcag arju n a ( t a . 150-250}] the inscriptions fo u n d ai Ihis site c o n ta in no m e n tio n o f N a g a rju n a , T h e ik^vaku fam ily's power was at its height alo ng the K istn a R iv e r d u r in g the second a n d th ird cen tu ries c . e . Fifty sin inscriptions, m a n y o f th e m lon g, hav e been found from a m o n g th^ ru in s o f th e large a n d small stupas, m o n asteries, an d m o rtu a r y tem ples o f N a g a r ju n a k o n d a . O n e inscription records the gift o f a p illar to a large stupa (Twhdcrtiya) by a q u e e n o f the [ksvaku fa m ­ ily n a m e d M a h a ta la v a ri C a tisiri in th e sixth y ear o f the reign o f K in g Sirt V ir a p u ris a d a ta . T h e n a m e o f a n em in en t k in g o f the lk $ v ak u sh Vatsifh ip u ta Sir! C atam uEa, also ap p ears in the above inscription Alto­ g e th e r ten inscriptions relatin g the gifts o f Q u e e n M a h a ta la v a ri C atisiri hav e been found at N a g a r j u n a k o n j a . A cco rd in g to o n e o f th e m the great slupa belonged to the ClA p a ra m a h a v in a s e liy a " School, w hich m a y be identical w ith the A p a ra sa ila School. Six in scriptio ns c o n c e rn in g th e co n trib u tio n s o f o th er q u e e n s have also been discovered. A n u m b e r of inscriptions reco rd gifts to the A p a ra m a h a v in a se liy a School. A cco rd in g to one, Q u e e n M a h a ta la v a ri C atisiri gave a teiij/aghara (w orship hall) to rhe school. S rip a rv a ta , a m o u n ta in on which N a g a rju n a is said tn have lived, is ai N a g a r ju n a k o n d a a n d was the site of the C u lad ha m m a g in m onastery. A n in scrip tio n from a w orship hall at the m o n a ste ry records the gift of the hall by eider m o nk s from ‘HT a m b a p a i* in a k a hl (Sri L a n k a). Because N a g a r ju n a k o n d a had been a p o rt in th e m id dle reaches o f the K istna R iver, relations h a d been m a in ta in e d w ith Sri L a n k a th ro u g h visits of Sri L a n k a n m on ks to the city. A n insert pi Ion records the presence o f a Sri L a n k a n m o n a ste ry {“ S ih a ja v ih a ra ” ) in (he area a n d the gift o f a w a te r ta n k to the P u rv asaila School. A n inscrip tio n reco rd in g the gift o f a m o n a ste ry to m on ks o f the Bahuim tT ya School was found a p p ro x im a te ly four h u n d r e d m eters from the great stupa at N a g a rju n a k o n d a , in scrip tio n s w ere found in a n o th e r a r e a reco rd in g the co nstru ctio n o f a m o n a ste ry a n d the erection

o f pillars for th e universal o rd er on la n d b elo n g in g to the M a h ls i s a k a S c h o o l. Accoffiing in a n o th e r inscription , a stone carved with the foot­ p rin ts o f the B u d d h a was en sh rin ed at a m o n a ste ry b elo ng in g to th e M a h a v ih a ra v a s in sect (a Sri L a n k a n o rd er) o f th e V ib h a jy a v a d a . T h e frequent ap p e a ra n c e o f the n a m e s of these schools ar N iig arju n ak o ii^ a indicates chat as tim e passed, m onasteries increasingly were controlled by indiv idu al schools. T h e nam es of d o n o rs o utside the Ik&vaku family a p p e a r in the d e d ic a ­ tory inscriptions from N a g a r ju n a k o n d a , but rhe m a jo r donors were clearly th e q u e e n s o f the ffcjvaku family. T h e g reat stupa was p ro b a b ly b u ilt th ro u g h th eir efforts. T h e ruins at N agarju nako n^la w ere d isco v­ ered in 1926 a n d s u b se q u e n tly yielded m a n y inscripl ions a n d frag m en ts o f carv ing s. In recent years, however, the K iatna R iv e r has been d a m m e d below N a g a rju n a k o g d a to p ro d u ce hydroelectric power, s u b ­ m e rg in g the ru in s beneath the w aters o f th e m a n - m a d e N a g a rju n a Lake. T h e discovery o f a c o n ta in e r said to hold the rem ain s o f N a g a rj u n a 's disciple A ry ad ev a was rep o rted from N a ii^ u r a , near N ag a rju n a k o nd a, b u t d o u b ts re m a in ab ou t the correct in te rp re ta tio n o f the inscription.

T h e M a h a y a n a O rd e r and A rch eo logical E v id e n c e T h e archeological evidence c o n c e rn in g the d ev elo p m en t o f the B uddhist o rd er aficr the M a u r y a n Empire has b e e n surv eyed in the p reced in g page*- M o d e rn scholars h ave been p u l l e d , how ever, by th e absence of Etny inscriptions re g a rd in g the Early M a h a y a n a order. Even th o u g h m a n y inscriptions referring ro d o n a tio n s to the schools o f N ik ay a B u d ’ d h is m have been found, no sim ilar inscriptions aho ut the Early M a h a ­ y an a o rd e rs hav e been discovered. S o m e scholars have a rg u e d th at the ab sen ce o f such archeological evidence indicates th at M a h a y a n a o rd ers did nor exist yet. O th e r scholars have suggested th at M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dhist* w ere p ro b ab ly co n sid ered to be he reties a n d that M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dh ism m ost likely began as an u n d e r g ro u n d m o v em en t su p p ressed by the m ore established form s o f B ud dh ism . C o n seq u en tly , o p en e x p re s ­ sion o f su p p o rt for M a h a y a n a Buddhism * such as in scriptions, did nor a p p e a r u ntil later. T h e te rm " M a h a y a n a " docs not a p p e a r in a n inscription u n til the seco nd o r th ird c e n tu ry c . e ., yet the d ates at w hich M a h a y a n a texts w ere translated into C h in ese prove th at M a h a y a n a texts existed in N o rth In d ia d u rin g the K u s a n a dynasty. (T h e s e earty texts are dis­

cussed in [h r next c h a p te r.) Clearly, the ab sen ce o f M a h a y a n a in scrip­ tions d o c i no[ prove thai M a h a y a n a B uddhism Hid ntil rxi>i( d u r i n g th r first few c e n tu ries o f th e c o m m o n era. T h e C h in ese pilgrim F a-hsien, w ho left C h ’a n g -a n for In d ia in 39 9 1 described three typos o f tem ples rhai he found on his jo u rn e y : H in a y a n a tem p les, M a h a y a n a tem ples, a n d tem ples in which both H in ay an a an d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism w ere p racticed. Laler, H s iia n -tsa n g , w ho left C h in a for In d ia in 629, described In d ia n B u d d h is m in m o re d e i a i f m e n tio n in g the *Ame th ree lypes o f monasteries-* O f (he tem ples H s iia n -tsa n g visited, sixty percent were H ln a y a n a , tw en ty -fo u r percen t w ere M a h a y a n a , a n d fifteen percent were tem p les w here both U lnayana a n d M a h a y a n a w ere practiced E ven if H s u a n t s a n ^ s figures for Ijoih M a h a y a n a a n d m ixed ( H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a ) m u n a sttrie s are c n m h in c d , they total only forty percent. A lthough the M a h a y a n a t r a d i ­ tion w as not ihe d o m in a n t form o f B ud dh ism in In d ia at this tim e, th en, it was tlt'iirly p resent. Since the descriptions o f In dian B uddhism by both Fa-hsien and H s iia n -tsa n g generally agree, these acco u n ts p r o b a ­ bly accurately p ortray the state o f In d ia n B u d d h ism Ibr th eir respective periods. If a significant n u m b e r o f M a h a y a n a lem ples existed by 400 c ■&., when Fa-hsien visited India, it is likely th at at least a Few existed o n e o r two cen tu ries earlier. T h u s , the absence o f inscriptions co ncern ing M a h a y a n a o rd e rs from the second a n d th ird cen tu ries is not suffi­ cient evidence to arg ue lhat n o M a h a y a n a o rd er existed at th ai lim e. M o reo v er, the doctrinal dev elo p m en t o f th e C h in ese tran slatio n s of early M a h a y a n a texts from the second cen tu ry c . e . discussed in the next c h a p te r ind icates rhe existence of a M a h a y a n a order. T h e slate o f M a h a y an a o rd e rs du rin g the first lew cen tu ries oF the c o m m o n e ra can be investigated from o th e r perspectives. Firsl, the n a m e s of th e schools o f N ikSya B u d d h ism are not fo u n d in stone inscriptions until the schools h a d alread y existed for a long tim e. F or e x am p le, th e schools a re not m e n tio n e d in inscriptions d a tin g from th e lirst or second c e n tu ry u . c . E, , such as those from SaficT a n d B h arh u t. N o r are (he schoojs m e n tio n e d in inscriptions from cave-tem ples that were u p e n e d before the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra , such as those at N asik, K a rh , a n d B haja T h e earliest m ention o f a school is fo u n d on the inscription o f a p illar w ith a lion-capital th ai was discovered at M a th u r a . T h is inscription records the c o n trib u tio n 0 ( 9 stupa a n d m o n ­ aste ry to the e n tire S arv astiv ad in order. (In other w ord s, the gift was not lim ited 10 the m o nk s of a p a rtic u la r S arv astiv ad in m onastery.) T h e M a h a sa h g h ik a School is also m e n tio n e d . T h e n am e of G o v ern o rgeneral R a ju la in the inscription has eria bled scholars to date it 10 a p ­ p ro x im ately 10 B-C.E.

M a th u r a was o p en ed lo B u d d h ism only after B ud d h ism had s p re a d th ro u g h o u t cen irat India. L a te r, the S arv astiv ad in s w ere active hi M a th u r a for a considerable period. M a th u r a was the b irth pi art* of U p a g u p t a , a teacher o f A soka a n d an Im p o rta n t figure in the lineages recorded in sources from Ihe N o rth ern t radii ion G o nsequ en lly, the dis­ covery o f inscriptions co n cern in g the S a rv a siiv a d m School at M a th uni is not surprising. T h e d ale o f th e in scrip tion , t h e earliest one m e n tio n ’ ing a school o f N ikaya R u d d h m n , seem s late, h ow ever, p articu larly w hen it is co n sid ered in light o f t h t schisms th at had alread y occu rred in B u d d h ism . If the B uddha d ied in 4H4 n c .e t as is c o m m o n ly held by W estern scholars, th en som e o f ihe later schisms o f N ikaya B u d d h ism w ould have o ccu rred d u r in g ih r reign o f Asoka, a n d ihe S arvastivadin School w ould have existed since th e th ird ccn tu ry fc.C.E. 31 U i H a k u ju 's d ate o f 386 s.c.fc, for ihe B u d d h a ’s d eath is accepted > then the Sarvastiv ad in School w ould hav e existed since the second cen tu ry r c r W h ic h e v e r d ate is correct, 10 c.E. is su rp rising ly late for the first refer­ ence o f a school o f N ikaya B u d d h ism in an inscription. T h e situ atio n is .similar w h en inscriptions from n o r th e rn In d ia are c o n sidered A n inscription Fmm S h m k o t darin g from the tim e o f K tn^ M ilin d a records only the e n s h rin e m e n t o f relics. S im ilar pEissages from a stupa at D h a r m a r a jik a a n d from a n inscription reco rd ing ihe esta b lish ­ m e n t o f a stupa by a miridarkh (governor) also include no m e n tio n of schools. T h e earliest inscription from a stupa m e n tio n in g the n a m e o f a school was found on a copper p laq u e at K a la w a n a n d is d a t e d 77 c .t. Ii reco rd s the p re se n ta tio n o f a b u ild in g to house a stupa to the Sarvastiva dio School T h e next earliest inscriptions m e n tio n in g th e n a m e s o f schools o f N ikaya B u d d h is m d a te from rhe second c e n tu ry o.e, P a r tic u ­ larly fam o us a rc an inscription on a reliq u a ry discovered al the great stupa o f K an isk a a n d a n o th e r inscrip tion nn a j/J ^ a -s h a p rd Copper reli­ q u a r y Found at K u r r a n r Both inscrip tio ns d a te fro m th e second cen tu ry a n d r o n r e m d o n a tio n s ro rhe S arv astiv ad in School A sccon d-ccn tury inscription on a reliquary fo u n d at W a rd a k reco rd s the giff o f a tem ple to the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. M a n y o th er inscriptions from such places as M a th u r a , Nasik, Karli* AmaravatT, a n d N ig f ir ju n a k o n d a record c o n trib u tio n s to the school* o f N ikaya B u d d h is m .1 T h e se inscriptions d ate from th e second a n d th ird centu ries c . t . H o w ev er, stupas existed at sites such as Nasik* K arli, a n d BhaU iprolu as early as the second c e n ­ tu ry a.c.R . M a n y inscriptions exist th at reco rd co n trib u tio n s to ihese stupas, b u t they include no m en tio n o f schools. Io fact, th e n a m e s of N ikaya schools are m e n tio n e d in only a sm all p ro p o rtio n o f all the inscriptions. As has been arg u e d elsew here in this study, B uddhisi stupas originally

w c rf ntii affiliated with the NiJtAya fiuddhi^L orders. In a p p ro x im a te ly the first c e n tu r y c . t . stupai b elo n g in g to these schools b eg an to ap pear. H ow ever, ih eir n u m b e r* w ere far fewer th a n those siupns not affiliated wi(h N ikaya schools. E arly M a h a y a n ists m ight wel] hav e used the stiipas ill at w ere not affiliated w ith the N ik ay a schools as base* for proselytiz­ ing. T h e do ctrin al reasons for (his state o f affairs a re e x p la in e d in c h a p ­ te r sixteen,

CHAPTER 15

M ahayana Texts Composed during the Kusana Dynasty

e x a m in a tio n of inscriptions in the previous chapter did not pro­ vide sufficienl evidence to prove that a Mahayana order existed before the third ccntury o f the common era. However, the inscriptions did indicate that many stupas were not affiliated with any particular Hinayana school. In the next chapter, the people who lived and practiced their religion around these stupa* will be discussed. In ihis chapter, the existence of Mahayana texts in northern India at tJst- beginning o f the common era wi|[ be established.1 Through an investigation of the con­ tents of those texts, the nature of Mahay ana Buddhism at the beginning of the common era will be determined. Since Mahayana siiiras claim to tie (he words of (he Buddha, the date and circumstances of their emer­ gence c a n n o t be d e te rm in e d directly from statem en ts in th e sutras t h e m ­ selves. H o w ev er, this p ro b le m can be e x a m in e d by w o rkin g b ackw ard from d a te d C h in ese tran slatio n s o f early M a h a y a n a [fKts. T

he

T h e T ra n s la tio n s o f L o k a k sc n ia A cco rd in g to a fam ous leg en d , the first tra n sm issio n o f B u d d h is m to C h in a o ccu rred w h en E m p e r o r M in g (r. 5 7 -7 5 ) of th e L a te r H a n d re a m e d a b o u t a golden m att. W h e n he sub seq u en tly sent em issaries to the U ig h u rs to in q u ire abo ut ihe d r e a m in 67 q . l . , they re tu rn e d to Loy an g with two m issionaries, C h i a ’shc’m o -t'e n g (K asy ap a M atarig a?) a n d C h u Fa-lan ( D h a r m a r a in a ? ) . T h e s e two m e n a re said to have translated a test into C h in e s e under the title o f Sfu-thih-trk thong cfung

(Siitra in Forty-two Sections, T 784). A n e x a m in a tio n o f this w o r k h h o w ­ ever. reveals that it is co m p o se d of excerpt a from sutrm th at were translated at a later date. C onsequently, th e legend o f E m p e r o r M in g 's d r e a m c a n n o t be recognized as fact. A lthough the first tran sm ission s of B uddhism ty C h in a p ro b ab ly did o c c u r a r o u n d rhe b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n era, B u dd hist w orks w ere not tra n sla te d into C h in ese until a p p ro x im a te ly one cen tu ry later. D u r ­ ing th e reigns o f E m p e ro rs H u a n (r. 146-367) a n d L in g (r 167-189), the P a rth ia n m o n k A n S h ih-kao cam e to C h i n a a n d tra n sla te d thirtyfo u r H m ay an a works in forty fastielqs includ ing the An-pan sfiou-i ching (7 602). Shortly afterw ard , C h ih L o u -c h ia -c h ’an (L o k ak sem a?), a m onk ol Kusairta, c a m e to C h in a Hud tra n sla te d fourteen w orks in twenty-s.even fascicles, inclu din g the Iha-hiing pan-jo c h in g { T 2 2 ^ r A$tasdhamkd-PP*). A lthough several scholarly p ro b le m s e?cisi co n cern in g the w orks he ira n sla te d , n n x lc rn *rholars agree that twelve o f the fo u r­ teen w orks Lokak^cm a is said to have tra n sla te d are a u th e n tic .5 Lokak sem a was actively e n g a g e d in t r a n s i t i o n d u rin g the K o a n g -h o (178'i) a n d C h u n g k i n g (184- 15J8) eras. S ince he arriv e d in C h in a earher, [he original tests on wtuch his tra n s la u o n s w ere b ased can be [raced to the Kuga^ia em p ire so m eiim e before 150 c,E. D e te r m in in g how far before 150 u.E, the texts can be d a te d rem ain s a difficult p ro b le m . A m o n g the w orks translated by L n k a k ;c m a are (he Tba-fuittg pan-jo ih mg ( T 224, 10 lasc., A sittsdhasrtka-PP*), Pun-(hou san-met chmg ( 7 ’ 4 1H?, 1 fasc. „ HhadyapultlSuird] , iWoiJ-frFT^-yrFi nan met thing (not e x tan t, 2 fasc., Surarrmma^amddhistittm), Ttm-then-i*o-io thing { T 624, 3 fasc., Drumakin nararajaphjripmtha # )t A-she-shih-wang dtmg ( 7 ’ 626, 2 fasc,, Ajafaiatrukavkr(yavinodanti#), a n d A~nh ^u-jo-kuo thing ( T 313, 2 fuse., Aksohhyatatkdgatasyaiyuha#). T h e Tafchsingpan-p thing h a tran slation o f rhe A^tosdhasnka-PP (Prrfactioni o f PYtsdom in 8 ,0 0 0 Linei). T h e co n ten ts o f L u kak setn a's i ran si a[ion a re alm ost identical (o (he Contents o f K u m a ra jfv a 's tran slation of the Ptrftetion o f Wisdom in 8 ,0 0 0 Lines (7" 227). completed in 108. T h u s by I.ukakscma'-'i limit (hth Perfection o f Wisdom tn 8 ,0 0 0 I.w ei h a d alread y assum etl its final form. T h e Tao-hstng thing s length o f ten fascicles an d its o rg a n isa tio n in to th irty ch ap ters suggest th at the Endian text had a lo n g history before it reach ed rhe length a n d Format found in Lnkflksem a ’s translation , T h e final three ch ap ters (on [he bodhisatcva S adap r a ru d ila and o th e r topics) w ere the last to be com piled. T h e y include passages co n cern in g th e m a k in g o f B u dd ha im ages and th u s m u st hav e been co m po sed so m etim e d u r in g o r after ih e last h a lf o f th e first c e n tu ry t i . t . , w hen im ages o f the B u d d h a first a p p e a re d . T h e first tw enty-seven c h a p te rs a re older, b u t these chapters w ere not all co m p o se d at the sam e

lim e, since earlier a n d later p ortion s o f ihe text can b e disting uish ed. T h e twi'nly-fiflh c h a p te r co n cern s the tra n sm issio n o f the text to later gen eratio ns a n d p ro b ab ly m a rk e d the e n d o f the lest at o n e tim e. T h e tw enty*sixth acid tw en ty -sev en th ch ap ters w ere added to the te s t later; ihcy co n cern such topics as the a p p e a ra n c e o f A k jn b h y a B u d d h a a n d his B uddha-H eld. O f the first tw enty-five chapters* the first, HlT tie Practice ol the W a y ” (T ao -h sin g ), is the oldest. T h e co m p ilatio n o f the text was obviously a com plicated process th a t o ccu rred in fi series o f stages- T h e earliest version of it was probably com posed s o m e tim e bclw cen 100 B.c.F.. a n d 5ft c . e . T h e sixteenth c h a p te r o f the Tao-hsing ching includes teachin gs from Ih r bod hisattv a M a itre y a a n d a discussion o f A k ^ ib liy a's Buddha-field In the tw enty -fo urth ch ap ter, A kjo b h y a B u d d h a 's p erfo rm a n c e of bo dh isattva practices in past lives is discusscd. T h e se topics arc also found in [he A*ch 'u-fo-kuo eking ( T 313, Akfobhyatathagatasyavyuha#), tra n sla te d by L okak^em a. C onsequently, the earliest version o f the Ak5Qbhyatathdgatasyauyuha was probably com p osed earlier t h a n 50 c k_, before the sixteenth a n d tw e n ty -fo u rth ch ap ters o f [he 'Jav-hsiitg thing w ere co m po sed, L ok akg cm a's translatio n o f th e SuTangamasamddhtsuUa is not ex tan t H ow ev er, its co n ten ts can be dcd uced from K u m a r a j iv a hs translatio n of the stitta (Tf> 42). T h is sfiira co n cern s th e p o w er o f an intense m ed itatio n th at form s the basis o f a b o d h is a ttv a ’s practices. W ith the help o f this m e d ita tio n , a p ractitio n er can m ak e sub stan tial progress in his cultiva­ tion o f the six perfections. T h e im p o rta n t role o f the six perfections in the sutro indicates th at the text is closely related to (he perfection o f w is­ d o m j utrat. T h e concert! with th e p ro g ressio n o f th e stages o f p racticc su gg ests a connection w ith the DasabhHtnikttiiHra, a text that relates the stages o f practice on the b o d h isattv a p ath . In fact, the te rm “fhih-li “ (ten stages o r dasebhvmi) a p p e a r s in K.uinarajiva s translation o f the S$~ Tarigamasamddhiiutra. T h e descriptions o f th e p o w er o f the surangtfwa c o n ­ cen tratio n prohably arose from reflections on the w illpower a n d selfaw aren ess required oJ the men who perform ed bodhisattva praetices. T h e b o d h isattv a Manju&rf was a personification o f th e ideal figure w hu h a d m a ste re d such religious practices. C o n seq u en tly , the practices p e r­ formed by M a n ju s ri in times past are described in th e stitm T h e Su TangamasQmadhisiHtQ reveals th at the M a h a y a n a b o d h isattv a viewed his p ractice as bein g distinct from thai of the H in a y a n a p ractitio ners. T h e Surarigarttasaniddhistllra is o n e o f the most fu n d a m e n ta l early M a h a y a n a suiros. L o k a k fem a's tran slation indicates lhat ii existed in n o n h ern I n d ia in th e first cen tu ry c .e . T h e lou-sha thing (7*280) is related to the Avatarjuakasiilra. Since the

DasQbhvmikaiuirfl, a n o th e r text closely co n n ected 10 th e Ai'atarnsakosutra, is q u o te d in (he ^«fonganmsom^dhis&ra, early versions o f a iu lin b er of j y f r ^ related to the Atsatamsakasulra m ust have existed before ihe drst century

c

.e .

T h e Bhadrapdiaiutra ( T 418, Pan-chon s a n m ii thing) ^ tran slated by l.tokakfema, co n cern s m e d ita tio n s leading to visual tu itio n s o f the B u d ­ d h a . T h e se m ed itatio ns h e r e closely related to belief in the B uddha A m ita b h a . A lthough L okak^em a did not tran slate the ' ‘S m a lle r" Sukhdvatfaydha, his tran slatio n o f die Bhadrapdlatdtra indicates that beliefs co n cern in g A m ita b h a B u d d h a w ere alread y presen t in In d ia d u r in g the K u$ana dynasty. C o nseq uen tly , ihe earliest versions o f the sdtrai co n ­ cern ini; A m itabhtt p ro b ab ly existed before the first c e n tu ry C . E . H o w ­ ever, th e ex tan t versions of the “ L a r g e r " a n d ''S m a l l e r ” Sukhdvaiiiyuhaj were co m p iled later. A visualization exercise using a n im age o f the B u d ­ d h a iff described in L o k a k ^ e m a ’s translatio n o f the BhadrapalasiUra, in d i­ cating th at the version o f th e sutra Lokakgerna tra n sla te d was probably com piled after rhe last h a lf o f ih e first cen tu ry c . e ., w h en im ages o f the B u d d h a first a p p e a re d . H o w ev er, a n im age o f the B u d d h a is not an ind ispensab le re q u irem en t for visualisation s o f the B u d d h a . In fact, visualisation s o f the B u d d h a m ight have d ev eloped first, w ith early sculptu res o f the B u d d h a developing afterw ard on the basis o f those visualizations. T h e earliest version o f the fihadrapdlosutra m ight have a n te d a te d the a p p e a ra n c e of im ages o f the B uddha. T h e Drumakirtnararajapariprccha ( T 624, 7'un-chtn-t'o-b thing), tra n s ­ lated by L o k ak $ em an co n tain s a detailed th irty -tw o -p a rt ex p lan atio n of th r sis perfections. A cco rd in g to the sutra, th e p p e t i t i o n e r can realize m a n y of ih e m ore ad v an ced stages on the p ath to e n lig h te n m e n t th ro u g h the six perfections. A m o n g the benefits that m ay accru e to the diligent p ra c titio n e r are the realization of th e stage o f acquiescence to the tru th th at dfiatynas a re on p ro d uced (anuipatiika'dhartnn'ksdali), the a tta in m e n t o f th e stage from which no back slid ing o ccu rs faeitrartikaj, progression th ro ug h the ten stages (dasabhumi), a n d n e a rin g e n lig h te n ­ m e n t. T h e con cep t uf expedient teachings (updya) is aiso explained. T h is stitta is closely related to such w orks as the perfection o f wisdom sutras, ibe DasabhumikajfitTat a n d \.\\C Surangamasamiidhiiulra. Lokakpem a's tra n sla tio n o f the Ajdtasatrukaukrtyavinodana ( T 626 h Asht'shih-w
(he minH is purity ; it c an n o t be tainted by defilem ents. T h u s , the m ajo r rhem e o f rhis sutra is ihat the basic n a tu r e o f th e m ind is originally p u re, a teach ing th at w ould later develop in to T a th a g a ta g a rb h a d o ctrin e an d form an im p o rta n t lype o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. In connection will) this reaching, th e sutra includes an acco un t of how M a n ju £ ri h a d practiced religion! austerities in past ages, co m pleting all the practices necessary to attain B u d d h ah o o d long ago. All B u d d h a s a n d b o d lnsattvas have practiced u n d e r M aiiju£r71s g u id an ce. E ven S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a , when he was a b o d h isattv a, practiced u n d e r M an ju srf. In fact, ac c o rd in g to a fam ous passage in the Fang-po ching (7*629), a partial tra n slatio n o f th e Ajaiasatrukaukrtyavinodana, M a n ju s r i was the original teacher o f Salt y a ­ rn uni. T h u s M a n ju s r i is called " th e m o th e r a n d father o f those on the B u d d h a 's p a t h ” (7" 15:451a), M a n ju s ri ii a personification o f the wis­ d o m pro d u ced th ro ug h e n lig h te n m e n t, w isdo m rhar is b ased on the original p u re n a tu r e o f the m in d . M a n j u i n a n d M a itr e y a are tw o o f the earliest Im dhisattva? to a p p e a r in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n d the Ajdto* xatrviauhtyavwedfirw is a n im p o rta n t text for in vestigating th e origins of these b o d lm a ttv a s. T h e Kdfyapaparwarta* ( 7 '3 5 0 J / jih-mQ ni-paa ching), tra n sla te d by Lo^ k ak sem a, describes the practices o f bod hisattvas by a rra n g in g th e m inio g r o u p s each com p osed o f four dk&m.at T h is exposition is followed by a lisi o f th irty-tw o qualities a b o d h isattv a m ust possess. T h e sutra is thus p rim a rily co n cern ed with b o d h isattv a practices a n d includes an early exam ple of b o d h isattv a precepts. T h e siiim is one o f the oldest in clud ed in the Maharetnakiitci collections o f C o nsequently, early versions o f th e Ratnaktita m u st have existed by *hc first c e n tu ry c .e . In co nclu sio n, a survey u f the w o r ts tra n sla te d by L o kak ^em a reveals th at by the first cen tu ry c . e . scriptures co n cern in g the following M a h a y a n a topics existed in n o rth e rn In dia: perfection o f w isdom , Ak^obhyn B u d d h a , the d o ctrin e s o f the Atmtamsakaiutra, A m ita b h a Bud* d h a , the iumngama-samddhi, visualizations o f the B u d d h a such as the pmIjutpanna-samadhi, teachin gs co n cern in g M afiju sri, (he do ctrin e th at the original n a tu re o f the m in d is p u re , a n d th e teachin gs th a t typify rhe Mahdtatnaku/n collection o f Ittltar* Lokak$em a did not tran slate an y works related ro th e L$(us sutra (Saddharmapurifawho); but surveys of I-okak^em a’s tran slatio n s reveal rhar rep resen tativ e works o f the oth er Significant varieties o f M a h a y a n a lite ra tu re w ere found in n o rth e rn In d ia b y the first c e n tu ry c .e . D u rin g th e reign o f E tn p e ro r Ling (1 6 8 -1 8 9 ), at the s a m e tim e that L nkak$em a was active, Yen F o-r’iao an d An H sfian w ere t ran si a ling th e Ugrodattapanprcchd { T 3 2 2 1 Fetching ching), a s&tra b elon gin g to the

Mahdrainakufo g ro u p , C h ih Yao, K 'a u g M e n g -h sia n g , a n d W ei-chi-nan w ere also Iran slating w orks at this lim e. L a (c rs betw een a p p ro x im a te ly 222 a n d 2 r>3, C h ih C h 'i c n tra n slated works s u t h as the Vimalakirtinirdeia Me is crcditcil w ith the tran slation o f thirty-six works totaling forty-eight fascicles. T h e w orks translated by C h ih C h Tien probably were noi all com piled in In d ia betw een L o k a k scm a’s tim e a n d his; sonic o f th em p ro b ab ly existed before L o k a k se m a 's tim e. T h u s by the end nf ihe lir^c c e n tu ry C ,e ., M a h a y a n a Buddhist thought in n o r th e rn Ind ia existed in m a n y varieties T h e first versions o f the p erfection o f w isdom sutTiis a n d texts co ncerning A k jo b h y a B u d d h a w ere p ro b a b ly com piled t v e n earlier a n d d a te back to before the c o m m o n era

T h e Earliest M a h a y a n a Scriptures A ]ihough L o k a k jc m a ’s tra n sla tio n s tncludc the earliesi extant M a h a ­ yan a s c rip tu res, texts a n te d a tin g those tra n sla tio n s m u st h av e existed. S u c h tests arc q u o lc d in I jok a k^em a 1s tran slatio n fhc / ith~nw~ttt~fnnt (hing ( T 350, Kaijapaparivarta"), in which a bm lhisattva is advised to s tu d y both the Liu p o-h-m i chmg {$dipammitei Sutra on the Six Perfec* lions) anti th e P'u sa-tsang thing (Bodhisattvapitaka). Since these last two lufraj a re cited itj the / jib'm o-m -pao thing\ they m ust hav e been com piled before it. In ad d itio n , in rhe F ashing thing ( T Ugfadatiapanpmho), translated by Yen F o ^ i a o a n d A n H siian in Ifll, p ractitioners are advised io chant the San-fi rin thmg ( Tnfkandhaka) six lim es every twentylo u r-h o u r period. Since the Triskandkaka is cited in the Fa-thitig thing it m ust an ted ate the Fa-chmg thing Since the f jih-jnt)-m-pQi} thing a n d [he Fa-thing thing w ere com piled by the e n d o f the first cen tu ry c . e , , the three M a h a y a n a texts cited in them probably daic back to s o m e tim e before the b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e r a . 5 A m o n g the sutra* tra n sla te d by C h ih C h ’icn is ih e Fa a-m i-i'o ching ( T 362 , SukhavaiivyufiQ*), com pleted som etim e b etw een 223 a n d 252, I'wo ol the earliesi M a h a y a n a sutras, the Tao-ehih ta-thirtg and ihe Liu po-to-mi thing, are cited in th e Ta a -u ii-t^ thing. T h e Liu po-lo-mt thing (Satpdramitd) cited in the Ta a -m t-i’o thing ls p ro h ah ly th e sam e work referred to in the Ijih -m o m-pao thmg. U nfortunately, n o th in g is know n a b o m the Tao-chih ta-ching. I n Conclusion, ihe sutras tran slated by L okak^em a a n d C h ih C h ’ten w ere not the first M a h a y a n a sutras. R ath er, ihcse tra n sla tio n s clearly reveal the existence o f an ev en earlier g ro u p o f M a h a y a n a scriptures I he e m erg en ce o f the very first M a h a y a n a scrip tures can thus be placed in the first c e n tu ry b .c .e .

A c c o rd in g to (he following passage from the 7ao-hsing pan-p jftung (7 224), the perfection o f wisdom sutral first arose in S o u th In d ia . " A fte r the B u d d h a 's d e a t h t the perfection of w isdom s p re a d tn the south. F rom rhe south it sprcftd to the west, an d from fhe west ro the n o r th " ( T B:44Ga“ b). S im ilar passages in d ic a tin g that the perfection o f w isdo m lit­ e r a tu r e had its origins in th r south an: found in th e 7a -p Vh pan -jo chi ng (7 * $ ;3 i7 b ) a n d ihe Htiao-p lutpan-jo thing ( T 8:555a). S u c h passages by them selves do not pro vid e conclusive evidence that th e perfection o f w isdom literatu re cam e from rhe sourh; hut o th er evi­ dence does suggest th at M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism flourished in S o u th In d ia at a n early date. A fter (he prajAdpdrtimitd literatu re h a d a p p e a re d , N a g a rju n a is said to have lived at SiTparvata o r B rahtn arag iri in S ou th In d ia a n d 10 hav e received the p a tro n a g e o f the S a ta v a h a n a royaJ fam ­ ily. An inscription has been found in d icatin g th at S rip a rv a ta was at N a g a r ju n a k o n d a . A m o n g the disputes discussed in the T h e r a v a d a w ork Kathdvatthu arc several identified by B u d d h ag h n sa in his c o m m e n ta ry involving positions m a in ta in e d by a Vetulvafca School, w hich he called the M n h a s u n n a ta v a d in School {TheDebates Commentary, bk. I 7 h nhap. 6 10). [ he a d h e re n ts o f this school m ay have b een advocates n f pTajn& pdramitd positions. T h e Kothdvatthu co n tain s detailed in fo rm a tio n a b o u t B u d d h ism in rhe south, b u t it is m u ch less co m p lete in its p resen tatio n o f the d o ctrin e s o f the n o r th e rn schools, such as the S arv astiv ad in s. C o nsequ ently, the inclusion o f M ah asu rm atav ad itf positions in [his tc*t m ay indicate ihai the M a h a s u n n a ta v a d m School was from Souih In d ia , A cco rd in g to the Sri T.ankan chronicles, K in g G o jh a b a y a expelled th e V etu ly ak a m on ks from Sri L a n k a in the third c e n tu ry iC.B. A cco rd in g to t h e / t i ja-chuh p ’in (Gaft^avyuha) c h a p te r o f the Hua-ytn ching ( T 9 : 697c; 10:332ch 677a, Avatar^sakasutra), w hen M a n ju s r i left the B u d d h a at Sravastly he (raveled to the south. T h e re he Jived at a large caitya to the cast o f D h a n y a k a r a (C h iie h -e h 'e n g ), a place th at m a y c o r r e ­ spond to D h a n y a k a ia k a . A m o n g M a n ju s r i’s m a n y believers was a youth n a m e d S u d h a n a . A ccording to the Garttfavyuha, S u d h a n a went on a long jo u rn e y to h e a r the D h a r m a an d visited A valok itesv arah w ho was stayin g on M o u n t K u an g * m in g (Pntalaka?) m S o u th In d ia ( T 9:7 I 7c). T h e Cand&vyitha is thus closely related to B u d d h ism in S o u th India. In a d d itio n , m a n y o f the stories a b o u t M a n ju ir i concern S o u th India, T h e above evidence suggesis th at m a n y Early M a h a y a n a scriptures o rig in a te d in S o u th In d ia . A n investigation o f inscriptions from S o u th In d ia reveajs th at the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism in the M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage w ere also p ro m in e n t in South In d ia . A lthough ihcse inscriptions

d a te from ih e sccond c c n tu ry c . E, an d later, these schools m u s t certain ly have been p resent [n South In d ia before (he second c e n t u r y c . e . O n the basis of such ev id en ce, to m e scholars have a rg u e d that M a h a y a n a Bud d hism m ight have d ev eloped out o f the M ah asarig hik a School. In fact^ som e c o n n e c tio n seem s to hav e existed b etw een the tw o forms o f B u d ­ d hism . H o w ever, since the d o ctrin es o f the M ah a sa h ^ h ik ii School an d the schools lhai split of! from it (such as (he Purvtisaila, U it a rasa LIa r anti C a iitk a ) a re not clearly known* the similarities betw een M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m a n d the schools in the M ah asarig h ik a linkage c an n o t he. d e te rm in e d w ith precision.

T h e S ig n ific a n c e o f P re d ictio n s about the Rise of M a h a y a n a d u r in g the “ L a t t e r F iv e H u n d r e d Y e ars*’ T h e th o u sa n d years following the B u d d h a ’s death a re often divided inlo iwo liv e -h u n d re d -y e a r periods in B uddhist texts. S ta te m e n ts abo u t the decline o f th e (rue teaching d u rin g rhe la tte r five h u n d r e d years occur freq uently in M a h a y a n a texts. T h e ph rase “ latter five h u n d r e d years*' is c o n tra ste d w ith the " fo r m e r five h u n d re d y e a r s / 1 the first five h u n ­ d r e d years after the Build h a ’s d e a th . A cco rd in g to the stories in ihe Vinaya a b o u t th e fo u n d in g o f the o r d e r of n u n s , w hen S a k y a m u n i B u d ­ d h a first a d m itte d w o m en to the B uddhist o rd e r, he stated that his leachin g shuu)d last a th o u sa n d years; t h t ad m issio n o f n u n s to the o rd e r, how ever, w ould shorten rhe period to five h u n d r e d years C o n s e ­ quently, the tru e teachin g was expected to flourish d u r in g the form er five h u n d r e d y e a r s Hbin to decline d u rin g the latter fivtf h u n d r e d years M a h a y a n a texts siress that the tru e reaching h a d ro be carefully g u a rd e d a n d m a in ta in e d d u rin g the la tte r five h u n d r e d years. T h e presence uf such w ords in M a h a y a n a texts suggests that these texts w ere co m posed s o m e tim e la te r th an five h u n d r e d years afrer th e B u d d h a 's deaih. Early M a h a y a n a texts d a te from the first c e n tu ry n.c.fc. If the B u d ­ d h a died in 484 h . c . e ,, th en “ the fo rm er five h u n d r e d y e a r s ” w ould have elapsed in the first c e n tu ry C.E. If the B u d d h a d ied in 3St> b .C. e . r ih en ihe “former five hundred y e a rs " would have elap sed in the second c e n tu ry c . e . T h e se dates m u st be reconciled with the evidence su g g est­ ing th at M a h a y a n a texts began a p p e a rin g in th e first c e n tu ry b .c .k . T h e M a h a y a n a texts th at include statem en ts abo ut the latter five h u n d r e d years a re usually later texts o r late recensions o f early texts. F o r ex am p le, studies o f perfection of wisdom lite ra tu re reveal example* o f Such statem en ts in K u i n a r a j l v a fs translation o f (he Aptasdha\rikd- PP (7'4:5J>5c), w hich w as com p leted in 403, but not in the earlier t ran si a-

lion of ihis sutra by Lokak$em a d a ie d 179 ( 7 ’ 224). O f the tra n sla tio n s o f PanML'imsatisdhasrikd-PP these statem en ts a p p e a r in H s iia n - ts a n g ’s cran slat ion ( 7 ‘ 7 : j 9 4 b n 009a), d a te d betw een G£9 a n d G53, but nut in the tran slatio n s by M ok?ala (7*221), co m pleted in 2$ I, o r by KumftrajTva ( 7 ' ‘2 23), com pleted in 404. C onsequently, s ta te m e n ts c o n c e rn in g [lie la tte r five h u n d r e d years w ere p ro b ab ly not int-luded m th r earlies! v e r­ sions o f M a h a y a n a sutras b u t w ere a d d e d iater. T h e Figure o f live h u n ­ d re d years after the B u d d h a 's d eath can n o t be used to d e te r m in e the d are o f th e First ap p e a ra n c e o f M a h a y a n a sc rip tu re s* S tu d ies co n cern in g the history o f the tran slatio n o f Buddhist scrip­ tu re s im o C h in ese reveal th at a variety o f M a h a y a n a scriptures w as circ a lm in g in In d ia d u r in g ihe Kusat.ui d y nasty in rhe lirsi cen tu ry c .e , If serip tures exisicd at this tim e, th en a u th o rs a n d believers inusi also have been present. T h e s e early believers m ust have p u t M a h a y a n a teachings inio practice a n d cultivated the sis perfections a n d the SiittingamQ* semadhi. Places for practice m u st have been established. Because te a c h ­ ings w ere tra n sm itte d From te a c h e r to d lscip let o rd e rs m ust have form ed T h e e.xisiencr o f such im tiltitfanfl can easily l>c im ag in ed in first-century In d ia .

