Religion and Law: A Dictionary

second edition

gre y house publishing

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

RELIGION —–A N D

T H E—–

LAW IN AMERICA

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

RELIGION —–A N D

T H E—–

LAW IN AMERICA Second Edition

Christopher Thomas Anglim

PUBLISHER: EDITORIAL DIRECTOR: EDITORIAL ASSISTANT: MARKETING DIRECTOR:

AUTHOR:

COMPOSITION & DESIGN:

Leslie Mackenzie Laura Mars-Proietti Jael Bridgemahon Jessica Moody

Christopher Thomas Anglim

ATLIS Systems

Grey House Publishing, Inc. 4919 Route 22 Amenia, NY 12501 518.789.8700 FAX 518.789.0545 www.greyhouse.com e-mail: books @greyhouse.com While every effort has been made to ensure the reliability of the information presented in this publication, Grey House Publishing neither guarantees the accuracy of the data contained herein nor assumes any responsibility for errors, omissions or discrepancies. Grey House accepts no payment for listing; inclusion in the publication of any organization, agency, institution, publication, service or individual does not imply endorsement of the editors or publisher. Errors brought to the attention of the publisher and verified to the satisfaction of the publisher will be corrected in future editions. Except by express prior written permission of the Copyright Proprietor no part of this work may be copied by any means of publication or communication now known or developed hereafter including, but not limited to, use in any directory or compilation or other print publication, in any information storage and retrieval system, in any other electronic device, or in any visual or audio-visual device or product. This publication is an original and creative work, copyrighted by Grey House Publishing, Inc. and is fully protected by all applicable copyright laws, as well as by laws covering misappropriation, trade secrets and unfair competition. Grey House has added value to the underlying factual material through one or more of the following efforts: unique and original selection; expression; arrangement; coordination; and classification. Grey House Publishing, Inc. will defend its rights in this publication. Copyright 쑖 2009 by Grey House Publishing, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Publisher’s Cataloging-In-Publication Data (Prepared by The Donohue Group, Inc.)

Encyclopedia of religion and law in America / [edited by] Christopher Thomas Anglim. – [2nd ed.] p. ; cm. Previous ed.: Religion and the law : a dictionary / Christopher Thomas Anglim. Santa Barbara, Calif. : ABC-CLIO, c1999. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN: 978-1-59237-298-0 1. Church and state—United States—Encyclopedias. 2. Freedom of religion—United States—Encyclopedias. 3. Religion and law—United States—Encyclopedias. I. Anglim, Christopher. KF4865 .E53 2009 342.73/0852/03

Contents

Introduction & User Guide .......................................................................... xiii An Essential Historical Background ............................................................. xvii

Religion and the Law A

Abington School District v. Schempp ................................................................... 1 ABOLITION ............................................................................................. 3 ABORTION .............................................................................................. 5 ACCOMMODATION OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF ...........................................................10 ACCOMMODATIONIST (OR NONPREFERENTIALIST) ................................................13 ACLU Nebraska Foundation v. City of Plattsmouth ................................................14 ADOPTION .............................................................................................19 ADULTERY .............................................................................................20 Aguilar v. Felton .......................................................................................21 Allegheny County v. American Civil Liberties Union ................................................23 AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION ................................................................24 AMERICANS UNITED FOR SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE ................................25 AMISH EXCEPTION ....................................................................................26 ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE ........................................................................27 ASYLUM ...............................................................................................28 ATHEISM ..............................................................................................30

B

Baker v. Fales ..........................................................................................33 BANKRUPTCY .........................................................................................34 BECKER AMENDMENT ................................................................................36 BELIEF-CONDUCT DICHOTOMY ......................................................................40 BIBLE DISTRIBUTION AT PUBLIC SCHOOLS .........................................................42 BIBLE, READING OF ...................................................................................44 BILL OF RIGHTS .......................................................................................45 BLACK CHURCH ......................................................................................46 BLAINE AMENDMENT .................................................................................48 BLASPHEMY ............................................................................................48 BLOOD TRANSFUSIONS ...............................................................................51 Board of Education v. Allen ...........................................................................52 Board of Education v. Grumet ........................................................................53 Board of Education v. Mergens .......................................................................55 Board of Trustees v. McCreary .......................................................................56

v

vi CONTENTS Bob Jones University v. United States ................................................................58 Boerne, City of v. Flores ..............................................................................59 Bowen v. Kendrick ....................................................................................62 Bowen v. Roy ..........................................................................................63 Bradfield v. Roberts ....................................................................................63 Braunfeld v. Brown ...................................................................................64 Bronx Household of Faith v. Board of Education for the City of N.Y. ..............................65 Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson ...............................................................................68

C

CALIFORNIA MISSIONS PRESERVATION ACT ......................................................69 CANON LAW ..........................................................................................70 Cantwell v. Connecticut ..............................................................................71 CAPITAL PUNISHMENT ...............................................................................73 Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Albany v. Serio ..................................................76 CEREMONIAL DEISM ..................................................................................77 CHAPLAINS ............................................................................................78 CHARITABLE CHOICE PROVISION ...................................................................79 CHARITABLE CORPORATION ........................................................................82 CHARITABLE DEDUCTION ............................................................................84 CHARITABLE IMMUNITY ..............................................................................85 CHARITABLE TRUST ..................................................................................88 CHARITY ..............................................................................................91 CHILD BENEFIT THEORY .............................................................................95 CHILD CUSTODY ......................................................................................97 CHRISTIAN LEGAL SOCIETY .........................................................................97 CHRISTIAN NATION ..................................................................................98 CHRISTIAN SCIENTIST CHURCH ....................................................................98 CHURCH AND STATE ............................................................................... 100 CHURCH ARSON .................................................................................... 102 CHURCH AUTONOMY .............................................................................. 103 CHURCH AUTONOMY DISPUTES .................................................................. 103 CHURCH AUTONOMY DOCTRINE ................................................................. 108 CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS (MORMON CHURCH) ................... 109 Church of Latter-day Saints v. Amos ............................................................... 112 CHURCH RECORDS ................................................................................. 114 CHURCH TRIBUNALS ............................................................................... 116 CIVIC RELIGION ..................................................................................... 117 CLERGY .............................................................................................. 118 CLERGY, BENEFIT OF ................................................................................ 118 CLERGY MALPRACTICE ............................................................................. 119 CLERGY SEX ABUSE ................................................................................ 121 COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AGREEMENTS AND RELIGION ...................................... 127 Committee for Public Education and Liberty v. Regan ............................................. 129 COMMON LAW AND CHRISTIANITY ............................................................... 130 CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR ....................................................................... 132 CONTRACEPTION ................................................................................... 139 COUNCIL ON AMERICAN-ISLAMIC RELATIONS (CAIR) ........................................ 142 CRIMINAL CONDUCT ............................................................................... 145

CONTENTS CULT ................................................................................................. 146 CULTURE WARS .................................................................................... 147 Cutter v. Wilkinson ................................................................................. 149

D

Davis v. Beason ..................................................................................... DEFENSE OF MARRIAGE ACT (DOMA) .......................................................... DEPROGRAMMING CASES .......................................................................... DISESTABLISHMENT ................................................................................ DIVISIVENESS DOCTRINE ........................................................................... DIVORCE ............................................................................................. Doremus v. Board of Education ..................................................................... DRUGS AND RELIGION ............................................................................. DUE PROCESS CLAUSE .............................................................................

151 152 156 158 159 161 167 169 172

E

ECCLESIASTICAL CORPORATION .................................................................. ECCLESIASTICAL COURT ........................................................................... ECCLESIASTICAL DISPUTES ........................................................................ ECCLESIASTICAL LAW .............................................................................. Edwards v. Aguillard ................................................................................ Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow ..................................................... Employment Division v. Smith ...................................................................... ENDORSEMENT TEST ............................................................................... Engel v. Vitale ....................................................................................... ENLIGHTENMENT ................................................................................... Epperson v. Arkansas ............................................................................... ESTABLISHED CHURCH ............................................................................. ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE .......................................................................... ETERNAL LAW ...................................................................................... EVANGELICAL MANIFESTO ......................................................................... Everson v. Board of Education ...................................................................... EXCESSIVE ENTANGLEMENT .......................................................................

175 176 177 178 179 181 184 184 188 191 191 192 193 201 202 203 204

F

FAITH HEALING ..................................................................................... FAITH-BASED INITIATIVES ......................................................................... FAMILY LAW ........................................................................................ FEDERALISM ......................................................................................... FETAL RIGHTS ...................................................................................... FIRST AMENDMENT (U.S. CONSTITUTION) ...................................................... FLAG SALUTE CEREMONY .......................................................................... FOREIGN POLICY .................................................................................... Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security ............................................. FREE EXERCISE CLAUSE ............................................................................ FREEDOM OF RELIGION ............................................................................. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT, RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AS A ..............................................

207 211 212 213 216 217 222 224 225 226 229 230

G

Gillette v. United States ............................................................................. 233 Goldman v. Weinberger ............................................................................. 235 Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal ..................................... 239

vii

viii CONTENTS GOVERNMENT AID TO PRIVATE SCHOOLS ....................................................... GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS ............................................... Grand Rapids School District v. Ball ................................................................ GRASSLEY INVESTIGATION OF TELEVANGELISTS .................................................

242 244 252 254

H

HATE CRIMES ....................................................................................... Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness ....................................... Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue .................................................. HOLIDAY DISPLAYS ................................................................................. HOME SCHOOLING ................................................................................. HOMOSEXUALITY ................................................................................... HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGN ......................................................................

257 260 262 264 268 271 275

I

IN GOD WE TRUST ................................................................................. 277 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT OF 1998 ............................................ 281

J

JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES ............................................................................. Jimmy Swaggart Ministries v. Board of Equalization ............................................... Johnson v. Robison .................................................................................. Jones v. Wolf ........................................................................................ JONESTOWN ......................................................................................... JUDAISM ............................................................................................ JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS AND RELIGION ........................................................ JUDICIAL DEFERENCE AND RELIGION ............................................................. JURY SERVICE AND RELIGION ......................................................................

K

KENNEWICK MAN CASE ........................................................................... 297

L

Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc. ...................................................................... Larson v. Valente .................................................................................... Lemon v. Kurtzman ................................................................................. Levitt v. Committee for Public Education ........................................................... Lynch v. Donnelly ................................................................................... Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association .......................................

299 300 303 308 309 312

M

JAMES MADISON’S MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE AGAINST RELIGIOUS ASSESSMENTS ... Marsh v. Chambers ................................................................................. MARYLAND TOLERATION ACT (1649) ........................................................... MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONIAL CHARTERS (1629, 1691) ................................... McCollum v. Board of Education ... ................................................................ McCreary County v. ACLU ....... ................................................................ McDaniel v. Paty .................... ................................................................ MEDICAL TREATMENT ............................................................................. MILITARY CHAPLAINS .............................................................................. Minersville School District v. Gobitis ............................................................... MINISTERIAL EXEMPTION .......................................................................... MOMENT OF SILENCE ............................................................................... MOMENT OF SILENCE CASES ......................................................................

315 317 319 320 320 322 322 324 326 329 331 332 333

283 285 286 288 289 289 291 292 292

CONTENTS MORMON CASES .................................................................................... Mueller v. Allen ..................................................................................... MUSLIM CHARITIES ................................................................................ MUTUAL ABSTINENCE .............................................................................

336 339 341 346

N

NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIONS .................................................................... NATURAL LAW ..................................................................................... NEGLIGENCE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS ................................................. NEUTRALITY STANDARD ........................................................................... NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT (NRM) ............................................................ NONPROFIT CORPORATION ........................................................................ Norwood v. Harrison ................................................................................

349 354 356 362 363 364 368

O

O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz ........................................................................ 371 ORIGINAL INTENT .................................................................................. 372

P

PAGANS/WICCANS ................................................................................. PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY /PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY FOUNDATION ........ PHARMACISTS CONSCIENCE CLAUSE ............................................................. Pierce v. Society of Sisters ........................................................................... PLACE OF WORSHIP ................................................................................ PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE ........................................................................... POLYGAMY .......................................................................................... PRISONS AND PRISONERS .......................................................................... PRIVACY ............................................................................................. PROPERTY TAX EXEMPTION ........................................................................ PROSELYTIZING ..................................................................................... PROSPERITY GOSPEL ................................................................................ PROTESTANTISM .................................................................................... PUBLIC FORUM ...................................................................................... PUBLIC OFFICE ...................................................................................... PUBLIC SCHOOL CURRICULUM .................................................................... PUBLIC SCHOOL FACILITIES, ACCESS OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS TO .............................. PUBLIC SPACE AND RELIGION .....................................................................

375 377 378 381 383 384 388 393 395 399 401 403 404 404 408 410 413 416

R

RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, BASED ON RELIGION ................................................. REGISTRATION OF RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS ................................................. RELEASED-TIME PROGRAMS ....................................................................... RELIGION AND POLITICS ........................................................................... RELIGION, DEFINITION OF .......................................................................... RELIGION IN THE WORKPLACE GUIDELINES ...................................................... RELIGIOUS BELIEF, DEFINITION OF ................................................................ RELIGIOUS BELIEF, SINCERITY AND TRUTH OF ................................................... RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING ....................................................................... RELIGIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ........................................................ RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION ...................................................................... RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT ................................................... RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT .......................................................................

419 421 422 424 426 429 431 433 435 439 444 446 450

ix

x

CONTENTS RELIGIOUS EXEMPTIONS ............................................................................ RELIGIOUS EXPRESSION ............................................................................ RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ............................................................................... RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AMENDMENT (1997) ....................................................... RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RESTORATION ACT (1993) ............................................... RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM .................................................................... RELIGIOUS GARB ................................................................................... RELIGIOUS HOLIDAYS, GOVERNMENT CELEBRATION OF ........................................ RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS .................................................. RELIGIOUS LAND USE AND INSTITUTIONALIZED PERSONS ACT (RLUIPA) .................. RELIGIOUS LIBERTY ................................................................................. RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PROTECTION ACT ........................................................... RELIGIOUS OATHS .................................................................................. RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION ........................................................................ RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION .......................................................................... RELIGIOUS PLURALISM ............................................................................. RELIGIOUS PROPERTY .............................................................................. RELIGIOUS PROTECTION LEGISLATION ........................................................... RELIGIOUS PURPOSES ............................................................................... RELIGIOUS SOLICITATION, REGULATION OF ..................................................... RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS AND LANGUAGE ............................................................ RELIGIOUS TERRORISM ............................................................................. RELIGIOUS TESTS ................................................................................... Reynolds v. United States ........................................................................... ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH ......................................................................

452 453 455 456 456 459 460 474 476 477 478 483 484 485 487 488 489 489 490 491 491 493 494 497 498

S

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE ............................................................................. SCHOOL CHOICE .................................................................................... SCHOOL PRAYER .................................................................................... SCIENTOLOGY ....................................................................................... SCOPES TRIAL ....................................................................................... SEPARATIONIST ..................................................................................... SEPTEMBER 11TH ATTACKS AND RELIGION ..................................................... SHARED-TIME PROGRAMS ......................................................................... Sherbert v. Verner ................................................................................... SIKHS ................................................................................................ SOCIAL GOSPEL ..................................................................................... Staley v. Harris Co. ................................................................................. STANDING TO SUE ................................................................................. Stone v. Graham .................................................................................... SUICIDE .............................................................................................. SUNDAY CLOSING LAWS ...........................................................................

503 510 513 519 519 523 524 527 528 531 533 534 537 539 539 541

T

TAX EXEMPTIONS AND RELIGION ................................................................. TEN COMMANDMENTS ............................................................................. Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock ..................................................................... TEXTBOOKS AND RELIGION ........................................................................ Thomas v. Review Board ............................................................................

545 548 551 553 556

CONTENTS Thornton v. Caldor .................................................................................. Tilton v. Richardson ................................................................................. TIME, PLACE, AND MANNER RESTRICTIONS ..................................................... TITHES/TITHING .................................................................................... Tony and Susan Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor ......................................... Torcaso v. Watkins .................................................................................. TORTS AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS ........................................................ TUITION TAX DEDUCTIONS OR CREDITS .........................................................

557 559 561 564 566 567 568 570

U

UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION AND RELIGION ............................................... UNENUMERATED RIGHTS .......................................................................... UNITED NATIONS DECLARATIONS AND RESOLUTIONS ON RELIGION ......................... United States v. Ballard ............................................................................. United States v. Lee .................................................................................

573 574 576 577 579

V

VACCINATIONS ..................................................................................... Van Orden v. Perry ................................................................................. VIRGINIA STATUTE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM (1777) ............................................ VOUCHERS ..........................................................................................

581 583 585 587

W

“WALL OF SEPARATION” METAPHOR ............................................................. Wallace v. Jaffree .................................................................................... Walz v. Tax Commission ........................................................................... Watson v. Jones ..................................................................................... WELFARE REFORM ACT OF 1996 .................................................................. Welsh v. United States .............................................................................. West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette ................................................ Widmar v. Vincent .................................................................................. Wisconsin v. Yoder .................................................................................. Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind ....................................... Wolman v. Walter ................................................................................... WORKPLACE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT ..........................................................

591 594 595 597 599 600 602 603 604 607 608 609

Z

Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District ........................................................ ZONE OF PERMISSIBLE ACCOMMODATION ........................................................ ZONING .............................................................................................. Zorach v. Clausen ...................................................................................

615 617 617 622

Primary Documents .................................................................................... 625 Chronology ............................................................................................. 745 Table of Cases .......................... ................................................................ 767 Table of Statutes ..................... ................................................................ 781 For Further Reading .................. ................................................................ 785 Index ...................................................................................................... 827 About the Author .................................................................................... 845 Acknowledgments ..................................................................................... 847

xi

Introduction & User Guide

The Encyclopedia of Religion and the Law in America covers some of the most emotional and controversial issues of our time, including Prayer in Schools, Abortion, and Homosexuality, just to name a few. This Second Edition offers a current and updated reference that focuses in detail on these issues. It includes 288 entries from Abolition to Zoning, 61 more than the First Edition. These entries include landmark court cases, religious concepts and national organizations as they relate to the law, legal documents, as well as specific religions and religious organizations. In the ten years since the First Edition, much has changed, including case and statutory law, the composition of the federal judiciary, and the social and political environments. Courts have, in recent years, taken a generally more accommodationist approach in interpreting the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause (addressing the separation of church and state). The law has shifted in response to the major events surrounding the 9/11 attacks and War on Terror. Scandals involving clergy abuse of children, Muslim charities that allegedly supported terrorism, and televangelists accused of defrauding their followers, all led to increased legal scrutiny of religious institutions. All of these issues are addressed in detail in this Second Edition, not only within the entries, but also through the new sections of this Encyclopedia, including Primary Documents and Chronology.

ENCYCLOPEDIA SECTIONS A–Z Entries: The 288 entries are arranged alphabetically. There are 81 court cases, 9 organizations like the Anti-Defamation League and People for the American Way Foundation, and 162 concepts or topics that have a religious element to them, such as Moment of Silence and Religious Garb, that incorporate a religious aspect, but need legal determination as to how much religion is allowed. There are also entries on 12 of the more popular religions around the world, including Church of Latter-day Saints, Protestant, Scientology and Judaism, and 24 entries that detail various legal documents, like the Bill of Rights and Collective Bargaining Agreements. Primary Documents: These 43 Primary Documents fall into five major categories—Historical Documents, Federal Statutes, United Nations Documents, Historical Commentary and Contemporary Commentary. These documents travel through history, ranging from the Virginia Charter in 1606 to Hillary Clinton’s speech on faith in 2008, and include President Obama’s 2006 Call to Renewal speech. Chronology: This Chronology, from 1776-2009, includes 136 entries. Designed to provide historical context, it covers court decisions, changes to laws and legal xiii

xiv INTRODUCTION language, and significant contributions of individuals to the ongoing process of clarifying the relationship between religion and the law. Further Reading: These hundreds of titles offers the reader unlimited opportunity to do more research on religion and the law. Each entry is fully cited, and the list is divided into Articles and Books. Table of Cases: This alphabetical list includes the 626 court cases—U.S. Supreme Court, state, and lower federal court—that appear in the Encyclopedia of Religion and the Law in America, either as the topic of an individual entry, or as referenced in an entry. Table of Statutes: This is an alphabetical list of 79 citations for laws enacted by Congress, and referenced in various entries in this Encyclopedia. These citations refer to both the U.S. Statutes at Large (STAT.) and the United States Code (U.S.C.).

ENCYCLOPEDIA COVERAGE This reference work naturally covers all of the U.S. Supreme Court’s major jurisprudence on the relationship between religion and the law, plus cases of state and lower federal courts, describing the significant role that the legislative and executive branches have in shaping this relationship. In addition, this Encyclopedia includes legal concepts and issues, and discussion on other disciplines, like political philosophy, to provide an understanding of the role of religion and religious groups in society, and the relation of pluralism to public values. This Second Edition of The Encyclopedia of Religion and the Law in America includes the broadest, most in-depth and well-balanced sources available. It presents the issues involving religion and the law in all their complexity, nuances, and challenges, creating an authoritative reference work destined to become a leader in its field. In addition to this print edition, the Second Edition of The Encyclopedia of Religion and Law in America is also available as an ebook. For more information, visit www.greyhouse.com.

IMPORTANT CONCEPTS COVERED The Establishment Clause Many entries in this second edition discuss this First Amendment clause. It addresses one of the most fundamental concepts in American constitutional law— the separation of government and religious functions. Included are landmark cases, such as Larkin v. Grendels Den, Inc (1982) and the Board of Education of Kiryas Joel Village School District v. Grumet (1994), the oldest such case [Everson v. Board of Education of Ewing Township, (1947)] and the more recent [Zelman v. Simons-Harris, (2002)]. Of particular note is the dramatic contrast in the court’s interpretation between older and newer groups of cases. You will also find entries on the various tests used to determine whether particular state action violates the Establishment Clause, including the Lemon, endorsement, or coercion tests. Read how these tests were developed, how they have been applied, and how they have evolved over time.

INTRODUCTION The Establishment Clause has been used as the basis for instituting the separation of government and religion in various situations. Included are entries that raise questions about basic assumptions, such as whether secularism fosters equality and protects religious pluralism. Under what circumstances, for example, are religious garb restrictions required under the Establishment Clause, which forbids intentional government support of religion? Do these same restrictions violate the Free Exercise Clause, which forbids intentional government suppression of religion? The Free Exercise Clause The Free Exercise Clause, developed to prevent the government from interfering in any individual’s religious practice, is also well represented here. This clause covers the exemptions from general, neutral laws under both the older jurisprudence, where court-mandated exemptions were possible [Sherbert v. Verner (1963)], and newer approaches [Employment Division Department of Human Resources v. Smith (1990)] where court-mandated exemptions are nearly impossible. The Encyclopedia of Religion and the Law in America discusses the implications both for individual rights and for society as a whole. In addition to judicially granted exemptions, this Encyclopedia covers statutory exemptions under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act, and Title VII. In considering these federal statutes together, readers will understand the interpretive difficulties more clearly, as well as the interaction and possible hierarchy between them. Symbolic Issues Many entries cover symbolic issues, such as prayer in public schools, legislative prayer, and religious symbols on public property. Entries dealing with public prayer include Engel v. Vitale (1962) and Lee v. Weisman (1992). Entries covering major concerns surrounding holiday symbols include Lynch v. Donnelly (1984) and Religious Symbols and Language. Issues of Conscience This work covers how certain asserted rights are valid under different circumstances. “Conscience claims” are against the state in various contexts, including in military and medical situations. Military conscientious objection cases are often used to illustrate the legal definition of religion. In considering issues such as “conscientious objection,” the broader issues of “what is conscience?” and “what is religion?” naturally come into consideration. “Conscience claims” invoked by medical professionals and religiously affiliated hospitals on issues such as abortion, emergency contraception, and end of life decisions are also covered. These cases raise fundamental questions on conflicting religious and “public” norms that become more complicated when one or both sets of norms are in flux.

xv

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

RELIGION —–A N D

T H E—–

LAW IN AMERICA

An Essential Historical Background

The broad religious freedom protected by the U. S. Constitution is a distinctly American creation. Evolving throughout American history, unfettered religious liberty is one of America’s greatest contributions to world civilization. The Bill of Rights, the first 10 amendments to the U. S. Constitution, has long been the chief guarantor of freedoms for individual Americans. The First Amendment, through its two religion clauses 1) guarantees the “free exercise” of religion (Free Exercise Clause), and 2) prohibits the “establishment” of religion (Establishment Clause). The First Amendment, beginning with these religious clauses, articulates the two major principles of American constitutional law on religion: (1) the separation of church and state and (2) the freedom of the people to practice whatever religion they choose. To truly understand the significance of these constitutional principles, one must understand the context in which they were established, how they were established as constitutional principles, and how they evolved through more than 200 years.

RELATIONSHIP OF RELIGION & STATE IN THE WESTERN WORLD American contributions to religious freedom can only be fully understood in the context of the relationship between church and state in the Western world since the beginning of the Christian era. Christianity influenced law in the Western world in at least five distinct ways: 1. By influencing the natural law theory 2. By directly supplying rules that are enacted into the secular laws 3. By reinforcing ethical principles and providing an underlying justification for statutes or common law traditions 4. By influencing law in a humanitarian direction 5. By justifying and emphasizing the maintenance of moral standards, notions of honesty, good faith, and fairness. These have, in turn, influenced how religion affected the development of law in the United States. The most common single example of Christian influence on the law is the oath that is frequently required at judicial proceedings or when a person assumes a public office. Elected officials and government employees swear to uphold the Constitution, judges swear to administer the law justly, and—most commonly—witnesses swear to tell the truth. xix

xx

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Religious beliefs, particularly the belief in a God who reveals morally correct conduct, powerfully influenced medieval concepts of natural law. God’s law, law revealed by reason, and the law determined by nature, were hardly distinguishable in the medieval mind. Beginning in the twelfth century with the scholastics, and continuing in the thirteenth century with Thomas Aquinas, a belief arose in the law of nature as the law of God; the sharing in the eternal law by a rational creature is natural law. Later, Spanish jurist theologians, notably Domingo de Soto in the mid-sixteenth century and Francisco Suarez in the early seventeenth century, found a religious basis for legal systems, both on a national and international level. Although spiritual and secular authorities in Europe during the Middle Ages mostly complemented and strengthened each other, they also often came into sharp conflict. Notable among these disputes was the investitures conflict between the papacy and the Holy Roman emperor during the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. This began with a dispute over the lay investiture of bishops and abbots. Such prelates held land and often exercised secular, as well as ecclesiastical functions; for this reason, lay overlords had an understandable interest in their appointment and frequently invested (formally presented) them with symbols of their various offices. Because Pope Gregory VII’s condemnation (1075) of lay investiture immediately preceded his dispute with the German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV (who reigned 1056 -1106) it became known as the Investiture Controversy. The real conflict, however, between Henry IV and Gregory, was whether the pope or the emperor should dominate the church. A compromise was reached in the Concordat of Worms (1122), in which the emperor renounced the practice of investing prelates, and in return, the church conceded that homage to the Emperor would precede an Episcopal consecration. Religions develop their own laws governing not only the organization of ritual, practice, and belief, but much of the secular lives of their adherents. In Western Europe, for example, the church, much like civil society, has found it necessary to prescribe rules setting standards and norms for conduct in many situations. Canon law is the body of law constituted by ecclesiastical authority for the organization and government of the Christian church, and became a major part of the legal system of every Christian country. Even after its formal authority was abolished in many countries during the Reformation in the sixteenth century, canon law continued to be a powerful influence on the law of marriage and wills, and on secular jurisprudence. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, very few Europeans believed in either religious toleration or in the freedom of the individual to worship according to his or her conscience. Throughout Europe, there was close cooperation between church and state to maintain religious and political orthodoxy. Virtually every part of Europe had an established church. The state was the defender and sponsor of the church, and the church was a bulwark of the existing political order. In the name of religion, European governments frequently persecuted domestic dissenters and engaged in bloody foreign wars. Early in the sixteenth century, King Henry VIII of England rejected the authority of the Pope, seized control of the structure and property of the Catholic Church in England, and had Parliament enact a law making the King the head of the church. Later, English legislation referred to this new church as “the Church of

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND England by law established.” From this statutory phrase came a new English usage: An established church, or an established religion, which is a church or religion supported by the government. The notion of a complete separation of church and state was truly revolutionary in the eighteenth century world, and it was to find its first official expression in the fledgling nation founded in the New World.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHURCH & STATE IN AMERICA From the time of Columbus’s first voyage in 1492 until 1607, Catholicism was the dominant influence of European Christianity in the New World. Roman Catholic beliefs were imported by explorers, conquerors, and missionaries from Spain and Portugal. Protestantism began to flourish in North America, when permanent British settlements were established in Virginia in 1607 and in New England after 1620. The beginnings of the Puritan colonies at Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay helped ensure that Protestantism would be the strongest influence in early American religious life. The Church of England, as the state sponsored religion, opposed the growth of fundamental Protestant sects such as the Pilgrims and persecuted them. The settlers of the British North American colonies that eventually formed the United States were largely uncompromising in their passionately held religious convictions, many were persecuted in Europe and endured a difficult Atlantic voyage to practice their religious faith as they believed the Scriptures commanded. Diverse individuals of many faiths—Puritans, Quakers, Mennonites, Roman Catholics, Brethren (Dunkers), and others—came in search of “Zion in the Wilderness” where they could practice their religious beliefs without fear of persecution. The missionary spirit also led many to make this sojourn. The New England colonies in particular, as well as New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, were conceived and established “as plantations of religion.” A large majority of the settlers of these colonies enthusiastically supported the efforts of their leaders to build “a city on a hill” or a successful “holy experiment” to prove to the Old World that God’s plan could be realized in the American wilderness.

MAYFLOWER COMPACT On November 21, 1620, the Pilgrims signed the Mayflower Compact, which served as the document to preserve order and establish rules for self-government. The signers agreed to combine themselves into a “civil Body Politick” that would enact and obey “just and equal laws” that were made for the “general good of the colony.” This commitment to justice and equality would be reiterated in many later documents, including the U.S. Constitution. The Puritans who settled in Massachusetts were not particularly concerned with politics or law as such, but as political issues were often involved in religious issues, politics was handled through religious law. In early New England men wrote extensively on the nature of law and governance. Among these was a group of highly educated philosophers who had grown to adulthood in England and believed in the principles of English Puritanism. During the seventeenth century, many Englishmen accepted the law of God (identified with the law of reason) as the funda-

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xxii HISTORICAL BACKGROUND mental law of the kingdom, which no parliamentary act could contravene. In New England, not only did political thinkers maintain the supremacy of the law of nature and its identity with the law of God, but they found in the Scriptures their source of law. Richard Hooker believed that “laws human must be made according to the general law of nature, and without contradiction to any positive law of Scripture otherwise they are ill made.” Calvinist jurists in America followed their acceptance of the law of God as the fundamental law to identify law with morality and sin with crime. This was possible in New England because of the homogeneous character of the community, the dominant position of the New England clergy, and the close relationship between the church and the courts. Criminal offenses in these colonies included unmitigated lying, scolding, idleness, and drunkenness.

MASSACHUSETTS GENERAL LAWS & LIBERTIES The Massachusetts General Laws and Liberties adopted in 1648 contributed to a decline in Puritanism. This code retained some aspects of English common law but rejected others, while also declaring basic human rights and freedoms, such as the right of all to equal protection under the law, the right to bail, the right to appeal from adverse judgments, freedom from double jeopardy, the privilege against selfdiscrimination, and the freedoms of speech, travel, and judicial dissent. Most of these principles were eventually incorporated in the Bill of Rights or elsewhere in American law. Even the colonies not normally associated with religious institutions gave at least some nominal acknowledgment to religious objectives. The royal charter of 1607 emphasized a commitment to the propagation of the Christian faith to the aboriginal peoples “who yet live in darkness and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God.” It expressed the hope that in time those who were already enlightened might “bring the infidels and the savages, living in those parts, to human civility, and to a settled and quiet government.” Although economic considerations may have been behind the rhetoric, it is still significant that in practically every statement of purpose, appeal to settlers, and charter issued in Virginia, religious purposes were given a prominent position. Also, the entrepreneurs who planned these ventures considered themselves “militant Protestants” and worked diligently to promote the prosperity of the church. Not all those who appealed for religious tolerance and Christian love while undergoing persecution in their homelands became practitioners of those virtues when they assumed political power in the New World. Often their concept of religious freedom meant freedom for their own particular beliefs and practices only, and they began to reproduce the European model of establishment and oppression. This occurred repeatedly in the colonies. In Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, Congregationalism was the established church over the objections of Protestant dissenters. Rhode Island, founded by dissenter Roger Williams, sharply contrasted to the rest of New England because it strictly respected the religious liberty of all Protestants, and to some extent, that of Roman Catholics and Jews. In North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia, the Church of England was the official church. With the exception of Virginia, however, its power to influence law and society was

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND quite weak. Virginia, of all the southern colonies, had the most entrenched establishment, as the Church of England enjoyed such privileges as tax support. Individuals who did not believe in the Anglican faith were punished as criminals if they did not attend the services of that church and dissenters were driven from the colony. New York, Maryland, and Georgia went through various stages of establishment and disestablishment of religion during the colonial period. The status of New Jersey is still ambiguous, as it is unclear whether there was ever formal establishment of an official religion or just an informal understanding. Only Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Rhode Island never designated an official church. Of the thirteen colonies, Massachusetts and Virginia had the closest relationship between law and religion.

COLONIAL INTOLERANCE American dissenters in most of the early colonies faced many of the same persecutions that they would have faced in England, except perhaps even more worse. Such fellow Congregationalists as Roger Williams, Anne Hutchinson, and John Wheelwright, were banished from Massachusetts because they refused to conform to the prescribed orthodoxy of the dominant church leadership. Roman Catholics were forbidden to enter the colony under threat of death. Baptists and Quakers were regularly fined, imprisoned, whipped, and banished. At least four Quakers were executed. The settlement of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire are attributed primarily to the intolerant actions of Massachusetts authorities. One of the greatest ironies of the entire colonial period occurred in 1662 when King Charles II wrote to the legislature of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, accusing the Colony’s officials of excessive acts of persecution against religious dissenters and demanding that worship in the Church of England be permitted. Although physical persecution was never as prevalent outside Massachusetts, similar religious intolerance existed in most other colonies, as evidenced by the repressive legislative acts and executive proclamations as found in early colonial records. Even the more secular southern colonies had repressive laws that were often enforced. For example, many Quakers were arrested, fined, and ordered to leave Virginia under a statute passed by that colony’s legislature in 1663. This repression was repeated a hundred years later just prior to the American Revolution. From 1768 to 1770 Baptists were persecuted because they violated a requirement that meeting houses be licensed and for criticizing the established church. In Virginia, when some 30 Baptist ministers were imprisoned, an outraged Patrick Henry rode 50 miles on horseback to make a successful dramatic appearance for three of the defendants in a Spotsylvania County Virginia trial.

RELIGIOUS HAVENS Roger Williams in Rhode Island and William Penn in Pennsylvania, as well as early Maryland were remarkable exceptions to the colonies that demanded religious conformity. These colonies soon became havens for the religiously persecuted of both the Old and New Worlds. Penn, George Calvert (the first Baron Baltimore), and Cecil Calvert (the second Baron Baltimore) were commended for their prac-

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xxiv HISTORICAL BACKGROUND tice of toleration. When the Quaker, William Penn, founded the colony of Pennsylvania in 1681, he sought to create a society free of religious persecution. He wrote the “Frame of Government” in 1682, a constitution that included provisions guaranteeing freedom of worship and the adoption of all traditional rights granted to persons in England.

THE RISE OF DEISM Roger Williams argued not for mere toleration, but rather for complete religious freedom and the disestablishment of official religions based on the natural rights of man as well as biblical authority. Although Williams’s concept of religious rights was very advanced for his day, the success of his “livlie experiment” inevitably had an effect outside Rhode Island. As persecution gradually subsided in all the colonies, many different Christian sects began to appear, which foreshadowed the eventual demise of any single established church. Also, steadily growing numbers of people without church affiliations obviously did not favor either persecution or establishment. William Warren Sweet estimated that even in stern New England only one in eight persons was a church member by the end of the colonial era. In addition, many Deists became prominent and joined Baptists, Presbyterians, Quakers, and other opponents of establishment and oppression. Deism signifies a belief in a single God and in a religious practice founded solely on natural reason, rather than on supernatural revelation.

A NEW GOVERNMENT IS FORMED The religious pluralism of colonial America required a unique accommodation when the United States was created as a government. Indeed, religion establishment, the designation of a particular religious group or denomination as favored by the government and therefore eligible to receive public revenues, was impractical in most of the colonies outside of New England. Protestant leaders such as Isaac Backus and William Livingston joined Thomas Jefferson and the Enlightenment Deists in an unlikely alliance to ensure religious toleration and disestablishment.

SEPARATION OF CHURCH & STATE By the time of the American Revolution conditions were right for the enunciation of religious liberty and the separation of church and state. Each colony had its own specific experience, but there was not a clear consensus as to whether to incorporate separation of church and state in the newly drafted state constitutions. Public opinion was more tolerant notwithstanding the severity of the code under which they lived. The religious movement known as the Great Awakening, swept the American colonies just prior to the Revolution, and resulted in new religious and political alignments. It placed greater emphasis on individual conversion and thus tended to make church membership more a matter of personal decision and less a matter of family inheritance. Many Americans, while accepting the principle of nonestablishment, nonetheless expected the state not to harm the churches or religious life. Indeed, the state was expected to maintain an amicable relationship with religion. The early state constitutions seem to support this conclusion.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Virginia adopted a Declaration of Rights in June 1776 with a stirring and comprehensive statement of religious freedom: “[A]ll men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.” Supporters of the Episcopal Church fiercely opposed efforts of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison to disestablish it. Despite the Declaration of Rights, it would be several years before the vestiges of the established church would be completely removed. Jefferson would view the struggle as the most severe and contentious of his career. In December 1776 the Virginia legislature passed a bill that exempted dissenters from supporting the established church. In June 1779 Jefferson presented his Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom, with no legislative action. In 1784, legislators favoring establishment introduced a bill providing for a general assessment for the teaching of religion. Madison, who assumed the primary leadership role upon Jefferson’s departure to France, finally but narrowly defeated the Assessment Bill by circulating his Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments. He then reintroduced Jefferson’s Bill for Religious Freedom, which was enacted in January 1786, the year before the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia.

RELIGION & THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION The Continental-Confederation Congress, a legislative body that also exercised executive power, governed the United States from 1774 to 1789 and accomplished much, including winning the Revolutionary War. Many of the delegates to this Congress were deeply religious and were convinced that the “public prosperity” of a society depended on the vitality of its religion. Thus, the Congress invested substantial energy in encouraging the practice of religion throughout the new nation, exceeding that expended by any subsequent American national government. Nothing less than a “spirit of universal reformation among all ranks and degrees of our citizens,” Congress declared to the American people on March 19, 1782, would “make us a holy, that so we may be a happy, people.”

RELIGION IN THE FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION The faith in which each colony was founded provided it a religious orientation that endured when the government of the United States was created after independence. Nonetheless, after the American Revolution, it was obvious that if a single nation was to replace the thirteen colonies, the Congress could choose which church to establish or which faiths to privilege. Yet ten of the original thirteen colonies (the exceptions were Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Delaware) continued to prefer and support one religion over all others. Because of the nation’s history, it seemed natural that the framers of the U.S. Constitution would devote substantial attention to the issue of religion. Actually, there was remarkably little discussion of the question, due largely to the practical needs of the situation and time. Shortly after the Constitutional Convention began in 1787, Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina submitted his draft of a proposed constitution, which provided that the “[l]egislature of the United States shall pass no law on the subject of religion.” This draft was not accepted, but

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xxvi HISTORICAL BACKGROUND toward the end of the convention he submitted another, more limited proposal. It passed on 30 August 1787. Ultimately, Pinckney’s proposals became Clause Three of Article VI of the Constitution, which provides that, while all state and national officers are bound by oath or affirmation to support the U.S. Constitution, “no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.” Only Roger Sherman of Connecticut spoke against this single reference to religion in the original Constitution. He thought it unnecessary, “the prevailing liberality being a sufficient security against such tests.” In the states ratifying conventions for the new Constitution some complaints arose because of the omission of any reference to God, and in at least two conventions concern was expressed at the inclusion of Pinckney’s “no test oath” clause. In Massachusetts Major T. Lusk said that he “shuddered at the idea that Roman Catholics, Papists, and pagans might be introduced into office, and that Popery and the Inquisition may be established in America.” The strongest and most persistent criticism of the Constitution throughout the ratification struggle, however, involved the absence of a bill of rights containing specific guarantees of religious liberty as well as other fundamental rights. From his diplomatic post in France, Jefferson wrote to Madison on 20 December 1787, “I will now add what I do not like. First the omission of a bill of rights providing clearly and without the aid of sophisms for freedom of religion.” Supporters of the Constitution responded to the criticism by contending that the inclusion of a bill of rights was not only unnecessary but that, if included, it might prove dangerous to the rights of the people. The national government, they reasoned, was one of delegated authority only; it possessed no powers except those given to it by the Constitution, and no such grant of power to impinge on the rights of individuals had been made. The danger of inclusion of a bill of rights lay in the fact that no listing of such rights could possibly be all-inclusive, and that inadvertent failure to include a particular right could be interpreted to mean that it was not protected. As Alexander Hamilton warned in The Federalist No. 84, such a bill of rights “would contain various exceptions to powers not granted; and on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than was granted. For why declare that actions shall not be done which there is no power to do?”

RELIGION & THE DRAFTING OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT Despite their own assurances, many supporters of the Constitution shared the apprehensions of their constituents. Various state conventions urged adoption of a bill of rights by constitutional amendment after the new government was established. President Washington, in his inaugural address, asked for a congressional response to the proposals for a bill of rights, and on June 8, 1789 James Madison, now a congressman from Virginia, submitted several amendments prepared largely from those suggested by the ratifying conventions of his own and other states. Madison’s initial proposed amendment to protect religious freedom read: “The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext, infringed.” The House of Representatives altered the language to read: “Congress shall make no law establishing reli-

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND gion, or to prevent the free exercise thereof or to infringe the rights of conscience.” The committee appointed to consider Madison’s proposals included Madison, and was chaired by Pinckney. The body rewrote the religion section to read: “No religion shall be established by law, nor shall the equal rights of conscience be infringed.” After some debate, during which Madison suggested that the word “national” might be inserted before the word “religion” as “point[ing] the amendment directly to the object it was intended to prevent,” the House adopted as a substitute reading: “Congress shall make no laws touching religion, or infringing the rights of conscience.” On August 20, 1789 Fisher Ames of Massachusetts moved that the proposed amendment be adopted as worded. Undoubtedly, Madison wrote the amendment. In the Senate the section adopted read: “Congress shall make no law establishing the articles of faith, or a mode or worship, or prohibiting the free exercise of religion.” At this point in the proceedings, the religion clauses were joined with the Freedom of Expression Clauses. In the conference committees of the two bodies, chaired by Madison, the present language was written with its somewhat indefinite “respecting” wording. The Congressional provides little assistance in interpreting the religion clauses. The position and Jefferson was fairly clear. The intent, insofar as there was one, of the other members of Congress who voted for the language and those in the states who voted to ratify has long been subject to speculation and debate. After extended congressional debate, the Senate approved the Bill of Rights and submitted 12 amendments to the states for ratification. During the next two years, 10 of the 12 proposals received requisite state legislative approval and were added to the Constitution on December 15, 1791. Significantly, the religion clauses constitute the first beginning part of the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. . . .” These brief but emphatic statements marked the successful end of the long and bitter struggle for constitutionally protected freedom of religion. Justice Wiley Rutledge, in reflecting on this process, wrote: “No provision of the Constitution is more closely tied to or given content by its generating history than the religion clause of the First Amendment. It is at once the refined product and the terse summation of that history.” [Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947)] Far from inhibiting or damaging religious expression, as New England Congregationalists had feared, disestablishment instead created a climate in America that was fertile for religion. The First Amendment, which proscribed religious establishment and guaranteed religious freedom, fostered a nation where diverse religions could compete for believers in the religious marketplace of ideas. Some churches developed with successive waves of immigrants; others developed from renewed versions of older faiths (for example, Methodism out of Episcopalianism; the Baptists out of Congregationalism; Disciples of Christ (Christian) out of Presbyterianism); still others arose from completely new religious movements (for example, the Shakers, Latter-day Saints, Seventh-day Adventists, Christian Scientists, and Jehovah’s Witnesses). George Washington, in his Farewell Address on September 17, 1796 stressed the importance of religion, when he proclaimed that “religion and morality” were “great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and citizens.” “National morality,” he added, could not exist “in exclusion of religious

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xxviii HISTORICAL BACKGROUND principle.” “Virtue or morality,” he concluded, as the products of religion were a “necessary spring of popular government.” In its final form, the framers intended the First Amendment to protect personal belief and opinion, as well as actions emanating from personal belief and opinion. Along with freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and the dual rights to peaceable assembly and petitioning of the government, the guarantee of freedom of religion was one of the four basic freedoms deemed imperative to a free society. The parameters of this freedom were by no means always clear, and the correct interpretation of the religion clauses from the beginning has been subject to vigorous debate.

