Grammars and the community

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Grammars and the community MarianneMithun University of California, SantaBarbara

The audienceofa grammaticaldescriptionis an important considerationfor anyone involved in descriptive linguistics. Potential grammar users include linguists, the interested public, and members of the communities in which ofthe targetaudiencesis necessaryin the languageis spoken.An awareness shaping the grammar to meet varying needs.It might, for example,affect the choice oftopics to be discussed,the organization and style of the presentation, the depth ofdetail to include, the use oftechnical terminology, and the nattue of exemplification. It is not yet clear whether one grammar can serve all potential audiencesand purposes. Whether it can or not, however, there is a good chancethat any grammar will eventua$ be pressedinto service for more than one. This paper offers some suggestionsbased on the author's experiencewith Mohawk communities situated in Quebec, Ontario, and New York State.

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Introduction - Who reads linguistic grammars?

A usefrrl point to consider when planning a grammar is its intended audience, Potential grammar readers might include linguists, interested laymen, or, increasingly,members of the communities in which the languageis spoken, Since thesegroups approach grammars from a variety ofbackgrounds and with a variety ofpurposes,an awarenessof the targetaudiencecan be usefrrlin shaping the grammar to meet their needs.It might, for example,affect such decisions as the choiceoftopics to be discussedthe organizationand style ofthe presentation, the depth of detail to include, the use of technical terminology, and the nature of exemplification. It is not yet clear whether one grammar can serve all potential audiences and purposes, Whether it can or not, however, there is a good chance that it will eventually be pressedinto service for more than one. This likelihood is increasedin the caseofendangeredlanguages, where further descriptionsmay not be possible.

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z8z Marianne Mithun

None of the three audiencesmentioned above,linguists, interestedlaymen, or cofirmunity members,is itself a homogeneousgroup.Among linguists, probably the most avid grarnmar readers are typologists, scholars engagedin comparing particular struct&es acrosslarge numbers of languages.Their primary goal is often to check certain predetermined features and correlations. Does the languageshow basic verb-initial, verb-medial, or verb-final word order? Does it show preposedor postposedrelative clauses?Other linguists consultinggrammarsmight be engagedin constructingmodelsof a particular areaoflanguagestructure,suchascoreferencerelationsbetweennoun phrases and pronouns in different clauses.Such theoreticians may hope for detailed accountsof all logically possiblecombinationsof relevantstructureswithin a particular domain: subject pronouns in preposed subordinate clau ses(Because he had left,John missedseeingBill), object pronouns in preposedsubordinate clauses(Because Johnhad seenhim. Bill askedSam to wait . ..), etc. Comparative linguists, interested in how languageschange over time, might consult a grarnmar in order to see how the language described compares with others that are genetically related or areally contiguous. They might hope to find systo those other languages,aswell tematic and explicit lists of correspondences asdiscussionsabout the sourcesof forms and constructionsthat canbe traced within the language itself. Still other linguists might be working on grammars themselves.Thesereaders may be more interested in learning about the unexpectedpossibilites:unusualdistinctionslanguagesmight encode,or previously unidentified structural generalizations that could characterize large numbers ofexpressions,Readinga grammar can alert them to categoriesand patternsto investigate in the languagethey are documenting. A more general lay public might include individuals who are simply interested in the community in which the language is spoken and its culture. It might include anthropologists and historians hoping to gain an understanding oftraditional patternsof thinking. It might include translatorswhosegoal is to produce materials for community use or to bring material from the community to a broader audience.It might include persons from outside the community who hope to provide various support services.Such community workers might wish for information that might help them to gain a rudimentary speaking ability in order to facilitate communication. Finally, an important and growing audience for the grammar might come from within the community in which the language is spoken. Among these readersmight be languageteachers,that is, speakerschargedwith passingon the traditional language to children or adults who do not know it or do not know it well. There might be curriculum planners who are constructing lesson

Grammars and the community

plans and teaching materials for the community. There might be community memberswho are simply intrigued by the beauty and intricaciesof a system of which they were not previously conscious. Or, increasingly, there might be descendantsofspeakers,eagerto discoverand appreciatethis centralaspectof their heritage. Important functions of grammars directed at these audiences might be to show the overall structure ofthe languagein its own terms, and to document its richness,particularly ofwhat makesit special.(For an additional perspective,seethe contribution by ]amesKadanyain this volume.) The potential audiencefor a good grammar is thus likely to be diverse,with a variety of backgrounds,skills, interests,desires,tastes,and purposes.It will alsobe a changingone.Topicsofinterest to linguistic theoreticiansare notoriously ephemeral.The hottest issues,those generatingthe most exciteddiscussion at one moment, are often the quickest to become outmoded. Even more important is the potential for change within the community audience. Not long ago relatively few community members were very interested in the work producedby linguists.When everyoneknew the traditional languagewell and used it as a primary means of communication, their linguistic knowledge was often taken for granted, and the humble attempts ofan outsider to record and describe a fragment of it could offer little excitement. Increasing globalization, however, has meant increasing worldliness, sophistication, education, and curiosity on the part of members of many communities. Speakersand their descendantsare increasingly aware of the complexity and value of their own heritage. A good grammar can even heighten their appreciation of it. If grammars are to be consulted by such a varied and ever-changing audience,it might be usefirl to begin discussionof how grammar writers can best serve the diverse needs of their readers now and in the future. Among the issuesfor discussionare the relation between granmar writing and linguistic theory, the use of technical terminology, the quantity of detail to include in descriptions, the choice and format of examples,and the nature ofthe data that provide the foundation for the description.

z. Grarnmar writing and linguistic theory An ongoing questionfor grammar writers is the optimal balancebetweentheoretical abstuactionand language-specificsubstance.It is clear that a sound knowledgeofthe categoriesand structuresthat havealreadybeen observedto occur in other languagesis essentialto the effectiveanalysisand descriptionof a new language.Ifone has never heard ofergativity, for example,a tremendous