CH APTER 16

The Origins of bAahayana

M a h a y a n a and H i n a y a n a T h e t e r m “ M a h a y a n a " is usually tra n sla te d as “ G re a t Vehicle’f a n d the term “ H i n a y a n a '' as " S m all Vehicle." T h e original m e a n in g o f th e elem en t hi'na in the term u H i n a y a n a " is " d i s c a r d e d " ; it also denote* in fe rio r” o r “ b ase.” T h e ap pellation " H i n a y a n a " thus was a d e p r e c a ­ tory term used by M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers lo refer to N ik ay a (S ectar­ ian) B uddhism . Nr) Buddhist groups ev er referred to ihenisetvcs as H ln ay an ists. It is u n c le a r w h eth er M a h a y a n ists referred to the w hole of N ikaya TCuddhism as H i n a y a n a o r only 10 a specific group. T h e a rg u m e n ts of the Ta-chih-tu iun ( T 1509, MahdfaqitiiparamitopadtiQ) a re p rim arily d irected ag ain st the V aibhasikas o f (he S arv astiv ad in School. T h e Sarvasttvadins w ere viewed as H ln a y a n is ts in this a n d m a n y o th e r M a h a ­ yana tests. U n fo rtu n ately , it is not know n w h eth er the te rm +JH7nay a n a ” in M a h a y a n a scriptu res also referred to lhe T h e r a v a d in s an d M ah asarig h ikas. In his travel diary, the C h in ese Buddhist pilgrim F a-h sicn (d. 423?) divided ihe areas w h ere In d ia n B ud dh ism was practiced inio th ree c a te ­ gories (Fo-kuo (hi, 7’ 208Ji( Record o j Buddhist Lands): M a h a y a n a , H in a y a n a f a n d m ixed ( H i n a y a n a a n d M sihiiyana practiced to g eth er in the sa m e area). A c o m p a riso n o f Fa-hsicn s travel d iary to that o f a n o th e r C h in ese pilgrim , H su a n -rs a n g (60 0-66 4), Hsi-yu chi (7'20fl7, A Record of Travels to Western Regions)t clearly indicates that F a-hsien used the term MH i n a y a n a " to refer lo all of th e schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . H siian -

tsa n g u n d e rsto o d In d ia n B u d d h ism in a p p ro x im a te ly the sam e m a n n e r H s iia n -tsa n g placed the epithet ^ H i n a y a n a ” in front o f th e n a m e s of certain schools, such as ihe S a rv a stiv a d in , S a m m a tiy a , a n d L ok ottarav ad in. In o th er cases, he noted that the people o f an urea were H ln ayan a Buddhists o r that they followed H in a y a n a teachings, b g l he did not d e s ig n a te the n a m e o f [heir school. W h e n he discussed the tw o areas w h ere he found T h e ra v a d in a an d the th ree places w here he found M ah asarig h ik as, he used only the nam e o f the school w ithout the epithet " H i n a y a n a . 1' 1 T h is difference is p ro b ab ly not significant. H ow ever, w h en he discussed the five areas where he fo u n d groups associated with th e Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School, he referred to them as ,l M a h a y a n a T h e r a v a d in s .” ’ T h e A b h a y a g iri sect o f th e T h e r a v a d a School th at was influential in Sri Lankti at this tim e seem s to have ad o p ted m an y M a h a y a n a teachings. L a te r h it was expelled from Sri L a n k a by ihe M a h a v ih a r a seer, w hich d o m in a te s Sri L a n k a n B u d d h ism today. T h e su rviv ing c o m m e n ta rie s (AtthaAatha) o f the M a h a v ih a r a sect, when closely e x a m in e d , in clu d e a n u m b e r o f positions (hat agree wilh M a h a y a n a teachings, C o n seq u en tly , H s u a n - ts a n g referred to the Sri L a n k a n T h e r a v a d a School as “ the M a h a y a n a T h e r a v a d a S cho ol,” T h u s , H s u a n -ts a n g did not regard all sects o f N ikay a B u d d h is m as H in a y a n a . H ow ever, he re g a rd e d th e L o k o u a ra v a d in w e t, w hich is uf M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage, as H i n a y a n a despite the m a n y M a h a y a n a elem e m s found in the L o k o tiarav ad in b io g ra p h y o f the R u d d h a , the MahavaStu. H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism a rc not so clearly disting uished in I-c h in g ’s (6 3 5 -7 13 ) travel diary, th e Nan-hai chi-kutt nti-fu thuan [ T 2125, A Rec&rd o j Buddhism in Indie and ih t M alay Archipelago). I-ching o bserved no significant differences in the life styles o f H i n a y a n a an d M a h a y a n a m onks. Both followed the vinaya, w ere expected to use three robes arid a begging bow l, a n d based th eir p ractice on the F o u r Noble T ru th s , I chin g noted th at " th o s e w ho paid h o m a g e to b od hisattvas an d read M a h a y a n a sutras" w ere M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers, while those w ho did not do so w ere H in a y a n a . O n ly the M a d h y a m ik a a n d Yogacara schools w ere consistently referred to as M a h a y a n a . 3 I-chin g spent most o f his tim e at the large m o n a s te ry al N aland a in central India. His use o f the te rm s " H i n a y a n a " a n d " M a h a y a n a ” m ay in dicate th at the d iv i­ sions betw een the two types o f B u d d h ism w ere not very clearly observed at N a la n d a in the seventh century, H s iia n -tsa n g a n d I-ching traveled in In d ia w hen M a h a y a n a B u d ­ d hism was in its m idd le period. T h e ir w ritings, consequently, do not describe E arly M a h a y a n a B u dd hism , H o w ever, in general, the te rm “ H In ay i n a ” was mosi often ap p lied to the S arv astiv ad in School.

T h e te rm s " S r a v a k a y a n a " (vehicle o f the listener) a n d " B o Ihisattvay a n a " (vehicle o f the b o d h isattv a) are ev en o ld er th a n the te rm s “ H i n a y a n a " a n d " M a h a y a n a . ” H in a y a n a was ev en tu ally su b stitu ted for S ra v a k a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a for B o dh isattyayan a. S ra v a k a y a n a was p ro b ab ly used to refer to N ik ay a B ud dh ism in general.

T h e M ean in g o f H in a y a n a and M a h a y a n a T h e d e m e n t ydna in ihe term s “ H i n a y a n a ” a n d “ M a h a y a n a ” literally m e a n s “ v e h ic le /' a n d it refers to B uddhist d o ctrin e . By p racticin g in accord an ce w ith do ctrin e , a person could cross the riv e r o f cyclic exis­ tence, traveling from the s h o r t th at rep resen ted ih r realm o f delusion tu th e o th e r shore, w hich re p resen ted the realm o f e n lig h te n m e n t Doctrin e was c o m p a re d to a vehicle lhai w ould take the p ra c titio n e r to salvation . T h e differences betw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a d o ctrin e are many. Bui the m a jo r difference, at least a c c o rd in g to the M a h a y a n a traditiun , lies in the a ttitu d e s o f each tow ard the salvation o f others. T h e M a h £ y a n a trad itio n m a in ta in s that a person m u st save him self by sa v ­ ing others. T h e M a h a y a n a descriptions o f religious p racticc as th e six perfections (paramitd) illustrate hem a person could benefit him self only by h elp ing others. T h e se doctrines reflected a view o f the w orld based on the teaching o f D ep en d en t O rig in a tio n . In c o n tra st, a c c o rd in g to S arv astiv ad in a n d T h e r a v a d in do ctrin e , the goal o f p r a a i c e was to a tta in salvation for oneself by cu ttin g off all defilem ents. O n c e salvation had been a tta in e d , the p ra c titio n e r h ad accom plished all lhai was to be d o n e an d e n te re d qm upa. S a v in g o th ers was not a necessary re q u ire m e n t for th e co m p le tio n o f p racticc. Even a fter e n lig h te n m e n t h a d been attain ed , h elp in g others was not req u ired . S r a v a k a y a n a B ud d h ism was som etim es called “ B uddhism for d iscip les'1 because it co uld be m a ste re d by p racticin g u n d e r qualified teachers. T h e p ra c titio n e r was not r e q u ire d to progress from bein g s tu d e n t to teacher. T h e term "srduaka,>r w hich m e a n s “ liste n e r" o r " o n e w ho s tu d ie s ,” also reflects these qualities. T h is lack o f social co n cern is p r o b ­ ably related to the u n d e r s ta n d in g o f the d o ctrin e o f D e p e n d e n t O rig in a* lion professed by m a n y o f the schools o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . F o r th e m , D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n referred to the in tera ctio n o f discrete entities, each with its o w n n a tu re . W ith in the S ra v a k a y a n a tra d itio n , teachin gs w ere tra n sm itte d from te a c h e r to disciple. P re a c h ih g the D h a r m a a n d teach in g w ere practices p e rfo rm e d by m o n k s. Because S ra v a k a y a n a doctrines did not req u ire

m o n k s to help o th ers as an integral part o f th eir p r a c t i c e how ever, these doctrines w ere co n sidered " H i n a y a n a '' by M a h a y a n a advocates. W hile M ah ay an isis called th e H in a y a n a trad ition L'B u d d h ism for disciples,” th ey conceived o f the M a h a y a n a trad itio n as a form o f B u d d h ism that w ould allow th e m to becom e teachers, It was a teach in g th at w ould e n ah le th e m to becom e B u dd has, ro becom e equal to the B u d d h a , th e te a c h e r o f t h t srdvakas. M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism en co u rag ed the p ra c ti­ tio ner to teach even while he w as stud yin g , an attitu d e b ased on th e p rem ise that the p ra c titio n e r alread y possessed the p otential n ecessary to realize B u d d h ah o o d . A person who knew [hat he h a d this potential was railed a b od hisattva. T h e M a h a y a n a conception o f the b o d h isa ttv a w as m odeled on the acco u n ts o r S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a 's fo rm e r lives, w h ich w ere related in B u dd hist literature. T h u s , M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism wa& a teaching o r vehicle for b o d h jsaitv as, a bodhisattmydna. Som e M a h a y a n a p ractitio n ers believed that all people, not only them selves, possessed [he p o ten tial to b e c o m e B u ddhas. T h e se p ra c titio n e rs wished to help all o th e r people realize th a t they too h a d this po tential a n d con* s c q u e m ly stressed the im p o rta n c e of helping others T h e i r beliefs e v e n ­ tually d eveloped into the do ctrin e that ail sen tien t beings possess the B u d d h a -n a tu re . T h u s , M a h a y a n a B u dd hism was co n cern ed w ith lay people a n d this world while H i n a y a n a B u d d h is m was a m on astic form o r B u d d h is m c h aracterised by w ith d ra w al from th e ev ery day world. T h e s e differences in a ttitu d e s betw een H i n a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism resulted in a v ariety o f div ergent doctrines. F o r H i n a y a n a B uddhists, nirvana was ihe final goal, ch a ra c te riz e d by some M a h a y a nists as the ex tin ctio n o f b o d y a n d m in d . In c o n tra st, M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dh ists a rg u e d th a t rhe p ra c titio n e r was to a tta in " activ e nirvdna" (apratif■ thitn-nirvatta) in w hich he did not re m a in q uiescent, B odh isattv as such as M anjust'i, S a m a n ta b h a d r a , a n d Ava!okite£vara had m o re pow ers th an B u d d h a s , b u t c o n tin u e d to d ev o te them selves ro saving sentient b ein gs instead o f atta in in g B u d d h ah o o d . B u dd has such as A m ita b h a o r .Sakyam uni (as an eternal B u d d h a) n e v e r e n te re d extinction (pannir* i'drui). T h e y c o n tin u e d to help sentient b e i n g s E n te r in g mrudna was seen as n o th in g m o re th an an expedient m ean s to help save sentient beings. N o b o d y actually en tered nirvdna as a n u ltim ate state, acco rdin g to this M a h a y a n a view. T h e e m erg en ce o f rhese teachings w as m ad e possible by rhe d evelop ­ m e n t o f the d o ctrin e o f non S u b s ta n tia lly (sunyatd) a n d new in te rp r e ta ­ tions o f the concepts o f th e M id d le W ay a n d D e p e n d e n t O rig in a tio n th at div erg ed from the views o f N ik ay a B u d d h is m , M a h a y a n a views of the B u d d h a also differed fro m those o f N ik ay a B u d d h ism . M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m d isting u ished th ree bodies o f the B u d d h a : dh&rmakdya [dharma

body), sflmbhognkajtfi (body o f bliss), an d nirman^kdya (m an ifested Ijody). T h e stages o f practice for rhe M a h a y a m s(s led to the a tr a m m e n t o f Budd h ah o o d . C o n seq u en tly , M a h a y a n a p ath s to e n lig h te n m e n t such as the [On slaves (daiabhumi) o r forty-tw o stages h a d little in c o m m o n with the H in a y a n a list o f four c a n d id a te s a n d four fruits o r with the HTnayftna goal o f b e c o m in g a n arhat. S om e M a h a y a n ists conceived o f [he B uddha as a savior o f helpless beings a n d developed docirines c o n cern in g easier paths to salvation o r th e B u d d h a ’s use o f his own pow er to save m en. S u ch d o ctrin cs were fo u n d only in M a h a y a n a B uddhism . Still o th e r differences b etw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism could he indicated, but the basic distinction lies in lhe M a h a y a n a insis­ tence that helping o th ers is a n ecessary p a n o f a n y effort to save oneself while H in a y a n a d o ctrin e stresses the salvation o f oneself.

T h e Th ree Sources of M a h a y a n a Buddhism T h e origins o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a re still not com pletely under^ s to o d . Three sources a p p e a r to hav e m ad e significant c o n trib u tio n s lo the rise o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . T h e se sources are stated briefly here a n d th en ex p lain ed in m o re d etail in th e following sections o f this c h a p ­ ter. T h e first source is N ikaya (S ectarian) B u d d h ism . M a n y m o d e rn scholars hav e m a in ta in e d th e view' thai M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism developed c u t o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. But since the M a h a s a n g h ik a School co n tin u ed to exist long after M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism arose, the rise of M a h a y a n a can n o t be ex p lain ed simply as (he tra n sfo rm a tio n o f the M a h a sa n g h ik a s into M a h a y a n ists . W hile ir is tru e th a t the m a n y sim i­ larities b etw een M a h a s a n g h ik a a n d M a h a y a n a d o ctrin e s p ro v e th at the M a h a s a n g h ik a School did influence M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , teaching* from rhe S arv astiv ad in , M ahi£asaka, f^ h a rm a g u p ta k a , a n d T h e r a v a d a schools w ere also in c o rp o ra te d into M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . T h e d o c­ trines u f th e S arv astiv ad a School in p a rtic u la r were often m e n tio n e d in M a h a y a n a texts, a n d S a m m a tiy a teachings also w ere influential. T h e relation b etw een N ik ay a B u d d h ism an d M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism d e a r l y is not a sim ple one. T h e second source is th e biog rap hical literatu re o f the B u d d h a c o m ­ posed by people som etim es said to have belonged to th e "v ehicle that praised the B u d d h a M ( C h h tmn-fo shtng)* A lth o u g h this literatu re m a y h av r h a d its origins in N ik ay a B ud dh ism , it eventually d ev eloped in w ays th at tra n sc e n d e d sectarian lines a n d c o n trib u te d to the rise o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , T h e th ird source is stupa w orship. A fter the B u d d h a 's d e a th , his

re m a in s w ere divided and placed in eight stupas built in cen tra! Ind ia. T h e se b ecam e te n te r s w here pious B uddhists co n g reg ated . Later. K in g A suka hati stupas built in o th er p a r t i o f In d ia , fu rth er c o n trib u tin g to the spread o f stupa w orship. T h e se cults appeEir To h av e c o n trib u ted signifi­ can tly to the rise o f M a h a y a n a B udd hism . Since M a h a y a n a t c m do not describe the circu m stan ces that gave rise to M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n y investigation m ust be partially based on sp eculation In the Following pages, th e th ree sources o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m in tro d u ce d above a re discussed in m o re detail.

N i k a y a B u d d h ism an d M a h a y a n a As was no ted earlier. N ik ay a B u dd hism was often referred to by the d e p re c a to ry epithet " H i n a y a n a ” (inferior vehicle) by M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dhists. N ik ay a B u d d h ism , h o w ev erH c o n trib u te d m u c h to M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . For ex am p le, M a h a y a n a texts such as th e Ta^hih-tu fan ( 7 ’ 1509, Mahdprajndpdramifopadts'a, a ttrib u te d to N a g a rju n a ) a n d the Ta-ptn pan-jo chmg ( 7 ‘ 223, Pdncawms'atisdhasrikd-FF") often inclu ded references tn S arvastivad in teachings. M a h a y a n a w orks also ad o p ted the tw elve­ fold classification o f (he Buddhist scriptures used by the S a r v a s tiv a d in , M a h isa sa k a , a n d D h a r m a g u p ta k a schools. T h e V atsip utriy a fivefold classification of dharmas (C h. mu /n-tsang) w as cited in the perfection of w isd o m Sutras. Mill* it is a p p a re n t th at a u th o rs o f m a n y o f (he M a h a ­ y a n a scriptu res h a d stu died H in a y a n a d o c trin e s.4 D octrinal sim ilarities b etw een H in a y a n a a n d M a h a y a n a w orks do not prove th at the a u th o rs o f M a h a y a n a texts were cu rre n t o r form er m e m b e rs o f the schools o f N ikaya B uddhism . A lthough S arv astiv ad in d o c trin e is far rem o v e d from M a h a y a n a th o u g h t, Sarvagtivjidin teach ­ ings were often m e n tio n e d o r in co rp o rated into M a h a y a n a texts. In term s oF c o n te n t, how ever, M a h a s a n g h ik a d o ctrin e is m uch closer to M a h a y a n a th o u g h t th an is S arv astiv ad in d o ctrin e . 'I he best s u m m a r y o f M a h a s a n g h ik a d o ctrin e is fo u n d in V a su m itra '^ SamayabhedopaTacanacakra ( T 203 l ) . fi A lthough V a s u m itra was a m e m b e r oF the S a rv a stiv a ­ d in School, he seem s to have been a n u n b iase d scholar a n d to have a ccurately collected a n d s u m m a riz e d the teachings of o th e r schools. In one o f the sections o f his w ork, V a s u m itra g ro u p e d to g eth er the d o c­ trin es o f four schools (the M a h a s a n g h ik a , L o k o tta ra v a d in , E kavyavah a rik a , a n d K a u k u iik a ) o f M a h a s a n g h ik a lineage a n d noted that the T o uriaughi that " th e B u d d h a s , th e W o rld -h o no red O n e s , a rc all s u p e r ­ m u n d a n e , All the T a th iig a ta s are w ithout im p u re (sasrava) dharmas” (7~ 15b). T h is position differs from that of the S a rv a stiv a d in School, b u t

is d o s t to M a h a y a n a teachin gs T h e four school & also u p h e ld the d o c­ trin e th ai " t h e B u d d h a can e x p o u n d a]] the teachin gs w ith a single u tte r a n c e ’' ( 7 ’ 49:15b). A c c o rd in g to (he M ahdvibhdfd ( 7 ' 2 7 : 4 l0 a - b ) , this d o ctrin e was also m a in ta in e d by th e V ib h a jy a v a d m s , 3r is also referred to in a well-know n passage in ihe VimataktTiinirdesa ( T 14:538a). V a J u m itra also nuted lhai these schools up held the positions chat '"the rupakdya (fo rm -b o d y ) o f the T a th a g a ta is limitless. T h e divine pow er of the T a t hagai a is also limitless. T h e lifetimes o f ihe B u d d h a s a re limitless. T h e B u d d h a n e v e r rires o f reach in g sentient beings a n d a w a k e n in g p u re faith w ithin t h e m '1 ( 7 ’ 4 9 :J 5 b -c ). T h e se (cachings are close to M a h a y a n a ideas a b o p t the sambha^akdya (body o f bhss) o f the I3uddha an d are evidence o f [he close re latio n sh ip o f these schools to M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism . V a su m itra also d escrib ed (he doctrines c o n cern in g b o d h isattv as m a in ta in e d by the schools of the M a h a s a n g h ik a h n eag e. , l N o bodhisattvas have a n y th ou gh Is o f g reed, a n g e r h o r d o in g h a r m to others In o r d e r to ben efit sentient beings, bodhLsattvas a re born into inferior states th ro u g h th eir ow n w ish e s" (7" 49: f5c). T h e position rhar bodhisattvas can consciously choose w here th ey will be b o r n is sim ilar to M a h a y a n a teachings a n d differs significantly from the S arv astiv ad in p osition th at b irth is d e te rm in e d only by k a rm a . T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a s m a in ta in e d that " t h e original n a tu r e o f the m in d is p u re; it beco m es im p u re when it is affected by ad v en titio u s d e file m e n ts '1 ( T 4 9 : 15c). T h is teach in g is also im p o rta n t in M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism . It w as m a in ta in e d by o th e r groups w ith in N ikaya B u d ­ dh ism , F or example* it is found in the SdnptitrdbhidharmasdstTu ( 7 ’ 28 697b) It w as also advocated by the D isc rim in a to rs a n d ap p e a rs in ihe Pali j uttai. A llhough this d octrine was not u n iq u e to the M a h a ­ san g h ik a ScIhkjI, M a h a s a n g h ik a views o f the B u d d h a w ere certainly d o s e tn those found in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a n d prov id e evidence of a deep lie b etw een the th o u g h t ol the two g ro u p s. T h e exact n a tu r e o f the relationship b etw een the M a h a sa n g h ik a o rd er a n d M a h a y a n a a d h e r ­ ents u n f o rtu n a te ly is still unclear. Since the S arv astiv ad in s also m ade rlortrinat c o n trib u tio n s to M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m h the m ost significant an d difficult p ro blem th at rem ain s to be solved is d e te r m in in g w hat in stitu tio n al ties m ig h t hav e existed betw een the M a h a s a n g h ik a o r d e r an d M a h a y a n a Buddhists.

B io g ra p h ie s of th e B u d d h a 1’he Mahdvastu is a b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a p ro d u c e d by th e L o k o ttaravadins, a d h e re n ts o f a school related to the M a h a s a n g h ik a Schoni. T h e

Afahat'osik7 d escrib es ten g ro u n d s (bhumi) o r stages a fu tu re B u d d h a wnultl pa^s th ro u g h On his w ay to B u d d h ah o o d . M a h a y an a trxts such as the Shih-ti eking ( T 287., Dasabhumikasuira) co n tain sim ilar teachin gs o n the ten stages thai have often been cited as evidence in d icatin g that M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism arose from the M a h a s a n g h ik a School. H ow ever, the Mafiavaslu a n d sim ilar literatu re co n cern in g the B u d d h a s life t r a n ­ scend sectarian lines. F o r ex am p le, at the end o f the Fa pen-hsing chi ching (7*100, Abh 1rtnkruTrmticij u t r a ), a D h a r m a g u p ia k a text, it is no ted th at ihe very s s m r b io g ra p h y is callcd the Ta-shih (M ahdvailu) by the M a h a ­ sanghika School a n d v ario u s o th e r n am es by the S arv astiv ad in , Kasyapiya, a n d M a h ls a s a k a schools, th u s in d icatin g th ai these schools s h a re d a c o m m o n b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a (7 * 3 :932a). D ifferences do exist betw een the b io graph ies o f th e B u d d h a extant today. T h e M a h a sa n g h ik a Mahdvastu, ihe D h a r m a g u p ta k a Fo pen hsiitg chi ching, and the S arv astiv ad in School's Lalitaviitara* are not identical. T h e Mahdvatfu in p a rtic u la r diverges from the others. But earlier, the schools do seem 10 have sh ared th e sam e b io g ra p h y P e rh a p s th e s to ry ’s literary q u alities enab led it to tran scend sectarian differences. F or e x a m p le , A iv a g h o fa , a u th o r o f the Buddhacanta, h a d close connections w ith the S arvastiv ad in School, b u t he has also been connected with ihe Bahu£rut7ya„ K a u k u fik a , S a u tra n tik a , a n d Y ogacara tra d itio n s ,9 an d thus can noi be said to b elong to a n y single school. R a th e r , he a n d oth er poets, such as M a tfc e ta , m a y be said to b elong to the "v ehicle of those w ho praise the B u d d h a " (C h tian fo shrng), M a tr c e ta lived in the second o r th ird cen tu ry a n d ra n k s next to A svagho^a ap a Buddhisi poel. His poem s, exem plified by such works as the SatQpancdsiitka-stQtTa (O n e-h u n d red -fifty strophes) a n d the H ir d k&nmrtut*$totm { F o u r-h u n d re d strophes), w ere well loved th ro u g h o u t I n d i a . 10 In hiss po em s, M ai recta praises ihe B u d d h a . Because the B u d ­ d h a is p o rtra y e d in a very h u m a n way, M a t feet a seem s to have b e e n influenced by S a rv astiv ad in do ctrin es H o w ever, M a t f t e t a also praises the B u d d h a 's v irtu es as in n u m e ra b le , the B u d d h a ’s w isd o m as th o r ­ o u g h , a n d hEs m in d as limitless, descrip tion s close to M a h a y a n a views o f the B u d d h a ’s c h a r a c t e r S om e o f the verses p raise the G re a t Vehicle ( M a h a y a n a ) . O th e r s ex p lain the six perfections a n d the d o ctrin e o f nonsubstantiality, b o th M a h a y a n a teachings, lead in g so m e m o d e rn scholars to believe that M a trc e ta belo n g ed to the M a d h y a m ik a School To stress the im p o rta n c e o f faith in th e B u d d h a , poets fervently p raised h im a n d used literary expressions lh al tra n scen d ed sectarian d octrin al consid eratio ns. B u dd h ist poets wrote th eir w ork s with p u r ­ poses different from those o f scholars w ho w ere co n cern ed w ith d o c tri­ nal issues T h e te rm "v ehicle o f those w ho praise the B u d d h a " ap p ears in K u m arajT va’s translatio n o f th e Saddharmapun^iTihasutm ( 7 * 9 : 9 ^ b u t

a c o rre s p o n d in g te rm docs no( a p p e a r in the Sanskrit versions o f the jtifrti. In th e Mahdvtbhasd, the teaching o f the D iscrim in ato rs w ho a rg u e d rhai the B u d d h a e x p o u n d e d all his icachings in a single sound is criticized: “ T ho se (w ho co m p ose) hym ns of p raise for th e B u d d h a are too verbose a n d exceed the t r u t h '1 ( 7 ’ 2 7 :4 1 0 a -b ). T h is passage ev i­ d e n tly refers to the poets who w ere co m po sin g h y m n s o f praise fur the B uddha. I 'h e b io g ra p h e rs o f rhe B u d d h a were p ro b ab ly ]d en t teal to those p e o ­ ple w ho belonged to the "veh icle o f those w ho praise the B u d d h a .1' In rhe following d isc u ssio n , the relationship b etw een M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism an d (he early au th o rs o f these bio graph ies (ihose w ho p reced ed Asvagho?a) is considered^ B iog rap hies o f th e B u d d h a p ro b ab ly d ev elo p ed out o f utnaya litera­ tu re. In the b e g in n in g ol th e Mahdvastu is a sta te m e n t that the Mahdvastu. was o rig inally inclu ded in the L o k o tta ra v a d ln vinaya. T h e title o f the biography, M ahdvaitu, c o rresp o n d s to the first c h a p te r (Mahdkhttndhaka) o f the Mahdvagga po rtio n o f the Pali Vmaya. T h e te rm s "oasttt, ” "iaggaf " an d “khandhaka ’ all were used w ith the m e a n in g o f “ c h a p t e r ” o r “ divisio n .” T h e title “M ahdvastuJJ could thus be tran slated as “ T h e G re a t C h a p t e r .” M o re o v e r, a b io g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a is fo u n d at the b e g in ­ n in g o f the Pali Mahdkhandhaka, an d E. W in d isc h has d em ons! rated th at, in fact, p a rts o f the Mahavastu co rresp o n d to sections o f th e Mahdkhandhak&. As the b io g ra p h y ol the B u d d h a was ex p a n d e d , it was s e p a ra te d from the qumjh a n d a ssu m ed th e form o f the Mahdiastu. T h e title o f the MahT£asaka e q u iv a le n t of the M ahdiastu, F'i-ni-aang ktn-ptn o r ILba&is o f the v in a y a p ita k a /’ indicates thai th e b io g ra p h y 's origins w ere in the vinaya. A i the ntddna (s tories i l l u s t r a t i n g the o r ig i n s ol the p r e c e p t s ) a n d Ihe avaddna (c a u tio n a ry tales w a r n in g against in frin g e m e n ts o f the precepts) m the uinaya dev elop ed , the b io g ra p h y of the B u d d h a was en larg ed an d e v en tu ally s e p a ra te d fro m the vinaya T h e people w ho com piled the B u d d h a 's b io g ra p h y h a d m otives different from those w ho h a d studied the jiiddna a n d ataddiw in th e vinaya. T h e ir interest in the B u d d h a d e v e l­ o p ed o u t o f a desire to u n d e r s ta n d th e causes o f th e B u d d h a ’s enlighten me n* a n d the practices th at led to en lig h ten m en t N a rra tiv e s o f the B u d d h a 's life w ere com piled a n d e x p a n d e d w ith these issues in m in d , resulting in literatu re that h a d m u ch in c o m m o n w ith th e jdtakas, the tales o f the B u d d h a 's previo us lives, T h e b iog rap hies o f the B u d d h a did not hav e a necessary relation sh ip to the vinaya. R a th e r , the com p ilers o f b iog raph ies o f the B u d d h a were searchin g for (he cau ses o f e n lig h te n ­ m e n t a n d by c h a n c e chose th e biog rap hical m aterial in the itinaya as the basis for th eir w orks.

A m o n g the ex tan t biographies o f the B u d d h a are the M uhdiastu, p r o Huced by the L o k o rtarav ad in b ra n c h o f the M a h a s a n g h ik a School- the Fa p e n d in g chi ching ( T 190, AbhimfhamaTiasutTa?) u f (h r D h a rm a g u p taka School^ a n d the L a lito v u U tra (Sanskrit* T i b e t a n Na n d tw o C h in ese versions, T ift6 a n d 167, exist) o f the S a r v a s ttv ld in School, A lthough ihe last work is S a rv a stiv a d in , so m e o f the ex tan t versions, th e Sanskrit an d T 167, w ere altered so m u c h in la te r tim es rhar they are com pletely M a h a y a n a in c h a ra c te r a n d co n tain te rm s such axju~lai-tsang (talhdgaiagarbha) a n d ch ’wg-chwg fa-chich ( p u r e (ffarnio-realm)- T h e ab o v e -n a m e d texts a r t S e ctarian works; b u t m u c h of th eir con tem does not reflect an y Sectarian affiliation. A n u m b e r of o th er b io g ra p h ie s that do not have any clear doctrinal affiliation are also ex tan t. A m o n g th em a re Kuo-ch'ii hsien-tsat yin-kuo thing ( / 1G9), T*ai-izu jui-ying pcn-ch'i ching ( T possibly n f M ahisasaka origins), Hsiv-hsing p m -ch 't ching ( T I8 4 )k Chung pzn-ch 'i ching ( 7 ‘ 196), l-ch'u p'u-sa ptti-ch'i ching ( V IflB, Abhini}kTamana$utra?)l Fo penhung ching { T 193), a n d Fo-so-hsing tsan ( T 192: Buddh&MriiQ*), T h e te rm s 1'pen -ch *t *' (orig inal a ri sin g ) , ' 'pen-hsing' r {pri m o rd i al p ract ice s)T an d “so-hiing’*(practices) in the titles reflect the c o m p ile rs' concern with the Origins a n d basic activities th at led to e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e b io g ra ­ phers focused their atte n tio n p rim arily on the r v c n ts Itrading u p to e n lig h te n m e n t, often a b b re v ia tin g o r ig n o rin g ev en ts th at followed the B udd ha Ss enl i gh t e n m e n t T h e b io graph ies all include a n u m b e r o f the sam e type o f ev en ts T h r first is the predictio n (lydkarana) by DTpankara B u d d h a th at the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i w ould in facl be successful in his q u est for B u d d h ah o o d . T h e stories begin by n o tin g th at the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i w as a y ou ng B ra h m a n ai th at tim e. Texts differ a b o u t his n am e, but a m o n g those given arc S u m a t i h S u m c d h a , a n d M eg h a. R egardless o f the n a m e , laier biog rap h ies all beg in with a fo rm er B u d d h a pred icting the future S a k y a m u n i'a e v e n tu a l a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . T h e stories behind the p red i d ion also varied. A cco rd in g to so m e version s h the prediction o ccu rred w h e n th e y o u n g B ra h m a n offered five flowers th at he had bough! from a w o m an to D ip a rik a ra B u d d h a, A cco rd in g to o th er v e r­ sions, the y o u n g m a n w as w atch in g DTparikara ap p roach in a religious procession w h en he realized th at a m u d p u d d le lay in D tp a iik a r a ’s p ath T h e y o u n g m a n quickJy u n fasten ed his long h a ir a n d sp read it over the m u d pu ddle so [hat D ip a rik a ra 's feet w ould nor be soiled. D tparikara then predicted th at the y o u n g m a n w ou ld eventually a tta in en lig h ten ­ m e n t a n d the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i resp o n d ed by v o w in g th at he indeed w o uld attain it.. A pparently, these stories o f D ip Ankara's predictio n cir­ culated widely a m o n g the b io g ra p h e rs of the B u d d h a.

Predictions o f B u d d h ah o o d a rc an im p o rta n t elem en t in M a h a y a n a th ou gh t. D ip a n k a r a 's prediction o f S a k y a m u n s's B u d d h a h o o d is m e n ­ tio n e d often in M a h a y a n a scriptu res. E v en tually q uestion s were asked a b o u t th e religious practiccs the future S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a h a d p e r ­ form ed b efo re he h a d received D ip a h k a r a 's p re d ic tio n . T h e B u d d h a's b io g ra p h y w as Consequently ex ten d ed f u rth e r back in tim e until it co v ­ ered his practices for th re e incalculable eons. A cco rd in g to these scriptu res, after he received D ip a n k a r a 's p red ic­ tion, the fu tu re B u d d h a practiced the sin perfections. T h e people w ho w ere sc vitally co n cern ed w ith the even ts a n d practices th at led to e n lig h te n m e n t n a tu ra lly su p p o sed th at a fu tu re B u d d h a p erfo rm ed practices different fro m those w ho aspired to b eco m e a n arftat o r praiytiui■ huddha. Expositions o f th e six perfections w ere first d eveloped by the a u th o rs o f b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a to characterize the special practiers o f a fu tu re B u d d h a . T h e list o f ten perfections in the in tro d u c tio n (nidBa*kaihd) o f the P a WJdtaka is p ro b ab ly a la te r ex p an sio n o f the six perfections. A cco rd in g ta the MaJidvi&hdfd ( T 27:8 92 b^c), doctrines of both four perfections a n d six perfections were m a in ta in e d by S a rv a s ­ tiv ad in th in k ers, w ith the d o ctrin e o f the four perfections ev en tually being d eclared o rth o d o x w ithin th e S arv astiv ad in School. T h e b io g r a ­ phies o f th e B u d d h a , w ithout exception* all list six perfections, a n d this list o f six perfections w as in c o rp o ra te d in to M a h a y a n a scrip tures. T h e a u th o rs o f the b io g ra p h ie s of th e B u d d h a thus d evised the six perfections to describe the u n iq u e practices th at w ould tead to B u d d h a h o o d , prac­ tices that differed c o n sid e rab ly from those followed by the B u d d h a 's disciples. T h e se thin kers w ere also concerned w ith the stages o f practicc th ro u g h w hich a b o d h isattv a passed on his w ay to B u d d h a h o o d . In som e b io g rap h ies, th e follow ing fixed p h rase appears: “ H e h a d attain ed the ten th stage. O n ly o n e m o re life re m a in e d before he a tta in e d B u d ­ d h ah o o d . H e was n e a rin g o m o isc ic n c e .” {For exam ple* see Kaa-ch’ii hsien Lsaiyin-kuo eking, T 3 :6 2 3 a .) T h e ten stages are explained in detail only in the Mpfidvastu, H ow ev er, o th e r b io g ra p h ie s often co n tain [he p h rase “ H e h a d a tta in e d the te n th s ta g e .'1 E ven th ou gh o th e r b io ­ g ra p h ie s do not co n tain d e ta ile d e x p la n a tio n s o f the ten stages, the a u th o rs o f the b io graph ies obviously knew ab ou t th e ten stages. T h e a u th o rs thus w idely believed th at a b o d h isa ttv a passed th ro u g h ten stages a n d finally reached a position from w h ich he w ould be rebo rn a n d attain B u d d h ah o o d in his next life. T h e se doctrines co n cern in g the te n stages w ere la te r utilized in M a h a y a n a scriptu res. T h e concept that a b o d h isa ttv a m ight attain a stag* from w hich only nne m ore b irth

w ould be re q u ire d before he attain ed B u d d h a h o o d (eka-jdti-pratxbaddha) w as also ap p lied to M a itrc y a . D e te rm in in g w h eth er this idea arose first in relation to -Sakyamuni o r to M a itrc y a has proved to be surp risin gly difficult. A dditional im p o rta n t points c o n c c rn in g b iog rap hies o r th e B u d d h a couEd be raised, but the above discussion should d e m o n s tra te th e special characteristics o f this g en re o f B uddhist lite ra tu re . M a n y o r the dor* trin es found in this lite ra tu re later a p p e a re d in M a h a y a n a scriptures. For exam ple, the story o f how the futu re ^ a k y a m u n i B u d d h a d escended from Tu^ifa h eav en , assu m ed the form o f a white ele p h a n t, a n d en tered the w o m b o f M a y a p ro b ab ly w as developed by these b io g ra p h e rs , as was the list o f the eig ht key ev ents in a B u d d h a 's life (descent from T u j it a heaven, e n te rin g his m o t h e r ’s w o m b , b irth , leaving lay life, d efeatin g the d em o n s th at rep resen t th e defilem ents, atta in in g enlighte n m e n t, p reach in g , a n d d eath). M a n y sim ilarities b etw een bio graph ies o f th e B u d d h a a n d M a h a y a n a scrip tures can be in dicated. H ow ever, the fu n d a m e n ta l differences betw een th e tw o types o f literatu re m u st not b e overlooked- B iographies of the B u d d h a investigated the b a c k g ro u n d o f an in d iv id ual w ho was alread y recognized as a B u d d h a , T h e b o d h isattv a discussed in these b iog raph ies h a d alread y received a p red ictio n (vydkarana) o f his ev en tu al B uddhahood and was therefore assu red of Autces.s in his religious quest. In b iog rap hies such as the Mahdvastu, th e possibility o f m a n y B u d d h as a p p e a rin g in the w orld at the s a m e tim e was recognized. C o n seq u en tly , m a n y bodhisatrvas, all o f w h o m were assu red o f th eir e v e n tu a l B u d d h ah ood, h ad to exist. In c o n t r a s t the bod hisattv a p o rtrayed in m a n y M a h a y a n a scrip tures was only a n in div id ual w ho asp ired to a tta in en lig h te n m e n t. H is even* tual e n lig h te n m e n t was not assured. H e had n o t received a p rediction that he w ould ev en tu ally attain e n lig h te n m e n t a n d he ev en backslid in his practicc. H e was th e o r d in a ry m a n as bo dh isattva. O f c o u rse, great b o d h isa ttv a s (w ho w ere not subject to backslidin g a n d o th e r ills) such as $ a m a n t a h h a d r a , M a n ju i r i , AvalokileSvara, a n d M a itr c y a w ere also m e n tio n e d in M a h a y a n a scriptu res alo ng w ith th e obscure, o r d in a ry p ra c titio n e r o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m w ho co nsidered h im self a bodhisattva. T h e q uestio n o f what c a u s e d o r d in a ry Buddhist p ractitio n ers to co n sid e r them selves b od hisaitv as still re m a in s to be answ ered- Since th e lavish praise given the B uddha in biog rap hies does n o t explain this d e v e lo p m e n t, a n o th e r ex p la n a tio n must b e sought. T h u s , alth o u g h sim ­ ilarities betw een the b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a a n d M a h a y a n a sc rip ­ tures exist, fu n d a m e n ta l differences are also p resent.

Closely related to the b io g ra p h ie s uf the B u d d h a are ihe jdtaias (stories o f (he B u d d h a s form er lives) a n d rhe avadd/m,s (P. apodaim, ‘edifying tales c o n c e rn in g (he B u d d h a ') . T h e foil tid e o f the Mvhduostu ts, in fact, th e Maftdvastu-avaddna. T h e difference b etw een the term s “ja ia ia " an d “awufarui" is difficult tn d istin g u ish , p artly b ecau se the m e a n in g o f rhe w ord “atsaddna " c h a n g e d o v e r th e long period d u rin g which th e gen re o f stories was recited. Both the jdtakas a n d avadanas a re m e n tio n e d in the twelvefold classification o f B ud dh ist lite ra tu re , in dicating th at they were co nsid ered literary genres early in B uddhist history. A m o n g the Nikdyas a re t e r n , such as the Aiahdpaddnasuttanta, th at in co rp o rate rhe w ord apaddno in to th eir titles. In th e context o f the twelvefold division o f B u d ­ dhist literary g en res, the te rm “avaddna " can usually b e explained as m e a n in g a p arab le o r edifying lab le-11 S om etim e after the co n ten ts of the Agamas h a d been fixed, the avaddrtas w ere c o m p iled independently. T h e Pali Apaddna, a w ork in the Khuddoka nikdyv, is represen taiive o f this d e v e l o p m e n t . L a l e r , m a n y ai'adana tales w e r e Ccimpilrd a n d t h r g e n r e flourished. H o w e v e r m a n y details of the process oT com p ilation a re still unclear. T od ay n u m e r o u s works classified as avaddna literatu re a re ex tan t. M a n y o f these texts d a te from a p p ro x im a te ly th e b e g in n in g o f the c o m m o n e ra . Besides the Mahduastttt th e Sanskrit texts o f the Aoaddna' ialaka (cfP T 200), Lhe Dtiydvodana, a n d th e Stintdgadhdvaddnn (cf. T 128-1 29) a n d o th ers have been published. In ad d itio n , m a n y later at>addna w orks are ex tan t, but h av e not yet been p u b lis h e d ,19 These u n p u b ' lished texts w ere c o m p iled o v e r a period o f several cen tu ries a n d are m a in ly m ythological. T h e y differ from earlier avaddna lite ra tu re in this respect, Jdtaka tales a rc listed in both the ninefold a n d twelvefold classifica­ tions ol B u dd h ist lite ra tu re , in d icatin g th at they were established as a n in d e p e n d e n t gen re o f Buddhist literatu re early in Buddhist history. Jdtaka tales are a m o n g th e subjects found in the carvings at B h arh u t, with twelve such tales identified in the R h a rh u t in sc rip tio n s.1* T h u s , by th e second c e n tu ry h.C.e. a n u m b e r o f tales h a d a lre a d y been cornposed. D u rin g the su b se q u e n t cen turies, m a n y m o re w ere pro d u ced . Jdtaka tales are p re se n te d as the form er lives o f the B u d d h a , b u t the m aterial for the tales is frequ en tly taken from In d ia n folk rales an d fable*. T h e co n ten t is often close to that fuund in th e auaddna literature. T h e Pali w ork, ihe Jdtaka, co n tain s 547 tales a n d w as n a m e d after the g e n re it epitom izes. A five-fascicle C h in ese tran slatio n (7" 154) o f the text exists. Tn ad d itio n , m a n y works com p osed p rim a rily o f jdtaka talcs

a rc e x tan t, in c lu d in g [he Ta thuang-yfn inn chittg ( 7 ’ 201. Kaipanamanfiu kd * ), Auadanustitaka, Divydpadona, Wu-pai U-Utt ttu-shvQ ptn-ck'i chmg { T 199). P'a-sa ptn-hsmg thing ( T 135, Bodhisattvapuivacarya?), a n d Sengch ’ich-lo-ch 'a so-chiching{T 194). T h e Lia-ta chi-ching { T 152, Satparamitdiprigraha?) a n d lhe F u - w p fn yu a n thing ( T 153* Bvdfiisadvdvadana?) in d u d e jdtaka rales rew orked to illustrate M a h a y a n a th em es. T h e jdtaka rales cited in th e Ta-chih-tu fan ( T 15G9hM ahdpTajnapdramtfopadfsa) e x h ib ­ it p ro m in e n t M a h a y a n a characteristics. C o nsequently, so m e scholars have a rg u e d lh ai the jdtaka talcs c o n trib u te d significantly to rhe d ev elo p­ m en t ol M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. H ow ever, the Liu-tu cht-chtng ( 7 ' 152, Satpnramitdsarigraha?) contains sections com posed afrer the perfect inn of w isdo m yutras, E x tre m e care m u st be exercised in d e te rm in in g w h eth er ihe “ M a h a y a n a jdtaka tales" w er'' f*v .posed before o r after the earlier M a h i y a n a texts. D ra w in g clear d istinction s h tlw c c n th r g en res o f b io g rap hical litera­ tu re on the B u d d h a , such as the jetaias a n d avaddnas, is very difficult. T h e a u th o rs o f this literatu re m u st have played a significant role in the early development o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t. It w ould be revealin g to know how these people m ad e th eir living, w hal type o f p la te they lived in, an d w h ai type o f people th ey associated with. A nsw ers to these p ro blem s w o uld L u n in b u te greatly to o u r u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the rise o f M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism U n fo rtu n ately , the availahJe lite ra tu re d o rs no( shed light on th e answ ers to these questio n s. S o m e o f these parab les a n d m etap h o rs w ere caltcd upamd. T h e y are found in such w orks as the Po-yu ching (7" 209) a n d the H itm -yu thing ( T 202, Diimamukaniddnixsutra). B uddhists have used para Liles a n d m e t a ­ phor? to explain th eir teachings since the tim e o f the B u d d h a . T h e rales used by th e D a rs ta n tik a s (those w ho explain by using m e ta p h o rs an d parables) p ro b ab ly b elong to this tradition . M a n y o f the doctrines tau g h t by the D a r ^ a m i k a s are d i e d o r in tro d u c e d in the M dtdm bhd$a{T 1545). T h e D a rs ja n tik a s a re said to have lieen fo re ru n n e rs o f (he Santra m ik a s, b u t the validity o f this claim is q u e s tio n a b le .11 O n e o f the most fam ous Q a rsta n tik a s w as K u tn a ra la la , the a u th o r o f several works. A lthough he is said to have been a c o n te m p o ra ry o f N a g a rju n a , he is not m en tio n ed in the Mahivibhdsd. R a th e r , his p o e m s a re cited in the C h ’tng-shih (un ( T E646, Tattimsiddhisdstra?).13 C on sequ en tly , he p ro b ­ ab ly lived so m etim e Ijeiween the com pilation o f the Mahdvibhdjd a n d the Tattvasiddhisdstra A S anskrir fra g m e n t o f a w ork said to hav e been w rit­ ten by h i m , the Kfilpandmanfitikd, was discovered in C e n tra l Asia H ow ever, a C h in ese translatio n o f this w ork { 7 1201) that is close to the S a n ­ skrit fragm ent is said to be by Asvaghoga. M o d e rn srholars still d isag ree a b o u t the a u th o r s h ip o f the text.