STRUGGLE TO DETERMINE MEANING: INTERPRETING THE RELIGION CLAUSES IN THE NEW NATION The First Amendment, thus, contains the Religion Clauses, referring to both the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses. The meaning of these clauses have been vigorously debated throughout American history. The rights protected under the religion clauses are not absolute; the Supreme Court has generally held that a balance is required between First Amendment freedoms and the powers of a government to govern effectively. Thee drafters of the Bill of Rights clearly included the Establishment Clause to prevent any church from being the state church of the United States. At a minimum, the Establishment Clause prohibits the government from showing favoritism to a particular church or sect. The United States Supreme Court has construed the Establishment Clause to extend beyond merely forbidding an established church under the doctrine of “separation of church and state.” Americans have long disputed the meaning of “separation of church and state,” and even dispute whether it describes the governing principles in this area. Separation of church and state requires that government be separated from religion, and thus that government itself be secular. “Separation” means that government is not to sponsor religion, and also, that government must not interfere with religion. Many religious believers support separation in part because they believe that religion will flourish best without government sponsorship, and that all sponsorship is a form of interference. “Separation” does not imply that religion must be kept out of public view, or even that private religious expression should be kept out of government institutions. In the American context, then, religion must be voluntary, and the government must be neutral as between religions and as between religion and religious disbelief. These principles have applications that have and continue to be highly controversial. Americans dispute the meaning of neutrality just as they dispute the meaning of separation. The Court has interpreted the Establishment Clause. It has attempted to create standards by which it can distinguish prohibited church and state involvement from those that are permitted. For a government policy to withstand the limitations imposed by the Establishment Clause, it must (1) have a secular purpose, (2) have a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and (3) not excessively entangle church and state authorities. The neutral position to be occupied by the state applies both to spiritual practices, such as devotional exercises, and to the allocation of public monies for the benefit of religion.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The Free Exercise Clause is more straightforward than the Establishment Clause, in that it prevents the government from interfering with religious practices. Congress may not prevent churches or individuals from exercising, or actively practicing, the religion of their choice. That Clause protects absolutely a person’s right to believe. The line-drawing problem for the courts exists when some kind of conduct accompanies religious belief. As Justice Felix Frankfurter observed in the first so-called flag salute case, conscientious scruples are insufficient to relieve an individual from “[o]bedience to a general law not aimed at the promotion or restriction of religious belief.” [Minersville School District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940)] Thus, a law that has a legitimate secular purpose may impinge upon the ability of a person to act out of a religious belief. More recently the Court has held that laws or regulations interfering with religious practices are valid only if there is no reasonable alternative to accomplish their legitimate secular objectives. And even more recently it has abolished this “compelling interest” test in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990).

EXTENDING FIRST AMENDMENT PROTECTIONS TO THE STATES Important as the religious guarantee of the First Amendment was when it was adopted in 1791, protection for the religious rights of individuals was not yet complete. Although the First Amendment denied the federal government the power to interfere with the free exercise of religion or to establish religion, it did not prohibit the states from taking such action. All of the states had either bills of rights or other specific constitutional provisions guaranteeing religious freedom. Except for Louisiana, every state constitution adopted between 1776 and 1895 had a provision protecting freedom of worship and conscience. Furthermore, additional provisions often augmented this guarantee by prohibiting compulsory religious attendance and compulsory citizen support of churches and ministers. Many states had proscriptions against religious tests for public office, and proscriptions against enlarging or diminishing an individual’s civil rights because of religious beliefs. In short, state constitutions contained rather extensive provisions guaranteeing religious belief and worship. These were strengthened as the states amended their original constitutions or adopted new ones. The last state establishment provision was removed from a state constitution in 1833 in Massachusetts. As new states sought admission to the Union, Congress insisted on adequate constitutional guarantees of freedom of religion and separation of church and state. Nevertheless, state judges sometimes failed to apply vigorously the protective guarantees of the state constitutions and, because no “federal question” was involved, there was no recourse to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1810, Chief Justice John Marshall suggested that the U.S. Supreme Court might be ready to extend the provisions of the federal Bill of Rights to the states when he said: “The Constitution of the United States contains what may be deemed a Bill of Rights for the people of each state.” [Fletcher v. Peck (U.S. 1810)] In 1833, however, Marshall decided otherwise, removing any question as to the applicability of the Bill of Rights when he wrote: “These amendments contain no expression showing an intention to apply them to the State governments. This Court cannot so apply them.” [Barron v. Baltimore (U.S. 1833)]

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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Eleven years later in Permoil v. First Municipality of New Orleans (U.S. 1844), the Court again rejected an opportunity to expand its jurisdiction when it held specifically with respect to the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment: “The Constitution makes no provision for protecting the citizens of the respective States in their religious liberties; this is left to the state constitutions and laws; nor is there any inhibition imposed by the Constitution of the United States in this respect on the States.” Here the question remained until 1868 when the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was adopted. It did unquestionably apply to the states, and prohibited them to “make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” or to “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” Almost from the time of its adoption there were persons, sometimes members of the Court itself, who contended that the purpose—or at least the effect—of the Amendment was to “incorporate,” “absorb,” or “nationalize” the federal Constitution’s Bill of Rights, thus making its guarantees applicable to the states. Thus, under the legal concept of incorporation, the early constitutional provisions protecting rights against the federal government are said to be “Incorporated into the Fourteenth Amendment, which protect rights against states and local governments, which are created by states. Therefore, the Test Oath Clause, the Establishment Clause, and the Free Exercise Clause are fully applicable to state and local governments. Historical evidence supporting this contention gives it some credibility. However, the Court consistently and repeatedly rejected the argument in case after case until 1925. Then, in a landmark decision, Gitlow v. New York (U.S. 1925), which involved questions of free speech in the press, Justice Edward Sanford opened the door to “selective incorporation” when he wrote, “for present purposes we may and do assume that freedom of speech and press—which are protected by the First Amendment from abridgment by Congress—are among the fundamental personal rights and ‘liberties’ protected by the due process clause of the 14th Amendment from impairment by the states.” This assumption heralded what has become one of the most significant movements in American constitutional law. Although as justices Hugo Black and William O. Douglas forcefully made the argument for “in toto incorporation,” this concept has not been accepted by a majority of the Court. The Court, however, applied virtually all provisions of the Bill of Rights to the states. In 1940 the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment was specifically incorporated in one of the leading Jehovah’s Witnesses cases, Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940). In Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947), also known as the New Jersey Bus Case, the Court similarly applied the Establishment Clause to the states. Thus protection for rights of the individual by constitutional mandates was completed. In a democracy, the people themselves and all agencies of government must be vigilant to ensure that these constitutional provisions are respected and implemented. Ironically, for a nation with its enviable democratic institutions, it is the least “democratic” branch of government, the non-elected, life-tenured U.S. Supreme Court, that ensures that religious freedoms are protected. Constitutional provisions such as the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses are not self-defining. They are emotion laden and susceptible to varied and contradictory definitions. The conflicts that result must eventually be submitted to a rec-

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ognized arbiter for a peaceful resolution. Largely because of its power to decide the constitutionality of the actions of other governmental bodies, the U.S. Supreme Court has assumed this role as arbiter. An arbiter must defend, as well as interpret, constitutional guarantees of fundamental religious rights, and the Court throughout its history has assumed this role. Although the idea is now generally accepted that the Court is a political as well as judicial institution, its more insulated position often permits its members to make necessary but unpopular decisions that their more politically vulnerable associates in the other branches cannot, or think they cannot, afford to do. Many Supreme Court decisions on religion have been heavily criticized. Presidents have called for corrective actions, and members of Congress have introduced hundreds of constitutional amendments designed to modify Supreme Court rulings. Still, compliance, though sometimes reluctant, has eventually been forthcoming, likely because, as Justice Robert Jackson wrote, “The people have seemed to feel that the Supreme Court, whatever its defect, is still the most detached, dispassionate, and trustworthy custodian that our system affords for the translation of abstract into constitutional commands.” (Jackson, The Supreme Court in the American System of Government 1955) More than their counterparts in the elective branches of government, judges are expected to articulate and to justify their decisions in coherent written opinions not only for the benefit of the parties to the immediate litigation but also for the guidance of other judges, lawyers, and laymen of this and subsequent generations. Even those judges whose arguments do not then prevail frequently believed they had a duty to offer alternatives for the future as dissenting and concurring opinions.

RECONCILING THE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM CLAUSES The First Amendment requires the government to remain neutral on the subject of religion. The Free Exercise Clause forbids government from discriminating against religion or disfavoring religious practice. The Establishment Clause, however, forbids government from favoring one or more religion over non-religion. Thus, the religion clauses work together, with one forbidding intentional governmental suppression of religion, while the other forbids intentional government support of religion. In practice, however, the clauses often appear to conflict. For example, exemption from generally applicable laws that burden a particular religion may serve the interests of religious freedom. Such exemptions, however, may be perceived as government support for religion and thus, a violation of the Establishment Clause. Similarly, the proscription against religious establishment may bar government support for religion and religious institutions, but denial of public benefits and services (especially considering the important role played by government in lives of Americans) may impose hardships on religion, thus violating the Free Exercise Clause. A persistent challenge is how to reconcile these potentially conflicting constitutional demands. Although some commentators have argued for the primacy of free exercise when the two clauses conflict, the Court has not yet clearly accepted this approach. Presently, the law appears to require accommodation of religion where doing so does not seriously threaten an important governmental interest. Thus, the

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xxxii HISTORICAL BACKGROUND government may not benefit a religion unless (1) the benefit is an exemption from an otherwise applicable ban or other regulatory restraint that would otherwise substantially burden the practice of the religion, and (2) the exemption does not seriously compromise an important public interest. The Court under Supreme Court Justice Renquist was less strict in demanding that the government must maintain neutrality in religious matters and more willing to allow government accommodation of religion. This has been particularly true of the Supreme Court Justices Kennedy and Scalia.

HOW MUCH SEPARATION BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE? The United States has never had an impenetrable wall of separation between church and state. For instance, by granting a tax exemption to the property of religious organizations, the state and national governments effectively are favoring religious institutions and arguably granting them a financial benefit. The vast majority of citizens support such a policy. Similarly, there are tax-supported military and legislative chaplaincies. Still, despite the inevitable blurring of the line, most citizens want church and state to be separate, even as the government shows what Justice Thomas C. Clark called “wholesome neutrality” with respect to religion. For many, however, it is only natural that people associating politically for their common good would consider religion an appropriate subject of public regulation, perhaps even that religious association would precede and produce political bonds. This is the basis of an intense debate between those known as separationists and those known as accommodationists. Separationists believe that history forms the basis for the paradigm of mutual abstention by religion and law. They argue that the framers of the religion clauses of the First Amendment to the federal Constitution between 1789 and 1791 sufficiently warranted the separation of religion from the public sphere. For several years the Supreme Court adhered to a separationist interpretation, observing that the nation’s founders deliberately erected a wall of separation between church and state and that the Constitution’s framers declared religion a private matter entirely distinct from public life, effectively holding that the concerns and competence of religion and of government are at opposite ends of a linear construct and that the Constitution—or at least the Court should keep them there. Accommodationists believe that the religion clauses of the U.S. Constitution permit various forms of non-preferential government support for religion. They argue that government may aid all religions, as long as it does not prefer one religion over another. Justice Stanley Reed, in dissenting in McCollum v. Board of Education, set forth an accommodationist approach to interpreting the Establishment Clause. Justice Reed maintained that although the state could “make no law respecting an establishment of religion,” the meaning of that phrase does not call for strict separation in light of past precedents, customs, and practices of the federal government. Furthermore, accommodationists believe that government accommodation is necessary because action by the government, although neutral on its face, hinders the free exercise of religion, especially because the pervasive nature of modern government and the prominent position of religion in American society inevitably results in contact between the state and the religious life of its citizens. Accommodationists criticize the rationale for separationist judicial decisions as

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND both intuitively and historically unsound. Non-establishment, accommodationists believe, merely means a neutrality among sects. Contemporary government interaction with religion, they believe, should be based on this understanding of the Establishment Clause.

HOW DOES THE NATURE OF RELIGION INFLUENCE THE BELIEVER’S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE STATE? Religion involves belief in and conciliation of powers deemed superior to mankind that are believed to regulate and control the course of nature and of human life. It involves elements of belief, a body of dogma, acts of conciliation or worship, and ritual. Religious beliefs and practices are very widespread among humans and are found from very primitive stages of development upwards. What persons believe to be ultimately true forms the core of their religion and influences—if not controls—every significant decision they make. Besides directing the purely spiritual life, religious beliefs influence such acts as choosing a spouse, selecting a profession, performing familial duties, deciding upon family size, and determining the type of education for one’s children. More important, what people believe to be ultimately true invariably results in some kind of moral code that determines how they treat others. Religiously grounded morality often supersedes society’s own assignments of duties as contained in the secular law. The U.S. Supreme Court has made this primacy of conscience the crucial element of its definition of religion as a “faith, to which all else is subordinate or upon which all else is ultimately dependent.” [U.S. v. Seeger (U.S. 1965); Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] If a person believes that God is the ever-present basis of all existence, then necessarily such person’s very being and his or her every activity will involve a religious dimension. Religious adherents therefore perceive their fate, and the fate of their society, through the interpretive medium of faith. Historians and social scientists have documented that the collective political activity of Americans, including their political beliefs and voting behavior, have been greatly influenced by religious belief. It is difficult to disentangle great nonpartisan political movements like the abolition of slavery and the creation of a free public school system in the nineteenth century, and support for temperance, female suffrage, prison reform, and the civil rights and antiwar movements of the twentieth century, from their proponents’ religiously based vision of the United States. More recently, the prominent participation of clergy and religiously motivated laypersons in the abortion, sanctuary, and antiapartheid controversies raised the issue of how religious people and institutions should affect public policy. Although atheism, agnosticism, and a decline in religious beliefs have reduced religion’s influence on American society to some degree in the late twentieth century, the simultaneously declining influence of political parties has accentuated the religious content of politics. Without the moderating and aggregating influence of parties, single-issue believers enter the public realm unrestrained by entangling political alliances so that the religious substance of their political program is closer to the surface.

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A ABINGTON SCHOOL DISTRICT V. SCHEMPP (U.S. 1963) A 1949 Pennsylvania statute forced public schools to begin each day with reading 10 Bible verses. Teachers required students to rise and recite the verses reverently and in unison, or, as in the Abington School District, students in broadcasting class read the verses over a public address system. Teachers could be terminated for refusing to participate, and students were occasionally segregated from others if they did not join in the daily reading. The Schempps challenged the school recitation because the Bible readings contradicted the religious training they were providing for their three children. Bible reading cases in state courts had yielded contradictory rulings since 1910, however, the Schempps’s challenge was the first to reach a federal court. In 1958 a special three-judge federal court heard the case and ruled that the Bible-reading statute violated the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause (“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion”) and interfered with its Free Exercise Clause (“or prohibiting the free exercise [of religion]”). Local and state officials immediately appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the appeal along with a case from Maryland, Murray v. Curlett (Md. 1962), as a single consolidated case that would henceforth be known as Abington School District v. Schempp. The Murray case involved Madalyn Murray and her 14-year-old son, William, who were atheists. They had challenged a 1905 Baltimore school board rule requiring each school day to begin with Bible reading or the Lord’s Prayer, or both. The Murray’s suit alleged that the rule violated the Establishment Clause by discriminating against atheists. The Murrays originally lost in the state courts and on appeal. When the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments for the consolidated cases, the nation was still debating the court’s ruling in Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962). In that case the Supreme Court held that a school prayer written by New York state officials was unconstitutional. Abington gave advocates of school prayer an opportunity to argue that the Court had been wrong in Engel.

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Attorneys representing Pennsylvania and Maryland denied that Bible reading or prayer had a religious nature, and claimed that requiring it therefore did not violate the Establishment Clause. In any case, they argued that the Establishment Clause was designed only to prevent an official state religion. They argued that the Bible readings advanced a legitimate, secular state interest in maintaining order and providing a proper moral climate for students. The attorneys for the states also distinguished Abington from Engel, because in neither school had government officials written the prayers that were recited. The states also argued that the forbidding of organized prayer in the schools would be antireligious, and would, in fact, amount to the establishment of a “religion of secularism.” Attorneys for the Schempps and the Murrays maintained that the Establishment Clause, which was applied to the states under the Fourteenth Amendment, prohibited states from requiring that passages from the Bible be read or that the Lord’s Prayer be recited in the public schools, even if individual students could be excused from attending or participating in such exercises upon written request of their parents. Justice Thomas C. Clark wrote the opinion for the Supreme Court. He concluded that the Pennsylvania exercise violated the Establishment Clause as the New York prayer had in the Engel case. Clark’s opinion in Schempp was the first separationist opinion of the Supreme Court. Reiterating the premise of Engel, the Court held that neither the state nor the federal government may constitutionally force a person to profess belief or disbelief in any religion, nor can it pass laws that aid all religions as against nonbelievers. The court noted that the Establishment Clause withdrew all legitimate power respecting religious belief or expression. The Court, then, for the first time articulated two prongs of the present three-prong test for determining whether governmental action violates the Establishment Clause. In order to be constitutional (1) the purpose of the government action must be secular, rather than to advance or inhibit religion; and (2) the primary effect of the government action must not be to advance or inhibit religion. The Bible readings in Abington were clearly “religious exercises,” Justice Clark concluded, and thus failed at least the “primary effect” prong of the test. Because of this primarily religious effect, it was no defense for the state to argue (even if accurately) that its purposes were the secular ones of promoting order and morality. The Court also disagreed that prohibiting prayer would be “antireligious,” finding that such a prohibition merely accomplished the constitutionally required neutrality of the government concerning religion. Justice Clark also held that required exercises are not mitigated by the fact that individual students may absent themselves upon parent request, for that fact furnishes no defense to a claim of unconstitutionality under the Establishment Clause. The test for constitutionality articulated by Abington clearly explained its limits. Study of the Bible or religion was acceptable in public schools, said Justice Clark,

ABOLITION but only so long as it was “presented objectively as part of a secular program of education.” Religious practices in public school were prohibited by the First Amendment. “While the Free Exercise Clause clearly prohibits the use of state action to deny the rights of free exercise to anyone,” Justice Clark observed, “it has never meant that a majority could use the machinery of the State to practice its beliefs.” Justices William O. Douglas and William J. Brennan concurred separately in opinions advocating an even stricter separationism than Clark’s (Brennan’s opinion comprised 74 pages). Justice Arthur J. Goldberg also filed a brief concurring opinion. Justice Potter Stewart dissented, as he had in Engel, arguing that religious exercises as part of public ceremonies were permissible as long as children were not coerced to participate. He further believed that a completely noncompulsory scheme of Bible reading that provided alternative activities for nonparticipating students does not violate the Establishment Clause. Abington was the last of the initial group of the Supreme Court’s cases that prohibited organized prayer in public schools. The issue, however, continues to remain controversial. Murray v. Curlett (Md. 1962), rev’d (U.S. 1963), a school prayer case from Baltimore, reached the same conclusion as Abington and the court issued its rulings on both cases on the same day. The court in the school prayer cases developed “balancing test” jurisprudence, in which it weighed the free exercise interests of the religious citizens against secular state interest. The court continued to apply the school prayer cases as it developed its balancing test jurisprudence in the public school context. In Stone v. Graham (U.S. 1980), for example, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated a Kentucky statute that required public schools to post a copy of the Ten Commandments in each classroom. Because the Ten Commandments unquestionably include religious edicts (such as avoiding idolatry), the court found that the principle purpose of the law was religious. The holding in Stone was used to develop the “secular purpose test,” which inquires into the legislative intent for a particular action. In other words, is the action intended to benefit religion, or is it to achieve a secular purpose that only coincidentally benefits religion?

ABOLITION In American legal history, abolition generally refers to the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century movement to abolish the slavery of African Americans. As a significant political force in the antebellum United States, the abolitionists greatly influenced the legal and political landscape. They developed comprehensive but conflicting theories on the constitutionality of slavery. Abolitionists, motivated by

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faith, attacked the moral impropriety of the institution. Although abolitionism did not play a powerful role in the political and legal debate until the 1850s, it profoundly influenced subsequent constitutional development, merging with constitutional aspirations of nonabolitionist Republicans after the Civil War to provide the basis for what one writer has labeled the Third Constitution: the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. Their consistent efforts to end the institution of slavery culminated in 1865 with the ratification of the Constitution’s Thirteenth Amendment, which outlawed slavery. The abolitionists’ ranks included many different factions and people of different backgrounds and viewpoints, including European and African Americans, radicals, and moderates. The beliefs of the abolitionists ran a broad spectrum, from those who opposed slavery as unjust and inhuman, to those whose objectives were purely economic and focused on the effects that an unpaid Southern workforce had on wages and prices in the North. The abolitionist movement resulted from social and moral impulses that, in time, were aggravated by political and economic factors. New England-based churches, such as the Unitarian Church and the Congregationalist Church totally opposed slavery. The Roman Catholic Church in the United States did not agree that slaveholding was necessarily forbidden to Catholics, and thus, opposed abolitionism. This was despite the fact that from the fifteenth century forward, Catholic missionaries, theologians, and statesmen continuously sought to end the slave trade. The Catholic Church officially condemned the slave trade in 1838. Methodists and Baptists strongly supported the antislavery movement because they were the largest Protestant denominations in the United States and were influential both in the North and in the South. The Reverend Orange Scott, a Methodist abolitionist leader, wrote “An Appeal to the Methodist Episcopal Church” in 1838 that opened a struggle within the church itself. In 1845, it resulted in a church schism and the organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The Baptists had a similar history of division over the slavery issue, which also resulted in a schism and the emergence of the Southern Baptist Convention. The Quakers, beginning in the 1760s, began to oppose slavery. Although conservative in other respects, opposing antislavery agitation could disturb their proslavery business associates and neighbors, so many Quakers joined in the antislavery cause. Many clergymen became leaders in the abolitionist cause. The Reverend George Bourne’s effort to preach in Virginia the principles he expressed in The Book and Slavery Irreconcilable (1816) resulted in his having to leave the South. The Reverend John Rankin, who worked with the well-known abolitionist Elihu Embree in creating the Manumission Society of Tennessee and publishing the Manumission Intelligencier, in 1822, on the banks of the Ohio River, set up the best-known “underground station” for fugitive slaves. Rankin also wrote Letters on Slavery (1826), which prepared the way for more famous abolitionist writings.

ABORTION Beginning in the 1830s evangelical Christian groups, particularly in New England, brought a new radicalism to the cause of abolition. They focused on the sinfulness of slavery and sought to end its practice by appealing to the consciences of European Americans who supported slavery. Rather than endorsing gradual emancipation, these new abolitionists called for the immediate and complete emancipation of slaves without compensation to slave owners. Leaders of this movement included William Lloyd Garrison, founder of the abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator, Frederick Douglass, a noted African American writer and orator, and the sisters Sarah Moore Grimke and Angelina Grimke, lecturers for the American Anti-Slavery Society. Support for “immediate abolition” arose as a result of being proposed by Elizabeth Heyrick in Immediate Not Gradual Emancipation in 1824. The religious leaders who supported immediate emancipation included Reverend Samuel J. May and Reverend Theodore Parker. A significant proof that antislavery had ceased to be limited to radicals and sectarians was the conversion of the Unitarian leader, the Reverend William Ellery Channing to the antislavery cause, although he deplored the antagonism between the factions. His Slavery (1835) advocated a firm stand on the moral impropriety of the institution and influenced many Northerners who were reluctant to join the antislavery cause. During what was called the “Martyr Age” in the 1830s, a domestic missionary named Reverend Elijah P. Lovejoy published the St. Louis Observer in which he denounced slavery. His antislavery sentiments incited a vengeful mob that vandalized his office. Lovejoy moved across the Mississippi River to Alton, Illinois, where he continued to issue the Observer. Three times his press was removed and destroyed. While defending it a fourth time, in November 1837, he was shot and killed. Lovejoy’s murder convinced many Americans to become abolitionists. John Brown, an itinerant preacher, belonged to no anti-slavery faction. Some radical abolitionists may have known that he planned an insurrection, although they were unwilling to help him. On October 16, 1859, Brown led 21 men into Harper’s Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia), where they seized the federal arsenal and captured some hostages. In several actions, several local persons as well as members of Brown’s company were killed or wounded. The local slaves refused to rebel, and Brown and some of his men were captured by Colonel Robert E. Lee. Brown’s own serenity as he approached his death, and his eloquence in court and in correspondence, won many Northerners to his cause.

ABORTION Abortion is the expulsion of the human fetus from the womb before it has reached a state of development sufficient to permit it to survive independently, a state

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reached between the twenty-first and twenty-eighth week of pregnancy. It may occur accidentally or spontaneously (when it is usually called a miscarriage) or may be induced. Abortion is one of the most controversial legal, social, and religious issues in American life in the early 21st twentieth century. Because it deals with fundamental questions of gender, personhood, and community, one’s view of abortion is inexorably linked to one’s religious and philosophical commitments. Advocates for and against legalized abortion focus on two major issues: (1) the moral status of the fetus, or (2) the bodily rights of the pregnant woman. Those who oppose legalized abortion justify their position based on the fact that: (1) the fetus is a person and ought to have a right to life, and (2) the fetus is completely innocent and defenseless person. Prolife (or antiabortionist) advocates argue that individual human life begins at conception, that is, when sperm and ovum cease to exist as individual entities, a new human being with its own genetic code comes into existence. Prochoice advocates view the abortion issue as related to what degree government should intrude on the reproductive rights. Prochoice advocates argue that the fetus, although a human being from conception, is not a person until some decisive moment after conception. Some argue that personhood does not arrive until brain waves are detected (40 to 43 days). Others define a person as a being with certain functions, such as consciousness and the ability to solve complex problems, which would put the arrival of personhood after birth. Prochoice advocates argue that even if the fetus is a human person from conception, abortion is still morally justified. Some argue that the fetus’s physical dependence on the pregnant woman’s body entails a conflict of rights if the pregnant woman did not consent to the pregnancy. Consequently, the fetus cannot use another’s body without her consent. Thus, a pregnant woman’s removal of the fetus by abortion, although it will result in its death, is no more immoral than an adult person’s refusal to donate her kidney to someone who needs one, although this refusal will probably result in the death of the person who needs the kidney. Induced or artificial abortion has extensive legal implications. Formal ecclesiastical legislation prohibiting abortion was enacted in the Western Church by the Council of Elvira around the year a.d. 300, and in the East by the Council of Ancyra in a.d. 314. English common law generally allowed abortion before the “quickening” of the fetus (that is, before the first recognizable movement of the fetus in the uterus), which occurred between the sixteenth and eighteenth week of pregnancy. After quickening, however, common law was less clear about abortion. After American independence, Pennsylvania and North Carolina held that at common law both abortion and attempted abortion was a felony at any stage of pregnancy. This case law was close to an English Statute of 1803. American state legislatures began enacting abortion statutes in the nineteenth century. Beginning

ABORTION in the mid-nineteenth century every American state criminalized abortion by statute, mainly to protect women from unsafe medical procedures. Most state legislatures enacted statutes similar to those of Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Connecticut in 1821 enacted the first U.S. abortion statute making quickening an essential element and providing for no justifications. Despite the illegality, many thousands of women every year sought abortions. Under a veil of shame and secrecy, many had abortions performed in unsafe conditions, and many died or suffered complications from these procedures. The abortion statutes of the late nineteenth century remained largely unchanged until the 1960s and 1970s, when several different events coalesced to form a movement for their reform. Women’s rights groups, doctors, and lawyers began an organized abortion reform movement to advocate changes, in part because many of them had witnessed the sometimes deadly complications resulting from illegal abortions. Women’s organizations also began to view abortion reform as a crucial step toward the goal of equality between the sexes. The Prochoice Movement argued that women must be able to control their pregnancies to secure an equal status with men in American life. In addition, new concerns regarding explosive population growth and its effect on the environment increased public awareness of the need for birth control. Simultaneously, other countries enacted far more permissive laws on abortion. In Japan and Eastern Europe, abortion was available on demand, and in much of Western Europe, abortion was permitted to protect the mother’s health. Public awareness of the abortion issue also increased through two incidents in the early 1960s that caused many children to be born with physical defects. In 1960 the drug thalidomide, used to treat nausea during pregnancy, was found to cause serious birth defects, such as stunted, flipperlike limbs or no limbs at all. And a 1962–1965 German measles epidemic caused an estimated 15,000 children to be born with defects. Pregnant women could not seek abortion because of the strict laws then in existence. Reacting to these and other developments and inspired by the success of the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s, women’s rights organizations including the National Organization for Women (NOW), formed in 1966, sought to liberalize abortion laws through legislation and lawsuits. They sought to educate a largely male-dominated legal and political establishment about women’s issues. Their work, supported by such organizations as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), quickly began to yield results. Between 1967 and 1970, twelve states liberalized their abortion laws. Prochoice groups, arguing that the choice for abortion was a matter of social justice, pressed for reproductive freedom and demanded the repeal of existing state laws and free access for women to abortion. Increasing abortion-related litigation eventually resulted in the need for U.S. Supreme Court to clarify the law. After considering many abortion-related cases, on May 31, 1971 the Court agreed to decide two cases, Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973) and Doe v. Bolton (U.S. 1973).

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Although the two cases before the Court appeared by their titles to involve two individuals, Roe and Doe, in reality both suits were brought by several litigants. As a class action lawsuit, Roe v. Wade was argued for all women in the state of Texas. Thirty-six abortion reform groups filed briefs with the court on Roe’s behalf. They included civil rights, medical, public health, legal, welfare, church (including socially liberal Protestant denominations), population control, and other groups. The antiabortion side of the case included representatives from seven different antiabortion groups and the attorneys general of five states. The antiabortion position was shared by the Roman Catholic Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Orthodox Jews, and fundamentalist Protestant denominations. The plaintiffs in Roe sought to have the Texas abortion statute declared unconstitutional as an invasion of the right to privacy as guaranteed by the First, Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments. The abortion reform movement attached two other cases to Roe’s in order to represent a wider range of the interests involved in the issue. A physician, James Hallford, who was being prosecuted under the statute for two abortions he had performed, also filed suit to challenge the Texas law, as did a childless couple, the Does. The Does claimed a personal stake in the right to an abortion, because Mrs. Doe’s physician had advised her to avoid pregnancy for health reasons. The Does claimed that Mrs. Doe might become pregnant due to possible failure of her contraception. If this occurred, she might need an abortion to avoid the health impairment that would arise from a pregnancy. The Court denied standing due to the speculative nature of this claim. In Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973), the U.S. Supreme Court held that for the period of approximately the first three months of pregnancy “the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the pregnant woman’s attending physician.” If a doctor performs an abortion during the first three months of pregnancy, the state is powerless to interfere or punish. During the last six months of pregnancy, the state may regulate abortion procedures “in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health.” The only time that the state can protect the fetus is after the fetus has reached viability, and not even then if a doctor judges an abortion necessary for the preservation of the life or health of the mother. The states are free, however, to require that all abortions, at any stage of pregnancy, be performed only by licensed physicians. Both Roe and Doe were decided by votes of seven to two. The majority relied on the basic legal principle that people have a constitutional right not to be interfered with by government in decisions that profoundly affect their whole lives unless government has a compelling reason connected with the public welfare for such interference. In the Court’s view, no such reason exists during the first three months of pregnancy; discouraging abortions will not discourage illicit sex; abortions during the early period of pregnancy are reasonably safe medical procedures; and the medical, philosophical, and theological experts are greatly

ABORTION divided about exactly what degree of human development is involved in the fetus during that period. Since there is no compelling reason to justify governmental interference, the Court held that the woman’s “right to privacy” must be respected. If she can find a doctor who will perform an abortion during the first three months of pregnancy, the state may not interfere. The court went on to say, however, that the reasons for state interference grow more compelling as the pregnancy progresses. Abortions during the last six months of pregnancy become increasingly more dangerous for the mother, and the state has the right to protect the life of the mother, even against her wishes. Moreover, at some point, the fetus becomes “viable,” capable of independent life outside the mother’s womb. From that point on, the Court declared, the state may protect the fetus against the mother unless a doctor judges an abortion necessary for the life or health of the mother. The most difficult question for the Supreme Court to resolve in these cases was whether a fetus is a “person” within the meaning of the Due Process Clause, which forbids governmental deprivation of any person’s life, liberty, or property without due process of law (Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution). After reviewing the legal history, the majority of the Court concluded that “the unborn have never been recognized in the law as persons in the whole sense.” One distinct criticism of the Court’s decision in Roe concerns not the legitimacy of judicial activism but the soundness of the Court’s answer to the political-moral question it addressed. Because many people believe that the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe was wrong, in the decades following various attempts were made to overrule Roe legislatively either by taking away the Court’s jurisdiction to review state abortion law, or by constitutional amendments, or even simple congressional legislation to the effect that a fetus is a person within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment and thus that states may ban abortion to protect its life. The proposals to limit the jurisdiction of the Court and to override Roe by simple congressional legislation—as opposed to a constitutional amendment became subjects of vigorous political and constitutional controversy. The political controversy over abortion has been extraordinarily intense. The Court’s decision to constitutionalize the abortion issue must be understood with regards to the fundamental shift in attitudes toward the role of women in American society that occurred in the 1970s and 1980s. Many of those who opposed abortion and the “liberalization” of public policy on abortion did so as part of a larger agenda of pro-family legislative objectives. Opposing them, many Prochoice advocates sought to implement a different vision –a feminist vision–in which women were free to determine their own lives, and therefore free to decide whether, and when, they will bear children. Not surprisingly, the rise of the feminist movement resulted in a deep division in American society. “Abortion politics” was merely one manifestation of that division, although an important one. Thus, a controversy that sometimes seemed

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to consist mainly of a philosophical-theological dispute over the question, “When does ‘life’ begin?” actually involved much more. The complexity of the abortion controversy was dramatically evidenced by the fact that even within the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, which was the most powerful institutional opponent of abortion, attitudes toward abortion were deeply divided, precisely because attitudes toward women were deeply divided. Following the Roe v. Wade decision, the Court has had to resolve many other abortion-related issues. For example, in Planned Parenthood of Missouri v. Danforth (U.S. 1976), the Court ruled that a state may not require a woman to obtain the consent of her spouse before she terminates her pregnancy. The Court’s rulings on parental consent and parental notification requirements have not been clear, in part because the rulings have been fragmented. In Bellotti v. Baird (U.S. 1979), for example, in an eight-to-one decision striking down a parental consent requirement, the majority split four to four as to the proper rationale. It is clear, however, that state governments may not require every minor, whatever her level of independence or maturity, to obtain parental consent before she terminates her pregnancy. One of the most controversial abortion-related issues that the Court has addressed since Roe v. Wade involved abortion funding. In Maher v. Roe (U.S. 1977), the Court ruled that a state government that spends welfare funds to subsidize medical expenses involved with pregnancy and childbirth may decline to subsidize medical expenses incident to nontherapeutic abortion, even if its sole reason for doing so is to discourage abortion. In a companion case, Poelker v. Doe (U.S. 1977), the Court extended this ruling to hold that public hospitals may also decline to provide nontherapeutic abortions for the sole reason of discouraging abortion. Three years later in Harris v. McRae (U.S. 1980), the Court sustained the Hyde Amendments (to appropriations for the Medicaid program), which prohibited federal funding of abortion, including therapeutic abortion, even though the sole purpose of the amendment was to discourage abortion.

ACCOMMODATION OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF Generally, an accommodation is an arrangement made as a favor to another. Under both state and federal employment discrimination laws, an employer must make a reasonable accommodation to the religious beliefs of an applicant or an employee. The test of what is reasonable is whether the accommodation will place an “undue burden” on the employer. Although what constitutes an undue burden is open for interpretation and may vary depending on the size and resources of the employer, it is clear that the employer must at least consider and make some effort to accommodate an employee’s religious practices. The employer has the burden of

ACCOMMODATION OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF showing that he or she made a reasonable accommodation or was unable to do so without incurring an undue burden. The reasonableness of an accommodation is determined on a case-by-case basis. In assessing undue hardship, courts have been careful to examine whether the employee desiring accommodation performs an “essential” job for the employer, whether the employee can easily be replaced, and whether the employer must pay higher wages in order to hire a replacement. Courts also have considered noneconomic factors, such as safety and health concerns, the effect upon morale of fellow employees when an accommodation is made to one employee, whether the employee has fully exhausted an employer’s already existing procedures for accommodation, and whether accommodating an employee would result in violating a state or federal statute. All noneconomic factors, however, must be shown to have an “adverse impact on the conduct of the business.” [Palmer v. Board of Education (7th Cir. 1979)] Because Congress did not define either the terms “reasonable accommodation” or “undue hardship” there has been considerable litigation interpreting these terms, most of which has involved applying the duty of reasonable accommodation to the desires of employees not to work on Saturdays or Sundays for religious reasons or on religious holidays. [See Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc. (U.S. 1985); and Transworld Airlines, Inc. v. Hardison (U.S. 1977)] Another focus of litigation has been the right of employees to wear particular clothes, hairstyles, or beards for religious reasons. In Wilson v. U.S.W. Communications (8th Cir. 1995) the court of appeals held that an employer could not require a woman who wore a large button depicting a fetus because of her religious opposition to abortion to cover the button when outside of her cubicle at work without violating its duty to reasonably accommodate the religious practices of its employees. The issue of reasonable accommodation for religiously dictated attire was considered in a federal case from Pennsylvania. [Reid v. Kraft General Foods, Inc. (E.D. Pa. 1995)] In March 1991 Priscilla Reid, a member of the Church of the Apostolic Faith, accepted a position as a production worker for the Kraft company. At an orientation meeting the following month, Reid discovered for the first time that she would be required to wear pants on the job. Reid notified Kraft that her religious beliefs prohibited her from wearing pants and requested that she be able to wear a dress or a skirt as a substitute. She even offered a letter from her pastor confirming the church doctrine against women wearing pants. Kraft rejected her request. It was only after Reid filed a religious discrimination complaint with the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission that Kraft in August 1991 notified Reid that she would be permitted to wear a dress to work. Reid failed to report to work, and Kraft subsequently terminated her employment. In a subsequent suit in federal court Kraft sought to have Reid’s discrimination claims dismissed because the company had reasonably accommodated her religious practice by allowing her to wear a dress to work. Reid countered that her hiring

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had been delayed nearly 15 weeks after she first notified the employer of her religious practice. The court agreed with Reid. This case is instructive on the duty to make “other” reasonable accommodation and, in particular, the need to act in a timely manner to satisfy that duty. If the employer awaits the filing of a complaint or lawsuit before extending a reasonable accommodation, it may be too late to avoid liability. A second type of reasonable accommodation involves an employee’s absence from work for religious observance. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals recently ruled that because an employee failed to show a temporal mandate in this case, that she was required to be in Yugoslavia at a definite and certain point in time was part of her protected religious belief, she could not maintain a suit for religious discrimination. [Tiano v. Dillard Department Stores (9th Cir. 1998)] Mary Tiano worked for an Arizona department store. She was a devout Roman Catholic. The department store terminated Tiano after she departed on an unapproved religious pilgrimage to Yugoslavia. Tiano contended that the store had violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when it terminated her and failed to make reasonable accommodation of her religious beliefs. In this case, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals established a two-part test to analyze whether a valid Title VII religious discrimination claim exists. First, a plaintiff must establish a prima facie case; that is, he or she must show enough evidence of religious discrimination that, if the employer could not rebut this evidence, the court would be justified in ruling in the employee’s favor. To establish this prima facie case, the employee must show that: (1) he or she had a bona fide religious belief, the practice of which conflicted with his or her employment duty; (2) he or she informed the employer of the belief and conflict; and (3) the employer threatened or subjected the employee to adverse treatment, including discharge, because he or she failed to fulfill the job requirements. If the employee proves a prima facie case of religious discrimination under these criteria, the second part of the test is considered: now the burden of proof shifts to the employer to show either that it initiated good faith efforts to reasonably accommodate the employee’s religious practices or that it could not reasonably accommodate the employee without undue hardship to itself. In Tiano’s case, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals found that because her religious belief was not limited to participation in the pilgrimage, her religious belief did not conflict with her employment duties at the department store. She had other opportunities to practice her religious beliefs. Because Tiano could not establish that she had to be in Yugoslavia at a certain time as part of a bona fide religious mandate, she could not satisfy one crucial element of her case—the conflict between religious belief and employment duty. Judge Charles Wiggins wrote, “There is no evidence upon which one could rely except for Tiano’s lone statement that she ‘had to be there at that time.’ That statement is insufficient to prove that the temporal mandate was part of her religious belief.” Thus, Tiano could not show a prima facie case (that is, initial evidence of a violation that is sufficient to allow the case to continue) of religious discrimination.

ACCOMMODATIONIST (OR NONPREFERENTIALIST) The courts have repeatedly held that “reasonable accommodation” is not openended. A policeman’s request for accommodation of his religious beliefs, which prevented him from standing duty outside of an abortion clinic, were satisfied by the police department’s offer to transfer him—with no reduction in pay or benefits—to a district that did not have abortion clinics. [Rodriguez v. City of Chicago (7th Cir. 1998)] The court rejected the officer’s contention that he preferred to stay in his current district, and that granting him an exception to the abortion clinic duty would not constitute an undue hardship for the employer. The court noted that the need for reasonable accommodation does not require satisfaction of an employee’s every desire. Provided it has accommodated an employee’s religious needs in some reasonable manner, the employer need not prove that each of the employee’s suggested alternative accommodations would result in undue hardship to it. The federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) has developed a list of possible accommodations an employer may use to meet its obligation to accommodate an employee’s religious practices. Among these are: • Voluntary substitutes and “swaps,” requiring an employer to “promote an atmosphere in which substitutions are favorably regarded,” and to provide a central location to facilitate posting of requests for substitution • Flexible scheduling, so that employees requesting accommodation can be served by permitting them flexible arrival and departure times, flexible work breaks, and use of lunch, personal, or vacation time in exchange for early departure; staggering work hours, or allowing an employee to make up lost time due to observing religious practices, and • Arranging lateral transfers or changing an employee’s job assignment.

ACCOMMODATIONIST (OR NONPREFERENTIALIST) An accommodationist is one who believes that government may assist religion if it assists all religions equally. Accommodationists (also called nonpreferentialists) believe that the framers of the Constitution did not intend the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to absolutely prohibit government aid to religion in general, but only to prohibit the government from favoring any one religion over another. The accommodationists dispute the separationist conclusion that the federal government is absolutely prohibited from granting nondiscriminatory aid to religion. In interpreting the historical evidence behind the writing of the First Amendment, accommodationists note several important facts, including: • The grammar of the phrase “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” The use of “an” rather than “the” indicates that

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the drafters of the First Amendment were concerned with official favoritism toward religion rather than irreligion. • The issue of federalism. Madison’s original proposal for the First Amendment prohibited the establishment of a “national” religion, and the debate was largely couched in terms of what Congress could not do. Therefore, the meaning of the language ultimately adopted must be read in light of the fear that the federal government might otherwise interfere with actions properly within the authority of the states. Additionally, the phrase “respecting an” does not just prohibit Congressional actions “tending toward” an establishment, but also respects the division of powers between the federal and state government by barring Congress from interfering with state establishments. • Contemporary actions by the first Congress that exhibit an affinity for—or at least a lack of objection to—state-sponsored religious activities. These included appointing chaplains, requesting President Washington to issue a thanksgiving proclamation, and reenacting the Northwest Ordinance (in which the U.S. government provided for the Old Northwest territory, now encompassing the Midwestern states east of the Mississippi River). All these actions argue against a separationist interpretation of the language of the Establishment Clause. • Activities of early presidents involved in drafting the Constitution. For example, President Thomas Jefferson signed a treaty agreeing to build a church and supply a Catholic priest in exchange for land owned by an Indian tribe. Surely, some would argue, aiding only a Catholic priest would violate a rule against nonpreferentialist treatment. Believing religion to be integral to our nation’s heritage, accommodationists argue that the government should adjust where necessary to allow religious adherents to practice their faith. Accommodationists are divided on questions such as whether it is appropriate for the courts to fashion constitutionally required religious exemptions from general laws. Some accommodationists argue that there should be exemptions from general laws for religious adherents if those laws impose a hardship on the believers. The Free Exercise Clause, however, does not authorize judicial exemption for religious objectors from conformity to a religiously neutral law.

ACLU NEBRASKA FOUNDATION V. CITY OF PLATTSMOUTH (8th Cir. 2005) In 1965, the city of Plattsmouth, Nebraska, allowed the Fraternal Order of Eagles (the “Eagles”) to place a monument in the corner of a municipal park.

ACLU NEBRASKA FOUNDATION V. CITY OF PLATTSMOUTH Plattsmouth’s monument has the text of the Ten Commandments, which traditional Jewish and Christian belief holds that God gave to Moses at Mount Sinai. This granite monument is similar to those that have been involved in litigation throughout the country. The Eagles donated many of these granite monuments to towns, cities, and states across the United States during the 1950s and 1960s, which were then erected on public property. In recent years, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and similar separationist organizations have alleged that these monuments violate the United States Constitution’s Establishment Clause, and have filed several lawsuits to compel their removal. The controversy over these monuments revolves around whether a government body’s display of the Decalogue (or Ten Commandments) “establishes a religion” or whether the monument is merely a commemoration of the foundation of American law and government. The Plattsmouth monument stands in Memorial Park, the city’s largest public park, more than ten blocks away from its City Hall. The monument stands under a large tree in the corner of the park several hundred feet from the parking lot, on a grassy knoll. The knoll sits between a recreation area containing a barbeque grill, benches, picnic tables, and a permanent shelter, and Fourth Avenue, the adjacent street. No other statues or monuments with historic or legal merit are visible within the immediate vicinity of the monument. The front or text side of the monument faces Fourth Avenue, away from the recreation area. The monument is visible to motorists and pedestrians, but one must enter the park to read the text of the monument. The monument does not require any regular maintenance except mowing around its concrete base. Except for a few incidental details, there is not much information that survives pertaining to the installation of the monument. No contemporaneous city resolutions, minutes, proclamations, or other records survive from the period as evidence of the process used to install the monument. When the court made its decision, it knew only the following: the monument was donated in 1965; it was donated by the Plattsmouth aerie; the Eagles are a national philanthropic and community organization; the Eagles chose the text and symbols which were engraved on the monument; the version of the Ten Commandments is an amalgam of those used in Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish religions; Art Hellwig, Street Commissioner of the city in 1965, other city employees, employees of Consumers Public Power, and employees of W.E. Cady, Inc., erected the monument; and Hellwig was an officer of the Eagles at the time, but it was unclear whether the city employees were acting in their official or personal capacities. The city must grant its permission before any object may be placed on public property. There are no formal policies, however, to govern the acceptance process, and applications are decided on a case by case basis. Through the years, the city allowed various objects from local fraternal groups, clubs, or individuals to be placed throughout the park. Most of these objects bear plaques identifying their donors.