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amount of time can be v,rasted trying to find subjectsand objectsin a language without them. A familiarity with ergative patterns, on the other hand, can allow the researcher to identiff such pattems quickly and, furthermore, alert him or her to note how far the patterns extend. Are they confined to lexical noun phrases or do they extend to pronouns as well? Do they appear in both main and subordinateclauses,orjust one?Do they appearin all tenses,aspects, and moods, or just some?Antipassiveconstuuctionsfrequently play a significant role in languageswith ergative patterns. The theoretically sophisticated researcherwill be on the lookout for antipassivesin a languagewith ergative constructions,and the syntactic and pragmatic roles they might play in connectedspeech. At the same time, a certain amount of judgment is called for in determining the extent to which the shape of a grammar should be driven by current theoreticalconcerns.Becauseof the modern history of linguistic theory,with its strongroots in Europeand North America,the theoreticalissuesmost heavily discussedhave tended to involve structwes found in English and, to a lesser extent, related languages.The syntactic structures of written English in particular have defined the foci of a substantialproportion of theoreticalwork to date, though fortunately there is increasingconsiderationof a wider range of languages.If a grammar is basedprimarily on translationsof the English sentencesthat underlie current theoretical issues,the potential contribution of that grammar to both the linguistic and iocal communities is diminished. We will be deprived of some of the most theoretically interesting aspectsof the languageunder consideration,thosewhich would allow us to broadenour theoreticalperspectivein the most interestingways.We will also faii to document what makes this language special, a record of the particular cultwe that shapedit. Linguistic tlpologists often expressfrustration at the gaps they find in grammars. They would like each grammar to contain not only a specification of the categoriesand structures that exist in the language,but also a specification of those that do not. This desire is certainly understandable: the goal of typology is the comparisonand classificationofrecurring featuresor constructions acrosslargenumbers oflanguages. The work raises deeper questions about whether languages are fundamentally the same, with only incidental differences, or profoundly di-fferent. These discussionswill probably continue throughout the life of the discipline. But the issuecalls for reflection about the level of categoriesand structures worthy of mention. Should we speci4/ for every language whether or not it has a passiveconstruction?Double wh-movement?Prepositions?A perfect?

Grammars and the community

An ablativecase?A potential danger in over-inclusiveness is that of shaping the description of a little-known language in terms of the structures crrrently recognizedin better-knownlanguages.One alternativethat hasbeensuggested is a large index at the end of the grammar, listing all occurring and non-occurring structues, with pointers to the pageson which the occurring structures are discussed,and e4plicit labeliagofnon-occurring ones. A closely-related issue is the extent to which the grammar should reflect the firll range of logically possible structures, as opposed to the distribution of structuresthat occur in natural speech.In many casesspeakerscan supply literal translationsof English constructionsin their languageevenwhen these constructionsrarely if ever occur spontaneously. The elicitedtranslationsmay fail to occur for a variety ofreasons.They may be pragmaticallyseH-contradictory for example, or other constructions may normally be used in their place. Certain constructions may be used only with particular lexical items in natural speech.A theoreticiancould be chagrinnedto find no exampleofa particular logically possibleconstruction, and no specificationof its ungrammaticality, but the grammarian might wonder whether an elicited translation is truly part of the languageand belongs in the permanent record. Again, such decisions basis.Awarenessof the logical possibilities must be made on a case-by-case can prompt the grammarian to searchfor the full range of pertinent examples in the database,so that crucial o(amples are not inadvertently omitted. Creating skucture, however, can provide a distorted view ofthe intricate system of systemsthat is the language. On this issue, cornmunity concerns might motivate greater fidelity to actually-occurring speech.ln many cases,local languagesare being replacedby global languages in stages.Skilled speakers use the traditional languages in fewer and fewer contexts. Succeedinggenerations control smaller inventories ofrhetorical styles,complexconstructions,and vocabulary.In suchsituations, faithfirl documentation becomes increasingly important. A record of what is actually said by skilled speakersin a variety of situations, when they are choosing what to sayand how to sayit, can provide a pricelessrecord not just ofrelative clausestructures, for example,but also ofwhat was said, of how experience was segmentedinto concepts and how these concepts were combined, of how speakers interacted with each other. Each example taken from spontaneous speechprovidesan illustration not just ofthe point it is meant to illustrate,but of many more aspectsof the languageand languageuse.Suchdocumentation can also provide answersto theoretical questionswe do not yet l<nowenough to ask. It can be our best hope for serving future readersfrom all backgrounds.

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3. Terminology It has sometimes been suggestedthat the actual technical terminology used in a grammar is insignificant, so long as all terms are defined. Definitions are certainly important, both for the casual, uninitiated reader and for the theoretician interested in knowing the exact concept intended by the author. But the choiceof terms can also be important. A number of sometimescontradictory factors can enter into the optimal choice. If the grahmar is to be accessible to the largestpossibleaudience,unnecessarytechnical terminology can be detrimental. In any field, technicalterminology playsboth intellectualand social roles. Intellectually, it can permit the refinement of our understanding of a concept.But socially,it can distinguishmembersof the 'in-group from all others, In-group terminology can constitute a barrier to understanding and discouragegeneralreaders.(It canalsobe short-lived,so that work incorporating it can appear outmoded quite quickly.) Where technical terms are necessary,severalconsiderationsare at stake. Linguistic typologists often express frustration at the incommensurability of grammars if terminology is not uniform. Someoneresearchingsubjunctives, for example,might prefer that every grammar include a section labeled'Subjunctives] with either a description of the forms or a statement that they do not exist in that language.As the kinds oflinguistic categoriesthat occur havebecome better l<nown and understood over the past half-century, much common linguistic terminology has becomewidely established.It is important for the grammarian to know what terms are in general use, and exactly how they are commonly understood. Inventing a new term for a category that is common cross-linguistically and already known under another name is counterproductive. At the sametime, if incommensurate categoriesare forced too quickly into a single terminological box, we can lose an important value of the grammar: the opportunity to appreciatethe potential richnessoflanguagevariation. Two other factors can enter into the choice oftechnical terminology where it is necessary.One is the existence of terminology in previous studies of the languageor relatedlanguages.Ifthere is a strong tradition, for example,ofusing a certain term for a particular grammatical prefil the grammarian might think twice before choosing a different term. If a change is made, it is helpfirl to specil! the equivalence. To lessenfrustration for grammar userswithin the speechcommuniry of course maximal transparency of terminology is extremely important. All else being equal, a term like 'past' is more transparent than a term like 'preteritel It can sometimes be useful to include the form of a marker when mentioning

Gramrnars and the community

the term, as in 'the s- repetitive'. Learning new terminology requires an investment of time and patiencefor anyone,particularly for thosewho arenot in the habit of reading grammars. For this reason, it can be important to make carefi.rl choicesthe first time, in order to minimize the trauma of revision. The linguist might suddenly decide that a particular suffx would be more appropriately called an Inceptive than an Inchoative. In the en4 however, changing an established term might not be worth the risk of alienatingthe audience.