T h e m le n f stufai w orship in ihi: n s t oi M a h a y a n a lluddhnsm can n o t be igno red . It is im p o rta n t in m a n y M a h a y a n a sutras, in clu din g the SaddharmapundaTtkasutrti (7* 2&i) a n d the A -m i* t’o ching ('.I ■■36£>, “ S m a lle r" Sukhabaittyiiha).n In a d d itio n , the M a h a y a n a co n cern wilh a savior B u d d h a c a n be tra ced to w orship at stwpoi. In N ik ay a B u d d h ism , th e B u d d h a was tho ught o f as a teach cr o f the I d h arm a. T h e D h a r m a he preached was p a rtic u la rly em p hasized because if a p erso n followed lh al D h a r m a , it would lead h im to s a lv a ­ tion. N o m a tte r how m u c h th e B u d d h a was viewed as a s u p e rh u m a n being* he was not considered to be c ap ab le o f actin g as a savior. R a th e r, he was praised becau se he h a d successfully accomplish*?*! ihat which was difficult to accom plish. N ik ay a B u d d h ism focused o n ihe D h a r m a r a th e r th an nn the B u d d h a a n d co n sequ entty em p h a siz e d m o n asticism an d rigid a d h e re n c e lo the precepts. In c o n tra st, M a h a y a n a B u dd hism was originally co n cern ed with laym en. D octrines for lay bodh isattv as play a p ro m in e n t role in the oldest M a h a y a n a svitas, O n ly later did M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism increasingly d evelop into a religion in which monks Eissumed p ro m in en t positions. L a y m e n w ere u n ab le to strictly observe (he p recep ts o r lo d e v o t e to u c h tim e to m e d ita tio n a n d thus could not p u t the B u d d h a 's teachings in to practice in the tra d itio n al ways. In ste a d , they had to d e p e n d un the B u d d h a 's com p assion for th e ir salvalion. W hile m o n a stic B ud dh ism em p h a siz e d th e B u d d h a ’s teach in g , lay B ud d h ism e m p h a s iz e d ihe rule o f the B u d d h a in salvation. T e ach in g s c o n c e rn in g the saving p o w er of the B u d d h a a p p e a r e d in response to th e religious needs o f lay m en . Beliefs lei the B ud dh as A m ita b h a an d A k fo b h y a reflected the la y m a n ’s desire to d e p e n d on so m eo n e g r e a te r th an himself. T h is need is reflected in [he following statem en t by S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a in the Saddhamapttitdarikasutra { T 9 \ 14c): " T h e th ree realm s a re com pletely insecure T h e y a re like a b u r n in g h o u se, lull u f suffering. Yet th e three realm s a re all m ine a n d th e sen tien t b ein g s w ithin th em are my c h i l d r e n .'1 F u r lay B u d d h ism to develop doetrinally, centers w ere necessary w here teach i t s co u ld mee[ stud cttts a n d thereby tra n sm it doctrines to [h r next g en eratio n . If the lay o rg a n iz a tio n s h a d been s u b o rd in a te to the m o n a stic ord ers, they w ould have been com pelled to receive a n d Fol­ low the in stru ctio n s o f m o n k s. A ny in d e p e n d e n t d ev elo p m en t o f lay d o c trin e u n d e r such circu m stan ces w ould hav e been difficult. T h u s , centers in d e p e n d e n t o f m onastic control m u st have existed, w here p e o i pie co uld practice, develop teachings e m p h a s is in g the B u d d h a , a n d pass ihese ira d itiu n s on to you ng er general ions. Stitpas served as such re n ters

Stupas were p r e d o m in a n tly for lay m en , A cco rd in g to the Pali M ahafiarijtibiidrtasutta, w hen the B u d d h a was ab ou t to die* he Told A n a n d a that the m on ks a n d n u n s w ere not to co nd uct a funeral service o v e r his rem ains. R a t h e r the m on k s were " t o strive for the highest g o o d 1’ (P, j adatlha). As fur his rem ain s, the B u d d h a stated th at “ B ra h m a n s with d e e p faith a n d w o rth y h o u seh o ld e rs w ould p a y reverence to The re m a in s (P. sarfra-pujd) o f the T a t h a g a t a . ” 18 A fier the B u d d h a 's d e a th , lhe M ai]as o f K u s in a g a ra p e rfo rm e d the fun eral. H is rem ain s were then divided a n d eight stupas erected by laym en. T h u a from the very b e g in ­ n i n g stupas w ere protected a n d m a in ta in e d by la y m e n , a n d laym en did h o m a g e ar them A cco rd in g to a n o th e r passage in th e MdkSparinibbaitdsuttci, lour places w ere co n sid ered sacred lo th e B u d d h a after his deaih. W o rs h ip halls a n d m em orial m o u n d s (cttiya) w ere erected aT all o f them : his b irth p lace at L u m b in i, th e site o f his enligh ten m en I at B uridhagaya, lhe site o f his first serm o n al th e Deer P ark, a n d the she o f his death at K u s in a g a ra . P ilg rim s soon began visiting These places. T h u s was stupa w o rsh ip b eg un by la y m e n a n d laler tra n sm itte d a n d m a in ta in e d pri* m arily by lay m en . Even today, stufas (pagodas) in Wurma a re a d m in is ­ tered by com m ittees o f pious laym en; m on k s m ay not p a rtic ip a te in the a d m in is tra tio n o f these stupas. K in g Agoka co m m issio n ed m a n y stupas. Archeological investigations o f the ru in s o f m a n y o f the o ld er su rv iv ing stupas hav e revealed th at their oldest strata probably date back to Asoka hs time. T h e cores o f the stupas o f centred In d ia at B h a rh u t a n d Saiiei a n d the D h a n n a r a j i k a stupa at T a x i!a arc all very early* with th eir oldest layers d a tin g hac k m th e sec­ o n d o r th ird cen tu ry B.C.K. M a n y m o re stupas w ere built a r o u n d the b e g in n in g o f th e c o m m o n era. A lm ost alt the old inscriptions ex cav ated in recent tim es b e a r so m e relatio n to stupas. A lth o u g h stupas w ere c o n ­ s tru c te d a n d m a in ta in e d by lay m en , a n d alth o u g h the m ajo rity o f the d o n o rs w ere lay m en a n d lay w o m en , they were not th e only people w ho w o rsh ip p ed at them . Inscrip tio ns on the pillars, railings, a n d fmials at B h arh u t a n d S anct record the n am es o f a n u m b e r o f m o n k s a n d n u n s w ho m ad e d o n atio n s to the stupas. Since m o nk s a n d n u n s h a d few pos­ sessions, th eir p re se n ta tio n o f goods suggests the p ro fu n d ity o f their d ev o tio n . By the b e g in n in g o f th e Common era, stupas w ere b e in g built w ithin the confines o f temples. A longside these stupasf q u a rte rs for m o nk s were constructed, m a k in g it easy for m onks to p resen t th eir offerings to the stupas T h e m o n asteries p ro b ab ly had (he stupas built on th eir gro u n d s in response to the g ro w in g pop ularity o f stupa w orship ou tsid e the m o n ­ asteries. P ro o f o f this ch an g e o f a ttitu d e a p p e a rs in a number o f sou rces F o r ex am p le, the T h e r a v a d a Vtnaya docs n o t m e n tio n stupas even th o u g h stupas hav e been bu ilt within the confines o f T h e r a v a d a m onas-

[cries for cen tu ries. A pparently, T h e r a v a d a m on ks began m ak ing offer­ ings at stupas only after the Vinaya h ad been com piled. In c o n tra st, the S a rv a stiv a d in a n d M aha& ahghika vinayas ( T 1435 a n d 1425) m ention B u d d h a im ages, in d icatin g th at the com pilation o f these two uinayas was p ro b ab ly com pleted la te r th an rhe Pali Vinaya T h u s so m e uinayas com piled after m o n k s h a d already begun w o rsh ip p in g at iltipas include dis­ cussions o f stupa w orship. T h e S arv astiv ad in a n d M a h a sa n g h ik a vtnuyas slate th at a strict distinction m o si be m a in ta in e d b etw een p ro p erties an d objccts that belong tu the m o n astic o rd er a n d rhnst: th at belong to the stUpa ( T 22:498a; 23:352b). T h e y could not be used in te rc h a n g e ­ ably. If a m o n k used Jfujfra p ro p e rty to benefit the order, he was to be ch arg ed w ith a pdrdjika offense for stealing- A cco rd in g ro th e D h a r m a g u p ta k a a n d M a h is a s a k a mnayat ( T !42l a n d 1428), the stupa rep resented H
inscriptions th at hav e been discovered by archeologists in recent rimes. T h e vast m a jo rity o f the inscriptions c o n c e rn in g stupas do not m en tio n the n am e o f a schoo].ic Flowers, incense, b a n n e rs, Hags, m u s ic h a n d dance w ere used in lhe cerem o nies a c co m p an y in g stupa worship. Even at the B u d d h a 's funeral, the M r]las o f K u s in a g a ra e m p lo y ed m usic, d a n c e , flowers, a n d incense to honor, revere, a n d respect lhe corpse o f the B u d d h a before it was c r e ­ m a te d h as is described in detail in the Mahdparinibbdnosutta {DN, vol. 2, p. 159). T h e use o f m usic a n d d a n c e in such a cerem o n y was d e a r ly for­ b idden to those living a m o nastic life. Tn th e p recepts for novices, m on ks, a n d n u ns, the e n jo y m e n t o f such e n te r ta in m e n ts was d e a r l y prohibited- M u sic, d a n c e , th eater, arch itectu re, a n d o th e r arts co n ­ flicted with the sta n d a rd s o f m o nastic life, w hich aim ed at tra n sc e n d in g worldly concerns. Such arts could not hav e flourished in Buddhist monasicries. Hut th ey did develop a r o u n d stupa w orship a n d w ere later a d o p ie d inlo M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , w h ere th ey w ere elab o rated fur­ t h e r T h e se tra d itio n s o f m usic a n d d a n c e w ere later tra n sm itte d to C h in a a lo n g w ith M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , a n d th en ro J a p a n &sgi$iku Stupa w orship h a d a social as well as a religious d im e n sio n . It began im m ed iately after the B u d d h a 's d e a th , a n d th ro u g h the su p p o rt o f its a d h e re n ts, stupa w orship g ra d u a lly began to flourish. T h e stupa* erected in various areas w ere th ro n g e d with w orship pers a n d pilgrim s. To erect a stupa, la n d had ro he c o n trib u te d by individuals. Since the lan d was giv^n for a religious purpose* it w as no lon g er o w ned by a n y p artic u la r in dividual. Besides the stupa irself, lodging for pilgrim s, wells, a n d pools for b ath in g w ere built on th e land. T h e se facilities w ere th e p ro p e rly o f the sttipa. A w alkw ay a ro u n d the stupa was constructed so th at pilgrim s could w orship as they c irc u m a m b u la te d the sttipa. A fence with gates enclosed lhe area. C a rv in g s on the fence a n d on lhe gates lo the sttipa illustrated in cid en ts from lhe B u d d h a's b io g ra p h y a n d the good d eed s a n d selfless acts he had perform ed in his past lives Religious specialists w ho explained the jdtaka tales a n d the bio g ra p h y o f the B u d d h a to th e w o rsh ipp ers probably resided at lhe stupa, as did people w ho m a n a g e d the lodgings for the pilgrim s. A religious o r d e r b e g a n to talte sh ap e ?E Since th e stupas h a d property, people m u st have been p resen t to m a n ­ age it. G o ld , silver, flowers, incense, ajid food m ust have been given to the stilpa by believers a n d pilgrims- A lthough such alm s w ere presen ted to the B u d d h a , they were u n d o u b te d ly accepted and used by those peopie w ho Cared for the stupa. T h e se people were very different from o r d i­ n ary lay believers, but also w ere p ro b ab ly not m em b ers o f a m onastic o rd er. T h e y w ere religious specialists w ho w ere n eilh er la y m e n nor m onks. As these religious specialists rep eatedly explained the illustra-

lions p f the jdtakai a n d th e b io g rap hy o f S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a , they extolled S a k y a m u n i's religious practices in his past lives as the practices o f a b o d h isattv a a n d praised his greatness a n d d eep com passion. G rad* ually they m u st have a d v a n c e d d o ctrin es to explain the B u d d h a 's po w er to save others. In this w ay th ey attra cted m o re followers to the stupas. W o rsh ip at stupas m ight well have led to m editatio ns in w hich th e B u d d h a was visualized. Even tod ay T ib e ta n pilgrim s at B u d d h a g a y a can be seen p ro stra tin g them selves h u n d re d s o f tim es jn front o f stupas L o ng ago as people rep eated ly p erfo rm ed such practices while intently th in k in g u f th e B u d d h a , th ey m ig h t have e n te re d a co n cen tratio n (samadki) in w hich th e B u d d h a a p p eared be Tore th e m T h is c o n c e n tra ­ tion w ould co rresp o n d to the pratyutpannQ-samodhi describ ed in som e M a h a y a n a texts. T h u s M a h a y a n a m ed itatio n s in w hich th e B u d d h a is visualized m a y h a v e o rig in a te d in th e religious experiences o f people w o rsh ip p in g the B u d d h a at stupas. Such religious experiences m ight h av e resulted in people c o m in g to the belief th at they w ere bodhisattvas. In conclusion, the esta b lish m en t o f stupas a n d the a c c u m u la tio n of p ro p e rty a r o u n d [hem enabled groups o f religious specialists to live n ear the stupa*. T h e se people fo rm ed orders a n d b egan developing doctrines c o n c e rn in g th e B u d d h a 's pow ers to save. T h e references in m an y M a h a y a n a texts to stupa w orship indicate the central rule o f these orders in the e m erg en ce o f M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism . In some M a h a y a n a texts, a b o d h isa ttv a g ro u p (iwUttMitoagspa) is m e n tio n e d as existing separately from the o rd er o f m o nk s o f the N ikaya schools (sTdbakasangha) 31 T h e bodhisattuagafia p ro b ab ly h a d its origins in the groups o f people who practiced at stupas. H o w ever, the origins o f (he advo cates o f the perfeetion of w isd om literatu re m u st be sought in different areas.

CHAPTER 17 The Contents o f Early M ahayana Scriptures

The Earliest Mahayana Scriptures T h e e a r l i e s t k n o w n M a h a y a n a s trip Lures a re the L iu po-io-mi ching (Jtafpdram\(d), P ’u-sa (sang-ching (Bodhisattvapifaka), San-p'in ching (7'riskandhakadhaTmapwydya), a n d [he Tao-tfiih ta-ehing.1 T h e se texts a re thought to be very early because [hey a re cited in so m e u f [he first M a h a y a n a scrip iures m be translated . T h e L iu po-to-mi ching ($afpdramitd) is q u o ted in such texts as L o k a k $ e m a hs 179 c .e , tra n sla tio n o f the KdsyapaparibatUi { T 350) a n d C h ih C h 'i e n 's (fl. 223-2 53 ) tran slation o f the L a rg e r Sukh&vat&yuhasutt* ( T 362). T h e bu dhisattva is u rg ed to c h a n t the £aypdramita in these early texts. T h e P ’u-so tsang-ching (Bodhifaitoapifaka) is cited in texts such as LokaItfc m a ’s t r a n s i t i o n o f the Kdsyapaparivarfa ( T 3S0) a n d D h a r m a r ^ k s a ’s translatio n o f the Vimaladatidpariprcchd ( 7 ’ 338). T h e San-p'in ching (Iriskandhakadhanriaparydya) is cited in such texts as the tra n sla tio n o f the Ugradaltapariprc chd by An H su an a n d Yen F o -t’iao (7" 322)T the VimaladattaparipTccha translated by D h a rm a ra k g a in 289 ( T 33fi), the Ssu-ho-mti ching tra n sla te d by C h ih C h 'i e n (7* 532), a n d the Siftfdsamuccnya. T h e Too-chih ta-thmg is cited in C h ih C h 'ie n 's tran slatio n o f the L a rg er Sukhflpatipjmha ( T 362). S in ce the tra n sla tio n s by Lokakfema* An H s iia n , a n d Yen F o -t’iao w ere d o n e d u rin g th e reign o f E m p e r o r L ing (16&-189), the M a h a y a n a texts they tra n sla te d arc clearly early. T h e $atpdramitds B odhiia ltv ap ita ka, a n d Tri$kandhjikaAha.rmaparya.ya arc even older* since they a re q u o te d in these eariy tra n slatio n s. T h e very earliest M a h a y a n a scrip tu res such as the ^atpdramiid a rc no

lo n g e r e x tan t. C on sequently, the date o f th eir co m p o sitio n c an n o t be d e te rm in e d from th e texts them selves. H ow ever, a p p ro x im a te d ates can be d e te rm in e d indirectly. E arly versions u f texts such as the Kdiyctpnparivarta (tra n sla te d in to C h in ese by L o kak sem a as the / jih-mo-ni-pco ching. 7’350) w ere p ro b ab ly com piled in ihe first cen tu ry o f the c o m m o n era. Since ihe fiaipdramitd was q u o ted in these texts, the Satpdramild an d rhe o th e r earliest M a h a y a n a texts were p ro b ab ly com piled in th e first cen tu ry b .c .e . T h e $atpdramitd is treated as a typical M a h a y a n a iilira tn ihe 7a-chih'tu Iun ( T I !i09h 25:30Ra an d 349b, Mahaprtjhdpdramitop&itsa). T h e SefpSram tii a p p a re n tly was an influential text. As its title implies, n p ro b ab ly consisted o f a description of the p ractice o f th e si* perfections. In ihe co u rse o f tre a tin g each o f the six perfections equally, early M ah ay an isis ev en tu ally realized that the perfection o f wisdom was p a r ­ ticularly im p o rta n t. Perfection o f wisdom sutras p ro b ab ly first a p p e a re d a lte r the Safpdramita was com piled. A lthough (he Rodhisattisapitaka is m e n tio n e d in several early texts, Its c o n tro ls a re not clearly k n o w n . H ow ever, the Fu-hu'tin hui (Piirnapari* prcchai) in the Ta paa chi-chmg ( T 3 1 0 .17h Mahdratnahita)t translated by K u m firajtv a. was originally called th e P ’u-sa Isang-ching (Bodhisatti'api' (uku). In K u m a r a jiv a ’s tra n sla tio n nf ihis tex t, uifrai called the F 'u'ia tsang-ching a n d the Ying liu po-tv-mi ching a re cited, sug gestin g th at the tcjtt K u m a r a jiv a used was com piled la te r th an th e earliest version o f the P'u-sa tsartg-tkiAg. Tn ad d itio n , several o th e r texts h e a r th e title o f P ’u-ta tidng-chtng, includ in g tran slatio n s by S en g -ch ia-p 'o -lu ( S a n g h a b h a ra ? ) a n d H s iia n -tsa n g (7" M91 a n d 310.12). H s iia n -tsa n g 's translation is tw enty fascicles long: th e m iddle th irteen fascicles co n tain an exp]anaicon n f the sin perfections. These tran slatio ns w ere com pleted long after M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism had arisen and thus can n o t be used to d e te rm in e the co n ten ts o f the earliest version of the F ’u+sa (sang-ching A t (he sam e tim e, these later works are probably related to the early version o f the P'u-sa hang ching. A general idea o f th e co n ten ts o f the $ a n -p Tin ching (TriikandhakadhaT' mapaiyaya) can be g ain ed fro m passages in soch texts as the Fa ching ching ( T 3 2 2 * UgradottQparipreeha) C onfess inn cerem o n ies w ere a m a jo r topic o f th e S a n p ’in ching. A ccording to the Yu-chia chang-che ching ( T 3 2 3 , UgTndattapanpfcchd), the following subjects w ere discussed in the San-p Tin ching: w orship at the slupa,, confession before the B u d d h a o f One's past w ro n g d o in g , the cu ltiv atio n o f jo y at a n o th e r 's a c co m p lish m en ts, the tra n sferen c e of o n e ’s m erits to help others, a n d th e inv itation to the B u d d h a to the place o f practice. T h e pro ced u res for cerem o n ies lo w o r­ ship the B u d d h a six times d u rin g each tw e n ty -fo u r-h o u r day were also in clud ed 1 D h a r m a ra k s a is cred ited w ith tra n sla tin g a one-fascicle work

entitled San-p'in hui-kuo thing (not ex(ani), which m ay hav e been related to th e San-p'in thing. A m o n g ex tan t texts, th e She-lifu hui-kuo thing ( T 1492, Trisitajulhato?) a n d the Ta-shmg son-dm ch'an-hui thing ( 7 ’ 1493, Karrndvaranapratiprairahdhisiiira#) arc probably p a n o f the trad itio n Thai p ro d u c e d th e SanptHn ching (Triskandhakadharmaparydya) F u r th e r re search on (his g ro u p o f lexts is n e e d e d -

P e r f e c t i o n o f W i s d o m ( P r a jn d p d r a m itd ) S u tr a s T h e largest perfection o f wisdom text is (he la pan-jo po-lo-mi-lo thing ( T 220, Mahdprajndpdramitdsdira) iranslatcd m to C h in ese by H su an -tsan i; II is six h u n d r e d fascicles long a n d divided into sixteen assem blies (or parts). Perfection o f w isdom aiitras were not alw ays such large w orks. AI first a n u m b e r o f sep arate texts circulated independently. L a te r they were collected to g eth er to m ak e larger w orks such as rhe o n e m e n tio n e d above. T h e oldest siilra in this g r o u p is th e Tao-hstng pan-jo thing ( 7 224) tra n slated by L n k aksem a. Since the tran slatio n w as com p leted a r o u n d I 79, (he original text probabEy dates buck to (he llrst c e n tu ry c .£ . It belongs to rhe s a m e g ro u p o f texts as the H siaa-p’in pan jo thing ( T 227) tra n slated by K u m a r a jiv a a n d the S ansk rit Perfection o j iVifdvm m 8 ,0 0 0 Lints ( Astasdhajrikd-PP) It c o rresp o n d s to rhe fourth and fifth assem blies in Ta pan jo ching (7" 220). T h e Ktiang-tsan pan-jo thing translated by D h a r m a ra k s a ( 7 222) c o rresp o n d s lo the Fting-kuang pan-jo thing ( T 22 I) tran slated by M o k ja la , th e Ta-p'in pan-jo ching ( 7 '2 2 3 ) translated by K u m a r a jiv a , th e Sanskrit Ptrjection o f Wisdom in 2 5 ,0 0 0 Lines (Pantavirnsatisdhasrika-PP), a n d th e second assem bly in 7a pan-jo ching ( 7 ’ 220). O t h e r w ell-know n perfection o f w isdom svitas a re the- Perfection o f Wisdom in t0 0 t 000 L ints {Satasdhasrikd-PP, T 220.1), SuvikrdntavihdmipanpTcthti (7 220 lb), VajTQcthedikd [ T 220.9. 2 35 -23 9), a n d Adfiyardhajatikd ( T 220 10, 2 4 0 -2 4 4 ). A m o n g smaller, sh o rter w orks e x p o u n d in g peifeC' lion o f wisdom d o cttin es, th e Heart sutra {FrajfidpdtamitdhtdayasiUra, 7 249-2S&) is particularly well know n Sanskrit versions of nil o f these sutras ex ist.3 T h e y hav e also been com pletely tran slated into T ib e ta n alth ou g h th e ir o rg a n iz a tio n differs on certain points from (he C h in ese tran slatio ns. T h e te rm ‘'prajndpdramitd ” m e a n s “ perfection o f w isd o m .” In the /achih-tu lun ( T 1509. Aiahdprajndpdramitopadsia), The term w as explained as referring to crossing the sea o f samsdra (life a n d death) to the far shore of nirvdrra o r e n lig h te n m e n t C o n seq u en tly , prajndpdramitd was som etim es translated as "th ih -tu " in C h in e s e (literally " cro ssin g by m e a n s o f wj&-

d o m '1) as in tlif title o f tin? Ta-chth-ia tun. T h e wisdom specified in prnjnapiiTamila. is the wisdom of cm pi mess or nonsubstantiahty, through which the p ractitio n er clings to n o th in g Eind is b o u n d by noth in g. T h u s a lth o u g h the te rm “ p e rfe c tio n " is used, it is a perfection th at dues not aim at com p letion . It is w isdo m based on [iractice th ro u g h w hich one is alw ays p ro c re a tin g tow ard the ideah T he fierce d e te rm in a tio n a n d po w er req u ired to p ractice the perfec­ tion o f w isdom is o b ta in e d th ro u g h m e n ta l c o n c e n tra tio n s (iamadhi). A variety *>f co n cen tratio n s IS described in M a h a y a n a Urxts, but the most im p o rta n t o n e is the surangama-samddhi. a d au n tless a n d powerful co n ­ c e n tra tio n th at destroys all defilem ents. Ln the c h a p te r on the G r e a t Vehicle (Ta-ihtng p 'in ) o f Ta-p'in pan-jo thtng ( T & 2 91 a , Pantatnijdoiitdhasrifa-Pi*') a list o f 106 c o n cen tratio n s is given w ith the /liranfdmasarnddhi m e n tio n e d first T h e sumrigdma-samadhi was th u s tho ught to p r o ­ vide the M a h a y a n ist w ith the s tre n g th to prog ress in his practice. T h is co n cen tratio n is described in the SHmngttnaiatndd/usStta. A lthough Lokak^em a *8 tra n sla tio n o f this text has not s u rv iv e d , a later translatio n by K u m a ra jiv a ( 7 £>4'2) is ex tan t A cco rdin g lo that text, the ivrnhgama concent rat ion is first o btain ed in the dharmameghdbhumi, the ten th uf the ten stages o f the b o d h isa ttv a p ath . T h e text was thus associated with th*D&snbhumikasiitra. Elsewhere tn the SurarigatnasamddhistliTa, perfection o f wisdom teachings, the im p o rta n c e of the asp iratio n for e n lig h te n m e n t, an d a s t age be yond wh ic h t he prac t i t LoHer w i II oo t backs Ii de are explained* T h e jh/fa was co m piled early in the history ot M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism a n d is closely related to both the AvatarpSttkasutTa (th r o u g h the Dasabhiimikasutra) a n d the perfection o f w isd om literatu re T h e A~
C o n t e n t s o v EAkt.v M m i a y a u a S c k j ^ t u h e s

m

been from A b h irati, A kgobhya's land . T h e e x p la n a tio n o f nnnsiibstan* tiality in thiii sutra is fam ou s, as is the discussion o f nonduality, which C ulm inates in V im alak irti'a elo qu ent silence. A lthough the Vtmalakirtinirdisa was not tra n sla te d into C h in ese by Lokakgem ft, it was t r a n s ­ lated by C h i h C i r i e n soon afterw ard . T h e work was thus p ro b ab ly c o m ­ piled later th an the early perfection of w isdom sutras o r [he A-eft'it fo-kuo thing { T 313, Aksobhyntathdgatosyavyuha#). N o S an sk rit vcrsiun o f the Vimatakirttnirdesa is extant* bur it is q u o ted in such Sanskrit texts as the Sikfdsamvtcayti, Prosannapadd, a n d Bhdvandktama.*

T h e A w ta m m k a s u tr a T h e full n a m e o f th e A&atamxakanitja in S an sk rit is the Buddhdvuianuoka mabdaatpuiyaiuttil ( C h . /a-Jitng-kudng Jo-hua-ytn ekiftg, I nos. 27 tJ, 279, 293). T h e term "vatpulya” (P. vedatla) is a title given to a sutra said to include p ro fo u n d doctrines. It is inclu ded as a category in b o th the ninefold a n d twelvefold divisions o f the FSuddhist scriptures. A cco rdin g to som e M a h a y a n a lexis, M a h a y a n a sutras should be identified with the uflipttiya catego ry in th e ninefold o r twelvefold divisions o f the B u d d h a 1* teachings. T h e cen tral elem en t in the title o f this sutra is "Buddhdvatamjoin " T h e ic rm “nuaiamsaka" m e a n s ,la g a rla n d o f flowers/* in d icatin g that all th e v irtu es th at th e B u d d h a has a c cu m u lated by lhe tim e he attain s e n lig h te n m e n t are like a beautiful g arlan d o f flowers th at ad o rn s h im . A n o th e r title o f th e sutra, Gari$avyvhaf probably is u n co n n ected to the title Buddhdvaiauuaka. “ Vyuha” m ean s ' ‘o r n a m e n t ,'’ r h e m e a n in g of "jOftyfa" is not clear, b u t it m a y m ean " s t e m ” o r “ stalk ." A cco rd in g to other ex p lan atio n s, it m ay m e a n “ m iscellaneous flowers.” T h u s Ganda* vytiha m ig h t m ean 11o r n a m e n t o f m iscellaneous o r v ario u s flo w e rs /' b u t this in te rp re ta tio n is n o t certain . Generally* Gaftdaiyttfia is co n sidered to be the original n am e o f the “ C h a p i n On T'Lnlermg lhe Dharmndhdtii' \Ju ja-chieh p 'in t see 7’ 295 for an ex am ple) th at is included in the Avaiamsaka. T h e AvM&nwikA w as iranslated into C h in ese by B u d d h a b h a d r a in 421 C . e . ( T 21%). T h is translation* consisting o f sixty fascicles a n d divided into th irty -fo u r c h ap ters, w as b ased on a S an sk rit text th at h a d been b ro u g h t to C h i n a from K h o ta n by C h ih F a ling. T h u s th e S a n sk rit text of Ibe Avatamsaka was com piled before 400, p ro b ab ly by 350. L ater, in 699* it w j s tra n sla te d into C h in ese a g a in by £ ik $ a n a n d a ( T 2 7 9 ) . T his version was eighty fascicles long a n d divided into th trty -nin e chapters. Still la te r a T ib e ia n tra n sla tio n divided into forty-five chapters was m ad e. Because the Sanskrit text used in U u d d h a b h a d r a 's C h in ese ( ra n i

laiion h a d b een brou g ht from K hot an, som e m o d e rn scholars have a rg u e d th at a d d itio n s and revisions to the sutra w ere d o n e in C e n tra l Asia, H o w ev er, the S an sk rit text u p o n w hich the T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n was based was p ro b ab ly b ro u g h t from In d ia , not C e n tra l Asia- T h e pos­ sibility o f C en tra) Asian a d d itio n s to the text re quires f u rth e r in v estig a­ tion. T h e Avatantsaka originally w as not as lengthy a text as it is today. In th e Th'ihih-lu iun ( T 150EJh Mahdpva; napat am itvpa dtie), the DaiobhSntika a n d Gantfetryuha a rc q u o te d T h u s , before they w ere in c o rp o ra te d in to the Avatamsaka, these two works must h a v e circulated in d e p e n d e n tly E v e n earlier is Lukak^enia's tra n slatio n h the 'Ibu-sha ching ( T 280), w hich h a a early version o f rhe Aoateapsaka** ch ap ters nn rhe “ N am es of the T a t h a g a i a " (Mmg-hao p fb i) a n d on '’E n lig h te n m e n t11 (Ku&ng'*n\ng' chikh p'tn). C h ih C h 't e n 's tra n sla tio n , rhe F ’« -sa ptn-yth chtng { T 281), p rim a rily c o rresp o n d s to the “ C h a p ie r on P u re Practices*1 (Ching-hsing p 'mj o f tht: Avatamsaka. T h t early tO m pilaiion o f th r Oosabhumiknsutra is d e m o n s tr a te d by ihe dejicripiions o f the ten stages (dasabhumi) in the Shau-leng-y/n san-mtt ching ( T h 4 2 n Surtmgamojamadhisutra) a n d o th er early M a h a y a n a w orks. T h e DtoaMumikasutra itself was tra n sla te d into C h i ­ nese by D h a rm a ra k $ a a r o u n d £97 (7"2S5). C on sequ en tly, the Avatamsaka is elearly co m po sed n f a n u m b e r n f ind iv idu al j Utras ihai circulated in d ep en d en tly a n d w ere taier co m piled into a Earge w ork. A m o n g the earliest p arts o f the Avatamsaka are the DaiabhiitnikasutTa, P'u-sa ptn-yth ching, a n d Tou-sha ching. T h e Avataqutrfui is said to reveal the B u d d h a ’s e n lig h te n m e n t just as it is, th at is, w ith o u t s h a p in g th e co n ten ts to lit the n eed s o f the audience. T h e B u d d h a preach cs the niira while he is in the o cean -ieal con cen tralion (sdgaraiftudri-iamadhi) in w hich e v ery th in g is clearly m anifested in his m ind. Because the te a c h in g was ex trem ely difficult to u n d e rs ta n d , such as S a r ip u tr a a n d M a u d g a ly a y a n a a re said to have not u n d e r s to o d th e sutra at all anti io have ac te d as if th ey w ere d e a f an d dum b. T h e realm o f e n lig h re n m e n t d escrib ed in (he stltra is the world of V airo can a, the B u d d h a o f P ervasive Light. ( T h e B u d d h a m e n tio n e d in later Esoteric B ud dh ist texts is called M a h a v a ir o c a n a .) H e has attain ed u n lim ite d v irtu es, paid h o m a g e to all B u d d h a s, ta u g h t m y riad s o f sen ti­ ent beings, a n d realized s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t. A cloud o f m anifested B u d d h a s issues from the h a ir follicles o f V a iro c a n a 's body. H e is a m ajestic H u d d h a w ho n p en s the Buddhist p ath to sen tien t beings- H is w isd om is c o m p a re d to the o c e a n (m in d ), w hich reflects light (objects) ev ery w h ere w itho ut limit. T h e Buddha's enlightenment is complete in and of itself: words can­

not accu rately describe it. C onsequently, th e B u d d h a 's e n lig h ten m en t m u st be explained by d escrib in g its causes, th e bodh isattva practices That result in en lig h ten m en t a n d B u d d h ah o o d . T h e Atrat&puaJbt thus consists o f a description o f the austerities o f th e bodh isattva as he strives to realize en lig h ten m en t. T h e stages on the p a th to cn Lighten me nt an d the wisdom realized in v ario u s stages a re system atically discussed. A m o n g th e stages d escrib ed a re the ten ab od es (avastha? o r vihdra?), the te n practices to benefit o th ers (tarya?), th e te n stages at w hich the p r a c ti­ tio n er's m e rits arc given to o th e r sentient beings {patindmand?), a n d the ten g ro u n d s (dasabhumi). T h e ten g ro u n d s, ex p lain ed in detail in the sec­ tion o f the Ai'atamsaka entitled the Dasabhtimika, w ere p articu larly im p o r ­ tan t in d e m o n stra tin g the u n iq u e qualities u f the b o d h isa ttv a 's p r a c ­ tices, In this text, the last o f the six perfections, rhe perfection of w isdo m , was e x p a n d e d by ad d in g four new aspects to it— skill in m ean s (upaya)t vows (prartidbdna), streng th (bafa)t a n d know ledge (jndna)— making a new total o f ten perfections. By practicing the ten perfections in o r d e r o v e r ten stages, a person can reaJize s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t. T h e Shih-chti p ’i-p 'o-sfta fan ( T 15 2 1), a c o m m e n ta ry on the B tiabhum iia a ttrib u te d to N a g a r ju n a , exists in C h in ese. Its discussion o f how faith in A m ita b h a B u d d h a can lead to B u d d h a h o o d , a path n f easy p ractice, has been p articu larly inHuentiaJ in East Asia. In the sixth g r o u n d , F acing W isd o m (abbimukhi), the b o d h isattv a cutlivates the perfection o f w isdo m a n d gains insight into D e p e n d e n t O r ig ­ ination. Because tru e w isdo m ap p ears before h im , this stage is tailed "‘facing w is d o m .'h Included in this scction o f the text a re th e fam ous words “ T h e three realm s a re e m p ty a n d false. T h e y are sim ply th e p ro du cts o f the o n e -m in d . T h e elem ents o f the twelve links o f D e p e n ­ d en t O rig in a tio n all d ep en d on th e m i n d ” (cf. T 10:194a). A cco rd in g to this view, ail m a n 's experiences a re fo rm ed a n d sh ap ed by his cognitive faculties; a n d m a n 's experiences a n d cognitions are all a ttrib u ta b le lo the Mo n e - m in d .?h T h e " o n e - m i n d " m e n tio n e d in this p assag r m ay be in te rp re te d as the T a th a g a ta g a r b h a , th e in nately p u re n a tu r e o f the m in d referred to in m a n y B ud d hist scriptures. C o nsequently, according to the Avatnmsaka Mthe m i n d f rhe B u d d h a, a n d sentient be m g s— these three a re not d ifferen t13 ( 7 h9:4G5c), T h e te a c h in g th at the original n a tu r e o f the min d is p u re constitu tes one o f the m a jo r tra d itio n s in M a h a y a n a tho ug ht, Tt is fo un d in the p e r­ fection o f wisdom literatu re as well as m such sutras as (he Wtt-mo ching ( T 4 7 4 -4 7 6 , VimelaklttinirdtJa), Ta-chi ching ( 7 ‘ 397, Mahdsamnipdla^), A-she-shih-wang thing ( T 6 2 6 -6 2 9 , AjatasatnikaukrtyaviTiodana#), and W tnihu-shih-i\ ching-lii ching ( T 460, Pumrna rt has am art is
o n e has th r potential to realize B ud dhahood- T h e im p o rta n c e o f d ev el­ o p in g th e asp iratio n to e n lig h te n m e n t is em p h a siz e d in rhe Avatamsaka, since this b e g in n in g step sets ofT the process th at will result in su p rem e e n lig h te n m e n t. A ccording to th e Avatatjuakii, “ At the tim e o f the first a s p ira tio n to e n l i g h t e n m e n t s u p re m e e n lig h te n m e n t is r e s i z e d " ( T 9 449c). T h e teach ing by some H u a -y e h m asters th at B u d d h a h o o d i$ realized w h en the p ra c titio n e r has* com pleted the ten stages o f faith (C h. hiin-man chltng-fo), th e b e g in n in g stages o f the H u a-y en p ath , is based on such passages. T h e F ’u-sa pai'yeh chtrig [ T 23 1,), a tejit th at consists prim arily of the ‘‘C h a p te r on P u re P ractices11 (Ching-hsing p *inj o f the Avatamsaka wilh m a te ria l a d d e d to the b e g in n in g an d en d , circulated as an in d e p e n d e n t text. D etailed d escrip tio n s o f th e practices o f both lay a n d m onastic b o d hisaltvas a re in clud ed in it. Particularly fam ou s is the in te rp re ta tio n o f the fo rm u la for ta k in g refuge in the T h r e e J ew els. It b eg in s " W h e n I put my faith in the B u d d h a , I also vow th at 1 shall aw ak en the s u p re m e a sp iratio n in sentient beings a n d help th e m realize the p a t h ” ( T 10:447c). In the J u Ja-chieh p ’in (Gantfuvyuha), the indescribable realm o f the B u d d h a 's e n lig h te n m e n t and the practices a n d vows o f the b o d h isattv a S a m a n ta b h a d r a , w hich en ab le people to e n te r th at fab ulo us realm , are discussed. T h e se subjects a rc related th ro u g h the story q f the y ou th S u d h a n a a n d his travels tn search o f the D h a r m a ►W h e n S u d h a n a h e a rd M a n ju s r i p re a c h , th e asp iratio n to realize e n lig h te n m e n t arose w ithin him. T o p u t rhe teachin g s o f S a m a n ta b h a d r a into practice, S u d h a n a traveled a n d visited fifty-three teachers. Finally, he received S a m a n ­ t a b h a d r a ’s teachings a n d realized e n lig h te n m e n t a n d the dharmadhdtu. S an sk rit texts o f several sections o f th e AvaUunsaka are e x tan t. T h e Das&bhumika (o r Dasabhumisvarei) an d fhe Gantfnvyvk,i have been pub^ fished. T h e Ganfavyuha co n clu des with verses, w hich circu lated in d e ­ p e n d e n tly at o n e tim e, co n cern in g S a m a n t a b h a d r a ’s practices an d vows. T h e S an sk rit rcxr o f rhe verses has been p ublished a$ th e Shadra(d n -p ra ftid /w n A -rd ju . Several sections o f the ch ap ters on the bodhisattva* BhadrasrT a n d V a jra d h v a ja arc found in the tfikjdsaniuccaya a n d thus are p reserv ed in Sanskrits T h e la tte r c h a p te r is cited u n d e r the title Vajradhvajaiutra, su gg esting th at it circulated in d ep en d en tly f o r a tilttC.*