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The Plattsmouth monument displaying the Ten Commandments and its location on public property led to prolonged litigation. On May 17, 2001, the ACLU and local plaintiff John Doe sued the city to remove the monument. The individual plaintiff, John Doe, a resident and taxpayer of Plattsmouth, testified that he avoided using the park for recreational activities except when a scheduled event required his attendance. When he did attend an event, Doe avoided the corner of the park where the monument is located. The ACLU Nebraska Foundation, of which Doe is a member, participated in the action to assert the rights and interests of its twelve local members, including those of Doe. The plaintiffs sued to remove the monument as a violation of the United States Constitution, federal law, and also Article I, Section 4 of the Nebraska Constitution. Judge Richard G. Kopf, for the United States District Court for the District of Nebraska entered summary judgment for the plaintiffs. Relying largely on Stone v. Graham (U.S. 1980), Judge Kopf ruled that the monument had the unconstitutional effect of endorsing religion and granted summary judgment for the plaintiffs. Judge Kopf first found that Doe had standing to bring the claim because he suffered an injury in fact: “he has curtailed his use of Memorial Park because of the presence of the monument, and there is no reason to disbelieve him.” The ACLU had standing to bring the suit “because it represented Doe and he has standing.” After applying the Lemon test [from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)], the court rejected the city’s current “purpose” because there was “scant evidentiary support for [its] assertions” and because no matter how it is displayed, “the focus is properly on the primary purpose for display of the Ten Commandments, not whether some secular purpose, however secondary or speculative, can be articulated.” The court found that the monument had the impermissible effect of endorsing religion because the “edifice, proclaiming ‘I AM the LORD thy God,’ is a centerpiece of a significant public place” and “nothing about the physical setting of the monument negates the endorsement effect of displaying the religious message of and religious symbols inscribed on the Ten Commandments monument. On the contrary, the endorsement effect is magnified.” A divided panel of the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court’s decision. The panel concluded that both the plaintiffs Doe and the ACLU had standing to bring an Establishment Clause claim in this case and determined that the monument should be evaluated under the Lemon test as modified by the endorsement test, rather than the “strict scrutiny” standard of Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982). In order for the city to pass the “purpose” prong, the panel required the city to articulate “a secular purpose.” The panel believed that the purpose prong did not require that the purpose be unrelated to religion—that would amount to a requirement that the government show callous indifference to religious groups, and the Establishment Clause has never been so interpreted.

ACLU NEBRASKA FOUNDATION V. CITY OF PLATTSMOUTH Rather, Lemon’s “purpose” requirement aimed at preventing the relevant governmental decision maker … from abandoning neutrality and acting with the intent of promoting a particular viewpoint in religious issues. The court first considered whether Plattsmouth had a secular purpose when it installed the monument and then considered whether Plattsmouth had a secular purpose when it decided to retain the monument. Although records of the monument’s receipt and installation were not available, the panel found “undisputed evidence of Plattsmouth’s purpose in accepting, erecting, and maintaining the monument … in the content and context of the monument itself.” The panel determined that the content, and therefore the monument’s message, was “undeniably religious” and found nothing in the setting that would detract from the monument’s religious content. The panel also rejected the city’s claim for the purported purpose for the monument’s installation, as “counter to the undisputed evidence.” The panel found that the “Eagles donated this monument as a part of its nationwide campaign to spread its version of the Ten Commandments.” Consequently, “Plattsmouth’s purpose in erecting it was nothing more complex than the adoption of that goal.” Finally, the panel rejected Plattsmouth’s arguments on the cost of removal, artistic value, and historic preservation, holding that these justifications were “but a pretext for keeping the monument on public land without a secularizing context.” Therefore, the panel determined that the monument failed the purpose prong of the Lemon test and violated the Establishment Clause. The panel also considered whether the monument’s primary effect was to advance or inhibit religion according to the reasonable observer, a hypothetical person “more informed about the monument and its history than are uninformed passers-by.” The court analyzed the monument under the Supreme Court’s decisions in Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984) and County of Allegheny v. ACLU (U.S. 1989) and, like the Sixth and Seventh Circuits, demanded a common theme before the monument could be classified as part of the city’s cultural heritage. From the panel’s perspective, “the reasonable viewer would perceive this monument as an attempt by Plattsmouth to steer its citizens in the direction of mainstream Judeo-Christian religion. This it cannot do.” Finally, the panel found that the monument did more than acknowledge God—that it also served as “an instruction from the Judeo-Christian God on how He requires His followers to live.” Therefore, the panel determined that the monument had the unconstitutional purpose and effect of endorsing religion. The city appealed and a three-judge panel of the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled two to one that the monument had the unconstitutional purpose and effect of establishing religion. The Eighth Circuit granted the city’s petition for rehearing. The Eighth Circuit delayed its decision until after the Supreme Court ruled similar cases involving the Ten Commandments: Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005) and McCreary County v. ACLU (U.S. 2005).

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In Van Orden v. Perry, a plurality of the U.S. Supreme Court concluded that there was no evidence in the record by which it could conclude that the state of Texas had a religious purpose and the context of the monument on the state capitol grounds, coupled with its passive display of the Ten Commandments, did not violate the Establishment Clause. Shortly after the panel published its decision, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals granted Plattsmouth’s petition for review and vacated the panel’s decision. The court heard arguments in the fall of 2004, but did not make its decision until after the United States Supreme Court’s decisions in Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005) and McCreary County v. ACLU (U.S. 2005). After reviewing the plurality opinion and Justice Breyer’s concurring opinion in Van Orden, the court determined that Van Orden governed Plattsmouth’s monument. In a ten to two holding, the court reversed the decision of the panel and district court. The court found two similarities between Plattsmouth’s monument and the monument in Van Orden. First, both monuments make a “passive—and permissible—use” of the Ten Commandments to acknowledge the role of religion and God in our nation’s heritage and, second, both monuments had stood without question for decades. The court identified four reasons behind the first conclusion. First, the court noted that passive acknowledgments of the Ten Commandments were present on prominent government buildings such as the Library of Congress and the United States House of Representatives. Second, the court considered the Supreme Court’s decisions acknowledging the role of religion in United States history. Third, the court considered recent Supreme Court decisions that directly or indirectly recognized the role of religion in the nation’s life. Finally, the court considered Van Orden’s requirement that it neither “abdicate [its] responsibility to maintain a division between church and state nor evince a hostility to religion by disabling the government from in some ways recognizing our religious heritage.” The court reversed the panel’s decision and declared that Plattsmouth’s monument was not different “in any constitutionally significant way from Texas’s display of a similar monument in Van Orden.” Shortly after the Eighth Circuit’s decision, the ACLU decided not to appeal to the United States Supreme Court. The interaction between religion and government will continue to be an issue of debate over how that relationship should be represented in the parks, on the courthouse lawns, and in courtrooms across our country. The place and historical importance of the Ten Commandments continues to be controversial because of the Court’s conflicting decisions in Van Orden and McCreary County. The Court continues to struggle to define the boundaries of the Establishment Clause, but for now, in Plattsmouth and many other communities in the Eighth Circuit, the case law clearly allows Eagles monuments to be displayed on public property.

ADOPTION

ADOPTION Adoption is sometimes defined by state statute or state courts as the creation of the relationship of parent and child between individuals who are not naturally so related. An adoption order transfers all rights, duties, and obligations of the adopted child’s natural parents to the adoptive parents, as though the adopted child were born to them. Adoption is the legal equivalent of biological parenthood. For the purposes of marriage, family allowance, claims of damage on death, and intestate succession, an adopted child is considered a child born in wedlock to the adopter. Adoption has existed since ancient times. Adoption, however, is not considered either a “natural right” or recognized in common law. Because adoption was not recognized as common law, all adoption procedures in the United States are regulated by statute. Adoption statutes provide the conditions, manner, means, and consequences of adoption. In addition, they specify the rights and responsibilities of all parties involved. A person cannot be the legally adopted child by another by private agreement, unless a state statute authorizes such agreements. Courts are constitutionally required to be neutral in religious issues relating to adoptions, but are bound at the same time to give paramount consideration to the welfare of the child. Courts have generally taken the position that the religious beliefs and affiliations of the parties to adoption proceedings, while not controlling, are proper matters for consideration in determining what will best serve the interests of the child. There are two principle aspects of religion as a factor in adoption proceedings: (1) the significance of the religious background and belief or nonbelief of the adoptive parents, and (2) the effect of a difference in the religious faiths of the adoptive parents and the child or the child’s natural parents, or between the adopting parents themselves. Several courts have regarded the religious background and convictions of those seeking to adopt to be relevant considerations in determining their suitability as parents. [In re H. (Mo. Ct. App. 1980); In re Adoption of “E” (N.J. 1971)] The concern evident in this area seems to reflect a judicial attitude that religious belief and church affiliation on the part of the adoptive parents are significant indicators of their interest in, and capabilities with respect to, the spiritual and moral development of the child. Thus, several courts have considered the regularity with which prospective parents attend church to be a relevant factor in the determination of whether the best interests of the child would be served by the proposed adoption, pointing out that church attendance plays an important role in the moral training of the child. Despite these policies, in actual practice many courts pay little attention to religious matching, in part due to the great need of hard-to-place children to have

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permanent homes. Some judges do not consider religion as an important factor at all if a family seeking to adopt a child will give that child a stable home. In conclusion, the role of religion in adoption, custody, and visitation cases has evolved from the status-oriented rules of “patriae potestas” and “religio sequitir partem,” which vested nearly absolute authority in the father, to a discretionary standard of best interest supported by constitutional constraints that preserve a certain amount of parental autonomy even in a fractured and blended family.

ADULTERY Adultery is the violation of the marriage vows through sexual intercourse between a married person and another to whom one is not married. Throughout history, most societies have been concerned with adultery, treating it variously as a crime, a moral wrong, a private matter, an infringement of the husband’s rights, or a threat to family stability and orderly succession. Adultery is widely considered to be an offense against morality. Religious institutions have regulated sexuality and its expression throughout time. The Ten Commandments forbade adultery, even the desire for it. [Ex. 20:14, 17; Deut. 5:18, 21] The New Testament reiterated the condemnation. [Matt. 5:27–28, 19:18; Mark 10:19; Luke 18:20] Jesus, however, showed clemency to the woman taken in adultery in John 8:1. Adultery was a capital crime under Mosaic Law. Under Muslim law, a wife who engages in adultery may be killed with impunity by her husband, and mere suspicion of adultery is acceptable grounds for divorce. Catholic canon law holds that adultery violates Christian moral code and is thus sinful. At first, ecclesiastical courts handled adultery cases. English common law prohibited such behavior, not only to defend community values, but also to protect against the possible threat to the integrity of the family and to prevent illegitimate offspring. British statutes made adultery a crime. Most American states also criminalized adultery, not so much to prohibit consensual relations between adults as to prevent harmful public results. Beyond moral issues, adultery is considered a possible source of discord (for example, when a wronged spouse seeks revenge), or prejudicial to the couple’s children in the case of public scandal, or as an affront to community standards. Opposition to adultery laws has grown on the grounds of evolving mores and widespread violation of traditional moral codes. Infrequent and inconsistent enforcement of laws prohibiting adultery has led to charges of discrimination and arbitrariness, and thus, contempt for the law. Regardless of whether there is a criminal prosecution, proven adultery is legal grounds for divorce or separation in civil courts. State statutes against adultery have survived the constitutional challenge that they violate the right of privacy.

AGUILAR V. FELTON Criminal statutes outlawing adultery have been upheld as constitutional. Several U.S. Supreme Court justices have indicated “in dicta” (observations that are not part of the holding in the case) their assumptions that adultery statutes are constitutional. [See, e.g., Bowers v. Hardwick (U.S. 1986)(indicating assumption that adultery statutes are constitutional); Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965)(Goldberg, J.)(asserting that constitutionality of criminal adultery laws is “beyond doubt”); Poe v. Ullman (U.S. 1961)(Harlan, J., dissenting)(“I would not suggest that adultery, homosexuality, fornication, and incest are immune from criminal enquiry, however privately practiced.”)] Because these statutes do not infringe upon any fundamental liberty interest and are supported by a compelling state interest, the mere lack of prosecution does not result in a statute being invalid or judicially unenforceable.

AGUILAR V. FELTON (U.S. 1985) In 1985 the U.S. Supreme Court declared unconstitutional a New York City program that used federal funds to pay the salaries of public school teachers to provide remedial education in the city’s parochial schools. The program had been established pursuant to a federal statute: Title I of the 1965 Elementary and Secondary School Act. The program employed guidance counselors, psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, and other specialists to teach remedial reading, mathematics, and English as a second language, and to provide guidance services. The participants in the program worked part-time on parochial school premises, using only materials and equipment supplied by secular authorities. They were forbidden to participate in religious activities at the schools and worked under supervision similar to that in public schools; that is, the city supervisory personnel made unannounced “occasional” visits. Almost three-fourths of the educators in the program did not share the religious affiliation of the schools in which they taught. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals, following a series of decisions based on Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) declared the New York program unconstitutional. The Supreme Court, in a five-to-four decision, invalidated the city program on the grounds that it violated the Establishment Clause. The court applied the three-part Lemon test and found that the program involved “excessive entanglement of church and state in the administration of those benefits.” Justice William Brennan, writing for the majority, expressed concern that the program might infringe on the religious liberty of its intended beneficiaries. He saw government “intrusion into sacred matters” and the necessity of an “ongoing inspection” to ensure the absence of inculcation of religion in the instruction. The

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need for “a permanent and pervasive State presence in the sectarian schools receiving aid” infringed the values protected by the Establishment Clause. Thus, according to the majority, if government fails to provide for surveillance of participating educators to avoid inculcation, its aid unconstitutionally advances the religious mission of the church schools. If government does provide for monitoring, however, even if only periodically—it gets excessively entangled with religion. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor dissented, declaring that the conclusion that auxiliary services provided by the public would advance the religious mission of the schools was “not supported by the facts of this case.” The 19-year record of the program failed to support any allegation of an attempt to indoctrinate religiously at public expense. O’Connor believed that the majority’s decision would adversely affect disadvantaged parochial school children who needed special auxiliary services not provided by their schools. On remand, a permanent injunction was issued barring any use of Title I money for services on the premises of sectarian schools in New York City. Almost ten years later, parents of parochial school students filed motions seeking to end the injunction because the law had changed since 1985 and the new law no longer prohibited use of Title I money for parochial schools. The Supreme Court, again in a five-to-four decision, held that the Court’s understanding of the law had also changed as to “the criteria used to assess whether aid to religion has an impermissible effect.” Justice O’Connor, now writing for the majority, stated that recent cases indicated that shared-time programs like those in New York City did not advance or promote religion, nor create any excessive entanglement between the government and religion. The earlier Aguilar decision had “presumed that full-time public employees on parochial school grounds would be tempted to inculcate religion.” This is no longer a presumption. Simply stated, under the new standards, “this carefully constrained program . . . cannot be viewed as an endorsement of religion.” There were two dissenting opinions in this case, one by Justice David Souter (in which Justices Stevens and Ginsburg joined, and in which Justice Breyer joined in part) and the other by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg (in which Justices Stevens, Souter, and Breyer joined). In his dissenting opinion, Justice David Souter denied that the standards for application of the Establishment Clause have changed sufficiently to warrant such a complete reversal. In his view, there has been a “flat ban on subsidization [that] antedates the Bill of Rights and has been an unwavering rule in Establishment Clause cases.” By mixing responsibilities for teaching secular subjects with religious ones, there is an implied approval or endorsement of religion by the schools that is prohibited by the First Amendment. Justice Souter also criticized the majority for disregarding the doctrine of stare decisis—the importance of precedent and certainty in the law: “Constitutional lines have to be drawn [and] . . . constitutional lines are the price of constitutional government.”

ALLEGHENY COUNTY V. AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, in her dissent (joined by Justices Souter, Stevens, and Breyer), continued on this theme of judicial consistency. At a minimum, she argued, the Court should not reconsider the original Aguilar decision and should wait until another unrelated case is presented to address a possible change in the law. In response Justice O’Connor, for the majority, stated that stare decisis reflects a policy judgment that “in most matters it is more important that the applicable rule of law be settled than that it be settled right.” Nevertheless, that policy is “at its weakest” when dealing with constitutional interpretation. In overturning Aguilar, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded that changes in Establishment Clause law allowed the provision of Title I services on the premises of private schools. Aguilar v. Felton (U.S. 1985) was one of the several Establishment Clause decisions which commentators claimed seemed to suggest that the Court had no clear or consistent idea of what constituted a statute or practice that violated the Establishment Clause.

ALLEGHENY COUNTY V. AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION (U.S. 1989) This was one of the Establishment Clause cases in the 1980s, in which the U.S. Supreme Court took a new approach to Establishment Clause Jurisprudence. In this case, the court stopped looking closely and started to inquire only that the government place its challenged activity within some type of secular context in order to be lawful. Each year Allegheny County, Pennsylvania erected exhibits to commemorate the holiday season. Inside the county courthouse a nativity scene (or cre`che) was displayed on the grand staircase. Outside the courthouse stood a Christmas tree and a menorah, the latter a symbol of Hanukkah. The outside display was accompanied by a sign describing that “these festive lights remind us that we are keepers of the flame of liberty and our legacy of freedom.” Most striking, a splintered Supreme Court ruled that the nativity scene violated the Establishment Clause, but the menorah did not. Justice Harry A. Blackmun delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to the nativity scene. He argued that the scene violated the second prong of the socalled Lemon test (from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)) because it expressed a patently religious message, as indicated by an accompanying banner with the words, “Gloria in Excelsis Deo!” (“Glory to God in the Highest!”). Under the Lemon test, for a statute to be constitutional, it must meet the following conditions: (1) It must have a secular purpose; (2) its primary effect must neither

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advance nor inhibit religion; and (3) it must not foster an “excessive entanglement” of government with religion. Justice Blackmun, however, argued that the menorah did not endorse religion because, in context, it was devoid of religious significance. The menorah and Christmas tree together merely symbolized the different facets of the “same winter-holiday season, which has attained a secular status in our society.” Justice Sandra Day O’Connor rejected Blackmun’s reasoning with respect to the menorah, although she concurred in the Court’s judgment. Unlike Blackmun, O’Connor readily acknowledged the religious meaning of the menorah, but argued that its display was permissible because in context it “conveyed a message of pluralism and freedom of belief” rather than endorsement. Justices William Brennan, John Paul Stevens, and Thurgood Marshall disagreed. They contended that both the Christmas tree and the menorah were religious symbols and that their display effected a dual endorsement of Christianity and Judaism. Four justices on the Court—William Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia, Byron White, and Anthony Kennedy—disagreed with the ruling on the nativity scene. Writing for the minority, Justice Kennedy argued that the guiding principle in Establishment Clause cases should be government neutrality toward religion—but neutrality must be properly understood. Given the pervasive influence of the “modern administrative state,” said Kennedy, complete government nonrecognition of religion would send a “clear message of disapproval.” Hence, some government recognition of religion may actually further the goal of neutrality. As applied to this case, for the government to recognize only the secular aspects of a holiday with both secular and religious components would signal not neutrality but “callous indifference” toward the religious beliefs of a great many celebrants. Such hostility is not required by the Constitution according to Kennedy. As long as holiday displays do not directly or indirectly coerce people in the area of religion and the displays do not tend toward the establishment of state religion, then they should be constitutional. Under this standard, the nativity scene, Christmas tree, and menorah would all be permissible. Because of subsequent personnel changes and decisions in the Supreme Court and the erosion of Lemon, lower courts faced a new round of controversies involving the relationship of religious symbols and practices and the government, resulting in several opinions that are difficult to reconcile with each other.

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) presents itself as one of the foremost advocates of individual rights in the United States. Its avowed purpose is an uncompromising protection of civil liberties for all, no matter how unpopular,

AMERICANS UNITED FOR SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE outrageous, or despicable the cause or individual. Founded in 1920 by many distinguished Americans such as Roger Baldwin, Jane Addams, Felix Frankfurter, Helen Keller, Scott Nearing, and Norman Thomas, the private nonprofit organization now has nearly 300,000 members. With involvement in dozens of Supreme Court cases and thousands of state and federal rulings behind it, the ACLU is a firmly established force in U.S. law. It has advocated for racial and religious minorities, the right of labor to organize, and equal treatment for women, and it has opposed arbitrary treatment of persons in closed institutions. The ACLU also has influence beyond the courts. Watchful of lawmakers, it frequently issues public statements on pending national, state, and local legislation, and campaigns for and against existing statutes of interest to its membership. The ACLU has been involved in many of the most important and controversial cases of the twentieth century. By 1926 it was involved in the national debate over the separation of church and state. The organization joined the so-called Scopes monkey trial, arguing against a Tennessee law that forbade teaching the theory of evolution in public schools. [Scopes v. State (Tenn. 1925, Tenn. 1927)] Besides bringing the ACLU to international attention, Scopes established the ACLU’s reputation for fighting government interference in religious matters. The organization opposed both official assistance and hindrance to religion. In a 1962 challenge originally brought by the ACLU, the Supreme Court ruled that prayer in public schools is unconstitutional. [Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962)] Strict separation of church and state to the ACLU means absolute opposition to the most bland prayers in public schools and to the display of any religious symbol on public grounds or documents. Its strong commitment to separationism is one factor making the ACLU highly controversial. Some critics label the ACLU as “anti-God, anti-American, and anti-life.” Other conservatives argue that in the defense of an abstract principle, ACLU members have become inflexible, rigid absolutists. Even some who support its positions have criticized the ACLU for asking courts to hold unconstitutional every cooperative relationship between government and religion. These critics believe that such rigidity could actually damage the cause of separation between church and state by making it appear absurdly uncompromising.

AMERICANS UNITED FOR SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE Since 1947 the group known as Americans United for Separation of Church and State has sought to protect the constitutional principle of church-state separation, a vital cornerstone of religious liberty. The organization represents individuals from many faiths and political viewpoints, and from all walks of life. The organization believes that “Our forefathers fought, bled, and died to keep us from a

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state church and a church state. We must continue to hold high the torch of liberty they have passed on to us.” Americans United for Separation of Church and State opposes mandatory prayer in public schools, tax dollars for parochial schools, government intrusion into religious affairs, and partisan political involvement by religious groups as threatening the protective wall between church and state. The organization regularly becomes involved in litigation, setting legal precedents on behalf of church-state separation. The group initiates lawsuits, provides legal counsel and support in other cases, and serves as a partner in joint lawsuits. Americans United advocates the separationist position in the U.S. Congress, White House, and state legislatures. Working closely with allied groups, Americans United has successfully prevented attempts to require prayer and religious activities in public schools. Simultaneously, the organization has supported legal protections of truly voluntary student religious exercises. In Congress, state legislatures, and public referenda, Americans United has consistently opposed efforts to spend tax money for parochial schools based on the principle that the government oversight that accompanies government aid would harm religious freedom.

AMISH EXCEPTION The U.S. Supreme Court followed the principle that the Free Exercise Clause occasionally constitutionally requires an exemption from general law, when it allowed an exemption for the Amish from a neutral Wisconsin law that required school attendance until age 16, because a fundamental tenet of the Amish religion forbids secondary education. The Amish maintain that learning beyond that which is taught in neighborhood elementary schools tends to generate values that alienate their children from God. The Amish faith counsels its members to reject the competitiveness, deemphasize material success, and insulate its youth from the modern world. When the Amish communities in Wisconsin withdrew their children from school at the end of the eighth grade, Wisconsin convicted Amish parents of violating its mandatory attendance law, and they were fined five dollars each. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972) the Supreme Court found that the Amish are productive and law abiding, and that their right to educate their own children and the Free Exercise Clause outweighed Wisconsin’s interest in requiring a certain education level for its citizens. In this case the Court held that Amish children could not be compelled to attend high school even though they were within the age range of Wisconsin’s compulsory attendance statute.

ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE Unlike previous cases, the burden on the religious practices of the Amish was severe and inescapable. “[T]he Wisconsin law affirmatively compels them under threat of criminal sanction to perform acts undeniably at odds with fundamental tenets of their religious beliefs.” This was the type of objective danger that the Free Exercise Clause was intended to prevent. The Amish must either abandon their beliefs and assimilate or leave Wisconsin. While acknowledging the Establishment Clause danger of creating “an exception for a general obligation of citizenship on religious grounds,” the Chief Justice contended that an exception was required in Yoder. Yoder is especially important because it elevates religion to a special constitutional status that must be given particular consideration by the courts when parents and students challenge state action. Importantly, it requires that the state have the burden of showing that a compelling reason justifies government interference in citizens’ religious practices. Generally, education is considered an important, if not compelling, interest. But, in the unique case of Yoder and the Amish religion, the state was unable to meet its burden of proof on this issue.

ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), founded in 1913 by the Jewish fraternal organization B’nai B’rith, is the world’s leading organization fighting antiSemitism through programs and services that oppose hatred, prejudice, and bigotry. In 1913 Leo Frank, a Jewish factory owner in Atlanta was arrested and charged with the murder of a female employee. After his trial and conviction, he was kidnapped from jail and lynched. Shortly thereafter, Frank was fully exonerated. This incident led B’nai B’rith to form the ADL to counter defamatory statements about Jewish people and to secure fair treatment for all people. The ADL develops and provides materials, programs, and services that build bridges of communications, understanding, and respect among diverse racial, religious, and ethnic groups. In civil rights issues, the ADL opposes prejudice and discrimination. The Legal Affairs Department opposes discrimination and bigotry in the courts and the constitutional separation of church and state. The ADL representatives study the origins of anti-Semitism and extremism and serve as public resources on hate crimes and bigotry for the media and law enforcement agencies. The ADL Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents measures and analyzes anti-Semitic sentiment in communities across the country. ADL reports discuss the dangers of anti-Semitism, racism, and bigotry. ADL representatives help individuals around the U.S. who encounter religious and other discrimination. The ADL provides programs to assist

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in eliminating prejudice, including antibias training and diversity awareness programs for schools, corporations, colleges, and communities. The ADL is involved in international affairs by monitoring and counteracting anti-Semitism and promoting the security of Jews throughout the globe and in the state of Israel. The ADL educates Christians on how to avoid anti-Jewish bias in Christian teaching. The ADL advances its policy objectives through information and education, and acts as a liaison to the federal government, foreign embassies, and nongovernmental agencies.

ASYLUM In international law asylum is the offer of shelter and protection provided by a nation to a non-citizen. Under current law, national laws and international laws and treaties, all grant asylum. Asylum is an ancient practice. Early Hebrew and Greek societies offered it under certain circumstances. The Romans recognized a more limited form of asylum. The tradition of asylum was most frequently offered in consecrated places of worship, such as temples, churches, or mosques. Political asylum became more common in the twentieth century. Asylum may be territorial or nonterritorial. Territorial asylum is the protection granted within a nation’s boundaries. Nonterritorial asylum, commonly called “diplomatic asylum,” is the protection given in diplomatic missions, such as in embassies and on ships. The granting of asylum remains the prerogative of the individual state. Conventional states rights, based on notions of sovereignty and the obligation to protect one “community” are being challenged by arguments from human rights and humanitarian law, but the debate has yet to conclude that individuals or groups in need have an absolute right to asylum. Outside of Latin America, the right primarily exists because of treaty law protecting the inviolability of diplomatic premises, such as that established by the Vienna Convention. But even then, the practice is rare. Fearing persecution based on religion, nationality, or social or political beliefs is one of the basic protections the United Nations provides for. No person, however, has a right to asylum. Political persecution is the main reason nations grant asylum. In the United States, a person who wishes to receive asylum must prove a “well-grounded fear of persecution within the meaning of the United Nations Convention and Protocol.” [Chu v. INS (9th Cir. 1989)] To qualify for asylum, an alien must establish that he or she meets the statutory definition of a “refugee,” which requires a showing either of past persecution or a “well-founded fear” of future persecution because of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. Granting asylum is solely a matter of

ASYLUM discretion for the U.S. attorney general. [8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)] In contrast, however, withholding deportation is mandatory if the alien can meet the threshold showing of a “clear probability of persecution due to one of the five noted grounds of future persecution if returned to his or her country. [INS v. Stevic (U.S. 1984)] Religion is not exclusively a matter of private, inner conviction, but also entails a social concern arising within a community of faith and imposing religious duties on believers. These duties must be exercised within religious communities and in other social contexts. Often, a person’s political opinions and affiliations are shaped by his or her religious beliefs. For example, the political differences in Northern Ireland are widely known to be based on the religious differences of the Catholic and Protestant faiths. Likewise, much of the political turmoil in Kosovo was based on religious differences between Orthodox Christians and Muslims. Because political differences are often based on religious differences, only one test should be applied for determining when actions amount to persecution on account of either religious or political opinions. One issue is what constitutes persecution on account of mere membership in a religious community. It is often given a narrow interpretation. In Minwalla v. INS (8th Cir. 1983), a Pakistani member of the Zoroastrian faith claimed persecution on account of his religious membership based on his systematic removal from government jobs and other economic disadvantages. The court found that mere economic disadvantage did not amount to persecution and consequently denied him refugee status. In Youkhanna v. INS (6th Cir. 1984), an Iraqi Christian asserted that he was persecuted on account of his membership in the Kurdistan Democratic Party. The court found that the applicant had not proved that he had been singled out for prosecution despite being in the religious minority. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals questioned this finding, but affirmed denial of refugee status and thus denied the petition for asylum. In some cases, asylum for religious persecution based on mere membership has been granted. In In re Solmani (BIA 1989), an Iranian Jew asserted that she would be persecuted because of her religious membership if she returned to Iran, and the immigration judge agreed. Likewise, in In re Chen (BIA 1989), a Chinese Christian asserted that he had suffered persecution in the past because of his religion, and the immigration judge agreed that the past persecution led to a wellfounded fear of future persecution because religious persecution in China had not been eliminated. The international community accords absolute protection to religious beliefs. [Universal Declaration of Rights, Art. 18, 1951] An example of persecution for religious beliefs is not allowing an individual to change religious convictions. Fear of persecution for changing religious beliefs was the basis for claiming refugee status in Bastanipour v. INS (7th Cir. 1992). Bastanipour was an Iranian Muslim in the United States who claimed to have converted to Christianity, an action for

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which the penalty is death in Iran. Bastanipour was granted refugee status based on his fear of religious persecution. Religious persecution is seldom used successfully in the United States as a basis for claiming refugee status. This is true in part because courts exhibit a bias against claims of persecution “on account of religion” by placing onerous burdens on applicants claiming it, including proof of an antireligious motivation of the alleged persecutors. Courts tend to favor political claims over religious ones. An applicant for asylum on the basis of religious persecution is more likely to prevail if he or she can present evidence of religious persecution on a nationwide basis in the country in question. When a government has been behind policies increasing discrimination and religious intolerance throughout the nation, and there is no evidence that these actions of the government were localized, the United States is more likely to grant asylum to those fleeing that country. [Abdel-Masieh v. U.S. (5th Cir. 1996)]

ATHEISM As an explicit position, atheism can be either the affirmation of the nonexistence of gods or the rejection of theism. It also can be defined as an absence in the belief of deities and nontheism. Many self-described atheists are skeptical of all supernatural beings and base this on a lack of empirical evidence for the existence of deities. Others base their argument for atheism on philosophical, social, or historical grounds. Although many self-described atheists believe in secular philosophies such as humanism or naturalism, there is no one ideology or set of beliefs to which all atheists adhere. For much of its history, the term “atheism,” defined as the absence of belief in God, was applied to the much larger group of people who questioned the dominant religions of their day, even though most continued to believe in a supreme being. Ironically, the early Christians were persecuted as atheists because they did not worship the Roman deities. Such usage became more common in Europe after the fourth century, when Christianity became the official religion of the West. Nevertheless, with the exception of the Reformation, institutional repression by church and state—including the Inquisition—effectively prevented nonbelievers and unorthodox believers from seriously challenging the officially approved religion in public life. Beginning in the late 16th century, Unitarians challenged mainstream Christian beliefs by challenging the doctrine of the Trinity. In the 17th century, British philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes and David Hume developed Deism. In the mid-18th century, European rationalist movements and the Enlightenment established themselves among the educated classes. Voltaire, who believed that

ATHEISM 31 religion was still necessary to keep the lower classes ethically obedient, nevertheless denounced the repressive Roman Catholic Church. Denis Diderot denounced the Catholic Church for its intolerance and persecution, favoring instead “natural religion” (deism) over orthodox Christianity. Deism challenged theism, stressing an impersonal Being, force, power, or principle over a personal intervening God. Deists insisted that people did not need to follow orthodox Christian beliefs to live full and rich moral lives. Many 18th century Christians considered Deists to be atheists. In the United States, the nation was born of the Enlightenment, and its citizens did not have to deal with an established church. As a result, even those influenced by European rationalists had comparatively greater freedom to worship as they pleased. Those who did not believe what a religion, any religion, taught simply lived lives apart from those churches, although this often meant that they lived in isolation among a people consisting overwhelmingly of believers. The American Association of Atheists was organized in 1925. Its only creedal requirement was a formal profession of atheism. It was followed in 1941 by the less explicitly antireligious American Humanist Association. Madalyn Murray O’Hair founded the American Atheists. Madalyn Murray O’Hair, one of the best known atheists in American history, filed a lawsuit against the Baltimore Public Schools in 1960. This case, Murray v. Curlett, (Md. 1962) was heard by the U.S. Supreme Court.

B BAEHR V. LEWIN (Haw. 1993) See Same-Sex Marriage

BAKER V. FALES (Mass. 1820) (the Dedham Case) This case was an early attempt to deal with the legal claims of churches undergoing religious schisms. It illustrates what can happen when the institutions of church and state are intertwined, as was the situation in Massachusetts in the early nineteenth century. In 1818 the pastor of the Congregational Church in Dedham, Massachusetts, resigned to accept the presidency of Middlebury College. By that time a rift had developed within the church, in Dedham and elsewhere in Massachusetts, between orthodox Congregationalists, or Trinitarians, and Unitarians. (The Unitarians, unlike the Trinitarians, rejected the doctrine of the Trinity as unscriptural, believing that Jesus performed a divine mission but was a mere human being, not at all divine in his person.) Because the political system established 200 years earlier had mandated that all members of the community also be members of the church, no legal distinction had been drawn between members and nonmembers in assigning responsibility for the church. In other words, there was a distinction in New England history between the entire community, which supported and attended religious worship, and church membership, which was restricted. The parish consisted of voters whose taxes supported local public worship, while the church was composed of communicants who had shown conversion and professed faith. The latter were more likely to resist liberal innovations. The selection of a minister, however, was a civil function in which all community members were eligible to participate. By the time of this controversy, Unitarianism had grown in strength in Massachusetts. It

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spread quickly, capturing the venerable Pilgrim Church in 1800, and within eight years controlled the Harvard Divinity Department and all of Boston’s colonial churches except one. Thus, Unitarians now constituted a majority of the electorate and they promptly selected one of their own as a minister, leaving the Trinitarian members no alternative but to form a separate church. Although a general assessment was in effect, and the deposed Trinitarians were not compelled to continue supporting their former church, they also lost all state support, along with the buildings and property of the former church. A legal question thus worsened profound religious hostilities: Which body constituted the true church when divided loyalties resulted in a schism? The question was passionately contested because the victor’s prize included the name, records, and property of many a wealthy “first church.” The controversy affected political control of the state and its establishment of religion. When the Trinitarians sought to undo this turn of events by bringing a lawsuit in 1820, the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts distinguished between the church, consisting of its members, and the church society, which it considered a civil body consisting of the voters of the parish. The court held that under the Massachusetts constitution, the church and its property belonged to the parish, which could select the minister. As a result of the Dedham decision, as this case is often called, the Orthodox Congregational Church in Massachusetts was compelled to surrender about 80 churches to the Unitarians, with a property value estimated by the Trinitarians to be in excess of $600,000. This judgment compelled orthodox Christians to reconsider the value of establishment. By the early 1830s, support for an established church in Massachusetts had greatly diminished, and in 1833, article XI of the amendments to the 1780 state constitution was adopted and ratified by the voters by a ten-to-one margin. This article disestablished the church and terminated all state support for it. The Dedham case was decided long before the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution imposed the requirements of the Bill of Rights on the states, including the First Amendment’s proscription of “established” religion. Thus, it should be remembered that states were free to have established churches at that time.

BANKRUPTCY Bankruptcy is a legally declared inability or impairment of the ability of an individual or organization to pay its creditors. Creditors may file a bankruptcy petition against a debtor (“involuntary bankruptcy”) in an effort to recoup a portion of what they are owed or initiate a restructuring. In most cases, however,

BANKRUPTCY bankruptcy is initiated by the debtor (“voluntary bankruptcy” that is filed by the bankrupt individual or organization). In the Torah, or Old Testament, every seventh year is decreed by Mosaic Law as a Sabbath year in which the release of all debts that are owed by Jews is mandated, while the release of debts owed by non-Jews is purposely not mandated. The seventh Sabbath year, or forty-ninth year, is then followed by another Sabbath year known as the Year of Jubilee where the release of all debts is mandated for Jews and non-Jews alike, and the release of all debt-slaves is also mandated whether they are of Jewish descent or not. The Year of Jubilee is announced in advance on the Day of Atonement, or the tenth day of the seventh Biblical month, in the forty-ninth year by the blowing of trumpets throughout the land of Israel. The word “bankruptcy” originates from the ancient Latin “bancus” (a bench or table), and “ruptus” (broken). A “bank” originally referred to a bench, which the first bankers had in the public places, in markets, fairs, and similar events, on which they tolled their money, wrote their bills of exchange, and conducted similar transactions. Hence, when a banker failed, he broke his bank to advertise to the public that the person to whom the bank belonged was no longer able to conduct business. Bankruptcy in the United States is a matter placed under federal jurisdiction by the U.S. Constitution in Article 1, Section 8, Clause 4, which allows Congress to enact “uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.” The Congress codified the law governing bankruptcy in the “Bankruptcy Code” (Title 11 of the U.S. Code). While bankruptcy cases are always filed in U.S. Bankruptcy Court (an adjunct to the U.S. District Courts), bankruptcy cases, particularly those dealing with the validity of claims and exemptions, often depend on state law. State law therefore plays a significant role in many bankruptcy cases. There are six types of bankruptcy under the Bankruptcy Code, including Chapter 7 (basic liquidation for individuals and businesses) and Chapter 13 (rehabilitation with a payment plan for individuals with a regular source of income). Several cases apply the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). Since bankruptcy proceeds under federal law, the RFRA’s application to it is not directly affected by the U.S. Supreme Court’s determination that the law is unconstitutional as it applies to the states. After the RFRA was enacted, the courts split as to whether the RFRA prevented certain charitable transfer from being avoided. The RFRA was Congress’ response to the decision in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), in which the U.S. Supreme Court held that a neutral law of general applicability was valid even if it affected a person’s right to religious exercise. Prior to Smith, many believed that for such a statute to be constitutionally sound, it had to be justified

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by “compelling government interest.” Smith found that no compelling governmental interest was required. Reaction to Smith led to the enactment of the RFRA, which purported to invalidate state and federal statutes that infringe free exercise rights unless they serve a compelling governmental interest. In In re Young (8th Cir. 1998), the Eighth Circuit examined whether the RFRA was constitutional as applied to federal law where a Chapter 7 trustee brought an adversary proceeding to avoid pre-petition religious contributions as “fraudulent transfers.” The Eight Circuit concluded that, under the Bankruptcy Clause and the Necessary and Property Clause of Article I of the Constitution, the RFRA was constitutional as applied to federal law. The Court of Appeals ruled that the RFRA prevented a bankruptcy trustee from using the Bankruptcy Code’s specific fraudulent transfer provision, Section 548, to avoid tithes paid by the debtors to their church prior to their bankruptcy filing. The court held that avoidance of the debtors’ preemption charitable transfers to their church, which were in the form of “tithes,” would constitute significant increment on the debtors’ exercise of religion. The court further held that the federal government’s interests in providing debtors with a fresh start while protecting creditors’ interests were not sufficiently compelling to warrant such infringement. Bankruptcy court decisions on whether the avoidance of religious contributions was permissible often conflicted from one jurisdiction to another. A Kansas bankruptcy court held that the avoidance of charitable tithing contributions did not violate the RFRA, because such avoidance did not impose a “substantial burden” on debtors’ free exercise of religion. In another case, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals permitted avoidance of contributions to religious groups under Illinois pre-UFTA (Uniform Fraudulent Transfers Act) fraudulent conveyance law without any discussion of the RFRA. In response to a limit in authority as to whether the RFRA prevented certain charitable transfers from being avoided, the Religious Liberty and Charitable Donation Protection Act of 1998 added subsection (b)(2) to 11 USC § 544. This subsection excludes charitable contributions from Section 544 avoidance power; the act also led to the amendment of Section 548 (a), protecting religious contributions from the fraudulent transfer avoidance power as well. The only limit was that the transfer must not exceed 15 percent of the debtor’s gross annual income in the year it was made.

BECKER AMENDMENT Widespread public outrage aroused by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decisions forbidding school prayer and Bible reading in Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962) and

BECKER AMENDMENT Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963) resulted in the introduction in Congress of more than 160 proposed constitutional amendments. When the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, Emmanuel Celler (D-NY), held them up in committee, proponents united behind a compromise measure drafted by Representative Frank J. Becker, a Republican member from New York. The Becker Amendment was worded as a guide to interpretation of existing constitutional provisions rather than as new law. It had three parts. The first two provided that nothing in the Constitution should be deemed to prohibit voluntary prayer or scripture reading in schools or public institutions or the invocation of divine assistance in government documents or ceremonies or on coins or currency. The third part declared: “Nothing in this article shall constitute an Establishment of Religion.” Under the pressure of parliamentary maneuvering, Celler conducted hearings in 1964 at which many denominational leaders and constitutional scholars expressed opposition to the Becker Amendment. Opponents raised issues such as the Constitution’s mandate for the separation of church and state, and many questioned the wisdom of altering any part of the Bill of Rights. As a result, the Judiciary Committee never reported any proposal to the House of Representatives. Amendments similar to Becker’s have been introduced in subsequent Congresses, but none has come close to the majority votes needed for submission to the states. Efforts to overturn the Bible reading and school prayer decisions by amending the Constitution began soon after Engel Emanuel Celler, the Jewish liberal Democrat from New York who chaired the House Judiciary Committee, opposed the proposed constitutional amendments, but his senatorial counterpart, James Eastland (D-Miss.), scheduled two days of hearings in July and August of 1962, chaired by Olin D. Johnson (D-SC). Senator Eastland and Senator Johnson were co-sponsoring a constitutional amendment that would not only protect prayer and Bible reading in schools and other public places, but would also give states the right to decide questions of “decency and morality” on the basis of their own “public policy;” the proposed amendment seemed to critics to be designed to restore state control over race relations. Most of the Senators and Representatives participating in Johnson’s hearings were Southern conservatives, and therefore, it is not surprising that the tone of the proceedings was anti-Engel. The committee received written statements from a few groups such as the ACLU, the Anti-Defamation League, and the Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs supporting Engel, but the witnesses who testified all condemned the school-prayer decision. Led by Bishop Pike, these critics accused the Court of making a concerted attack on God and religion in American life. They aimed much of their fire at Justice Douglas’ concurring opinion in Engel, which did suggest that the Court might be hostile to religion. Senator Willis Robertson (D-VA) proposed “to recognize the existence of God officially,” implausibly insisting that this could be done with an amendment that also

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preserved the separation of church and state. The committee did not report Senator Robertson’s proposal or any other; indeed, it did not even issue a report. Apart from allowing opponents of the Court and the Regents Prayer decision to voice their opposition, the hearings accomplished little. The campaign for a school prayer constitutional amendment continued after the Schempp decision, led by one of the last witnesses to testify at the 1962 hearings, Representative Frank J. Becker (R-NY). Becker first introduced his own proposed addition to the Constitution, and then became the tireless champion of an amendment developed by six members of Congress designated to perform that task following a meeting of amendment supporters in late August of 1962. The latter proposal, which came to be known as the “Becker Amendment,” had three substantive sections. The first section provided that nothing in the Constitution should be deemed to prohibit “the offering, reading from, or listening to prayers or biblical scriptures, if participation therein is on a voluntary basis, in any governmental or public school, institution, or place.” The second section stated that nothing in the Constitution should be taken to forbid referring to a belief in or invoking the aid of God in any governmental document or activity or upon U.S. money. Finally, Representative Becker’s proposed amendment declared that it did not “constitute an establishment of religion.” Realizing that Representative Celler would never let such a measure out of his committee unless compelled to do so, Representative Becker began collecting signatures on a discharge petition. By April of 1964, he had nearly 170 of the 218 signatures needed to bring his amendment to the House floor without committee approval. Representative Becker’s success was understandable since 113 House members had introduced their own proposed amendments. Despite the milder public reaction to Schempp, nearly twice as many Senators and Representatives felt compelled to sponsor such measures as had done so after Engel. The biggest reason for the increased popularity of the idea of amending the Constitution appears to have been an orchestrated letter writing campaign that deluged Capitol Hill with mail. Also important were the efforts of Representative Becker, an avowed religious conservative activist who was not running for re-election, and thus had the time as well as the determination to turn the campaign for the prayer amendment into a personal crusade. He even threatened to come into the districts of those colleagues who failed to support his proposed constitutional amendment to campaign against them. Fearful of being attacked as anti-God in an election year, even Congressmen with serious reservations about the amendment and/or the use of discharge petitions, joined Becker’s cause. Facing imminent defeat, Representative Celler announced in late March of 1964 that the House Judiciary Committee would commence hearings on the Becker Amendment on April 22. He managed, however, to keep the hearings going into early June, thereby leaving insufficient time for floor action and Senate passage before Congress adjourned for the Republican National Convention.