4. Questions of quantity Different audienceswill certainly vary in the amount of detail they would like to find in a grammar. Furthermore, the preferencesof individual grammar users can changeover their lifetimes. We expect a grammar to speci{ the basic patterns that characterize the language. But just how much detail should be supplied?Should the patterns be simply stated,or should they be explained where this is possible?Shouldapparentirregularitiesbe discussed?Shouldexamplesbe simple,brie( and few, or should they be elaborateand numerous? Should full inflectional paradigms be include4 evenwhere they are predictable by generalrule, or are generalrules sufficient?Should forms be illustrated in the contextof larger stretchesofspeech?Shouldgapsin usagebe discussed? The best answersto such questions will undoubtedly be different for different communities. Some points for reflection are ofered here from the experiencesof a consortium of six Mohawk communities situatedin Quebec,Ontario, and New York State.Beginning in the early f 970's community members noticed that children were no longer learning the language at home. Speakers beganoffering languageclassesin community schools,but they soon realized that their skill at speaking the languagedid not firlly equip them to passon the languageduring the limited classroomtime at their disposal.They felt they could benefit from some technical knowledge of the structure of the language and teaching techniques, so they set about establishing university certificate and degree programs in these areas. Community orthographies were established, and teachersbegan to learn about the complex structures of their language,making conscious what had previously been largely unconscious. They realized that if they were to teach Mohawk effectively, with the goal of passing on Mohawk ways of viewing the world their classesshould not be organized according to the curriculum used for teaching French. Mohawk teachers did not teach grammar as a formal subject,but their lessonplans were based on a fundamental understanding of Mohawk in its own terms. At this stage,

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emphasisin teacher-trainingprograms was on the basic, recurring, regular patterns specific to the Mohawk language. Over time, languageprograms for both children and adults blossomedin all of the communities. Immersion programs, in which students learn all of their subjects in Mohawk, were established and have continued with great success. Teachersbecameincreasinglysophisticatedin their consciousunderstanding of the intricacies of the language.Curriculum committees were formed to produce materials for the classrooms. At a certain point, community members involved in these programs realized that they would like a comprehensivereferencegramrnar of the language,complete with fine details about the sounds of the language,dialect differences,word structure, sentencestructure, discourse structure, and style, aswell as explanations of the seeming exceptions that crop up repeatedlyasthey preparelessons.The issuesconsideredbelow come from our experiencesin planning and working on this grammar. 4.r How much detail should be included with descriptions? All grammars should of course outline the basic structures of the language. Mohawk, for example, contains three different constructions comparable to the possessive constructionsoflanguageslike English.Ifteachersareto present coherentlessons,they needto be awareofthe three constructionsand perhaps presentthem at differenttimes. (1) ThreeMohawkpossessive constructions: Inalienablepossession \-kahd:ke Alienablepossession ak-hnir:ta Interpersonalrelationships rak-hs6tha

m/ qte mf purse mygrandfather

How much more should be said in the grammar? Certainly the situations in which each construction is used should be specified,and the form of each should be described.Mohawk teachers,who are quite sophisticated"are comfortable with at least as much description asbelow. Inalienablepossessiveconstructions are used for most, but not all, body parts. They are formed from an inalienable possessiveprefix referring to the possessor(&- 'my'), followed by a noun stemidentiE'ing the possession(-kahr'eye'),a noun suffix (-a'), and an ending (=fte; meaning'place'.

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(2) Inalienable possession likahri:ke k-kahr-a'=ke 1sc.INALIEN.possEssoR-eye-NouN.suFFrx=LocATrvE.NoMtNALrzER 'my eye (place)' Alienable possessiveconstructions are used for most other possessions.They are formed from an alienable possessiveprefix referring to the possessor (ak'my'), a noun stem identifting the possession (-hna't- 'pwse'), and just a noun

suffix (-r'). (3) Alienablepossession akhni:ta' ak-hna't-a 1sc.ALIEN.possEssoR-prrlse-NouN,suFFtx

'my purse' Most kinsmen and other associatesare identified in terms of relationships Both partiesin the relationshiparespecifiedin the prorather than possession. nominal prefix. Seniormembersare expressedfirst, junior memberssecond. (4) Kinshipterms a. s4\hs6tha rak-hs6t=ha urrv E M.sc/lsc-be.erandDarent.to=DTMTN 'he is grandparentto 4g9'= '1aygrandfather' b. riiateri:h 4!-atere =a

I sc/u.sc-have.as.grandchild=orurNurIvE '! havehim asa grandchild = '1nygrandson When both members are of comparablerank, a reciprocal construction is used. (5) Reciprocalkinshipterms ontiara'sd:'a onki-ar-a'sd=a l.ExcLUsrvE.pu-REcrpRocAL-be.cousin.to=orl.rINu'trvs 'we two arecousinsto eachother' = '!0y cousin In addition to the major question of just how much detail to include in the description,there is the issueof how much additional commentary should be provided. Some explanation can certainly be interesting,particularly if it is

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accurate.and it can make the structureseasierto understandand remember. Relatingparticular structuresto deepergeneralizationscanbe usefi.rlfor some readers.The Mohawk inalienablepossessiveprefixesresemblethe agentpronominal prefixes that appear on verbs (I jumped, I grabbed him), with certain minor, systematicdiferences in form. The alienablepossessive prefixesresemble the grammatical patient pronominal prefxes that appear on verbs (I slepf, hegrabbedme),againwith certainminor, systematicdifferencesin form. When theseparallelsbetween the pronominal prefix paradigms are pointed out, it significantlyreducesthe overall learning time for the reader. 4.2 How much detail should be included about form? As in many languages,the shapesof prefixes and suffixes in Mohawk can vary accordingto the soundsadjacentto them. The possessive prefixesshow different shapesbeforedifferent sounds. (6) Allomorphyof possessive prefixes k-kahrir:ke my eye ke-neriltsti:ke mynavel k-a'kotarh:ke ml heel my bo4l !-ia'tiL:ke

ak-hnd:ta' akd-:sere akwath:ihsteren ]{-iare'

mypurse mv cqr mlpants mypouch

The Mohawk communities show dialect differences aswell, (7) Dialectvariation k-ia'th:ke mybody my body !-iali:ke

(Ohswd;ken,Taientan6:ken,Ahkwesr{hsne) (Kanehsati:ke, Wdhta,Kahnawd:ke)