The Lotus Sutra T h e Sanskrit title o f the Lotus Sutra is Saddharrnapupdarikasiitra. A ten-fas^ d e le C h in e s e tran slatio n o f the svtra was com p leted in 2B6 by D h a r -

rnarak sa ( 7 ’ 2tj3). C h ih C h 'i e n is said to hav e translated rhe c h a p te r on 'P a r a b l e s ” as lhe Fo i san-ch’e-huan ching, but th e historicity o f this t r a d i ­ tion is q u estio n ab le. T he Sa-t'a* fm -lo -t’i ching ( T 265, tra n sla to r u n k n o w n ) is a one-fascide C h in ese tra n sla tio n o f the ch ap ters on " D e v a d a t i a ’1 a n d the f'A p p a r itio n of the Jew eled S tu p a /' w hich was com pleted a r o u n d the tim e o f D h a r m a ra k ;a . T h e tra n sla tio n by D h arm a r a k j a is a complete text with tw enty-seven chapters. H o w ev er, at an earlier d ate in any o f the ch ap ters seem to hav e circu lated independently. T h e earliest p a rt o f the text, the c h a p te r on “ Skill in M e a n s '1 (updyakausafya), d ates from before ihe second cen tu ry c.e.. Since im ages o f lhe B u d d h a are m e n tio n e d in the verses o f this ch ap ter, it t a n p r o b a ­ bly be d a te d no earlier th a n ihe latter h a lf o f the first cen tu ry c . t . T h e s ta n d a rd C h in ese I ran si at i On o f the texl is the MiaO'fa htn-hud ching ( T 262) hy Kum arajTvaj which was finished in 405 o r 406, K um arajT va s tra n sla tio n was nol q u ite co m p lete because it d id not include the " C h a p t e r on D ev ad attfl,” the verses from the " C h a p t e r on AvaJokiteSvara,” a n d half o f th e 11C h a p t e r on B h aisajyaraja (M ed icin e K ing) B tidhisattva.” A r o u n d 190 F a h s i e n o b ta in e d the S an sk rit text of the " C h a p t e r on D e v a d a tta ” in K a o -c h ’a n g {in T u rfa n ) a n d b ro u g h t it back to C h i n a , w here he tra n slated it to g eth er with Fa-i. H ow ever, their translation w as not used in th e co m m en tarie s on the Lotus Sutra by Payiin <476-529, T 1 7 J 5 ) o r by Sholofcu T aishi (5 7 4 -6 2 2 , 7 2 1 8 7 ) . T h u s , ihe tran slaito n o f the " C h a p t e r on D e v a d a tia '' m u st have been a d d e d to lhe Lotus Sutra after th eir tim e. C hih-i ( 5 3 8 -5 9 7) c o m m e n te d o n the '^ C h ap ter on D c v a d a ita '’ in his Fa-hua wen-cku ( T 34: II 4c), b u t ex p lain ed th at the c h a p te r was not included in the K u m a r a jiv a tra n s la ­ tion. In 601 the missing sections o f the K u m a ra jiv a tra n sla tio n we re­ tra n sla te d by J n a n a g u p t a a n d o th ers to p ro d u ce a m ore co m plete text entitled T*im~p*in miao-fa lien-hua ching ( T 264). T h e m o d ern version o f K u m a r a j i v a ^ tra n sla tio n includes the " C h a p t e r on D c v a d a r ta 1' an d m any, b u t not all, o f Lhe m issing p arts tra n sla te d later a n d thus differs from Kum arajiva*s original [ran^Eation. Peoplc o v e r a wide a r e a o f A sia believed in the Lotus Sutra. A c o m ­ plete T ib e ta n translation o f the text exists, a n d Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts of it have been discovered in v ario u s places in Asia. P articularly im p o rta n t are the Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts from N epal, Gilgic in n o r th e rn In d ia , an d K a s h g a r a n d K h ad alik in C e n tra l Asia. T h e N epalese m an u sc rip t w as p ublished by H . K e rn a n d B. N anjio. Since th en , o th er m an u sc rip ts of th e Lotus Sutra h av e also b een pu blished M o d e rn tra n sla tio n s into English a n d J a p a n e s e hav e also appeared,* PassEtges in the Lottu an d Frajndparamita salras stated th at copying, preserving , read in g , p re a c h ­ ing, a n d h o n o rin g these texts w o u ld result in great m erit T h u s , m an y

o f the copies o f these texts th at were m ad e to p ro d u ce m erit have s u r ­ vived a n d b e e n discovered in recent limes. The te rm “saddharnia " in the title o f t h t Lotus Sutra (Saddharmapu^ dankasutra) m e a n s “ true te a c h in g .'1 T h e tru e t e a c h i n g is c o m p a re d to ei white lot us (punrfartka), w hich grows in m u d but is not defiled by i m p u r i ­ ties, T h e sutTQ was com p osed 10 ex p lain the tru e teaching (nam ely, t h t p u re n a tu re o f th e m in d ). Passages in ihe " I n t r o d u c t i o n ” an d in ih c sutra from th e c h a p te r on “ P a ra b Jc s " (chap. 3) o n w a rd often refer to the Lotus Sutra. S u c h m e n ­ tions o f the Lotus Sutra w ithin (he text o f the sutra it self refer to the c h a p ­ ter on “ Expedient D ev ices'1 (ch ap. 2), the oldest pEirt o f the lent. T h is c h a p ie r co n cern s th e (caching o f the O n e B u d d h a-v eh ictc, a d o c trin e that leads even iram kai am i prgtytkabuddhas ro develop the know ledge a n d insight o f a B u d d h a . Sravakas an d pratyckabuddhas gain conHdcnce thai they can attain Rudd ha hood when they discover that they have th e B u d d h a - n a tu r e . A lthough no term exactly c o rre s p o n d in g to Buddha* n a tu re dip pears in the Lotus Sutra, the haste concept is co n tain ed in this passage: 'T h e original n a tu r e (p ra h ti) o f dharmas is forever p u re (ftTabhasvaia)" (v. 102 from ihe S an sk rit o f the c h a p te r on “ E x ped ien t D ev ices"). I his leach ing has the sa m e m e a n in g as the d o ctrin e found in the perfection ol w isd om literatu re that d i e m in d is i n n a t e l y p u re . I ins d o ctrin e later developed into T a th a g a ta g a r b h a teachin gs a n d the view that all sentient beings possessed ihe B u d d h a -n a tu re . T h e te rm "saddharma11 in the sutra'* title refers to the teach ing s that ex p lain ihe th ree vehicles in such a way th at ih e O n e-v eh icle is revealed as the u ltim ate m essage of B ud dh ism ( C h . k'ai'san hsitn-i), In te rm s of prin ciples, this teachin g is based on the tru e aspect o f all dharmas (d/tarmata), that aJl dhornuu are in nately p u re, even tho ug h (he p u riiy o f dhmmas (o r o f the mind) is obscured in the o r d in a ry person by defilem ents. In subjective term s, the sutra is based o n th e p racticing b u d h isac tv a’s aw aren ess o f h i a o w n B u d d h a -n a tu re . In the sutra, this original p u rity is c o m p a r e d to a white lotus g ro w in g in a muddy p o n d . In the ch ap ters following “ P a ra b le s,'’ to p ro v e that ev en srdvakas j>ossess the iru e D h a r m a , the B u d d h a m akes p rediction s (vydkaram) chat irdvakos sue h as Sari put ra will re alize Rudd hah nod in ihe fu tu r e . A lthough th e followers o f each o f the three vehIcle#— irdtKxkaj, p m ytka buddhas, a n d b o d h isa ttv a s — all p erfo rm the different practices ol their respective vehicle, they m ake equal progress on the p ath to B uddhahood. A cco rd in g to the “ Expedient D evices" ch ap ter, “ T h e re is only one vehicle, not (wo o r th r e e ” ( 7 9;8a), (In con trast, ac c o rd in g to the Vimaiakirtmirdesa, the followers o f the srdw k#-vehicle a re d isp a ra g e d as h a v in g " r o t t e n ” o r in ferio r seeds an d are said to have no possihihiv of

realizing H u d d h ah oo d. However* if srdvakai a n d pratyekabuddhiLs can n o t realize u ltim ate salvation , then the teach in g o f (he Vimalakiriinirdesa cannni he ra ile d a com plete version o f M a h a y a n a j since some beings are nut included w ithin Lhe scope ol the B u d d h a 's co m passio n.) T h e O ne-vehicle te a c h in g o f the Lotus Sutra p r o b a b ly arose out of the n e e d to fo rm ulate a teach in g th a t w ould acco u n t for the salvation of I lin a y a n a p ractitio n ers [n historical term s, after a perio d o f e m p h a s iz ­ ing (he op position o f a n d differences b etw een lhe H i n a y a n a an d M a h a y a n a tradifion s, M a h a y a n a thinkers fo rm u lated new teachings such as those o f the Lquu Sutra, which w o u ld e n c o m p a ss th e tw o t r a d i­ tions. T h e ap p eal o f such teach ing s was b ased on the p o pu larity o f stupa w orship, as is clear in the c h a p te r on the " A p p a ritio n o f the Je w e le d Stupa” (stupasamdarsana). In F.ast Asia the Lotus Sutra has often been in te rp re te d by d iv id in g it into tw o m a jo r parrs. T h e first h a lf of the sutra, particularly the c h a p te r o n “ E x p e d ie n t D e v ic e * /1 is called the “ section on m a n ife s ta tio n '1 (C h . chi-men). T h e second h a lf o f the sutra, p artic u la rly lhe c h a p te r on " 1 he Lifespan o f th e T h u s G o n e O n e " (laihdgatayujpramfyia)t is called ih e ' ‘fundi!mi:nlal sectio n ” (C h. pen-men). T h e c h a p te r on “ T h e Lifespan of ihe T h u s G o n e O n e ” is said to co ntain teach ing s th at " e x p la in th e m a n ifesta|Lons a n d ri'vcal the original B u d d h a ' (C h. k'ai-cht hs ten-pen). I he revelation th at S a k y a m u n t actually realized e n lig h te n m e n t eons ago is said to c o rro b o rate th e Leaching in the c h a p te r on “ E x p e d ie n t D evices'' that ih e R ud d h a -n a tu re is etern al (C h Fb-hsiitg chang-diuy T h e figure of ■Sakyamuni as a m a n w ho realized enlightenrneni at B u d d h ag av a anti d ied ai eighty years o f age is revealed to be n o th in g m o re th an an expe* dient device to e n c o u ra g e sen tien t beings to p ractice B u d d h ism . H e is m erely a m anifestatio n o f t hi? etern al B u d d h a. T h e Lotus Sutra is divided in to tw enty-eight ch ap ters. T h e tw enty ch ap ters p re c e d in g the c h a p te r on “ T h e S u p e r n a tu ra l P ow ers o f the T h u s G o n e Q n e M (tathagatarddhyahhisamkara) co nstitu te the earlier p a n of the text. T h e s e twenty ch ap ters ean also be divided in to earlier an d later strata, suggesting th at the text we have to day i s the result of a c o m ­ plex process o f compilation^ All but th e last six o f the iw enty-eighi chap* (era include verses that repeat the content* o f the prose p o rtiu n s o f ttie test. T h e verses a re w ritten in P rak rit a n d a p p e a r to be earlier than the prose. Ln the last six c h ap ters, the chapLer on " T h e U niversal GaLe o f AvaLakite£vara" (samantamukhaparivarto namarahkitesi'aratikuwartanirdesah) is n o te w o rth y because it describes the m u ltitu d in o u s w ays Avalokite sv a ra saves sentient b rin g s. A n u m b e r o f scriptu res associated w ith the Lotus Sutra exist T h e Wuhang-i ching ( 7 ’ 276} is called th e “ o p en in g sutra" (C h. A‘ai-thtng) for Ilie

Lotus Sutra in East Asia because let lures on the Lotus Sutra w ere often p reced ed by a talk on the W u-Itangi thing. T h e text contains the fam ous sta te m e n t by the B u d d h a th at in m ore th an lorty years o f p reach in g , he had not yei rev ealed th e u ltim a te teaching (w hich was to be ex p lain ed in t he Lotus Sutra, T 9 :3 8 6 b ). T h e Kuan p ’u-hsitn p'u-sa hsing-ja thin# ( T 277) is reg ard ed as the cap ping sutra" ( C h . chith-ching) for th e Lotus Sutra in East A sia because the b o d h isattv a S a m a n t a b h a d r a plays a key role in both it a n d (he lit$( c h a p te r o f th e I^atus. L ectures on ihe Lotas Sutra were often concluded w ith a taJk on th at sutra. A confession cerem o n y inclu ded in the Kuan p 'u-hsicnp'u-sa hsing-ja ching has been influential in East Asia. T h e 7a fa-ku chtng ( '/ ' 270, M ahabkeriharakapariuartaw as influenced by the (hem e o f the h a rm o n iz a tio n of the th ree vehicles p resen ted in the Lotus Sutra. T h is w ork f u rth e r develops a n u m b e r of topics p resen ted in the Lotus iVufra, especially the T a th a g a ta g a r b h a d o c t r in e . D iscussions of th e O n e-v eh icle a n d the u n iv ersality o f the Huddh a -n a tu re a re also included.

T h e Pure L a n d S u tr a s In the Kast A sian P ore L a n d trad ition , (he following th ree sutras are p articu larly im p o rta n t' Wu-Hang-shou thing ( 7 ‘ 3&0r " L a r g e r " Sukhdvafivyuha*), A -m i-t’o ching ( / ’ 366, “ S m a lle r” Sukhaoaii\amjta.\vyuhn)i an d Kuan wu-liang-sh&u-fo thing ( T 365). M o d e rn scholars believe th at the Kuan wu-tiang-shou-Jo ching was com posed in e ith e r C h in a o r C en tra! Asia. H o w ev er, even th o u g h th e m a y not hav e been com po sed in I n d ia , the co n ten ts reflect In d ia n views. T h e earliest ex tan t C h in ese tran slatio n o f the " L a r g e r " Sukhdvatiiryuha is the 'laa-rni-t o ching (7"362) tra n slated by C h ih C h 'i e n so m etim e b etw een 223 a n d 253. L ater, th e siitra w as repeatedly tran slated . East A sian B u dd hists tradition ally hav e claim ed th at it was tran slated into C h in e s e a total o f twelve tim es; how ever only five of these translation s have survived ( T nos 310,5, 3 6 0-3 63 ). In ad d itio n , a T ib e ta n transla lion o f the sutra exists a n d S a n sk rit versions h a v e been p u b lis h e d .7 A cco rd in g to one o f th e C h in ese tra n sla tio n s, the W u-Iiangshou ching, the bodhisattva D h a r m a k a r a m ade forty-eight vows that were fulfilled w hen he later a tta in e d B u d d h a h o o d a n d b ecam e A m ita b h a B u d d h a. H ow ever, in o th e r tran slatio n s o f the sutra ( T 3 6 1 and T 362) the n u m ­ ber o f vows in only tweoty-fnurH Additional variations in the contents a n d n u m b e r o f vows can be found in the latest C h in ese tran slatio n (7" 363), the T i b e t a n tra n sla tio n , a n d the Sanskrit version o f the sutra. A

co m p ariso n o f th e v ario u s tran slatio ns o f th e text reveals how the conten is o f the vows ch an g ed from the earliest versions to the later Ones A survey o f ch an g es in the n u m b e r s an d conlOnfS o f lhe vows indicates th at ihe “ Sm aller"' Sukhdvativyuha w as not com piled very lung before the version o f the “ L a r g e r '1 Sukhduativyttha th at C h ih C h 'ie n used for his translatio n. Besides the “ L a r g e r '1 Sukhdvalivyuha, L okakpem a tra n sla te d the Bh&drapdiitsuita (also k n o w n as th e Pratyutpannasamadhiwtni, Pan-chon san-mei ching, T 4 IS), T h is JiJfra co n tain s a descrip tion o f a m e d ita tio n throu gh w hich a p erso n can visualize A m ita b h a B u d d h a in front o f h im . 'Iliu s, belief in A m ita b h a m ust h av e been established before the Bhndrapdtasii!tq was co m p osed. In a d d itio n , m a n y o f the sutrai tra n sla te d by C h ih C h ’ ien ( T n o s . 532, 5 3 3 h 559, 632, an d 1011) co n tain passages on Amita b h a . T h e freq u en t m e n tio n of A m ita b h a in a variety o f futras a n d lhe n u m b e r s o f b o dh isattv as who arc i den lifted with th e past lives o f A m i­ ta b h a (som e f i f t e e n / includ in g m o n ks, p rinces, anti w o rld -ru lin g kings) in dicate that belief in A m ita b h a d id nut o rig in a te w ith [he composition o f the Sukhdvativyuha F rom a m o n g ihe m a n y stories co n cern in g lhe past Uves o f A m iia b h a B u d d h a , ihe story o f the b o d h isattv a D h a r m a k a ra is the mosi im p o r ­ tan t, H ow ever, D h a r m a k a ra a n d A m ita b h a do noi seem 10 hav e been identified wiih each o th e r ai first. M o reo v er, the stories o f A m i t a b h a ’9 past lives as v ario u s b o d hisalivas do not seem to b e related to each oth er acco rdin g to recent research by the J a p a n e s e scholar F u jita Kf>tatsu. Sincc the n a m e s o f m a n y o f these bod hisattvas a p p e a r in th e early tra n s ­ lations by C h ih C h 'i e n a n d D h a r m a r a t ^ a h the stories o f these bodhisat* tvas a re p ro b ab ly as early as those about D h a r m a k a r a C o n s e q u e n tly D h a r m a k a r a a n d A m ita b h a do not a p p e a r lo have been closely linked lo each o th e r at first. In fact, legends a b o u t A m ita b h a a n te d a te the a p p e a ra n c e o f lhe stories o f D h a r m a k a r a . T h e n a m e s A m u a b h a ( U nlim tted Light) a n d A m tt ay us (U n h im te d Life) by them selves o rig i­ nally do nor seem to have h a d a n y clear B u dd h ist content. But once the sto ry o f D h a r m a k a r a 's vows was a d d e d to the story o f A m ita b h a , then belief in A m ita b h a w as influenced by M a h a y a n a ideals o f th e B u d d h a 's com passion. M oreover, the elem ent “ifa&a " (tre a su ry ) in the n am e D h a r m a k a r a is used in T a th a g a ta g a r b h a th o u g h t a n d thus helps locate belief in A m ita b h a w ith in th e M ah ayan a tra d itio n .0 T h e Pan-chou san-mei thing ( T 4 1 6 - 4 1 9 , RfuidwpalasuiTp) also rn n c e rn s A m iia b h a B u d d h a , b u i in the context o f the m e d ita tiv e exercises in w hich the p ra c titio n e r visualized the B u d d h a. It thus has no direct c o n ­ nection w ith D h a r m a k a r a ‘s vows. I n this sutra A m ita b h a B u d d h a is sign ifitan t as a I3uddha o f U n lim ite d Light o r Life w ho is taken as (he

objeci o f a visu ali/aiiu jt L'xcrcisc. T h r iw o co nception s o f Amitatahii— A m itS b h a as an object of a v isu alizatio n m ed itatio n (in th e Bhadrapdtasdfra) a n d A m ita b h a as the e m b o d im e n t o f com p assion (in the *' L a r g e r ” Sukh&uatwyuha)— w ere finally co m b in ed in iho Kuan wu-iitiog-shop/c chin# ( T 365). M u st m o d e m scholars believe [Elar ihis sutra was co m p iled in e ith e r C h in a o r C e n tra l A s ia .10 H o w ev er, the story o f K in g A ja ta sa tru a n d his m o th e r V aidehi ap p e a rs in early sources such as ihe WeisHtng yuan ching (7" 507), tra n sla te d by C h ih C h 'i e n . M o reo v er, m ed itatio n s on a special land w here a person m ay be reb o rn th ro ug h p u re actions ( C h . ck ing-chmgyth-ch 'ij) has its roots in early B u d d h ist t r a d itio n s .11 T h e A -m i t'a ching ( T 1 6 6 1 irS m a lle r11 SukhaMtxoyiiha) is com po sed of d escrip tio n s o f th e a d o r n m e n ts ol the W estern P aradise a n d praises for A m ita b h a 's a c h ie v e m e n ts by the B uddhas o f the six directions. Its co n ­ tents a re sim p ler t h a n the descriptions o f visualizations o f ihe B u d d h as o r the vows o f D h a r m a k a r a . But it is tied to the " L a r g e r " Sukhdvatiuyuha by th e s ta te m e n t th at len cons have passed since A m ita b h a becam e a B u d d h a . T h r sta te m e n t from the “ S m a lle r " Sukhdvativyuha m ay have been in c o rp o ra te d into the “ L a r g e r '’ Sukhdvaliuyiika. A lth o u g h this s ta te m e n t by itself docs n o t p rovide sufficient evidence to d e te r m in e the o rd er in w hich the tw o siitras w ere co m p osed, th e evidence strongly suggests that the “ S m a lle r ” Sukhduativyuha is the o ld er text. I lie m ost im p o rta n t satjas co n cern in g A m ita b h a h ave been surveyed abo ve, b u t m a n y o th er M a h a y a n a scriptu res c o n ta in references to A m tla b h a . Since A m ita b h a is m e n tio n e d in the Fan-ihou san-mri chiag ( T \ 18, Bhadrapdiasiltra)f translated by Lokak^em a in 179, belief in Amila b h a was u n d o u b te d ly evident in n o rth e rn In d ia in die first cen tu ry n.E. U is u n d e a r , how ever, w h eth er rhe co m pilation o f th e oldest extani version o f the liL a r g e r 1’ Sukhapativyuha ( 7 ‘362) can be dated as early as this. Buih th e n a m e s " A m i t a b h a 11 (U n lim ite d L ighi) a n d " A m i t a y u s 1’ ( U n lim ite d Life) a re ust:d to refer (o the B u d d h a w ho presides o v e r (he W estern P a ra d ise . T h e lighi e m a n a tin g from A m ita b h a B u d d h a is d escrib ed in detail in (wo o f th e C h in ese tra n sla tio n s o f (he Sukhavatiejuha, th e T o o m i t fo eking ( T $62, 1 2:3 02 b -3 03 b, 309a) a n d th e r i n g ttng-chdfh ching ( 7 361, I2:2Slc-*2B6b). A cco rd in g to the 7 b a-mi-t'o ching, the lifespan o f A m ita b h a is, in fac(r lim ited. A fter A rniiabh a en ters nirisdna. he will be succeeded by ihe bodh isattva Avalokitesvara ( C h . K .ai-tou-hsuang p*u-sa). In ad ditio n, m a n y o th e r aspects ol the Ta a-mi-t V? ching have not b een sy stem atized , in d icatin g th at [his text is a very early version o f the " L a r g e r '1 Sukhdvativyiha. In c o n tra st, a c c o rd ­ ing to [he P ’ing-ttng-chuch ching„ A m iia h h a will not e n te r nirvana ( 7 " l2 '2 9 0 b ) . In the vows o f the Wu-iiang-shou ching tra n sla tio n ( T 3bO),

A tn ita h h a 's u n lim ited life is em p h asiz ed m u c h m ore th an his unlim ited light. A ccording to the Wu-tuMg-ihou ehtng, the bod hisattva D h a r m a k a ra m a d e his p rim o rd ial v o m ( puwa pranidhana) after fivt; eons o f contem plat ion. (T h e vows arc called p r im o r d i a l '1 in the sense th at they were in tide in th e past before A m ita b h a h a d a tta in e d B u d d h a h o o d .) A fter e o n s o f practice, his vows w ere fulfilled a n d he b ccam e A m ita b h a B u d ­ d h a a n d established rhe W estern P aradise. H e welcomes all w ho wish in be re b o rn in his P u re L a n d a n d th ereb y saves them . R ig o ro u s practice l ¬ req u ired o f those w ho wish to he re b o rn in the I5Lire L a n d . T h e y need onfy hrive faith (sraddhd) in A m ita b h a 's prim ordial vows a n d recite his n a m e (namadheyfi). Even a b o d h isa ttv a with inferior faculties an d w ithout the siren gih to observe the p recep ts o r m ed itate can quickly a tta in a stage o f spiritual progress from w hich he will not backslide by relying u p o n A m itiib h a ’s vows C onsequently, belief in A m ira b h a was called a p ath o f easy practice ( C h , i-hsing-uto). T h e p ath o f easy practice is b ased on the teaching th at salv ation can be atrained th ro u g h fahh (P. saddh&utmittti).n Faiih a n d d o u b t are o p po sed to each other. As faith d eep en s, d o u b ts ab ou t ihe validity o f the reaching* is v an q u ish e d E ven if a p ra c titio n e r wirh deep faith wished to d o u b t B u dd hist teachings, he would be u n a b le to do so. T h u s even at lhe b e g in n in g o f practice, lhe m in d can be freed o f d o u b ts a n d a n cle* m e n ta ry form o f salvation realized th ro u g h the fun ction in g o f faith. A nd since neither the vigorous practice o r religious au sterities nor the u n d e r s ta n d in g o f difficult doctrines is re q u ire d to attain salvation th ro u g h faith, even a p erso n o f dull intellect o r a person w ho is s u b m is ­ sive a n d sincere can attain salvation th ro u g h faith O f course, salvation th ro u g h faith is not co m p lete salvation. L a te r, the p ractitio n er is expected to realize such stages as salvation th ro u g h wisdom (P. panndsalvation th ro u g h both wisdom a n d m editation {P, ubhaiobkdgavim uitt), an d salvation o f tile m in d (P. ceiovimutft). l he term "salv atio n th ro u g h f a ith '1 is used in this sense in ihe Agatruis. T h e term also has a long history in T h e r a v a d a B ud d h ism an d a p p e a r s in such works as EuddhaghOs'ta^ Visuddkimagga (P a th o f Purifi cation), l he te rm "saddha-vxmuUir> is not found in S arv astiv ad in w orks, b u t sim ilar te rm s such as "sraddhd'adhimukti1' w ere used in the Sarvastiv ad in School, in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism term s such as “ salvation th ro u g h fa ith " do not seem to have been used A ccording to some M a h a y a n a texts* while faith will not lead to salvation* it will lead to the stage o f non retrogression (avwaritia, avaivartika). A cco rd in g to the Shift' chu p'i-p'o-sha fun ( T 2 6 : 4 l b , Dasabhumikavibhdfd>) a ttrib u ted to N agarjun a* " S o m e people practice w ith strict austerities^ o th ers use the expe-

d ic n t o f faith as an easy practicc to progress rapidly to the stag e o f nonret re g re ssio n ." T h u s the im p o rta n c e o f faith is no ted in a n u m b e r of M a h a y a n a text*. A ccording to the iiua-ycn ching ( T 9 A 3 3 & , AvauimsaAa), " F a it h is the fo u n d atio n o f the p a th a n d the m o rh e r o f m erits. All good dharmas axe increased th ro u g h it H” T h e lh-chih-tu tun f 7 '2 5 : 6 3 a p MahdpTajndpdramitopodtsa) states th at " th e great ocean o f the B u d d h a 's te a c h ­ ing m a y be e n te re d th ro u g h faiih a n d crossed by w isd o m .” Faith in A m ita b h a B u d d h a drew u p o n o ld er teachings th at w ere an estab lished p a rt o f B u d d h ism . S o m e m o d e m scholars have arg u e d thai faith in A m ita b h a B u d d h a was established in response to th e Bhagavadconcept o f bhakti (devotion). A lthough faith in A m ita b h a has elc m c n ts in c o m m o n w ilh d ev o tio n to K fg n a, the te rm f'bhnkti>>does not a p p e a r in the Sukhavativyuha. In d ia n scrip tures c o n c e rn in g A m ita b h a seem to hav e been com posed by people different fro m those w ho com piled th e perfection o f w isdom lite ra tu re . Belief in A m ita b h a was w idespread a m o n g M a h a y a n a B u d ­ dhists. R eferences to A m ita b h a an d his P u re L a n d (S u k h a v a ti) are fo u n d in m a n y M a h a y a n a scriptures* a n d re b irth in P u re L a n d is rec­ o m m e n d e d as goal in m a n y o f these works. A ccording to the J a p a n e s e sch olar F ujita K o tatsu , A m ita b h a B u d d h a is referred to in m ore than o n e-th ird o f lhe tran slatio n s o f In d ia n M a h a y a n a scrip tures in the C h i ­ nese c a n o n , a total o f m ore th an 270 stitrcts a n d sdstras. M a n y o f Amit a b h a ’s v o w s a re cited in the Pei him ching ( T 157„ KarunapundarihisutTam) 1, in d icatin g th at (his text was d o seiy con nccted to th e Sukhavativyuha. l h e S an sk rit tex t o f ihe KanmdpuTidaTikasiiira has been p u b lis h e d ,13 S everal o th e r figures besides A m ita b h a sh o u ld be m e n tio n e d in c o n ­ n ectio n w ith P u re L a n d th o u g h t. As w as discussed earlier, Ak?obhya B u d d h a a n d his P u re L a n d , A b h irati, a re described in the perfection of w isd o m stitras. Belief in A k jo b h y a , how ever, was n e v e r as p o p u la r as faith in A m ita b h a . M a it r e y a hs T u$ita H e a v e n was som etim es reg ard ed as a P u re L a n d . M a itrc y a is m e n tio n e d as the future B u d d h a tn the Agamas, w h ere he is co n sid ered to be a b o d h isattv a w ho will attain B u d d h a h o o d in his n ex t life ( tka-j<-prattbaddha). H a v in g already com p leted the austerities n e c ­ essary to attain B u d d h ah o o d , he waits in T u$ita H e a v e n for the a p p ro ­ p ria te tim e for his reb irth in this w orld w h ere he wiil attain enlig hten m e m u n d e r a pumndga tree a n d p reach three tim es in o rd er to save sentient beings, L a te r belief in M a itre y a c h a n g e d d r a m a tic a lly In lh e Kuan m i'U p fu ja thang^shtng tou-shuat't'ien ching ( T 432), the a d o r n m e n ts o f T u$iia H e a v e n a n d th e w ay in which a p erso n can be reb o rn there are described. T h e belief in reb irth in T u fila H e a v e n was particularly in flu ­ ential in C h in a a n d J a p a n , T h e S an skrit text o f the Maitreyavyakaraim has been published.*4

Scriptures Con cern in g M an ju sri A long w ith M a itr e y a . M a n ju s r i K u m a r a b h f u a was a very im p o rta n t a n d h o n o re d bo dh isattva. Both figures a p p e a r in v ery early M a h a y a n a texis. F o r ex am p le, M ait re y a and M an ju S ri a re birth m e n tio n e d in L o k a k ^ em a’s C h in ese tra n sla tio n of th e Ajtas&ha5liJi&-PPi com p leted in J7S) CrE- { T 2 2 ^). indicating th at M a n ju s r i was clearly k n o w n by th e first c e n tu ry C.F.. M a n ju s r i is generally th ought o f as m anifesting the w isd om that results from en lig h ten m en t a n d is therefore closely associated w ith p e r ­ fection o f w isd o m (prajndpdnmiid) literatu re. Since, how ever, he docs not a p p e a r in c ith e r the To.pan-jo thing ( T 223, Pancavimsatisdhasnka-FF*) o r Ihe Chin-kang pan -jo chi ng ( T £35 „ Vajracchtdika*), it a p p e a rs th at o rig i­ nally he was not closely tied to prajndpdramiid lite ra tu re ; rath er, litera­ tu re a b o u t h im m ay have initially been co m p osed by people w ho were not co n cern ed w ith pmjrmptirantita teachings. {Prajndptiramitd texts in which M a n ju s r i plays a cen tral roJe, such as T 2 3 2 -2 3 3 . the Saptasatika* PP *, w ere com piled later.) M a n ju i r i also does not a p p e a r in such early M a h a y a n a sutras as the A-ch « jo -k m ching ( 7 ' 313, Ahobhyatathagatasyauyuha§), Pan-chou. san-mci ching ( !' 41 7 -4 18 , Bhadmpdlastitra), a n d Taa-mit'o ching (7 * 3 6 2 , Sukhavatiuytiha*), Eight great lay b o dh isaitv as led by B h a d ra p a la a re centra] figures in the Pan-chou san-mri chmgT M a n ju ir i plays a key role in th e Shou-tcng-ym san-ma ching ( T 642, SutQrigQtnai&mddhisuirei) A ccording io this tex t, from tim e im m e m o ria l M a n ju s r i has practiced u n d e r countless B ud dh as and has alread y c o m ­ pleted the practices necessary to attain B u d d h ah o o d , In th e past* he was k n o w n as the B u d d h a L u n g - c h u n g 's h a n g (Sanskrit u n k n o w n ). P as­ sages in the first c h a p te r o f th e Lotus Suira ( 7 1262) a n d in L o k a k ^ em a’s C h in ese tran slation o f the AjcUisaintkaukriyavinodarut ( T 626) state that M a n ju s r i has been a great b od hisattva since long ago. Such passages in dicate th at M a n ju s ri was a notew o rthy figure from early in M a h a y an a B u d d h is m . A ccording to the F&ng-pa thing ( T 629), a partial t r a n s ­ lation o f th e Ajdt&iairukaukrtyavinodana, M a n ju S n has been practicing from long ago. W h en S a k y a m u n i was a child in one o f his past Jives, he w as in tro d u ce d by M anjufiri to a B u d d h a a n d th en w en t on to a tta in e n lig h te n m e n t. T h u s S ak y am u n i hs a tta in m e n t of B u d d h a h o o d is d u e m M an juS ri's help. M o reo v er, M a S j u I n has helped nor o n ly S a k y a m u n i, b u t all B u d d h a s , a n d is therefore said to be *'the fath er a n d m o th e r of th o s r on the p ath to B u d d h a h o o d " (7~ 15:45 la). M a n ju s r i is an adv anced bo dhisattva who realized th e stage o f nonretreg ressio n m an y eons ago. H e is also th e person ification o f w isdom S in c e M a n j u l r f is often associated with te ach in g s c o n ce rn in g th e inn ate wisdom lh al all people possess, he ca n also be view ed as a p c n o n if ic a -

lion o f the practice* th a t will lead to the d e v e lo p m e n t a n d realization of (hat w isdo m . T h e A-sht-shih-wang ching {T 6 2 6 , Ajdtasatrukaukriyavinod&Tia#) c o n ta in s a detailed p re se n ta tio n o f th e teach in g th at the m in d is originally p u re . M a n ju s ri is called a *.£haste y o u th " (kumdrabhHta) a n d a " P rin c e u f the D h a r m a ," Yet he has the pow er to guid e B u dd has. H e has mu yet realized b u d d h a h o o d , su ggesting th at he is forever advancm g in his p ractice. M a n ju s ri's Etetivities can he u n d e rsto o d as re p re s e n t­ ing the process u f u n c o v e rin g the originally p u re n a t u r e o f th e m in d , which has been o b sc u re d by ad v en titio u s defilem ent a. A ccording to the A-shc'shih-wartg ching ( T !5:3fJ9a), M a n ju £ n an d twenty-five o th e r b od hisattv as lived an d p racticed on a m o u n ta in . In the Gandavyuhg c h a p te r o f the Avaiamstikat M a n ju s r i is said to hav e left S a k y a m u n i at S ra v a sti and traveled south to the city o f P h a n y a k a r a h w here he lived in a larg e stupa hall (makdeaitya) in a prove of sdta trees f Tnahddhoaja-iiytiha^saia-vunasaTi^ii). T h e re he g a th e re d m a n y believers a r o u n d him. Such passages suggest the pro b ab le existence o f an o r d e r of m onastic b od hisattvas that h o n o r e d an d believed in M a n ju s ri. In a d d i­ tion] acco rdin g to (he Ta-chih-tu lun ("/’ 2!):7l)Bh, iVfahdpTajndpdrnTnitopQdda), M a itr c y a a n d M anjufiri led A n a n d a to th e ou tsid e ring o f iron m o u n ta in s s u rr o u n d in g the w orld, w here th ey con vened a council on M a h a y a n a scrip tures. PEissages like this one in dicate th at M a n ju s r i an d M a itrc y a w ere co n sid ered to be p articu larly im p o rtan t b od h isattv as. In th e W tn-shu-shih-li fa-t 'a yen-ching ching ( T 3 J 8, Ata AjuBnb udAhnk pstragu [ia vyuhtiiJiTuit), tra n sla te d by D h a r m a ra k s a in 290, ten great vows m ad e by M a n ju s ri a rc tie scribed. T h r o u g h these ten vows M a i i j u m purified an d a d o rn e d a B u d d h a -la n d . M a fiju s r f s vows a re reflected in the practices of the b o d h isaltv a ^ a m a n l a b h a d r a . A cco rdin g to the Gan$anyuhal (he you th S u d h a n a was u rg ed by M a n ju s ri to go on a j o u r n e y in search ol the D h a r rn a . T h r o u g h th e practices re c o m m e n d e d by S a m a m a b h a d r a , S u d h a n a finally realised en lig h ten m en t. T h u s the religious practices associated with S a m a n ta b h a d r a a re said to be based u p o n the wisdom oj M a n ju s ri. D h a r m a r a k s a ’s tra n slatio n o f the AjatasatrufaiikrCyavinodana is entitled W en-ihu-ihih'h p ’u-th'ao jan-m ti thing ( 7 627) a n d thus includes M a n ­ j u s r i's n a m e (W en shn-shih-li) in the title. M a n ju s ri's n am e ap p e a rs in the titles o f m a n y o th er iutras translated in to C h in ese by a variety of people in c lu d in g L okak$em a, D h a r m a r a k ja , K u m a ra jiv a , a n d N ieh T a o -c h e n (see 7 ' nos. 318, 45 8 -4 6 1 , 46 3 -4 6 4 ), In a d d itio n , M anjuS ri pJays a m ajo r role in m a n y futras even if his n a m e does not a p p e a r in the title. F o r ex am p le, in the VijnatakirliniTdcsa, M a n ju s r i leads the g r o u p of b odh isattvas and h ffv a h u th at visit V im alak irti, who is lying ill in b ed . In th e Jiifra, M a n ju s r i is clearly the head o f th e b o d h isa ttv a s a n d s u p e ­ rior to M a itr c y a .

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S c r ipt u r es

393

fn conclusion, tht1 perfection o f w isdom s u tn s a n d A m ita b h a w orship w ere im p o rta n t types ol early M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . H o o v e r , itacfl­ ings c o n c e r n in g M a n ju s ri also rep resen ted an im p o rta n t trad itio n w ithin M a h a y a n a . F u rtlicr investigation in to the significance n f M a n jusrT w o uld c o n tr ib u te significantly to o u r u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e origins o f M a h a y a n a B uddhism ,

M iscellan eou s O th e r M a h a y a n a Scriptures M a n y M a h a y a n a scrip tures w ere com posed before N a g a r j u n a ’s lim e. Besides those texts discussed a b o v e, a n u m b e r o f early works belon gin g to the Pao-chi thing ('7’310, Ratnakuta) a n d th r Ta-fong-itng ta-chi'f king ( T 397, Mahdsamnip&taiutra?) date fro m this tim e. B od h iru td 's C h in ese tra n sla tio n o f the Ratotfu&Bt is 120 fasc id e s in length a n d divided into forty-nine assem blies. T h e T i b e t a n tra n slatio n is o rg a n iz e d in a sim ilar m a n n e r. T h r T ib e ta n tra n sla tio n dues not rep resen t a direct t r a n s m i t sion from I n d ia , however, b u t has been influenced a n d s u p p le m e n te d by referring to the C h in ese translation* T h e indiv id ual w orks w ith in the Ratnakuta originally circulated as in d e p e n d e n t texts a n d w ere later collected into the Ratnakuta in In d ia or C e n tra l Asia, A Sanskrit version o f the collection m u st have existed at o n e tim e, j;ince the C h in ese p ilg rim H s u a n -rsa n g is said to hav e b ro u g h t it to C h in a . A fter tra n sla tin g the h ug e 6 0 0 -fascicle Ta pan-jo po-lo-mi-to ching ( T 220, MahdpTajnapdramitasiilra?), H s u a n tsa n g was able to tra n s ­ late only one p a rt of the Ratnakuta, the 20-fascicle Ta p 'u-sa tsang-ching ( T no. 310.12, Badhisattoapitaka#), before he died. Bodhiruci tra n sla te d the rest o f the S an sk rit text later, betw een 707 a n d 713. H i 4 tra n sla tio n c o n ­ stitutes the text o f the ex tan t Ratnakuia. Tn com piling the translatio n, B odhiruci in c o rp o ra te d p rev iou s C h in ese tra n sla tio n s o f sections o f the Ratnakuta th at a p p a re n tly w ere based tin the sam e text as the Sanskrit m a n u s c rip ts he was using. W h e n the Sanskrit text seem ed to b e m ore co m plete th a n t h t C h in ese, he w ould s u p p le m e n t the o ld er C h in e se fra n slat ion (K ’a {yuan sh ift-ch iao hi, T 55:57 Ob). I h e Ratnakuta includes a variety o f m aterials w ithout a n y clear principie o f o rg a n iz a tio n . F o r ex am p le, the forty-sixth assembly, in which M a n ju s ri p reach es perfection o f wisdom (7" 310-46, Saptasatikd-PPf)* was also m cludcd m the Ta pan-jo po-io-mt-to chtng (see T no. 220.7, Mahdprajndparamitdsfiira?). T h e forty*seventh assem bly, Pao-chip'u-sa hui ( V n o . 31 0 ,4 7 , Ratnari/dGpariprwhQ#), is also found in (he Mahdsamnipotasulra ( T no. 397.1 1). T h e existence o f a S an sk rit text o f the Ratnakuta at one tim e is ind icated by citations of it in the Prasannapada a n d the Sikfasamuccaya. It is not clear, how ever, w heth er the Sanskrit text was o f the

s a m e size as the C h in ese tran slatio n. A larg e n u m b e r of Sanskrit texts co n n ected w ith die Ratnakuia have been disco vered a n d pu blished, a m o n g them lhe Kdsyapaparivarta. 15 T h e C h in e s e translatio n o f th e Afaftds&pnipaUisuira, iKe 7arfang-tmg iac h i-c h in g (T 3 9 7), w as d o n e by D h a r m a k je m a a n d others. L ater, tra n s la ­ t i o n by N & rend rayaias w ere ad d ed ; it was ed ited in to its present form by the S ui d yn asty m onk Seng-chiu (fl 5R6-594). It is a sixty-fascicle work divided into sev enteen ch ap ters (A 'at-yuan ihih-chiac in. T 55: SBflb). O ld e r versions o f ihe C h in e s e tran slatio n a p p aren tly w en: only a b o u t ih irty fascicles long. At lea si o n e o f the works in (h r 7 ’ibelan c a n o n has the term " g r e a t collection" ( T ib , hdus-pa-chtn-po) preceding its title, suggesting a possible connection with th e Ta fang-teng ta-chiching, b u t fu rth er investigation reveals little in c o m m o n . T h e Ta-fangteng ta-chi-ching includes lists o f dhnrmas, discussions o f the characteristics o f dharmas, a n d expositions o f the d o ctrine that the m ind is in nately pure. In a d d itio n , m a n y Esoteric B uddhist elem ents a re found m it in clud ing dharariia n d astrology. O n ly a few Sanskrit fragm en ts o fju /raj in this collection hav e been found. H ow ever, {he discovery ni ijilg it o f a m a n u sc rip t o f th e Mahdsamnipdta ratnakftu. dhdrant sutra should be noted . T h e m a n u sc rip t has since been published by N a lin a k sh a D u tt* * M a n y o th er early M a h a y a n a sutras exist besides those m e n tio n e d abuve, A m o n g those with ex tan t S ansk rit versions a re the SdlisiambaiutTQ [ T 2 7 8 -2 7 cJ , 7 1 0 - 7 1 1)T w hich co n cern s D e p e n d e n t O r ig in a tio n ; J a m j dhaajasutn ( 7 'G J9 -t> 4 1 ); lihuifajyugtirtiitltra, a n d StiL'arnaprabhdsottanuisutTQ (7 *6 6 3-6 6 5).17

Sanskrit Texts Because o r the d isa p p e a ra n c e o f B u d d h ism from India, a com plete M a h a y a n a c a n o n in S an sk rit does not exist. H o w e v e r S an sk rit M a h a ­ y an a texts hav e been fo u n d in a n u m b e r o f areas and arc grad ually b e in g p u b lish ed . M o re hav e b een discovered in N epal th an a n y w h e re else. P a rtic u la rly fam ous as S an skrit M a h a y a n a texts fro m N epal are rhe following g r o u p know n as the J'N in e D h a r m a J e w e l s ” : Lalitavistara, Aftosdhasnkffprajndpdramitd, Dasabfidmtkaf Can^ai'yUhn, Laiikdvatdra, Sw arnapTcibhdsa, Samddhiraja. Saddhawuipvntfarika, a n d Tathdgataguhyaka. M * ny Esoteric B u dd hist texts in S an sk rit have also been found. T o d a y N epalesc m a n u sc rip ts a re preserved m E n g lan d , F ran ce, J a p a n , an d C a lc u tta . A r o u n d the e n d o f the n in e te e n th century, a n u m b e r o f exp ed ition s to C e n tra l Asia discovered m a n y Sanskrit m an u sc rip ts in the desert. T h e

exp ed ition s o f such m en as A urel Siein, Paul Pcllior, A lbert von Le C o q , a n d ihe O t a n i expedition b ro u g h t S an sk rit texts back to E u ro p e a n d J a p a n , T h e G e r m a n ex pedition c arried a great m a n y m a n u sc rip ts back to Berlin. T h e study o f th e m anu script# began in this c e n tu ry an d g ra d u a lly some have been published. P ublishin g in fo rm atio n can be found in Y am ad a R y u jo 's Bongo Button no ihobunktn. 18 In 193 I a large n u m b e r o f B uddhist texts w ere discovered in an old stupa at Gilgit in K ash m ir. A m o n g them was an alm ost com plete version o f the M u la s a rv a stiv a d in Vi:naya, as well as m a n y M a h a y a n a texts. S om e o f these hav e Ijeen p ublished by Nalinalishii D utt m Xfanusenpis. R a g h u V ir a a n d his successor, Lokesh C h a n d r a , have also p u blish ed part o f the Sata-pitaka. D u r in g the 1930s R a h u la S a n k rty a y a n a traveled to T ib e t, w here he lo u n d m a n y S an sk rit m a n u sc rip ts of B ud dh ist texts in m onasteries. P h o to g ra p h s o f the texts are preserved at the Jay asw aJ R esearch i n s ti­ tu te in P a tn a . T h e texts a re gradu ally being published in th e T ib e ta n Sanskrit W ork s Scries. T h e co n ten ts o f m ost o f these m a n u sc rip ts have not yel been sufficienily Studied; however, a large p ro p o rtio n o f the M a h a y a n a texts a p p ear to be co n cern ed with Esoteric U uddhism . Also in clud ed are treatises on abhidharma. an d M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism , as well as w orks on B uddhist logic. T h e largest set o f Sanskrit M a h a y a n a texts is th e series en titled B u d ­ dhist Sanskrit Texts p u b lish ed by the M ith ila In stitu te. A lm ost aJ[ o f the Sanskrit texts o f M a h a y a n a works discovered in N ep al, T ib e t, G ilgit, an d o th er areas are included ijft-iL I m p o r ta n t S an sk rit texts have also been p u blish ed by the Ita lian scholar G iu sep p e Tucei in the Series O rie n ta le R o m a .