BECKER AMENDMENT Although they had been held only because of pressure from proponents of the Becker Amendment, the hearings provided its opponents with an effective forum for making the case against it. A study published by the Judiciary Committee’s staff on March 24, 1964, provided these opponents with plenty of ammunition, pointing out with great detail the difficulties presented by various proposed prayer amendments, including Representative Becker’s. Nevertheless, politicians lined up to testify on behalf of these proposals, with two governors and a state attorney general joining ninety-seven House members. An ad hoc committee of groups opposing prayer amendments, coordinated by Reverend Dean M. Kelley of the National Council of Churches, managed to mobilize an even more impressive collection of witnesses. These critics sought to sway wavering Congressmen by raising questions, such as which version of the Bible would be used and who would decide what prayers would be said. The witnesses opposing the proposed amendments included constitutional law scholars Paul Freund of Harvard, Philip Kurland of the University of Chicago, and Paul Kauper of the University of Michigan. Additionally, Freund, Katz, Drinan, and Leo Pfeffer, General Counsel of the American Jewish Congress, submitted a statement of opposition signed by many of the nation’s best known law school deans and professors. The fact that a number of these legal academics were from Catholic institutions helped create the impression that members of that faith were joining Protestants and Jews in opposing the school prayer amendment. Even more significant was the testimony of a parade of distinguished theologians, including Dr. Eugene Carson Blake, chief officer of the United Presbyterian Church, and former president of the National Council of Churches; Methodist Bishop John Wessley Lord; Dr. Edwin Tuller, General Secretary of the American Baptist Convention; Dr. Fredrik Schiotz, President of the American Lutheran Church; and Presiding Protestant Episcopal Bishop Arthur Lichtenberger. Of thirty-eight clergy and laymen representing religious organizations, twenty-eight opposed amending the Constitution. Some of the strongest opposition to the proposed amendments came from the deeply religious, who feared the establishment of a state religion and the harm that rote prayers could do to the personal relationship between individuals and their Creator. It is likely that the religious spokesmen created an exaggerated impression of the extent to which the denominations they represented opposed the amendment, but their testimony enabled those seeking to prevent tampering with the First Amendment to capitalize on the prestige of organized religion. The opposition’s tactics worked. Congress received an increasing amount of mail opposing the Becker Amendment. When the hearings began, opponents believed a majority of the Judiciary Committee would vote for the amendment; however, by late May 1964, twenty of the committee’s thirty-five members were probably opposed to it. Chairman Celler still had no intention of letting Representative Becker’s amendment reach the floor, and Becker’s discharge

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petition drive had stalled. Indeed, a number of members who had signed earlier indicated they would remove their names if the petition appeared likely to succeed. By August 5, the Becker Amendment was doomed. Its sponsor had to find solace in getting the Republican National Convention to adopt a platform plank pledging support for a constitutional amendment permitting religious exercises in public places. Some proponents of greater religious freedom retain the hope that the U.S. Supreme Court will resolve this issue by officially sanctioning some existing moment-of-silence laws (that is, laws that allow government sponsorship of moments of silence in schools or other public institutions). In 1995 President Bill Clinton stressed that a prayer amendment was not necessary because of the religious rights that school children already enjoy under the Equal Access Act. Some versions of a proposed Religious Equality Amendment specifically provide for reinstitution of public prayer in schools.

BELIEF-CONDUCT DICHOTOMY The U.S. Constitution provides in the First Amendment that Congress “shall make no law respecting the establishment of a religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” However, the First Amendment principle of religious freedom does not necessarily extend to protection of the practices and conduct associated with the protected beliefs. Generally, in evaluating Free Exercise Clause challenges to legislation or governmental policy the Supreme Court applies the same tests used in Establishment Clause cases; that is, the challenged law must have a secular purpose and effect and, presumably, excessive “entanglement” of the government with religion must be avoided. However, there are some necessary differences. While legislation may impermissibly “respect” an establishment of religion without actually affecting persons in their religious beliefs or practices, the effect of a law or a governmental action upon an individual’s beliefs or conduct is the gravamen of a free exercise complaint. The familiar distinction between belief and conduct—the belief-conduct dichotomy—has varied in legal interpretation over the years. As the Supreme Court has noted, the Free Exercise Clause “embraces two concepts—freedom to believe and freedom to act. The first is absolute, but in the nature of things, the second cannot be.” [Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940)] In its first free exercise case involving the power of government to prohibit polygamy, the Supreme Court invoked a hard distinction between the two, saying that although laws “cannot interfere with mere religious beliefs and opinions, they may with practices.” [Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879)] Reynolds thus was the

BELIEF-CONDUCT DICHOTOMY first case in which the Supreme Court articulated a distinction between belief and action. The Court in Reynolds, in focusing its inquiry on which religious freedoms are actually guaranteed by the First Amendment, concluded that Congress has no power to restrict religious opinions and beliefs, but is “left free to reach actions which [are] in violation of social duties or subversive of good order.” A later Court held that “[c]rime is not the less odious because sanctioned by what any particular sect may designate as ‘religion.”’ [Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890)] In another context, Justice George Sutherland in United States v. MacIntosh (U.S. 1931) suggested a plenary governmental power to regulate action in denying that recognition of conscientious objection to military services was of a constitutional magnitude, saying that “unqualified allegiance to the nation and submission and obedience to the laws of the nation, as well those made for war as those made for peace, are not inconsistent with the will of God.” The rule, as it was developed and propounded, protected only belief—religiously motivated action was to be subjected to the police power of the state to the same extent as similar action springing from other motives. And although the rules were applied in several cases, more recent cases have established that religiously based conduct is not always outside the protection of the Free Exercise Clause. Rather, the Supreme Court will balance the secular interest asserted by the government against the claim of religious liberty asserted by the affected person. The government would prevail only if it has an interest that is “compelling” and only if no alternative forms of regulation would serve that interest. The “compelling state interest” test for religious action, as this is known, was first articulated in Braunfeld v. Brown (U.S. 1961). The U.S. Supreme Court had consistently distinguished between belief and action for 85 years, until it made a dramatic change in free exercise doctrine with its decision in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963). This case involved the denial of unemployment compensation to a Seventh-day Adventist who was discharged by her employer for refusing to work on Saturday, the Supreme Court found that the indirect burden on the appellant’s free exercise of religion was unconstitutional. In determining whether a state could constitutionally infringe on the religious practices of an individual, the Sherbert Court developed a three-pronged analysis: (1) After an initial showing that a challenged state action impairs a complainant’s religious freedom, (2) the burden then shifted to the state to demonstrate that it had a compelling interest that justified such a burden on religion, and (3) the state had to show that there was no less restrictive means of furthering that interest than the challenged action. The Sherbert “balancing test” was reaffirmed in Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972), which is the leading free exercise case that sought to transcend the belief-conduct paradigm. In Yoder, the U.S. Supreme Court departed from its longstanding reliance on the “belief-conduct” dichotomy in its Free Exercise Clause cases, in which religious beliefs receive constitutional protections that are usually denied to religiously motivated conduct governed by laws of general applicability.

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Except for Yoder and cases on unemployment compensation laws, the U.S. Supreme Court, from Sherbert (U.S. 1963) to the Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) decision (known as the “balancing era,” based on the idea that the free exercise rights were balanced against the duties of the government in order to find whether a compelling state interest exists for the government regulation burdening religious exercise), ruled in favor of the government in every case in which an individual sought a Free Exercise Clause exemption from a government regulation of the actions of persons within its jurisdiction. The “compelling state interest” test for religious action for the free exercise of religion analysis was the law until the Supreme Court abandoned it in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990).

BIBLE DISTRIBUTION AT PUBLIC SCHOOLS It is an established constitutional precedent that Bible reading as a daily classroom exercise in public schools is unconstitutional. [Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963); Stone v. Graham (U.S. 1980); Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984)] Many courts nonetheless have been confronted with several other issues on the distribution and use of Bibles in public schools. These issues include not only challenges to public school policies or regulations permitting the use or distribution of Bibles, but also challenges by Bible proponents to school policies and regulations prohibiting the use and distribution of Bibles. In Berger v. Rensselaer Central School Corp. (N.D. Ind. 1991) a federal district court held that the Establishment Clause was not violated by a school district’s policy of permitting the distribution of books and other publications in the schools, even though the Gideon Society distributed Bibles in the schools pursuant to this policy. The court observed that a private party, and not teachers, provided the Bibles. This private individual did not engage in a proselytizing recitation of scripture and verse, but merely offered a Bible to each student. Other cases also support the position that it is constitutionally permissible to distribute Bibles to students in public schools under certain circumstances. [Gregoire v. Centennial School District (3d Cir. 1990)] In 1998 the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals rendered a controversial ruling upholding the constitutionality of a school policy allowing the passive distribution of religious material to secondary school students. Crucial to the court’s decision was the fact that the policy was necessary to prevent discrimination against religious speech, and that the school board implemented various procedures to minimize Establishment Clause concerns. [Peck v. Upshur County Board of Education (4th Cir. 1998)] The court’s opinion began by discussing the evolution of the Upshur County, West Virginia, school board’s religious distribution policy. Historically, the board

BIBLE DISTRIBUTION AT PUBLIC SCHOOLS permitted only nonstudent, private groups to distribute literature to secondary school students. Groups within this category included Little League, the Boy Scouts, the 4-H Club, and the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. In 1989, however, several members of the Gideon Society distributed Bibles to, and conversed with, students in the classroom. This incident prompted the school board to adopt a formal policy prohibiting the distribution of religious or advocacy materials to students in the county’s schools. Five years later a local minister requested permission to make Bibles available to Upshur County students one day during the year at predetermined locations in the schools. In response, the school board reexamined its 1989 policy and determined that language prohibiting the distribution of religious material did not preclude private groups from making Bibles and other religious material available to students on tables located in the schools. Accordingly, the school superintendent and minister consented to select an appropriate time to conduct the passive Bible distribution, and to establish guidelines on the manner in which Bibles would be distributed. At the district court level the plaintiffs’ request for a permanent injunction to halt the scheduled Bible distribution was denied. The district court did, however, issue an order requiring the school board to post a disclaimer sign on the Bible display tables indicating that the board neither sponsored nor endorsed the materials provided. The policy also survived the scrutiny of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. Consistent with the district court’s decision, the circuit court found that the policy maintained the First Amendment principle of neutrality. Under the neutrality test, a government policy will be upheld if it was enacted “for some purpose other than advancing religion,” and “if, when [government] opens a forum for private speech, it respects the distinction between government speech and private speech endorsing religion by refraining from encouraging any mistaken impression that the private speakers speak for the government.” The court noted that the school board’s policy neither coerced participation in religious activity nor impermissibly “endorsed” religion. Students were not encouraged to obtain Bibles, and the distribution of the Bibles did not constitute a formal classroom activity or a requirement of the schools’ curriculum. Consistent with U.S. Supreme Court precedent, the court further found that “secondary school students are capable of distinguishing between a school’s equal access policy and school sponsorship of religion.” The federal Equal Access Act, passed in 1984, makes it unlawful for any public secondary school that receives federal financial assistance and has a limited open forum to deny equal access to any students wishing to conduct a meeting within that limited open forum on the basis of the religious content of the speech at the meeting. Thus the Act may protect prayer groups, Bible readings, and other worship services. Courts have held the Equal Access Act to be violated when

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school authorities fail to recognize a Bible club as a student organization, thereby denying it equal treatment with other student groups at a high school in a limited open-forum setting. [Board of Education Westside Community Schools v. Mergens (U.S. 1990); Pope v. East Brunswick Board of Education (3d Cir. 1993)] A limited open forum exists when the school grants an opportunity for one or more noncurriculum-related student groups to meet on school premises during nonclass time. The Equal Access Act does not violate the Establishment Clause of the Constitution because it does not mandate that schools require or encourage participation in religious activities, it just requires that they allow student-initiated religious activities to occur on the same basis as other student activities. Statesponsored Bible distribution or devotional readings are still prohibited, however.

BIBLE, READING OF Throughout much of early American history, religion had a major role in public education. Clergy often served as teachers in public schools. Both Bible reading and prayers were often a part of the school day. Indeed, religious instruction was one of the primary purposes for which schools were founded in the British colonies. In the contemporary United States, however, school-sponsored Bible reading in public schools, or devotional Bible reading as a classroom exercise violate the Free Exercise Clause. [Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962); Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963)] It is irrelevant whether participation is voluntary or involuntary, or whether the prayer period is designated as a period of silent prayer or meditation. [Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985)] The Supreme Court, however, has clearly stated that the “Bible is worthy of study for its literary and historical qualities.” The Court has allowed the study of the Bible or religion in public school when information about it is objectively presented. Parents and their school-age children successfully challenged school district requirements that each school day begin with readings from the Bible under the Establishment Clause. [Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963); Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952)] These cases helped establish the principle that schoolsponsored religious activity is unconstitutional. Scripture reading, like prayers, the Supreme Court found, was a religious exercise. The court rejected contentions by the state that the programs were intended to promote secular purposes, such as the expounding of moral values, the contradiction of the materialistic trends of the times, the perpetuation of traditional institutions, and the teaching of literature, and that to forbid the particular exercises was to choose a “religion of secularism” in their place. Though the “place of religion in our society is an exalted one,” the Establishment Clause, the Court in Schempp continued, prescribed that in “the

BILL OF RIGHTS relationship between man and religion,” the state must be “firmly committed to a position of neutrality.”

BILL OF RIGHTS The first ten amendments to the U.S. Constitution are known as the Bill of Rights. They were proposed by Congress in 1789 by James Madison and ratified in 1791. The Bill of Rights is the Constitution’s most concentrated statement of civil liberties. This document describes the fundamental liberties of the people and forbids the government to violate these rights. The main rights entitled to legal protection under the Bill of Rights are those usually considered inherent in societies following the traditions of Great Britain. The concept of a bill of rights as a statement of basic individual freedoms derives in part from the English Bill of Rights, passed in 1689. This document, which was created after the Glorious Revolution of 1688, established the terms by which William and Mary were accepted as king and queen of England. It forbade the monarchy to suspend laws, raise taxes, or maintain an army without the consent of Parliament. It also declared that freedom of speech in Parliament could not be challenged, protected those accused of crimes from excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment, and provided a number of other privileges and freedoms. The English Bill of Rights, however, had no provisions on religious freedom. As a fundamental guarantee of individual liberty, the Bill of Rights forms a vital aspect of U.S. law and government. Scholars have described the Bill of Rights as protecting three different types of human rights: (1) rights of conscience, including the First Amendment’s freedom of speech and religion; (2) rights of those accused of crimes, such as the Eighth Amendment’s protection against excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment; and (3) rights of property, such as the Fifth Amendment’s provision that no one may be deprived of property without due process of law. The opening words of the Bill of Rights, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion [the Establishment Clause] or prohibiting the free exercise thereof [the Free Exercise Clause],” provide the primary basis for religious freedoms in the United States. The U.S. Supreme Court has “incorporated” both the Establishment and the Free Exercise Clauses into the Fourteenth Amendment. Incorporation means that the actions of state and local governments are also subject to the Free Exercise Clause and the Establishment Clause, as well as the actions of the federal government. The Establishment Clause was incorporated in the case of Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) and the Free Exercise Clause was incorporated in the case of Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940). Of all the

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sections of the Bill of Rights, the provisions of the First Amendment were the first to be incorporated under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

BIRTH CONTROL See Contraception

BLACK CHURCH The term “Black Church” or “African American Church” refers to predominantly African American Christian churches that minister to predominantly African American congregations in the United States. While some groups of African American churches, such as African Methodist Episcopal (AME) churches, belong to predominantly African American denominations, many African American churches are part of predominantly white denominations, such as the U.S. Church of Christ (which formed from the Congregational Church of New England). There are seven major historic Black denominations: African Methodist Episcopal (AME); African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ); Christian Methodist Episcopal (CME); National Baptist Convention, USA Incorporated; National Baptist Convention of America, Unincorporated; Progressive National Baptist Convention, Church of God In Christ. Historically, after emancipation blacks established separate church facilities and congregations to create their own communities, escape white control, and worship in their own culturally distinct ways. They already created a unique and dynamic form of Christianity that combined Creole and African spiritual traditions, and a Christian tradition that developed more fully during the late 19th century. Within African American churches, they built strong community organizations and held positions of spatial and political leadership. In addition, African American churches have long been the centers of communities, serving as schools in the early post-Civil War era, taking up social welfare functions, such as providing for the indigent, and going on to establish orphanages and prison ministries. Black churches held a leadership role in the American Civil Rights Movement, and were the core of that movement. Their history as centers of strength and power for the African American community made them natural leaders in this struggle. Hundreds of African American clergy and their congregations supported the efforts for civil rights. The Black Churches provided the meeting places, information centers, and the civil rights demonstrations. From their pulpits, African American clergy provided the inspiration and guidance. In addition, they had often served as links between the African American and white worlds.

BLACK CHURCH Notable minister leaders include Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., Ralph David Abernathy, and Jesse Jackson. Black churches paid a heavy price for their role in the Civil Rights Movement. Several hundred Black churches were attacked, bombed, or burned during the civil rights years. There was another rash of destruction of Black churches during the 1990s. Between 1989 and 1996 more than 200 Black and multiracial churches in the United States were burned. This number rivaled the number of such events that occurred during the 1950s and 1960s. In response to this wave of church arson, President Bill Clinton signed the Church Arson Prevention Act of 1996. The law covers several areas, such as increasing the maximum penalty for arson, providing funds for the rebuilding of churches destroyed by arson, and increasing the arrest rate for arson. The Black church continues to play an important role in politics, and is still the central institution in the African American community. When compared to American churches as a whole, African American churches tend to focus more on social issues such as poverty, gang violence, drug use, prison ministries, and racism. Studies indicate that African Americans with higher religious and church involvement have higher political participation. The centrality of the Black Church in politics is demonstrated very well by its role in Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 campaigns for the Democratic nomination for president. Jesse Jackson was one of the talented black ministers who gained national attention in working with Martin Luther King, Jr. in the Civil Rights Movement. Additionally, Jackson gained recognition for creating Operation Push (People United to Save Humanity), a program that is designed primarily to motivate African American teenagers to get an education and succeed economically. In his 1984 campaign, Jackson developed the idea of a “Rainbow Coalition” of different races and groups working together to resolve various problems such as racial inequality and poverty. Black churches and black ministers played a crucial role in Jackson’s campaign. Black churches face challenges. First, increasing secularization in the black community reduces the influence of religion and the Black churches. Second, with the eradication of segregation and expansion of opportunities for African Americans, black society is becoming more differentiated and pluralistic. Third, the role of the ministry in the community has been diminished by the growth of competing elites in the African American community, such as lawyers and other professionals. Fourth, the increasing division of the African American community into two primary class divisions—middle-income working class people and middle class people as opposed to the working poor and dependent poor.

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BLAINE AMENDMENT Representative James G. Blaine (Rep- Maine), with the support of President Ulysses S. Grant, introduced on December 14, 1875 a constitutional amendment to prohibit state financial support of sectarian schools. The amendment was intended to prevent public support of Roman Catholic schools, which educated a large percentage of the children of European immigrants. The justification was to guarantee religious freedom and separation of church and state on the state level. The Establishment Clause had not been incorporated to apply at the state level at the time. It remains disputed whether the bill’s proponents were motivated by a desire to protect the fund for state-supported public schools from being divided for partial use by parochial schools, or whether this was simply a cynical attempt by Republicans to win support from anti-Catholic voters. The first clause of the proposed amendment provided that “no State shall make any laws respecting an Establishment of Religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” This is an indication that Congress did not believe that the 14th Amendment incorporated the religion clauses of the First Amendment. The 39th Congress, which drafted the 14th Amendment, intended the new Amendment to enforce the Bill of Rights against the states, and that this was the understanding of the public at the time of its adoption. Thus, it is highly unlikely that the Blaine Amendment had any interpretative value for the 14th Amendment. The second clause would have prohibited the use or control by a religious sect or denomination of any tax money or land devoted to public education. Together with the first clause this prohibition suggests the connection between support of church-related schools and the establishment of religion recognized in twentiethcentury U.S. Supreme Court opinions beginning with Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). The House of Representatives passed the Blaine Amendment by a vote of 180 to 7; but even a heavily amended version failed to carry two-thirds of the Senate, so the proposal failed to be adopted. In an effort to stop public funding of sectarian schools, Justice Felix Frankfurter later used the Blaine Amendment as evidence that by 1875 “the separation . . . of the state from the teaching of religion, was firmly established in the consciousness of the nation.” [McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948)]

BLASPHEMY Generally, blasphemy is any expression of insult or contempt maliciously cast upon God or irreverent behavior toward things that are held sacred. The prohibition of

BLASPHEMY blasphemy is found in many different cultures and religions. In Christianity, moral theologians have regarded blasphemy as a sin. Thomas Aquinas regarded it as a sin against faith. For Muslims, it is blasphemy to speak contemptuously of either God or Mohammed. Mosaic Law decreed the death sentence by stoning for blasphemy. In England, blasphemy became both a statutory and common law offense. It became a common law offense in the seventeenth century. In early English law, blasphemy was regarded as the offense of speaking in relationship to God, Jesus Christ, the Bible, or the Book of Common Prayer, intended to wound the feelings of mankind or to excite contempt and hatred against the church by law established, or to promote immorality. Blackstone defined the common law offense of blasphemy as denying the being or preponderance of God, contumelious reproaches of Christ, profane scoffing at the Holy Scriptures, or exposing it to contempt or ridicule. In the absence of any statute, blasphemy may be considered a common law offense. Where a statute exists and blasphemy not defined, the court must look to the common law definition. From earliest colonial times, blasphemy was a punishable offense at common law. Colonial legislators had enacted statutes that elaborated the definition of blasphemy and proscribed penalties for this offense. Even in the seventeenthcentury, when the rate of North American blasphemy prosecutions was at its highest, such prosecutions were unusual. At the peak, there were eleven cases in the 1660s, six in the 1670s, and six more in the 1680s, nearly all in New England. In most of these cases, a statute criminalizing blasphemy was the basis of the charges. In Massachusetts blasphemy was a capital crime under the Body of Liberties of 1641 and under the Laws and Liberties of 1672. It became punishable by a variety of alternative lesser sentences (including “boaring throw the Tongue, with a red hot Iron”) in 1697. A few seventeenth-century blasphemy prosecutions were without any statutory basis, a circumstance that apparently caused no more controversy in the colonies than in England. Only ten prosecutions for blasphemy occurred in the entire eighteenth-century, spread over 10 colonies (states), all of which had statutes prohibiting blasphemy. Thus, even if eighteenth-century American criminal defendants desired to question whether blasphemy was punishable at common law, they had no opportunities to do so. After the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, blasphemy law underwent little change, because the Establishment Clause did not apply to the states. By the nineteenth-century, prosecutions for blasphemy were very rare. They also had become more controversial for two reasons. First, nearly every state had a constitutional provision on the separation of church and state, so defendants had a plausible argument that what was once considered blasphemy was now protected by the constitution. Second, nearly every state had a reception statute adopting only so much of the common law that best fit with that the state’s situation. Defendants could now claim that the common law status of blasphemy in England

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did not necessarily resolve the issue in the United States. People v. Ruggles (N.Y. 1811) was the first reported blasphemy case under this new approach. Thus, it provided the first occasion to discuss these issues. Nonetheless, the Ruggles court upheld an indictment for blasphemous utterances against Jesus Christ. The Defendant had been convicted of blasphemy for claiming that Jesus Christ was a bastard and that his mother was a whore. In so doing, Chancellor Kent observed that “[w]e are a Christian people, and the morality of the country is deeply ingrafted upon Christianity.” Reconciling the blasphemy statute with Article 38 of the New York State constitution, which guaranteed freedom of religion, Chancellor Kent relied on the provision in that section for his interpretation regarding this constitutional guarantee: “. . . the liberty of conscience hereby granted as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace and safety of the state.” The decline in blasphemy prosecutions was part of a broader decline in the prosecution of religion-based offenses. The general rule became that blasphemy resided in the manner of presentation, rather than in the substance of the statements. A major exception was in the case of Commonwealth v. Kneeland (Mass. 1838). In that case, Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw of Massachusetts rejected arguments based on freedom of the press and on religious liberty when he sustained a state law against blasphemy and upheld the conviction of a pantheist who simply denied belief in God, Christ, and miracles. In all the American decisions, the courts maintained the fiction that the criminality of blasphemy consisted in the maliciousness with which the words were spoken or the intent to insult, rather than mere difference of opinion. There have been very few reported cases on the constitutionality of blasphemy statutes and ordinances. The defenses most commonly used in those cases are that blasphemy laws where prosecution was brought violated the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of religion, of speech, or of the press. Early cases generally upheld blasphemy statutes or ordinances under the rationale that Christianity was the religion of the majority of the people in the United States [State v. Mockus (Me. 1921)]; that it “played a significant role in the development of our governmental institutions and common law” [Updegraph v. Commonwealth (Pa. 1824)]; and that they are intended to prevent violence that may result from the malicious reviling of this religion [State v. Chandler (Del. 1837)]. The courts also reasoned that any word or deed that would expose the Christian religion to contempt or ridicule would deprive official oaths of any of their sanctity, thus, undermining their binding force. [Commonwealth v. Kneeland (Mass. 1838)] The U.S. Supreme Court has never adjudicated a blasphemy case. In Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson (U.S. 1952) the Court relied on the freedom of speech to void a New York statute authorizing the censorship of “sacrilegious” films. The Court held that it is not the business of government to suppress real or imagined attacks on a particular religious doctrine, whether they appear in publication, speeches, or

BLOOD TRANSFUSIONS in motion pictures. Justice Felix Frankfurter, concurring, observed that blasphemy was a far vaguer term than sacrilege because it meant “criticism of whatever the ruling authority of the moment established as the orthodox religious doctrine.” In 1968, when the last prosecution for blasphemy occurred in the United States, a Maryland appellate court held that the prosecution violated the First Amendment’s ban on the establishment of religion. The court, in examining the history of the statute at issue, concluded that it had no secular purpose [such as to prevent violence or breaches of the peace, or to preserve the social order], but was patently intended to perpetuate the Christian religion, which violated the First Amendment, which requires that states must be neutral on religion. [State v. West (Md. 1970)] Similarly, city ordinances prohibiting the use of indecent, vile, profane, or blasphemous language on or near public places such as streets or sidewalks, have also been found unconstitutional as violating the protection of free speech protected by the First Amendment.

BLOOD TRANSFUSIONS Some religious faiths oppose the use of blood transfusions to treat medical conditions. For example, the Jehovah’s Witnesses decline blood transfusions based on biblical injunctions against the “eating of blood.” They further believe that undergoing transfusions could deprive them of eternal life. In cases in which a person has refused a blood transfusion on the basis of religious beliefs, courts have based their decisions of whether to order treatment on the age or mental competency of the patient. When the person needing treatment is a minor or mentally incompetent, courts have ordered life-saving blood transfusions despite the religious beliefs or wishes of the patient or his or her family. [Application of the President and Director of Georgetown College (D.C. Cir. 1964); Winters v. Miller (2d Cir. 1971] When the person is a mentally competent adult, there is a split among the cases as to whether the life-saving treatment may be ordered. A patient’s right to refuse medical treatment takes priority over a hospital’s interest in preserving life, the Connecticut Supreme Court ruled in Stamford Hospital v. Vega (Conn. 1996). After entering the hospital to deliver her baby, Nelly E. Vega refused blood transfusions because they violated her religious beliefs as a Jehovah’s Witness. After her condition worsened, the hospital received a court order directing doctors to administer the transfusions. After her recovery, Vega appealed the order. Upholding her “common law right of bodily self-determination,” the court stated that the hospital “had no common law right or obligation to thrust unwanted medical care on a patient who, having been sufficiently informed of the

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consequences, competently and clearly declined that care.” The court also rejected the hospital’s claim it was protecting the long-term interests of the newborn. Cases holding that a person may refuse blood transfusions based on religious objections include Fosmire v. Nicoleau (N.Y. 1990); Public Health Trust v. Wons (Fla. 1989); In re Brown (Ill. App. 1997); State v. Perricone (N.J. 1962); and Martin v. Industrial Accident Commission (Cal. 1956). Cases holding that a person may not refuse blood transfusions despite religious objections include United States v. George (D. Conn. 1965); Raleigh Fitkin-Paul Morgan Memorial Hospital v. Anderson (N.J. 1964), cert. denied (U.S. 1964); and Powell v. Columbia Presbyterian Medical Center (N.Y. 1965).

BLUE LAWS See Sunday Closing Laws

BOARD OF EDUCATION V. ALLEN (U.S. 1968) In 1965, the New York legislature amended its Education statutes to require New York Education local public school authorities to lend textbooks without charge to all students in grades seven through twelve, including those in private schools, that complied with the state’s compulsory education statutes. Certain school boards opposed the law, seeking a declaratory judgment from the courts that the statutory requirement was unconstitutional as violative of the prohibition against establishment of religion. After the New York Court of Appeals, the state’s highest authority, found that the law was valid, an appeal was taken to the United States Supreme Court. The Supreme Court agreed that the New York statute did not violate the Establishment or the Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment. Justice Byron R. White, speaking for the majority, relied heavily on the “student benefit theory,” purportedly derived from Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). The student benefit theory holds that a governmental aid program may be permitted, provided that its beneficiaries are principally school children, and not religious institutions. The New York scheme of providing secular textbooks to parochial school students also passed the “purposes and effects” test used by the Supreme Court to decide Establishment Clause challenges. The New York textbook law under review provided that only books for secular studies could be lent to students and that the books had to be either ones used in public schools or ones approved by the public school boards as being secular in nature. The Court accepted the state’s

BOARD OF EDUCATION V. GRUMET position that the program was designed to aid the secular education of students and had no religious purpose. The Allen majority also found that the program did not have a primary effect of advancing religion. Noting that religious schools must also teach secular subjects, a majority of the justices refused to assume that the sectarian schools were so permeated with religion that even classes in secular subjects advanced religion. Thus the Court found that the books were used only for the secular teaching component of such religious schools. Justice Hugo L. Black, the author of Everson, dissented. Everson, he recalled, held that the transportation of students to church-related schools went “to the very verge” of what was permissible under the Establishment Clause. Justices William O. Douglas and Abe Fortas also dissented. The result in Allen stimulated efforts to aid church-related schools in many state legislatures. However, the Allen case represented the outermost reaches of permissible aid to parochial school students. The Supreme Court has since become increasingly strict in the scope of aid that may be afforded to sectarian schools. Later opinions of the Court have invalidated many such aid programs and limited Allen’s precedential force to cases involving textbook loans.

BOARD OF EDUCATION V. GRUMET (U.S. 1994) (Kiryas Joel case) Adherents of the Satmar Hasidic sect of Judaism believe in a literal interpretation of the Scripture and the Torah; they speak Yiddish, wear special clothes, avoid television and radio, generally segregate the sexes, and look to their Grand Rebbeh for his advice and blessing before major decisions such as buying a house, marrying, changing jobs, and making other decisions. In the 1970s a Satmar Hasidic community was formed in the town of Monroe, about 30 miles north of the Bronx, New York. After a contentious battle between the town and the Satmar Hasidim over zoning regulations, the town supervisor allowed the Satmar to incorporate as a village. About 320 acres were carved out of Monroe for the Village of Kiryas Joel. Most of the children in Kiryas Joel attended the community’s own religious schools, but about 200 were special-needs children who required programs too costly for the village’s private schools to offer. Many of these children took special classes from the Monroe-Woodbury public schools in an annex to one of the yeshiva schools. In 1985, however, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that public school teachers could not work at private religious schools in Aguilar v. Felton (U.S. 1985). The annex program was terminated and some Satmar parents enrolled their disabled children in the Monroe-Woodbury public schools.

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Disputes quickly arose over the educational services provided by the public schools. Some Satmar parents felt the services were not meeting the unique language needs of the children. They also felt the children were traumatized by their experiences in attending schools outside of the village and insisted that their children’s needs be met within the confines of a “neutral site” within the village. In 1989 New York passed a law that created a separate public school district, the Kiryas Joel Village School District, essentially for the sole purpose of serving disabled Satmar children. Shortly after the district was created, Louis Grumet, executive director of the New York State School Board Association, filed a constitutional challenge to the statute, claiming that it violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The Satmar Hasidim lost at each court level, including in New York’s highest court, the New York Court of Appeals. The United States Supreme Court agreed to hear the final appeal. Each time when the Supreme Court reviews an Establishment Clause case, there are popular expectations that the Supreme Court will take the opportunity to enunciate a new formula to replace the so-called Lemon test, developed in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), which allows the government to do little to accommodate religion without violating the Establishment Clause. The Lemon test is the modern standard for judging whether governmental involvement in parochial school education is in violation of the Establishment Clause. Under the Lemon test, to be valid a law (1) must have a secular purpose, (2) that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and (3) that does not result in excessive “entanglement” between government and religion. In the post-Lemon era, the Supreme Court has repeatedly decided religion cases without directly applying the three-part test originally set forth in Lemon and without setting forth any other objective standard against which governmental action is to be judged. As noted by Justice O’Connor in her concurring opinion in Kiryas Joel, like the opinions in Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992), Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993), and Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982), the Court’s opinion in Kiryas Joel did not rest on the Lemon test. Rather the Court analyzed the facts using a neutrality analysis. The major issue in neutrality analysis is whether the law under review is truly neutral with respect to religion, that is, whether the law either advances or inhibits religion. [See Allegheny County v. ACLU (U.S. 1989)] The Supreme Court has interpreted the First Amendment to demand not only a prohibition of government-sponsored religion, but also equal treatment among religions. The Supreme Court has recognized that absolute, total separation is not possible and that some interaction between church and state is inevitable. Nevertheless, in evaluating church-state interaction, the Court has emphasized that the federal and state governments should maintain a position of neutrality. To maintain this neutral role, the state need not be hostile toward religion, but instead is encouraged to assume a posture of neutral accommodation.

BOARD OF EDUCATION V. MERGENS In an analysis relying primarily on Larkin v. Grendel’s Den (U.S. 1982), Justice David Souter asserted that there was little difference between granting a franchise over traditional government authority to a religious organization, as in Larkin, or to a collective of individuals who all share in the same religious following. Justice Souter stated that the act that created the special Kiryas Joel Village School District departed from a constitutional requirement of neutrality toward religion by “delegating the State’s discretionary authority over public schools to a group defined by its character as a religious community, in a legal and historical context that gives no assurances that governmental power has been or will be exercised neutrally.” In discussing the state’s creation of this school district, “following the lines of a religious community,” Justice Souter suggested that the district can be treated as a “reflection of a religious criterion for identifying the recipient of civil authority,” since its creation constituted a deviation from “customary and neutral principles.” The Supreme Court also declined to uphold the act under the Free Exercise Clause. The school district sought to have the District declared constitutional on the grounds that to do so would allow them to “pursue their own interests free from governmental interference.” To this end, Justice Souter declared that the Court has “never hinted that an otherwise unconstitutional delegation of political power to a religious group could be saved as a religious accommodation.” In finding that the formation of the Kiryas Joel public school district violated the principle of neutrality, the Court implicitly employed the status quo as the baseline against which it judged the New York legislature’s action. Some commentators argued that the Supreme Court erred in its Kiryas Joel decision by employing the status quo as the baseline against which to judge legislation enacted to aid a minority religious sect. According to some, the use of the status quo to judge the actions of a legislature responding to the unique concerns of a minority religious sect amounts to an establishment of the status quo, and thus to an establishment of dominant religious groups. They argue that state action that results in the isolation or segregation of schools based on religious beliefs or practices must be measured against the constitutional mandate that states not engage in state-authorized, state-sponsored, or state-facilitated religious “linedrawing.”

BOARD OF EDUCATION V. MERGENS (U.S. 1990) The constitutionality of the federal Equal Access Act was decided in this case. The Equal Access Act requires public secondary schools to allow student-initiated religiously oriented clubs to use their facilities during nonschool hours on the same basis as secular groups. Two questions were raised in Mergens. The first was

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whether the Equal Access Act prohibited the Westside High School in Omaha, Nebraska, from denying a student religious group permission to meet on school premises. The second issue was whether the Act violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The U.S. Supreme Court answered the first question in the positive: Yes, the school was prohibited from denying the student religious group access to school premises. The second question the Court answered in the negative: No, the Equal Access Act does not violate the Establishment Clause. The Court said that a “limited open forum” exists whenever a public school “grants an offering to or opportunity for one or more noncurriculum-related student groups to meet on school premises during noninstructional time.” The statutory reference to “noninstructional time” means “time set aside by the school before actual classroom instruction begins or after actual classroom instruction ends.” The Court found that a school’s obligations under the Act are triggered even if it allows only one noncurriculum-related student group to meet. A noncurriculumrelated student group is a group that “does not directly relate to the body of courses offered by the school.” A French or a Latin club, for example, would directly relate to a French or Latin course offered as a planned part of the curriculum. On the other hand, an ethnic dance club, or a branch of the Young Republicans organization probably would not relate directly to the school’s curriculum. If even one such noncurriculum-related club is permitted to use school premises during nonschool hours, then the school is considered to have a “limited open forum” and religious and other student-initiated clubs must have equal access to the school premises. In deciding that the Equal Access Act itself is constitutional, the Court referred back to Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981) in which it had ruled that “an open forum policy” did not violate any of the three parts of the test enunciated in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1981). Under the Lemon test, a statute must meet the following conditions to be constitutional: (1) it must have a secular legislative purpose; (2) its primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; and (3) it must not foster an excessive entanglement with religion. In this case, the Court found that allowing the religious speech of noncurricular, student-sponsored groups did not “confer any imprimatur of state approval on religious sects or practices.” Thus, the secular purpose part of the Lemon test was met. In addition, to allow all to speak equally maintained the necessary government neutrality, neither inhibiting nor advancing religion.

BOARD OF TRUSTEES V. MCCREARY (U.S. 1985) The issue in this case was whether citizens could force the public display of a Christian nativity scene on public land contrary to the orders of the town

BOARD OF TRUSTEES V. MCCREARY government. The Supreme Court decided that they could. The Village of Scarsdale, New York, refused to allow a private group to erect a public display of a Christian nativity scene on public land, which did not abut a government building, throughout the holiday season. The proposed manger scene was to stand alone, without a Santa Claus, reindeer, or other seasonal figures. The park had been used to display manger scenes from 1956 until 1980. In 1981 and 1982, the Village denied the Scarsdale Creche Commission permission to place a manger scene in the park. The U.S. Supreme Court’s four-to-four tie vote in the case left standing a decision by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals against Scarsdale on the grounds that the town had denied free speech in a public forum. The Supreme Court made a summary decision without a written opinion. Justice Powell took no part in the result. The Court in McCreary followed the reasoning of Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981), providing all religious groups equal access to public forums and hypothesizing that allowing equal access to a religious display could constitute an acceptable purpose of public land. The argument of those advocating the display was that, if wearing black armbands and burning flags are symbolic speech worthy of constitutional protection, so too is a nativity scene at Christmas time in a public park. The opponents of the display argued that a nativity scene on public property during a religious holiday and without Santa Claus and other similar characters is a sacred symbol that has a religious significance, and thus, violates the Establishment Clause. According to the opponents, the status of a public park as a public forum cannot justify its unconstitutional use. Following McCreary, the next major Establishment Clause challenge to seasonal religious displays produced five opinions and a mixed result. [See Allegheny County v. ACLU (U.S. 1989)] In Allegheny County a narrowly divided Court forbade a private organization to erect an unattended, isolated manger scene on public property, even though accompanied by signs disclaiming official sponsorship. But the Court, again, by a narrow margin, allowed the Pittsburgh city government to place an unattended Christmas tree, menorah, and sign saluting liberty directly in front of the government courthouse. Five of the justices agreed that the critical question as to the holiday displays was whether the displays could suggest to the reasonable observer that the government was endorsing the symbols’ religious message. Because the staircase where the creche was placed was not open to all religious expression on an equal basis, the Court in Allegheny County determined that the county was favoring certain sectarian religious expression (in this case, the Christian faith) in violation of the Establishment Clause. Thus, the Court deemed the display to be unconstitutional governmental “endorsement” of the communication of a particular religious message. The Court noted that had the physical setting been different, such as that in McCreary, the display would have been permissible.

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BOB JONES UNIVERSITY V. UNITED STATES (U.S. 1983) The Internal Revenue Service adopted a policy in 1969 of denying a federal income tax exemption, available to educational and religious institutions, to schools that practice racial discrimination. Two of the schools denied the exemption were Bob Jones University and Goldsboro Christian Schools. Bob Jones University had a multiracial student body but restricted interracial socializing. Goldsboro Christian Schools practiced racial segregation. Both institutions claimed that their practices were based on religious conviction, and sought to have their tax-exempt status reinstated. They contended that denial of the tax exemption provided for by § 501(c)(30) of the Internal Revenue Code violated the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the U.S. Constitution. Their claims were rejected by federal district courts and by the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. On appeal the United States Supreme Court also rejected the schools’ arguments. In an opinion by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger the Court, in an eight-to-one vote, held that the Internal Revenue Service had the authority to deny tax exempt status to private schools that practice racial discrimination on the basis of religious doctrine. The Court noted that the denial of “tax benefits will inevitably have a substantial impact on the operation of private religious schools, but will not prevent those schools from observing their religious tenets.” Moreover, “the Government has a fundamental, overriding interest in eradicating racial discrimination in education” and this interest “substantially outweighs whatever burden denial of tax benefits places on petitioners’ exercise of their religious beliefs.” Justice Burger said that the legislative history of the statute made it clear that entitlement to a tax exemption depends on meeting certain common law standards of charity, “namely, that an institution seeking tax-exempt status must serve a public purpose and not be contrary to established public policy.” There is no doubt that racial discrimination in education violates deeply and widely accepted views of elementary justice, the chief justice said, and in enacting Titles IV and VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Congress clearly expressed its agreement with that position. At a minimum, the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments represent values that should prevent the government from actively aiding these schools, continued the chief justice. Because the schools represent values opposed to the constitutional rights of racial minorities, only accommodation of their existence and the provision of such general governmental services as police and fire protection might be required. Justice William Rehnquist dissented, arguing that the history of § 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code indicated that Congress did not intend to deny taxexempt status to organizations that practice racial discrimination.

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BOERNE, CITY OF V. FLORES (U.S. 1997) In a six-to-three decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in this case that the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) was unconstitutional, holding that the law exceeded congressional authority under the Fourteenth Amendment to enact “remedial” legislation. (Remedial legislation ensures that persons injured by violations of existing statutes have an effective remedy under those laws.) The Supreme Court also held that the statute infringed on state authority and on the powers of courts to interpret the meaning of the Bill of Rights. In 1990 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment does not provide special protection for religious conduct against a generally applicable, religiously neutral law. [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)] Prior to Smith, the Supreme Court had held that even those laws and policies that do not single out religion for disparate treatment had to accommodate religious conduct unless the government could show a compelling reason why an exemption could not be given. In Smith, however, the Court reversed itself, effectively lowering the level of protection provided under the Free Exercise Clause (and making it easier for government to inadvertently infringe upon religious liberty). Opposing the Smith holding, a broad coalition of denominations and religious and civil rights groups (ranging from Americans United for Separation of Church and State and the American Civil Liberties Union on one side to the National Association of Evangelicals and the Home School Legal Defense Fund on the other) was formed to lobby for a new federal statute that would elevate the legal standard (and the protection afforded religious conduct) back to pre-Smith levels. After much deliberation, Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (42 U.S.C. § 2000bb) in 1993. The constitutionality of the RFRA was challenged, and eventually one case, City of Boerne v. Flores, which involved landmark restrictions on a historic church, was heard by the U.S. Supreme Court. Flores involved whether a municipality could prohibit a congregation from modifying or tearing down its house of worship because it was in a designated historic district. St. Peter Catholic Church in Boerne, Texas, near San Antonio, was built in the Texas mission style in 1923. Because the parish population had outgrown the church, the archbishop of San Antonio approved alterations to enlarge the structure. Before the project began, however, the Boerne City Council empowered the municipal Historic Landmark Commission to prepare a preservation plan for the central city. Concluding that the church facade fell within the historic district, the city in 1993 refused to issue a building permit for the church expansion. Archbishop Patrick Flores sued the city in U.S. district court, alleging that the refusal to grant the permit violated the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.

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The dispute between the diocese and the city over whether the church could be expanded then intersected with the ongoing national debate over the Smith case and the reach of the Free Exercise Clause. The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals considered the Flores appeal and ruled that Congress had the authority under the Enforcement Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to enact the RFRA. The court also determined that the RFRA did not violate the separation of powers doctrine even though it imposed a stricter standard than the standard set forth in Smith, finding that by enacting RFRA, Congress did not usurp the judiciary’s authority to decide when a statute impermissibly burdened a person’s free exercise of religion, but rather exercised remedial power to reach conduct that only threatened the free exercise of religion. The RFRA did not advance religion any more than other legislatively mandated accommodation of the exercise of religion, the court declared, adding that the RFRA’s prohibition against the placing of substantial burdens on the exercise of religion did not amount to the government coercing religious activity through its own activities and influence. The court further held that the RFRA did not violate the Tenth Amendment, because it did not intrude upon state sovereignty any more than many other federal statutes that preempted state regulation. The case was then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court and attention was focused on the specific provision of the RFRA that reversed the holding in Smith, by stating that the government may not “substantially burden” a person’s exercise of religion unless that burden “is 1) in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and 2) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling government interest.” This provision was responsible for a substantial amount of litigation. An amicus curiae brief filed with the Court in Flores for 13 states claimed that the RFRA, between its passage in 1993 and mid-November 1996, had resulted in reported decisions in 189 lawsuits just by prison inmates who claimed denial of their religious rights. These claims included demands for the distribution of drugs to prison members of the Church of Marijuana, and requests for swords as well as material for burnt offerings. In the end, 16 states had urged the Court to strike down the law, which they said was being used by prisoners to make outlandish claims, supposedly based on religion. Critics attacked the constitutionality of the RFRA from several different perspectives. Some claimed the RFRA infringed on judicial authority by directing courts to apply a particular legal standard in free exercise cases, and violated the separation of powers between the branches of government. Others claimed that the law offended against notions of federalism (infringing on state powers), while others asserted that the law violated the Establishment Clause by affording preferential treatment to religious conduct. The most damaging argument, however, was that the RFRA exceeded the authority of Congress under the Fourteenth Amendment to protect existing rights by enacting remedial legislation. Critics claimed that the RFRA did not protect an existing right but actually

BOERNE, CITY OF V. FLORES 61 created a new right, or at least fundamentally changed the interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause. A majority of the Supreme Court, in an opinion written by Justice Anthony Kennedy, agreed with this latter argument, as well as with the federalism and separation-of-powers criticism. Congress’s enforcement power under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment is limited to preventive or remedial action, Kennedy held, and does not extend to legislation that alters the meaning of the First Amendment. “Congress does not enforce a constitutional right by changing what the right is.” In Smith the Court had determined the meaning of the Free Exercise Clause, the RFRA sought to give it a new meaning. Thus, Congress had gone beyond enforcing an existing right to creating a new one. The majority also found that the RFRA’s scope was too broad to be considered “remedial.” The RFRA applied to every federal, state, and local action, and had a “[s]weeping coverage [that] ensure[d] its intrusion at every level of government, displacing laws and prohibiting official actions of almost every description and regardless of subject matter.” As such, it was “so out of proportion to a supposed remedial or preventive object that it [could] not be understood as responsive to, or designed to prevent, unconstitutional behavior.” Finally, the majority held that the legislative record lacked substantial evidence that such comprehensive legislation was necessary. By invalidating the RFRA, the Supreme Court reaffirmed its holding in Smith that the Free Exercise Clause does not preempt facially neutral laws of general applicability, even if they incidentally affect a religious practice. Justices O’Connor, Souter, and Breyer filed dissenting opinions, arguing that Smith was wrongly decided or should be reconsidered. It appears from the majority opinion, however, that six justices still adhere to the Smith rationale. Although all people of faith will be affected by Flores, the decision will have its greatest impact on those religious practices that either are unusual or are out of the mainstream. Government agencies and officials will no longer be required to accommodate religious practices (such as exempting Amish from certain traffic regulations), even if such could be done without undue cost. The issue of what degree of protection religion should receive under the law is likely to continue to be a matter of contentious debate. Congressional supporters of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act vowed to write a narrower version for passage. Some RFRA supporters announced an effort to reenact it as a constitutional amendment. Even without a constitutional amendment, the Flores decision does not close the door to all future legislative remedies. The majority’s concern over the RFRA’s breadth, and the lack of evidence supporting its need, can be addressed through more directed and better-substantiated legislation. Also, Congress may still have the authority to enact a scaled-down version of the RFRA that is limited to the federal government. Finally, nothing in the decision prevents states from enacting statutes that will obtain the same result or interpreting their

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own constitutions more protectively. Thus, although the Flores result disappointed supporters of the RFRA, other avenues remain open to them in the effort to protect religious expression.