A traditional value in linguistics has been economy of description.A simple rule has been more highly valued than a complex one. No more exampleshave been deemednecessarythan those required to prove the point. It is not clear that this kind of economyis the bestanswerfor a usefi.rlgrammar,particularly for community members.Additional examplesmight be of severalkinds. In describing allomorphy, for example, one could first provide a full paradigm, like that below. (8) Possessiveparadigm my head !9-nontsi:ne gg;nontsi:ne lour head itshend,herhead fu-nontsi:ne one'shead,herhead lg-nontsi:ne hk head 14-nontsi:ne

Grammars and the community

!9$-nontsi:ne iakeni-nontsi:ne leld-nontsi:ne S4l-nontsi:ne qi-nontsi:ne

fou andI, ouf heads he or sheand I, oul heads /ou two,/ow heads theytwo (animalsor women)rtheirheads theytwo (males)theirheads

@144-nontsi:ne iakr,va-nontslne leua-nontsi:ne !g4[-nontsi:ne 14[!-nontsi:ne

youall andI, our-heads theyand I, our heads you all, your heads they (animalsor women)their heads they(males)theirheads

To show patterns of allomorphy and dialect variation, additional paradigms could be provided. (The initials to the right below identify dialects.) (9) Inalienablepossession with a- stems rnyJeet k-ahslti:ke your s-ahsfti:ke feet g-ahsi'tl:ke itsfeet,herfeet ion-hsitir:ke one's feet,herfeet r-ahsi'tl:ke hisfeet ti-ahsiti:ke ki-ahsi'tiL:ke iaki-ahsi'ti:ke iati-ahsftd:ke tsi-ahsi'ti:ke lg-ahsi'td:ke ki-ahsi'ta:ke ti-ahsi'tiL:ke i-ahsi'ti:ke

you andI, ourfeet O, I you and l, ourfeet he or sheand I, ourfeet he or sheand I, ourfeet you two,lour Jeet lou tv')o,)tourfeef theytwo animalsor womenitheirfeet theytwo animalsor womefi,theirfeet theytwo males,theirfeet

tew-ahsi'ti:ke ialsg-ahsi'tlke gelu-ahslti:ke kon-hsi'tir:ke ron-hsiti:ke

you all and I, ourfeet theyand I, ourfeet you all, yourfeet theyall (animalsor women)theirfeet theyall (males)theirfeet

Kw,Ks,W A O, T, A Kw,Ks, W O, T, A Kw,Ks, W O, T, A Kw,Ks, W

To conveythe frrll pattern,still more paradigmswould be necessarydisplaying forms with noun stemsbeginning with other vowelsand consonantclusters, Alternatively,the basicparadigm could be followed by rules or statements about phonological processesor alternations, in the style preferred by the grammarwriter. The form of the Mohawk neuter-zoicprefix, for example,used

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for animals and for somewomen and girls, appearsas ka-, w-, or d-.(This i is the orthographic conventionfor the palatal glide [j] before a vowel. Nasalized vowels are written as digraphs en and on.): (10) neuter.zoicinalienablepossessor its,her and the vowel i kabefore consonants ka-i > ken

w>i

(en = [e]) before vowels a, e, en beforevowelso,on (i= [j],on= [o])

The alternations described here represent a variety of t1pes. The dissimilation ofthe back glide w to a front glide I [jl before back vowels is a regular, recurring alternation that can be seen throughout the grammar. The fusion of the vowels a and I to the nasalvowel er (phoneticallya nasalizedmid-central vowel), can be seenjust within the pronominal prefix paradigms.The shift of ka- to w- beforevowelsa, e, and en, is not a regularphonologicalalternationat all. It is unique to this form and suppletive.The grammar writer describingthis allomorphy must decide whether to state these alternations together in the same part of the grammar, individually in separateareasof the grammar, or both. For the Mohawks, the best solution appears to be a combination, even if certain regularities arestatedmore than once. Full setsofparadigms are crucial. The grammar writer may have assimilated the intricate setsof alternations and be ableto recreatethem, and ofcourse speakerscanproducethe forms without reflection, but the full sets of paradigms allow readers to see the patterns for themselves. They provide teachers and curriculum designers with examples. And they provide non-speakerswith forms they can be confident are correct, incorporating all of the complex alternationsthat interact.At the sametime it is usefulfor many readersto seea summary of the forms asin ( l0), whether in that format or some other. It provides helplirl generalizations to adults learning the languageor teachersand curriculum planners assemblinglessonsthat will allow students to absorb patterns. Finally, particularly if the grammar is meant to serve linguists as well, it is appropriate to repeat the individual alternation patternsin the various appropriatesectionsof the phonologicaldescription. 4.3 How many examples? As note4 scholarly linguistic analysestypically provide only enough examples to illustrate the point under discussion. Similarly, languagepatterns are sometimes easiestfor the nonJinguist to seein one or two simple examples.The Mohawk first person singular pronominal prefixes k- and ak- are followed by

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an epenthetice before certain consonants(n, L w) and consonantclustersbeginning with glottal stop.This point can be made by a statementof the distribution and an illustrative example as in ( 11) . (11) Mohawkprefx allomorphy:the simpleview khnia'si:ke akhnid:sa' ak-hnia's-a k-hniat-a=ke lsc.rNAL.poss-throat-Ns=LocATrvB lsc.AL.poss-throat-Ns=LocATrvE 'mv collar' 'mv throat'

ke'nionkserd:ke ke-hionkser-a'=ke

ake'ni6nkseri

ake-hionkseri lsc.rNAL.poss-toe-Ns=LoCATIVE Isc.AL.poss-toe-NS=LocATIvE 'mv onion 'mv toe'

The grammar writer could stop with these examples,or provide more, as in (12). (12)

Mohawk prefix allomorphy: the more extensive view 'mv face' k-konhsi:ke k-kerfkwari:ke'rnyforehead

k-hsonhkari:ke'aq y lip (s )' 'aryelbow(s)' k-hiohsi:ke 'oy rump k-hnatshir:ke buttock(s)' 'aqynail(s)i' k-tsi'eri:ke 'mv skin k-ihnir:ke 'nty foot/feet' k-ahsi'tiL:ke k-ahiakwira:ke'my t o e (s )' foot' fo-nontsi:ne ke-nhdkwi:ke ke-nawiri:ke ke-nahsir:ke ke-nia'kwir:ke ke-ronhkwe'ni:ke ke-rhiotshi:ke ke-weionhkari;ke ke-'nionhsi:ke