C H A P T E R IS

Theory and Practice in

Early bAahayana Buddhism

T h e P ra ctitio n er’s Awareness T h at H e Is a B odhisattva an d T h at H is M in d la Pure in N ature T h e p o l l t u km o f [he term LLb o d h isa ttv a ” is bodhisattva mahdsattva. "B o dhisattva'* m e a n s " a b e in g (saliva) w ho seeks e n lig h te n m e n t ( b o d h iy ”M ahdsativa11 m e a n s “ a great p e rs o n " a n d refers to a person w ho m akes th e great vow to b eco m e a B u d d h a and u n d e rta k e s the s tre n u o u s p ractice req u ired to attain th at goal. A b o d h isattv a m ust believe lh al he has the c h a ra c te r o r n a tu r e necessary to becom e a B u d ­ d h a . In rhis respect, ihe M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r’s position differs from [hat o f hoth the H in a y a n lsl a n d those people who p raised the B u d d h a ( C h . tsan-Jo skeng). H i n a y a n a o r N ik ay a B u dd hist d o ctrin e was fo rm u lated w ith ihe in te n tio n o f e n a b lin g ihe p ra c titio n e r lo b e c o m e an arhat. T h e Hirtayanisi could not conceive o f h im self as a tta in in g the sam e d e g ree nf e n lig h te n m e n t as the B u d d h a a n d co n sequ en tly did not recognize in h im self the qualities that w ould enab le him to b e c o m e a B u d d h a . O n ly as great a m a n as S a k y a m u n i cou ld becom e a B u d d h a . T h is difference in the w ays in w hich the pracistioner viewed him self a n d his potential co n stitu tes rhe basic d istin ctio n betw een HTnuyElna a n d M a h a y a n a B u d dh ism . People w ho praised th e B u d d h a were vitally in terested in th e p r a c ­ tices th ai led to the a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . In their b io graph ies of the B u d d h a , they extolled his sup erior praciices. Insofar as they p re a c h e d a b o d h isattv a leaching* they w ere close to M a h a y a n a Bud dhist ideals. H o w ev er, for those w hn praised the B u d d h a , the figure of the b o d h isattv a w as so m eo n e whose e v e n tu a l B u d d h ah o o d was already

d e te r m in e d , so m eo n e w ho h a d already received a predictio n (uydkarana) lhar g u a r a n te e d his B u d d h a h o o d . In most cases the b o d h isattv a referred to was S a k y a m u n i as a b od hisattva. In o n e ol his p rev iou s lives, the lu tu rc S a k y a m u n i h a d received a predie cion from D ip a h k a ra B u d d h a c o n c e rn in g his ev en tu al a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h a h o o d . T h r o u g h that p r e ­ d ictio n , the fu tu re S a k y a m u n i h a d becom e confident o f his position as a b o d h isattv a. B ecause the av erag e M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r h a d not received a p r e ­ diction from a B u d d h a c o n c e rn in g his e v e n tu a l a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h ah o o d , he had to look elsew here for assu ran ce that he w ould attain e n lig h ten m en t. H e did so by looking w ith in h im self for the p re se n c e o f elem ents th at w ould lead to B u d d h a h o o d . A lth o u g h both M a h a y a n is ts a n d the people w ho praised the B u d d h a were viially interested in (he figure n f the b o d h isattv a, th e ir views o f h im w ere fu n d a m e n ta lly differ­ ent, F o r those who extolled the B u d d h a , the b o d h isattv a was a chosen m a n ; for the M a h a y a n is t, a b o d h isattv a could be an o r d in a ry p erso n , in d e e d , the M a h a y a n a p ra c titio n e r som etim es referred to h im self as a b o d h isa ttv a . T h e earliest extant ex am p le o f the M a h a y a n a usage o f the term " b u d h i i a t t v a ” occurs in the TfflHSWng p a ttj t thing (T IE M , Aftmdha^rii-df / 3*). T h e te rm is used in this sutra in a w ay th at suggests th at it had alread y been in use with its M a h a y a n a sense for a co n sid e rab le time before the text was com piled. T h u s th e advocates o f perfection o f w is­ d o m b u ilt u p o n the theories o f rhe b o d h isattv a a n d his six perfecilons d ev eloped by th e people w ho p raised the B u d d h a , but th en b ro a d e n e d the te rm '’b o d h i s a t t v a / 1 C o nsequ ently , M a h a y a n a was at first called “bvdhisattvaydna ,J (7* 8 :2 4 7b). L ater, this usage was e x te n d e d fu rth er a n d ap p lied to ihe T h r e e Vehicles as srdvaiaydna, pzotyekabuddhapdnA, an d bodhiiattvaydna (o r Buddhaydnd). In E arly M a h a y a n a texts, no m ention is m a d e o f a B u d d h a-elem en t o r n a tu r e (Buddha-dhdtu), that is, the potential to becom e a B u d d h a . T h e statem en t th at al[ sen tien t b ein g s have the B u d d h a -e le m e n t first ap p ears in th e M a h a y a n a version o f the Mahdparirtiruanastitfa. T h e origins o f this d o c trin e can be sought, how ever, in the s ta te m e n ts in E arly M a h a y a n a texts, such as the Aftasdhasrikd-PP (p. 5), th a t the original n a tu r e o f the m in d is p u re (prakrtis cittasya prabhasvtird) . 1 T h is do ctrin e J'irst a p p eared in th e A~fhe~shth wang c td n g ^ T {>26„ AjdtasatruAaukrtyaL'inodana#) a n d later in m a n y o th e r M a h a y a n a texts. If the original n a tu r e o f the m in d is p u re , th en the m a n ife statio n of That original n a tu re is eq u iv alen t to the a tta in m e n t o f B u d d h ah o o d . T h e M a h a y a n i s t hs vow iu attain B u d d h ah o o d was based on the belief that th e m ind is inn ately p u re . T h e people w ho cultivated rhe asp iratio n to attain e n lig h te n m e n t (bodhuitla), who vow ed to realize B u d d h a h o o d ,

were callcd bod hisaltv as. A related [caching is found in m a n y M a h a ­ y a n a sutras: all dhanmu a rc in n a te ly p u re {ja^WAamwA prokrii paniud* dfiah, C o n z c , Ayin^d^asdhasrikd-PP, [ p r 42J)r T h is teachin g a p p e a rs in such M a h a y a n a sutras as the Prajnsparamiia, Tti-cki ching ( T 397, MahdnimmpdtasutTa), a n d Saddharmapundankasiitra (v. 102 o f the ^ C h a p t e r on Expedient T e a c h in g s" in the Sanskrit text). T h is do ctrin e implies that the m in d is noi different fro m all dharmus. Besides the o r d in a ry p ractitio n er as b o d h isa ttv a , m a jo r o r celestial b o dh isattv as whose n a m e s a rc well k n o w n — M anjuS ri, M ail re ya, S a m a n ta b h a d r a , a n d A valokitesvara— arc discussed in M a h a y a n a texts* T h e o rig in a n d significance o f these im p o rta n t b o dh isattv as is d if­ ferent from that o f the o r d in a ry p ractitio ner as bo dh isattv a. M a iirc y a B o d h isattv a d eveloped o u t o f M a itre y a th e fu tu re B u d d h a , a b o d h i­ sattva w ho was d estin ed to becom e a R u d djt h a in his next life. T h e figorc3 o f b o th M a itr e y a B od hisattv a a n d S a k y a m u n i B od hisattv a arc closely related lo the concept o f (he b o d h isattv a who is destined to becom e a R u d d h a in his very next life ( rka-jati-prdttbaddha) S a k y a m u n i B od hisattva is a figure developed by those people w ho p raised the Bud* d h a in poem s a n d biographies. Tn contrast, M a n ju s r i a n d S a m a n ta b h a d ra a re figures found only in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism . Manju£r7 is m e n ­ tioned often in connection with Ihe d octrine ihat th e m in d it originally p u re in n a tu re A valokitesvara was p ro b ab ly in tro d u c e d into B ud dh ism from an outside source. T h e recognition by M a h a y a n a B uddhists thai m ore rhan one B uddha cou ld a p p e a r in the world at the sam e tim e en tailed the existence o f m a n y bodh isal t v a s w ho w ould attain en lig h ten m en t in thcLr next life­ tim e. It is clear th at M a h a y a n ists recognized the existence of m u ltitu d es o f powerful b od h isattv as. M o reo v er, the force o f these b o d h isattv as' vows to save o th e r sentient beings led to th e recognition o f b o d h isattv as w h o h a d c o m p le te d the practices necessary to realize B u d d h ah o o d but had decided not to e n te r B u d d h ah o o d T h u s , such b od hisattvas as M a n ju s r i a n d A valokitesvara h a d powers th at exceeded ev en those o f liu d d h a j. As M a h a y a n a B ud dh ist d o c tn n c develo ped , sto n e s ab ou t the pow erful a ttrib u te s of m a n y b o d h isatlv as w ere narrated* b u t the c h a ra c ­ teristic M a h a y a n a bodh isattva was, in fact, the o rd in a ry person as b od h isattv a.

T h e C u ltiva tio n of the Perfections and the A rm o r of the Vows T h e M a h a y iin a B u d d i n g s realisation th at he was in fact a b o d h isattv a m e a n t th at his religious practices were inten ded for the benefit o f both

h im se lf a n d others. (T h e arhat, in c o n tr a s tt perform ed religious p r a c ­ tices p rim a rily for his own ben efit,) T h e B u d d h a h im self h a d striven lo help sen tien t beings a n d h a d displayed g reat com p assio n (mAhakantna) a n d friendliness (mahdmoiiTt) to w a rd others. A b o d h isattv a w ho h ad vow ed lo b e c o m e a R u d d h a co n sequ en tly h a d to help others first. O n ly by b eco m in g involved in a id in g o th ers cou ld die bod hisattva com plete his ow n religious practices. B odhisattva practices a re ch aracterize d as the six perfections (paramitd), a categ orization o f practices originally d eveloped to describ e S a k y a m u n i B u d d h a hs practices that were th en extensively in c o rp o ra te d into M a h a y a n a scriptures,* Stories a b o u t the six perfections a re col­ lected in the LiVrUt thi-cking { T 152N$atpdramitdiarigraha?}. T h e y arc also described tn the^afdtar Ar firstT the n u m b e r o f perfections was not set at six. T h e S arv astivad ins o f K a s h m ir h a d a list o f four: giving (dana), m o rality (itia), vigor (uirya), a n d wisdom (prajAd). 'R ie o th e r tw o ele­ m e n ts o f th e six p e rfe c tio n s patien ce (kjdntt) a n d m e d ita tio n (dhythte), w ere in clu ded in the four perfections as c o m p o n e n ts o f m o rality an d w isdo m (Mahavibhdpdsdstra, T 27:892b). Biographies o f the B u d d h a g e n ­ erally a d o p te d the six perfections. T h e S a rv astiv ad in b io g ra p h y P ‘u-yco thing ( T 186 , Lalitat/istara*) follows ihe six perfections a n d so m etim es a d d s a seven th, skill in m e a n s (updyekauJofya) ( T 3:48 3a. 4&4a, 54€a; L e fm a n n , Lalitavistara, p. 8). Ten perfections a p p e a r in Pali sources (Jdtaka, ed. V. Fausbollj vol. 1, p p. 45-47). T h e ten consist o f five o f the six perfections (giving, morality, w isd om , vigor, a n d patience) a n d five o th er perfections: re n u n c ia tio n (nckkhamma), tru th (latca), resolve (adhitihdna), friendliness (m dla), a n d e q u a n im ity (upekftd). T h e T h e r a v a d a list differs from the list o f te n perfections found in several M a h a y a n a w orks such as the Shiti-ti thing ( T 267, Dasabfiumifaitutra*). M a h a y a n a w orks generally ado pted the six perfections used by th e a u th o rs o f b io grap hies o f the B u d d h a. H o w ever, since ten perfections were n eed ed to co rresp o n d to the ten stages o f the DaJabfiumikasdtra, four additional perfections w ere sometimes added lo the s ta n d a rd six, m ak ing ten ( T 10:517c; Dasabhfimtka, ed. J . R a h d e r, p. 57). T h e four additional perfeciions w ere skill in m e a n s, vow s (pranidhdna), s tre n g th (bata), a n d know ledge (Jnina). T h e te rm "pdramitd ” is derived from the w ord *‘p am aw, " m e a n in g " h i g h e s t ’* o r “ m ost excellent,” in the Pali Jdtakas the term “pdrami j " d eriv ed from “p a ra m o /’ is used in th e s a m e sense as pdramitd. M o d e m scholars u su ally tran slate pdramitd as u p e r f e c tio n /1 as in the term “ p e r­ fection o f w is d o m hh (prajndparamitd). H ow ever, one o f the m oat im p o r ­ tan t early tra n slato rs o f In d ia n texts in to C h in e s e , K um arajTva (d. 409?), in te rp re te d the w ord as m e a n in g “ crossing o v e r to the o ther

s h o re '1 (param-ita) an d tra n s la te d prejndparttntitd as " c ro s s in g by w isdom (to th e shore o f e n lig h te n m e n t),” A lthough p d ra m itd t a n be tra n slated as “ p e r f e c t i o n / 1 the w ord " p e r ­ fection** implies a siatic slate in which n o th in g m ore need be do ne However* according 10 ihe Prajndpdramtidsutref, the correct p ia ctiiio n ci o f perfection o f w isdo m is so m eo n e w ho does not recognize perfection o f w isdom as he practices it, so m e o n e w ho does not even re ro g n iz c the b o d h isattv as. A lthough he practices giving, he does not boasi o f his good a tiio n s, n o r does he cling to [he concept o f good, T h e ilonor, the recip ien t, a n d lhe act o f giving arc all non substantial. T h e se a ttitu d e s a re called the th ree spheres o f purity (trim a^aia-pm H uddiii) a n d c o n s ti­ tute the perfectio n o f giving As th e p ra c titio n e r givesT he d*>es nut cling to the idea or act o f giving. E ven as he tries eo perfect his giving, he does [tot cling lo lhe idea o f perfectin g his actions. In ilns way, lhe practice of the perfections is n ever c o m p le te d . T h e perfections are b ased on n o n ­ substantiality. F rajndpdrarm id is wisdom in re g a rd lo n on sub stan tiality, w isd o m wiilv out obstacles, w isd om th ai is direct intuition into the essence of all In c o n tra st, wisdom th at d isc rim in a te s a m o n g objects is called "skill in m e a n s ” A cco rd in g to the Vimatakiriinirdesa, fJT h e perfection o f wrisdom is the bodh isattv a hs m o th e r; skill in m ean s is his E ith er” ( 7 1 14 :549c). Boih wisdom a n d skill in m e a n s a rc essential for b o d h isattv a practices, A b o d h is a ttv a ’s practice is not perform ed for his ow n b en elit. He m ust alw ays h elp others w ith o u t th in k in g o f his ow n B u d d h a h o o d His practice is lhe re fore endless, a n d he m ust have u n c o m m o n resolve lo e m b a r k on such a p ath . His resolve is c o m p a re d to lh at o f a w a rrio r w earin g a r m o r w ho is going to the b a ttle g ro u n d . T h e bo dh isattva is th u s said to w ear the a r m o r o f his vows ( mohasaipndhafiamnaddha). Even as he is lead in g coo nil css sentient beings to mtvdfta, he know s th at no su b stan tial beings exist who a re lo be led, th at not even he exists as a Substantial b ein g, l he b o d h isattv a hs spiritual asp iratio n a n d d e t e r m in a ­ tion are the basis for all his practice,

D h a r a r ti and S a m d d h i D escriptions o f b o d h isa tiv a s u s in g dhdram (spoken form ulae) a n d p r a c ­ ticing a variety o f samddhi (con cen tration s) arc found in m a n y M a h a yana scriptures, Dkdram played little o r no role in th e Agamas o r in the literatu re o f Nilkaya B u d d h ism , but b ecam e im p o rta n t w ith the rise of M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism 1 A cco rd in g to rhe Ta-chih-tu /art ( T 25:95c, Aiahdpjajndpdramtiopadesa), dhdram en ab led a person “ to assem ble v ario u s

good d ka m a s a n d m ain tain th e m w iihout losing th e m ." Tn o th e r w ords, dhdram w ere said to hav e the pow er to preserve good a n d p rev en t evil. T h e y w ere partic u la rly useful in m e m o riz in g (cachings a n d p rev en tin g loss o f m em ory. O t h e r fo rm u lae aided (he analytical faculties o r en ab led a person lt> re m a in u n m o v e d no m a tte r w h at h e h e a rd , helping p racti­ tioners u n d e r s ta n d doctrine a n d e x p o u n d it eloquently. Tn a n age when teachings were p reserved a n d tra n s m itte d p rim a rily th ro u g h m e m o riz a ­ tio n , the p o w er o f such fo rm u la e w as highly reg ard ed . Tn later tim es tihdrant w ere p rim a rily used as m agical in carn atio n s, as well as in the p e rfo rm a n c e o f sanuidhis (c o n cern ratio n s) in M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism T h e te rm t‘santffdhi*t refers to the m a in te n a n c e o f a tra n q u il m ind or to the spiritual p o w er thai results from focusing the rnind on o n e object. T h r e e co n cen tratio n s d escrib ed in the Agamns— on non su b stan tiality (sunyaid)t sign less ness (ammitta), an d wishlessness (apramhtta)'— later w ere highly praised in lhe p erfeitm n o f wisdom sutras. A variety o f new j amdrfhi w e n ' developed am i described in E a rly M a h a y a n a texts. T h e two basic types e x p o u n d e d w ere still samutha (calm a b id in g ) a n d vipasyana (insight m e d i a t i o n ) . W h e n th e m ind is tra n q u il and is focused on o n e object, then correct insight can occur. T h e religious practices o f M a h a y a n a B u d d h ism differed from those of H i n a y a n a B u d d h ism . M a n y n ew c o n cen tratio n s reflecting these differences w e r e d ev eloped in t he M a h a y a n a tra d itio n . In (he “ C h a p ll'r on the G re a t V ehicle" tn the T a-p’in pait'jo thing ( 7 'f t : 2 5 1 a - b h PancacitftJaiisahairiJcd-PP*), 10S co n cen tratio n s arc listed. T h e first is the surangarnasamddhi, which was p ro d u ced th ro u g h the p o w er o f the strict practices by w hich the perfection o f w isdo m was a d v an ced . (See c h a p te r 15.) A n o th e r M a h a y a n a co n c e n tra tio n , the pratytitpnrma-samddhi, is not included a m o n g the J OB c o n cen tratio n s listed in th e perfection o f wts* d o m literatu re, b u t it is described in the Pan-chou san-mfi ching ( T A M 41fj, BhodrapdtasdiTa). A fam o us co n cen tratio n , it consists o f en terin g Into the samddhi th ro u g h focusing o n e ’s atte n tio n on the B uddha- O n c c lhe p ra c titio n e r has en tered the samddhir the B u d d h a ap p e a rs before h im T h e pratjutpattna-samadhi p ro b ab ly aro se in connection w ith (he w orship at the B u d d h a 's stupa a n d with the confession o f w ro n g d o in g that so m etim es acc o m p a n ie d w orship o f the B u d d h a . In th e S a n -p ’in thing (Trifkandhiakadh(innapatyd}'a)r o n e o f th e very olde*l M a h a y a n a ultras, lhe practices o f confession, feeling jo y at (he a cco m p lish m en ts of o th ers, a n d in v itin g (he B ud dh as an d b o dh isativ as to the place o f p r a c ­ tice a re described. T h e s e practices wt;re p e rfo rm e d in front o f the Bud* d h a . H o w ev er, at the lim e the jufra was c o m p iled , im ages o f the B u d d h a did not exist. C o nsequently, these practices m ust hav e been perform ed in front o f stupas h o n o rin g th e B u d d h a . O t h e r texts describe ad d itio n al

S&mddhi. T h e SCal c o n cern ra tio n (lagarartt.udrd*iam.ddht) is ( ifs trih ttl in the H ua-ym thing ( T 27A-279, Avatawakaiulra). T h e H u dd ha enters ihe C o n c e n tra tio n o f the A bo de o f Im m e a su ra b le D o ctrin e (ananta-mrdesa-pratatkdrmm ruima samarihih) w h en he preaches the Fa-hua thing {T 262„ SaddhwinapundanktuutTQ*)' 'J h r n a m e ol each c o n cen tratio n d e ­ scribes the m ode o f the insight gained; hut th ro u g h all o f th e m , the p ra c titio n e r gains insight in to the fu n d a m e n ta l n a tu re of p h e n o m e n a by e n te r in g inro such p ro fo un d co n cen tratio n s.

B odhisattva Practices Both lay a n d m on astic b o d hisattvas are m en tio n ed in M a h a y a n a litera­ ture In the Tao-hsingpan-ja thing { T 22$, Aftqsjih&srik&-PP*')t a very early M a h a y a n a rexi tra n sla te d into C h in ese in 179 c:_E.f the bod hisattv as d escribed a re lay m en . T h e existence o f m on astic b o dh isattvas is not yet cJearly ev id en t in (he text. In the 7h-p’in pan-jo (king ( 7 ’ 221, Pantmnmiatisdfutm ka-PP*), tra n sla te d in 404. both types o f b o d h isa ttv a s are m e n tioncd; how ever, no special set of precepts for m onastic b o d h isattv as i$ in clu ded . M o n astic b o dh isattv as are expected to g u a r d th eir chastity a n d a re called kumaradhuia (chaste youths), but little m ore is stated, tn the d escrip tion o f the six perfections, rhe giving o r reaching o f th e D h a r m a is in clud ed in [he discussion o f the perfection o f alm sgiving, but th e gilt o f m a te r ia l w ealth receives m o re a tte n tio n . T h e " t e n good acts (o r precepts)/* pari o f the perfection o f morality, a re divided in to th ree categories; physical, verbal, an d m en tal. T h e ten good precepts consist o f rhe three physical p roh ibitio ns against killing, stealing, an d sexual m isc o n d u c t; the four verbal p ro hibition s against false speech, slander, deceitful speech to d is r u p t relations b etw een people, and frivo­ lous talk; a n d the three m e n ta l p ro hibition s against lust, ang er, an d w rong views. T h e ten good p recepts a p p e a r not only in th e perfection o f wisdom sutras, but in o th er M a h a y a n a scrip tures w h e n e v e r the perfec­ tion o f m orality is exp lained. T h e th ird o f the te n good precepts, no sex­ ual m isco n d u ct, is a lay precept. For a m on k, com plete chastity w ould be r e q u ire d , as in the case o f the chaste y o u th who would hav e to be free o f a n y sen&ual desire. In ad d itio n , in some early M a h a y a n a Sutras ihe five lay precepts o r the eight precepts for lay m en to observe on uposatha days w ere p resen ted as the basis o f m orality for lay b od hisattv as * I n the exposition o f the ten stages o f the b o d h isattv a in the Daiabhumi* kasuira ( 7 ‘ 2 8 7 )h th e precepts a re explained in (he discussion o f the sec­ ond stage, vimala-bhumi (ihe im m acu late), with e m p h asis on the ten good precepts. T h u s the ten good precepts a re rep eated ly p resen ted as typical precepts for the b o d h isattv a iti early M a h a y a n a literatu re sug-

gcsfini; (ha! Early M a h a y a n a B ud dh ism was p rim a rily a religious m o v em en t n H a y m c n . L a te r the m onastic precepts of N ik ay a B ud d hism were ad o p te d by M a h a y a n a practition ers, a n d the m on astic b od hisattva becam e a full-Hedged B ud d hist m onk w ho u n d e rw e n t a full m onastic o r d in a tio n (upusampada) a n d observed the ruleii o f the prdtimoksa. Exam ple* o f the p ractices o f bodh isattvas can be found in a n u m b e r o f E arly M a h a y a n a sutraj. T y p ic a l practices are the six perfections described in the pcrfcction nf wisdom a n d o th er sutras. Stupa w orship is p o rtra y e d in the " C h a p t e r on P ure P ractices” {Ching-hsing p 'm ) o f th e H u a y m thing ( T 27 8 -2 7 9 , Ai'aiamwkQjutra) a n d in the Y u -th ’ith chang-che ching f T 310. ! 9 t 3 2 2 -3 2 3 , Ugradattapariprccha). V i s u a l i n t i o n i o f the B u d d h a a rc described in the Pan-cfiov san-mei ching ( T 4 1 6 - 4 J 9, Hfiadrapdtasutra). A form o f B u d d h ism based on faith, a d ev elo p m en t p eculiar to M a h a y a n a , is dep leted in the Pure L a n d sutra.1,. Faith also plays the cen tral rote in the Saddharrnapurtdarika. In the c h a p te r on expedient teachin gs in the Saddharnrnpundarika, stupa w orship is cncouraged- an d th ro u g h o u t the work, people are en c o u ra g e d to copy the sutra. In the oldest parts of the text, a list o f three practices focusing On the sutra is given: m e m o riz a tio n , recitatio n , an d ex p lan atio n , tn later p a rts o f the text tw o m ore practices, co p y in g an d h o n o r in g th e sutra, a re a d d e d , m a k in g a total o f five practices. Even m ore practices are a d d e d to these in th e S an sk rit text. M em orization^ recitation* a n d e x p la n a tio n ail co n ­ cern the teach in g (dhormsparydya). T h e se practices as wet! as copying a n d h o n o rin g (pujd) the sutra could also focus on the physical book (pusiakaJ itself. Puja consisted o f installing the text as the [cwtl o f the Teach­ in g (Dharmaratna o f the T h r e e Jew els) a n d offering it flowers, incense, b a n n e r s , a n d canopics. M u sic was played at such ccnem onics, which h a d originally been p e rfo rm e d at stupas a n d w ere later ad o p ted for use in puja hon[trine; sacred texts. Puja for books is repeatedly entiou raged in th e perfection o f w isd om sutras a n d o th e r M a h a y a n a texts. Since m o nk s w ere p ro h ib ite d by the vinaya from view ing o r listening to m usic, d a n c e , a n d theater, they p ro b ab ly w ould not have p artici­ p a te d in the p e rfo rm an ce o f these activities. C o n seq u en tly , these cerem o n ies m ust have been perform ed by ( a n d p r o b a b ly o rig in a te d am o ng ) lay m en . T h e y w ere b o th a n expression o f faith a n d an o p p o rtu n ity for socializing.

T h e Stages o f a B o d liis a ttv a ’s Progress In the oldest M a h a y a n a sutrast a b o d h isattv a's progress tow ard e n lig h t­ e n m e n t was described w ith th e s a m e stages used to ch aracterize a sraw£<jfs practice. F o r exatu p le, in th e Tay-h-sing pan-jo fhtng (7*224, Lokakse-

m a s 179 u . t . tra n sla tio n o f the Affasohasrikd PP*), a bodh isattv a is said to h e a r ihe perfection o f w isd om a n d then prog ress ih ro u g h such stages as s tr e a m - e n tra n t, o n c e -re tu rn e r, n o n r e tu r n c r , and arhat In th e Ta-p*m pait-jo ching ( T 223, K u m a r a j i v a ’s 401 c .z . tran slatio n o f the Pancavimfalisahasrikd-PP*) a n d the (Shih-ti chtng (jT 2fl7, Dotgbhfimikasutra*), rhe stages of e n lig h te n m e n t a re discussed in term s u n iq u e to M a h a y a n a . A M a h a y a n a e x p la n a tio n o f e n lig h te n m e n t is included in the Tao-hsing pan-jo ching. A m o n g rhe stages describ ed that a re not found in N ikaya B udd hist sou ices a re the arisin g o f the asp iratio n (p attain e n lig h te n m e n t (badhicitta-utpdda)f the stag*1 o f n o n ret regression (aoawarhka), acquiescence to the ir u ih that dharmas hav e no o rig in atio n (anuipar tika-dharma-kpduli), b eco m in g a pi'i nee » r chaste youth (kumara-bhiimi), co n secratio n (abhiteka), a n d she assu ran ce o f B u d d h ah o o d in the next life (rka-jdli-pratiboddha). T h e se stages a re not yet sy stem atized in the Hstao-p 'in pan-jo ching ( T 2 2 1 1 K u m a r a jiv a 's tra n sla tio n o f AtfasahasrtkaP P '). T h e stages o f co n secratio n an d the assu ran ce o f B u d d h a h o o d in the next life w ere ad o p ted from bio graph ies o f th e B u d d h a by Maha* y a n a th in kers A d v a n c e d bod hisattv as w ho a re close to a tta in in g Budd h a h o u d a r c b e li e v e d to h a v e r e a c h e d th e s e si a g e s.

T h e stages o f non retrogression an d acquiescence to the tr u ih that dharmas have no orig ination a p p e a r in m a n y M a h a y a n a aufau and are i m p o rt ant 1evel s o f p ra t t ice. A nti tpattika-dhorma -ftfanfi re fers to the degree of e n lig h te n m e n t th at results in the assu ran ce th at dhanntu are not orig in ated. It is a n acquiescence o b ta in e d th ro ug h e n lig h te n m e n t co n cern in g nonsubsiantiEility. anti according to som e sources results in en te rin g the stage of n c n re tro g re ssio n . T h e se stages o f e n lig h te n m e n t a re typically M a h a y a n ist; how ever, m o dern scholars are still u n d ecid ed a b o u t w h eth er th eir origins a re to be found a m o n g Early M a h a y a n a th in k e rs o r a m o n g g ro u p s th at praised th e B u d d h a (C h. tian-jo slung). T h e stage o f the chaste y o u th (kumare-bhumi) ap p e a rs frequ en tly in the Ta-p'tn pan-jo thing ( T 223, Pantavintjattsahasrtkd-PP*)-, it is also included in the ten a b o d e s (C h, s k ih th u ) (see below )r In the Ta p 'in pan-jo thing, it j s ex p lain ed as r c ie r n n g to a ho dh tsa(tv a w ho is lead in g a chaste an d ascetic life.1 In ihis stage the b o d h isattv a is c o m p a re d to a y o u th or p rin ce becausc he has practiced a n d realized the stages o f acquiescence to the n o n o rig in a tio n o f dharmax an d non retrogression. H e is like a y o u n g m a n w ho has b e c a m e p rin c e of ihe D h a r m a a n d will soon rise to the position o f B u d d h a . T h e iHidhisattva M a n ju s r i is called " M a n ju s r ik u m a r a b h u i a ” a n d is often view ed as h a v in g a tta in e d this stage, (In the case o f M a n ju s ri, the te rm seerus to refer to his celibacy a n d asceticism .) T h e se stages received scattered con sid eratio n in Early M a h a y a n a texts. M o re system atic fo rm u latio n s are also fo u n d in w hich the stages

w ere o rgan ized in to lour, five, o r ten stages ( h h u m t ) o r im o te n abodes, i n b io graph ies o f the B u d d h a such as the M ahdfaslu o r Fo peti'hstng chi* ching ( T 190f A bkm fkram attasuirsf), the following four basic practices of the b o d h isattv a w ere tre ated as stages: sincerely practicing good such as the ten good precepts, vow ing to attain B u d d h a h o o d , m a ste rin g the six perfeeiions, a n d a tta in in g the stage of n o n re tro g re s s io n .6 T h e ten stages w ere also m e n tio n e d in bio graph ies o f Ihe UuHdha T h e Following d escription o f the bod h isattva is Typical: " H e served the v ario u s Budd h a i a n d a c c u m u la te d u n lim ited m erits. F o r eons, he strove a n d p e r ­ fo rm ed the practices o f the ten stages; in his next life he will attain Buddhahood” (Pa pm-hsing cfa-ching, 7 3 : 4 6 3 a). A m o n g the extant b io g ­ raph ies, the len stages a re fully e n u m e r a te d only in the Afa h a a a s tu .7 T h e sim plest list o f the stages o r the b o d h is a ttv a hs practice is found in the Hsiao f?'in pan-jo thing (7*227, Aptajahturika-PP*),1 T h e following four types o f b o d h isattv a are listed: th e b o d h isattv a w ho has just developed the asp iratio n to attain e n lig h te n m e n t (prathamaydnti samprosihitha)t the b o d h isattv a w ho is practicing the six perfections (C h. k jin g iiu po-io-mi), ihe b o d h isa ttv a w ho has a ita in e d the stage o f non ret regression (avinivarianiyojj a n d the hodh isattva w h o will attain B u d d h ah o o d in his next life (eka-jdti-pratibaddha). A lthough it is a sim ple list, it is different from th e stages o f progress for the srdvakaj T h e list o f four types o f b o d h isattv as la te r ap p e a re d in m a n y o th er M a h a y a n a scrip tures in c lu d in g the litp 'm p a n y o thing ( T 223, Paiuaoiytiatis3liaBik£-PP*). Later* [jihcr stages, such as thai o f the fmvako, w ere in co rp o rated in to these lists. T h u s a typical list n f four stages w ould he w o rldling (fifihagjana), srdvaka, pratytkabuddha, a n d B u d d h a, S om elim es (he stage of b o d h isattv a was a d d e d before the B u d d h a , m a k in g a total o f five stages,1 A n early version o f this list ii found in th e Hsiao-p 'in pan-jo ching It was la te r ad o p ted for use in the 7a-p'tn pan-jo ching, w here a highly dev eloped version o f the four types o f b o dh isattv as was p r e ­ sented, T h e four stages w ere ex p an d ed to m ake ten stages, seven or eig ht o f w hich m a y b e a tta in e d by both HTnayana a n d M a h a y a n a practiiioners. C o nseq uently, this list was callcd “ the ten stages held by both H ln a y a n is ts a n d M a h a y a n is ts ." T h e relaiion ship o f these te n stages to the original five is show n in F ig u re 6. K u m a ra jfv a translated the first stage (fakhnuktrfoiii'bh& m i o r p u re insight) as kan-hui (dry w isdom ). A ccording to the Ta-ckih-tu iun ( T 2 5 :586a j MahdprajndpdrajnKopadesa), w isdom at this si age is not yet n o u r ­ ished by the " w a t e r " o f m e d ita tio n an d e n lig h te n m e n t can noi be real ized In (he second stage, gotra-bhumt (fam ily), the p ath o f the p r a c ­ titioner is determ in ed ; he p e rfo rm s the practices o f th e srdvakc, pratyekabuddha. o r b o d h isattv a p ath , and thus en ters a p artic u la r " f a m il y ” o f

Figure 6. T w o Sets of Stages Inclusive of Both Hmayanists and Mahayinist& Five stages 1 Worldling

T e n stage* of th e Tn-p rm pan-j& ching

1. Pure insight 2. Family (gotra-bhumi)

5. Eighth man (aMHnaka-bhiimi) \ Imighl (tforsana-bhumi)

2 • Sravaka

3. Pralyekabuddha 4. Bodhisattva 5. Buddha

5. Weakening (tanti'bfturTJt) 6 . Separation from desire (aiLiTdga-bhitmi) 7- Accomplishment (krtdi'i-bhuTni) 8. Pratytkabuddha-bh umi B^Oiua-ili'a-bhumt ] 0. Huddha■hhuti\i

p ractiiio n crs. In th e th ird stage the mtpata as " e ig h th m a n " en ters th e p ath o f in sigh i (dariana-mdTga) a n d becom es a c a n d id a te for stream e n tr a n t (rhe eighth a n d lowest stage o f th e four paths a n d th e ir four fruits that c u lm in a te d in a/^atfiood). H e thus e n te rs th e stages o f (he sage (atya). F o r the b o d h isattv a, e n te rin g the p ath o f insight is equivalen t to seeing th e tru e n a tu r e o f p h e n o m e n a a n d atta in in g the stage of acquiescence to the (ruth o f the non origin atio n o f dharmas. T h e fourth s ta g e , darsana-bhUmi (insight), co rresponds to th e fruit o f s tr e a m - e n tra n t fur the irdoaka. F o r the b o d h isattv a, it is the stage o f non retrogression following acquiescence to the tru th o f the n o n o rig in a tio n o f dharmas T h e fifth stag e , Canu-bhumi (w eakenin g), co rrespo nd s Lo th e fruit of o n c e - re tu r n e r for the travaka. In it, the th ree poisons are w eak en ed. For the b o d h isattv a, it refers to the stage w h ere he has passed b e y o n d the stage o f n o n retru g ressio n but has not yet realised B u d d h a h o o d . T h e sixth stage, viiardga-bhumi (sep aratio n from desire), c o rresp o n d s to the fruit o f n o n r e t u r n e r for the swi/aka. For the bodhisattva* it signifies th e acq u isitio n o f the five s u p e r h u m a n powers. T h e seventh stage, krtdmbhumi (acc o m p lish m e n t), for th e sravaka is the acco m p lish m en t o f all that m u st be d o n e to b eco m e a n arhat T h e irduakas practices a re co m p leted , since h e does not aspire to a tta in h ig h er goals. F o r rhe b o d h isattv a, th e a tta in m e n t o f this stage js a s su ra n c e th at he will attain B u d d h ah o o d . T h e eighth stage, pratytkabuddka-bhumi, is the last stage for those w ho fol­ low pratyekabuddha practices a n d is m a rk e d by the a tta in m e n t o f th e e n lig h te n m e n t o f th e pmtyektbuAdha In the n in th stage, bodhisattvabhumi, the M a h a y a n ist cultivates b o d h isattv a practices, p articu larly the six perfections. In later texts these perfections arc described in g re a te r detail, in te rm s o f the te n stages attain ed only by bodh isalivas. H o w ­

ever, ihe ten stages a tta in e d b y b o th H ln a y a n is ts a n d M a h a y a n is ts do not c o n ta m d etailed instructions on these practices- In the te n th stage, Buddha-hhiimi, th e p ra c titio n e r has attain ed B u d d h ah o o d . T h e ten stages described above illustrate practices for all th ree vehi­ cles a n d thus a rc called Llihc te n stages held in c o m m o n / 1 A n o th e r set of ten stages describes th e degrees of practice a n d a tta in m e n ts u n iq u e to bodhisattvas, T h e concept o f stages exclu sively for bo dh isattv as is fo u n d tn the b iog rap hies o f the B u d d h a as part o f the description o f SSkya* m u n i B u d d h a 's practices a n d his prog ress tow ard en lig h ten m en t. A lth o u g h ten stages a re actually listed o n ly in the Mahaiastn. the Lofcot ta ra v a d in b io graph yHthe co ncept o f a set o f te n stages is allu d ed to in all o f th e o th e r biographies o f the B uddha. D escriptions o f the ten stages w ere developed p rim a rily by followers o f th e AvaUiTnsakasutm. In the F usa pen-yth ching ( T 2 9 J ) t an early version o f this system , the ten abodes {dativthdra?) w as ex p ou nd ed . T h e descriptio n o f ih e ten stages (da&bhu mqyafr) reached its final form in the Shih-ti ching ( T 285-287* DasabhiimikasutTo*). Because these stages a re only for bo d h isattv as, (he system m a y be considered an elaboration o f th e four types o f b o d h isattv a described in the Ilsiav-p 'in pan-jQ ching ( T 227, Aftcsdhasnkd-PP* )r T h e ten stages found in the DusabhumikasiStra are describ ed below. In the first stage, pramiidhitd-bhumi (th e joyous)* the p ra c titio n e r is joyful because he has o b ta in e d correct know ledge o f M a h a y a n a practice. In the second stage, Pimalabhtimi (th e im m acu late), th ro u g h ob serv ing the p recep ts he rem oves m a n y o f the defilem ents from his m in d . T h e ten good precepts are listed in this section. As he prog resses, he m asters cfharani a n d his wisdom becom es clearer; he thus reaches the th ird stage* prabhdkctri-bhuTni (the rad ian t). T h e fourth stag e is called arcifmati-bhumi (th e blazing) b ecau se the defilem ents are b u r n e d by th e fires o f w isdom. Since th e m ore subtle d efilem en ts are difficult to s u b d u e , th e fifth stage is called suduTjayd-bhumi (ex trem ely difficult to c o n q u er). As he p ro ­ gresses in his practice, he realizes wisdom a b o u t D e p e n d e n t O r i g i n a ­ tio n ' this sixth stage is called &bhmukh\-bhHmi (facing w isdom ). In the seventh stage durangama-bhUmi (the far-going)> th e p ra c titio n e r has cut ufT th e d efilem en ts o f ;h e th ree realm s a n d thus is far rem o ved from the th ree realm s- N ex t, he m ed itates on n o n s u b sta n tia lity (silnjuitd), but b ecau se his m e d ita tio n is p ro fo u n d , he has difficulty in freeing him self from the n eg ativ e aspects o f nonsubstantialiiy, H e finally Trees him self only w h en th e B u dd has en co u rag e an d a d m o n ish him by to u ch in g him on th e top o f his h ead . In this stage he has surpassed th e arhais a n d praiythibwldhai. From lhe eighih stage o n w a rd , practice is a n atu ral p a rt of his actions a n d progress is effortless. In the eighth stage, non dis­ c rim in a tin g know ledge o p erates freely a n d u n d is tu r b e d by any defile-

mejnts. T h is stage is c o n s e q u e n tly called acald-bbumi (th e im m o vable). In the n in th stage, j(adhuntttii-bftumi (good intelligence), th e p ra c titio n e r is ab le to p reach elo q u en tly a n d convert o th ers w ilh perfect case* T h e te n th stage m a rk s th e com p letio n o f th e dharmakdya (b o d y ol the p h a r m a ) . Like space, this " b o d y ” has no lim its. Because its w isdom is tike a clo ud , the ten th stage is called (fharmatntghd-^tumi (clyud o f (he D h a r m a ). T h e te rm "bhihni" literally m e a n s "ground,"* b u t it is used in these lists to m ean " s t a g e / ' W h e n a person perform s religious practices, h r progresses th ro u g h a c o n tin u u m ; b u t at tim es he arriv es at a seem in g im passe. T h e n he will break th ro u g h a n d progress rapidly. T hose stages o f rap id progress a rc called bfiurtii. A bhumi Functions like soil o r the e a rth in so far as ir has the p o w er to pro m o te grow th lo o th er stages. A bhtiml thus p ro v id e s the basis for practice a n d p re p a ra tio n to reach Ehc stage above it. F ig u re 7 is a co m p a ra tiv e chart show ing (he ten stages listed in v ario u s sutras

T h e B o d h isa ttv a O rd e rs T w o types o f M a h a y a n a b o d h isattv a a re d istin gu ished in M a h a y a n a lit­ e ra tu re : Jay a n d m on astic. T h e m o n astic b o d h isattv a m odel was the y o u th (ku im ta ) w ho p ra c tic e d religious austerities a n d lived a celibale life, No precepts specifically for the m onastic b o d h isattv a seem to have existed. In (he o ld er M a h a y a n a lexis the p rcccpts m e n tio n e d are all lay precepts. T h e ten good precepts are cited m ost often, bui they are somelim es c o m b in e d with (h r five lay precepts o r the eight lay precepts o bserved on upcsalha days. In add ition , the te rm s
Dasabhumika

P ’u-sapen-yeh ching ( T 281)

Mahavastu

Perfection of Wisdom

T e n Stages

T e n Abodes

T e n Stages

T e n Stages

1. Pramuditd (joyful)

Fa-i (aspiration to enlightenment)

Durdrohd (difficult to enter)

Suklavidarsana (pure insight)

2. Vimala (immaculate)

Chih-ti (well-regulated abode)

Baddhamdla (fastening)

Gotra (family)

3. Prabhdkan (radiant)

Ying-hsing (religious practice)

Puspamandild (adorned with flowers)

Aftamaka (eighth m an)

4. Arcismati(blazing)

Sheng-kuei (noble rebirth)

Rucira (beautiful)

Darsana (insight)

5. Sudurjaya (difficult to conquer)

Hsiu-ch 'eng

Cittavistara (expansion of the mind)

Tanu (weakening)

6. Abhimukhi(facing wisdom)

Hsing-teng (ascending)

Rupavati ((lovely)

Vitardga

7. Durangama (far-going)

Pu-t ’ui (nonretrogression)

Durjaya (difficult to conquer)

Krtavi (accomplishment)

8. Acald (immovable)

T ’ung-chen (chaste youth)

Jamanidesa (ascertainm ent of birth)

Pratyekabuddha

9. Sadhumati(good intelligence)

Liang-sheng (crown prince)

Yauvardjya

10. Dharmameghd (cloud of the D harm a)

/

(completion of practice)

(separation from desire)

Bodhisattva

(installation as crown prince)

P ’u-ch'u

Abhisekata

(last birth before Buddhahood)

(consecration and coronation)

B uddha

d h a focused on w orship, as is d escribed in th e “ C h a p t e r un P u re Praclitc s in i h t H ua-ytn thing ( 7 ' 278-279., Avalamsakasutra).11 T h e se stupas. gen erally situated in villages, w ere visited by lay b od hisattvas w ho w ould give alm s, w o rsh ip at the stupa, a n d receive instructions from m on astic bo d h isattv as. T h e forest ceniers (drartydyatana) w ere situated aw ay from the d istractio n s o f the villages a n d w ere m ainly centers ol m e d ita tio n . Y ou ng er m o n a stic bodh isattv as w ould receive in stru c tio n in the practice o f religious austerities am i g u id a n c e from ;i m o re ex p eri­ enced m e m b e r o f the g ro u p who w ouki act as p r r c e p to r (upadhytiya). in this respect, the m o nastic b o d h isattv as w ere o rg a n iz e d in a fashion si mi la r to th at u f the o rd e rs o f N ik ay a B uddhism - A cco rd in g to passages in the Yu-ch:a ckang (h t (king ( T 32 2-3 23 , UgTadaitapariprtchii) a n d the Shift* tftu p \-p Q-iha tun ( 7 ‘ I5'2l, D & hbhum kivibhdw ?, a ttrib u te d to Najjarj u n a ) , m o nastic hodhisartvas led ascetic lives I he lay b o dh isattv as in M a h a y a n a B ud d h ism played an influential role. Tn the Vimaldklrtititrdtsar the la y m a n V im alakirti p reach ed ihe D h a rm a . J n t h c Yu-chw chang cht thing, th e n a m e s o f te n m erch an t lead ers such as U g r a d a tta are listed, an d in the Pan'chou san-met chtng ( T 4 l G - i l 9 . BkadTapaliHutTa), a g ro u p of five h u n d r e d m erch an t leaders, in clu d in g B fiadrap ala, is n oted A lthough ihe m e rc h a n ts m en tio n ed in these stitras w ere p ro b ab ly not all historical figures, the m a jo r role o f such figures in M a h a y a n a scriptures reveals th at som e lay bo dh isattvas m u st h a v e a tta in e d p ro fo u n d levels o f e n lig h te n m e n t. Because M a h a y a n a d o ctrin c w ould have m ad e it difficult lor b o d h i’ sattvas to p a rtic ip a te in o rd e rs wilh H in a y a n a m o nk s a n d lay believers, (he b o d h isa ttv a s form ed th eir ow n orders. Passages frequ en tly a p p e a r in M a h a y a n a texts strongly c a u tio n in g against allowing srao^taydna atti­ tu d es to arise. T h e Shih-chu p 'i-p ro-sha tun ( 7 f 26:93a) w arns th at u falling to the stage o i i'rduaka-bhiimi o r pratyeiabuddha-bhtimi is tailed the death of (lit: bo dh isattv a. It is callcd the toss of e v e ry th in g ." T h e very fact that M a h a y a n a B u dd hists referred lo N ikaya B ud d h ism b y the d e ro g a to ry ep ith et “ H i n a y a n a " (in ferio r vehicle) would hav e m a d e c o m m u n a l liv­ ing anti practice very difficult. M oreov er, since Early M a h a y a n a Bud* d hism was p rim a rily lay in ch aracter, it did noi have to d e p e n d u p o n the m o n astic o rd e rs o f N ikaya B ud d h ism to survive. In the o p e n in g passages u f M a h a y a n a SutrtiS, the a u d ien ce th at has assem b led to h e a r the B u d d h a s teaching is alw ays described. M onks a re m e n tio n e d Eirst, followed by the n u n s , pious laym en t a n d pious layw o m en T he n a m e s o f the bod hisattv as in the a u d ien ce a rc listed last. W h e n m o nastic b o d h isa ttv a s are m e n tio n e d , th ey a rc n ev er listed to g eth er wiih th e H i n a y a n a m onks. W ith o u t exception, the o rd e rs of M a h a y a n a b o d hisattvas and H in a y a n a m o nk s arc always treated scpa-

rarely in M a h a y a n a lUltas, T h is fact indicates thai the tw o orders m u si have b een sep arate. In some M a h a y a n a texts bo th a bodhisattva gana (b o d h isattv a g ro u p ) a n d a bhik^U'Smg/u1 ( o rd e r o f m on ks) a re m e n ­ tioned, in d icatin g th at the M a h a y a n a o rg a n iia iio n s at this tim e were called gana. T h e te rm “bodhisailva-sarigha" also occurs in som e texts. T h e term s “gana'' a n d "sarigha" w ere b o th used ar tfm tim e to refer to religious u rb an izatio n s a n d h a d sim ilar m ean in gs, T h e existence a n d details o f th e bodhisattva'gana m u st be d e d u c e d from scanty e v id e n rc . N o con crete descriptions o f the o rg an ization o f these group?) a re found in M a h a y a n a suit/is or sdstras. O n ly in the SAth-cAu p Vp ’o'sha tan ( 7 ’ 15 2 11 Ddiabfitimikaoibkdfa*t a ttrib u te d to N a g a rju n a ) is i he re ev en a sm all a m o u n t o f in fo rm atio n . T h e early M a h a y a n a o rg a n i­ zations sccra to hav e function ed w i t h an incom plete n r small set o f rules. C onsequently, they la te r ad o p ted ihe rules used by the H in a y a n a m onastic o rd ers.