BOWEN V. KENDRICK (U.S. 1988) In this case, the Supreme Court sustained the constitutionality of the federal 1981 Adolescent Family Life Act against a claim that it violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The statute authorized federal funds for services related to adolescent sexuality and pregnancy. A federal district court found that the statute was unconstitutional on its face, and that, as administered, it impermissibly advanced religion by subsidizing and allowing sectarian organizations to preach their message to adolescents. The court also found that the statute unduly entangled the government with religion by requiring official monitoring to ensure that religiously affiliated grantees did not promote their religious missions. On appeal the Supreme Court, by a five-to-four vote, reversed. It found that the Act was constitutional on its face. However, it remanded the case for a determination of whether the statute was applied unconstitutionally. Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, writing for the majority, observed that the statute neither required grantees to be religiously affiliated nor suggested that religious institutions were specifically qualified to provide the services subsidized by the government. Congress merely assumed that religious organizations as well as nonreligious ones could influence adolescent behavior. Congress impartially made the monies available to achieve secular objectives, regardless of whether the funds went to sectarian or secular institutions. This was not a case in which the federal subsidies flowed primarily to pervasively sectarian institutions; moreover, the services provided to adolescents, such as pregnancy testing or childcare were not religious in nature. The majority also held that the type of government monitoring required by the statute did not necessarily entangle it excessively with religion. Conceding, however, that the law could be administered in such a way as to violate the Establishment Clause, the Court returned the case to the district court for a factual finding on that issue. The four dissenters, speaking though Justice Harry A. Blackmun, may have been influenced by the fact that the statute banned grants to institutions that advocated abortion. Blackmun, as devoid of doubts as was Rehnquist, confidently deplored a decision that allowed federal monies to be provided to religious organizations, thereby enabling them to promote their religious missions in ways that were pervasively sectarian and contradictory, and requiring intrusive oversight by the government to prevent that objective. The majority, Blackmun reasoned, distorted

BRADFIELD V. ROBERTS 63 the Court’s precedents and engaged in doctrinal missteps by treating the statute as if it merely subsidized a neutral function, such as dispensing food or shelter, instead of pedagogical services that impermissibly fostered religious beliefs.

BOWEN V. ROY (U.S. 1986) A federal statute requires state agencies administering the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program to use the Social Security numbers of applicants and recipients when processing claims. In this case a parent, Stephen J. Roy, claimed that obtaining a Social Security number for his two-year-old daughter, Little Bird of the Snow Roy, would violate the family’s Native American religious beliefs. Although Roy disclosed at a lower court trial that his daughter in fact had a social security number (obtained shortly after her birth by Roy’s wife), he asserted that agency use of the number would rob his daughter of her ability to have greater power. When an appeal of the lower court’s decision requiring use of the number reached the Supreme Court, the justices ruled that the use of Social Security numbers by the state agency in accordance with the statutory requirement did not violate Roy’s rights under Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Writing for the majority, Chief Justice Warren Burger said that “[t]he Free Exercise Clause simply cannot be understood to require the Government to conduct its own internal affairs in ways that comport with the religious beliefs of particular citizens.” Distinguishing between freedom to believe, which is absolute, and freedom of individual conduct, which is not, the chief justice ruled that the use of the Social Security number did not impair Roy’s freedom to believe or to exercise his religion. The Roys had argued that it violated their religious beliefs to be required to provide their daughter’s Social Security number in order to obtain money from the government’s Aid to Families with Dependent Children program. A plurality of the Court held that this indirect free exercise burden on the Roys did not violate the Free Exercise Clause.

BRADFIELD V. ROBERTS (U.S. 1899) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court upheld government grants to churchaffiliated hospitals. The lawsuit challenged an agreement between a private hospital in the District of Columbia operated by a monastic order, the Sisters of Charity (an order of Catholic nuns), and the Commissioners of the District of Columbia and the U.S Surgeon General. Under the agreement, a federal

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appropriation was provided to the hospital for building construction and the care of indigent patients without regard to the patients’ religion. The plaintiff, a U.S. citizen and taxpayer, brought the suit on the grounds that the agreement in question violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment by giving public funds to a religious organization. The U.S. Supreme Court found the agreement constitutional and upheld government grants to church-affiliated hospitals. The Court found that the purpose of the appropriation was not to establish religion, but rather to enable the hospital to provide quality medical services. The Supreme Court held that, despite the “sectarian character of the hospital,” the agreement did not violate the Establishment Clause because the case was one of a “secular corporation being managed by people who hold to the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, but who nevertheless are managing the corporation according to the law under which it exists.” The Court thus held that the religious affiliation of the hospital was “wholly immaterial” to its right to receive government funds to advance the secular purpose of the hospital: treating patients regardless of their religious affiliation. Thus, despite the “controlling influence” of the Roman Catholic Church, the secular nature of the incorporated hospital removed any constitutional infirmities that might have otherwise arisen. So long as the hospital aided is not so “pervasively sectarian” as to subsume its role as a hospital in its religious mission, its secular medical function may receive government aid. This case was cited with approval as recently as 1976 by the U.S. Supreme Court in Roemer v. Maryland Board of Public Works (U.S. 1976).

BRAUNFELD V. BROWN (U.S. 1961) In this case the Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of applying Sunday closing laws to Orthodox Jews whose beliefs required them to observe another day as their Sabbath. A majority of the justices held that the economic burden placed on a Sabbatarian did not violate the Free Exercise Clause, although no opinion garnered a majority vote. The Sabbatarians’ claim for an exemption was based on the fact that their religious beliefs required them to abstain from commercial activity on Saturday. Thus the statutory prohibition of shopping or selling on Sunday placed an added economic burden on them because of their religious practices. Chief Justice Earl Warren, writing for four members of the Court, found that this law placed a severe burden on Sabbatarian retailers. But the chief justice held that, because the burden was the indirect effect of a law with a secular purpose, it would violate the Free Exercise Clause only if there were alternative ways of achieving the state’s interest. He then employed a test of validity that essentially was a two-part balancing test. First, the plaintiff had to

BRONX HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH V. BOARD OF EDUCATION FOR THE CITY OF N.Y. show that there was some real burden placed on the exercise of his or her religion by the regulation. Second, this burden would be permissible only if the state was pursuing an overriding secular goal by the means that imposed the least burden on religious practices. The plurality opinion by Chief Justice Warren found that the state had an overriding secular interest in setting aside a single day for “rest, recreation and tranquility.” Although some states exempted Sabbatarians from the closing laws, Warren’s opinion found that an exemption for those whose beliefs required them to close on another day might undermine the state’s goal. Additionally, the chief justice noted that the state could choose to avoid a system whereby it would have to examine the good faith of those who claimed a religious exemption in order to make effective its laws.

BRONX HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH V. BOARD OF EDUCATION FOR THE CITY OF NEW YORK (2003) The Bronx Household of Faith (“Bronx Household”), an evangelical Christian church, sought to rent space in the Anne Cross Merseau Middle School to hold Sunday morning worship meetings consisting of “hymn singing, communion, Bible reading, Bible preaching and teaching.” The school district denied this request under its “Community Use Policy” and New York Education Law section 414, because the intended use would violate the school district’s religious services and instruction policy. In 1995, the Bronx Household filed a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, alleging a Free Speech Clause violation (Bronx Household I) in challenging a school district’s denial of its application to rent space in the public school for meetings including religious worship. The federal district court held that the school district’s regulation was reasonable, in light of the legitimate state concern to “preserve and prioritize access to the middle school primarily for educational purposes and, secondarily, for nonexclusive public and community activities.” On appeal, the Second Circuit affirmed the district court’s decision. Finding the school a “limited public forum,” the court held that it was reasonable for a state, by its policy and practice, to exclude a church from school facilities to “avoid the identification of a middle school with a particular church.” Applying Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District (U.S. 1993) and Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981), the Second Circuit conceded that worship, “the ultimate in speech from a religious viewpoint,” as well as religious instruction, are protected speech, which could not be prohibited in an open forum. Nonetheless, it found that the Bronx Household’s speech could be distinguished from other forms of speech because of its religious content and therefore, could be prohibited because

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the school district had never permitted access for the purpose of worship and religious instruction. In 1998, the Supreme Court denied certiorari. In 2001, the Bronx Household reapplied to rent the middle school following the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Good News Club v. Milford Central School (U.S. 2001). After the school district denied the application, the Bronx Household filed a suit (Bronx Household II) with the same complaint as Bronx Household I, claiming that the Good News Club decision, in effect, reversed the Second Circuit’s decision in Bronx Household I. The district court granted a permanent injunction for the Bronx Household and ordered the defendant school district to allow the Bronx Household to use the public school auditorium for religious worship. Reviewing Bronx Household I and Good News Club, the district court held that plaintiffs were entitled to a preliminary injunction. It found that Good News Club controlled in this case because the school was a “limited public forum.” It also concluded that the Bronx Household had a substantial likelihood of success on its free speech claim because its activities was not “mere religious worship” and addressed the same subject matter as activities previously permitted in the forum. The court also concluded that even if the activities were called “worship” and addressed a different subject, a distinction could not be made between viewpoint and content discrimination when the subject matter includes prayer, morals, character, the welfare of the community, and worship. Furthermore, even if a distinction could be made, the state should still not dissect speech for the purpose of restricting such speech. On appeal, the Second Circuit affirmed the district court’s decision, acknowledging that there was no basis to distinguish the activities in Good News Club from the activities of the Bronx Household. It found that there was a substantial likelihood for the Bronx Household to successfully show that the school district’s exclusion policy had unconstitutionally violated the Bronx Household’s free speech rights. Yet, it avoided the issues of whether a meaningful distinction could be made between worship and other kinds of religious speech since agreement with the district court’s determination would invalidate its own precedents. In addition, it did not explicitly reject the school board’s Establishment Clause argument. The Second Circuit recognized that regulation of speech in both a designated public forum and a limited public forum is subject to the same constitutional standard of review applied in a traditional public forum—strict scrutiny. Despite this holding, the court has applied a more lenient standard of review to a limited public forum. In both Lamb’s Chapel and Good News Club, in which the U.S. Supreme Court reversed Second Circuit decisions, the Supreme Court still allowed the more lenient standard of review for a nonpublic forum to be applied to a limited public forum. The Supreme Court’s vagueness leads to a categorization of the school districts’ exclusionary policy and practice that distinguishes between unconstitutional viewpoint discrimination and possibly, constitutional content

BRONX HOUSEHOLD OF FAITH V. BOARD OF EDUCATION FOR THE CITY OF N.Y. discrimination. There is no principled basis, however, upon which to ascertain this distinction in analyzing the state’s exclusionary policy and practice of regulating private speech. The U.S. Supreme Court allowed the categorization of exclusionary policy and practice for religious speech, whose distinction between subject matter and viewpoint is too thin to determine by employing the analysis of viewpoint discrimination separate from content discrimination. Thus, New York school boards’ exclusion of religious groups from school premises may continue to be tested under the improper standard of review. Moreover, the school boards may continue to use the improper standard, which is applicable only to a nonpublic forum, to exclude certain private speech on the ground that the Establishment Clause provides a reasonable state interest to “avoid the identification of a [public] school with a particular [religion].” Dramatic changes have occurred in the New York district court between Deeper Life Christian Fellowship v. Board of Education (2nd Cir. 1988) and Bronx Household II. In Bronx Household II, the Southern District of New York recognized that religious worship is not a separate speech category, refused to condone either viewpoint discrimination or content discrimination, and found that private speech for the purpose of restriction was unconstitutional. This holding is upheld as an appropriate analysis of the Free Speech Clause and the public forum doctrine, which corrects some of the prior misapplication of the doctrine. This is also a proper recognition of how section 414 of the New York Education Law should be applied within the constitutional boundaries. Section 414 empowers the school boards with control and supervision over school facilities so that school facilities may continue to benefit the students and the community residents after school hours. It does not, however, provide the school boards power to suppress the kinds of speech of which they do not approve. If the U.S. Supreme Court did not mean to extend the rights of free speech as far as it did in Good News Club, it must clarify the issues that the Bronx Household II court found unclear. Otherwise, as the Bronx Household II opinion shows, lower courts will interpret the Good News Club holding broadly and grant all religious groups access to a limited public forum as long as they are able to connect their “quintessentially religious” activities with some permissible forum purpose. In practical effect, lower courts are no longer permitted to distinguish religious worship from the presentation of religious viewpoint. It is clear that, with the Bronx Household decision, the church-state relationship in terms of the public forum doctrine in schools has been altered in a highly significant and profound way.

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BURSTYN, INC. V. WILSON (U.S. 1952) The U.S. Supreme Court in this case ruled that motion picture films are expression as included within the Free Speech and Free Press Clauses of the First Amendment and protected against state abridgment by the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court thereby overruled Mutual Film Corp. v. Industrial Commission (U.S. 1915), which held that, movies are a business “pure and simple,” and “not entitled to constitutional protection as a medium for the communication of ideas.” Burstyn involved provisions of the New York Education Law that forbade the commercial showing of any motion picture film without a license and authorized denial of a license on a censor’s conclusion that the film was “sacrilegious.” The Supreme Court held the provision void as a prior restraint on freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Justice Thomas C. Clark, who wrote the Court’s opinion, declared that the state had no legitimate interest in protecting any religion from offensive views. He added that it couldn’t be doubted that motion pictures are a significant medium for the communication of ideas. Moreover, their importance as an organ of public opinion is not lessened by the fact that they are designed to entertain as well as to inform. The fact that the production, distribution, and exhibition of motion pictures was a large-scale business conducted for private profit also did not prevent motion pictures from being a form of expression, the liberty of which was safeguarded by the First Amendment, the Court held. Even if motion pictures possess a greater capacity for evil, particularly among the youth of a community, than other modes of expression, the Court reasoned, it did not follow that they were not entitled to the protection of the First Amendment or could be subjected to substantially unbridled censorship. On the issue of prior restraint, the Court held that under the First and Fourteenth Amendments, a state may not place a prior restraint on the showing of a motion picture film on the basis of a censor’s conclusion that it is “sacrilegious.” Although the Constitution does not require absolute freedom to exhibit every motion picture of every kind at all times and in all places, there was no justification in this case for making an exception to the basic principles of freedom of expression previously announced by the Supreme Court with respect to other forms of expression. The Court found that such a prior restraint as that involved in Burstyn was a form of infringement upon freedom of expression to be especially condemned. [Near v. Minnesota (U.S. 1931)] Justice Felix Frankfurter, concurring, emphasized the danger to the creative process and to religious liberty from a censorship standard that was so vague that it could be confused with blasphemy.

C CALIFORNIA MISSIONS PRESERVATION ACT California’s twenty-one missions were built during the late 18th century when the Spanish were colonizing what is now the state of California. After Americans occupied this area, the missions suffered a period of decline until various organizations that recognized their cultural and historical significance began efforts to repair them. Despite strong public support, the restoration efforts have been piecemeal and fragmented, and the missions are threatened by severe deterioration. Nineteen of the twenty-one California missions are owned by the Roman Catholic Church and hold worship services on a regular basis. In addition to their religious uses, these missions are open to the public six to eight hours per day for cultural, educational, and recreational purposes. The missions are the most visited sites in the state of California. On November 30, 2004, President George W. Bush signed the California Missions Preservation Act (“Missions Act”) into law, authorizing federal grants to preserve historic California missions. The Missions Act authorizes the appropriations of up to $10 million in federal grants over five years to restore and repair California missions and associated artwork and artifacts. It further permits the Secretary of the Interior to implement this program by entering into a cooperative agreement with the California Missions Foundation, a non-sectarian charitable group. The Secretary would govern the technical assistance and funding provided to the California Missions Foundation by the federal government. This statute proved to be controversial, as two days later, the Americans United for Separation of Church and State filed a federal lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the Missions Act. [Doe v. Norton (D.D.C, filed Dec. 2, 2004)] The basic issue is whether the Establishment Clause prohibits the federal government from funding the preservation of California missions, which have both religious and historical significance. The outcome could impact all federal historic preservation of religious properties, as there is currently no case law on

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federal funding for this purpose. This suit was withdrawn “without prejudice” in 2006. Proponents of the statute argue that federal funding for the California missions does not violate the Establishment Clause because the Missions Act excludes any activity that would support the religious uses of the structures, as opposed to the strictly cultural and historical uses. Americans United claims that the statute violates basic constitutional principles, because the Establishment Clause forbids using public funds to maintain houses of worship.

CANON LAW Canon laws are regulations enacted and promulgated by ecclesiastical authorities for the orderly administration and government of the Roman Catholic Church. Canon law as it developed from early Christian times is binding today upon the Roman Catholics worldwide. Its development began long before the persecution of Christians had ceased. Since the Reformation, of course, Protestants developed their own church legislation, which varies from one denomination to another. The ecclesiastical laws of non-Catholic Christian churches are within the province of national or international conferences. In reviewing legal matters involving the Catholic Church, each transaction requires a valid canonical act that is implemented in a civilly valid manner. First, the procedures followed by the ordinary (which refers to the bishop and his vicars general and Episcopal vicars) must be valid. Generally, a juridical act is valid, under canon law, if the person has proper authority, posits what the act essentially requires, and observes the formalities and legally required conditions for validity. The second requirement is that there must be a civil law counterpart to the canon law. Canon law requires that church administrators comply with both canon law and civil law. For many centuries canon, or ecclesiastical, law consisted only of several decretals, or authoritative decisions of the popes on legal matters, which were in no systematic form. During the ninth century, an obscure monk named Isidore maintained a collection of decretals. These documents were accepted as authentic for six centuries, but later discovered to consist of several forgeries. In about 1140 a Camaldose monk named Gratian attempted to compile all ecclesiastical legislation in what he called Concordia Discordantium Canonum. These Decretals of Gratian, as they came to be known, were unofficial but very useful for canon lawyers. Pope Innocent III, who reigned from 1208–1216, sought to systematize canon law and he issued 3,400 decrees, but died before the work was completed. His

CANTWELL V. CONNECTICUT successor, Pope Honorius III, was not as ambitious a legislator. He was succeeded by Pope Gregory IX in 1227. In 1230 Pope Gregory summoned a Dominican priest named St. Raymond of Penafort to Rome. Penafort had doctorates in both civil and canon law and the pope assigned him the responsibility of systematizing the existing ecclesiastical law. He completed this work in 1234 in five books consisting of 2,000 paragraphs. The Decretals of Gregory IX, compiled by St. Raymond, were supplemented in 1298 by the Liber Sextus, and in 1317 by the Clementianae. In 1500 a learned canonist, John Chapuis, edited all previous compilations in what became the Corpus Juris Canonici. After the Council of Trent, which adjourned in 1563, Pope Gregory XIII appointed a commission consisting of six cardinals and 15 doctors of the law who revised the Corpus Juris Canonici. This was the official code through the 20th century. In late 1904 Pope Pius X sought a complete and orderly modern codification of canon law. This took nearly twelve years to complete and was promulgated on May 27, 1917, to become effective a year later except for a few canons that were applicable immediately. The Corpus Juris Canonici of 1917 had 2,414 canons or sections divided into seven general groupings. First are general rules, then those on the clergy, religious orders, indulgences, marriage, sacred places, and crimes with their ecclesiastical penalties. A commission to revise this code was appointed after the Second Vatican Council. In June 1972 a commission was appointed to revise the code of Eastern-rite canon law, governing the Eastern-rite Catholics who are in communion with the pope. The present code consists of 2,555 canons of which about two-thirds were revised during the reign of Pope Pius XII.

CANTWELL V. CONNECTICUT (U.S. 1940) As Jehovah’s Witnesses and, by definition, ordained ministers, Newton Cantwell and his sons, Jesse and Russell, were engaged in street solicitation in New Haven, Connecticut, without the permit for soliciting support that was required by the state. They distributed pamphlets and made statements criticizing the Roman Catholic Church. They also offered to play for passers-by a phonograph record that included anti-Catholic materials. Two Catholic pedestrians heard it. When they complained about the message, Cantwell stopped the recording and moved on. The Cantwells were arrested and convicted of violating a Connecticut statute that prohibited persons from soliciting money for any cause without a certificate issued by the state secretary of the Public Welfare Council. The next day, Jesse

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Cantwell was convicted of the common law offense of inciting a breach of the peace. Justice Owen J. Roberts delivered the opinion of a unanimous court. He began by discussing how the doctrine of incorporation applied in this case. Incorporation is the process by which the Bill of Rights, comprising the first ten amendments to the federal Constitution, would apply to the state governments through the Fourteenth Amendment. In this case Roberts declared that, by virtue of incorporation of the principles of liberty contained in the First Amendment, the enactment by a state of any law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof is forbidden by the Fourteenth Amendment. The opinion continued, stating that “[u]nder the constitutional guaranty, freedom of conscience and of religious belief is absolute, although freedom to act in the exercise of religion is subject to regulation for the protection of society. Such regulation, however, in attaining a permissible end, must not unduly infringe the protected freedom.” The court wrote that “permit systems requiring speeches, demonstrations, and parades to seek a license before undertaking this activity were valid only if narrowly drawn and precisely applied.” The Court found that a state statute forbidding any person to solicit for a religious cause without first obtaining a permit from an official who must determine whether the cause qualifies as “religious” is a prior restraint upon the free exercise of religion and a deprivation of liberty without due process of law and violates the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court, therefore, held the Connecticut law invalid as it was applied to persons engaged in distributing literature purporting to be religious, and soliciting contributions to be used for the publication of the literature. The Court conceded that a state may, by general and nondiscriminatory legislation, regulate the time, place, and manner of soliciting or holding meetings upon its streets, and may in other respects safeguard the peace, good order, and comfort of the community. The statute here, however, was not such a regulation. If a certificate was issued, solicitation was permitted without other restriction but if a certificate was denied, solicitation was altogether prohibited. The fact that an arbitrary or capricious action by the licensing officer was subject to judicial review could not validate the statute, held the Court, noting that a previous restraint by judicial decision after trial is as unconstitutional as restraint by administrative action. The Supreme Court then considered Cantwell’s defense to the charge of breach of the peace. Under Connecticut law, this offense could be committed not only by acts of violence, but also by acts and words likely to produce violence in others. While on a public street Cantwell endeavored to interest passers-by in what he believed to be true religion, in part by inducing individuals to listen to a phonograph record that contained vitriolic criticism of the Catholic Church, of

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT which some of the listeners were members. This provoked their indignation and a desire on their part to strike Cantwell, who thereupon gathered his books and phonograph and left the area. There was no proof that Cantwell’s deportment was noisy, truculent, overbearing, or offensive, nor was it claimed that he intended to insult or affront the listeners by playing the record, nor was it shown that the sound of the phonograph disturbed persons living nearby, drew a crowd, or impeded traffic. The Court partially invalidated the breach of the peace statute as construed and applied to Cantwell to the extent that it prohibited the peaceful distribution of religious material. The Supreme Court overturned the conviction, finding the statute defining “breach of peace” too broad, “sweeping in a great variety of conduct under a general and indefinite characterization.” This vagueness left too much discretion to officials charged with applying it. Cantwell had not started a riot or caused anyone to take any action that amounted to a breach of peace, the majority said. He therefore raised no “clear and present menace to public peace and order as to render him liable to conviction of the common law in question.”

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT Capital punishment is the infliction of death by an authorized public authority as a punishment for crime. Capital punishment was recognized as legitimate by ancient legal systems, including the Babylonian, Assyrian, and Hittite. Ancient Hebrew law prescribed death for homicide and for some religious and sexual offenses, including bearing false witness, kidnapping, sexual immorality, witchcraft, idolatry, blasphemy, and sacrilege. Greek law generally regarded homicide, treason, and sacrilege as capital crimes. Roman law recognized the death penalty, but favored hard labor and banishment, both of which resulted in serious loss of civil status. During the Roman Republic death was mainly imposed for military crimes. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries attention has increasingly been devoted to the religious and moral justifications for imposing death as a penalty. Cesare Beccaria, an Italian aristocrat and philosopher, who wrote An Essay on Crimes and Punishments (1764), provided the impetus for a rejection of the death penalty as unjustifiable and also as cruel and ineffective. In England the work of Jeremy Bentham and Sir Samuel Romilly (who devoted his life to a crusade against capital punishment) led to a great reduction in the number of capital crimes. Every Western industrial nation has stopped executing criminals except the United States. Great Britain conducted its last execution in 1964. Spain and France were among the last Western European countries to abolish capital punishment and did so in 1978 and 1979 respectively. There is no country in

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Western Europe that still has the death penalty. Even in countries where the death penalty is retained, many have experienced steep decreases in the numbers of actual executions. While the movement to abolish capital punishment was one of the great reform movements of the early nineteenth century, featuring such notable persons as Jeremy Bentham, Samuel Romilly, and Benjamin Rush, today’s human rights advocates oppose capital punishment, citing to both the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) and international human rights law, both of which oppose the use of the death penalty. The first known infliction of the death penalty in the American colonies occurred in Jamestown Colony in 1608. During the period of the Revolutionary War, capital punishment was widely accepted. One hundred and sixty-two documented executions occurred in the eighteenth century. At the end of the Revolutionary War 11 states wrote new constitutions, and although nine of them did not allow cruel and unusual punishment, all authorized capital punishment. In 1790 the first Congress enacted legislation that implemented capital punishment for the crimes of robbery, rape, murder, and forgery of public securities. The nineteenth century saw a dramatic increase in the use of capital punishment with 1,391 documented executions. The death penalty continued as an acceptable practice in the United States for some time. In 1967 a national moratorium was placed on capital punishment while the Supreme Court considered its constitutionality. In 1972 it appeared that the Court had put an end to the death penalty in the case of Furman v. Georgia (U.S. 1972). That case declared certain capital punishment laws to be unconstitutionally cruel and unusual because juries were applying them arbitrarily and capriciously. Existing state death penalty statutes were repealed. Many believed at the time that Furman represented the end of capital punishment in the United States. Georgia, Florida, and Texas drafted new death penalty statutes and in 1976 the Supreme Court upheld them in Gregg v. Georgia (U.S. 1976). Of the nine Supreme Court justices, only two, William J. Brennan, Jr., and Thurgood Marshall, continued to maintain that capital punishment was unconstitutional. Capital punishment continues to be used in the United States despite controversy over its merits and over its effectiveness as a deterrent to serious crime. A death sentence may be carried out by one of five lawful means: electrocution, hanging, lethal injection, gassing, or by firing squad. As of 2008, 37 states still retain capital punishment as a sentence. Thirteen states – Alaska, Hawaii, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, North Dakota, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and the District of Columbia did not. Capital punishment opponents have divided the Court and have not convinced opponents of the death penalty’s fairness. Critics argue that the death penalty is a cruel and unusual punishment, that it is applied in a racially discriminatory manner, that it lacks a deterrent effect, and that it is morally or ethically wrong.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT Many religious groups actively oppose the death penalty. Modern Judaism, for example, repudiates capital punishment as degrading and brutalizing of any society where it is practiced. Many Christian churches also oppose it. Their justifications range from the belief that the life of an individual is of infinite worth in the sight of God and that the taking of such life is God’s prerogative alone, to a belief that the penalty is contrary to the concept of Christian love. Christians also oppose capital punishment because the institutionalized taking of human life prevents the fulfillment of the Christian commitment to seek the redemption and reconciliation of the offender. They also believe that executions harm society by mirroring and reinforcing violence and the desire for vengeance. Over time, according to these religious groups, the use of the death penalty by the state increases the acceptance of revenge in our society and gives official sanction to a climate of violence. In 1995, Pope John Paul II, articulated the Roman Catholic Church’s position on the death penalty: “It is clear that . . . the nature and extent of capital punishment must be carefully evaluated and decided upon, and ought not go to the extreme of executing the offender except in cases of absolute necessity in other words, when it would not be possible otherwise to defend society. Today, however, as a result of steady improvements in the organization of the penal system, such cases are very rare, if not practically nonexistent.” [Quoted in The Death Penalty: The Religious Community Calls for Abolition. Washington D.C.: National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (NCADP), 1996] While some Christians support capital punishment based on some of the passages from the Hebrew Bible, others cite Jesus’ admonitions in the Gospels to turn the other cheek and to love and forgive our enemies as an argument against capital punishment. American Catholic bishops declared their opposition to the death penalty in 1974. Although most Protestant churches have advocated for the abolition of capital punishment, some Protestant groups, such as the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod, believe that “capital punishment is in accord with the Holy Scriptures.” Religious controversy over capital punishment appears likely to continue. Any temporary moratorium in its use is usually followed by intermittent reinstatements of executions. Modern religious groups increasingly base their arguments for or against capital punishment less on biblical texts and traditional philosophical tenets than on civic and cultural concerns for justice, for fairness and equality in application, for the purposes of punishment, and for alternative penalties.

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CATHOLIC CHARITIES OF THE DIOCESE OF ALBANY V. SERIO

CATHOLIC CHARITIES OF THE DIOCESE OF ALBANY V. SERIO (NY C.A. 2006) In Serio, several religious organizations filed suit regarding the application of a neutral, generally applicable statute that required them to provide insurance coverage for contraceptives. These religious organizations objected to financing what they believed was sinful activity. On one hand, the application of the law clearly had an effect on organizational governance—it effectively forced the religious organizations to compensate their employees in a specified manner. On the other hand, as the New York Court of Appeals ultimately concluded, the law “merely regulates one aspect of the relationship between plaintiffs and their employees.” The state statute was intended to deal with a relatively recent controversy over whether the state should require private employers to cover prescription contraceptives in their health care plans. Although the exclusion of prescription contraceptive coverage by health plans offering coverage for other prescription medication was not an issue for several years, it emerged as such after several health plans in the mid-1990s decided to cover Viagra. This made the failure of health plans to cover prescription contraceptives a major issue for women’s groups, who began to aggressively advocate for such coverage. As a result, at least twenty states have enacted statutes requiring mandatory coverage of prescription contraceptives. For most employers, a requirement that contraceptive coverage be provided in prescription medication coverage is not a problem. Although most employers are free to decide what benefits they will or will not provide to their employees, there have been other instances where state insurance law has imposed mandatory requirements on employers. Moreover, unlike some of those other state requirements, providing contraceptive coverage does not tend to increase the cost to an employer of providing prescription coverage. To the contrary, some evidence indicates that medical costs in some plans that are amended to provide for contraception coverage actually decline due to a reduction in the costs of unintended pregnancies. For Catholic organizations, however, mandatory contraceptive coverage creates an issue of conscience. Because of the Catholic Church’s strong moral objection to the use of birth control, forcing organizations affiliated with the Catholic Church to provide prescription contraceptive coverage to their employees is highly objectionable. The same is true of religious organizations affiliated with other religions having moral objections to artificial contraception. Recognizing the conscience concern, many of the mandatory contraceptive coverage statutes provide exceptions for religious employers. The exclusions in statutes adopted in several major states, however, such as New York and

CEREMONIAL DEISM California, define “religious employer” very narrowly, with the idea of excluding from the operation of the statute Catholic churches themselves, but not Catholicaffiliated organizations such as Catholic Charities, or Catholic hospitals, universities, or nursing homes. Because the application of mandatory contraception statutes to religious employers creates a major issue of conscience for these religious employers, religious organizations have challenged the laws as unconstitutional in both California and New York. In Catholic Charities of Sacramento, Inc. v. the Superior Court (Cal. 2004), the California Supreme Court rejected the constitutional claims of Catholic Charities and held that it must provide its employees with prescription contraception coverage pursuant to the statute. The crucial issue is whether the statute should so narrowly define what it means to be a religious employer. This issue affects the large number of people employed by religious employers, including the schools, nursing homes, social service agencies, and hospitals operated by various churches. The ruling by the California Supreme Court seemed consistent with the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent opinions on permissible burdens on free exercise of religion. As a matter of both public policy and respect for religion, state statutes (and, by implication, any federal law that may be enacted to address the same issue) should not mandate contraceptive coverage without broadening their definition of who is a religious employer. The failure to broaden the statutory definitions forces religious organizations, which cannot provide such coverage to their employees without violating their conscience, into one of several choices, none of which are desirable for either those institutions or for society.

CEREMONIAL DEISM Ceremonial deism identifies historically significant religious practices as a “class of public activity, which … [could] be accepted as so conventional and uncontroversial as to be constitutional.” The ceremonial deist doctrine is a popular approach along with substantive neutrality in cases defending the constitutionality of religious tokens such as the national motto, legislative prayer, religious holiday displays, the Ten Commandments, and the Pledge of Allegiance. In Aronow v. United States (9th Cir. 1970), the Ninth Circuit deemed the national motto, “In God We Trust,” compatible with the Establishment Clause, finding that “it is quite obvious that the national motto and the slogan on coinage and currency “In God We Trust’ has nothing whatsoever to do with the establishment of religion. . . . It is excluded from First Amendment significance because the motto has no theological or ritualistic impact.” The Supreme Court decision Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983) likewise held that a government-endorsed religious token—

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in this case a legislative session prayer—was constitutional because it only amounted to “ceremonial practices” and was not at its core religious. One year later, the Court held in Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984) that a city’s display of a Christmas creche did not violate the Establishment Clause due to the display’s “historical origins of this traditional event long recognized as a National holiday.” Though Justice Brennan questioned the constitutionality of the Lynch decision, he noted that religious symbols like the Pledge, the national motto, and Thanksgiving are “uniquely suited to serve such wholly secular purposes as solemnizing public occasions, or inspiring commitment to meet some national challenge in a manner that simply could not be fully served in our culture if government were limited to purely nonreligious phrases.” Such symbols are vestiges of our religious past, he argued, and are “probably necessary to serve certain secular functions, and that necessity, coupled with their long history, gives those practices an essentially secular meaning.” Most recently, the Supreme Court upheld the display of a Ten Commandments monument on the grounds of the Texas state capitol since “members of the Court have concluded that the term or symbol at issue has no religious meaning by virtue of its ubiquity or rote ceremonial invocation.” Fundamentally, Aronow, Marsh, Lynch, and other “ceremonial deist” rulings advocate the notion that religious practices and symbols may pass Establishment Clause muster due to historic precedence and secular context. Such a view bypasses traditional Establishment Clause tests, proving that history can be “a vehicle for altering the religiousness of certain practices and symbols.”

CHAPLAINS A clergyman officially attached to a unit of the armed services, or to some public institution, for the purpose of performing religious services is a chaplain. Strict separationists believe that the use of government-supported chaplains violates the Establishment Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court, while not specifically deciding this issue in Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963) the unique circumstances of military service “where the Government regulates the temporal and geographic environment of individuals to a point that, unless it permits voluntary religious services to be conducted with the use of government facilities, military personnel would be unable to engage in the practice of their faiths.” Some argue that while free exercise considerations may justify government provision of an opportunity to worship, the Establishment Clause nonetheless prohibits a government-subsidized ministry. One position is that the governmental interest in avoiding burdens on the free exercise of religion could be satisfied merely by allowing free time for service personnel to seek nonmilitary worship or

CHARITABLE CHOICE PROVISION by providing religious organizations the right to enter into the military environment, at their own expense, to provide the opportunity for worship. Others argue that the government need not necessarily provide chapels and chaplains to military personnel who do not lack access to civilian places of worship. Despite the principle of separation of church and state, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that a state legislature may employ a chaplain and begin each legislative day with a prayer. [Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983)] This decision was based on the history of legislative prayer in America. It does not modify the Supreme Court’s rulings prohibiting school-sponsored religious activities in public schools. Non-liturgical Navy chaplains were unlikely to succeed on merits of their claim that personnel lineup of Navy’s chaplain selection boards violated the Establishment Clause by giving denominational preference to Catholic chaplains, as required for temporary restraining order (TRO), given presumption that government officials would conduct themselves properly, and the Court of Appeals’ effective foreclosure of discovery into the promotion board’s proceedings. [Adair v. England (D.D.C. 2002)] Navy chaplains challenging Department of Navy’s allegedly discriminatory policies on Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause grounds were not required to administratively exhaust their claims before Board for Correction of Naval Records (BCNR), since BCNR was clemency-oriented administrative body not suited to resolve constitutional challenges. [Adair v. England (D.D.C. 2002)] Strict scrutiny, not more deferential or “relaxed” scrutiny, applied in Establishment Clause challenge to Department of Navy’s alleged policy favoritism of liturgical Christian chaplains over non-liturgical Christian chaplains; policies in question were not operational, strategic or tactical, and mere fact of military context was insufficient to require deference. [Adair v. England (D.D.C. 2002)]

CHARITABLE CHOICE PROVISION Charitable Choice provides a wide range of services through four government programs including Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, Supplementary Security Income, Medicaid, and food stamps. Religious organizations are allowed to help provide services including job training, subsidized jobs, subsidized food, and maternity homes for unmarried mothers, as well as drug treatment programs. On August 22, 1996, President Bill Clinton signed the Welfare Reform Act. The purpose of the Act was to give states block-grants to design welfare programs to support families with regard to “job preparation, work, and marriage.” The Charitable Choice provision was first introduced in the Welfare Reform Act and received little attention when it was first enacted. The Charitable Choice provision allows states to contract with religious organizations and provide

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federally funded programs for social services. States may also use a voucher program that allows eligible beneficiaries to receive social services at an organization of their choice. This provision also allows religious organizations offering social services to receive federal funds without having to create a separate secular entity. In his inaugural address in 2001, President Bush introduced his Faith-Based Initiatives by saying, “Church and charity, synagogue and mosque, lend our communities their humanity and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.” The key part of President George W. Bush’s Faith-Based Initiatives for social services was the implementation and expansion of “charitable choice.” President Bush’s initiative called for expanding the then-existing provision to address additional social problems by expanding the initiative to other federal programs. President Bush called for “putting the federal government on the side of [these] vast armies of compassion” by allowing faith-based organizations to be eligible for federal grants. House and Senate leaders answered the president’s calls to implement legislation by proposing bills that would implement the president’s Faith-Based Initiatives as law. On March 29, 2001, a bill co-sponsored by Representatives J.C. Watts (R-OK), Tony Hall (D-OH), and Dennis Hastert (RIL) was introduced in the House. The House bill would allow tax incentives to encourage charitable donations, allow religious organizations to compete for federal social service grants, and allow low income individuals the opportunity to place money into Individual Development Accounts that would be matched with private funds to save for a home or college. By including the controversial Charitable Choice provision, the proposed bill would have allowed faith-based organizations to retain their religious character and continue their restrictive hiring practices. Additionally, Senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) and Senator Joseph Lieberman (D-CT) introduced a tax package to the Senate that would encourage charitable donations. However, it lacked the controversial “charitable choice” provision that gave religious organizations access to the federal grants. President Bush’s proposal to encourage publicly funded faith-based social service programs prompted concern from both civil libertarians and church leaders. The main issue in this controversy was whether Charitable Choice violated the Establishment Clause. A second criticism is that Charitable Choice would have allowed restrictive employment practices in programs receiving federal funds. Further, some argue Charitable Choice would allow government preference of certain religions to be eligible to receive government aid. Finally, church leaders have expressed concern that government interference will dilute the mission that guides them to assist the poor. Despite the criticism, in July 2001, the House approved a version of President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiatives which included the controversial Charitable Choice provision. The bill, however, was stalled by Senate Democrats because of concerns that restrictive hiring practices would be allowed in the programs. The Faith-Based

CHARITABLE CHOICE PROVISION Initiative plan also faced opposition following September 11, 2001. Several leading interfaith organizations expressed their concerns in a letter to President Bush urging him to refrain from proceeding with his Faith-Based Initiatives at that time, expressing that “now is not the time to advance such a religiously divisive and controversial legislative proposal.” Further, the head of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, John Dilulio, resigned from his office. Due to the controversy over House Bill 7, Senators Santorum and Lieberman sought to include a more modest version excluding the Charitable Choice provision; however, their attempts failed to get Senate approval before the end of the session. On January 15, 2002, an independent organization composed of members from conservative, liberal, and moderate organizations issued a report with twenty-nine recommendations of how the government could work with religious charities that complied with the requirements of the U.S. Constitution. Although the group was divided on the most important aspects of Bush’s initial Faith-Based Initiatives, i.e., providing direct federal funding and restrictive hiring practices, the report titled “Finding Common Ground” made several recommendations. The group agreed that tax incentives were needed to encourage charitable giving. Further, to assist faith-based and community programs, the report called for increased technical assistance to smaller organizations to help them applying for grants. The group agreed that separate nonprofit entities could be formed by any religious organization receiving federal funds. On January 7, 2002, a federal judge for the Western District of Wisconsin ruled that government funding to a faith-based program providing residential care for drug and alcohol treatment “constituted unrestricted, direct funding of an organization that engages in religious indoctrination” and, thus, violated the Establishment Clause. Opponents of Charitable Choice viewed this as the first legal decision challenging the constitutionality of President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiatives. However, supporters of Faith-Based Initiatives stated that this was just a warning that states “will have to be more careful in how they channel money to faith-based agencies and in how those agencies are run.” Supporters noted that the federal judge’s opinion stated that this case was not a challenge to the constitutionality of Charitable Choice. Supporters of President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiatives continued to seek to expand Charitable Choice. Opponents of Charitable Choice claimed victory after the federal court judge in Freedom From Religion Foundation, Inc. v. McCallum (W.D. Wis. 2002; 7th Cir. 2003) held that government funding of a faith-based program “constituted unrestricted, direct funding of an organization that engages in religious indoctrination” and violated the Establishment Clause. The court specifically stated that the case was not challenging the constitutionality of Charitable Choice. Therefore, it remains a hotly debated issue of whether the current Charitable Choice provision, as well as any future legislation seeking to expand Charitable Choice, violates the Establishment Clause.

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CHARITABLE CORPORATION A charitable corporation is a nonprofit corporation organized for charitable purposes—i.e., for the purpose of promoting the welfare of mankind at large, or of a community, or some class forming a part of it that is indefinite as to numbers and individuals. [Lynch v. Spilman (Cal. 1967)] Charitable corporations are created to minister to the physical needs of the indigent or to advance a particular goal, such as the aid of a particular religious group or corporation. As early as the seventeenth century, the corporation was used in the New World as an organizational form for charitable activities. Almost all colonial corporations had charitable purposes. They were churches, charities, educational institutions, or municipal corporations. Religious societies began to incorporate early in American history. In the early eighteenth century, several colonies, following the English statute of 1597 that allowed for the automatic incorporation of hospitals and houses of correction, provided for self-incorporation of some religious, charitable, or municipal organizations. There were two types of the early colonial corporations. The first was the public corporation—municipal corporations chartered by the towns or a few administrative boards charged with functions such as the oversight of public education, and charity, for local units of government. The second kind of corporation was the private corporation. Such corporations included ecclesiastical, educational, charitable, and business corporations. The most numerous in the second category were corporations concerned with religious worship. Next in numerical size were those formed for charitable or educational purposes, although they still might have a religious nature. There were few business corporations and they were relatively unimportant. Many of the colonial business corporations would be considered cooperatives or quasi-philanthropic today. They were incorporated for the purposes of constructing bridges and buildings, repairing roads, or promoting general public utilities. From the early years of the Republic, most states actively encouraged the incorporation of private associations that performed vital public services. After Independence, several state legislatures passed statutes permitting general incorporation of charitable organizations such as churches, schools, and literary societies. The rationale motivating the passage of early general incorporation acts included advantage to the public if such incorporations were increased; convenience to individuals desiring to incorporate; relief of legislative workload; and promotion of freedom of religion. Incorporation also enabled the trustees of a charitable organization to receive legacies and bequests, and it provided a less expensive legal process at the local level for property to be defended at law in the name of the corporation.