'4qyhead' '4qycheek(s)' '4qyteeth 'noytongue' 'nqythroat' 'rnlback lty chin' '1gythumu 'my nose'

k -h s in e k d t h : k e ' lq y a n k le (s )' 'mv lee(s)' k-hsini:ke

k-hdkwi:ke

mv

k-hsiahontiL:ke'4gystomach k-entskwehh:ke'oychest' k-ahontd:ke k-ahsi'td:kon

'4qy ear(s)' 'sole of4gy

ke-na'wasir:ke ke-nhoskwir:ke ke-na'ahti:ke ke-nhonhrd:kon ke-nekweritluke ke-nentshi:ke ke-rati:ke ke-lhiotshd;ke ke-'nahsir:ke

'my eyelid' 'gy ju* rny rib(s)' lqy armpitG)' 'my belly' 'rny arm(s)' 'mg heel' 'my chin 'oy tongue'

As in the caseof paradigms,more examplesdo allow readersto seepatternsfor themselves,They can provide teachersand curriculum designerswith useful material aswell as secondlanguagelearners.They can alsoprovide a checkon combinationsofrules and detailsof allomorphy.

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4.4 Should apparent irregularities be discussed? It was noted earlier that the possessionofbody parts is usually expressedin construction.But somebody parts apMohawk with an Inalienablepossessive pearonly with Alienablepossession. (f3) Mohawkbody partswith Alienablepossession ake-nekw6nhsa' ake-n6nhkwis 'myhaif aoyblood akw-atsti6hseri'pqykidney(s)'ak-htsinonhiata:ke'EyveinG)' Furthermore, some Mohawk nouns for body parts can appearin either Inalienableor Alienablepossessive constructions. ( 14) Mohawk body parts with either '4qyfingernail' k-tsi'era:ke ak-tsi'eri:ke p-nontsi:ne q4q-nontsi:ne'hishead For community readers learning about the skucture of their language for the fust time, it might be easier not to hear about such exceptions while they are attempting to make senseof the overall generalization. They might prefer to hear about just the forms that conkibute to the general pattem. If the seeming exceptions are pervasive, however, they will appear soon enough. Teachers and curriculum designerswill bump into them as they try to devise coherent lessonplans. If exceptions are to be included, there are again options. The choice will depend on the pervasivenessand transparency of the seeming exceptions and the preferences of the readership. One option is simply to list exceptions at the end of the description.The Mohawk chapteron possessioncould list body part terms that appear in Inalienable possessiveconstructions, then those that appearin Alienable possessiveconstructions,then those that can appear in both. A secondoption is to offer possibleexplanationsfor the differences.Again, an important consideration is the quality of the explanation. Good, valid explanations can make the patterns easierto understand, assimilate,and appreciate. The Mohawk body parts that appearwith Alienable possessionare not a random set. Most are internal organslike veins and kidneys, not onesnormally visible to one viewing a live person or animal, and not onesthat the owner normally has conscious contuol over. Mohawk speakershave suggestedthat body parts like arms and legs are extensions of the owner in a way that veins and kidneys are not. If someonehits my arm she hits me. Asked about hair, speakers note a senseof separationand lack of control. The Mohawk body parts

Grammars and the community

that appear in both Inalienable and Alienable possessiveconstructions,like eyelashes and fingernails,are also not a random set.They occur both attached to and separatedfrom their owners:one can lose an eyelashor cut offa fingernail. They tend to occur in Alienable possessiveconstructionswhen they are separatedfrom their owners, and in Inalienable constructions when attached. The final examplewith the head is especiallyrevealing.Possession ofa head is normally inalienable.The Alienable construction raonontsi:ne'his head came from a story about a HeadlessHorsemanwho carried his head under his arm. 4.5 Should examplesillustrate the use of forms in context? Another considerationis whether words illustrating morphological structure should be shown in the larger syntactic or discoursecontexts in which they occur. For beginnersand anyoneelseunacquaintedwith the language,it is obviously easierto seemorphological patternswhen just the word is provided, as in the examplesabove.The paradigmsin (9) and the lists of terms in (12) allow speakersto seegeneralizationsthey would miss in more elaborateexamples. If the purposeof the grammar is to provide as fuIl a descriptionas possibleof the language,however, examplesofthe construction in a larger context can be impo{ant as well. The words described may not fit into natural speechin the sameway astheir Englishtranslations.Their usemaybe dependenton certain featuresof the larger context that may not evenbe apparent to the grammarian at the outset. For full documentation,then, at least some examplesfrom the spontaneousspeechof skilled speakerscan be usefi.rl. If such examplesare to be included, one might consider how much grammatical information aboutthe exampleshouldbe included.Is a simplesentence translationsufficient?Would a word-by-word glosshelp?A fUll morphological analysis?For exampleslike thosein (15) and (16), for example,one could provide just the first lines given here (the sentenceas spoken) arrd last lines (the free translation); or the first (as spoken),fowth (word-by-word translation), and last (free translation);or the first (as spoken),the second(morphological parsing),third (morpheme-by-morphemegloss),and last (free translation);or all five.

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(15) Possession Phillips,Kahnawir:ke, in context:Sha'tekenhetie speakerp.c. Lih o'ni' ne 6nska tekh6:k6n irih ohi' ne dnska le-khe-ken-'

ne: 4\hwri:tsire' ne ak-hwatsir-'

not also the one

NEG-lsG/3-see-pRF tlle

not also the one

did I see

the

I sc.rwer.ross-family-Ns my family

'Andnot oncedid I seemy family' (16) Possession in context:MargaretEdwards,Ahlcaresihsne, speakerp.c. Ionkwara'sebkdn:'a ionkw-ar-a'sd=okonh l.ExcLUsIVE.pL-REcIpRocAL-be.cousin=otsrnlsurtvs we all areindividuallycousinsto eachother ki6tkon thatinati:re's. tiotkon t-hati-nat-a-hr-e'-s always crsrocatwf,-M.pL.AGT-visit-lorNrR-puRposrvf,-srATrvE-DrsrRrBUTrvE always they come to visit here and there 'X4ycousinswerealwayscomingto visitl Mohawk speakersfeel that such examplesare crucial for documenting the languagein its iirll glory. The morphological structure ofthe languageis sufficiently complex that it will not be obvious to most readers,whether or not they arespeakersthemselves,so the analysisis useful.(Not all readers,linguists or non-linguists,will read a grammar from cover-to-cover,memorizing each form along the way.) Printing the medial analysis lines in finer type allows thosewho arenot interestedin such detail to passover them more easily.Each examplecan also provide information about not just the particular construction being describedat that point, but about many other points of grammar. 4.6 Should frequency be addressed? As mentioned earlier,a recurring criticism by some grammar readersis the absenceofovert statementsabout structuresthat do not occur in the language. Most grammar writers attempt to present the languagein its own terms. To what extent should the structures of English or other well-known languages shapethe description of the target language?At least in part, such decisions will dependto someextenton the frequencyofparticular constructionscrosslinguistically. A more subtle issue is the relative frequency of a construction within the languagedescribed.A construction that is central to one languageand common in natural speechmay be marginal in another and extremelyrare.