NOTES

C h a p te r 2 1. SafiHtdatianasaAgraha., sec. 2. ‘’Bauddhadarianam.” 2. Matsu nam ih "Seisin no gorokn” :; Nakamura, "Sariputta ni daihyo sareru saishoki no Bukfcyo," pp. 455-466. 3. Sarbadarjamuarigrii/tti, see. 3. MArhatadarsanann M 4. M ^tSUIla m i, “Dtisqvcyartyv suUq Jm na SdfnS 5. Mahaianua, pp. ix—Ixiii. 6r Jam b ii Jl Buddhas und Mahavira* N irvan a/’ pp. 322-332^ 7. Kanakura, lado kodat seisAinsht, p 33>tf. 8. Ibid,, p. 347; F d C h 'ang fang, Li'taizan-poochi, T 49:9.‘5b. 9. U ih lhButsumctsu nendairon/3 p. 5f, 10. Nakamura, '‘Mauriya odio no ncndai ni Tsuiu." For rrsearch on the roya] families of ancient India, see Nakamura. Indb kodaiihi, vol. 5, p Z43f.; Tsukamoio, Sftufr Bukkyo kyodanshi no knkyU, p. 6?f. For [he m aterial on the dais of the dearh of ihe Buddha, sic ibid , p 27f. ; L am ent, HisUnre dut Bouddhiimr lfiditnr pp. 13—15, 11. Ui, "Agn.n no seiritsu ni kansuru ko^atsu,11 p. 394f. 12 Miyamoto, J'Gedatsu to nehan no kertkyu.” 13, Yamaguchi, Bukkyo thiso nyumon, p, l2Sf. 14. Fujira, " S a r jn nfi seiril&u ni tsuitt: by aku abibkilSki ktgenko/' pp. 9! - lOOi Sakurabc, "Engaku ko," pp. 40-51. C h a p te r 3 1. According t o Ui Kakuju, the most basic ekm cm s o f lhe Buddha's ihuught w r c lhai all lamskaraj were impermanent, that al] was mlk'nftg, and that a]I

phenomena were nun substantial (“ Genshi Bukkyo shiryorcm,’* p. 224). Watsuji Tetsuro hui argued Lhal [he Buddha's (IiDj^Ik cannot hi- distin^jished fnim tha! o f hi? disc iples (Centhi Btikkyd nojissen tyftttgtku, p. 361 ). 2. For ntn'dna, See Miyaninlti, "Gfdfltsu lo nrh^ii no kenkyu." 3. For the Middle Path, ice Miyamoto, Konpowhu toku, p ?G5f_ 4. For Sakyatnuni's views on castehsee Fujita, "Genshi Bukkyo m okeiu shisci byodoron,” pp. 55-61. 5. For [he leaching of nu-Self, see Hirakawa, H'M uga m shuiai.'h pp. 3H1421 i and idem, "Shoki Bukkyo no rin ri/' pp 45-74 6 For dhvtiiui. Hirakawa, "Shohom uga no h o / ' pp 396-411, and idem, "Genshi Bukkyo rti. okeru Jho’ no imi," pp. 1-25. 7. For ihe teaching Thai ihe mind is originally pure, see Hirakawa, Skoki Datjo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 200-217. R. For the l i m m - f l l i r u t , set Funnhajhi Issai, Ctnshi Bukkyo shisa na W p , pp

! 8 4 * 2 0 S ; and Hirakawa, ‘'Shingedalsu yo-ri sliingedalsu e no tenkai,'h

p 57f. 9. U i , “ Genshi Bukkyo shiryoron.” p. U35. Chapter 4 1. For Ihe harmonious JdiifAa, see Hirakawa. Gemhi Bukkyo no kenky», pp. 295-300, 2. For ihe mngha. sec ibid., pp, 1-92. For the hodhifatlva gana, see Hirakawa, .'ihfidii iDaijo Bukkyo nt>kenkyu, pp. 777-fllJ. 3. For the eighl weighty rules, see Hirrtkawit, Gen*ht Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 520-525. 4. For the (lumbers of precepts ijt the various Viriayas, See Hirakawa, Ritsuze jukenkjti, pp. 430-478. 5. Hirakawa, Censhi Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 454-501. C h a p te r 5 1. For the First Council, see Akanumu, Bukkyo kyoten ihircn, p. 2f_; Kanakura. indo ehusti setsJuiuM, vol. 2, p. 19+>fr; Tsukamolo, Shoki Bukkyo kyodenshi no kenkyu, p. 17 5f. ■Prjyluski, U ContiU de RifQgfkd 1. For discussions of ihe oldest strata of the Agoms* and (he Virmya, see Ui, ‘Genshi Bukkyo shiryoron," pp. 112-260, Waisuji, Genshi Bukkyo nojitm I tetougeku, ''Introduction” ; Hirakawa, Riuuzo no kenkyu, pp. )-J 13; Oldcnbcrg, The Vuiayapifakt, pp. ix-3vi; Rhys Davids, Buddhist Indie, p< l?6f. 3. For the organiiaiion of the Vimyapifaka, see Hirakawa, Ritsuta no kenkyu., pp. 417-509, 59J-6694. For literature on the Vinaya, see ibid., pp. 58-113. 5. For the problems in detet mining the schuol to which the Tstng-i a-han thing belongs, see Hirakawa, Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu. pp. 29-46. 6. For ihe Organization of the sutra-pilnke, sec Maeda hgaku, Genifti Bukkyo Kiten no seiritsushi kenkyu, p. 619f.

7.

For a study of Pah Buddhist literature, see Geiger, Pah Littratui und

Sprachr a. For Sanskrit texts of the Agamas, see Yam ad a, Bongo Buiten m ihahunhn, p p . 32-55, 9. H o rm le . Manuscript Remartf of Buddhist I.iUraiurt Found erc EasUrn Turkeitan. For publishing information on the manuscripts discovered bjr the GwtnMi expedition, see W aldsehm idt, Sanikrithandstfoiflen am dtn 'Ihrfnnfunden, vol. 1, pp. xxvi-xxxii. 10. M aeda B p k u , Genshi Bukkyo icitfn rrt>sariUuiht p 4H2f. C h ap ter 6 1. M iyam oto, Konponctiu iokiif p 37C 2. For Buddhism after the death of the Ruddhft, see Mawia Kgaku, Gettiht Bukkyo setten no setnlsusht kenkyu, p a n 1. 3. For poiittcaJ history, sec K anakura, Indo kodai seishimht, p. 33Bf,-t Nakam u m , Indo kodaishi, vol. 5, pp. 243f. and 277f.; Tsukam oto. Shoki Bukkyo kySdanthi no kenkyu, p. 62f 4. For the Sccond Council, see Tsukam oto, Bakkfc kyddfMshi no kmkyu, p. 208 f., Akrumniit. Bukkya kyaten stitron, p. t!4f.' Hiraltawa, Ritsuzo no pp. 67 N 73 3, K analtura, Indo chusti snihintht, vol. 2, p. 2 l 6 f . , Ho finder, Etude su t

it comile d t Vaisali,

5. For the "rcn points" of rhe Vinaya, see K an ak u ra. "Ju ji hiho ni taisuru shobuha kajshaku no ido.M fj. A kaim m a, Indo Rukkyu koyti mtiihijiten, pp. 25-28

C h ap ter 8 T h e iisc itf th r term "niiaju " to m ean " je h o o l” is found in I-ih in g ’l Record oj the Buddhist Religion as Praeiittd tn India and the Malay Archipelago (T 5 4 :205a), ! ■ rh in o 's Mahhiyutpalti, and V aiU lU ^n ’l &a.mnyabhtdapa.tatai\ntnkia It (Iocs not seem to a com m on usage in the T heravada tradition, however 2- Ui. " Hutsumclau n endairon.1' pp. J - | ] J; N akam ura, Inda kodauhi, Naka­ mura Hajimesemku, vol. 6, pp, 409-437. 3 Ba rea u , Lei Sectfi bouddhiqucs da Ptttt Yihic\dtl p p . 3 09- 3 11). 4. I-ching, Mahaiytitpatti, ed, Ogihara Unrai as Bonkan taiyoku Hukkyojtlen, p. 2^4, I-ching, Nan-hat (hi-kutt net-fa thuan, 7 ’ H ;20 4 c-2 0 6 b ; English translation: A Record oj the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and lhe Malay Archipelago, pp. i-2 0 . I.

Chapter 9 I. In Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga, chap. 3. v, 96, p. 87, and chap 14, v. 71, p. 381, ihe Terms
2 In [hr inttwluCMdH o f the thr position that thr ahhidharrna i; (be Buddha's [tael 11eil; as forcefully argued ( T 15+5, 27A i-c ). 3, For the KfudTaAtt'piiaki see Lamotte, His tour du Bouddhisme Inditn, pp Z74|7f>; M ar da Egafcu, Cemht Bukkyc sfittn no seirifsusftt ktrtkyv, p. &B1T. 4. Mizuno, L"Piri seiten srLriesu.shjjo ni okeru Mugegedo oyobi gishaku no chii.” 5r MilindiipQUha (Tht Qut}(tern of Milinda) was published by V, Trcnkner. A Siamese edition aiso can l>c used. The text has also been translated into Japanese. See M iiuno, "M irinda mnnkyo-rui ni riuiie,h‘ pp. 17-55; and Makamura's derailed study, indo lo Gtrisha to t\o shuo koryu The Petakopadtm, translated by Nyanamoh as Tht Pitaka-di rftofwtt and the Ntttipakarpnti, translated by Sfyanamoli as Tht Guidt, have buih been published by the Pali Text Society. Also see Miituno, " Pttokopadtsa ni isu iie ," pp. 52-68; Ogihara, Ogihara Vnrai bunshu, p. 206f.; Sato Ryojun, " NttttpaJuitana ni isuite," pp. 124-126. (j. Same of ihe manuscripts discovered by the German expedition id Turfan were published UI Waldsehcuidtj Sanskritftandiehnflm ctuj dm TurfanfuTidm Re­ cently. Sanskrit fragments of ihe Sarigitiparydya have been published in Dai Sangitiiutra und sdn Kommmtar Sangiiipoiyaya; and in Das Paneaivutukam un/i die

Pantaiaitukavibhdfd 7. Eakasaki, ' “Remarks on the Sanskrit Fragments of the Abhidhan^a-dharmaikantihtifradasastfa, "1 pp. 3J-41 (left); and Dhcrmaskandha, edited by Siglinde D titz as Fragmtntedn Dharrricukartdha: on Abhidharrnn-Thxt \n Sanskttt out Gitgit, 8 . Bareatt, "l^es Origines du SSriptitrabhidbfnrtaJiftTt," pp. 69-95; Mizuno, "Shanhotsu abtdonron ni [aui,teH pp. 10 9 - 134. 9. Hirakawa, e d ., 5arj 'yaku taisho Kmhawn mkuin, vol. 3, pp. ii-x. 10. See note 6 of this chapter, 11. Vama^uchi, irjAjrj noJogoron; Vasubandhu, Karmaiiddhi-prakaTana, irans. E, Lamotte, pp. 151-171: Vasubandhu’# Pancajkandhaprakarana of Vasubandhu. ed. Shanti Bhik;u Sastri Also see Yamaguchi, f<Scshm no Shakukiron nitsuiie,” pp 35-68, idem, "Uaijo hi- Butiusetsu ni taisuru Scshm no ronpa: .SAdiu^i'ntfji daiyonsho ni t a L s u r u ichi kaidai," p. 2b9f The above two studies by Yamajjuchi are included in Yomaguthi Summit Bukkyogaku bunthS. C h a p t e r 10 I . Sakurabe, Kushaton AO kenkyu, p. 23f. 2For m&t?kA, see ibid., p. ; Akannma, Bukkyo kyoten ihiron, p. 113f.; and Miyamoto, D&ijo to shojo, p- 72 Bf. 3. For dhunms, see Wainiji, "Bukkyo ni okeru ho no gainen to ku ben* flhSho,hh p. 461f.; Kanakura, "Bukkyo ni okeru ho no go no gcn'i to hensen1' and “ Bukkyo ni okeru bo n o i mi,” p. 831. \ anti Hirakawa, “ G trslii Bukkyo ni okeru 'ho' no imi,” pp. 1-25. 4 For a discussion of absolute and conventional eKistenceh see Hirakawa, "Sctsu issai ubu noninshikinon/1 pp. 3-1?,

5. Kur iheories ^boUl unconditioned dharmtto prevented by thr various u'luiuLs, Sec Mi^Unu, "M uiliu in [Suilch" p[>. 1-11. 6. For a discussion of (he mrnial faculties, see Kaisumata, Bukkyo ni okeru ikinihiktsdiii no ktnkyus p p . 3 I 9 - 4(> ] ■ (in d M i z\i no , Ptin Bukkyo wo thuii n io shita Ruk\yt> tUp shjnihikiTtm, chap. 3. 1. For a full discussion of concepts in Nikaya Buddhisia lhai may have served as forem iwert to a&gfa-nfnme, see Katsumata, Bukkyo ni okeru shiushiki' settu m kenkyu, pp. 5 13-559. Kaisumatadiscusses Early and Nikaya views that the mind is innately pure on pp 463-485 8. For * discussion of the iiuiantantous exiitciHt o\ dhmmas, sec H i n l d w i , " U rc d u n a to seisunanuisu," pp. 159-3 70.

Chapter 11 1. T he disruKtmns of cosmoloijy, rebirth, and the twelve links ol Dependent Original ion in ibis chapter are based on lhe “ C h ap ter on Cosrnoloijy'' of the Abhidhnrmakoia. T h e presentation of the six causes h four conditions, and five eJTccis is based tin ktTikyu, p. 475 f ; and Kinuira, Gaishi Bukkyo skisawt, Kimtira 'laiken zenshii, vol. 3* pp. 363-44B.

Chapter 12 1. For studies of karm a, sec K im ura. Shojtf Bukfyi no sAistron, Kimura Taiksrt temhu, vol. 5, pp. 495-657; A kanum a, " G o no ken k y u /' Bukkyo kydn no kmkyu; MiwAQ, "trd scH a ni isuiie,Mpp. 463-473' Funahasht Issai, ft? nakeakjut Hirak a w s( L‘Shi>jt"» Bukkyo no rinri shiso," 2. Fur a discussion of lhe Sanskrit equivalents of ihesc terms, fee Funahaslu, Go wktnkyti, pp. 53-61, 3. For a discussion of (he essenee of the preccpls, sec Hirakawa, Ckushi Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 365-322.

Chapter 13 1 For a discussion of the fnur slagesh sec H in ltfW i, Hhoki Daijo Bukkyd no kenkyu, pp. 408-441. 3. For lhe srven purifications, M in m o , Parj Bukkyo wo tftuihin lo ihilo Bukkyo no shinshikirvn, p. 92 9f. 3. Liberation through faiih ir a (caching peculiar to T h erav ad a Buddhism; see HiraJtftwa, "S h jng ftlatju yori shingedalsu e no irnk ai,'' pp. 5 1- 68.

1. T h e (icstnplion or the political history' uf this period is based (in Kiinakura, Indo ckvsei idthinsht, vol. 2; N akam ura, tndo kodaishi, Nakamura ilajimc senihut vot. 6 ; T a b d i , Butsuto no ktgm, chap 4 Also see idem, indo nankat no Bukkyo bijutsu; Bareau, Lti Stdts bouddhtqnts du Fktit Vfhuutr, pp. 112-51' and Dult, Buddhisi Mon/u and Mvtiaitfnrs ojIndia. 2. For mure on this issue, see H irakaw a, Shoki Dairf Bukkyo no ktnkyu. pp. 661-698. 1 For the emergence
2. Sec Hirakawa, Shvkt Daijd Bukkyo no krakyti, pp. 72-93. 3. For n discussion ol the uldest Mahdyftna sCriplurcs, sec lIjhJ , pp. 98“ !33. 4 For a d isc U ss io n o f ‘"the latter five hundred y e a rs/' see ibid-, pp. 6 5 - 7 2 . C h a p t e r 16 J. For Elit1 use o f the term ' ‘ H in a ya n a '' by Fjft-hiicn and Hsiian-tsang, sec

I [][nltawM, Shoki Daifit Bukkyo no krnkyu, pp. 7(Ml-7 I ft. 2. Ib id ., p. 713. 3. Ibid., pp, 718-721. 4. H irakaw a surveys the use of ihe term isan Jo j htng in ib id ,. pp. ] 69- 170. 5

E b i d p p . 7 4 6 -7 7 5 .

6. For ihe Samayabhrdoparafanatakra, see HLgata and K im ura, *' Ketsujushi bunpashi ko." A Jap an ese translation of the T ibetan version of the tcx! can be found in Tcram oiub Chtbeitogo bunpo. 7. T h e Maheeastu was published by t . Senari from 1SR2 lo 1897. J , J. Jon es published an Fngliih translation from 1949 io 1956. Since 1963, K Basak hai issued three volumes of the (ext (Mahanosiu Ai>ajidna). For further information .'iIjLiut research, publications, anti tr a n s itio n s of this work, see Vamada, Bongo Butten no shobunken, p. 66.

ft. For information on the publication of lhe l.aUlavisiam, see Yamada, Bongo Hulltn no shobunkm, p. 67. Published too latr io be included in Yarnada'* wdrk is Lalitai'islara, cd. P. L. Vaidya. 9. O n A ivaghofa, see K an;ikurab Aftmyo no kakyu; Yarnada, Bongo Baiun no shobunktnl p. 69; Tsuji, S^nmkuriito bungakiuhir pj>. 11-17. Sdiukrlt texts o f AsvaghcKfars Buddhacaiita, Saundarananda, and lhe Sditputrapfakaiapa have bern published. T he relation b d w c t n die d i H w r r e t l l)y LudetC a nr I KumaraLata's Drsidntapanktishould be noted. ]0. A review of D ft. S. Ralley's publication of iV lju n ta 's Sauipanatsaikaitoira by Tsuji Naoshiro can be found in loyv gdtafia 3,1, n w - 3-4 (1951). A bo .see N ara, “ Bukkyo shifin,” p. 135; K anakura, Metnyo no kenkyti, p. 92 f., and Tsuji, Sansukunilo bungakushi, pp. 17-20. 11. O n anadana, see liirakaw a, Ritiuzo no kenkyu, pp. 329-4J5. 12. O gihara has noted seventy-nine Sanskrit lents of a^addno a n d jataka talcs, the majority of them being avudanas (Ogthara Untat bunihii, p. 451 f.). For (he Sumdgadhavtuiiina, see Iwamoio, Bukkyo itlsuwa kenkyu jwiW.sij and Su»idgaddtsaddna T h r Ialter includes ihe text and studies on it. For information on ihe publica­ tion of ayadana texts, m:c Yarnada, Bongo Butten no sbobunken, pp. 61-66, Too late to be included in Yamada's bibliography are P. L. V aidyahs publications of ihe Avaddnniatoka, Dtvyaisodann, Jatakamdld of A i y a t u n , and (he Atmdanakaipotattt of K^emcndra. 13. Hijfa(a, HanshokyOTfii no shiioshUtki k*nkyu. p. 7214. M iyam oto, “ Hiyusha, Uaiioku H okku, Toju, Y untanran no kenkyu.1' pp. 117-192. 15. M iyamoto, Daijo to shojo, p. 164. 16. Yam ad a, Bongo Button no shoimnkens p. 72. ] 7, For lhe rrlnlion b rlw c tn M ahayana Buddhism and ituptu, Hirakawg, sWeAi Daijo Bukkyo no krnkyu, pp. 549"60 1; N a k a m u ra H"G okuraku jodo no kannen no fndogakuieki kaimei to Chibeitoteki h cn'yo,” pp l 3 l - l 5 3 ; and Fujita, Genshijodo shiso no kenkyu, pp. 250-253. IB. H irakaw a, Shaki Daijo Bukkyo no kmkyut pp 610-627. 19. H i ra kawa, Grnshi Bukkyo up kcnkyit, p p . 3 55 - 360. 20. Fur Ih r relation betw een i lupas and Nikaya Buddhism, see H irakaw a, i’ Aoli Daijo Bukkyo no ktnkyu, p p . 603-657, 21. O n iheorganizaiions around Buddhist siap&i, see ibid., pp. 788-796. 22 O n thebodhiiatlwigana, see ibid,, pp. 797-flU . C h a p t e r 17

1. Hirakawa, Sfwki Daijo BuJtkyo no ktttkyii, p . 133. 2. ShizUtanih "Konkoftiyakyo “Goshometsubon" no seiritsu ni [suite"; 'lokiya. ■'Ch ibcfl o- yak u no Bosatsuwkyo no yakucBu/ ' p 1?2f. 3. For Sanskrit te v is o f ihe Ffajndpdrfunittisutriii, sec Yamada, Bongo ButCrn no fhobiwkfn, pp. 83-90. Amonjj the works published too lale (o be mentioned in Y am ada’s work ant the Aslasdhasrikd-PP, ed. P. L. Vaidya; Suvikranlafihdmi-

panpruhd, VajTO£ihtdikdr Adhyardhaiaiikd, SuAipdkfUtd, KauSika-PP, Prajndpatamiidhrdaya, SaptasaUka, at] in Mahdydn/t-sutra^sangraha, Buddhist Sanskrit'J ext a vol. \1, AftarffLittsdhaiTikd-PPi cd. E. Ctitiic, th a p . 55-70. 4. Mochi^uki Ryoko, "Dttipihii bosatsugakuton ni iti'yo caret* Yuirnakyo Bunbun dampen ni Isu ite /' p. 1 1 2f.; Yu yam a h "K am alasila no BAdvandkrama ni in'yflsaneta Yuirnakyo," pp. 105-125. For [he Sanskrit K jIj of Ihe Aeataitisaka and its IraniU liors, sec Yarnada, Bongo Hulten no shobunken, pp. 90-92. T h e Dasabftumikjj and ihe Gantfssyuha have been published by the Mithila Institute in Buddhist Samkrit'Texts. 6 . For tht: Sanskrit texts of the Lotus Sutra, see Yam ad j, Bongo Butten no skobujtken, pp. 92-95. A Sanskrit text has aJsD been published by Mithila Institute in Buddhisi Sanskrit Texts voL 6 . 7. For the Sanskrit (r*tj, see Yamad?, Bongv fluJjm mp jW u n in j, p. % f.;

Sukhdl'vtivyuhasdlra,

ed. A . Ashik&ga;

Mahaydna-iutrQ-famgrvha,

Buddhltt Sa n -

skrn Texts vol. 17. pp. 221-253. 8 . Fujita, Genshi jodo sftiso no pp, 339-3+5; Yabuki, Amid# Butsu no kenkyu, p. 82 f. 11. H irakaw a, "IVyoraizo to shite no H u io bu satsu /' pp. 12&7-1306; idem, "A m id a butsu to Hozo busaisu.'' pp. 163-178. 10. Tsukinow a, {fatten m hihantfki kenkyu, p. 1441'.; N a k a m u r a , . / ^ 2:207' Fujitab Genshi/tido iftiso no krjJtyu, pp. J 2 1 - 136. 11 Hirakawa* ''D aijo kyoten no hattatsu to Ajaseo no se is u w a /’ p " f .; Elaynshima, "jo d o k y o nci shfijogoshokan ni tauiie," pp. 231-248. 12. For salvation through faith, sec H irakaw a, “ Shm gtdatsu yori shin^cdaisu e no tenkai,” pp, 51-68. 13. Kamndpun^arikasutra, ed. I. Yauiada. 14. Ma\lieya.iiydkarana, ed. S. Levi, pp. 38 E-422; digit Manuscripts, vol. 4, pp. 187-214; Ishikittni, "M iro k u juki wayaku," pp 35-48 15. For Sanskrit texts oE the RatnakHta, see Yamada, Bongo Button no shobunken. pp. 96-100. 1 6 . For Sanskrit fragm ents of the Mahdsajrinipdiasutm, s c t i b i d , h pp. 100-101. F o r Thtr Sanskrli icxts of T 310.47 and 397.11, see Mahdsamnipdta-rninaketu dhatani-suUa, vot. 4, Gtigit Mantstnpti, td . N. D u tt, p p . 1 -3 4 (. 17. Amnng the Farly M ahayana Sanskrit texts included in Mahdydna-iutraj nngraha. RuddEuM Sansknt T tm s, vol. 17 i r e part 8 h Sdhsiombasutja, pari 9, MadhyamakasalistambaiutTa; L i n d part 13 , Bhaifajyagunn/aidujyaprabhardjaiutra. T he Sanskrit text of ihe SamadhtTdjasutTa is included as vol. 2 of Buddhist Sanskrit Texts. T h e Sanskrit text of the FShatsajyaguruiuira was published by Duti in Gtigit Manuscripts, vol. E, pp 1-32. For additional in fo rm a tio n On Sanskrit texts dis­ cussed in iEiis section, sec Yarnada, Bongo Butten no shobunken, pp. 101 -109. IB, Yarnada, Bongo iiutten no shobunken. C h a p t e r IB I . For the doctrine iliai dir nature o f the mind is originally pure, sec H ir a ­ kawa, Shokt Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. E96-2I7.

2, Sec Hirak.iwa, Roku -h arann i t.su n o irn k .ii,” pp 23-35. 3. Fur dharaw, sec EJirakaiva, Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. £18-227. 4: For (he len i>ou^ aciiomi, see ibid:, pp. 426-474, and l l i r j k a v i ^ JlSKoki Daij o Bukkyii Tin kaiyaku tr> sliite m iju ic n tliV pp. !67-203. 5. For ftimdw, see H irakaw a, Sfiati Daijo Bukky6 no kenkyu. pp. 334-336. 6 . See ibid., p. 185. 7. For i h t ten slaves in the Mahai
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

Introduction A number ol'surveys of Indian Buddhism have been published in Western lan­ guages during this century. By far the most authoritative of these is Etienne Lantotte's H (c ir t du Bouddhismt Indim dts tmgina c t'ere i'atu, a work that covers Early and Sectarian Buddhism. An authoritative English translation. History aj Indian Buddhism, has been published Edward C o ittt’s B u d d h I t s Esstmr und /ier/fttpfTitTil and H anj Wolfgang Schumann's BuddAam: An Outline of its Teachings and Sthogh arc clearly wntten nnd suitable as inlmliiclory irxis. O n a more advanced level, Edward Conze’s Buddhut Thought tn India Three Phates of Bud­ dhist Philomphy is a good source for Buddhist thought but isoften so terse that it can be confusing. Anthony Kennedy W arder^ fnduin Buddhism is a comprehen­ sive survey discussing both history and doctrinet although the quality of its cov­ erage is uneven, particularly in the later phases of Buddhist thought. E. J. Thomas' The History oj Buddhist Thought is dated but still contains hicid explanations of Buddhism from a Theravada perspective Kanakura Yenshd's Hindu-Buddhist Thought in India is one of the few surveys dial discusses the relalionship between Hinduism and Buddhism in more than a perfunctory manner. David Kalupdhana’s Buddhist Philosophy: A Historical Analysis and A. L. Her­ man 's A n Inirodwtion to Buddhist Thoughl ■A Philosophic History oj Indian Buddhiim stress philosophical issues wilhin Buddhism. Bunion's History oj Buddhism and Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India are valuable primary sources written from a traditional perspective. Diaries by the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hsien, H siia n ■tsang, and 1 -ching have been translated into English; they are invalu­ able lirst-hand accounts of the condition of Indian Buddhism. T h e ir contents are also described in K. L. H a z ra ’s Buddhism as Desaibtdby tht Chinrie Pilgrims.

[ Kt recently publisiicd Encyclopedia of Religion c o n t a i n SCVTraJ lucid nnrl rnsighiful discuss tons of Indian Buddhism in general. Anion g ihe tn o$t note­ worthy entries are Luis Gamez's " Buddhism: Buddhism in India” (2:351-385) and "Buddhisi Literature: ExCgeSis and Hermeneutics'* (2:529-541), Andre BaTfitu's " B u d tih iM , Schools of: H inayana B uddhism ’ 1 (2:444-457), N ak a­ m ura H ajim c’s "B uddhism , School i of: M ahayana Buddhism ’ 1 (2:457-472), and H ira k a w a hs "B uddhist Literature: Survey o f T a t l ’ 1 (2:509-5129). M an y of tfiL1 entries und their bibliographical annotations are major sources for ihe Jtudent of Buddhism and should be consulted T he Encyclopedia of Religion 4 p rede­ cessor, Hastings" Ew-yclopedio of Religion rW Entities, also includes idiqc very informative entries. Several valuable reference tools for the study of Buddhism have been published. Volume 2 of L 'Inde dassique, edited by Louis ftrnmi and Jean Fillizoat, present* much valuable in formal ion on Indology and Rudd hi sm in ihe form of an encyclopedia. Paul Dcmicvillc's ) iobogirin, an encyclopedia of Rnddhism in French, has a number of very important long articles on Buddhisi log­ ics. These lopics are listed in alphabetical order under the Japanese translation of the tern] being discussed, but only a few of the possible topics lhai could have been listed are actually investigated. The Encyclopedia of Buddhiim, being published in English m Sri Lanka, is complete through the letter MB ,r This may not seem very helpful, but many Sanskrit and Kill Buddhist names and technical terms begin wiih the lirst two letlers of the alphabet. Although ihr quality of ihe Encyclopedia of Hmidhum is WievcJi, uune of its rniries ■*rr exedlent. Erik f u r t h e r '5 Buddhism; Its Origins and Spread in Waidi, Maps and Pit turn includes niripsthat illustrate the propagation of Buddhism, Nyapatiloka's fiud dhist Dictionary is the best dictionary in English for Buddhist terms used in early Indian Buddhism. Fur further bibliographical information, several major works are available including Guide to the Ruddhut Religion by Frank Reynolds et al. and R eynnlds' bibliographical essay “ Buddhism " in (he sccond edition of Charles A d a m s’ Reader’s Guide to the Great Religions (pp 156-222). T h e Guide to the Buddhist Reli­ gion is an excellent reference for a student planning a paper since il contains detailed descriptions of prim ary and secondary sources available on a variety of topics. Nakatnura Hajirne'i Indian Buddhism; A Survey ivuh Bibliographna! Notes includes num erous references to research by both Western and J a p a n e se schol­ ars. De J o n g ’s e xie naive articles "A Brief History of Buddhisi Studies in Europe and America'' and " Reecnl Buddhisi Studies in Europe and America, 19711-1983" published in Eastern liuddhut n s- 7 and 17, respectively, are a critit;il review of the development of Buddhist siudies in the West from its b e gin­ nings until recently. O th e r more specialized bibliographies or essays 011 sources are mentioned in the appropriate chapter*. Translations o f individual Buddhist lexis will Ijt menlioncd in the biblio­ graphical noies for separate chapters, but ihe existence of useful anthologies of Buddhisi lexis should be noted. The collections of lexis edited by Edward Conzc, W. T. De Bary, and Stephan Beyer all contain both Hinayana and Mahayana texts

O n e of the besi surveys of classical Indian civilization is A. L. B asham 's The Wandfj that W&S India. For historical S u r v e y s of India during the periods covered by i his book, see vol um cs E th rou gh 5 of Ihe History and Culture oj the Indian People edited by R . C. M ajum dar. M a ju m d a r^ An Advanced History oj India serves as a good survey of Indian history. Romila T h a p a r has written a n u m b e r of histori­ cal studies of these periods in c lu d in g ^ History of India, vol, 1 . Indian society at the lime of lhe Buddha i-S discussed in U m a C hau dh u ry 's The Social Dimensions oj Early Buddhism. For further sources on Indian culture and history, see M au reen Fat tersgn 1s South Anan Civilizations: A Bibliography. Fu r Vedit religion, A rth u r Keith hs The Religion and Philosophy of the Vedas and Upantshads a n d M aurice Bloomfield's The Religion of the Vida arc reliable sources. Although little is known about most of the systems of though! that existed around thr time of lhe Buddha. rich sources exist for Jaimsin. PadmnncibbJ mini's The jairm Paih of Purification is 9 clearly written and authoritative survey uf Jain a thought in English Walter Schu bring 's The Doctrine of theJaineu, Described afar Old Sources is a reliable study of early J a in a thought. A. L. Basham's History and Doetrine oj the Ajivikjfs: A Vanished Indian Religion is the defi n iIivc work on a nother trarti ■ tion at the lime of the Buddha. O th e r useful sources are S. &. Dasgupta's A His­ tory vjIndian Philosophy, D. D, Kosarnbi's lhe Culture and Civilization ojAncient India in Historical Outline, B M , Barua’s The History oj Pre-Buddhist Philosophy, and A. L. Basham's 1lT h e Background to the Rise of Buddhism"' in Studies in the Hiitory oj Buddhism, pp. [3-32. T h e Brahjnajahi'juttanliil translated as The Sacred 1Vrf, Dialogues of the Buddha, vut, 2 p and as The Discourse on thr A11-Embracing Net oj Vmta: The Brahmajala Suita and Its Commmtanal Exegesis by Bhikkhu Bodhi, contains infor­ m ation on other non-Buddhist theories of karma and rebirth wiih a critique from a traditional Buddhist perspective.

Chapter 2. The Life of the Buddha H irakawa notes that only fragments ofin fon nation on the Buddha's biograpEiy are found in most early sources. Listed below arc some of the longer passages on the Buddha's life from early sources in the Pali tradition.

Vinajiat 'lM nhavagga i" , English translation: The Book oj Discipline, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, vol. 14, pp. 1-129. Sutta-nipdia, chap. 3. p a n 1, etc*, Pabbajajuiui; English translation: Woven Cadencey, Sacred Books of lhe Buddhists, vol IS, pp 51-114; and The Group oj Dijcourses, Pali Text Society Translation Series, no. 44, pp. 691 2 fl Mahapaddnasutianta, Digha-mkdya 14; English translation. Dialogues oj the Bud­ dha, vol. 3, pp. 1-41. \fahdparimbbdna sutianto. Dieha-nikdya 16: English translation: Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. 2, pp. 7 1-191.

Ariy&pantts&nasuMa, Majjhima-nikdya '26; Middit Length Sayings, ^ol. I, pp. IJOjS219.

Alahd] aceakasutta, Ma^}h\ma-ntknya 36, M\ddit length Sayings, vt>l. I. jdtaka. vol. ] p(NkianaJcatha^yabifaij vol. 2, Avidimiddna (T.. English translationzT. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories; eKrcrpis in H. C. W arren, Buddhism ttt Translations, pp. 5-83, Mum uf these stmrccs have been translated and arrajigcd into chrort(>J<^it‘al order by Ethikkhu Nanamoli m Tht Lift oj tht Buddha as It Appears itt iht Pali Canon, Tht Oldtst Authtntit Record. Many uf these Pali lewis on the Buddha's biography have corresponding passages in ihe Chinese canon. Michiicl C -im ih f rs ' 1'he Buddhaj a n d M izuno K ngcn's Tht Btgmnijtgi of Bud dhtsm arc good popular intreductions io the biography p f (he BuddlLa. Surveyi of the term " B u d d h a " and iis interpretation j can be found in bui h and Encytloptdm ofBuddhism (3:357-380). T h e m oil exhaustive study uf the biography of ihe historical Ruddha is found in Andre B arcau 1s three -volu me Recherchei jn r ia biographic du Buddha dans Its Sutrapitaka et its Vinajiopifaka ancient T h b authoritative work can be supplemented with his article " L a Jeune«se du flnuddha plaits les Sutrapitaka ei les Vmayapitaka anciens,’h Bulletin de i'Ecolt fran^aist d ’Exircmt-Uritnt 61 (1974): 199-274. In English, E, J . T h o m as' The Lift of iht Buddha as Ltgend and History is dated and focusei On Pali sources but is still extremely valuable. Alfred Foucher's The Lift of the Buddha According to tht Ancient Ttxis and Manumtnlt of India serves as a good sup pie me n( for Thom as. N akam ura H a jim c 'l Gotama Buddha is an English translation and to n densad o n of a v^ry thorough 5
Buddhacarita. Some of the Buddha's disciples have also been the subject [if studies. MaJalesekera’s Dictionary of Pali Proper Mamwand Nalinaksha D u u hs Early Monaslie Buddhum are valuable tools for learning about the figures mentioned in the Bud­ d h a ’s biography. Among (he signiEkiint studies of ihe Buddha's ditriples anr j o h n Strong's " T h e Legend of ihe Lion Roarer: A Study of the Buddhisi Arhat Pirnjnln Bharadvaja," Ntimtn 26 (1979): 50-68, W itan ach i's " A n a n d a ," Ency clopedta of Buddhism l^V29-536, and TsukamOto Keisho's " MabiikaSyapn's Prec­ edence Lo A nanda al the Kajagfha C o u n cil/' Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studtts 1 1 , n o .? : H24-817. T he enigmatic figure of the pratytkabuddha is the subject of Ria Klop^ienborg's The Pacctkabuddha. A Ruddhtst Asctlie, K. R. N orm an's " T h e P ratyekabuddha in buddhism and Jainism /' Buddhist Studies: Ancient and Modem, pp. 52-106, and Fu|ifa Kotatsu's " O n e Vehicle o r T h ree?1' Jou rnaI of Indian Philosophy 3 (I9?5). 79-166.