CHARITABLE CORPORATION 83 By the early nineteenth century, several religious organizations, including Bible and common prayer organizations had incorporated in New York under the general incorporation charter, while other charitable and benevolent organizations were incorporated under a special legislative charter. Charitable corporations also began to supplant charitable trusts in the mid- and late nineteenth century. The growth in size and complexity of charitable organizations resulted in an increasing abandonment of the charitable trust in favor of the corporate form. Throughout the nineteenth century, charitable trusts remained under a cloud and were construed strictly in many jurisdictions. In their place, the charitable corporation was used for eleemosynary organizations. Despite the encouragement of corporate status, legislatures tightly controlled the corporate purposes and activities of religious organizations. The New York general incorporation statute of 1784 for the incorporation of religious societies had limitations upon the amount of an estate these bodies could accumulate and required trustees to render stated accounts to the Chancellor. All of the early general incorporation statutes had limitations on the amounts of revenue to be held by such organizations and the purposes for which such revenue was to be applied and requirements for furnishing inventories and reporting any excess property to the legislature. The legislative policy was to enforce, within certain limits, the accumulation of property. Beginning in 1790 the New York legislature, concurrently with the general incorporation statutes, incorporated by special charter societies for several different religious, literary, scientific, benevolent, and charitable purposes. The corporate entity remained under tight legislative control and supervision. In 1840 the New York legislature enacted a statute authorizing gifts of real and personal property to any incorporated college or other charitable institution. In 1848 the legislature passed a general incorporation statute for all classes of charitable organizations. Similar efforts to consolidate charitable corporation statutes occurred in other states in the mid-nineteenth century. Charitable corporation statutes in other states evolved in much the same way. In California in 1850, the first legislature enacted a charitable corporation statute. Legislation governing California nonprofit corporations was minimal, outlining purposes specifically permitted, elections of directors, bylaw provisions, and the requirements for holding and mortgaging of property. In 1931, California enacted a General Nonprofit Corporation Law, based largely upon an Ohio act, which had been drafted on the basis of the nonprofit statutes of New York, Maryland, Illinois, and Michigan. The General Nonprofit Corporation Law abandoned many of the restrictions on charitable corporations, and granted nonprofit corporations greater flexibility in internal affairs. Nonprofit corporations were, however, also bound by the General Corporation Law, thereby bringing into nonprofit corporation law an undefined body of business corporate law. In other areas such as the law on standards of conduct of directors, trust principles governed. The General

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Nonprofit Corporation Law was largely incorporated into the Corporation Code of 1947. In 1980, the current Nonprofit Corporation Law became effective and for the first time treated California nonprofit corporation law as a coherent whole. The American Bar Association’s Revised Model Nonprofit Act, completed in 1987, is largely based on the California statute. Charitable corporations must meet certain criteria to receive tax “exempt” status. When examining an organization claiming a religious character, the primary rule as to religiosity is whether the organization’s adherents are sincere in their beliefs. If that question is resolved affirmatively, the rule of Unity School of Christianity (B.T.A. 1926) becomes applicable to test the use of the profits of the organization and the exclusive purposes of its existence. In addition, an organization must conform to basic principles of charity law to qualify for recognition of exemption under U.S.C. § 501(c)(3). Thus, for example, its organizational documents cannot authorize it to engage, nor can it engage, in activities that are illegal, or contrary to clearly defined public policy. Ordinarily, charitable corporations have no capital stock and they obtain their funds primarily from private and public charity. These funds are held in trust to serve the charitable objectives of the institutions.

CHARITABLE DEDUCTION A contribution to a qualified charity or other tax exempt institution entitles the taxpayer to claim a deduction on his tax return. Contributions are tax deductible (subject to various restrictions and ceiling limitations) if made to qualified nonprofit charitable organizations. Generally, a gift for a religious purpose is one for a charitable purpose. As the term church implies an organization for religious purposes, a gift to a church or a church society by name, without declaration or restriction as to the use to be made of the gift, is considered a gift for the promotion of the purposes for which the church was organized and, therefore, to be a gift for a charitable purpose. Provided the beliefs of the particular sect are not averse to all religion, or subversive to all morality, the fact that a gift that is otherwise valid as for a religious purpose is intended to aid or benefit a particular sect or denomination, or to promote the spread of its doctrines does not prevent it from being for a charitable purpose. [White v. White, 2 Ch. 41 (English C.A. 1893)] The justification for the deduction of contributions to religious, charitable, educational, and cultural organizations is usually the encouragement of socially desirable activities rather than in any allowance for differences in taxable capacity. The contributions that qualify for this deduction vary, and total contributions are usually limited to some percentage of the taxpayer’s income.

CHARITABLE IMMUNITY One issue arising in this context is whether the charitable deduction is allowed in situations in which the donor receives in return from the charity some benefit that is of only spiritual or religious worth. For instance, are deductions available in situations typified by the following: (1) A Catholic makes a donation in exchange for a mass being dedicated to him or his designee; (2) a Jew purchases a seat to pray for the High Holy Days; or (3) a Mormon contributes a tithe to the church, without which he or she would not be able to enter the temple. A charitable deduction is prohibited under § 170 of the Internal Revenue Code when the donor expects some “quid pro quo” for the contribution, even if the expected return is intangible or even spiritual. Interpreting this “quid pro quo” provision, the U.S. Supreme Court held five to two that fixed payments to the Church of Scientology weren’t deductible as charitable contributions because Church members received benefits in return. [Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue (U.S. 1989)] Scientologists must pay “fixed donations” to participate in auditing and religious training, the Church’s only religious rites. The IRS denied Scientologists’ charitable deduction, asserting that members made their payments expecting to receive a commensurate benefit in return. The Supreme Court held that a charitable deduction is not allowable when the donor expects a quid pro quo, even if it is a religious benefit. The Scientologists claimed that their payments had been unfairly discriminated, because the IRS’s published rulings allow deductions for similar payments to other religious institutions (fixed donations for saying masses, pew rents, building assessments, and periodic dues).

CHARITABLE IMMUNITY When a personal injury occurs, the state’s concern for corrective justice conflicts with the state’s interest in promoting and preserving charitable activities. How does society reconcile these social policies? How does society weigh the claims of victims against the value of charitable works? The common law courts, over time, have attempted to answer these issues through the common law doctrine of charitable immunity. The common law legal doctrine of charitable immunity protects charitable organizations from liability for damages caused by their own negligence or other wrongful acts. Several theories support this doctrine. One is the concept that property is donated to a charity for a particular purpose and that it ought not to be diverted from that purpose to cover debts or liabilities incurred by the recipient charity. Another theory is that, because nonprofit organizations do not profit from the work performed by their employees, liability pursuant to the doctrine of respondeat superior (the rule that a master/employer is liable in certain cases for the

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wrongful acts of his or her servant/employee, or that a principal is liable for the acts of his or her agent) is not appropriate. Given that charities were formed for beneficent purposes, some courts have reasoned that a charity’s funds should not be diverted for the claims of tort litigants. The doctrine of charitable immunity, however, is controversial and complex because courts have offered many different rationales for the doctrine, and these rationales, in turn, have generated several distinctions and exceptions. Courts have, for example, defined the issue in terms of whether the plaintiff is a beneficiary of the charity, whether the charity had purchased liability insurance, whether the tort occurred in the course of charitable duties, and whether the charity was a hospital. Courts have justified the doctrine of charitable immunity by relying on four separate, but related, rationales: (1) Public Policy—This argument reflects a concern that the possibility of large liability judgments will discourage charitable activity. (2) The Unavailability of Trust Funds—This argument presupposes that some or all of the funds held by a charitable organization are subject to a charitable trust and are therefore unavailable for tort liability judgments. (3) Assumption of the Risk—This argument rests upon the assertion that anyone who deals with a charity thereby waives his or her right to hold it liable for any torts it may commit. (4) The Inapplicability of Vicarious Liability—This argument suggests that the doctrine of vicarious liability should not be applied to employers in the charitable sector. Charities have had and continue to have an important role in American life and the government properly tries to facilitate their activities wherever possible. This does not necessarily mean that charities are or should be exempt from tort liability. If charities are free from liability costs by transferring them to injured parties it may lead to anomalous results. Although charities benefit the indefinite public, they do not necessarily benefit all members of the public equally. Or, we could equally suppose that a victim is harmed by a charity whose program he or she dislikes. A forced contribution in such circumstances would only seem to add insult to injury. The trust fund argument holds that all charitable funds are subject to a trust and unavailable to pay tort judgments. Courts long adhering to this theory, reason that “if the property of the charity was depleted by the payment of damages its usefulness might be either impaired or wholly destroyed, the object of the founder or donors defeated, and charitable gifts discouraged.” The concept that all charitable funds are subject to a trust may be problematic. What kind of a trust is it and where did it come from? If it is imposed by the donor, what are its terms and how were they expressed? Surely, it would seem unlikely that every donor has stipulated that his or her gift cannot be used for liability costs. If, however, it is imposed by the court, upon what grounds? Only a rare case would entail the kind of fraud that is necessary to justify the imposition of a constructive trust. And,

CHARITABLE IMMUNITY failing that, it is difficult to see what reason might be used except the kind of public policy grounds. There are two different doctrines covered by the term “assumption of the risk.” The first involves a before-the-fact “waiver” of tort claims against the defendant. The second is often described as a “no duty” argument. Neither of these adequately support a general notion of charitable immunity. The waiver argument requires two things: first, that the waiver is voluntary; and second, that it is given with full knowledge of the risk. It follows that the waiver argument is especially difficult to make in cases where the plaintiff is a stranger to the charitable defendant. It can hardly be supposed that one who is struck by a charitable bloodmobile has made a knowing and voluntary waiver of his rights. Conversely, there might be more reason to infer a waiver with plaintiffs who are injured in the course of receiving services from the charity. The “no duty” form is an even less convincing rationale for charitable immunity. The theory behind the no duty approach is that there are activities— generally recreational or sporting activities—that include a certain element of risk. Because the risk cannot easily be eliminated without making the activity less desirable, the courts have said that those who sponsor those activities have no duty to eliminate the risk. But, although this may be the case with some charitable services—sports, for example—it would hardly apply to all. Because corrective justice requires compensation for injuries caused by wrongful conduct, recoveries based on intentional or negligent conduct are easily justified. When the liability is strict liability, however, courts must carefully apply the requirements of corrective justice. One theory about corrective justice is linked to the concept of fairness. What is fair is that there should be reciprocity in riskbearing behavior. On the issue of charitable organizations, however, the question of reciprocity is more ambiguous than for other private organizations. Charities are not profit-making enterprises; they are not owned for economic advantage. Rather, they are groups of individuals joined together to express compassion, celebrate culture, and practice religion. Such activities are not uncommon and unreciprocated. Indeed, whether it is membership in a church, a trip to the museum, or treatment in a hospital, most people enjoy participation in some charitable activity on a fairly regular basis. Therefore, the reciprocity analysis does not justify the imposition of vicarious liability on charitable organizations. Another theory of corrective justice is the pragmatic account that understands corrective justice not in abstract conceptions of wrongful conduct or nonreciprocal risk, but in evolving community standards of fairness and responsibility. Under this theory, the imposition of vicarious liability is justified because it accords with deeply held community norms. For example, few would have disagreed with Judge Friendly when he wrote that “respondeat superior . . . rests not so much on policy grounds . . . as in a deeply rooted sentiment that a business enterprise cannot justly disclaim responsibility for accidents which may fairly be

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said to be characteristic of its activities.” In addition, it is hard to see how the doctrine could remain invisible unless it represents a fundamental consensus about fairness and responsibility. With respect to charitable liability, however, the consensus is less clear. Although some of the more outrageous cases raise an outcry against the charity involved, there have been similar outcries whenever the threat of liability judgments forces charitable organizations to curtail their activities. This lack of consensus is not surprising. In the commercial context, an absence of vicarious liability seems to result in unjust enrichment as the defendant business is allowed to impose some of its risks on others. The non-profitability of the charitable sector, however, undercuts the argument of unjust enrichment. Many state courts, however, have modified the rules on charitable immunity so as to abrogate or restrict application of the doctrine. Thus, churches and religious organizations may not assume that they are protected from lawsuits merely because of their nonprofit or charitable status.

CHARITABLE TRUST A charitable trust is an arrangement by which real or personal property given by one person is held by another to be used for the benefit of a class or the general public. The holdings of charitable trusts are intended to support religious organizations, to enhance education, or to relieve the effects of poverty and other misfortunes. [Shenandoah Valley National Bank v. Taylor (Va. 1951)] Charitable trusts, sometimes called public trusts, are recognized for their beneficial social impact and are given certain privileges, such as gift and estate tax deductions, exempting them from the rule against perpetuities, and possibly exempting them from inheritance and ad valorem property taxes. Courts also liberally construe the law in order to find a charitable purpose whenever possible. The Romans developed the concept of the charitable trust, which subsequently became part of English law through the ecclesiastical courts. Charitable giving was popular, partly, because of the belief that gifts to the church helped atone for sins and attain salvation. The legal protection of charitable uses became an early part of English common law. The judiciary enforced such trusts even prior to the Norman conquest in 1066. In England, the charitable trust, rather than the corporation, has been the predominant form of organization for charitable activities. While the United States inherited English concepts of charity during the colonial era, the charitable trust has had a more uncertain use in the United States because of history and early uncertainty as to its origins. After the American Revolution, many states repealed all British statutes. Judicial support for charities remained somewhat limited after the Revolutionary War because its English origins tainted the custom.

CHARITABLE TRUST In addition, some courts erroneously held charitable trusts invalid because state law often did not include the English Statute of Charitable Uses. During the nineteenth century, the American perception of charitable trusts began to change. In the early nineteenth century, charity was associated with privilege, with established churches, and massive wealth held in perpetuity. All were unpopular at the time. By the late nineteenth century, however, the increased accumulation of private wealth in the United States again made charitable trusts popular. Legislatures began recognizing that using private wealth for community purposes reduced the need for government spending, and statutes were enacted validating charitable trusts. Contemporary American law favors charitable trusts by granting them certain privileges, including an advantageous tax status. Before a court will enforce a charitable trust, however, it must examine the charity and evaluate its social benefits. The court cannot rely on the view of the settlor, the one who establishes the trust, that the trust is charitable. In order to be valid, a charitable trust must meet certain requirements. The maker of the trust (the settlor) must intend to create this type of trust. There must be a trustee (the legal owner of this property) to administer the trust, which must consist of some property. The charitable purpose must be expressly designated. A definite class of persons comprised of indefinite beneficiaries within it must actually receive the benefit. The requirements of intention, the trustee, and the property are the same in a charitable trust as they are in any other trust. [Agudas Chasidei: Chabad v. Gouray (E.D.N.Y. 1987)] The definition of charitable purposes is derived from the English Statute of Charitable Uses, but has been expanded over time as new public needs developed. A charitable purpose is one designed to benefit, ameliorate, or uplift mankind materially, morally, or physically. The relief of poverty, the improvement of government, and the betterment of public health are examples of charitable purposes. Trusts to prevent cruelty to animals, to build a monument in honor of a famous historical figure, and to beautify a designated village are charitable trusts aimed, respectively, at fostering kindness to animals, patriotism, and community well-being. The class to be benefitted in a charitable trust must be a definite segment of the public. The segment must be large enough that the community overall is affected by, and interested in, the enforcement of the trust, yet it cannot encompass all mankind. Within the class, however, the specific person to benefit from the trust must be indefinite. A trust for the benefit of the orphans of American veterans of the Vietnam Conflict is a valid charitable trust. The orphans of such veterans form a definite class. The indefinite persons within the class are the ones who are ultimately chosen by the trustee to be paid the benefits. The class is large enough so that the community is interested in the enforcement of the trust.

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Contemporary American courts generally uphold charitable trusts for the advancement of all types of religion, finding them to be legitimately “charitable.” Religion may be advanced in several different ways. The erection, repair, or beautification of a place of worship has been held to advance religion and qualifies as a subject for a charitable trust. Under U.S. tax law, the “advancement of religion” component of a charitable trust is applied largely to activities that support the functions of one or more churches or sects. This includes publishing a church newsletter, or providing materials for a parochial school system. In one unusual case, a settlor attempted to establish a charitable trust to study souls leaving the body and ascending to heaven. The advancement may be in the form of direct payment to a church or rabbi, minister, or priest or it may be associated with religious work (missions, pamphlets, etc.) or accessories (choir, organs, etc.). Less clear is a religious purpose connected to the personality of the settlor, for example, the saying of masses or maintenance of a grave. The problem with trusts for masses and other rituals for deceased persons is that they may lack the public benefit usually required to sustain a charitable trust. In defense of finding a trust in these instances, churches suggest that prayers offer a benefit to all members of the public and not just the person for whom the prayers are said or the persons present when the payers are said. Trusts for saying masses have generally been upheld in the United States. However, such trusts are sometimes treated as compensation for the clergy’s services in celebrating the masses. The advancement of religion also includes support of whatever organizations are necessary to promote the church’s purposes: because prayer is an essential function of churches, trusts for societies and boards, monasteries, and orders of nuns have been upheld. To be eligible for tax-exempt status under § 501c(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, an institution must be charitable within the meaning of that term at common law, which indisputably excludes institutions whose activities are contrary to public policy. The IRS has used the general common law of charitable trusts to determine that racially discriminatory private schools are not entitled to tax-exempt status. [Bob Jones University v. United States (U.S. 1983)] Established churches have encountered less difficulty in receiving recognition as “being for charitable purposes” than newer religions. Some denominations, such as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), originated and developed within the United States. It is not necessarily easy to separate legitimate churches in their initial years from sects that eventually fail in their spiritual mission (such as Joanna Southcote who declared that she was pregnant by the Holy Spirit and would give birth to a second Messiah). Southcote’s trust was upheld by Justice Romilly in the English Court of Chancery in 1862. Generally, trusts benefitting new religious groups are upheld as charitable unless the court decides that the religion is so absurd as to be irrational. This, however, places the beliefs of the judge against the religious convictions of the settlor.

CHARITY

CHARITY A charity is an organization created for philanthropic rather than pecuniary reasons. Its purpose may be educational, humanitarian, or religious. A charity goes beyond bringing relief to the indigent, extending to the promotion of happiness and support of many worthy causes. A gift given to a charity or for charitable purposes is also referred to as “charity.” Charities represent a unique fusion of public and private purposes. Like commercial businesses, they function through private action and decision making. Charities are “sui generis” because they represent a flexible form that accommodates a wide range of purposes and interests. The law favors charities because they promote goodwill and lessen the government’s burdens. They are therefore ordinarily exempt from paying income or property taxes (See Tax Exemptions and Religion). Charities are ordinarily supported by gifts from donors and most states have statutes controlling the manner in which funds are solicited for charities. In addition, charities are required to disclose their financial structure and condition. To understand the complexity of charitable activity, it is necessary to recognize that human beings are more than just isolated actors defined by autonomous choices about wealth and consumption. Values are often formed through human interaction. Individuals maintain deeply personal views about the meaning of life, the existence of God, and the nature of reality, but these views are not formed in isolation. Rather, they develop in a context that is heavily dominated by the presence of others. We may think of ourselves as autonomous individuals but, in fact, our individuality is largely defined by our relations with family and friends, our affiliations with various social groups, as well as our standing in various vocational and religious groups. Charities frequently provide a platform for these developments and thereby foster a wider array of human experiences. They also facilitate concrete forms of self-expression by providing opportunities to help others, to develop our interests, to participate in our communities, and to engage in spiritual practices. Charitable organizations play an important role in our political culture. Society is provided a platform for group activities that expands the human horizon. In the United States, with its emphasis on democracy and liberty, this function is not supposed to be performed entirely by the government and this fact results in an important emphasis on the nonprofit sector. Charitable organizations facilitate a diverse array of group activities—activities that add meaning to human life. Indeed, one can go further in this direction by celebrating diversity for its own sake. One argument is that diversity is such a good thing that we should surrender the idea that honest deliberation will produce conformity and agreement: Normative pluralism acknowledges that persons and values are forged in social interaction. Normative pluralism rejects any quest for

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agreement upon a single common good, and locates social interaction and value formation principally in settings other than citizenship. Normative pluralism thus envisions an ongoing and desirable role for groups that are social but not public— groups intermediate between individuals and the state. It is therefore desirable, the argument goes, that our civic lives be composed of “groups that are more than simple aggregations of individual preferences, but less than components of a single common good.” Most, but not all, of these groups are found in the charitable sector. There are innumerable charities, representing many different conceptions of human betterment, with several types of variations • Variations in Size–There are thousands of small charities such as individual scouting troops and funds created to perform a specific function such as buying books for a particular public library. At the same time, there are billion-dollar charities such as Georgetown University and the American Red Cross. • Variations in Approach–There are thousands of charities that support western medicine in one form or another, but these coexist with charities that promote homeopathy, health foods, acupuncture, Christian Scientism, and many types of New Age remedies. • Variations in Belief–There are charities based upon every conceivable form of religious belief. These include not only Judaism and the many forms of Christianity but also the Baha´’ı´ Faith, Mormonism, Quakerism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam—not to mention witchcraft and paganism. • Future Developments–Charities hold the key for responding to the unexpected problems that arise from changing circumstances. Charitable organizations are able to develop creative and flexible approaches to many of society’s problems. They need not wait for public awareness and concern. They can take constructive steps even in the absence of consensus about how a particular problem should be handled. They can help one person and not another. Most importantly, however, they provide an opportunity for individual citizens to pursue their own vision of the public good outside the bounds of consensus and orthodoxy. In so doing, they free our feelings of compassion and fellowship from the requirements of the larger political process. Society should encourage the formation of charitable organizations for several reasons. First, they strengthen our communities by providing opportunities for shared activity. Second, they facilitate limited government by providing services and opportunities that might otherwise have to be provided by the government. Finally, they insure diversity in public life. Charitable organizations are important to the maintenance of a free, diverse, and prosperous democracy. The value of charitable activity is recognized in the legal system. The government does not regulate charities in the same way that it regulates the private enterprise. Instead, the model for government action has been oversight rather than regulation; empowerment rather than constraint.

CHARITY The state’s interest in public charities has evolved from its longstanding responsibilities regarding charitable trusts. Trust law during the Middle Ages permitted the beneficiary of a trust to bring an action to enforce the terms of the trust or to surcharge the trustee for breaches of fiduciary duty. The exception to this rule was the charitable trust. By definition, charitable trusts were formed to benefit the indefinite public and therefore, courts reasoned, might become subject to duplicative or conflicting claims of enforcement. Thus, it became the rule that no private party could sue to enforce the terms of a charitable trust—a rule that left charities particularly vulnerable to negligent and dishonest fiduciaries. The modern law of charities emerged when the English Parliament adopted the Statute of Charitable Uses in 1601, which specifically regulated charities by creating a commission to investigate fraud and abuse. This commission, together with court-fashioned remedies, provided the model for charities regulation in the United States. Prior to the Statute of Charitable Uses, the common law courts developed the laws of charities. Common law courts have worked for centuries to delineate the characteristics of the activities and purposes that should be recognized as “charitable.” Because Parliament sought to correct what it perceived as the “misdirection” of property placed in charitable use, the courts gave the Statute controlling effect when it applied. When the proposed use provided a public benefit that was otherwise consistent with the public policy of England including the Statute of Charitable Uses the judges held the use to be “charitable.” From the founding of the North American colonies, public and private philanthropy coexisted. The immediate stimulus for the benevolent atmosphere to charity in the colonies was the urgent need to establish public facilities, such as hospitals, churches, and schools. Immediately following the Revolutionary War era, the positive attitude toward charity continued. Each state adopted an approach reflecting its local needs and customs. The states of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Vermont, and New Hampshire provided constitutional protection for charities. Other states enacted statutes facilitating and reaffirming the benefits of charities to the community. In part, the retention of prior statutes and practices resulted from the general continuation of English law and precedent in the first years following independence. Today, the test to determine whether an organization is charitable is whether its major purpose is to aid others or to make a profit. The test for determining whether an educational institution is a charitable organization is whether it exists for a public purpose or for private gain. Although charities may charge a nominal fee for some of their services and still be considered charitable societies, they are organized primarily for the public good and not for profit. Beginning during the colonial era, American courts developed their law of charitable trusts from the British precedents. Courts generally adopted the notion

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of a charitable trust as one that was established to benefit the indefinite public. Furthermore, they denied standing to potential beneficiaries and granted standing to state attorneys general to enforce such trusts. The attorney general could seek an accounting and, on a suitable showing, invoke the court’s jurisdiction to instruct, surcharge, or remove the trustee. In addition, he was an indispensable party to any proceeding that sought to amend the trust by invoking the doctrine of cy pres. But these court-fashioned remedies were not sufficient. State charities regulation began with the traditional powers of the state attorney general to see to the due application of charitable funds. Over the years, however, this limited form of regulation has proved inadequate. A charitable corporation may be formed with or without members. It may seek funding from a few wealthy benefactors or it may raise millions in small contributions. The bulk of its revenue might stem from fees paid for the services it performs or even from government coffers. As the forms of charitable activity have proliferated, the issue of accountability has become more challenging. Probate courts are experienced in handling trustee accounts, but are hardly the place to superintend the tens of thousands of charities operating in today’s society. Further, there may be no one watching an organization which has no members. Similarly, when large numbers of small donors support an organization, they may not be interested in oversight. As a result, such an organization may become inefficient, ineffective, or even corrupt in its operations. Indeed, recent scandals involving the United Way and the American Red Cross indicate the kinds of problems that arise even in the largest and most venerable institutions. For these reasons, both state and federal governments have created additional layers of accountability. On the state level, legislatures have enacted laws that require registration and financial disclosure for charitable organizations, that prohibit fraudulent conduct in the course of charitable solicitations, that grant jurisdiction to state officials to investigate charitable organizations, and that hold individual officers and directors accountable for their use of charitable funds. On the federal level, the situation has been complicated by the special tax treatment given to charitable organizations. Charitable organizations and other nonprofits are eligible to apply for tax exempt status under section 501(c) of the Internal Revenue Code (the “Code”). In addition, charitable organizations, as distinct from other forms of nonprofits, are given the benefit (sometimes called a “tax subsidy”) that private donations are generally tax deductible. Thus, for example, a donor in the 25% bracket will be able to make a $400 donation at a post-tax cost of only $300. Because of this tax treatment, the federal government has an interest in ensuring that charitable organizations do not become tax shelters. Congress has pursued this interest by enacting a number of provisions in the Code that give the IRS regulatory oversight of public charities. In addition, Congress has enacted provisions to prevent private foundations from being used as instruments for

CHILD BENEFIT THEORY accumulating wealth exempt from taxation. The IRS has enacted rules that exclude organizations from tax-exempt status if earnings benefit private shareholders or individuals. The key to all of this regulation is empowerment; federal regulation ultimately aids the charitable sector by safeguarding both the tax system and individual donors from fraudulent and corrupt organizations.

CHILD BENEFIT THEORY Under this theory it is permissible for the government to render assistance and services to students in sectarian schools without being deemed to be aiding the “religious mission of the school” in violation of the Establishment Clause. In order to comply with the doctrine the government’s assistance to all schools public and private must be ideologically neutral. This test, however, has been problematic for courts to apply. Chief Justice Evan Hughes first announced the child benefit theory in Cochran v. Louisiana Board of Education (U.S. 1930). In that case, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a Louisiana statute that provided textbooks to private schools. The child benefit theory was further developed in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) as a classification within the neutrality principle. The court explained that the First Amendment requires basically that the state remain neutral, not hostile, in treating religious and nonreligious groups alike. Since Everson, the Court has recognized the child benefit theory as an important exception to the principle of neutrality and separation in the Establishment Clause cases. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the child benefit theory in Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968). In Allen, the Court decided whether a New York statute violated the Establishment Clause because it required public school districts to purchase and loan textbooks to students, including those attending parochial schools. The Court upheld the loan of the textbooks to students attending parochial schools, based on the child benefit theory. The Court compared the direct loan of textbooks to the bus fare reimbursement program in Everson. Relying on the child benefit theory, the Court stated: “The law merely makes available to all children the benefits of a general program to lend school books free of charge . . . Thus no funds or books are furnished to parochial schools.” In Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), the Court attempted to reconcile and apply its conceptions of neutrality and separation. The resulting Lemon test combined the “wall of separation” philosophy and the child benefit theory. According to the Lemon test, a government action is constitutional according to the Establishment Clause only if: (1) it has a secular purpose; (2) its primary effect is neither to advance nor inhibit religion; and (3) it does not result in excessive entanglement of government with religion.

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In Wolman v. Walter (U.S. 1977) the Supreme Court approved a program in which a state government supplied standardized tests and scoring services to parochial school students. Public employees, and not private school employees, provided the speech, hearing, and psychological diagnostic services in the private schools, and therapeutic, guidance, and remedial services for parochial students were provided away from private schools. The Court found that the program had adequate protections against excessive government entanglement with religion. Although the Court adhered to its ruling permitting the states to lend secular textbooks used in the public schools to students attending religious schools, it declined to extend the precedent to permit the loan to students or their parents of instructional materials and equipment, such as projectors, tape recorders, maps, globes, and science kits, although they were identical to those used in the public schools. Nor was a state permitted to pay the costs to religious schools of field trip transportation, such as was provided to public school students. The Court also relied on the child benefit theory in Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983), which upheld a state statute providing tax benefits for parents of parochial school students because no direct benefit to schools was involved. The Court reaffirmed the child benefit theory approach to Establishment Clause jurisprudence in Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993). Although the Court did not specifically base its decision on the child benefit theory, there are similarities between the Court’s rationale in the Zobrest decision and the child benefit theory cases. In Zobrest, the Court held that the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) statute was neutral in providing educational assistance to individuals regardless of religious belief and, therefore, did not provide direct financial benefit to the parochial school that the recipients attended. Zobrest differs from the previous child benefit theory cases in that, unlike providing secular textbooks, transportation, or diagnostic services, the aid at issue in Zobrest was an interpreter who would be translating religious doctrine and messages for the student. Nevertheless, the majority of Supreme Court justices were not concerned with the issue of public funding for an interpreter to translate religious doctrine. Zobrest could be highly significant in future legislative enactments because the child benefit theory permits certain types of government aid to religious institutions based on the theory that the aid is only incidental to the direct benefit received by the child or his or her parents. Although advocates of the child benefit theory argue that it does not breach the wall of separation between church and state because the beneficiaries of government aid are the children themselves and not the parochial schools they attend, the theory has been criticized because, even if the aid is provided to the student, it ultimately flows to the school. In other words, the indirect aid has the same effect as direct aid in establishing a relationship between the church and state.

CHRISTIAN LEGAL SOCIETY

CHILD CUSTODY The court in a child custody proceeding may not rule on the comparative merits of various religions. [S.E.L. v. J.W.W. (N.Y. 1989); Zummo v. Zummo (Pa. 1990)] Nevertheless, courts have frequently recognized that a child’s spiritual welfare or well-being is a legitimate factor to be considered in determining custody and visitation rights. [Cushman v. Lane (Ark. 1955); Witmayer v. Witmayer (Pa. 1983); In re Marriage of McKeever (Ill. 1983)] Many courts have referred in custody cases to the fact that one choice or another would best provide for the child’s religious or spiritual welfare, or that the home chosen would better facilitate the child’s church attendance or religious training. One state, however, invalidated a child custody determination that was based on religious considerations, holding that the decision did not comply with the requirements of the Supreme Court’s Lemon test: that is, that the government action (here the custody decision) have a secular intent, a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and that does not result in excessive “entanglement” of the government with religion. [Bonjour v. Bonjour (Alaska 1979)] Another state’s constitution has a provision that forbids courts deciding child custody cases to prefer the religious or theistically religious parent. [Gould v. Gould (Wis. 1984)]

CHRISTIAN LEGAL SOCIETY The Christian Legal Society (CLS), founded in 1961, is a nonprofit organization of lawyers, judges, law professors, and law students. The group’s mission is to promote high ethical standards within the legal profession, support its members’ commitment to Christian professional lives, and advance religious freedom for all American citizens regardless of affiliation. The CLS provides resources for research into law and theology, maintains a data bank of commentaries on legal issues, provides a speakers’ bureau, lawyer referral service, and mediation and arbitration services. It also publishes Christian Legal Society Briefly, a quarterly newsletter for its members, and Christian Legal Society Quarterly, a journal that covers issues according to the society’s goals. The Society’s legal advocacy arm, the Center for Law and Religious Freedom, promotes freedom of religion and challenges government interference with the free exercise of religion. In 1993 CLS supported passage of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), a response to the 1990 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). Smith upheld a denial of employment benefits to Native Americans fired from their jobs for using peyote, a hallucinogenic drug, as part of a religious ceremony. The CLS and many other groups representing a variety of religious and political persuasions lobbied for the RFRA, which required

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that the government show a “compelling state interest,” such as public health or safety before interfering with religious practices. CLS members successfully argued two landmark religious freedom cases before the Supreme Court in 1993. In Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993), the Court held that the Establishment Clause did not prohibit a public school district from paying for a sign language interpreter for a deaf student who attended a Catholic high school. In Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District (U.S. 1993), the Court held that a school district’s denial of a religious organization’s application to use school facilities to show a film on Christian values in family relationships violated the organization’s First Amendment right to freedom of speech.

CHRISTIAN NATION In the Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States (U.S. 1892) the Supreme Court formally declared that the United States was not founded on the Christian faith. A trade agreement between the United States and Tripoli signed in 1797 clearly stated that the “Government of the United States is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion, as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of Musselmen . . . and as the said states never have entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mohammedan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from any religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption to the harmony existing between the two countries.”

CHRISTIAN SCIENTIST CHURCH Mary Baker Eddy founded the Church of Christ, Scientist in 1879. Healing through prayer is at the center of Christian Science theology. Eddy experienced chronic illness during her young adult years. Her search for a cure ended in 1866 when she was suddenly healed from injuries received in a severe fall. She believed the healing was the result of reading the New Testament, and she came to believe that spiritual healing was a natural part of Christian life. DesAutels, a scholar bridging two worlds as a life-long Christian Scientist and a medical ethicist, argues that: “The choice of both Christian Scientists and non-Christian Scientists is not one of simply deciding between alternative approaches to curing disease, but is one of deciding between alternative world views . . . . [Christian Scientists] choose to live a religious way of life with

CHRISTIAN SCIENTIST CHURCH spiritual growth as the goal and with physical healings as one additional benefit from the gaining of an increased understanding of spiritual reality.”

While Christian Scientists do not deny the physical symptoms of disease, they believe these symptoms are not caused by viruses or bacteria, but by not being spiritually whole with God. The Church’s publication on healing for children, Freedom and Responsibility, states: “Disease and physical suffering are in no sense caused or permitted by God, and that since they are profoundly alien to His creative purpose, it is wrong to resign oneself to them and right to challenge them. To the Christian Scientist this conviction is rooted in both the Old and New Testaments. In its fullest implications, such a conviction furnishes the basis on which illness, seen as an aspect of human alienation from God, can be actively confronted and overcome.”

Since, in the Christian Science world view, the symptoms of disease are caused by a lack of spiritual wholeness, the most effective method for “curing” those symptoms is to grow closer to God through prayer and moral regeneration. According to Eddy, “Jesus . . . proved by his deeds that Christian Science destroys sickness, sin, and death.” Some Christian Scientists retain the services of Christian Science practitioners who are professional “prayers” and who charge fees for their services. Usually these practitioners pray from their own homes or offices, rather than coming to the bedside of their patients. Christian Science nurses do come to the bedside to assist in the care of those who are ill, but they have no medical training and provide no medical treatment. Christian Science sanitoria (nursing homes) also care for those who are ill, but, again, without any medical treatment. Christian Scientists are quick to point out that while Christian Science healing methods sometimes fail, the healing methods of medical doctors do as well, and parents of children who die in hospitals are not prosecuted. Moreover, they point to the explosion in medical malpractice lawsuits and the published accounts of fatalities caused in hospital settings through medical error. They are supported in their worldview by testimonials of their healings both at Wednesday evening services and in various Church publications. Part of the Christian Science view in the United States is that Christian Science healing methods cannot be combined with medicine because the methods interfere with one another. According to Christian Science Church historian Robert Peel, however, members (in the United States) are allowed to choose either conventional medicine or spiritual healing, and are not pressured to accept the latter. Rita Swan, a former Christian Scientist whose infant son died of meningitis and who subsequently founded Children’s Healthcare Is a Legal Duty (CHILD), disputes Peel’s view that members may choose without pressure. She and her husband were pressured not to seek conventional medical care when their son became ill. She also notes that prior to her son’s illness, she opted for surgery

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after years of attempting to cure an ovarian cyst through Christian Science methods. When she admitted to local church officials that she had been treated with conventional medicine, she was placed on probation and forced to resign from church offices. In Great Britain and Canada, however, Christian Science methods are used simultaneously with conventional medicine because in both countries the law requires that all children receive conventional medical care.

CHURCH AND STATE The church-state relationship in the United States is primarily governed by the two (sometimes conflicting) religion clauses of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, supplemented by analogous provisions in the state constitutions. The First Amendment prohibits Congress from making laws “respecting an establishment of religion” (known as the Establishment Clause), or “prohibiting the free exercise thereof” (known as the Free Exercise Clause). The Establishment Clause is the guarantee against a state religion and the prohibition against state participation in secular activities; it is considered the guarantee of freedom from religion. The Free Exercise Clause prohibits the state from interfering with religion; it is a guarantee of freedom of religion. Throughout American history, there have been controversies over which authority in a society spiritual or temporal is superior and to which the individual owes prior allegiance. This was viewed as the most serious political problem up through to the Industrial Revolution. In Rome, the church is a part of the state. The issue arose with the growth of Christianity, and particularly after Christianity was first tolerated and then established as the official religion of the Roman state by the Emperor Constantine in a.d. 313. This was a concession made by the secular law to a large group united by a common faith and having an extensive organization with disciplinary powers. In the American colonies, the Church of England was established in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. New Haven, Connecticut was a theocracy. However, in Rhode Island the earliest fundamental legal code ended civil magistrates’ authority over spiritual matters. In Pennsylvania there was no established religion, and in Delaware there was toleration. By the time of the American Revolution, religious persecution had ended and some toleration existed. In ten of the thirteen colonies, however, there was preference and support for one religion over others. The Constitution, before being amended by the Bill of Rights, guaranteed the freedom of religion only in the sense that Article VI prohibited religious test oaths for public office. Clause 3, section 1, provides that “no religious Test will ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.” The U.S. Supreme Court,

CHURCH AND STATE in Girouard v. United States (U.S. 1946), declared such oaths “abhorrent to our tradition.” The Bill of Rights prohibits any establishment of religion or prohibition of the free exercise thereof. Remnants of state establishments persisted well into the nineteenth century. From 1834 to 1900, some states still retained their religious tests for holding public office. Some of the original states were slow to remove such requirements, but nearly all later states guaranteed such religious freedom beginning when they were organized as either territories or states. Since 1940 the Supreme Court has issued decisions to defend religious freedom and the government neutrality on religious issues, in matters involving the actions of state and local governments. Although the two religion clauses in the Constitution are phrased in absolute terms, there is an internal inconsistency in their application, leading to constitutional conflict or tension. And the U.S. Supreme Court has yet to make a definite statement on resolving such conflict. The Court announced that it “struggled to find a neutral course” between the clauses in Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970). In that case, the U.S. Supreme Court considered an Establishment Clause challenge to a property tax exemption that was defended on free exercise grounds. The Court decided that the tax exemptions could be upheld as a nonsecular benefit. In McDaniel v. Paty (U.S. 1978), however, the Supreme Court applied a balancing test to weigh the conflicting interests in the two claims. The balance resulted in striking down a Tennessee law prohibiting members of the clergy from being delegates to a constitutional convention (two concurring justices, however, rejected the use of a balancing test). Although previous serious challenges had been exclusively based on First Amendment analysis, the so-called new federalism of the Reagan administration focused attention to the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of state constitutions. In California Teachers Association v. Riles (Cal. 1981) the California Supreme Court came to the opposite conclusion of the U.S. Supreme Court in Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968). Both controversies centered on the validity of lending public school textbooks to students attending nonprofit, nonpublic schools. The Supreme Court under the “child benefit” theory upheld such practices. The court, however, found that the lending program violated the California constitution, which forbids the legislature to grant “anything to or in aid of” any church or religious sect or to “help to support” any school controlled by a church or sectarian denomination.

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CHURCH ARSON During the 1990s many churches were destroyed in deliberately set fires throughout the United States, particularly in many of the Southern states. These incidences of arson were considered “hate crimes” because it was believed that the perpetrators were motivated by hatred of a group’s religion or race. In early 1996 law enforcement officials reported an increase in the number of reported arsons at houses of worship, especially African American churches in the South. In 1996, President Clinton formed the National Church Arson Task Force (NCATF) and made the investigation of these fires a top priority of federal law enforcement. He called on all Americans to unite in a spirit of respect and reconciliation. Specifically, the president implemented a strategy to: (1) identify and prosecute the arsonists, (2) help communities rebuild the burned houses of worship, and (3) offer assistance to the communities and victim congregations in an effort to prevent more fires. Federal prosecutors prosecute arson cases under several federal statutes. For example, the Anti-Arson Act of 1982 allows the prosecution of defendants who uses fire to destroy property involved in interstate commerce (18 U.S.C. § 844(i)). Criminal civil rights statutes permit prosecutors to charge defendants who conspire to deprive persons of their civil rights or who have desecrated religious property or a house of worship (18 U.S.C. §§ 241 and 247). Because most church arson cases involve either fire or explosives, additional provisions of Title 18, of the United States Code § 844 apply. The federal government prosecutes most church arson cases under 18 U.S.C. § 844(h)(1) or § 844(i). Section 844(h)(1) applies when a defendant uses “fire or explosives to commit any felony which may be prosecuted in a court of the United States.” The underlying felonies most likely to be charged are civil rights conspiracy (§ 241) or damage to religious property (§ 247). In cases involving a racial or religious motivation, prosecutors may charge a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 247, Damage to Religious Property. This section allows two means for prosecution of church cases, depending on whether the arson or vandalism is motivated by religion (18 U.S.C. § 247(a)), or race (18 U.S.C. 247(c)). If two or more persons committed the crime, they may be charged under 18 U.S.C. § 241 (Conspiracy Against Rights). To prove a violation of § 247(a)(1), the government must show: • defendant defaced, damaged, or destroyed religious real property; • defendant acted intentionally; • defendant acted as he or she did because of the religious character of the property; and • offense is in or affects interstate commerce To prove a violation of § 247(a)(2), the government must show:

CHURCH AUTONOMY DISPUTES 103 • defendant used force or threat of force to obstruct a victim in the free exercise of the victim’s religious beliefs; • defendant acted intentionally, and • offense is in or affects interstate commerce. To prove a violation of § 247(c), the government must show: • defendant defaced, damaged, or destroyed religious property; • defendant acted intentionally; and • defendant acted as he did because of the race, color, or ethnic characteristics of any individual associated with that religious property. To prove a violation of § 247(a), the government must show that the religious property was used in interstate commerce or in activity affecting interstate commerce. The government, however, is not required to prove an interstate nexus if the motivation for the crime was race hatred. The law does vary in the different federal circuits on the sufficiency of proof for satisfying the interstate commerce nexus. The evidence necessary to establish that a church is involved in interstate commerce is evolving. Courts have viewed the extent to which churches are involved in interstate commerce as somewhere between that of residences and commercial properties.

CHURCH AUTONOMY Church autonomy refers to the concept that a religious institution should have control over its polity, faith, doctrine, and other internal affairs. The principle depends for its recognition upon a fundamental right of churches to “decide for themselves, free from state interference, matters of church government as well as those of faith and doctrine.” The Supreme Court has never used the phrase “church autonomy” in its opinions to describe its jurisprudence; nor has it addressed the extent of free exercise protection in the context of religious groups since Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). Almost any government action, if applied to churches, may impact church autonomy to some extent, so church autonomy is always relative.