Grammars and the community

Quantifting the differencepreciselyis nearly impossiblein most situations;it would require an extensive corpus of speechin a variety of genres, somehow weighted to reflect daily usage.But frequency can be an interesting fact about a form or construction. Again the Mohawk possessiveconstructions provide an example. Apart from kinship terms, possessiveconstructions are surprisingly rare in spontaneousMohawk speech.It can be useful to discussthe kinds of constructions that are used in their place. Nouns are comparatively rare In Mohawk speech.In situations where English speakerswould usesentences nouns,Mohawk with independentpossessed speakersoften use verbs alone. To say I cut her hair, for example,Mohawk speakersdo not use an inalienablypossessednoan her hair, They use a verb into which the noun stem for hair has been incorporated. The affected person, the one whose hair was cug is not identified by a possessiveprefix Instead, she is a core argument ofthe clause,the person directly affected.Sheis represented by a pronominal prefix on the verb. (17) Mohawkaffectedperson: Wa'kbsn6nhkwahrd wa -khe-nonhlaar-a-hre-' FAcTUAL-1Sg!,S9-hair-JorNrn-Cut-nnr 'I haircut her = I cut her hairi Verbal constructionsare also used in place of alienablypossessednouns. Insteadof a sentencewith possessednoun phrase,like Theyplowed ml gardelr or I turned of my hght, a verb is used- The person indirectly affected by the plowing and the darknessis identified not by a possessive prefix on a noun, but by a pronominal prefix on the verb. The garden and the light are specified by nouns incorporated into the verb, and the indirect affectednessis indicated by a benefactive suffi:c (18) Indirect affectedness: Awenhr{tenDeer,Kahnawi:ke,speaker Wa'tionkwatonhontsahrihten. wa -t-ionkw-at-onhontsi-a-hri-ht-en-' uclulr-ov-l3qf5g-urnolt-earth-JoIwen-break-causATrvE-BEN-pR! 'They broke the ground for me = they plowed my garden.' ( 19) Indirectaffectedness: LeatriceBeauvaisKahnawir:ke, speakerp.c. Sokwa'kati: swahtel sok wa'-k-at-a'sw-a-ht-' so

FAcTUAL-lsc.AGT-REFLExTvE-go.out-torNER-cAUsATrvE-pRr

'Sothen I extinguishedfor myself= Sot-henI hnned offoy lighti

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In fact in many cases,verbal consfuuctionswith incorporatednouns are used nounswould be used in Mohawk where sentenceswith independentpossessed in English. (20) Verbalconstruction:fosieHorne,Kahnawi:ke,speaker Kaierithonni: i6ntiats. Kaierithon n=i:'i ionk-iat-s (name) the=I TNDEFTNlTn/lsc-call-nesrtuer As for me, they call me Kaierithon = '!$ nameis Kaierithonl (21) Verbalconstruction;ShatekenhritidPhillips,Kahnawi:ke,speaker IAh kl now6n:ton nahd:ten tekerf not actually ever anl4hing not is tha'tewakatonnhatier6nnion. tha-te-wak-atonnh-atieron-nion coNTR-Dv-1sc.pAT-life-be.strange-oIsrRtBUTIvE.srATrvE I waslife-strange 'Therewas neveractually an1'thingunusual about my lifeJ

5. The view from the data Simple examplescan frequently provide the clearestillustrations of grammatical points. But the languagethat occurs in spontaneousconversationand narrative is rarely that simple. Often the only way to avoid all extraneouscomplexity is to construct examplesfor the point to be illustrated.It can be hoped that speakersare alwaysinvolved in this process,either in drawing up setsof examples themselvesto illustrate the patterns, or in providing translations of key sentencesdrawn up by the grammar writer. For many purposes,constructedexamplesprovide an accurateview ofthe language,In somedomains,however,eventhe best speakersproducematerial that falls short of capturing the essenceof the language.Material basedconsciouslyor unconsciouslyon translationsfrom the encroachingianguagecan be shapedby that language.Simplificationcan alsofilter out elementsthat representthe heart ofthe language.It is interestingto comparesometextbook materials devisedby an excellentMohawk speakerwith her spontaneousspeech. Now an elder,shewas raised by her grandparents.Shetaught Mohawk for years and attendedcoursesin Mohawk linguistics.Thematerialsshedevelopedconsistingprimarily of lists of vocabularyand sentences, arean extremelyvaluable resource.At the sametime, it is interestingto observesomeof the subtleways

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299

her written materials differ from her normal speech.The written material is not technicallyungrammatical;it is simply,on occasion,different from what is usuallysaid.(In examples(22) and (23) below,the first and third lines arefrom her original manuscript. The middle line, with word-by-word translation, has been added here to make the exampleseasierto follow. In the spontaneousexamplestranscribedfrom conversation,eachline representsan intonation unit or prosodicphrase.) (22) Textbookexampleby Mohawklanguageteacher Isttn:h wa'ehni:nonakotid:tawi. my mother shebought dress My motherboughta dress. (23) Tertbookexampleby Mohawklanguageteacher Rake'niha raw6:ka'ssewahi6:wane'tewi:ia. pie my father he likes apple Myfather lottesapplepie. (24) Samespeakerin casualconversation enkathr6ria'te' N6: ki' na' ni' nd ki' ni:'a n=i:'i en-k-at-hrori-at-e' the just guessthe=EMpHATrc.IFUT-lsc.AGT-MTDDLE-tell-cAusATrvE-pRF the guess myself I will causemyselfto discuss WhatI wouldlike to talk aboutis tsi nii6:re' tsi 6:ia tsi o-hi-a' tsi ni-io-or-e' so N-other-Ns so pARTrTrvE-N.pAT-cover-srATrve so other so asit is far how unusual niwakenhnhd:ten ndn:wa. ni-w-akennh-o't-en n=onhwa pARTrrrvE-N.AGT-summer-be.a.kind.of-srarwr the=now sucha kind of summer now thissummerhasbeen. (25) Samespeakerin anotherconversation SpeakerA I6h tho nii6:re' thiah6n:we. ir{,htho ni-io-r-d th-i-ahon-w-e not there pARTrTrvr-N.pAT-b€.far-STATIVS CoNTR-TRANSLOC-OPT-N.AGT-go not there so it is far would it go there It won't go that far.