TJic translations uf the Pali canon descrihed in chapter 3 jirnv iJt the siudcm with abundant prim ary source in ale rial for lhe study of this Stage of Rudd hist thought. Reynolds' Guide to ike Buddhist Religion and the bibliographies at the end of the chapters in David K atupahana's Buddhist Philosophy also provide the student with a useful guide rn sources in Ihe Nikdyas on Topics in Early buddlnM doctrine. H. C. W arren's Buddhism in Tramlatwm it a superb collection uf translation*, frum Pali sources arranged according to subject. O n e o f the best ImrcHiuctiuns to EaHjr Buddhist doctrine is Walpola R a h u l a s immensely popular What tht Buddha Taughtr which is arranged m accords nee ^vidi the Four ISTthble Truths. Minium Kogen^s Primitive Buddhism is typical of Japanese descriptions uf ihe earnest teachings. N iilir a ^ h a n u ll's Early Monastic Buddhism contains detailed studies of a num ber of topics, often with interpret at iuns from abhidharma sources- G ovind C h an d ra Pandc's Studies in tht Origins of Buddhism is a tech­ nical siudy of Parly Buddhism from a variety of perspectives Thai includes an at tempi to distinguish earlier and later passages in the texts. In addition, nil of die basic surveys mentioned in the bibliographical notes for the introduction in elude ijuud discussions of this period of Buddhist th o u g h t. Specialized studies on a variety of topics exist. For example, the topics of nirvana and enlightenment, the ultimate goals of Buddhisi practice, have long fascinated a ftumbc r o f scholars. Tom Kasuhs pruvidcs a good introduction to many issues of interpretation in LHN irv a n a /' Entyetopedia oj Rtliqion 10:4 +S- 4.SG. Earlier in this cenlury, La Vatl£e Poussin a n d Sicherbaisky argued over ihe cor reel inter-relation of nin>ana; their views and ihose of other early Western scholars are described in G uy Welbon's book Buddhist jVifPfflta and Itl tVrstfrrr intcrprtxen M ore recently R u n e Johansson has investigated the inpic from a psychological perspective in The Psychology of Nirvana J a n Ergardl (Faith and Knowledge m Early Buddhiim and Man and His Dtttin\y: Tht Rrltasr of tht Human Mind) and Lambert Schfaiithausen ( " O n Som e Aspects of Descriptions of T h e o ­ ries of HLiberating Insight' and ‘Enlightenm ent' in Early B uddhism ," Studien turn JaMumtii und Ruddhiiintis Gtdenksehtijt fiir Ludwig Atidorjf pp. 1 99-250) have Contributed impressive diudies of the presenlalion of these topics in early lests. The arhal ha.i twrn discussed m many of the above-mentioned studies as well as in I ft- H orner's Early Buddhist Theory oj Man Perjtcud and Karel W erner s “ Rndhi and Arahataphala; From Early Ruddhism to Early M a h a y a n a " in Bud■ dhtst Studies - Amient and Modem, pp, 167-181. Padm anabh J a in i compares the Ja in a and Early Buddhist views on omniscience in "On the Sarvajhatva of Mahavira and (he B uddha3h in Buddhist Studiti m Honor oj! B Homer, pp. 71-90 Dependent Origination has been discussed by a nu m b e r of scholars. Among the recent significant studies are Jo h an sso n ’s Tht Dynamic Psythohgy oj Early Buddhism, David K alup ahana’s Causality: The Central Philosophy oj Buddhism, and Alex Way m an's "Buddhisi D ependent O riginal iont" History oj Religion It) HB5-203. For an c-xpluratinn of the philosophical significance t>f no-Self

teachings, see Sicven Collins' Sdjhts Petsmf Imagery and 'I'hought in 'Theravada Buddhism, G P- Midalrsekera's nr(ide ''A nafta,1' En
t’dstioadms. O n f of i!k fullest discussions of the order is found in J o h n Moll's Discipline The Canonical Buddhism oj the Vinayapitaka. Ftir a h ritfe r survey, see Charles Preb j&h's "V inaya a n d Prfu intokjii; T h e Foundation of Buddhist Klhit's"' in Studies in the History of Buddhism, pp, H irakawa has written two major books on the V\naya and monastic discipline in Jap anese, but little of his work on this topic I’S available in English except lor an article, " T h e "IwoEold St rue lure o f Ihr Buddhist S a jp g h a /’jPfflmrflV of the Oriental Instiiutt 15* no. 2 ( 1966 ). 131 -137, and a sum m ary uf his book Ritsuiii no kenkyu |A study of the Vin&yapilaka\„ pp. J ~2f) (left), O ih e r useful works on monastic life are S ukum ar Du it's Early Buddhist Manothum and Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, G o tn ld a s D e rs Democracy in Early Buddhist Sarngha, Nalinaksha D ull's Early Monastic Buddhism, Magao GadjuTs " T h e Architectural T ™ liiio n in Buddhist M onasticism " in Studits in the History of Buddhism, pp, 18D-20B, and N. T a tia 'i ""[lie Interaction of Jainism and Buddhism and Its Impact on the History of Buddhist Monasticism "' in Studies tn the History of Buddhism, pp 321-338. T h e Hobdgmn includes two major articles on specific types ol rules: theft or chuta (3:551-558) and attempted oj lenses or churanja (3 :507>~522). Since a n u m b e r of versions of the Vmaya exist in Chinese translation, the texts ean be com pared to elucidate the development tif the canon. This approach has been followed in studies such as Pachow’s/1 Comparative Study of tht Prdtimakfa an the Basis of Its Chinese, Tibetan, Sanskrit, and Pali Versions, Pinch F ran w all tier's Tht Earliest Vinaya and tht Bt&nnings of Buddhut LfleralVtt PiebislVs ‘"The Praiimuksa Puzzle: Facts Versus F
The rule of women in Buddhism ha? ait ran ted at tent ton ill rcceni years. The classic study on ihis topic in Early Buddhism is 1 B. H orner’ s Women under Primitive Buddhism H er work has been extended in studies such as M ctna Talirn's Women in Ewiy Buddhist Litrralurr, Diana Paul's Warnerr in Buddhism, Kabilsinch's A Comparative Study oj Bhikkhunt Fatimokkha, Nancy Talk's l,The Case of the Vanishing Nuns" m Unspoken Worlds, pp, 2 0 7 -2 2 4 HJan Willis' "M nnj ,ind flirncfactrcisej: The Role of Women in iht Development of Bud­ dhism” in Women, Religion and Social Changer pp. 3 9 -8 6 , Kajiyama Yui chi's “ Wuinen in fiudilliisTn/" Eastern Buddhist 15 (|9fl?)r 5 3 -7 0 , and Andre Bareau's ,LUn Pcrsonnagc bicn my&iericux: L'Espouse du Bouddha” in Indologital and Ruddhisi Studies, pp. 3 f -5 9 , Modern Theravada order* in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia have been ihe .•subject of a number of valuable studies bjf anthropologists, soc iol ngists, and his­ torian s. Amonij the more important works are the trilogy by S. j . Tambiah

(Buddhism and iht Spirit Cults in North'tost Thailand, World Conqueror and World Rtnounctt, and The Buddhist Saints of tht Forest and the Cuii o f Amulets), Michacl Carrithers' Forest Monks of Sri lank#- An Anthropological and Historical Study; and Michael Mendelson's Sangha and State in Burma. Extensive bibliographies of these fascinating studies can be found in Reynolds' Guide to the Buddhist Religion and in two bibliographical essays by Reynolds: "F ro m Philology to Anthropol ogy: A Bibliographical Essay on Works Related to Early, Theravada and Sinha­ lese Buddhism" in The Tw& Wheels af tht Dhamma, pp. 307— 1 2 i, and "Tradition an*] Change in Theravada Buddhism /’Contributions (p Asian Studies 4 (1973): 94" 104 The third voEume o f Rechert’ s BuddhiS7nusj Stoat urtd GeseU/iehaft tn den Ldndcrn dts Theravoda-Buddhismus Includes a bibliography of close to two thou­ sand items on Theravada, C h a p te r 5 , T h e E s ta b lish m e n t o f th e E a r ly B u d d h ist C a n o n The compilation of the early canon has been discussed in [wo articles in (he Encyclopedia oj Religion, "Buddhist Literature: Survey of Texts” by H irakaw a(2: 5 0 9 -5 2 9 ) and " Buddhist Literature: Canonisation1' by L-ewis Lancaster (2: 5 0 4 -5 0 9 ). I n add it inn, reliable discu winns can be found in many of the surveys mentioned in the introduction. Gregory Schopen questions a number of assumption* *h»ui (he early un n n in “Two Problems in die History of Indian Buddhism: The Layman/M onk Distinction and the Doctrines of Transfer of M erit," Studifn ;ur fodofogie and franstik tO {J985); 9 -4 7 , Erich Frauwallner's The Earlitst Vinaya and the Beginnings o f Buddhist Literature is an important study of lhe early Vinaya Eor information on the mtrapitakas. sec D , K. Barua 'it An A nalyfiml Study of flu Four NikAyas, whi ch ton ta ins cnmparal ive charts of the Chinese Agamm and Pali tiikayas an pp. 8 -3 0 ; Thich Minh C hau’ s Chinese Agamas and the Pali Majjhima Nikaya; Mizuno Kugen’ s Buddhist Sutras. Origin, Dewlopfrvni, Transmission; Mayeda Egaku’ s "Japanese Sludics on ihe Schools of (he Chinese Agam as" in Zttr SchuUugehouigktit am Werken der Hmayana-Ltteratur, pp. 9 4 -1 0 3 ; a n d j. W. de Jon g's ,+Les Sutrapifaka des Sarvasttvadm el des Mulasarvastivadin'" tn Melanges d'lndinnnnur d ia memoirr dr I.ouis

Renvu, pp. 3 9 5 -4 0 2 . Fur Thoughtful discussions of the comparative value of ■Sanskrit texts and Chmtse (ran^larions and other issues in Buddhist literature, see Lewis Ij-ancaster's articles "Editing of Buddhist Texts" in Buddhist Thought and Asian Civitiiatm , pp. 145-151 and “ Buddhisi Literature: lis Canons, Scribes and ^dinars" in 7 Ik CriiusIStudy oj Scared Texts, pp. 2 ]5-229. A bibliography ofboiil editions of lhe canon arid secondary lilcn lu rf fin lhe Buddhisi canon can be found in Gunter Gronboldhs Der baddhistiche Kanon. Eine Ribliograpfiie Vitalya liltraluff is Surveyed in Yuyama Akira's bibliography, Vinaya-Ttxft Heinz Bechen has edilcJ a volume on the language nf Early Bud­ dhism, Thr Language oj the Earliest Btid&itt Tradition Musi nf the P ill ca n o n has been translated into English, M a n y of the t r a n s i t ct^ns are listed in ihe bibliography at the end of this book under rhe Pali ntles or I he author's niune when il is known. F o r an tntrafiuction lo lhe Pali can o n , i f f W ilhelm G eig er's Pali Literature and Language, vol. 1, pp. 8 - SB. Full and detailed discussions o f Pali literature a r c found in iwo classic surveys, B. C . L a w ’ s A History i j Pali Littrahcrw and M alalesek era’ s Tht Pali Literature oj Ceylon M o r e recent Survey* are K_ ft. N o rm a n 's very thorough Pali Literature anti Russell W eb b 's

An Analysis oj the Pali Canon.

Sanskrit Buddhisi literature is surveyed m several sources F o r H inayana texls in Sanskiil and P ia k r il, see K k . N o r m ^ ’ ii Pali Literature. YAtnAtia R y u jo ‘s H w gv Butttn no shobunitn [Sanskrit Buddhist literature] is a survey of Sanskrit M a h a y a n a texisr O th e r sources are the second volum e uf M oriz Win* ternttz's A History o j Indian Literature and J . K. N arim a n 's A Literary History o f lSajiifa j t Buddhtstn ftenou and I illizoat 'a U in d e d assiq ur co m ain s bibln>yraphical inform ation.

Chapter 6. T h t D evelop m en t o f the B u d d h ist O rd e r M a n y o f the prim ary sources on schisms and councils have k e n i ranslated imo W estern languages. For m o re m form alion on them, see the seclion on ch a p te r U o f Lhe bibliographic essay Nahnaksha Dutt has discussed the spread ol B u d ­ dhism in Early History oj the Spread oj Buddhism and the Early Buddhist Schools. O ther information can be found in ihe m a n y regional studies o f the developm ent of Indian Buddhism by such authors as Nalinaksha Duttj J e a n fta u d o u , d a y at n Sen M ajuindar, a n d B. G - G okhale. H irak aw a ’ s dating of the historical Buddha is not followed by most W estern Scholars but is used by u n u m b e r o f prom inent Ja p a n e s e scholars. F or discus­ sions o f this issue in W estern languages, see Heinz Bcehert's " T h e D ate o f the Buddha R e co n sid ere d .’ 1 Indologita Tatirinensia 10 (3 9 8 2 ): 5 9 - 3 6 , which ad v o ­ cates a position d o se to that or H irakaw a. It m ay be contrasted with A n d rf Bureau's “ I,? D ale du Nin-fljiii,"

A jic tiq u t 241 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : 2 7 - 6 2 , and

M . M . Singh's " T h e Dale o f the B u d d h a -N irv a n a ." Journal o j Indian History 3 9, no. 3 ( 1 9 6 1): 3 5 9 -3 6 ,1 . Additional sources for lhe d a te o f ihe Buddha are discussed m the bibliographical listings o f studies o f the B u d d h a's life it] ch ap ter 2.

Many oF ihe primary sourcts necrssary for the study of Asoka have been translated into English, including Jo hn Strong's Tht Ltgend oj King Asoka, A Study and Translation o f tht AJokavaddna, Wilhelm Geiger's Mahdnamsa, or tht Citat Chwmcle oj Ctylon, and Lugen Hultzschha Tht /iHCrt^lioJlf oj Ai&ka. Asoka’s inachpiion; are also available in a paperback edition, Thr Edicii of Ait>kat by N. A. Nik am and Richard McKeon, Extensive selections can be found in most of the studies in the following paragraph. The rflign nf King ASoka has been studied extensively by modern scholars. Among the belter survey^ are Romila Thapar’ s Asoka attd tht DucUnt oj tht Mauryai, a study that stresses Alok a's political motives. It can be compared with It. G. Gnkhjlr's flmitfuffl and R M mkerjce's ^ jo tt Pirrnr Herman Leu naid Eggermom's Tht Chronology oj tht Rtign oj Asoka Morrya suggests a time table for Anoka's reign. Heinz Bechert's "T h e Importance nf Anoka’ s So-callcd Sell ism Rdict" in Indotcgtcat and Btidd/iologital Studits, pp. 61-6B , defines ASnka's place in the history of Buddhist sectarianism in a manner that agrees with Hirakawa's chronology. A. L. Basham’ s article, "A£oka and Buddhismi A RwJiami nation/’ yjtarW of tht International Association 0/ Buddhist Sludits 5 (19B2): I 3 JH 3 , is a critical review of modern scholarship on the subject. John Strong

examine* legends aboui Ainlta's ttfaehir Upagupta in "T h e Buddhist Avad anil i and the F.ldtr U pag up ta/' M&angts thinaii ti bouddhiquei 22 (1905)^ 063BB1. Finally, S. J . Tambiah's World Comfturot and World Renotinttr includes dis­ cussions of A£oka and (he influence of the universal ruler ideal on subsequent Buddhist history, C h a p t e r fi. T h e D e v e l o p m e n t o f N i k a y a B u d d h i s m The primary and secondary sources listed in this chapter are aisu important in the study of the issues presented in chapters 6 and 9-13. M any of the vital pri­ mary sources an the rise o f thd Hmayana schools have been translated into English, including such Theravida sources as the Dipabat?ts&, Mahdvamsa. Katfiai'atlfiu, BuddhaghosarAKatfidvatihu-alfhakatAd (commentary on ihe KsiAdifatihii), the Vinaya, and Buddhaghosa's Samantapdsddtka (commentary on the Vinaya), Among the sources from the Northern tradition, Masuda J iry o ’s “ O ri­ gin and Doctrines of Early Indian Buddhist Schools/' Asia Major 2 (1925): J 78, an annotated English translation of Hsuan-tsang's Chinese rendering of the Samayabbtdoparacanacakra, is very useful. In addition, rhe histories of Buddhism by both Taranatha and B u t to n ( as well as the travel diaries of Fahsien, Hsuan-tsang, and I-ching, have been translated into English. Paul Demi^ville has translated ihe historical section of C hi'tsang’s San-Iurt ksvan-i and surviving fragments of Paramartha's comments on the Sa.mayabtudapa.rotanotakra into French in " L ’Origine des scctes bouddhiqucs d 'a p ris P aram artha/' Mtlangts chtrwts et bouddAtquts I (1931)r 15-64. Bhavya'j MfeifObhtdautbhjifiga-iyakhydria and Vimiadevafs Sarttayabbtdoparotanotakrt nikdyabhtdopa-

deian a-sangroha have hern translated into French in Barcau 'j arlidc l"Trois traites sur Jes sectes bouddhtciues " Journal Aiiatique 242 (1554): 2 2 9 -2 6 6 , 244 (1956); 167-200. Only a few of the primary sources for [his chapter are not available in English or French. Among (hem are lhe A -jit-mang thing (Asokaiajasutra), Taiu e n ’ s comtnentary on the SoauyubhaiopaTiaeanaadam {Zokuzdkyd 1,83,3), Diiyai-adana (no. 26, Llp5mhtpradfi>i£vadanaM; no. 27 f 1LK.ugalavadana'), and inscription* described In such works as Shizutani Masao's Indo Bukkyo himet mokuroku |C ata­ log o f Indian Buddhist inscriptions!. However, [he A-yii-wang ching is an abbre­ viated version (with some differences) uf [he Aiokdoadana translated by Jo h n Strong in The Legend of King Atoka. T i u e n ' s comm rms are summarized in Maauda'i translation of (he SamayeLbhedepcttcuunacakra. Andre Uarciij's Lts Stitts bouddhiques du Pftil Vthtcute is the best secondary Study v f the schools of Nikiya Buddhism in a Western language For those who do not read French, Ndlinakshg D u tts Buddhist Sects in India and S. N. Dube's Cron Currents in Early Buddhism (based primarily on die should be con suited. Several articles in the Encyclopedia oj Religion include good bibliogra­ phic* and summaries of the positions of the schools; Barrau's article On Hina­ yana schools (2 :4 4 4 -4 5 7 ), Reynolds and Clifford on Theravada ( 14 :4 6 9 -4 7 9 ), t/<Smes on Mahasarjighika (9 :1 2 0 -1 2 2 ) and Sarvasdvada (13.75-flO), and Skorupski on Sautrantika (1 3 :3 6 -8 B )L These studies also contain information about the doctrinal po&ilions of many of ihe lesser-known schools. All hough lhe articles "S an'astivadins/1 “Sauirantikas/1and "Sects (Buddhist)" in Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics are dated, ihey arc still worth consulting. Among the primary sources for the councils lhai have been translated are lhe Dipai'iirma. Mohdiamsa, Vinaya ( “Chapter on the Five Hundred’ ' and “Chapter on ihe Seven H undrid”), and the $amantapasadik&. The besi study of the Bud­ dhist co li tic its is Andn£ Bareau's Lei Premiers Conciles bouddhsques. The Second Council has also been discussed by Paul Demiiville ("A propos du conti Ie de VaisaJj/1 T ’oungpao 40 ] 195] ] : 2 J9 -2 9 6 ), Marcel Hofinger {Ktude sur la conclude Vaisdli}, and Nahnaksha Dutt (Buddhist Seets in India). The results uf [heir studies have been summarized and critically examined in Charles Prebish's "A Review of Scholarship on the Buddhist Councils/' Journal o j Asian Studiei 33 (February 1974); 2 3 9 -2 5 4 , and ' Mahasanghika Origins: The Beginnings of Buddhisi Sectarianism" (co-aulhored wilh Ja n Nattier), History oj Religions 16 (1977); 23 7 -2 7 2 . The history of the Sri Lankan Theravada tradition is investigated in Walpola R ah ula's The. History oj Buddhism in Ceylon: The Anuradhapura period, 3rd Century B.C.-IVth Ceatuty A.D., E. W- Adikaram's Early History oj Buddhism *ri Ceylon. K. L. Hazra's / / 1story oj Thtrai'dda Buddh inn in Sou iheast A an, with Special Refer­ ence to India and Ceylon, and H ein/ Bechert’ s three-volume Buddhifmus, Stoat tind Gcicllcichaft tn den Landtm dts 'I'heraVdda'Buddhumiti. (The last volume uf Bechert's work contains an extensive bibliography) T he Theravada exegetc Bud dhaghosa is discussed hy B. C . I*aw in hts monograph Buddh&ghota. Among the studies on M ahayana influences in Sri Lanka are Bcehert's “ Miihayana Litera­ ture in Sri Lanka: The Early Phase1' in Prajnnpdramita and Related Sy items, pp

361-36EJ, anti Senarat P aranavilan a1s "M ah ay an ism in C e y lo n /' CeylonJournal Snlivn G: Arehwhgy, Ethnography, rtf. 2 , no. 1 (December 35-71,

Chapter 9 .

A b h id h a rm a Literature

Musi ol ihe T h e ra v a d a abhidhamrna-pilaka, some of the later works On it f and (he Abhidhammattha-saigaha, ait im portant com pendium of abhidhamma, have t>rcn translated into English, these works ir e listed in the bibliography of related readings under (heir Pali tides. This literature is also discussed in surveys of Pali te*is surh as K- R. N o rm a n ’s Pali Literature. The Sarvastivadin tradition hoi not been studied as thoroughly by Westerners, but Louis de La Vallce Poussin’s French annotated translation of V asu band hu ’* systematination of abhidharma thought, L'Abhidharmakasa de Vasubandhu, is a n invaluable source. An English translation of L a Valine Poussin's work is bring published by Asian H um an ities Press. Translations of parts of the AbhtdharmaAw'a into English have been done by Stcherbatskyr [fowling, and Mall' these are discussed in the sec­ tions on chapters 10 and 12 of (he bibliographic essay. L a Vallie Poussin also translated and discussed important passages from such works as ihe Mahdisibhasd in "D o cum ents d ’A b h id h a rm a /' Melanges thinoii tt bouddhiques 1 and 5. D h a r m a ir ifs Abhidharmohrdayaidstra has been translated inlo French by I. Armeltn and into Eng]ifh by Charles Wjllcmen. S k a n d b ib 's AbhirifwrmnvetdTas'aiirti has been translated into French by M artel Van W e |te m ( a n d G h a n a ' s Amrtorasa tins been translated into French by Van den Broetk. Collett C o t ’s Contrwxrsits in Dharma Theory includes a partial translation of Sarighabhadra’g Abhidharmanyaruinusarasastra, a Sarvastivada critique of V asubandhu's Aidhamatoin AjnoOg rhe secondary studies of Sarvastivada abhidharma literature are Anukul C h a n d ra Banerjee’s Samostu'ada Literaturr, T akakusu J u n jir o ’s “ O n the A bhidharm a Literature nf the Sarvastivadins /'1 Jcumal oj the Pali Text Society 14 (1901-1905): 6 7 - J 4 b t and M ianno K ogen's essay on " A b h id h arm a Litera­ tu re " in Ertsyclopidia of Buddhism 1:64-80. Separate articles on abhidharma texts snfh as the Abhidharmakora and Abhidkfrrma-Tnnhdi'ibhdfd are also fount! in the Encjutopeilia qJ Buddhism. Frich Frauwallner "s ta iu sb tc series of art tries m G e r ­ man, " A b h id h arm a S lu d ie n /' explore a variety of textual issues such as the dating of texts. O nly a few okhidhmma texts from other traditions survive. F o r discussions, see Rareau's "l^es Origines du fctriputrdbhidhGrmafditra,” Lr Mvaron 63 (1950): 69-95, and Thich [‘hem C h a u 's " T h e Literature ol the Pudgalavadins / 1 Jotirnal of the International Association of Buddhist Studiu 7 h no. 3 (1984): 7-40, and "Les Reponses des Pudffaiavadins aux critiques des ^coles b o u d d b iq u e s /'J e u r nal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 10, no. I (1987): 33^53. K. V enkataram anan has translated a Sammitiya text into English, “ Sammitiya^mkaya-sastra," Visva-BharattAnnah 5 (1953): 155-242. T h e Ch ’mg-jhih tun (Saiyasutdhi/asfm) i i briefly discussed in Taltakttsu’s Tht EiituUais of Buddhist PhiIciQphy, pp. 74-79. For a mure iliorough exam ination uf this text, see Hat sura Shoryu hs doctoral dissertation JlA Study of H a riv a rm a n 's "T attvasidd hiV T he transitional phase between the NUsdyas and abhidharma has heen disru&ed

in Walanafae Fum im aro 's Philosophy and Its Development in the h'ikayas and Ahhidharma, Kticnnt U m o i t c 's article " K h u d d iik iir i k ^ a and Kjudrakapi* j a i a / r Kail and Wat S ( 1357]:341-1148, Lance Cousins' “ T h r Patihdna and the Development uf (Ilf T h cravadiu A h h id h a m tn a /' Centenary VolumI of thtJournal of the Pah Text Society (1981): 22-46, Jo h ann es Brunkhorst's “ D harm n and A bhidharm a,” BalUtin of tht School#/ Oriental and African Studui 48, no 2 (1935): 305-319* Priyluski’? Ur Gentile de Rajagfha, Bareati’s " L e s Series bouddhfcqjuei ilu lJc cii Whicule et I t u n Abhidbartrtapiiaka/* Bulletin dt I'Ecole jran^atse d'fixtirmr-OTicnt 50 (1952): 1 - 1 1 , and Andre Might's " U n G rand disciple du IJoudd ha; S a n p u u 'a," BaUttir* de I 'EcoltjfraRfatif 4 'Exfrimt-Orvni 46(1^54): 403-554.

Chapter l0- T h e Organization of the D harm as in the A b h id h a rm a Among die mojt critical primary sources fur (he ihrOty uf dhannas arc V is ilbam<jhuHs Ahhidharmakosa for the S a rv is trv id a and Sautrantika perspectives and the Dhammasangani and the Abhidhammattha •sangaha far T h eravad a theory. Several articles in the Encyclopedia of Religion may be consulted for a basic sur­ vey o f dhtinna theory: " D h a r m a , Buddhijf D h arm a and D h a rm a s '1 (4 332“ 338), arva»tivadah‘ (13:75-80). and '‘S a in ra n u k a ’' (I38G-K8) T he classic siudy of Sarvim ivada dharma ilieury in English is Fedor Ippoli(ovich Stcheib j 1 sk v 1s 7 he Cmtral Conception of Buddhism and the Mean ing oj ih* Word '1Dharma■ Although i: was first published over sixty years ago, it still contains valuable in formal ion More rcccnlly, a nLimber of other works have appeared. SukomaC C h a u d h u ry ’* Analytical Study oj the Abhidhatmakoia acid the introduction to Hjrafcawa's index of the Abhidharmakosa (San ryaku tniiho Kushaton mkvin) provide good sum m aries or the contents of V asubandhu's seminal systematic treatment uf Bsddhtat doctrine. Alexander Piatigorski's Tht Buddhist Philosophy of Thought is an imerpretative study of abhidharma Bruce C am eron H all’s doctoral disserta­ tion, "Vfaiul>antlhiJ on "Aggregates, Spheres, and C om pojii'tm '. Hritig ( ’h^pjirr O n e uf (he Abhidhnrmnkoia" includes 4 translation of the firs! chapter of the Abhidharnakosa H e rb e n G u e n th e r’s Phihwphy and Psychofog) in tht Abhidharma compares Sarvastivada,. T heravada, and Yogacara scholastic theories. Among the bctlCr scholarly articles on the meaning of the term dharma and the ihenries concerning it are Hirak awn's " T h e M eaning of 'D h a rm a ' anti lAbh id h a r­ m s,' " \t\ Indiantsme tt bouddhtsme, pp. [53-175; A. K. W arder's “ Dharm as and Dal a," Journal oj Indian Philosophy J {1^71): 272-235, Paul W illiams’ “ O n lhe Abhidharm a O n tology/’ Journal oj Indian Philosophy 0 (1981): 227-257; and K ajiyam a Yuiehi's “ Realism of the Sarvastivada1' in Buddhist Thought and Asian Civilization, pp. 1(4-131. T h e r a v id a views on dhammat are described in Nysitadluka’s authnntalive (Juidt tht Abhidhamma-pifaka. J o h n Ross C a rte r’s Dhamma. Wtflfrn Aca­ demic and Sinhalese Buddhist Interpretations includes an extensive discussion of the term dhamma In K anm ad asa's Buddhiu Analysis oj Matter material dharmas are examined from Ihe T heravada perspeciivc, Rune Johansson's "C itta , Mano, V in nana/' UntL-eriity oj Ceylon Reviao 23, nos. 1-2 (1965): 165-212, analyses terms concerned with consciousness from a psychological perspective. A m ong

tht- other works then discuss abhidhamma arc JaytfSuriya's The Fsychology and Philosophy oj Buddhism, Kashyap's Abhidhamma Philosophy, Nyanaponika's Abhi* dhamma Studies, and E. R. SaraKhandra'i Buddhist psychology of Perception. Several specialized issues in dharma theory have been the topic of detailed articles and boeiks by a number of scholar*. One of the most basic problems for abhidharma thinkers was thr explanation of the continuity and integration of the personality. The Pudgalavadin position is rtrlnicJ in the ninth chapter ol'VasubandhllV Abhidharmakosa, translated by Stcherbalsky as Thr Soul Theory oj tht Buddhists, and in the Theravada abhidhamma text, the Kathavatlhu Another explanation for ihr continuity of ihr mind, the Sautrantika theory of seeds, is discussed by P. S . Jaini in 14The Sautrantika Theory of Bija," Bulletin of ihr School ojOriental and African Studies 22 (1959)' 236-249. K anm bratna’i article on in Ewydvpedia oj Buddhism 3i37-20n and Wijesekera’s "Canonical Ref­ erences to ihr; Bhavariga'1 in Aialaltitkera Commemoration Volume. pp. 348-352, present a Theravada approach. The abhidharma interpretation of time is disCUSJ^d by Rraj -SinHa in Tltftt And Temporality jFt Yoga etrfd Ahhrdbarma Buddhi^m and by La Valkc Poussin in ''L a Con i rove rsc du tem pi et du pudgala dans le Vijndnakdya," Etudts Afiatiquts 1 (1925): 343-376. and “ Documents d ' Abh idharm a / ' Mflangu ch inots tt bouddh iques 5(1937); 7- [ft 7.

P. S. Jaim examines several of ihe dharmas ihat are neither material nor men­ tal in "The Vaibha$ika Theory of Words and Meaning" Bulletin ajtht School oj Oriental and African Studies 22 (1959): 95-107, and "Origin and Development ol the Theory of Viprayukta Samskdres," Bulletin oj thr Sthaol of Oriental and African S ta d ia 22, no, 3 (1959): 531-547. Ismes oSlanguage and interpretation are dis­ cussed in George Bond's Word of the Buddha: Tht Tipilaka and fts Interpretation in Early Buddhiim and Napartantla's Conctpt and Frailty jrt Early Rvddhut Thought Bureau survf ys uncondiliontd dhaTTnas in L'AhwIu. tn phdaiQphir bovddhrqur El'o* lutwn dt la notion d ’asamsbta. Chaplet 1 1 . Buddhisi Cosmology and the Theory of Karma Hirakawa** discussion of .Sarvaslivnda cosmology, rebirth, and ihe twelve links of Dependent Origination is bated on ihe "Chapter on Cosmology" of the Abhidharmakosa (fasc. 8-12 of the Chinese translation). The theory of the si* causes* Four conditions, and five fruits ts found in the JtChapier on Families" of ihe Ahhidharmokofa (fasc. 6-7). Sinee t h e Abhidham&koia account includes many d e t a i l * n o t m e n t i o n e d i n ihis chapier, i n t e r e s t e d reader* should C o n s u l t La Val l e e Poussin’s French t r a n s l a t i o n . La Valtce Poussin's article* "Co&mology and Cosmngony, Buddhist" (4:12913ft) and "Ages of ihe World (Buddhist)" ( J '187-190) in Hastings' Encyclopedia oj Religion and Ethics are excellent introductory surveys primarily based on the Abhidharmakosa. The same author has written a book-]cngth article on cosmol­ ogy in French entitled, *' Bouddh is me: Etudes el materieius," Mrmatrtf de I'Academie royole du Belgique fa (1919). T h e mosl recent study of Buddhist cosmology is Randolph Klueizli’s Buddhist Cosmology. From Single WotId System u> Pure Land: Science and Theology in the Image of Motion and Light. The (5rst vol u m e. Cosmology, of

William MtC/Overu'i A Manual oj Buddhist Phifoi ophy conijtim much useful in fo rm al on r JV C. Law’s Buddhiu Conception oj Spirits includes stories about hungry g h n .sib ase d cm Pali sources His Hnjvtn and Hell in Hvddhut Perspective is piIitu based only o n Mali sourccs but can be supplemcnicd by Daigan and Alicia MaLMiriaga v 1 he Buddhist Contepi oj Hell, which Contains M ahayana mac trial 5J R H aid ar's Early Puddhia Mythology includes legends about ihe realm uf the gnds. For a survey of Buddhist aitiiudes inward animals, see the Hobogjain a r ti­ cle HIC h iku sh 6.’ 1 H. G. A. Van Zeysi'a " A ru p a loka," in Encyclopedia oj Buddhiim 2:103-104, is a brief description of the realm without form. Alex Way man a a n i L n n the stains of lhe in " T h e Inte rm rd ialr Slate Dispute ]ii Buddhism ." in Buddhist Insight, pp. 2 5 1-267 < A later Pali cusmological itx i, ihe Lokapannati, has been translated into French by E. Denis. A late T hai text on cnsmo]ojjyt Ihe 7 raibh umikatha, has been translated inlo English by Frank and M ani Reynolds as Three Worlds according to King Huang Fur discussions of causation, see K a lu p ah a n a hs Causality: Tht Central Philoio^ phy oj Buddhism and Ken T a n a k a's 'LSi mid t ancou s Relation (Saha^huhetu)- A SlucJy Buddhist Theory o f C ausation,” Journal oj tht fafanulivnal Association of Ruddhtst Studies ti, nn. ] (J985): 91- I I 1. C h a p t e r 12, K a r m a a n d Avijnapti-rupa

Eli addition to the surveys of lndi;m Buddhism noted in (he section on the imroduction of lhe bibliographical essay, Mizuno Kogen's article “ Itarm an: Bud­ dhisi Concepts,'1 Encyclopedia of Religion 8:266-268, and Jo hn Strong's "MeritBuddhist Concepts," Encyclopedia of Rttiftofl 9:303-380, arc basic presentations of Ihe subject. Also worth consulting arc Fuji tit Kotatsu's “T h e Doctrinal Chacacttri sties af Karmun in Larly Buddhism'1 in Indol&gsccd and tiuddhological Studies, pp. 14 9 - ICO, and Sasaki Cenjnn's "T h e Concept of K&mma in Buddhist Philosoph y." Ori'fli; Extremal 3 ( 1 956): 1 85 - 204. Buddhist ethics are discussed in Tachibana Sh undo's Tht Ethics of Buddhism, II Saddhatissa's Buddhist Ethics: Essence of Buddhism, and G . S. Misra's Dtueiopment of Buddhut Ethics Because morality is the foundation for Buddhist practice, ■L-thtct and k arm a are examined in many o th e r sources. For a comprehensive bibliography nf Buddhist ethics, sec Frank Reynolds' 'Buddhist Ethics: A Bib­ liographical Essay,1' Rdtgwus Studio Rttrtaa !>j no. t (January 1979): +0-48 Since the world was ordered in accordancc with lhe ethicar qualities of beings, many of the sources in chapter 1 1 arc useful. M orality in the contem porary T heravada tradition is investigated in a nuin* her o f articles in a special issue of the Journal of Religious Ethics 7 (Spring J979) and in Wjn^ton King's fa the f-fopr of tiibbana: An Essay on Thrrprada Buddhisi

Ethics. Some of (hr deputes between lhe Hinayana schools concerning karma arc discussed in Janies McDermott's article |lT he Kalhavallhu Kamma Debates," Journal of tht American Oriental Society 95 h no, 3 (1975), 424-433 Several issues in the Theravada interpretation of karma arc discussed in Mcl^ermott’s " I s T h c r r C roup Karma in Theravada Buddhism?" Numtn 23 (197b): 67-80, Jean-

Michel Agasse's "L e Transfer! de me rile dans le Bouddhisme Pali c la s tiq u e /’

Journal Aiialiqut 226 (3978); 3 1 1 -3 3 2 , a n d Joiin Hull's "Assist the Dead by V c n c ra tirg th c Living: Merit Transfer in th r Early Buddhi st Tradition,1* Numtn 20, no I (1901); 1-28 The reconciliation of karmit ivilh impi-rn]^iiL‘nt.r w^s a recurring theme in the work of La Vallee Poussin; see, for example, his " L a Negation de Tame et la doctrine de I'acte/' Journal Asialique 9, no. 20 (1902): 237-306 and 10. no. 2 (1303): 357-449 Tht evolution of hi£ position is traced in Mary] a Falk's "Nairatm ya and K arm an: The Lifelong Problem of l ^ u ii de La Vall£c Pous­ sin 's Thought” ( Louis dr La Valin Poussin Memorial Volume, pp. 429-46+). Falk includes her own views on the problem of reconciling die no-Sell teaching and karma. Vasubandhu’s discussion of ihe imperishabiliiy of karma, Thr Karmasiddfn-ptakarixiw, has. been translated into English by Stefan Anackcr and into French by Etienne Lamotte. For a short explanation of unmanifested matter, see S. K. N anayakkara’s article "A v ijn a p d ” in Encyclopedia oj Buddhism I 460-461, or Sasaki G e n ju n Hs "A vijnapti — A Buddhisi Moral C oncept '1 in Inde Ancienne, vol. I, pp. 89-98. This topic is discussed at much greater length in T h o m as Dowling's u n p u b ­ lished doctoral dissertation "V asubandhu on the Aiftjnapti-rupa: A Study in Fifth-Cenlury Abhidharma Philosophy,'* which mcEudes a p*rlial iranslatton of chapter four of the Abhidharmakoia.

Chapter 1 3 . The Elimination of Defilements and the Path to Enlightenment Vasubandhu’ s Abhdftanruko/a and Buddhaghosa’ s Visuddhtmagga are the basic primary sources for this chapter. Useful discussions of rhe defilements can be found in ihe entries l1 A nu saya’' (1:775-777) arid A srava ' 1 (2:204-214) in (he Encyclopedia oj Buddhism a nd “ Bonn!)1' (2:121-133) in Hobogirin Among the sprniafizecl studies on the sub­ ject are L am o tte’s “ T h e Passions and Impregnations of the Passion* in Bud­ dh ism ," in Buddhisi Studies in Honor of 1, B. Homer, pp. 91-104; P. V. Bapat's F'Klesa (Kilesa) in Buddhism: With Special Reference lo Theravada Bud­ dhism in Bonno no kenkyu; and Padm anahh S. JainTs "Prajna and Drsit in the Vaibha>ika A b h id h a rm a / 1 in PrajUdpdrainita and Rtlaltd Syjffrttj, pp. 4 0 3 - 4 17 Sarvastivada versions of the path arc described by Leon H u rv iu in "Path lo Salvation in ihe Jnarw-praiihdna, 11 Studies in Indo-Asian An and Culture 5 (1977): 77-102. and "T h e Road to Buddhist Salvation as Described by Vasubhadra," Journal o j the American Oriental Society 87 (.1967): 43 4 “48 6. The role of the Four Noble Truths in the paih is examined by Alfonsn Verdu in Early ftuddhisi Philoso­ phy itj the Light oj tht Fout Noble Truths and by Alex Wayman in "T he Sixteen Aspect? of ihe Four Noble Trulhs ^nd Their OppflSites/' /Minij/ oj she Interna­ tional Association oj Buddhist Studies 3, no, 2 (1980): 67-76. Several early alterna­ tive versions of the path are investigated in Rod Buckwrll's "T he Buddhist Path to Liberation," Journal oj tht International Association oj fiuddhist Studies 7, no. 2 (1 y84): 7-40.

Meditation ha* been the aubjeci of a num ber of im portam tiud iei in fctcnl years. For Early Buddhism , see Tillm an Vetter's Tht tdeai andMeditative Frwticei of Early Buddhism. General surveys uf T h e ra v a d a mcdilaiiun include Winston King's Theravada Meditation; N yanaponika’s The Heart of Buddhist Meditation, which focuses on mpassand; and Vaji ran ana's Buddhisi Meditation in Theory and practice C onze's L,T he M editation on D eath” in Thirty Years of Buddhist Studies, pp. 8 ? -'l0 4 h and George Bond's “ T heravada Buddhism's Meditation on Death a n d the Symbolism uf Initiatory D e a th /' History of Religions J 9 h no. 3 (1380); 2 37-250. focus on one of ihe more spectacular forms of early meditation The Iranees Ijhdna) arc considered from ihe T heravada |tcripectivc in Lance C o u s ­ ins' "Buddhisi J h a n a ; I n N ature and Attainm ent according to Pah S o u rrc s / 1 Religion 3 (I973): 119—13 1+ a n d Henepola G u n a r a m a ’s Tht Rath of Serenity and Insight; AFt Explanation of she BuddhistJhanas. T h e meditations on Inve, sympathy, and equanim iiy arei invcsiigated in Harvey A ronson’s Loi<e and Sympathy in 'Theravada Buddhism and Nagao G adjin's "T ra n q u il Flow of Mind; An Interpret tat ion of Upekfti” in Indiamsme fl Bouddhismt, pp. 245- 2 !>0. Jack Kornfkeld's LiuBuddhist Masters survey* meditation tn (he ronlcm fw rary T h eravad a iradition. Few studies of meditation in H inayana schools other than ih r T heravada have been w rtuen, but am ong them are Alex W a y m a n 't "M e d ita iio n in T herav ad a and M i h i s s s s b , " Shtdin MUsUrti&lia 25 (1976): | - 2 8 f and several ■iiiidir:* by Leon Hurvitz on Sarvastivada sources in Chinese. Paul Griffiths' ()N Being Mmdiess compares th t trance of ressatiun to the T heravada, V a ib h a ^ k a , and Vijfianavada traditions. Walpula Rahula conlrasls trances in ''A C o m p a r­ ative Study Df D hyanas according ro "Iberavada, Sarvastivada, and Mahayrtna " i n Zm and the Tamilag of tht Bull, p p . 101-109. For discussions on ihe goal of ihe path, see Donald Swearer'a " A rlia t 11 in Encyclopedia of Religion 1:403-405, Andre Bureau's "Les Controverses relatives a la n a tu re de L*arham dan s le Bouddhisme a n r f e i u / ’ Indo-Iranian journal I (1957): 240-251: La Vallfe Poussin's "L c C orps d e 1‘arbai est il pur?" Melanges chi'noii el bouddhiquts I ( I 2): 5-125; Leon H u r t f u f t "T h e Fighi Delhrtrftfltt*" in Studies tn Pali and Buddhism, pp. ['
t

a f Le r A s o k a

For the political history of ihis period, see the histories in chapter 1 , Nalinaksha D u tt’* Mahayana Buddhism, or K- L- H abra's Royal Pairorwge of Buddhism in Ancient India Among (he general surveys on Buddhisi liies a r t Vidya Dchcjia’s Eatly Buddhisi Rotk. lemples, DebaJa M itra's Buddhist Monuments, H . S v k a r ’s& bdies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India, S ukum ar D u tt's Bvddhut Monks and Monasteries of India, and Ja m e s Fcrgusson's History of Indian and Eastern Architec­ ture, Specialized volumes on m any of the sites discussed in this chapter have been published. 5 o m r of ih r better studies a rr Alexander C u n n in g h a m ’s The

Stupa afBharhut, John Marshall's Toxiia and Guide U>Sdnei, and James Burgess’ The fiuddhmt Stiipai ofAmardvoii andJaggayyHptfa. T h e Greeks and Buddhism are discussed by £tieim e Lamotie in 'A le x a n d re ei le Buuddlnsm/* Bulletin dt VEwU franoxitt d'Extrhat-Onnt 44 (15)47-1954)): 1 4 7 - 16 2 , ami George Woodcock's Tht Greek in India C h ap ter 1 5 . M ah ay an a Texts C om p ostd d u rin g the K u fa ria D y n asty A number of the Buddhist scriptures mentioned in this chapter have been translated into English, hut in mast cases ihe translation is based on a later CW’ nese or Tibetan translation and cannot be considered a reflection of lhe earlier stage of Mnhayann scripture;. When, used judiciously* however, they can br employed in the investigation of Early MaJiayaua ibrmcs, Among the lexis that have been translated are ihe Rhadrapalasuira (also known as the PraiyutpannaRtirfdha-Sam mukftavasthita-sctrjdhi-svtra), Surangamasamadh is utra. VimataJcirtin \r-

drsa, Lot iff Sutra (SaddharmapurjrfankaX A^asahasukd-prajndpdrarnitd, Avatamiaka, Dasahhiimi ka, and part 5 of the Mahdralnakdla, Gandavyuha, and Bodhtsattvapitaka. For a complete listing of translations of M ahayana texts into English. French, and German, see the revised edition of Peter Pfandt's Mahayana Texts Translated into Western Languages' A Bibtiogtaphital Guide The C hinch Buddhist bibliographies that Hirakawa consulted while tracing the translations o f early ■Cripturcs arc surveyed tn Okabe K aju o’ j “The Chinese Catalogue* o f Bud* dhist Scriptures,'" Kemainutia Daigaku Bukkyogakubu kenkyu kiyd 33 (I9flfl): 1-13 (left). Secondary studies of many of these Buddhist scriptures are listed in the seeUnns on chapters 17 and 1fl of the bibliographical ess&y However, (he Following textual studies of the composition of ihe Affasdhasrikd-pTajndpdramitd should be mentioned here. Lew ii Lancaster has extensively studied ihis text; some of his research is incorporated in In his articles “The Chinese Translation of the Afla sahasrika'prajmparamitdsiitTa Attributed to Chih Ch’ ien,” Monumenta Serica 28 (i960): 246-257, and ‘ H'he Oldest Mahay&na Sutra: lt£ Significance for ihe Study of Buddhist Development,1' EasUm Buddhist S. no. I (1975): 30-41. Other studies on the text arc Andrew Rawlinson1* "The Postiion of ihe Ajfasihairikd F’rajadparamitS in the Development of Early Mahayana1' in Prajnaperamita and Related Systems, pp. .1-34, and Edward Conse’ s JlThe Composition of the Astasdhasnkd Prajndpdrarnitd, r' Bulletin <sf the St heal of Oriental and African Studies 11 (l9 5 2 );2 5 J-2 6 2 .