CHURCH AUTONOMY DISPUTES Given that government is prohibited from becoming involved in religious issues under the Establishment Clause, an important issue in American jurisprudence is how to resolve disputes that involve churches: either those that arise within the churches, or those that are between outsiders to the church and the church itself. Church autonomy principles exist to ensure that no governmental encroachment

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into the substantially religious activities and purpose of religious entities occurs. Under this doctrine, a church has a right to settle disputes over control of church property, church organization, and entitlement to ecclesiastical office. The U.S. Supreme Court has on one occasion specifically identified a right to church autonomy as a free exercise right. [Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral (U.S. 1952)] Concern for institutional church autonomy dictates that any judicial resolution of an internal dispute conforms to the disposition by an authoritative church body or with the disposition mandated by internal church rules. Concern for the rights of church members, however, dictates that any judicial resolution conform to the reasonable expectations of those members. In the church autonomy context, then, there is a strong case for deferring to a religious institution on matters that are genuinely internal to the institution and rest on religious principles. One example of an internal dispute was when the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals refused to settle a procedural argument on the election of officers within the Southern Baptist Convention, considering it as doctrinal in nature and outside the court’s jurisdiction. [Crowder v. Southern Baptist Convention (11th Cir. 1987)] Until modern times, several cases beginning with Watson v. Jones (U.S. 1872) suggested some support for a limited doctrine of church autonomy. These cases consistently forbade judicial resolution of issues of religious doctrine, and required deference to whatever authority within the church was empowered by church doctrine to resolve disputes within that body. Although deciding who is legally empowered to resolve disputes within the church may itself involve questions of religious doctrine, such occasions were believed to be infrequent. In Jones v. Wolf (U.S. 1979), the Supreme Court dispensed with the notion of absolute deference. In its place, the Court expressly sanctioned the application of “neutral principles of law,” which do not involve judicial resolution of church doctrine or dogma, to internal property disputes. Jones involved disputes over church property and, hence, the Court ruled that the dispute was not internal to the institution. The Supreme Court thus gave the lower courts two alternative methods of resolution when faced with property division disputes: courts could either defer to the “authoritative ecclesiastical body,” or examine religious documents themselves to discern legal intent. Although the latter approach precluded courts from resolving questions of religious doctrine, this grant of discretion to civil courts to “substitute this conventional dispute-resolution method in place of deference,” significantly undermined any absolute notion of church autonomy. In Watson the Supreme Court recognized two basic types of church polities, or structures: congregational and hierarchical, and articulated rules for use by the courts in cases involving them. A hierarchical organization is one in which the body of officers form an ascending series of ranks or degrees of power and authority, with ones below being subject to the ones above. In the case of the Roman Catholic Church, this would be the pope at the top, then bishops below

CHURCH AUTONOMY DISPUTES 105 him, and then priests below them. The hierarchical form, with authority vested in church offices at successive levels, includes presbyterial polities that are representative, authority being exercised by laymen and ministers organized in an ascending succession of judicatures—presbytery over the session of the local church, synod over presbytery, and special assembly over all. In the episcopal form, power reposes in clerical superiors, such as bishops. The congregational form is that form of church polity with relatively independent and self-governing congregations. These churches include: Congregational, Baptist, and American Judaism. In the case of Christian congregational sects, the form is intended to represent the principle of democracy in church government, which is held to follow from the fundamental belief in Christ as the sole head of his church. All the members of the church, being Christians, are “priests unto God.” In cases involving congregational churches, a court must treat the church just as it would any voluntary association. In other words, in congregational churches, the majority of the members rules. Therefore, the court should defer to the majority’s determination. In cases involving churches with a hierarchical structure, the court should defer to the decision of the highest tribunal or authority, because hierarchical churches have their own systems of courts and laws. The Watson decision’s proscription of judicial review in cases involving hierarchical churches was absolute. While the Court admitted that the church tribunal might violate its own rules and procedures, it refused to sanction judicial review even on this narrow ground. Church autonomy disputes typically arise under one of three situations: (1) internal disputes involving church property; (2) tort claims against the church or its officers or employees; and (3) church challenges to governmental laws or regulations. The first type of church autonomy dispute involves disagreements within the church itself over church property. [For example, Watson v. Jones (U.S. 1872)(taking hands-off approach to internal church disputes based on common law)] Other leading church property cases include Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevich (U.S. 1976), in which the Supreme Court held that civil courts are not permitted to review the decisions of ecclesiastical bodies. The second type of church autonomy dispute encompasses the growing number of tort claims. A tort is a private wrong for which civil courts provide a remedy. Generally, a religious organization has a duty to use reasonable, or ordinary, care in maintaining its premises in safe condition or to warn those legally on the property of hidden dangers. In cases involving personal injury on church property, courts may determine the liability of the church because the issues involved do not usually involve religious doctrine. Some examples of tort cases involving churches are Guinn v. Church of Christ (Okla. 1989)(holding that a former member can recover for defamation for remarks made in course of church discipline after she

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withdrew from membership); Nally v. Grace Community Church (Cal. 1988)(holding that clergy acting as nontherapist counselors have no duty of care to refer potentially suicidal persons to mental health professionals); Gorman v. Swaggart (La. Ct. App. 1988)(holding that statements to media as part of church’s internal discipline procedure are not protected by First Amendment from civil court jurisdiction in a defamation lawsuit); Holy Spirit Association v. Molko (Cal. 1988)(former members were allowed to sue former church for fraud, deceit, intentional infliction of emotional distress, and false imprisonment); Madsen v. Erwin (Mass. 1985)(holding a religious organization immune from sexual orientation discrimination lawsuit, but not from related tort lawsuits). While a court may decide a tort claim that arises from the practice of “shunning” in some religious sects [Bear v. Reformed Mennonite Church (Pa. 1975)], shunning has been held to be a constitutionally protected activity, so that a religious organization has the defense of a privilege that permits it to engage in shunning without incurring tort liability. [Paul v. Watchtower Bible & Tract Society (U.S. 1987)] The third type of church autonomy dispute involves church resistance to government regulations. Usually churches do not prevail in these cases unless the regulation impinges on areas central to the church’s ministry. Some examples of these types of cases include McClure v. Salvation Army (5th Cir. 1972)(First Amendment prevented application of Title VII sex discrimination charge brought by female minister); State v. Whisner (Ohio 1976)(religious school successfully resisted requirement that it be accredited by state); but chiefly, State ex rel. Douglas v. Faith Baptist Church (Neb. 1981) and State v. Shaver (N.D. 1980)(state prevailed on requiring accreditation for church-run schools). In Mitchell v. Pilgrim Holiness Church Corporation (U.S. 1954), the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals decided that the Fair Labor Standards Act, which requires equal pay for equal work, could be enforced against a religious organization, despite arguments that church doctrine allowed discrimination in pay between men and women. The court held that the Act was a reasonable, nondiscriminatory regulation in the interest of society for the welfare of all workers, and its application to employees of religious corporations who work in activities that effect interstate commerce does not unconstitutionally prohibit the free exercise of religion. Both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment require governmental neutrality in deciding controversies involving religious disputes. Occasionally, a schism (or split) will develop within churches or between a local church and the general church that results in secession or expulsion of one faction. A dispute over which body will have control of the property of the church will then often be taken into the courts. It is now established that both religion clauses prevent governmental inquiry into religious doctrine in settling such disputes and require courts to look strictly to the decision-making body or process in the church and to give effect to whatever decision is officially and properly made there.

CHURCH AUTONOMY DISPUTES 107 The first such case was Watson v. Jones (U.S. 1872), which was decided on common law grounds without explicit reliance on the First Amendment. A constitutionalization of the rule was made in Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral (U.S. 1952), in which the Supreme Court held unconstitutional a state statute that recognized the autonomy and authority of those North American branches of the Russian Authorities Church that had declared their independence from the general church. Recognizing that Watson had been decided on nonconstitutional grounds, the Court thought nonetheless that that opinion radiated a spirit of freedom for religious organizations and independence from secular control or manipulation to decide for themselves “matters of church government as well as those of faith and doctrine.” The power of civil courts to resolve church property disputes was severely circumscribed, the Court held, because to permit resolution of ecclesiastical disputes in court was to jeopardize First Amendment values. What a court must do, it was held, is to examine the church rules: if the church is a hierarchical one that requires determination of ecclesiastical issues in a certain body, the resolution by that body is determinative. On the other hand, if the church is a congregational one that prescribes action by a majority vote, that determination will prevail. The Supreme Court did suggest that a court confronted with a church property dispute should apply “neutral principles of law, developed for use in all property disputes,” when to do so would not require the court to decide doctrinal issues. In other words, the court should defer to the governing body of the religious body when the First Amendment would be violated by independent review. Application of neutral principles is only possible when the case can be decided by a review of nonecclesiastical grounds of dispute. [Presbyterian Church v. Mary Elizabeth Blue Hill Memorial Presbyterian Church (U.S. 1969); Maryland and Virginia Eldership of the Churches of God v. Church of God (U.S. 1970)] However, the Supreme Court views strictly the limits of the inquiry a court might make, holding that an argument over a matter of internal church government—the power to reorganize the dioceses of a hierarchal church in this country—was “at the core of ecclesiastical affairs” and a court could not interpret the church constitution to make an independent determination of the power, but must instead defer to the interpretation of the body authorized to decide. [Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevich (U.S. 1976)] In Gonzalez v. Archbishop (U.S. 1929) the Supreme Court had permitted limited inquiry into the legality of the actions taken under church rules for fraud, collusion, or arbitrariness. Gonzalez was a layman who sued to recover income from a chaplaincy established in trust by a family member a century earlier. Justice Brandeis determined that it was not arbitrary for the defendant archbishop to apply the rules of a 1917 code of canon law that limited such chaplaincies to ordained priests. Justice Brandeis used a contract rationale to justify judicial acceptance of church decisions in the absence of fraud, collusion, or arbitrariness.

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This reversal of Watson’s refusal to countenance any review of church decisions incorporates a requirement of good faith and consistent application of church rules by the church courts. However, in the Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese case the Court disapproved of this inquiry with respect to concepts of “arbitrariness,” although it reserved its decision on the “fraud” and “collusion” exceptions. The Court in Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese concluded that any inquiry into internal church administration would require an examination of church doctrine and, notwithstanding the rule of Gonzalez, could not be justified on a charge of “arbitrariness” because it is the essence of religious faith that ecclesiastical decisions are reached and are to be accepted as matters of faith, whether or not they are rational or reasonable by objective criteria. The “arbitrariness” exception is not likely to be part of the law after this decision.

CHURCH AUTONOMY DOCTRINE Religious organizations increasingly rely on the “church autonomy doctrine” to defend themselves from government regulation and private litigation. Under the doctrine of church autonomy, which is based on the First Amendment, courts may not review “internal church disputes involving matters of faith, doctrine, church governance, and polity.” Courts, however, may adjudicate disputes involving ecclesiastical entities using “neutral principles of law,” provided courts ignore doctrinal controversies as they apply those principles. Although the phrase “church autonomy” has been mentioned only twice in U.S. Supreme Court cases—and both referred to a law journal article—religious organizations have sought the doctrine’s protection in several contexts. Churches have relied on the doctrine in disputes over civil rights, negligent hiring, supervision and retention, breach of contract, tortious interference with business relationships, civil conspiracy, clergy malpractice, collective bargaining, sexual harassment, negligent infliction of emotional distress, premises liability, and various procedural issues. Despite the clarity with which courts articulate church autonomy principles, there are several practical and doctrinal problems in applying this doctrine. In the practical context, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that courts may constitutionally burden church autonomy, but it never defined the degree of permissible interference. Consequently, courts have not been able to delineate between permissible and impermissible infringement on the internal affairs of a religious organization. Defining what constitutes impermissible entanglement between government and religion is inherently difficult. The constitution does not require the government to grant absolute deference to religious organizations. However, the courts have struggled to consistently

CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS (MORMON CHURCH) determine when the application of neutral principles of law constitute unconstitutional interference with the internal affairs of a church. Because of the difficulty courts have in making such decisions on a case-by-case basis, the historical attitude toward religious groups evident at the time of the Founding, and the First Amendment principles announced in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), courts may presume they are permitted to apply neutral principles of law. It is irrelevant whether the common law or statutory law provides the neutral principle at issue. For those concerned about protecting the internal affairs of a church under the framework for evaluating a church autonomy claim, churches are allowed to show how government action interferes with one of three constitutionally protected spheres of autonomy. First, the government may not infringe upon the power of a church to decide how it will worship or interpret its own religious doctrine. Second, the government may not interfere with the power of a church to make broad structural decisions or adjudicate other internal religious disputes on which faction of a church has the power to govern. Third, the government may not interfere with the power of a church to hire and fire its ministers, and other aspects of the church-minister relationship may also extend beyond the reach of government power. Even if the church autonomy doctrine does not provide adequate protection, or when courts err about the degree of impermissible intervention that may occur, other constitutional provisions and legislative action might defend church autonomy. While the church autonomy doctrine generally serves a social good in protecting religious freedom, the constitution does not grant religious organizations protection from civil liability, and government entities have the power to regulate their conduct by neutral principles of law. U.S. Supreme Court decisions like Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) impose burdens upon church autonomy rather than extend religious organizations unfettered freedom. Furthermore, Smith establishes that courts—and by extension, the Constitution— provide little guidance on finding religious exemptions from generally applicable laws. Instead, as the Court correctly noted and as this framework entails, the proper entity for granting additional religious-based exemptions “shall be the people.” In other words, religious-based exemptions should be granted through the legislative process.

CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS (MORMON CHURCH) The LDS Church has a strong central organization with a First Presidency of the three presiding high priests followed in order by the Council of the Twelve

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Apostles (with assistants); a patriarch, the First Council of the 70; and a Presiding Bishopric who presides over the Aaronic Priesthood. Geographically, the Church is divided into stakes, wards, and missions. The LDS Church is considered by its believers to be a restoration of the original pure Christianity established by Jesus Christ during his mortal ministry, and the Book of Mormon is believed to be a second witness of the divinity of Christ, and a translation of records of ancient prophets in the Americas. While some individuals accepted these beliefs, the LDS Church’s rejection of traditional Protestantism and its adherence to this revelation also attracted many critics. In 1820, near Palmyra, in western new York, in a period of religious unrest and revival, Joseph Smith (then 15 years old) related how (prompted by an impression from reading James 1:5) he retired one morning to a grove near the family farm to petition the Lord in prayer. He received a revelation that indicated the need for a “restoration” of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. The restored Church was organized in Fayette, Seneca County, New York, on April 6, 1830. Membership quickly increased, and so did opposition. The main body first moved to Ohio, then to Missouri, then to Illinois. From New York State, Joseph Smith and most early Mormon converts migrated to eastern Ohio, where they established temporary headquarters of the Church in Kirtland in 1831. The influx of Church members with political, social, and religious differences from other Ohio residents raised tensions in that area. In the face of increasing mob attacks from local residents and apostate members, the LDS Church left Ohio by mid-July 1838. Latter-day Saints also settled in Missouri from 1831 to 1838. When the Latterday Saints arrived in Jackson County, Missouri, they were met with fear and mistrust by many of the earlier settlers of the region. Many factors, in addition to religious differences, contributed to cause this reaction. The Latter-day Saints, with strong New England roots, had different cultural expectations than Missouri frontiersmen on issues such as schools, drinking, and personal decorum. Church members also often traded and socialized entirely with other Church members, which isolated them and contributed to misunderstandings. Two particularly contentious issues were slavery and relations with Native Americans. Ultimately, the growing LDS population was perceived as a threat to Missourians’ political control. The animosity toward the LDS people resulted in vandalism in 1832 and outbreaks of violence starting in 1833. Mobs destroyed homes, whipped or tarred and feathered men, and terrorized women and children. When Church members sought to protect themselves from the mobs in November 1833, the county militia negotiated a true disarmament. After the Saints disarmed, the militia joined the mob in attacking the Church members, who fled the county in fear. Mormon settlers moved to northwestern Missouri where the legislature created Caldwell and Daviess Counties in 1836. LDS growth, however, in these and

CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS (MORMON CHURCH) neighboring counties continued to meet opposition. The grievances and conflicts the Saints had encountered in Jackson County continued. The rumors, mistrust, and false allegations continued to proliferate. Mob violence also continued. Attempts by Mormon settlers to defend themselves led to exaggerated reports of Mormon-initiated violence that prompted Missouri Governor Boggs on October 27, 1838, to command the Missouri militia that all Latter-day Saints were to be driven out of the state. After Joseph Smith was martyred by an armed mob at Carthage, Illinois, in 1844, the LDS Church moved westward under the leadership of the Brigham Young, who was the most senior member of the Twelve Apostles. Mormon polygamy encouraged considerable anti-Mormon sentiment that pressed the community to relocate to Utah Territory, where federal government became the chief foe of the LDS Church. In response to a challenge to anti-polygamy legislation, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its first major decision on the Free Exercise Clause in Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1878). The Court, speaking through Chief Justice Waite, held that Congress was deprived [by the Free Exercise Clause] of all legislative power over mere opinion, but was left free for each actions which were in violation of the social duties or subversive of good order.” [Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1878)] By allowing apparently unlimited regulation of actions, even actions required by one’s religious beliefs, Reynolds set an early precedent of narrow free exercise protections. The U.S. Supreme Court expanded its protections to cover religiously motivated action in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940), but appeared to return to the Reynolds standard in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). The Court, in Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890), adjudicated a free exercise challenge to a statute that conditioned the right to vote on an oath that the would-be voter neither practiced polygamy nor belonged to any group that encouraged or advocated the practice. The statute effectively prohibited any member of the LDS Church from voting. Since only a small fraction of the Church membership practiced polygamy, this statute attempted to strike a more significant blow at Church membership. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the statute was constitutionally valid. Ignoring the fact that Davis was not himself a polygamist, Justice Field echoed Reynolds’ finding as to the gravity of the crime of polygamy. Field said, “Few crimes are more pernicious to the best interest of society and receive more general or more deserved punishment,” and therefore no exceptions could be made under the Free Exercise Clause. [Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890)] In 1890, the Supreme Court also upheld the seizure of Church property under the Edmunds-Tucker Act. [Late Corporation for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States (U.S. 1890)] After incurring huge debts from being forced to borrow money to cover operating expenses, fight legal battles, and rent property back from the federal

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government, the LDS Church relented. Wilford Woodruff, the LDS Church president, issued a manifesto in 1890, in which the Church officially abandoned the practice of plural marriage. He described a vision he was given of the devastation that would happen to the Church if the practice were not abandoned, and encouraged members to abide by the laws that “have been enacted by Congress forbidding plural marriages, which laws have been pronounced constitutional by the court of last resort.” After 1890, public opposition to the LDS Church gradually declined. One significant exception was the debate over the seating of Senator-elect and Church leader Reed Smoot from Utah. The U.S. Senate held hearings from 1903 to 1907 that focused on LDS Church doctrine, past and present polygamous relationships of Church leaders and members, and Smoot’s expected loyalty to the LDS Church hierarchy. Eventually, Senator Smoot was seated and he became an influential Senator. LDS doctrine teaches obedience to the laws of the land, and it also supports a strong claim for religious freedom for people of all faith. Article Two of Joseph Smith’s Articles of Faith addresses aspects of church-state relations. In the Eleventh Article of Faith, members “claim the privilege of worshipping the Almighty God according to the dictates of [their] own conscience and allow all men the same privilege, let them worship how, where, or what they may.” This assertion of religious liberty is balanced by the Twelfth Article of Faith, which states: “We believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rules, and magistrates and in obeying, honoring and sustaining the law.” For this reason, the LDS Church has only expanded beyond the United States when it could do so consistently with the laws of the countries it has sought to enter. The LDS Church’s history of oppression underscores its fundamental commitment to religious freedom. Members of the Gay Rights Movement are criticizing the LDS Church for their support of California’s Proposition 8, which forbids same-sex marriage in that state.

CHURCH OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS V. AMOS (U.S. 1987) The Supreme Court in this decision exempted religious organizations from Title VII’s prohibition of religious discrimination. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits employment discrimination based on an employee’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. The Court sustained unanimously the religiously affiliated institutional employer’s prerogative to summarily terminate competent, long-service employees in this case. The Deseret Gymnasium was a nonprofit facility open to the public and operated by the Corporation of the Presiding

CHURCH OF LATTER-DAY SAINTS V. AMOS Bishop of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Both of these were religious entities associated with an unincorporated religious association sometimes called the Mormon Church. Arthur Frank Mayson worked at the Deseret Gymnasium for approximately 16 years. He was discharged in 1981 because he failed to qualify for a “temple recommend,” a certificate that he was a member of the Mormon Church and eligible to attend its temples. Mayson alleged that his discharge was unlawful discrimination on the basis of religion. The church maintained that § 702 of Title VII shielded it from liability. This section provides an exemption for religious groups from Title VII. Section 702 states that, “with respect to the employment of individuals of a particular religion to perform work connected with the carrying on by such [religious groups] of its activities.” Mayson argued that if this federal civil rights statute permitted religious employers to discriminate on religious grounds in their employment of persons for obviously nonreligious, secular jobs, then § 702 of Title VII would violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. Without dissent, the Supreme Court reversed the decision of the lower federal court, which had found in Mayson’s favor. Specifically, the question before the Court was whether the § 702 statutory exemption for churches from Title VII would have the primary effect of unconstitutionally advancing religion in violation of the Establishment Clause. The Court believed that the section did not violate the Establishment Clause. In Amos, the Court held that the religious employer exemption applied to employees performing nonreligious as well as religious activities. The Court reviewed § 702 using the Lemon test’s three elements: intent, primary effect, and entanglement. The first element, intent, the Court discounted by reasoning that the legislature was attempting “to alleviate significant government interference with the ability of religious organizations to define and carry out their religious missions.” The Court explained that the intent “requirement aims at preventing the relevant governmental decision maker . . . from abandoning neutrality and acting with the intent of promoting a particular point of view in religious matters.” Thus, the Court found the legislative intent was secular, and the first Lemon test element was met. The second element, primary effect, was slightly harder for the Court to analyze. The Court took the defensive position, stating that some laws benefit religion, but the benefit is incidental. In addition, because the nonprofit facility was a gymnasium, the Court could not fathom how it would promote religion. Therefore, the religious exemption under the 1964 Civil Rights Act did not have the primary effect of advancing or establishing religion. The Court did not analyze the entanglement element because § 702 did not involve any government interference with religion. The statute was written to prevent this from happening. Thus, the Court held that the exemption for the 1964 Civil Rights Act did not violate the Establishment Clause.

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Subsequent decisions by federal courts of appeals continue to follow the Amos decision. Religious employers consequently remain free from government regulation with respect to religious and nonreligious jobs alike.

CHURCH RECORDS Writings that furnish information, proof, or support of something else, or written accounts of proceedings or activities pertaining to religious organizations qualify as church documents and records. Church documents and records include church registers. A church register is a church parish record of baptism, marriages, and deaths. In the Catholic Church, canon law requires that every pastor keep five distinct books in which are recorded: baptisms, confirmations, marriages, deaths, and the parish census. Copies of all these records, except the parish census, are sent to the diocesan chancery at the end of each year. Marriages of conscience and other secret matters are recorded elsewhere, ordinations are to be recorded alongside the baptismal name. These records are to be kept in a secured location, in a safe if possible. An important issue concerning church records is whether they may be disclosed in proceedings in courts of law, whether civil or criminal. In some cases the most basic sort of protection against church document discovery may be provided by the subject matter of the litigation in question, since certain subject matters cannot constitutionally be decided by civil courts because of the First Amendment’s Free Exercise or Establishment Clause protections. A civil court’s exercise of jurisdiction over a variety of different kinds of issues is circumscribed, whether these issues involve church property disputes, the many variations of clergy malpractice cases, or ministerial selection and removal disputes. The Establishment Clause generally provides that civil courts may not resolve disputes over the appointment of clergy or disputes over religious doctrines or teachings. [Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevich (U.S. 1976)] When disputed religious issues have been resolved by an authoritative ecclesiastical body, the rule is that courts are to defer to the resolution of the doctrinal issue made by the appropriate ecclesiastical body. [Jones v. Wolf (U.S. 1979)] The First Amendment in some instances would protect against discovery of church documents and records. In Word of Faith Outreach Center Church, Inc. v. Morales (W.D. Tex. 1992), reversed on other grounds (5th Cir. 1993), the Texas attorney general sought to apply that state’s Deceptive Trade Practices Act to an investigation focusing on claims and statements made in the Center’s written and broadcast materials. The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals decided that the attorney general could not constitutionally conduct such an investigation, or obtain those church records and documents, because to do so would violate the Establishment

CHURCH RECORDS Clause. The court offered several reasons for its conclusion. First, the attorney general would have been obliged to determine which of the Center’s publications and activities were religious and which were not. Second, there was a concern on the part of the Fifth Circuit that any such investigation could lead to ongoing state monitoring and regulation of the religious activities of the Word of Faith Outreach Center. Third, the attorney general’s activities could lead to evaluation of the legitimacy of religious practices themselves. While the opinion in the case did not specifically strike down any particular document production request, the Fifth Circuit referred explicitly to the problematic potential for the review of internal church documents. In Rayburn v. General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists (4th Cir. 1985), cert. den. (U.S. 1986), a female plaintiff who had been denied a position as pastor at a Seventh-day Adventist church claimed sex discrimination, and brought a Title VII claim against her church. The court refused to adjudicate the claims based on the Establishment Clause, explaining that to do so would require the court to decide who could minister for the church, which was an inevitably religious question. The court also spoke directly to the document production issue, and wrote that “church records would inevitably become subject to subpoena, discovery, cross-examination—the full panoply of legal process designed to probe the mind of the church in the selection of its ministers.” The court concluded that those inquiries would relate to nonjusticiable questions, would create the potential for pervasive monitoring of a religious institution by public authorities, and would infringe upon “precisely those Establishment Clause values at the root of the prohibition of excessive entanglement.” The most obvious source of protection from disclosure of church documents and records may be the state’s law of evidentiary privilege. All states have such privileges in place, although there are limits to the applicability of these statutes. Many are clearly oriented to confessions only. Many say nothing at all about protecting documents, and extend the privilege only to preclude a clergy person from testifying about what was said to him or her in confidence or in a confessional situation. Such privilege statutes may be unclear as to whom the privilege belongs. Specifically, they may state, and many do, that the privilege belongs only to the individual who is making the statements, and not to the clergy member to whom they are made. These statutes, however, may establish an additional foundation for clergy to demonstrate a legitimate expectation of privacy, as part the proof of a Fourth Amendment or § 1983 claim under the federal Civil Rights Act.

CHURCH SCHOOLS See Government Aid to Religious Institutions

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CHURCH TRIBUNALS Church tribunals are judicial bodies within the structure of a church that are charged with adjudicating disputes of an ecclesiastical nature, which are outside the jurisdiction of secular civil courts. Unlike a congregational church, which is governed by the majority rule of its membership or the decision of an elected group of officers, in a hierarchical church a system of superior church tribunals controls the local church. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that the highest church tribunal must resolve internal church disputes. The civil courts must defer to such church decisions when they involve questions of discipline, faith, custom, or belief. [Watson v. Jones (U.S. 1872)] This rule is mandated by both the First and Fourteenth Amendments. If a secular court were permitted to reverse the decisions of a church tribunal, the state would subvert the hierarchy and thus undermine an individual’s ability to worship freely within that church structure. The law, however, does allow the potential for “marginal civil court review” in cases in which the decision of church tribunals involves fraud, collusion, or arbitrariness. [Gonzalez v. Roman Catholic Archbishop (U.S. 1929)] For example, in one case, a constructive trust was found when a party engaged in fraud or misrepresentation and benefitted from unjust enrichment. [St. Cyprian’s Chapel, Inc. v. Fraternity of the Apostles of Jesus and Mary (E.D. Pa. 1985)] In another case of alleged fraud, Bjorkman v. Protestant Episcopal Church (Ky. 1988), the court described constructive trusts as an equitable remedy imposed to redress wrongful conduct by a titleholder who has deprived another party of beneficial ownership. Constructive trusts are limited to situations of fraud or unjust enrichment. The Gonzalez holding was reaffirmed in Serbian Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevich (U.S. 1976), which involved both a church property dispute and the defrockment of a bishop, the Supreme Court further restricted the standard for marginal civil court review set forth in Gonzalez, stating that an “arbitrariness” exception to the Watson rule is inconsistent with the constitutional mandate that civil courts must accept as binding decisions of church tribunals on matters of “discipline, faith, internal organization, or ecclesiastical rule, custom or law.” The Court reasoned that a civil court’s determination of whether a particular action by a church tribunal is “arbitrary” inherently entails either inquiry into the procedures that canon or ecclesiastical law supposedly requires the church judiciary to follow, or into the substantial criteria by which they are supposed to decide the ecclesiastical question. “But this is exactly the inquiry that the First Amendment prohibits; recognition of such an exception would undermine the general rule that religious controversies are not the proper subject of civil court inquiry and that a civil court must accept the ecclesiastical decisions of church tribunals as it finds them.” The majority’s approach likely would preclude a review of the tribunal’s decisions, even

CIVIC RELIGION 117 though the court could potentially resolve the dispute in a manner different than the church. One of the legal issues involving church tribunals still being debated is whether the First Amendment prohibits all clergy malpractice actions (including those involving sexual misconduct) when a church tribunal has spoken. Critics of the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence charge that it created an unfair level of immunity for hierarchical churches. Justice Rehnquist in his dissent discussed this argument against the deference rule.

CIVIC RELIGION Civic religion, sometimes referred to as public religion or civil religion, is defined as “ a set of beliefs and attitudes that explain the meaning and purpose of any given society in terms of its relationship to a transcendent, spiritual reality, that are held by the people generally of that society, and that are expressed in public.” Constitutional law has occasionally been regarded as America’s unofficial “civic religion.” Indeed, constitutionalism seems potentially capable of performing the function of bonding together a nation of diverse peoples, which is the hallmark of a civic religion. Americans feel a reverence for the Constitution that has been deemed almost “religious.” Civic religion may also encompass a uniquely American blend of law, religion, self-improvement, politics, and nationalism. Examples of civic religious observances include the practices of perfunctorily honoring God on public occasions of patriotism. The concept of a civic religion has found significant support in caselaw that is based on the fact that they are perceived to represent an acknowledgment by the state of the place of religion in our society. When such government recognition of religion is challenged, the courts generally uphold the governmental practices of what are essentially religious ceremonies and displays by invoking history and tradition. The theory is that the sectarian aspects are subsumed by the secular values that are used to justify the practice. An alternative to the Supreme Court’s current standard is the neutrality standard, which distinguishes between the government’s use of religious symbols and private religious displays in otherwise open public forums. Truly private displays would be per se constitutional because they do not involve a government decision to favor or value one religion over other religions or nonreligion. Even government-sponsored religious displays are unconstitutional “only if the display is based on the view that one or more religions (or religious practices or tenets) are, as such, better than one or more other religion or than no religion at all.” [Perry, Michael J. Religion in Politics: Constitutional and Moral Perspectives

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1997, p. 21] Issues involving the Ten Commandments, the Pledge of Allegiance, Christmas displays in public areas and other cultural-religious symbols continue to be highly contentious issues. Secular activists claim that religious America is attempting to use government to impose religion on them, while religious activists believe that the secularists are attempting to purge religion out of every aspect of society—civic, religious, or otherwise. There seems little likelihood that this divisive debate will end anytime soon.

CLERGY An individual who has special status to administer spiritual counsel and religious instruction and to perform religious ceremonies in the Christian church is a member of the clergy. Prior to the Reformation, which began in 1517, clergy were divided into the regular clergy, who were subject to the rules of a religious order (particularly abbots, priors, and monks), and the secular clergy, who were not subject to such rules (such as bishops, deans, and parsons). The term now includes persons of all branches of the Christian church who have been ordained to the ministry, and of all ranks in hierarchical denomination. Ecclesiastical law of the various religious bodies confers particular powers or privileges, or impose duties or disabilities on clergy, and much of ecclesiastical law is concerned with the discipline of the clergy. A state may not exclude clergymen (persons who hold an office or official position in a religious organization) from being elected to the state legislature, or from other governmental positions, because that exclusion would impose a disability on these persons based upon the nature of their religious views and their religious status. [McDaniel v. Paty (U.S. 1978)]

CLERGY, BENEFIT OF Benefit of clergy refers to a privilege allowed under the common law of England to members of the clergy that provided immunity from prosecution by secular authorities for crimes and misdemeanors of which they were accused. Benefit of clergy also existed in American criminal law and the law of some countries in Western Europe. The principle of benefit of clergy developed from the conflict between Henry II and Thomas a` Becket in 1164 as to who had jurisdiction over clerics accused of crime. At that time an accused who pleaded benefit of clergy could not be punished by a lay court but had to be transferred to church authorities to be tried. In practice, however, church authorities usually released

CLERGY MALPRACTICE accused clergy members. Later benefit of clergy was available only in cases of felonies. Statutes in the fourteenth century extended the doctrine to secular clerks and probably to any literate person. To satisfy themselves of the validity of a claim to benefit of clergy, judges required the accused to read (or recite) the so-called neck verse (Psalm 51, verse 1) of the Bible. This reading test was abolished in 1706. It was later decided that only persons actually in orders could claim benefit of clergy a second time. Under King Henry VII (1457–1509) it was provided that those convicted of a “clergyable” offense should be branded on the thumb, M for murder, or T for theft. Queen Elizabeth I (1533–1603) provided that laymen who relied on benefit of clergy should be liable to imprisonment for no more than a year. Under the Act of 1576, despite a plea of clergy, a convict could be transported for seven years instead of being branded. Originally, only women who were nuns could take advantage of benefit of clergy, but from 1692 all women could do so. From the sixteenth century on, statutes made various felonies punishable “without benefit of clergy.” The neck-verse test was abolished in 1706, branding was abolished in 1779, and the principle of benefit of clergy was altogether abolished in England in 1827. Benefit of clergy was adopted in most of the American colonies by judicial practice. Although generally abolished soon after the American Revolution, it persisted in the Carolinas until the mid-nineteenth century.

CLERGY MALPRACTICE A claim asserting that a member of the clergy should be held liable for professional misconduct or incompetence in his or her capacity as a religious leader and counselor has been termed clergy malpractice. For various legal and social reasons, claims of clergy malpractice have been relatively fruitless. Court cases since the 1980s have consistently ruled in favor of the defendants. The claim of clergy malpractice is based on the premise that members of the clergy owe the same kind of duty to persons they counsel as doctors owe to patients or lawyers owe to clients. Most licensed professionals in the secular world (physicians, lawyers, psychologists, and so on) may be held liable for negligence. Clergy members, however, are not licensed as professional counselors, making them generally accountable only to religious standards. Moreover, because the free exercise of religion is protected by the Constitution, courts remain reluctant to apply secular laws to what they perceive as religious matters. One early claim for clergy malpractice was brought in Nally v. Grace Community Church (Cal. 1988). In Nally, the parents of 24-year-old Kenneth Nally argued

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that pastors at Grace Community Church in Sun Valley, California, were liable for his suicide in 1979. Nally’s parents maintained that church pastors should have directed him to seek psychiatric care. Instead, they claimed that the pastors may have actually encouraged Nally’s suicide by teaching him that taking his own life would not prevent his entrance into heaven. The ensuing litigation extended more than eight years. The final appeal to the California Supreme Court attracted participation from some 1,500 churches and religious organizations in support of Grace Community Church, seeking protection against tort claims under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. But when the California Supreme Court finally dismissed the lawsuit in 1988, it did not directly address the First Amendment issue. In a five-to-two opinion the majority held that the clergy in this case did not hold any licenses as counselors and could not, therefore, be held legally liable for failing to provide proper care for the people they advised. The case established the principle that religious counseling need not meet the same legal standards that apply in other professional areas. Although several courts have reviewed clergy malpractice claims over the years, plaintiffs have largely been unsuccessful. Exceptions include Sanders v. Casa Baptist Church (5th Cir. 1998), in which the court held that the Free Exercise Clause does not prevent a church minister from being liable for misconduct as a marriage counselor. In Amato v. Greenquist (Ill. App. Ct. 1997), the court ruled that the plaintiff’s claim of intentional infliction of emotional distress was viable. The plaintiff alleged that his church pastor acted outrageously in counseling him and seeking to undermine his marriage while the pastor was having an affair with the plaintiff’s wife. In another case a pastor was held liable for psychological counselling that led to sexual relations with a parishioner. [Dausch v. Ryske (7th Cir. 1994)] However, that case alleged professional malpractice, rather than clergy malpractice, because no cause of action was available specifically for clergy malpractice. Plaintiffs feel that the reluctance to allow suits claiming clergy malpractice has let blatant and damaging acts of misconduct go unpunished. Courts, however, have generally held fast in ruling that the dictates of the First Amendment and the availability of other forms of relief leave little room for judicial resolution of these claims. In 1996 a New Jersey appellate court became the first to allow malpractice claims against pastors, priests, rabbis, and members of the clergy. [F.G. v. MacDonell (N.J. App. Ct. 1997)] The new cause of action would have allowed for lawsuits against clergy for sexual misconduct in the course of counseling congregants. In deciding that a claim of clergy malpractice was viable, the New Jersey appellate division court rejected contrary case law and statutes in at least six other states that a clergy malpractice standard, no matter what the claim, would infringe on constitutional free exercise of religion protections. On appeal the New

CLERGY SEX ABUSE Jersey Supreme Court reversed. While allowing the plaintiff to sue the priest for a breach of fiduciary duty because she placed her trust in him while he counselled her, the state’s high court refused to recognize clergy malpractice as a grounds to sue, noting that it would entangle the courts in religion and violate the First Amendment to entertain such claims. [F.G. v. MacDonell (N.J. 1997)]

CLERGY SEX ABUSE Sexual abuse of minors refers to sexual acts between a minor and an adult. These acts are considered the criminal, immoral, and sinful use of a minor as a sex object by an adult. The primary sexual activity of a child molester is exposing a minor to pornography, genital fondling, and masturbation. Intercourse is not as common as these other acts. Sexual contact tends to occur without overt force because the abuse/child molester uses grooming tactics to desensitize the minor to wrongful sex. The sexual abuse of children by Catholic priests and members of religious orders is considered by some observers as the greatest scandal in the history of religion in America, and perhaps the most serious crisis the Roman Catholic Church has faced since the Protestant Reformation. The widespread prevalence of clergy sexual abuse and its concealment by Church officials represents an epic institutional failure, both to prevent a serious harm to a vulnerable population, and then, failing to act appropriately when knowledge of these activities became known. Some Catholic bishops were sharply criticized when it was discovered that they knew about the alleged sexual abuse and reassigned the accused priests to parishes where they still had personal contact with children, rather than permanently removing them. In terms of legal culpability, the most serious offense, aside from the acts of child sexual abuse themselves, was the active institutional concealment by Church leaders for failing to report these felonies to law enforcement. The prevailing approach of the time was to suppress the information in order to prevent scandal and damage to the credibility of the institutional Church. Furthermore, public school administrators followed a similar practice when dealing with accused teachers. Some bishops and psychiatrists contend that the prevailing psychological thought of the time suggested that people could be cured of such behavior through counseling. Many of the abusive priests had received counseling before being reassigned. In response to this failure to report abuse to law enforcement officials, some states have amended their statutes to make reporting of abuse to the police mandatory. The clergy sex abuse scandal involves allegations of sexual abuse of children made against a large number of Roman Catholic priests, monks, and nuns;

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however, three cases were especially landmark roles in the history of clergy sexual abuse litigation. During the summer of 1983, the public became aware that Father Gilbert Gauthe had sexually abused several children in a small parish near Lafayette, Louisiana, where he was the parish priest. One family—the Gastals—rejected the diocese’s offer of a confidential settlement. In 1984, the Gastals filed a lawsuit against Gauthe and his superiors, which alleged theories of respondeat superior and negligent supervision. The Gastals won a $1.25 million verdict against the diocese. The diocese appealed, and the parties eventually settled for $1 million. Prior to the Gauthe case, cases of clergy sexual abuse were believed to be rare and isolated events. They attracted limited or no public attention. The Gastals’ civil lawsuit against Gauthe and the Diocese of Lafayette was the first case of clergy sexual abuse that received widespread national attention. Along with similar cases around the country, it was the first time that most Americans were aware of the extent of the clergy sexual abuse scandal. The Gauthe case also encouraged victims around the United States to file lawsuits. Catholic bishops responded for the first time by discussing the issue and seeking to resolve it. In 1992, the Diocese of Fall River, Massachusetts, settled claims of sexual abuse by Father James Porter with sixty-eight victims for an undisclosed sum, reported in the Boston Globe as “at least $5 million.” At the time this was the largest group settlement of sexual abuse claims against the Church. The diocese subsequently settled another thirty-three claims for undisclosed sums. Porter may have abused nearly 200 children over a fourteen-year period from 1960–1974 in five parish assignments in Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Mexico, and Texas. The Porter case was widely publicized and led to further litigation against the Church. The Porter case also generated perceptions among victims and plaintiffs’ attorneys that the bishops were attempting to protect child molesters and to conceal the widespread problem of clergy sexual abuse within the Church. For their part, Church officials sought to develop more effective policies to prevent child sexual abuse by clergy and to respond more openly when it occurred. In 2002, with litigation against the Boston archdiocese for sexual abuse committed by Father John Geoghan, the clergy sexual abuse scandal escalated. The archdiocese had quietly settled the claims of over fifty of Geoghan’s victims in the late 1990s for over $10 million and, in 2002, it entered into a highly publicized settlement with an additional eighty-six victims for another $10 million. The Geoghan case differed from previous cases because of the large scope of the abuse and the concealment. Nearly 200 Geoghan victims, molested over a thirtythree year period, filed claims, and observers estimate that the total number of Geoghan’s victims was as high as 800. Diocesan records indicate that Church officials knew about Geoghan’s misconduct, but failed to report it or notify parishioners, and repeatedly reassigned him to positions where he would have access to children. The concealment implicated six bishops and ultimately forced

CLERGY SEX ABUSE Cardinal Bernard Law, the highly influential Archbishop of Boston, to resign and accept a position at the Vatican. The three cases—Gauthe, Porter, and Geoghan—because each was highly publicized, led Church and government officials to implement significant new policies to stop clergy sexual abuse. Subsequent cases revealed further abuse, tested new legal theories, involved complex constitutional concerns, resulted in dramatic verdicts, and raised difficult insurance coverage and bankruptcy issues. In 2004, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops commissioned a comprehensive study that concluded that four percent of all priests working in the United States from 1950 to 2002 were accused of some type of sexual wrongdoing. The John Jay Report commissioned by the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops was based on surveys completed by the Catholic dioceses in the United States. The surveys provided information from diocesan files on each priest accused of sexual abuse and on each of the priest’s victims. This information was filtered, so that the researchers could not access to the names of the accused priests of the dioceses where they worked. The report presented aggregate findings. The dioceses were encouraged to issue their own reports based on the surveys that had been completed. In 1962, Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani, the Secretary of the Holy Office, issued an instruction on solicitation by priests in the confessional, “Crimen sollicitationis” (Instruction on the “Manner of Proceeding in Cases of Solicitation”). This document addressed situations involving any priest who “tempts a penitent. . .in the act of sacramental confession. . .towards impure or obscene matters.” It directed that investigation of allegations of solicitation in the confessional and the trials of accused priests be conducted in secrecy. The document was approved by Pope John XXIII. When the document was discovered in the Vatican’s archives in 2003, it was widely publicized. Attorneys for plaintiffs pursuing abuse claims asserted that the document was evidence of a systematic conspiracy to conceal misconduct. Church officials responded that the document was not only widely misinterpreted, but had been superseded by subsequent guidelines, especially the 1983 Code of Canon Law. Pope John Paul II stated “there is no place in the priesthood and religious life for those who would harm the young.” The Church sought to institute reforms to prevent future abuse by requiring background checks for Church employees and because a significant majority of victims were teenage boys, disallowing ordination of men “with deep-seated homosexual tendencies.” They now require dioceses faced with an allegation of sexual abuse to notify the authorities, conduct an investigation, and remove the accused from duty. Acknowledging that the scandal had become a major crisis, Church officials estimated that it was “probably caused by ‘no more than 1 percent (or 5,000) of the over 500,000 Catholic priests worldwide.”’ Some Catholic priests believe that seminary training offers inadequate preparation for lifetime celibacy. A report submitted to the Synod of Bishops in

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Rome in 1971, by Conrad Baars, a Catholic psychiatrist, entitled, “The Role of the Church in the Causation, Treatment, and Prevention of the Crisis in the Priesthood,” was based on a study of 1,500 priests, and suggested that some of them had “psychosexual” problems. Although the report advised that immediate reforms were needed and made ten recommendations, the Vatican did not act on these findings. The Congregation for Catholic Education issued an official document, which was ordered published by the Pope, entitled the Instruction Concerning the Criteria for the Discernment of Vocation with Regards to Persons with Homosexual Tendencies in View of Their Admission to the Seminary and to Holy Orders (2005). The Church reiterated its view that homosexual acts are “intrinsically immoral and contrary to natural law.” Therefore, the Church “cannot admit to the seminary or to holy orders those who practice homosexuality, present deep-seated homosexual tendencies, or support the ‘so-called gay culture.”’ The American bishops formally endorsed a non-binding set of “Five Principles” to guide bishops’ responses to clergy sexual abuse: (1) prompt response to allegations, (2) immediate suspension of accused priests and investigation of allegations, (3) compliance with reporting requirements under civil law and cooperation with criminal investigations, (4) victim outreach, and (5) greater transparency in dealing with the issue. In their revision of the Charter for the Protection of Children and Young People, the bishops in 2005, “express[ed] great sorrow and profound regret” in recognition of the “grave harm” that had been inflicted on children. The bishops also suggested that local dioceses take the actions necessary to “restore the bonds of trust.” Some conservatives have asserted that infidelity to orthodox Catholic teaching was the reason for sexually abusive priests, along with the declining morals as a result of the social changes of the 1960s. Some traditional Catholics believe that the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) fostered a permissive climate that encouraged priests to abuse children. Sexual abuse by priests, however, occurred throughout the long history of Catholicism and well before Vatican II, and many of the sex abuse cases did not, strictly speaking, involve pedophilia. For example, Pope Benedict XIV issued the apostolic constitution Sacramentum Poenitentiae, which acknowledged the problem of sexual abuse among the clergy in 1741. Other observers believe that the increased reporting of abuse in child care institutions beginning in the 1980s is correlated with increased efforts by law enforcement in investigating and prosecuting such crimes. Thus, it is not clear whether a sudden “crisis of abuse” ever truly existed. Instead, the dramatic increase in reported abuse cases may have begun the end of a long-term endemic problem found throughout many institutions, both secular and religious, prior to the introduction of quality control measures specifically aimed at preventing such abuses from occurring.

CLERGY SEX ABUSE Visiting St. Mary’s Cathedral in Sydney, Australia, in June 2008, Pope Benedict XVI made a historic full apology for child sex abuse by priests and clergymen. Before a congregation of 3,400, the Pope called for compensation for the victims and punishment for those guilty of abuse. He added: “Here I would like to pause to acknowledge the shame which we have all felt as a result of the sexual abuse of minors by some clergy and religious in this country. I am deeply sorry for the pain and suffering the victims have endured and I assure them that, as their pastor, I too share in their suffering. . . . Victims should receive compassion and care, and those responsible for these evils must be brought to justice. These misdeeds, which constitute so grave a betrayal of trust, deserve unequivocal condemnation. I ask all of you to support and assist your bishops, and to work together with them in combating this evil. It is an urgent priority to promote a safer and more wholesome environment, especially for young people.”