3oo Marianne Mithun

SpeakerB Tsi ni: tsi ni-io-ht

tsi tsi

SO PARTITIVE.N.PAT-bE.SO.STATIVB

SO

so soit is so Thewatl thdk nii6::re' wrihi' shes ahshwi:'eke' tho='k wiihi' shes a-hs-hwa'ek-' ni-io-r-d right used.too?T-2.sc.AcT-hit-pnlthere=justp*t-n.pet-be.far-slanvr just there so it is far right usedto you would hit it you knowyou usedto hit it sofar that kwah seronhkd:nek enhsatkihthd kwah se-ronhkehnek en-hs-at-kahtho-' really 2.sc..a.cr-struggle FUT-2.sc.AGT-MTDDLE-see-pRF really you struggle you will seeit you werercallystrugglingto see iekd:ienl tsi nii6:re' ie-ka-ien tsi ni-io-r-d SO PARTITIVE-N.PAT-bE.fAI-STATIVE

INENSTOC-N.ACT-IiC

so so it is far to seehowfar away it was. (laughter)

it lies there

SpeakerA I6h ki' ndn:wa i{h ki' n=onhwa not just the=now not just the now

ken k ken='k just=only just only

thiekai6n;ta's. th-ie-ka-ient-a'-s

coNTR-TRANSLoc-N.AGT-1i€-rNcH-HABrruAL does it come to live over there Now it doesn'tevengo over thete, Speaker B T6ka' nl l$6: tha'kai6n:ta'ne'. ohai' kh6:ken th-a'-ka-ient-a'-ne t6ka' maybe also instead coNTR-rectuar-n.lct-lie-rNcH-pRF maybe also instead it just comes to lie

And it mightjust land right here. 5.r Lexical categoriesand idiomaticity One difference between the constructed and spontaneous Mohawk is in the kinds of words that occft Constructed example (22) contains I predicate and 2 nominals; example (23) contains 1 predicate and 3 nominals. In the

Grammars and the community

spontaneousexamplesin (24) and (25), however,which aremuch longer,there is not a single nominal. (The exampleswere not chosento illustrate this difference,)What is expressedin nouns and complexnoun phrasesin English is more typically expressedwith verbs in Mohawk. Constructionswith independent nouns are not ungra.mmatical; they certainly do occur, They are simply comparatively infrequent and pragmatically specialized.Multiple lexical noun phraseswithin a clause,like those in the constructedexamples,are particularly rare. If examplesentencesare consciouslyor even unconsciouslybased on English, the distribution of lexical categoriessuch as nouns and verbs can be affected.Idiomatic ways of speaking,an integral part of the language,are easilylost. A sampleof the kind of expressionthat may fail to appearcan be seenby comparing the textbook examplein (26) with a similar requesttaken from spontaneousconversationin (27). Both are grammatical.The idiomatic expressionin (27) is simply lesslikely to appearin constructedexamples. (25) Textbook request

ken Enwf:ton ken en-w-at-on Fur-N.AGT-MrDDn-be.possible Q it will be possible May I hauesomesoup?

a

€nkatsh6:ri en-k-atshori

ondn:tara o-onoritar-a

FUT-1sc.AGT-Sip N-soup-Ns

I will eat

soup

(27) Spontaneousrequest in conversation

ken enkatathneklhrhahse' Enw{:ton ken en-k-atat-hnek-arh-ahse-' en-w-at-on FUT-N.AGT-MrDDLe-be.possible Q rur-1.sc.act-nrr-liquid-serve-rrN-r it will be possible Q I wili liquid servefor myself May I havea cup of cofee? 5.2 Particles Another striking differencein the kinds of words usedin the constructedand spontaneousexamplesis the densityof particles:small,morphologicallyunanalyzablewords strchas wLhi' 'you knowi kwdh'qttitel and kl' 'just.' There are no particlesin the constructedexamplesin (22) and (23). In the spontaneous examplesin (24) and (25), there are more than three times as many particles as verbs. One of the clearestmarks of talented speakersis their extravagant and lively useofparticles. Older, admired speakersusethem exquisitely,while younger speakerswho spend more time in English use them noticeably less often. The particles,which are notoriously difficult to translate,servea variety

3o1

3o2 Marianne Mithun

of functions. Somemark syntacticconstructions,but many others shapediscourse,contributeinnuendo,provide humor or su4rrise,mark presupposition, suggestthe basis on which a statement is made, involve the listener, or convey politeness.Speakersarerarelyconsciousofthe functions ofparticles or oftheir pervasiveness, due in part to their small sizeand their broader discourseand extra-linguisticscope.When he$ing to transcribeand translaterecordingsof Mohawk speech, speakersoften simply fail to notice them. Becausethe particles rarely have clear English equivalents, and becausethe kinds of meanings they convey are often not concrete, speakerstend to omit them in carefirl, written Mohawk. Since their functions are so subtle, they are difficult to explain and are seldom taught in languageclasses.But they can be the heart and soul of the language. Constructed examplesare certainly clearer without the distractions ofparticles. At the sametime, if all examplesin the grammar are constructed, a major richnessofthe languagewill not be documented. 5.3 Stylesof interaction Documentationofspontaneousconversationcan provide a record ofhowpeople talk to each other, how they interact. Constructed examples may or may not captttre these traditions. The textbook requestfor soup in (26) and the spontaneousrequestfor coffeein (27) show approximatelythe samegeneral structure. But numerous particles that appear throughout conversation never appearin constructedsentences.An exampleis w6hi' or wdhe', looselytranslated asyou know or right?.lt rarelyoccurs in textbook examples,but it can be seenin the third line ofthe spontaneousexamplein (25) Youknowyou usedto hit it sofar that . .. Differencesin style pertaining to setting and politenesscan be seenby comparing the requestsfor a name in (28) and (zg).'Ihat in (2s) is perfect\ grammatical and straightforward. It would not be appropriate in many contexts,however.The spontaneousrequestin (29) is more courteous:lessdirect and mitigated with particles. (28) Textbookexample Nahd:ten iesd:iats? one callsyou what What is lour name?