Chapter 16. The Origins of Mahayana For a detailed presentation of Htrakawa*! views on siupa worship during ihe rise of Mahftyilta, see his article in English, "T h e Rise of Mahayana Ruddhism and Its Relationship to the Worship of Si upas," Mohairs of thr Research Departm m ttf thr Toyo Hunks 22 (1963): 57-106- Other works on the Stup&f Hind the cult surrounding them are Andr£ Bareau's
d'apres Ic Vinayapifaka," Bullft in dr TEcolf fr&nfaist d'Extreme-Orient 50 (1962): 229-27+: Mireille Yenisei's +‘£tude sur la stupa dans Flnde ancienne,1' BuUtttn (U 1‘Etole jrai^aise d Extreme Orient 50 ( I960): 3? - 116; P. C. Bagchi's “ The Eight lircar Caiiyas and Their Cult," Indian Historical Quarterly 17 (1941): 223-?35; Kdjiyanu Yuichi'i “ Stupas, ihe Mother of Buddha* and Dharma-body" in N*u> Paths In Buddhisi Research, pp 9-16' ihe volume edited by Anna l.ibcra Da]laptccola, Tht Stupa Its Religious, Hittorital and Architectural Significance; and Adrian Snodgrass' The Symbolism of the Stupa Although Hirakawa's view? have gained recognition in recent years, they have also been criticized and refined. Shizulani Masao has argued thai a proto-Mahayana period when the term "M ahayana" was not yet used must be postulated, but his arguments have not yet been presented in English- Richard Robinson has criticized arguments For ihe im purl anctr nf lay believers in "T h e Ethic of the Householder Bodhisauva,” Bharatt(J9f56): 31-55. Paul Harrison also stresses ihe role of monastic bodhi­ sattvas in "W ho Gets to Ride in the Great Vehicle? Self Image and Identity Among i he Followers of Ihe Early M ahayana,” Journal oj the fntsmtuianel Astoeifl' Uon of Buddhisi Studies 10, no. I (19ft7): G7-89, Hirakawa himself admits thai ytupa worship does not explain ihe origins of the perfetlion of wisdom Iradition. Gregory Schopen has argued for the importance of the ' Cult of the Book" and has discussed a number of religious ehemes in the rise of Mahayana in several technical articles including "M ahayana in Indian Inscriptionsr" Inda-Iranian Journal ?1 (1979): I~ l9 h and "T h e Phrase ‘sa pnhivipradcsd caityabhuto bhavet" in ihe Kgraahtdiki: Notes on the Cult of ihe Book in M ahayana," ItulaIranian Journal 17(1975): 147-181. The gradual transformation of the biography of the Buddha and its possible iilIIlicriLe. on Mahayana (bought and practice are discussed m David Snellgrovehs "Sakyam unihs Final Nirvana,” Bulletin of the School oj Oriental and African Sttidxti 96 (1973): 399-411; Jaini's MBuddha’s Prolongation of Life,” Bulletin oj the School oj Oriental and African Studies 21 (1950): 54G-552: Bareau’s "T he Super­ human Personality of the Buddha aJid Its Symbolism in MahdparmirvdnasdtTa of the Dharm aguptaka” in Myths and Symbols, pp. 9-22^ and Telwaue Rahuta's A Critical Study oj the Mahdvastu. Translations of biographies of the Buddhd and other primary source material are described in chapter 2r Borrowing between Hinayana schools and M ahayana is indicated in Nalinaksha Durl's Aspects cjMahdydna Buddhism and Its Relation ts Hinayana (revised as Mahayana Buddhitm) and Heinz Beehen's article ''Notes on the Formation of ihe Buddhist Sects and the Origins of M ahayana" in German Scholars on India, vol. I, pp. 6 - IB. Luis G6mez explores one aspect of this process m *'ProtoMadhyamika in the Pali C a n o n /1 Philosophy East and W et 26 (1976): 337-165 Alex Way man discu&scs the relationship between a Hinayana schuol and Mahayana theories of an intrinsically pure mind in “ The Mahasanghika and the Ihthagatagatbha, " Journal oj the International Association of Buddhist Studit; I (1978}: 35-50- Lamottc presents the arguments for Northern (Sarvastivftda) influence in his article "S u r la formation du M ahayana" in Asiatics; Festchnjt Friedrich Weller, pp. 377-396- Graeme M acQueen ha^ argued that ecstatic

inspirations m ay have played a role in the co m pilation o f M a h a y a n a sutras in “ Inspired Speech in Early M a h a y a n a U uddhism ,” Religion 11 (1981); 3 03-319 a n d 12 (1&A2); 49-65. A n d re B areau su m m a riz e s som e o f these issues id [he third ap p e n d ix o f his Lcs Sectes bouddhiquts du Petit VchicuU, p p 296-305.

C h a p t e r J7, T h e C o n t e n t s of E a r l y M a h a y a n a S c r ip tu r e s Sim:e a list n f p rim ary sources for Early M a h a y a n a B uddhism if included in [lit1 section o n c h a p te r 15 of the bibliographical essay, secondary literatu re o n early M a h a y a n a texts is reviewed below. Perfection o f w isdom texts are surveyed in E d w ard C onjfe'i T h / /Vfljjfapfromiid I titm tm an d R. H i k a t a ’s Suvikrantiivikramipariprcchd PwjiwporamitaiutiU An Introductory Essay an Ptqjifyaratmii-Lit&atiire. K ao K u a n -ju discusses the Avauimsak& in Encyclopedia aj Buddhism 2:435-446, F ujita K o ta ts u 's article “ O n e Vehicle o r T h r e e V ' Journal o f Indian Philosophy 3 (1975): 79-166, is an excellent survey o f o n e o f the m ain th em es o f the Lotus Sutra, the ekaydna. Fujita is a l w the a u th o r o f " P u r e Land Ruddhism an d thejL'rteu Sitra" in Indiantsmc ct fouddkismtr pp. 117-130. L a m o n t discusscs the eternal B u d d h a p o rtrayed in the f,oius in "IjOrufl et B ouddha s u p r a m n n d a i n ,'1 Bulletin d i I'Ecole jran^aise d ’Extreme- Orten t 69 (19BI): 3 1 -4 4 . Because (he Lotus Sutra played a m a jo r role in Easl Asian Buddhism* it has b een extensively studied b y J a p a n e s e scholars. N a k a m u r a K ajim e Summarizes the w ork o f m a n y of ihfsc scholars io English in " A C r iti­ cal S urvey o f Studies o f the L otus S u tra " in Dengyo D a i skikenkyu. pp. 1-1 2 (left). In d ia n P u r e L an d texts are discussed in lhe articles " A k so b h y a " (1 :3 6 3 -3 6 8 ) an d ,HAtnilrtr' ( I '43 4-4 63 ) in the Encyclopedia oj Buddhism an d “ A m it a b h a ” ( I ; 23 5-237 } anti llP ure an d Im p u r e L a n d s ” (12 :9 0 -9 1 ) in lhe Encyclopedia oj Reli­ gion, E tien n e L a m o tte 1s tran slatio n o f the ViuuilakiTtiMTdefa in cludes a n excellent discussion o f B uddha lands. H e n r i de L u b a c discusses A m ita b h a extensively in his Aspects du Bouddkismt. lo “ S uk havati as a G eneralized Religious tlo a l in Sanskrit M a h a y a n a S u tra L i t e r a t u r e , Indo-Irantan journal 19 (1977): 177-210, G reg o ry Sc hope n analyzes the use o f P u re L an d in the m a n y M a h a y a n a text? lhai cite it as a goal but du not give it a central place in iheir doctrinal p re s e n ta ­ t i o n s Schopen analyzes ihe earliest inscription m e n tio n in g A m itab h a in " T h e Inscription o n the K u sa n Im ag e o f A m ita b h a an d the C h a r a c te r o f the Early M a h a y a n a in I n d ia .” Journal o j the Inkritationai Association o j Buddhist Studies 10, no. 2 (1 9 8 7 ): 9 9 -1 3 7 , F or an in tro d u ctio n lo som e o f ihe b o d hisattv as who beca m e im p o rtan t in the M a h a y a n a tra d itio n , see the following art idea in the Encyclopedia o j Religion; "C elestial B u d d h as an d B o d h is a u v a s" (3; 133-143), ‘flh a i^ a jy a ju ru 1 (2 :1 2 8 129), " M a itr e y a ,1 (9:13 6-1 41), a n d 1M a n j u i r i " (9:174 -1 75) M anjuSri an d M aitrcy a arc disrusscd in H ira k a w a 's article " M a n j u s r i a n d the R ise of M a h a y a n a B u d d h tsm /'^/ffu n W o j Asian Studies [M a d ra s, India] I, no. I (Sept. 1983): 12-33. La m a tte 's " M a n j u l r i , ” T ’oung Pao 40 (I960 ): 1^96, traces the d ev elopm ent o f this bod hisattva beyond Early B uddhism P. S. J a i n i surveys (he develop m en t of M a iire v a in " S ta g e s in the B odhisattva C a re e r of the

Tathayata Mffltreya,'" in Maitreya, The Future Buddha, pp. 54-90. Hai ?ajy agu m is discussed by Leonard ZwJLlini; in L
C h a p t e r Ifl. T h e o r y a n d P r a c tic c in E a r ly M a h a y a n a B u d d h i s m S everal surveys o f M a h a y a n a th o u g h t serve as in tro d u ctio n s io the them es uf this chapter- A m o n g the older surveys are D T. S u z u k i1? Outlines oj M akayana Huddhisnt a n d Urt Indian Huddhistn, La V i ] [ ^ P oussin’s ' ‘M a h i / a i u ” in Encytlo' ptdia uf Religion and Ethics tf:3 3(f“ J 36, a n d E d w ard C o n z c 's “ M a h a y a n a Bud­ d h is m " in Thirty Years of Buddhisi Stnditt, pp 4 8-86. N alinaksha of Mahayana Buddhism and Its Relation Id Hinayana a n d Mahayana Buddhism arc m u re technical studies b u t well w orth ihe effort. F or a m o re reeern view o f M a h a ­ yana, see N a k a m u r a H ajimc*! " B u d d h is m , Schools of: M a h a y a n a B u d d h is m " in Encyclopedia oj Religion 2 :45 7 -4 7 2 . D octrinal aspects o f Early M a h a y a n a are e x a m in e d in Paul W illiam s' Mahayana Buddhism La V sllet Poussin's urticlc "Budhisaitva (In Sanskrit L ite r a tu r e ) 11 in Enryitopedta o f Religion and Ethics 2 :7 3 9 -7 5 3 provides a good survey o f bodhisattvas. In recent years, a n u m b e r o f good studies have been published on ihe develo pm ent of Early M a b a y i n a cnticcptions of the bodhisattva. A m o n g th e m arc A. 1,. 14T h e Evolution ul the C o ncept u f h o d h is a tlv a " in The Bodhuatiba Doctrine in Buddhism, pp. 19-59, anti K ajiy am a Vuichi's " Q n the M e a n in g of ihe W ords b o d h is a u v a an d M a h a s a t t u a 'h in Indolvgifttt and Buddhut Studies, pp 253-270. T h edM n r a n d the b o d h isattv a are co m p ared in N a th a n K a tz ' Buddhist Images oj Human Perfection a n d W alpola R ah u la ’s "’T h e B od hisauva Ideal in l'hcrav nda an d M a h a y a n a ’1 in Zen and the Taming oj the Bull, pp. 71-77. For i i u d i « o f the bodhisattvas p o rtra y e d in specific early texts, see NanCy S c h u s­ ter's “ T h e B udhisatlva F igure in the Ugraparipttcha" in New Ruths jn Buddhist Research, p p 2 6 -5 6 , an d N an cy L e th c o e s " T h e B o d h isa u v a Ideal in thEi Afia a n d Pania Prajndparamila Sutras" in Rra/ntiparamila and Related SjSittns, p p 263Sfif). N u c y S th u s ie r .t study o f lexis in which w om en are chan g e d into m en ( " C h a n g in g t h r Fem ale Ho[Jy,1h_/ourrtii/ oj the International Association oj Buddhat Studies 4. no. I [1980J: 24-69 ) is significant for clarifying the social context of Early M a h a y a n a . Luis (J o m c z 's study “ T h e B odhisattva as W o n d e r-w o rk e r" in I'rajndpdramitd and Related Systemsr p p . 221-261. p resen ts the m ore m iraculous side ol the activity o f the l^odhisattva. T h e articles o n Specific bodhisfillvas m e n ­ tioned in the last c h a p te r should also be consulted. A n Early Mahay ana meditation on ihe Buddha is discussed by Paul H arrison in lhBuddhanusmrii in the Ptatyuipantw-Buddha-SammuAhdi'aithiia-iamadhi-suim, " journal oj Indian philosophy 6 (I97p): 35-57. For additional information on oiher Early M ahayana meditations, arc Priscilla Pedersen's " T h e Dhyana C hapter of the Bodhisattbapitaka-stitta. Ih T h e Hohogi fin includes a survey of precepts for (he bodhisattva under lhBosatsukai" (2^133-142). Some of die i s m « that arise when ethical action is considered in the Light of nunsubstantially and Other M ah ay an a teachings are discussed by Luis Gom ez in ' Emptiness and Moral Perfection,'' Philosophy E&st and Wett 23 (1973): 361-37$, and Yuki Reim on in

‘'T h e C o n s tr u e ion of Fundam ental Evil in M a h a y a n a," Proceedings of tht IXlh Internationa! Congressfor the History of Religions: Tokyo and Kyoto, 1958.

Mahayana versions of the paih are succinctly presented in Nakamura Hajim t's article "Burfhiiiatlva Haih" in Encyclopedia of Rtlipon (2:265-?69). Two articlr-i in thf Encyflopfdia of Religion, Charfes Hallisey’s “ Pararnitaj" (11:196398) and T a d eu si Skorupski's ''Prajna*' (11:477-481), emphasize the early mtitp o f Mahayana thought. For a more exlensive irealment of the path and pfrfcfiions, see H ar Dayal's classic study The Bodhisaltoa Doctrine in Ruddhm $anitfi t Literature Or Nalinmksha Dull's Mahayana Btiddhtim. Etienne La motto's annotated translation of the MahdptajnapAjtimitdi&stfv aliribuied to N ^ jrju n A piovick'sexicnsivo information on all of (he perfections; his annotations ^ r v t as a guide to Further sources. Finally, Brian Galloway has collet ltd passages From Indian texts that suggest some Indian groups may have argued fur the possibil­ ity of sudden advances on the path; .see his ''Sudden Enlightenment in Indian b ud dh ism " and "Oi>ce Again on the Indian Sud drn -E nligh trn m rn l Dckm rit,1' Wiener Zrttichrift fur die Kitnde $#d- nnd Ofi&item und Archiv fur Indnchf f*hr loiophu 25 ( I 98 1 ): 20 5-2] I and 29 (1 985) : 20 7-2 10,

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliography is divided into two sections. The first lists Japanese wriiitigs cited by (hr aulhor in the Japanese-language edition. The second is a list, com­ piled by (he editors r^nslator, ofv>ork$ in olher Languages on Indian Buddhism. Ja p a n e s e Sources C ite d Akanuma ChL7.cn. Bigtputti-sh Bitvmt-buiiu ktnkyu (Studies in Buddhist doctrine). Nagoya: Hajinkaku s h o b o ,1939. ---------. Bukkyo kyattn tturAit (A history of (hr Buddhisi canon). Nagoya: Hajink a k u s h o b o ,1939. ---------. G m hi Bukkyo no ktnkyu (Studies in Early Buddhism), Nagoya: Hajinkaku s h o b o .1939. -------- h Indo Bukkyo keyu jwuAi jitm (Dictionary of Indian Buddhisi proper nouns). Nagoya: Hajinkaku shobo, 1931---------. Kartpa ihtbu Agon goshoroku (A comparative study or [he four Agamas in Chinese and Pali). Nagoya: 1lajinkaku shobo, 1929. ---------. (Biography of Sakyamuni). Kyoto: Hdzokan, 1934. Antisaki Masaharu. Kanpcn Bukkyo (Early Buddhism), Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1910. Dainthon Bukkyo irwho (Collection o f works by Japanese Buddhists). Edited by Ruisho kankokai 157 vol S- Tokyo: Dainihon Bukkyo zensho kankokai, 1912-1922. Fujita KutaLsu. "Gcnshi Bukkyo ni okcru shisei byodomn" (The equality o f the

four castes in Early Buddhism). Indogaku Bukkyv&du kenkyu 2, no. I (1953): 55-61. *— ■---- . Censhijodo shisa no {Studies in early I'urc U n d thought). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970. ---------■. ,JSanj*j no sciritsu ui (suite; byaVushibutsu kigenko1' (O n ihr establish­ m ent ol [he T hree Vehicles: The origin of ihe pmiyrkabuddbn). Jndogaku Rukkyogakv kenkyu 5 h no. 7 (1957): 91-100. Fukuhara Ry(ij;(in. yfljilru™ no kenkyu (A study of the SatyaiiddhisdstTa). Kyoto: N agata bushodd, 1969. — — -. Shitainm no kenkyu (A study of the Four Noble T ruths), Kyoto Nagata bunshodo, 1972. -----— . Ubu abidatsuTTtaronsho no haUuliu (T h e development of the Sarvastivada abhidiutrthit (realists), Kyoto: N agata bunshodo. 3965. Funahashi 1 ssai. Genihi Bukkyo jArja pts kenkyu ( Studies in Rarly Pluddblj.[ thought). Kyoto: tlozokan, 1952. --------- . t V w tfnityii{A study o rk s rm a ), Kyoto: Hdifikm * I9S4. Funahaahi S u i ^ i . AujAg nc kyogi cyobi rthihi (The ductrinc and liistnry of the Abhidhanwkoia), Kyoto: Hcwokan, 1940. H-iyashitna Kyosho. 'J o d o k y o n o shojeignshokan ni tauitef' (O n meditations on a land ofpnrily)- in Higata HakufAi kaki kinen nanfouij^ edited by Higaca hakushi koki kinenkai, pp 231-24EJ. Fukuoka: Kyusbu Daigaku bung a k u b u , 1964. ---------, Shoki Bukkyv to shakai iefkats,u (lEarly Buddhism and life in Indian soci­ ety). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 3964. HLgata Ryusho. Homhokyorvi no fAifOfhtiekt kmkyu (Studtes ill thr history of thought within jdtaka Literature). ToLyn: Toyo bunko, I9S4. H igala Ryiijho and K im ura Taiken “ Ketsujushi bunpashi ko 11 (A history of councils aild schisms). In Kekvyaku daizokyv; Ronbu. VuJ. 13. appendix, Tokyo: K o k u m in sh ab u n k o , 1921, H irakaw a Akira- "A m id a butsu to Hozo bosatsn ' 1 (A m iiahha Buddha and the bodhisattva D harmakara), In Indo ihiso to Bukkyo, edited by N akam ura Hajimt? Jfakushi kanreki kinenkai. pp. 9G3—17B. Tokyo: Shunjusha. 1973. -------- . '‘Daijo kyuten no hattatsu to Ajaseu 0 0 setsuwa’' {The development of M ah ay an a Huddhist literature and the legends of K ing Ajata£atru). Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenky/i 20, no. 3 (1973): 3-12. ---------. "Gemshi Bukkyo ni okeru Hh d ’ no imi" (T h r meaning uf “dhonna" in Early Buddhism). Wvstda daigaku datgakum bungaku fonkyuka foyo 14 (1968): 1-25. --------- Gewht Bukkyo no kmkyd {A study of Karly Buddhism). Tokyo: Shunju sh a, 1964. ---------. H,M uga lo s h u ta i(S e lfle s s n e s s and the subject). In Muga to jigo (Self­ lessness and self), edited by N akam ura H ajim e. pp. 383-421. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoien, 1974. ---------lhNyorais (6 (n shite no Hoirt bnsatfiu" ( l h e bodhisattva D harm akara as

B u d d h a-n atu re). In Jodokyo no shise to bunka, edited by E tan i Ryukai SenSei koki kintn'ket], pp. 1287-1306. K y M : Qukkyo D ai^ altu , 1973 -------- . flr/jttro no kenkyu (A study or l he Vinaya-p\taka). lukyo: Sankibo Bus' sh o rin , 1960. ---------. ,(Roku-haramitsu no tenkai*’ (The development of ihe si* perfections). Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu 2 i, no. 2 (1973): 23-35. ■ —------ - Ajn^flditu latiho AVMdMJt tdkasrt. (Lidex an d concordance to [he Abhidharmakosd). 3 vols. Tokyo: Daizo sh u pp ansha, 1970. ---------. “ Sclsu is«ai ut)u no ninibiluitHt" (Sarvjitivada vicw,i on cognition), Hokkaido daigaku bungakubu kiyo 2 ( 1953): 3-19. -------- „ "Shingedaisu yori shtngedatsu e no tenkai'1 (The development from liberation through faith to liberation of the mind). JVtban Bukkyo gatkai nmpo 31 (J965): 51-68 ------—. "ShohO muga n o h o " (The meaning of the term “dharma " in the phrase "tlh&tmai are n oiuubstanlial"). Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu J 6 h no. 2 (1968): 396-411. --------- f "Shqjo Bukkyo no rinri shiso—go no rinri: A bidarum a Bukkyo taikei yfiri” (EthitaJ ihmighl in Hinayana Guddliisni: The cl hits of karma front i he eb/iidhnrriw 5yMfm) I n Sfkai rinri fhiwsht tosho Indo*hfn (L ibrary on the history of world ethics: Indian volume), pp. 209-239. Tokyo: Gakugci shobo, 1959. ---------. "Shoki Bukkyo no rin ri" (Erhics in EarEy Buddhism) In Kota 7$p6shisd (Lectures on O riental lhought)d vol. 5, edited by N akam ura H a jim r et al , pp. 45-74. Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku shuppankai, 1967. ---------. "Shoki Daijcr Bukkyo no kaigaku to shite Dojflzendd1* (The path of the ten virtues as Early M ahayiiia precepts). In Bukkyo kyddan na kmkyti (Studies in Buddhist orders), edited by Yoshimura Shuki, pp. 167-203. Kyoto: Hyakkacn, 1968. --------- . Shoki Daijo Bukkyo no kenkyu (Studies id Early M nhayana Buddhiim j. Tokyo: S h u n ju s h a , 1968. --------- . '‘ U m u n a to StLsUnainetSu'’ (Transience). !n Indo Bukkyogaku ronshu, edited by K anakura hakushi koki kinen ronbunshu kankokai, pp, J59178. Kyoto: H etrakuji shoten, 1966, Inouc 'fetsupro and H o n Kentoku. Shakamuri\d/f\ (Biography of Sakyamuni). 1911. Ishikam i Zenno. " M i r o k u Juki w a y a k u 11, (Jap an ese translation o f M a itre y a 's predictions o f B u ddh ah ood ). Suzuki gakujuisu saidan kenkyu. kiyo 4 (1967). 3 5 -48 . -— "— "Shoki Bukkyo ni okeru dokkyo no imi todo ku ju kyoten ni tsuile" (O n the meaning of chanting arid chanting fcnptV R f in Early Buddhism). Sanko 6mnka k*nkyiijo natpo 2 {1968): 45-90. lwjcrtoto Yutaka. Bukkyo j elsuiia kenkyu jasetsu (An introduciion Co research on Buddhist tales). Kyoto: Hozoknn, 196?. --------- tndoshi (History of India). 1956. R eprint, Tokyo: Sankilx> Busshorin, 1982.

-------- Suimgadai'tufafw 19(58. Reprinted as vol, 5 o f Bukkyo tttiuusa kenkyu ( Si udies lji B uddh^l taks} Tokyo; K s u n d s h o i n , 1978. Kajiyoshi fto u n . dtm hi hannyagyo no ktnkyil (Studies in early perfection ol witdotn literature). Tokyo: Sankibu Busshorin, 1944. K LjtnjJ
Tokyo: Mciji shoin, 1935. Re primed in K m u n ^ i h n itnsha, vol. 5. Tokyo: Daihorinkaku, 1968. Kokuyaku issaifyo ^Japanfw annotated Iran si aliens of Sflecttd scriptures from (hv Buddhist canon). Iiditcd by Iwaim Masao. Ni-w (‘ tlition. 25? vofs. Tokyo. Daito shuppan&ha, 1978-present.

Kumui Shuzen. Bukkyo kdkt jidai no skiso ktnkyu (Studies In ] Indian] thought jlI the time of [he rise of Ruddhism). Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1967. MaecEa Kgaku Gtnsht Bukkyo itifcn n& saritsuiM ktnkyti (Srodies in rhe history nf the fot mation of thr EarJy Buddhist canon). Tokyo: Sankiho Bu*shorin, 1964. / -------- . Shakti-ion (Sakyamuni), Tokyo: Sankibu Busshorin. 1972. Macda Eun. Daijd Ifakkydihiron (A discourse on the history of Mahayana Bud dhism). Tokyo: Morii1sholcn, 1903. MasuiicMga Reiho. ^mymFr fluWjr) up W_jif (Sludirs m Early Buddhicm) Chiba: Kazama shobd. 1948. Masutani Fumio. Agama ihiryo rrt' jwru Bulsuden ktnkyu (Research on materials fur thr biography of (he Buddha found in the Agamas). Tokyo: Zaikf Bukkyo kyokai, 1962. MaiMinami Seiren. " Dosavi/ariyo sulfa no wayaku" (Japanese translation of the Dasavtydriya mlfa) . Taisho daigaht ktnkyu kiyo 53 (] 9GS): 150- 100 (left). ---------. "R.okushi gedti no shiso seishin'h {The thought anti spirituality uf the Six Heterodox Teachers). In S tk a istish tx sh i kaza, Voi. 3, Inda sa ih tn , pp. 101-1 18. Tokyo: Risosha, 1940. ■ -------- -. ,Liieisen no goroku: Jainakyo no seilen tstbhimyaim wayaku’1 (Records of the sages: A Japanese translation o f the Jain a scripture, the htbhi4iydnp), In Kyitifa.i daigaku bungakttkn sm uu yanju tftuntn kin/n roabvihh (Festschrift for thr fortieth anniversary of the establishment of the fiumaniticS division of Kyushu University), pp 5 7 - MC} (left). Fukuoka: Kyushu Daigaku buiLgakuhu, 1966. Miyamoto Shostin. Chudo skiso oyobt torjo fanttotsu (The Middle Way and itidcvetopment). Kyoto: Hozokan, 1914. ----- -— . Daijf fo sh o fi ( M a h a y a n a a n d H in ay an a ). Tokyo: Yak u m o shoten, 1944.

--------- H,Geda(su dr\a) WfLLtda dnigaku tioigakui a bungaku kntkyuka Hyp 6 ( 1 960 ). ---------. lHHiyushaP Daitoku Hokku, lo ju , Yumanron no kenkyu1' ('I he Dari>Lj n likas, D harm a1 ra ta H K um aral i t a , and t lie Drfidniapanku") , Nihen Bukkyogaku kyakar nenpo I (1928) : l i 7- 1 92 . ---------. Koapaitcki to ku ('I he basis [of Buddhism): (he Middle Way and nonsub siantiaJity). Tokyo: Daiichi *hoboh 1943 --------- , ed. Bukkyo no impon shinti (T h e fundamental truth? o f Buddhism), Tokyo: Sanscido, 1956. Miyasaka Yusho. Bukkyo no kigtn (The tHJginnings of Buddhism). Tokyo: Sankibo Busshorin, 1972, Mizuno K ogen Bukkyo lo tua nantka (W h at is Buddhism ?). Tokyo: K yotku shtnchdsha. 1965,

---— --------- Genshi Mlt)w(Eiirljr Buddhism). Kyoto: Heiraku ji sholent 1056. ---------. "Gosetsu ui isuite" (On lhenries o f k s rn u ), WffjalN Bukkyogaku kenkyu 2. no. 2(1954): 463-473. ---------. "juroku daikoku no kenkyu'1 (A study of the sixteen countries of [cer^ iral India]). Bukkyo kenkyu 4, no. 6 (I94fl). ---- ---- J,Mirinda monkyo’iui m liuitc" (Concerning the versions of the Queslions of King MiNrtda). Komazawa Datgaku kenkyu ktyo 17 (1959): 17-55. ---------, "M uiho ni Isuite" (Unconditioned dharmas). indogaku Bukkyogaku ktnkyu 10. no. J (1962): J - J l . — — Pati Bukkyo ivo to thiia no (Theory of mind and con­ sciousness focusing On Pali Buddhism). Tukyo: Sanlubo Busshonn, 1964. -------- . JlPan scitcn no ss'iritKushijo ni okeru Mugegtdo oyobi jjishaku no chii” (The place of ihe Patisambhiddmagga and iis commentary in the hisiory of the Pali canon). Bukkyo kenkyu 4, nos 3-6(1940- 1941). ---------. " Ptiakopadtsa ni tsuile" (On the Pttokopadtsa). Indogaku Bukkyogaku W > u 7 , n o ^(I959):52'6U ---------. Skakuion no shogei {Biography of £akyamuui Buddha). Tokyo: Shunjusha, I960. --------- 1l.£Adriholm abiddnran ni ( S u i t e " (On the Sdriputrdbhidharmafdstra). In Indo­ gaku edited by Kanakura Ensho koki kinen rt>nbiuishf] kanknkai, pp. 109-134. Kyuio: Hfirakuji (hotrn, 1966. Mochisuki Ryoko. lDgijqsAu tosatsugakuron ni in“yo sarcta Yttimakyo Bon bun danpen ni (suite" (Sanskrit fragment! of lhe ViTnaiakirlt-ntrdeia f\u\3\a\ in (he Sikjasamuicaya). In Yuimakyo gisho ronshu, edited by Nihon Bukkyo genryu kenkyu kaihp. I I2f Kyo
]ta Tibetan drvclopmenL). Indogaku kmkyd II, no. 2 (1963): 131-153. ---------. Getama Bud/la. S/takusorulm (Biography of Sakyamuni Buddha). Kyoto: Hozokan. 1958, ---------. Inda kofkmhi ( Uisiary (if ancicni India). Nakamura Hajime stnshu. vols. 5 6. 'Ibkyo: Shunjusha, l%3, 19ES9. --------- . Indo ihiso to (Problems in Indian ihought). N akm um Hqpmt sensflu, vol. 10. Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1967. -------- , Indo to Ginrfut to t\o shiso koryu (The interchange between Indian and Greek Thought). N dcam m Htyifw senshtlvol. 16. Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1968, -------- . jddo sanbukyd (Japanese Iran slut ion of the three major P u rt Land SCripturea), 2 vols. Tokyo: Iwananii ahoren, 1963. — , “'M auriya ocho nonendai ni isih e.” TShQgshi 10(1955), -------- “ Sarjpmta ni dsihyS sareni saishnki no Bukkyfi’* (The earliest Bud dhiiin as typified by Saripulla), Indngakti Huhkyugaku kenkyu. E4r no. 2 (1966): 455-466. ---------. Shukyd to shakai rinri (Religion and stxrial ethics). Tokyo: Iwa^otni ahoten, 1959, Nart&n daizokyo (Japan (?st translation of Ihe Pali ranon). KHj ted by Takakusu Jtinjiro. G5vols, Tokyo: Daijrokyo shuppansha, 1935-1941. P4ara Yasuaki. “ Bukkyo shijin Matoricheta no shisoteki tachiba"' (The tntrllectuaJ stance of [he Buddhist poet Matrce(a). Indogaku Bukkyogaku ktnky ii 2, no 1 (1953): 135 L36. Nishi Gtyii. Gtnshi Bukkyo ai oketu hannya jw i f r.hyu (Studies on the place of wis­ dom in Early buddhism). Yokoyama; Okurayama bunka kagaku kenkyujo, 1953. ---------. Shoki Dtiijo Bukkyo no kenkyu (Studies in Early Mahayana Buddhism). Tokyo: Daito shuppoDisha, 1945, Ogihara Unrai. Kan'yaku talihd Bonwa daijiton (Sanskrit-Japanese dictionary With reference IO Chinese translations) pan kung-ssu, 1988.

Taipei: H sin-w en-fcng c h Ju-

---------. Ogihara Umai bunskit (Collected essays). Tokyo: Taith.6 Daigaku Buk* kyogaku Ogihara Unrai kincn kenkyu kai, 1938, Oyaina Krn^ei. Ibushurinron-jukki hoisujin (Introduction to Tzu-en's I-bu-tsunglitn-iun stlu-chi). Kyoto: Nag at a bunshodd. IB91, Saigusa M ita iy tth i MSo6hu no kyo no ka^u ni tsuiie1' (On the number of te*is in ihe Sarny ulta-nikaya). SfiaAyd kmhyu 19? (1967); 3-32. Sakai no Kayo. Kahitiu kfnkyu (Studies on the precepts). 2 voU- in Kokuyaku daizdkyd. Tokyo: Dai to shuppansha, 192$Sakamoto Yukio, Kfgpn kyogaku no kenkyu (Studies in rhe doctrines of the Av&iamjata). 2dcd. Kyoto: Hearakuji shoten h 1964. Salair&br Ken. "Ktigaku ko” (The piaiycknbuiidka). Utani ^jjnAuAo 36, no- 3 (1956). 40-51. ---------. Kusharon no ktnkyu. kai konpon (Studies in Abhidhatmakuia. The chapters on elements and faculties). Kyoto; Hdzdkan. 1969.

Sasaki Genjtin. Abidamma ibiso ktnkyi (Studies in abhidharma thought). Tokyo; Kobundo, 1958. -------- Bukkyo ihiftrttfti/Lu m? kmkyu (Studies in Buddhist psychology) Tokyo: Nihon gakujuisukai, I960, Satri Mitsuo. Censki Bukkyo kyadan no kenkyu (A study of Ihe Early Buddhist Order). Tokyo: Sankibo RuSshnrin, 1963. Salo Mitsuo anti Sato Ryorhi. R tnjijti Kaku&n cha (The Kathavatthu and Buddha|{K(Ma's cnmnirnljiry), Tokyo: Dailii ihupp^i^lia, 1033. iia<6 Rytjjun. " Nrttipakarana ni tsu tlr'h (On [he Nrthpnkarana}. Indogaku Bukkyo■ gaku kenkyii 12h fio. '.2(]9frG): J 24-126. Shiio Retikyo. Bukkyo kyaten gaiteLm (Outline of (hr Btiddhisr canon). Tokyo: Koshisha, 1933. Shizutani Masao tado Bukkyo hunf\ (Caialof; of Indian Elitddhisi msrnjilmns). Kyoto; Hnritkuji ,ihi)H,n, 3979, -------- , 'G oshometsubon1no seiritsu n> tsuile” (On ihf cofnpositEon of ihe chapter on eliminating obstacles in the Sutra on Golden tjifjhl) Ryukoka daigaku roushu 328 (1940). Tacbiban> Shundo. Kosho S/takuiondtn (A critical biography of ihe Buddha). Tokyo: F u z a n b o ,1940. Tatshd lA'iin.nftrj dtitiokyn (Newly edited Buddhist canon or the Taisho era). Indited by Takakum Jutijiro et a]- 100 voJs- Tokyo- Dai^o shuppansha, 19241934. Takada Osatnu ButiuzS no ki$tn (The origins of Buddhisi images). Tokyo; Iwanami shotcn, 1967. -------- indo nankat Bukkyo btjvitu (Buddhist arl in India and S o u t h e d Ah13) Tokyo: Sogeisha, 1943. E'akagi Shun'ichi. Kuika kyegi{Abhidkarmakoza doctrine), 1919. Taim yam q Shoshin indo Bukkyoifti {History of Indian Buddhism). Kyoto: Hozokan, 1944. ---------. Nanpo Bukkyo no yvtii [The condition of Southern (Theravada} Bud­ dhism). Tukyo: Kobundd, 1964. Tensmolo Enga. Chibittogo biaipi{Tibc\2iA grammar). Kynto: Heirukuji shoten. 1940. -------- . Ckibdto f/rodrn JribukuUnten-ie t&usetsut&u (The Tibclan version of Vi nit ad e v a 3B Nikaya -hht dopadfiana -sangnthri). 1435. --------'iamnaiti Indo Bukkydsh\ {'I aranatha* history of I r> c liB u d d h is m ) Tokyo: HrigD5huppanshah 1928 ---------. Zokanuia'tanyaku miko IbushtirinTon (Comparison of (hr Tibetan, Chinese, and Japanese translations of [he Satneyabh/doparoranuinkin) Reprint. Tokyo: ICokuiho kankukai, 1967. Tokiwa Daijo. Butsuden shihei (Compilation of the biography of the Buddha). Tokyo: Heigo shuppatisha, 1924. 'Ibkiya KokE. ’Chihetto-yakti no Botaltutokyfl rm yakuchu'’ (Annotated J a p a ­ nese translation nf the Tibetan translation of the BodhnattvA-pilaka). ftyniaka daigatu romhu 397(1971): 1221

Tom om atsu Emai. Bukkyo nioktru hurjpai no rise to ftsiat (Distribution |o f wealth) in Buddhism. T h e ideal and the actual situation). 2 vols. 'Ibkyo; Shunjusha, 1965, 1970--------- . ftukkyo keizai fhisa fctnkyu {Studies in RtiddhiBT economic Thfuighi)Tokyo: Toho shorn, 1932. I jfuji Naoshirfi, Indo (India). Tblty^: Meicho fulty ijbi, 19+3. --------- , Indo iunprifr no akebono (T h e d a * n of Indian civilisation). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1967. ■------- . Riga weda sanka (Hymnit of rhe Rg^veda). Tokyo: Itvanami shoten, 1970. --------- , SauukurittO btmgahishi (A tlLJlory of Sanskrji titrratU re). Tokyo: Iwanami shoien, 1973. -------- . Wida to Vpanishado (T h e Vedas and Uftanisads). Tsttfi Naoshtro thosakushu, vol, I, Kyoto: H o 26 k a n ( 1981. T iu k a m o to K d t h a , ^ M a O j K i n p A i u k a ) . Kyoto; H rirakuji shoten, 1973. --------- . “ KflncUhiir shulsudo no Afiiib lifkhwku ' 1 (T h e Asokau edict discov­ ered ai. Kjndaliiir). In indogaku Bukkyogaku iomhu, edited by K anakura E nshokoki kinen ronbunshu kankbkai, pp. I S3-166. Kyoto; Heirakuji shoten, 1966. --------- . Shoki Bukkyo kyodani/ii no kmkyu [Studies on the Early Buddhisi order), Kyoto: Hcirakuji shoten, 1966. T fu k in o w a Kcnryu. Button m hihmttki kenkyu (Critical studies in Buddhist strip' lures). Kyoto: H yakkaen, 1971. Ui H akuju. "A gon ni araw areta B u is u d a k a n " (The view of ihe Buddha in ihe Agamas). In indo trtsugaku kenkyu, VuJ. t . pp 69-'24S. Ib ky o; Koshisha, 1924-1930. Reprint, Tokyo: Iwantubi shoten, 1955. --------- . “ A gon no seiriisu ni kanaum ktfsatHu" (A study oh the formation of the Agamaj). In fodo tttivgekv. kenkyu, vol. 3, pp. 303-418- Tokyo: Koshisha, 1924-193Q. R cprim . Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970. ----------’Aiku-O kokubun" (The inscriptions of Kin g Aioka). In Indo tetsugako kfrjkjti, vo]. 4, p 337. 'Ibkyo; K bsh^ha, 1924-1930. R rp rin t. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1965. --------- . tiuktyo kanron (A sum m ary of Buddhism). Tokyo: Iwananii shoten, 1947-1948. --------- . Bukkyo kyotenshi (H istory o f ihe Buddhisi canon). Tokyo: Tosei shup^ pansha, 1957. --------- Bukkyo shiso kmkyu (Studies in Buddhisi thought). "Ibkyo: [wpnami sho­ ten, 1940. ---------■+ "HLitsLitnclsLJ n e n d airo n ' 1 (Theories ahout the dcalh of the Buddha), Jn Indo tetsugaku ktrtkyu, vol. 2, pp. 2 - 1 H . Tokyo: Koshisha, 1924-1930. R eprint. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970. —------- . " C cn sh i Hukkyb shirybron" (C oncerning the sources for Early Bud’ dhism). In Jndo (etsugaku kenkyut vol. 2, pp. 11^^260. Tokyo: Kbshisha, 1924 R eprint. Tokyo: Iw anam i shoien, 1970. --------- . "H assho db no gen'i io nono henscn" (The original meaning of the

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■-------- . “ hiiijo Ki-But;u;clsu m laisuni Scshm no runpa' .V^iWircn nc*d^iyonsho ni taisuru ichi kaidai" (Vasubjndliu'i itfjiatiull uf the position that M ahayana is ncrt lhe teaching of the Buddha: A bibliographical intro­ duction lo chapter four of Ihe VyHkhyo-yukti). In Tbho g&kkm svritsu daijvgoshuntn. lohogaku ramhu, p. 269f, Tokyo: Toho gakkai, 1962. -----— . ''Indo Bukkyo haScki noichi in'en1h (A rtasun for thr analysts of Indian Buddhism). Ijl Yamaguthi Bukkyogaku bunshu (Collected essays in Buddhisi Judies l>y Yamaguchii Susumu), vol. 1. Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1972. ---------. SnAin no Jogoron {Vasubandhu's Karrnanddhi-prakafana). Kyoto: Hoxok a n , 1951. ---------. "Seshin no Shakukiron ni [suite1’ (Vasubandhu's Vyukhyd-yukti). Nihon Bukkyogakkai nmpti25 (i960): 35-68. ------- —„ Yamagofhi Susumu Bukkyogaku buwhu (Collected essays in Buddhist studies by Yamaguchi Susumu), voh ]. Tokyo: Shun jus ha, ] 972. Yamagmhi Susumu and Funahajhi Issai. Kuiharon no genten kaimti: Sektnbon (A textual study of the Abhidharmakosa: Chapter on cosmology)- Kyoln; Hozokan. J 055. Yamaguehi Susumu, Oeho Eniehi, AndoToshio, and Funahashi Issai. Bukkyog&kuJQietsU (An introduction to Buddhist s lu Jia ). Kyoto; Hrirlltuji shotcn, 1961. Yamamoto Tatsuro, ed, / h &;Aj (History of India). Tokyo: Yatnakawa ibuppans h a , 1977. Yuyama Akira. "Kamaia^ila no Bhavanakrama ni in'yo sarcta Yuimakyo" fQuo­ ta [ions of lhe VimnlakirtimTdesa in Kama]astla's /ifiiii-anaimma} Ibhagtiku 3B (1969): J05 -l?5 . Related Readings Abhtdhammaitha-tattgoha. Translated by Shwe Zan Aung and C. A. F. Rhys Davids as Compendium of PhitafOphy, London: I.uJtac, 1910. Reprint1956. Adi ka ra tn, t . W. Early History oj Buddhism in Cry ion. M i ni a : Pu swclla, 3946. Agasse, Jean Mh'htt. “ U T ran Hfcrt dc nitrite dans It Bciuddhisni? Pali tEassiqu C.’"journal Astatiquc 226 (1078): 111 -332. Ahir, D. C. Shtints in iadm Delhi; B. R Publishing, 1986. Alexander, P C. Rvddhiim in K m ta. Aimamalainagar; A n n u n a lit University, 1949. Ariguttara Nikaya. Translated by F. L. Woodward and E. M . H a r t as The Book oj Gradual Sayings. Pali Text Socitiy Translation Scriei, vola. 22, 24-2?London: Luzac, 1951-1055, (Originally puhlislifd by Oxford Univer­ sity Press, London. 1932-1936.) Arc ill sm i, HatVcy. Lave and Sympathy in TTieraodda Buddhism, llrltu: M-utila] Banarsidass, 1980. Aryaiura. Jdtaka-mdla. Edited by P. L, Vaidya. Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, vol. 2 T DarbtiJinga: MirhiJa Institute, 1959.

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