Grammarsand the community 3o3

(29) Spontaneousrequest Enwd;tori katf it will be possible just

ken n nf:se' ahsatateni:ton Q also yourself you would name yourself Would you alsogive lour name.

5.4 Word order The constructedand spontaneousexamplesalso differ in their constituentorder. The order in the textbook er€mplesis a consistentreplication of English SVO (Subject-Predicate-Object): My mother bought a dress;My father loves applepie. This is not an ungrammatical order in Mohawk. All major orders are possibleunder appropriateconditions. But it not the predominant order. Mohawk constituentorder is not basedon the syntacticroles of constituents, such as subjector object.It is insteadfully pragmatic,usedby speakersto manipulate the flow of information. Speakershighlight important, newsworthy information by placing it early in the clause,and backgroundmore accessible or secondaryinformation by placingit later.The power ofthis pervasivedevice is lost in the constructedexamples. 5.5 Syntactic structure: Conjoined arguments When speakersare accustomedto writing the encroachinglanguage,the very processof writing can bring out syntactic structuresfrom that language.The prevalent SVO order in Mohawk textbook examplesis perhaps due at least in part to this phenomenon.Its efect can also be seenin conjoined structures. The constructedexamplein (30) is not ungnmmatical strictly speaking.It is quite unlike usual Mohawk style in severalways, however. It is healy with independentnomi nalsi)tour son,my children,movie. lthas only one particle,the s)'ntactic conjunction and. It shows SVO word order. And it contains a very heavy agent expressionconsistingof conjoined nominals, both newly introduced in this sentenceiyottr son and m)/children. (30) Conjoinedshucture:textbookexample Tiin:h t inorf kheienbkdn:h ronaterohr6khon tei6idks. they your son and my children havegoneto watch movie Yoursonand nrychildrenhavegoneto themoyies. A more usual way of identifling joint participants is with a structue like that in (31). The {lrll set of actorsis identified by the pronominal prefix iot*i- we two

3o4 Marianne Mithun

on the verb. The speaker is obviously one ofthe participants. The other is specified by name after the verb. (31) Conjoined structure: spontaneousconversation ... teiontiahthenno'kh6nhne te-ionki-ahthenno-o'k-h-on-hne ov- I ou.per-ball-hit-punposrvE-slrLlrrvE-pAsr we two had gone to hit balls Charlotte and I had gone to play golJ.

Charlotte. Charlotte (name) Charlotte

5.6 Pragmatically marked syntactic constructions Even the small samplesof conversationgiven here show that Mohawk sentencesrarely consistsimply of a subjectand predicate.The speakeropened a new topic of discussionin (24) aboveby sayingWhat I would like to talk about is how unusual thissummerhas been.Sheaccomplishedthis with seriesof particlesand embeddedclauses. (24) Topicintroduction:spontaneousconversation enkathr6ria'te' N6: ki' na' nil it is just guessmyself I will causemyselfto discuss WhatI wouldlike to talk aboutis . .. Suchstructuresrarely appearin constructedexamples,

6. The shape of the grammar The bestshapefor a grammarwill ultimately dependon the needsit is destined to serve.Most grammarswill be consultedby a variety of users,In many cases gralrunars are being consulted more and more by members of the communities in which the languageis spoken. This audience is likely to be not only quite diverse,but also changingrapidly. Where the languageis endangered,spoken well by ever fewer people,readersare likely to be becoming increasinglysophisticatedand eagerfor knowledgeabout their heritage. For the Mohawk grammar project we have arrived at a format geared to serve this evolving readership and to document as much as possible of the richnessofthe language.The presentationis layered.Each topic is introduced with an overviewconsistingofjust the basicfacts,illustratedwith a few simple examples. Following the overview are subsectionswith additional detail, full

Grammarsand the community 3o5

paradigmswhere theseare pertinent, and parsedexamplesfrom spontaneous connectedspeech,with representationofall communities.Additional subsections may contain information on related topics not of interest to all readers. Readerswho are just beginning their study of the language, or who simply want an overview before plunging into a particular topic, can read the basic overyiews alone. In the description ofthe sound system,for example,the basic overview simply lists each distinctive sound with the s1'rnbolrepresenting it in the standard community orthography and an example. The overview is followed by more detaileddiscussionofthe phoneticpropertiesofeach sound,then a description the phonetic propertiesofstress, tone, and vowel length and their patterns of occurrence.Another sectiondescribesthe intonation patternscharacteristicof larger syntactic constructions . An additional section that might not be of interest to the casualreadertracesthe history of transcription practices,primarily in missionary documents, so that those interested in consulting earlier written Another sectionprorecordsofthe languagewill havea guide to equivalences. vides a brief sketchof the cognatesof Mohawk soundsin relatedlanguages. In the description of the verbal morphology, each prefix and sufix is described in a separatesection.Each sectionopenswith the basicmeaningsand forms of the affix under discussion,its position within the template,and one or two pairs of examplesfor eachof its uses,Ifa verb can occur both with and without the affix, an example of each is provided with just a free translation. Additional subsections provide examples of the afix in context drawn from spontaneousspeech,discussionof its formal and semanticbehaviorin combination with other affixes,and any specialidiomatic usesand combinations. Other chapters follow the same general format. Some deal with larger grammatical structures, such as enumeration and quantification, question formation, and complexsentences. Othersdealwith particular semanticdomains, such as kinship, color, and place names.All contain brief introductory overviews of the structures under discussion which can be read on their own, plus additional sections providing fully parsed naturally occurring examplesof the structures and terms in context. The layered approach could prove overwhelming to communities just beginning to be interested in the inner workings of their language.For the Mohawks, it is hoped that this format can provide an introduction for beginners, a resource for more sophisticated users such as languageteachersand curriculum planners,and a record ofthe language,in all its grammaticaland stylistic complexiry as spoken by the elderswho still use it so eloquently.

306 Marianne Mlthun

Author'saddress: Marianne Mithun Departmentof Linguistics Unive$ity of Californa SantaBarbara,CA 93106 USA mithunplinguistics.ucsb.edu