On July 21, Pope Benedict met with four victims of sexual abuse at the cathedral, listened to their stories, and celebrated mass with them. As of 2008, Catholic dioceses in all fifty states have paid at least $2 billion to settle claims of alleged abuse victims since 2002. Many dioceses entered into settlements to compensate the victims of sex abuse by priests, including the following in chronological order: In May 1994 the Diocese of Lincoln (Nebraska) agreed to pay Rob Butler, aka Adam Butler, $40,000 after he claimed he was abused weekly for two years. In 1997 the Diocese of Dallas negotiated a $31 million settlement with several victims. In June 2003 the Archdiocese of Louisville made a $25.7 million settlement involving 240 victims of sexual abuse. In September 2003 the Archdiocese of Boston agreed to pay $85 million to 552 victims. On January 3, 2005, Bishop Tod Brown of the Diocese of Orange apologized to 87 alleged victims of sexual abuse and announced a settlement of $100 million following two years of mediation. In December 2006 the Archdiocese of Los Angeles agreed to a pay $60 million to settle 45 of the over 500 pending cases of abuse by priests. In July 2007 the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Los Angeles agreed to pay a $660 million settlement to 508 individuals who claimed to have been abused by clergy. In December 2006 the Diocese of Phoenix agreed to pay $100,000 to William Cesolini, who claimed he was sexually assaulted as a teenager by a priest. In January 15, 2007, Bishop Robert J. Baker for the Diocese of Charleston agreed to pay $12 million to settle several cases involving abuse by priests. In April 2007, the Diocese of Portland agreed to a settlement of $75 million. The clergy sex abuse scandal has forced some dioceses into bankruptcy. Citing financial concerns arising from impending trials on sex abuse claims, the Archdiocese of Portland (Oregon) filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy on July 6, 2004, becoming the first Catholic diocese to file for bankruptcy. The archdiocese had settled 133 previous claims for a sum of over $53 million. The archdiocese sought to protect parish assets, school money, and trust funds, and argued that the assets of its parishes are not the assets of the archdiocese. The plaintiffs in the

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cases against the archdiocese argue that the Catholic Church is a single entity, and that the Vatican should be liable for any damages awarded in judgment of pending sexual abuse cases. The judge ruled in favor of the plaintiffs on this issue. The Diocese of Tucson became the second diocese to declare bankruptcy in September 2004. The diocese reached an agreement with its victims, which the bankruptcy judge approved on June 11, 2005, specifying terms that included allowing the diocese reorganization to continue in return for a $22.2 million settlement. In December, 2004, the Diocese of Spokane, Washington, agreed to pay at least $48 million as compensation to nearly 150 abuse victims as part of its bankruptcy filing. On October 10, 2006, the Diocese of Davenport became the fourth diocese to file for Chapter 11 protection. The decision to file for bankruptcy resulted from 25 claims, including many involving Bishop Lawrence Soens, who had been accused of fondling as many as fifteen students while he was a priest and principal at Regina Catholic High School in Iowa City during the 1960s. Soens denied the allegations. A judge discharged one suit in October 2006. On February 27, 2007, the Diocese of San Diego became the fifth diocese to file for Chapter 11 protection, while facing 143 claims asking for a total of $20 million in damages. On March 7, 2008, the Diocese of Fairbanks filed for bankruptcy after 130 civil suits were filed by Alaska natives who claimed to have been abused by priests, and other church employees, beginning in the 1950s. Until recently, the Vatican itself was rarely named in clergy sex abuse lawsuits. On November 24, 2008, a federal appeals court allowed a plaintiff’s lawsuit over alleged sexual abuse by priests to proceed against the Vatican in U.S. District Court in Louisville. The appeals court found that the Church leadership may be held liable for actions occurring in the U.S. based on the Vatican’s policies or directives. The decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Cincinnati is the first time that a federal appellate court has recognized that the Vatican may be liable for negligence in sexual abuse cases brought in the United States. The first federal district court to do this was the U.S. District Court in Oregon. [Doe v. Holy See (D. Ore 2006)] This ruling is also the first time that a federal appeals court recognized that the Vatican could be liable under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA), a 1976 statute that governs when a foreign nation or its agents can be sued. The purpose of FSIA, as stated in the statute, was that Congress finds that determination by the U.S. courts of the claims of foreign states’ immunity from the jurisdiction of such courts would serve the interest of justice and would protect the rights of both foreign states and litigants in United States courts.” While the ruling is viewed as a breakthrough by victims of those abused by priests, two of the unresolved issues are: (1) whether the Vatican, which is a sovereign state recognized by the U.S. government, will continue to assert that it is immune from U.S. civil proceeding, and (2) whether U.S. bishops are employees of the Vatican, and whether they acted on the Holy See’s orders.

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AGREEMENTS AND RELIGION The clergy sex abuse scandal has raised other constitutional issues. Since 2002, major investigations conducted by district attorneys in Boston, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and other similar nationwide investigations have resulted in a shift in the traditional Catholic church-state relationship in the United States. During the prosecution of these sex abuse cases, the Church has been increasingly subject to the authority of the state. Four examples indicate this: (1) the increased use of subpoenas by prosecutors for Catholic Church records; (2) the extension of statutes of limitations for alleged victims of sexual abuse; (3) the prohibition of confidentiality agreements between the Church and abuse victims; and (4) state oversight of Church programs designed to protect children. The state asserts that these steps are necessary because the state has a compelling interest to protect children from molestation and to punish the perpetrators of such acts. Civil authorities believe the scandal is justification for state investigation and the enactment of legislation to protect children, to punish clerical predators, and to hold the Catholic Church responsible for the actions of its religious personnel. The lack of effective Church action in the past, they believe, warrants the need for the state to redress criminal clerical sexual abuse. The Catholic bishops, however, challenge how far the state may intrude into religious matters in order to obtain information on alleged sexual crimes, as a violation of their First Amendment rights. They have attempted to contend with the scandal in view of their priestly due process, internal governance, diocesan liability, and institutional accountability. Many in the Catholic Church are deeply concerned that the sex abuse scandal has placed the Church’s spiritual mission in jeopardy, challenging its future moral authority, credibility, and relevance in America’s pluralistic, religious, and political culture. This being said, however, the state has a duty and a compelling interest under the law to ensure that the victims of clergy sexual abuse are justly compensated for their suffering and that similar abuse does not occur in the future.

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AGREEMENTS AND RELIGION Title VII provides that an employer must reasonably accommodate an employee’s religious belief unless doing so would cause an undue hardship. In the leading case on to what extent a collective bargaining agreement must be adjusted to accommodate an employee’s religious preferences, Trans World Airlines v. Hardison (U.S. 1977), Hardison was hired by Trans World Airlines in a department which needed to remain open twenty-four hours per day, 365 days a year. Some time after he was hired, Hardison became a member of the World Wide Church of God, a Sabbatarian group that requires that the Sabbath (which is on Saturday) must be

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strictly observed. Hardison was therefore unable to work from sunset Friday until sunrise on Saturday without violating his religious beliefs. The company’s seniority system allowed employees to choose shifts based upon who was most senior. When Hardison switched from one building in the department to another, he moved to the bottom of the seniority list and became unable to have a shift that accommodated his observance of the Sabbath. Hardison was terminated for insubordination when he refused to work on Saturdays and so he sued, claiming that his employers had failed to make reasonable accommodations for his religious beliefs. The company, however, argued that accommodating his religious beliefs would have forced them to violate the seniority rules of their collective bargaining agreement and that would have adversely impacted other workers. Justice White writing the majority opinion for a Court that voted 7 to 2 in favor of TWA, said that TWA made adequate efforts to accommodate Hardison’s religious beliefs and that the company was justified in firing him when he refused to comply with his work assignments. Hardison’s problem was not with his employer, which had attempted to accommodate him, but rather with the union which refused to exempt him from the seniority system. TWA could not unilaterally breach its agreement with the union because that would have been a violation of its collective bargaining agreement, and the law governing religious accommodation does not require TWA to breach an otherwise valid contract with hundreds of employees for the sake of one. Had TWA nevertheless circumvented the seniority system by relieving Hardison of Saturday work and ordering a senior employee to replace him, it would have denied the latter his shift preference so that Hardison could be given his. The senior employee would also have been deprived of his contractual rights under the collective bargaining agreement. Because the company runs a round-the-clock operation, it has extra burdens that cause undue difficulties in the accommodation of employees’ individual preferences. To force some other employee to work an unwanted weekend shift in place of Hardison would have amounted to a form of punishment for him or her not observing a Sabbath and this would have constituted unequal treatment. In their dissent, Justices Marshall and Brennan argued that it didn’t make much sense to conclude that the requirement of employers to accommodate employees’ religious requirements not be valid if that means that those employees be treated differently and be exempt from the work requirements that affect others. In protecting coworkers from infringements of their seniority rights, the U.S. Supreme Court recognized in Hardison that an accommodation for religious beliefs can impose nonmonetary costs that nevertheless create “undue” hardships for an employer or other employees. In Hardison, the U.S. Supreme Court gave special attention to the harm that the employer would suffer if it were forced to violate a collective bargaining

COMMITTEE FOR PUBLIC EDUCATION AND LIBERTY V. REGAN agreement. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) has similarly made seniority rights under a collective bargaining agreement inviolable in accommodation cases: “Undue hardship would also be shown where a variance from a bona fide seniority system is necessary in order to accommodate an employee’s religious practices when doing so would deny another employee his or her job or shift preference guaranteed by that system.”

The Hardison legacy is also reflected by this observation from the Second Circuit: “. . .it has not been established that an employer acting under the terms of a collective bargaining agreement must do more to accommodate religious preferences than is required by the agreement” [Genas v. New York Dept. of Correctional Services, 2d. Cir. 1996)].

Indeed, many courts have held that neither the employer nor union need look beyond the collective bargaining agreement for accommodations. The courts are unwilling to compel an employer, for the sake of an accommodation, to require employees to waive their rights under a collective bargaining agreement or to compel a union to consent to such a waiver. Applying this principle, courts have refused to require accommodations that (1) would permit a plaintiff to transfer to another shift out of seniority, (2) grant a plaintiff regular absences contrary to contractual procedures, and (3) permit a plaintiff’s name to be skipped on Saturdays on the employer’s hiring board, thereby cutting short the next employee’s time off, (4) transfer a plaintiff to a different bargaining unit in violation of the collective bargaining agreement, and (5) relieve a plaintiff of mandatory overtime when doing so would require another employee to work overtime in violation of that employee’s contractual rights. Notwithstanding the precedents stated above, the defense of a collective bargaining agreement is not necessarily iron-clad protection. Some courts have held that an employer must at least make the effort to obtain the union’s cooperation in seeking either a contractual wavier or an accommodation within the boundaries of the collective bargaining agreement.

COMMITTEE FOR PUBLIC EDUCATION AND LIBERTY V. REGAN (U.S. 1980) In this case the Supreme Court upheld, by a five-to-four vote, a state statute reimbursing private schools for expenses incurred in administering standardized tests and for other state mandated record keeping and reporting. Writing for the majority, Justice Byron White found that the program had primarily a secular purpose and that its primary effect neither advanced nor inhibited religion. In this instance the state retained control over the tests, which “serves to prevent the use

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of the test as part of religious teaching.” The state mandated services were “ministerial” and “lacking in ideological content or use.” Concerns that the program resulted in excessive government entanglement with religion were dismissed because the services were “discrete and clearly identifiable,” and did not require excessive governmental monitoring. Thus, the promotion of quality nonreligious education of students in private schools was once again found sufficient to pass the first prong of the three-part test enunciated in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). Under the Lemon test, in order for governmental action to be valid, it must: (1) have a secular legislative purpose; (2) neither advance nor inhibit religion in its primary effect; and (3) not foster an excessive government entanglement with religion. The Court found that the program did not have a religious effect because it required repayment for administrative costs connected to specific state-required functions and, therefore, had virtually no potential for aiding the propagation of religious beliefs.

COMMON LAW AND CHRISTIANITY The common law is that body of Anglo-Saxon law that originated and developed in England and later spread to the United States and other nations sharing a British heritage. It differs from code law, which is derived from ancient Roman law and forms the basis of the legal systems of many other countries, such as France. Common law differs from statutory law in that it is made by judges, who decide cases based on customary resolutions of disputes that over the years have become “common” for all similar cases. During the nineteenth century American judges and lawyers often claimed that Christianity was part of the common law. From well-known treatise writers such as James Kent and Joseph Story in the early part of the century to Thomas Cooley and Christopher G. Tiedeman toward the end, the maxim that Christianity is part and parcel of the common law (or some variant thereof) was heard so often that later commentators could refer to it as a matter arising repeatedly and one that was adopted by both the treatise writers and the courts. These nineteenth-century commentators asserted that in adopting the common law of England, the American people made Christianity part of their fundamental laws. The maxim even received what could be considered an endorsement from the U.S. Supreme Court, which in 1844 affirmed that “the Christian religion is part of the common law of Pennsylvania.” [Vidal v. Girard’s Executors (U.S. 1844)] The idea that Christianity was part of the common law rested in part on a belief widely held in the early nineteenth century that the common law had an existence independent of the statements of judges—that it was discovered, not made. It was also believed that the sources of the common law extended well

COMMON LAW AND CHRISTIANITY beyond the confines of the legal system. As notions of the common law slowly altered over the course of the nineteenth century, so did attitudes toward the maxim that Christianity was a part of it. In the nineteenth century the idea that Christianity was part of the common law was often supported with two related arguments about the nature of the common law. First, it was argued that the common law was derived from Christian principles. Justice Joseph Story, for instance, believed that Christianity lay “at [the] foundations” of the common law and cited a few examples of what he meant (albeit with pronouns that obscured his meaning): It [the common law] repudiates every act done in violation of its [Christianity’s] duties of perfect obligation. It [the common law] pronounces illegal every contract offensive to its [Christianity’s] morals. It [the common law] recognizes with proud humility its [Christianity’s] holidays and festivals and obeys them as dies non juridici. It [the common law] still attaches to persons believing in its [Christianity’s] divine authority the highest degree of competency as witnesses.

This sort of argument in support of Christianity as part of the common law was made a few times at midcentury, but drops out of the case reporters entirely after the 1850s. Common at midcentury was a related argument consisting of three steps: (1) the common law is nothing more than custom or natural justice; (2) the principles of Christianity are customary, or are consistent with natural justice; therefore (3) Christianity is encompassed by the common law. The argument rests on a nonpositivist (or in retrospect, a prepositivist) view of the common law. This argument is based on the understanding that the common law has an existence independent of the statements of judges and is based on several sources much broader than the commands of authorized government officials. Because the debate over Christianity as part of the common law engaged only lawyers it is misleading to assume that many cases were decided based on the maxim. It is equally misleading to call the maxim the “cornerstone” of any broader conception for the relationship between church and state. Undoubtedly, the idea that Christianity was a part of the common law fits into a greater collection of ideas on law and religion. However, if one has to decide which ideas rested upon which, the maxim was more of a stone somewhere near the top of the pyramid. It stayed in place so long as it was supported by one conception of the church-state relationship and one conception of the common law, but when these were replaced by other conceptions, the maxim began to fade. Contemporary judges and lawyers rarely discuss whether Christianity is no longer a part of the common law. In most cases, they have simply let the maxim fade into disuse.

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CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR A person who is opposed to all war regardless of its cause based on his or her religious training and moral belief is a conscientious objector. Conscientious objection is a widely respected religious practice recognized by such diverse traditions as Christianity, Buddhism, Judaism, and Hinduism. Historically, conscientious objection has been considered mainly in the context of compulsory military service, and specifically in terms of this issue: Should those whose consciences forbid killing be conscripted for combat? The controversy is the classic dilemma between secular obligation and religious duty. Members of pacifist religious sects were the first to raise conscientious objections to military conscription. Pacifism by the late eighteenth century was a mainstream religious doctrine in America. Pacifist religious sects, such as the Quakers, Mennonites, and Brethren, were well represented in early colonial America. Many of these religious pacifists had fled from persecution in England and continental Europe. Not surprisingly, these pacifists considered conscientious objection a fundamental right. This right was secured in the colonies that provided for religious freedom, including Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. Colonial charters, especially the Pennsylvania Charter, were used by the Founding Fathers as models for the Free Exercise Clause of First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The principle that society should excuse conscientious objectors from military service was widely recognized in the colonies and states prior to adoption of the U.S. Constitution. James Madison’s original proposal for the Bill of Rights included a clause that “no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to render military service in person.” That clause was never adopted, partly because conscription was considered a state function. At the time of the original Constitutional Convention in 1789 and the debates on the Bill of Rights, there was no recognition of a federal power to conscript or draft. Instead, the Founding Fathers understood conscription to be a state power over state militias. The U.S. Constitution does not address conscientious objection. For most of American history Congress freely decided whether to grant any exemption from military service and how to define the class of persons who would benefit. The Civil War period saw the first examples of national conscription and the first affirmation of the concept of exemption from national military service because of religious-based objections to such service. Individual states had enacted conscientious objector exemptions to compulsory service in the militias that, at least arguably, did not require a religious basis to qualify. After several years of unsatisfactory experience with draft laws that made no provision for Quakers and others having conscientious objections to military service, Congress passed a new draft act in 1864 with an exemption for members of religious denominations whose religious tenets forbade the bearing of arms and who had conducted themselves in a manner consistent with such beliefs.

CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR Furthermore, the exemption applied to combat military service only. Therefore, conscientious objectors were subject to the draft, but served in noncombat roles only. In 1917 Congress again authorized a draft to support the United States’ efforts in World War I. As in the 1864 Draft Act, the Selective Service Act of 1917 had exemptions limited to members of religious denominations whose creeds forbade participation in war. The 1917 Act excused objectors only from combat service, but the War Department permitted some of those also opposed to noncombat military service to be released for civilian service. To obtain a noncombat assignment, the registrant was required to show membership in a “well-recognized religious sect or organization” whose tenets forbade “participation in war of any form.” Draft boards responsible for classification of registrants, however, were not furnished with any approved list of sects or organizations meeting the legal requirements for conscientious objector status. Of the 2,810,296 men inducted under this draft law, local boards certified 56,830 claims for noncombat service under the conscientious objector exemption. Ultimately, Congress authorized the military to furlough enlisted men from military control and the secretary of war used this authority to furlough conscientious objectors who were against any kind of military service so that they could work in agriculture and industry. Although the 1917 draft law limited the noncombat exemption to members of pacifist sects, the secretary of war issued a regulation that authorized exempting those men with “personal scruples against war.” This was the first and—until the Supreme Court interpreted the exemption broadly beginning in the 1960s—the only example of the federal government granting an exemption to conscientious objectors whose objections may not have been based on religious belief. America’s treatment of conscientious objectors was more enlightened than that of other belligerent nations during the First World War. But only members of pacifistic religious groups, perhaps 5,000 of the 21,000 conscientious objectors inducted, qualified for alternative service. Others took up arms or faced prison sentences ranging up to 25 years. An estimated 400 conscientious objectors went to jail, including Roger Baldwin, head of the National Civil Liberties Bureau, which was the precursor of the American Civil Liberties Union. After World War I America returned to all-volunteer armed forces. The next mobilization requiring conscription occurred when Congress responded to the expanding wars in Europe and Asia by passing the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940. This act set the basic terms of exemption from the system of compulsory military service that operated during World War II, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War, and during the intervening periods of time. The Selective Service Act of 1940 contained four significant changes from the conscientious objector exemptions in prior draft laws: 1. The act extended eligibility for conscientious objector status to persons whose objections were based on “religious training and belief” instead of limiting

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eligibility to pacifist sects only. With this provision, Congress eliminated the requirement that the conscientious objector be a member of an organized church. 2. The law permitted an applicant to appeal a denial of his claim by the local board. 3. The act authorized alternative civilian service for conscientious objectors so that they never would be inducted into the military. 4. This alternative service was not subject to military control or supervision. The Selective Service System, created by the 1940 Act, processed 34,506,923 registrants, of whom approximately 72,000 received, or were eligible for, conscientious objector status. Under the draft law then in force, conscientious objectors were divided into two classes. One class was composed of those who were found “to be conscientiously opposed” to all military service, no matter if it was combat or noncombat. These individuals were required to “perform alternative civilian service,” that is, to serve in civilian work that contributed to the national welfare, such as the Red Cross, but were exempt from military service. The other class was composed of individuals who opposed only combat service. These conscientious objectors were drafted into the armed services for noncombat duty, such as in the medical corps. During World War II, the 12,000 conscientious objectors who refused to accept noncombat military service were placed in so-called civilian public service camps, where the courts refused to extend the protections of the First and Fifth Amendments. They did not receive pay. Some 5,500 other conscientious objectors were imprisoned, including Jehovah’s Witnesses, who claimed exemptions as ministers. President Truman requested, and Congress approved, the nation’s first true peacetime draft in 1948. Responding to a federal court of appeals decision interpreting “religious training and belief” very broadly, the Selective Service Act of 1948 retained the conscientious objector exemption from the 1940 Act with the addition of a definition of the requirement that a registrant’s conscientious objections derive from “religious training and belief,” which added the following: “Religious training and belief in this connection means an individual’s belief in a relationship to a Supreme Being involving duties superior to those arising from any human relation, but does not include essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.” What Congress had attempted to do was relatively clear. It wanted to excuse only persons opposed to participation in all wars, not those opposed to a particular war, and it wanted to excuse only those whose opposition derived from religious belief in a rather traditional sense. Subsequent crucial U.S. Supreme Court cases sought to clarify these distinctions. Although the 1948 Act was amended with the Universal Military Training and Service Act of 1951, that amendment did not change the conscientious objector

CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR exemption. Accordingly, the 1948 Act’s exemption remained in effect into the era of the United States involvement in the Vietnam War. By the mid-1960s the nation was deeply involved in military operations in Vietnam, although technically it was at peace. Opposition to the de facto war and the draft grew, however, as manifested by more frequent demonstrations and litigation. Judicial recognition of the Selective Service System’s problems also became more frequent and some of these dealt with the issue of the exemption for conscientious objection. The claim of exemption, under § 6(j) of the Selective Service Act of 1940, required only theistic religious beliefs and training. It would, however, not grant an exemption for a mere “personal moral code.” The Court addressed this language in United States v. Seeger (U.S. 1965), a case that consolidated the appeals of three men who were denied exemption under § 6(j) on the grounds that their claims were not based upon “belief in a relation to a Supreme Being.” Each had expressed skepticism about the existence of a traditional God. Nonetheless, each had described his beliefs in religious terms. Seeger had a “belief in and devotion to goodness and virtue for their own sakes, and a religious faith in a purely ethical creed.” The second individual had said he believed in “Goodness,” which was the “Ultimate Cause for the fact of the Being in the Universe.” The third young man had spoken of “the consciousness of some power manifest in nature, which helps man in the ordering of his life in harmony with its demands.” As defendants in criminal draft evasion proceedings, the three contended that the statutory definition of religious training and belief as an individual’s belief in relation to a Supreme Being was unconstitutional. They argued that the statutory definition violated both the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment because (1) it did not exempt nonreligious conscientious objectors, and (2) it discriminated between different forms of religious expression. The Supreme Court, however, refused to take up the constitutional challenge. Instead, it narrowed the question before it to one of statutory interpretation. The issue became one of whether § 6(j) interprets the term “Supreme Being” to mean the orthodox God or the broader concept of a power or being, or a faith “to which all else is subordinate or upon which all else is ultimately dependent?” Ignoring the legislative history of the 1948 amendment to the draft law, the Court ruled that an applicant who had a “religious faith in a purely ethical creed” was entitled to the exemption because his belief occupied a place in his life parallel to that of a belief in God for the more orthodox. In other words, a conscientious objector claimant need not declare a belief in a Supreme Being as long as the claimant had beliefs that served in the place of an orthodox belief in God. The Court broadly defined the term “Supreme Being” to mean something to which everything else is subordinate. Through a strained interpretation of the statute, the Court avoided a clear decision of whether Congress could limit the exemption to traditional religious believers.

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Congress amended the Selective Service Act in 1967 to abolish the requirement that the objector believe in a relationship with a Supreme Being, but retained the exclusion of “essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal code.” The 1948 Act, as amended, continues to be the draft law on which the United States’ current selective service system is based, but authority to draft registrants under this law expired on July 1, 1973. In Welsh v. United States (U.S. 1970) the Supreme Court was again asked to hold § 6(j) unconstitutional on the grounds that conscientious objector status cannot constitutionally be based upon a religious standard, no matter how liberal that standard is. On his application for exemption, Elliott Welsh denied that his beliefs were religious and said that he did not know whether he believed in a Supreme Being. He was denied conscientious objector status because the government “could find no religious basis for the registrant’s beliefs, opinions, and convictions.” The government attempted to distinguish Welsh from Seeger on two grounds. First, Welsh more insistently denied that his views were religious. The Supreme Court, however, refused to place such “undue emphasis on the registrant’s interpretation of his own beliefs.” Although a registrant’s characterization of his beliefs as religious should carry great weight, his characterization of his beliefs as nonreligious should not because “very few registrants are fully aware of the broad scope of the word religious as used in section 6(j).” Second, the government maintained that Welsh’s objection stemmed from “essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal moral code.” In attempting to devise a new test to apply § 6(f), the Court required an exemption for a claimant regardless of whether his objections rested on religious training or belief, as long as the claimant genuinely believed in pacifism. In a plurality opinion written by Justice Hugo L. Black, in which Justices William O. Douglass, Thurgood Marshall, and William J. Brennan, Jr., joined, the Court reversed Welsh’s conviction because it was inconsistent with Seeger. Justice Harry A. Blackmun did not participate in the consideration of the case. Justice John M. Harlan concurred in the result reached by the plurality but agreed with the dissenters on the issue of statutory construction. Justice Byron R. White wrote the dissenting opinion, in which Chief Justice Warren E. Burger and Justice Potter Steward joined. Like Justice Harlan, the dissenters disapproved of the literal construction of the statute by the plurality. Unlike Harlan, however, they did not believe that the statute presented a First Amendment problem, and they voted to affirm Welsh’s conviction. The four justices who subscribed to the plurality opinion held that someone who presented no claim to being religious at all qualified because his ethical beliefs occupied a place in his life parallel to that of religious beliefs for others. Four other justices acknowledged that Congress had explicitly meant to exclude such applicants. Justice John Marshall Harlan urged that attempting to distinguish religious objectors from equally sincere nonreligious ones constituted a forbidden

CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR establishment of religion. The three other justices thought that Congress could favor religious objectors in order to promote the free exercise of religion. Because the plurality’s view of the statute was so implausible, most observers believe that its members probably agreed with Justice Harlan on the ultimate constitutional issue, but this particular controversy between the “no establishment” and the “free exercise” concepts has not yet been decisively resolved. Ultimately, the Court found Welsh “clearly entitled” to conscientious objector status under its new test for the applicability of § 6(j): “This section exempts from military service all those whose consciences, spurred by deeply held moral, ethical, or religious beliefs, would give not rest or peace if they allowed themselves to become a part of an instrument of war.” Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971) again raised the issue of selective conscientious objection. Both defendants advanced a religion-based conscientious objection to a particular war, the Vietnam War, but not to “participation in war in any form” as required by § 6(j). The defendants maintained that the “war in any form” limitation impermissibly discriminated among types of religious belief and affiliation, and that their religious beliefs, which distinguished between just and unjust wars, were as worthy of exemption under § 6(j) and the Establishment Clause as any other religious beliefs. The Supreme Court held that § 6(j) was neutral on its face, that it “does not single out any religious organization or religious creed for special treatment.” The Court also required defendants who claimed that § 6(j) “works to a de facto discrimination among religions,” to prove “the absence of a neutral, secular basis for the lines government has drawn.” The Supreme Court found neutral secular reasons for limiting the conscientious objector exemption to those who opposed war in any form. The Court’s decision on both religious and nonreligious objectors to the Vietnam War upheld Congress’s decision not to exempt those opposed to participation in particular wars. Against the claim that the distinction between “general” and “selective” objectors was impermissible, the Court responded that the distinction was supported by the public interest in a fairly administered system, given the difficulty officials would have in dealing consistently with the variety of objections to particular wars. The Court also rejected the claim that the selective objector’s entitlement to free exercise of religion created a constitutionally based right to avoid military service. The current law remains that a conscientious objector must prove that he opposes any and all wars, and not just a particular war, in order to avoid conscription into the military service. The registrant does not have the right, in other words, to choose between “just” and “unjust” wars. [United States v. Perdue (9th Cir. 1970)] Under the Military Selective Service Act (50 U.S.C.A. App. §§ 451 et seq.) a registrant must prove only a “conscientious scruple” against war in

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all forms to obtain conscientious objector status. The objection must be based on deeply held moral, ethical, and religious convictions. Although this limits the exemption to those persons who object to war for essentially religious reasons, it does not restrict the exemption only to those who participate in organized religion. The test of a religious belief is not measured by traditional religious concepts but rather upon whether the belief is sincere and has an effect on the life of the nonconforming believer that is comparable with or parallel to traditional religious beliefs held by persons who believe in God. The objective truth of the belief is not the standard used to measure the sincerity of the individual claiming conscientious objector status. The test is completely subjective, determined by what the individual actually believes. A military board’s skepticism as to the sincerity of an objector’s belief is not enough to deny an exemption, although some objective evidence that the belief is sincere may be required. Although the United States currently does not have a draft, conscientious objection is not a moot issue. Even in today’s all-volunteer armed forces, the issue of conscientious objection can and does arise. Currently, it arises in the case of inservice conscientious objectors. The courts have ruled that even if a person enlists in the military service, that person is not automatically denied the right to later claim conscientious objection. [United States v. Lauing (7th Cir. 1955)] United States Department of Defense regulations have provided for those in the Armed Forces to request conscientious objector status since 1951 when it promulgated a directive authorizing reassignments to noncombat duties for soldiers conscientiously opposed to further combat service. In 1962 the Department of Defense issued a superseding directive providing a mechanism for active-duty soldiers possessing religiously based conscientious objections to continued service to either seek transfers to noncombat service or a discharge from the military. The current version of this procedure is a Department of Defense directive codified in the Code of Federal Regulations with implementing regulations in each of the services. Thus, the law creating the in-service conscientious objector program is a product of executive branch rule making, rather than an act of Congress. Today, a person who seeks a discharge from the armed services based on conscientious objection must satisfy certain tests established by the federal courts. He or she must oppose all forms of war and object to any type of service in the armed forces. Total pacifism, however, is not required. Willingness to use force in self-defense to protect oneself and one’s family will not refute a claim of opposition to all war. The military’s current program authorizing applications for reassignments or discharge on the basis of conscientious objections to military service continues the practice of accommodating religious conscientious objections. This program, while separate from the longer history of draft-based conscientious objector programs, draws its basic policy and fundamental standards from that history.

CONTRACEPTION

CONTRACEPTION Commonly called birth control, contraception is anything done to prevent sexual intercourse from resulting in the conception of a child. Both Catholic and Protestant teaching originally rejected contraception as an article of faith. Both justified their opposition based on a literal interpretation of limited but significant biblical sources. The first was that God commanded Adam and Eve in the initial creation narrative to “Be fruitful and multiply and fill the earth.” [Genesis 1:28] The second, was when Onan “spilled the semen on the ground,” that is, practiced coitus interruptus, and frustrated Levitical law. The judgment of a displeased God was severe and swift: God “slew him.” [Genesis 38:8–10] Catholic teaching, following Augustine, concluded that Onan’s death was due to the sin of contraception. The Eastern Orthodox Church allows married couples to make their own decisions on contraceptive use. Jews, including Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform groups, leave the decision up to individual choice. Most Muslim traditions permit the use of birth control when health reasons are an issue or when the well-being of the family is concerned. In the nineteenth century, temperance unions and antivice societies led efforts to prohibit birth control in the United States. Anthony Comstock, the secretary of the Society for the Suppression of Vice, advocated a law passed by Congress in 1873. It was entitled the Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use, but was known popularly as the Comstock Act. The Comstock Act prohibited the use of the mail system to transmit obscene materials or articles addressing or for use in the prevention of conception, including information on contraceptive methods or devices as well as the birth control devices themselves. Soon after the federal government passed the Comstock Act, over half the states passed similar laws. All but two of the rest of the states already had laws banning the sale, distribution, or advertising of contraceptives. Connecticut had a law that prohibited even the use of contraceptives—it was passed with little or no consideration of its enforceability. Despite popular opposition, birth control had its advocates, including Margaret Sanger. In 1916 Sanger opened America’s first birth control clinic, in New York City. For doing so, she and her sister Ethel Byrne, who worked with her, were prosecuted under the state’s version of the Comstock law in the cases of People v. Byrne (N.Y. 1917) and People v. Sanger (N.Y. 1918). Both were convicted and sentenced to 30 days in a workhouse. After serving her sentence, Sanger continued to attack the Comstock Act. She established the National Committee for Federal Legislation for Birth Control, based in Washington, D.C., which sought to achieve a right of reproductive autonomy. The organization proposed the Doctor’s Bill, which advocated change in the government’s policy toward birth control, by citing the numerous instances

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in which women had died owing to illegal abortions and unwanted pregnancies. The bill was defeated, due, in part, to opposition from the Catholic Church and other religious groups. When the issue of Sanger’s sending birth control devices through the mail to a doctor was litigated in United States v. One Package (S.D.N.Y. 1936), the court ruled that the Comstock Act was not concerned with preventing the distribution of items that might save the life or promote the well-being of a doctor’s patients. Sanger had sought to challenge the Comstock Act by breaking it and sending contraceptives in the mail. Her efforts were victorious and the exception was made. The doctor to whom Sanger had sent the device was granted its possession. Sanger furthered her role in reforming attitudes toward birth control by founding the Planned Parenthood Federation of America in 1942. Planned Parenthood merged previously existing birth control federations and promoted a range of birth control options. In the 1950s Sanger went on to support Dr. Gregory Pincus, whose research eventually produced the revolutionary birth control pill. By the 1960s, partly as a result of Sanger’s efforts, popular and legal attitudes toward birth control began to change. The case of Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965) loosened the restrictions of the Comstock Act. When the Planned Parenthood League of Connecticut opened in 1961 its executive director, Estelle Griswold, faced charges of violating Connecticut’s ban on the use of contraceptives. At issue were fundamental principles of individual freedom and rights to privacy within the home. The Supreme Court, on a seven-to-two vote, overturned Griswold’s conviction with a ground-breaking opinion that established a constitutional right to marital privacy. The Court threw out the underlying Connecticut statute, which prohibited both using contraception and assisting or counseling others in its use. The majority opinion, authored by Justice William O. Douglas, looked briefly at a series of prior cases in which the Court had found rights not specifically enumerated in the Constitution—for example, the right of association, which the Court had said is protected by the First Amendment, even though that phrase is not used there. [For example, NAACP v. Alabama (U.S. 1959)] Douglas concluded that various guarantees contained in the First, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments, taken together, create “zones of privacy,” which include a right of marital privacy. The Connecticut statute that allowed police officers to search a marital bedroom for evidence of contraception was held unconstitutional. The government henceforth had no right to make such intrusions into the marital relationship. The other branches of the government followed the Supreme Court’s lead. President Lyndon B. Johnson endorsed public funding for family planning services in 1966, and the federal government began to subsidize birth control services for low-income families. In 1970 President Richard M. Nixon signed the Family Planning Services and Population Research Act. This act supported activities related to population research and family planning.

CONTRACEPTION Increasingly, the Comstock Act came to be seen as part of a former era, until in 1971 the essential components of it were repealed. This repeal, however, was not necessarily followed by all the states. In the 1972 case of Eisenstadt v. Baird (U.S. 1972), the Supreme Court struck down a Massachusetts law still on the books that prohibited the distribution of contraceptives except to married couples. The Court held that the Massachusetts law denied single persons equal protection, in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the 1977 case of Carey v. Population Services International (U.S. 1977), the Supreme Court continued to expand constitutional protections in the area of birth control. The Court imposed a strict standard of review for a New York law that prohibited anyone but physicians from distributing contraceptives to minors under 16 years of age. The law had also prohibited anyone but licensed pharmacists from distributing contraceptives to adults. Carey allowed makers of contraceptives more freedom to distribute and sell them to teenagers. Although these early decisions of the Supreme Court opened up the sale and distribution of birth control to the general public, they did not address the issue of school distribution of condoms to high school students. In an effort to decrease the spread of AIDS among New York City’s teenagers, the New York Board of Education in February 1991 directed high schools to make condoms available to students who requested them. AIDS-awareness classes were also required. Some of the students’ parents objected. They claimed that the availability of condoms violated the New York Public Health Law. Condom distribution, the parents said, constituted a health service to minor children without parental consent. Parents also argued that condom distribution violated their free exercise of religion. In December 1993 New York’s Supreme Court, Appellate Division, issued a ruling in favor of the parents, prohibiting distribution of condoms to unemancipated students without prior consent. The court held that the condom distribution program lacked statutory or common law authority, and that it violated the parents’ due process rights under the Fourteenth Amendment and the New York Constitution. [Alfonso v. Fernandez (N.Y. App. Div. 1993)] In bringing suit, the parents in Alfonso complained that the “condom availability” component of the HIV/AIDS program burdened their free exercise of religion, as forbidden by the United States and New York Constitutions. The parents argued that the availability of condoms “may tempt their children to stray from their religious beliefs.” The court, however, held that the availability of condoms to students in public schools does not violate parents’ rights to the free exercise of religion because a merely objectionable program does not prohibit parents and/or their children from practicing their religion, “nor does it directly or indirectly coerce them to engage in conducts which are contrary to their religious beliefs.” The court found that parents do not have a constitutional right to change public school programs to fit their religious beliefs. Because the students would not face any punishment if they chose not to participate in the condom distribution

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program, the parents could not successfully claim that their right to practice their religion or their children’s right to do the same was violated under the Free Exercise Clause. The court, however, noted that children were not just being exposed to contrary ideas or disagreeable opinions. In dicta, the court suggested that if this were the situation, a due process claim would fail right alongside the free exercise of religion allegation. The court, however, thought that the distribution of condoms engendered more than just an environment that some parents found offensive. The physical availability of condoms went beyond the constitutional limit. Unlike literature or conversation, the school provided students with the means “to engage in sexual activity at a lower risk of pregnancy and contracting sexually transmitted diseases.” In a similar case, in Curtis v. School Committee of Falmouth (Mass. 1995), the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court granted summary judgment in favor of the school committee when parents alleged that a program of condom availability established in junior and senior high school violated their rights to familial privacy, parental liberty, and free exercise of religion. The court held that the program, which made condoms available to students without parental consent or a parental opt-out provision, did not violate either the fundamental liberty interest of parents to be free from unnecessary governmental intrusion in rearing their children, or the free exercise of religion under the First Amendment. The plaintiff, relying on Alfonso, argued that the condom program was coercive. Although participation was voluntary, the program had been implemented in the compulsory setting of the public schools. The Massachusetts court disagreed with the reasoning of the Alfonso court and stated that Alfonso was erroneously decided. Citing the dissent from Alfonso, the Curtis court held that no coercive burden on parental liberty existed because no classroom participation was required of students. Students were not required to seek out and accept the condoms, read the literature accompanying them, or participate in counseling regarding their use. The program did not qualify as state action of a coercive or compulsory nature, and did not constitute a viable claim under the Fourteenth Amendment. Similar cases have been brought throughout the United States. The school boards of San Francisco, Seattle, and Los Angeles all disagreed with the New York court, and authorized the distribution of condoms to students. As a general rule, however, court decisions established that, although parents have no control over the public school curriculum, they may reserve the right to withdraw their children from classes on birth control and AIDS prevention.

COUNCIL ON AMERICAN-ISLAMIC RELATIONS (CAIR) Created in June 1994, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) is a civil liberties and advocacy group of North American Muslims. It is considered the

COUNCIL ON AMERICAN-ISLAMIC RELATIONS (CAIR) largest Muslim civil rights organization in the United States. CAIR’s expressed goals are to enhance understanding of Islam, promote justice, and empower American Muslims. Pursuant to its goals, the group has initiated lawsuits, testified before the United States Congress, and lobbied decision-makers. Supporters of CAIR assert that the organization plays a crucial role in defending the rights of Muslims in the United States, through being a major advocate for civil rights and civil liberties despite fear and intolerance, and religious and ethnic profiling. CAIR stresses that its mission includes promoting the understanding of Islam, and protecting Muslim civil liberties. CAIR’s stated core principles include supporting freedom of religion, protecting the civil rights of all, and encouraging interfaith dialogue. CAIR believes that the active practice of Islam strengthens the social and religious fabric of the United States. The group says that it seeks to protect and support American Muslims who claim discrimination, profiling or harassment. CAIR says that it works closely with other civic and civil liberties groups including the American Civil Liberties Union, Amnesty International, and the NAACP. CAIR also says that it partners with the National Council of Churches and held discussions with representatives of the National Association of Evangelicals. CAIR has criticized several U.S. criminal prosecutions in the “war on terror,” arguing, for example, in one of many cases, that Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman, considered the mastermind of the World Trade Center bombing in 1993, and convicted of conspiring to blow up the Lincoln Tunnel and other New York City landmarks, did not receive a fair trial. CAIR also opposed the Iraq invasion in 2003 and is opposed to the Iraq war. CAIR, along with Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, was among the first to condemn torture as a tool for interrogation. CAIR joined with the ACLU to file a lawsuit against the federal government’s NSA wiretapping program, which was struck down by a federal district court. CAIR, along with the ACLU, was among the first organizations to oppose major provisions of the USA Patriot Act. CAIR also issued a report describing the status of civil rights for American Muslims in the contemporary United States. CAIR regularly meets with law enforcement officials at the federal, state, and local levels. After the August 2006 arrest of men accused of planning bomb attacks on U.S.-bound airliners, the FBI invited CAIR along with other Muslim organizations to participate in a joint press conference. In 2003 CAIR officials spoke at a joint press conference with the FBI in Miami urging the Muslim community to assist law enforcement in searching for a fugitive. CAIR seeks to promote a positive image of Islam and Muslims in America through media relations, lobbying, education, and public advocacy. CAIR’s leaders have often appeared on news programs involving American Muslims, and they are often relied on as sources for journalists seeking opinions from Muslim leaders in the United States.

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CAIR issues “Action Alerts” online to its members to call attention to “hate crimes” or purportedly anti-Muslim statements against Islam and Muslims in the media. Often, it will encourage a letter-writing campaign to ask politicians or editors to condemn “hate speech.” It also publishes positive reports of interfaith cooperation and examples of businesses that reach out to Muslims. It also often asks its supporters to express their gratitude to those leaders and companies. CAIR also conducts research on the American Muslim community, issuing annual reports on civil rights and statistics. It also sponsors voter registration drives in communities and engages in interfaith relations with other religious groups in America. For example, CAIR and the General Board on Church and Society of the United Methodist Church have initiated meetings in 1998, with the two groups exchanging public speeches, published columns, and office visits. In the late 1990s, the CAIR began cooperating with conservative Christian organizations on issues of mutual political agreement. CAIR has consistently condemned terrorism. CAIR, along with several American Muslim groups, condemned the terrorist attacks on 9/11 shortly after the attacks occurred. It took out a paid advertisement in the Washington Post condemning the attacks and terrorism in all its forms. CAIR then coordinated the release of a fatwa (religious pronouncement) that stated in part, “Islam strictly condemns religious extremism and the use of violence against innocent lives. The organization believes that there is no justification in Islam for extremism or terrorism. Targeting civilians’ life and property through suicide bombings or any other method of attack is “haram” or forbidden—and those who commit these barbaric acts are criminals, not martyrs.” CAIR has conducted diversity/sensitivity training on Islam and Muslims for the FBI, U.S. Armed Forces, several local and state law enforcement agencies, and many U.S. corporations. CAIR produced TV/Radio Public Service Announcements in English, Arabic, and Urdu that stated in part that they reject anyone who commits acts of violence against innocent people in the name of Islam. CAIR’s “Not in the Name of Islam” online petition has been signed by almost 700,000 people. CAIR and its leadership have been seriously criticized for having ties to Islamic terrorist organizations and Jihadist ideologies. CAIR denies those accusations and claims that its detractors such as “Jihad Watch” are extreme anti-Muslim zealots. Its critics have accused CAIR of having connections with terrorist organizations, and of pursuing a radical Islamist agenda, based on the fact that five individuals with alleged ties to CAIR have been convicted or deported for links to terrorist groups. CAIR denied this assertion, noting that only one of these individuals mentioned was ever employed by them, that his arrest was on a weapons charge and not a terrorism charge, and that it occurred after his employment with CAIR. The Jewish Anti-Defamation League (ADL) has argued that CAIR’s credibility as an organization promoting “justice and mutual understanding” is tainted because of its association with the Islamic Association for Palestine. Boston Globe

CRIMINAL CONDUCT columnist Jeff Jacoby criticized CAIR in a 2007 column, referring to it as an “Islamist group” and claiming that former CAIR Chairman Omar Ahmad desires that Islam be dominant in the United States. An Investor’s Business Daily editorial called CAIR “the PR machine of militant Islam,” claiming that the organization purposefully dispatched “henchmen” to disrupt the first Secular Islam Summit. Critics have focused special attention on CAIR’s fundraising and funding sources. The government in November 2008 won convictions against the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, an Islamic charity which the government claims has Hamas connections. In 2007 U.S. federal prosecutors named CAIR as one of several Muslim “unindicted co-conspirator” organizations in a conspiracy to fund the designated terrorist organization, Hamas, through the Holy Land charity. CAIR has denied charges that it was organized with “seed money” from the Holy Land Foundation. Federal prosecutors in the case alleged that CAIR’s leaders are part of a wider conspiracy overseen by the Muslim Brotherhood, an Egyptian-based Jihadist group with ties to Hamas. The Holy Land Foundation was later shut down as a money-laundering source supporting terrorists. After the first case ended in a mistrial in 2007, the government won convictions against the five defendants in Holy Land in a retrial in 2008. CAIR is based in Washington, D.C., with thirty-five regional offices and chapters throughout the U.S. and Canada. CAIR was founded in 1994 by Nihad Awad, Omar Ahmad, and Rafeeq Jaber. Jaber was national president (1994–2005) and chairman of the Islamic Association of Palestine. In July 2008, CAIR chairman Parvez Ahmed announced his resignation.

CRIMINAL CONDUCT In general, the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution does not require exemptions from criminal laws or other governmental regulations for people whose religious beliefs prevent them from conforming their behavior to the requirements of the law. In other words, a law that regulates the conduct of all persons equally may also be applied to people who maintain that their religious beliefs prevent them from complying. The Free Exercise Clause cannot be used to challenge a law of general applicability, unless it can be shown that the law was motivated by a desire to interfere with religion. [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)] For example, although states may recognize religious practice exemptions from drug laws of general applicability, such exemptions are not required by the Constitution. Thus a state could constitutionally deny unemployment compensation benefits to Native Americans who were dismissed from drug counseling positions because of their sacramental use of the drug peyote in the Native American Church. Use of peyote was illegal under the state’s criminal

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laws. [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)] Despite this, however, the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld the reversal of convictions of members of the Amish faith for violating a state’s compulsory school attendance law requiring children to go to school until the age of 16. [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)]

CULT The term cult is currently used to designate a particularly unpopular and feared new religious group, often claiming a personal relationship between its leader and the divinity. Among the most prominent of these groups in recent times have been the Unification Church, the Worldwide Church of God, Inc, the Church of Scientology, and the International Society for Krishna Consciousness. Cults, which have experienced varying degrees of discrimination and persecution by law enforcement officials, have consistently claimed that the Constitution does not sanction legal distinctions between them on the one hand and long-established and respected faiths on the other. They note, too, that most of the now well-established and fully respected faiths, including the Baptists, Roman Catholics, Jews, Mormons, Christian Scientists, and Jehovah’s Witnesses had been branded as cults and/or subjected to governmental discrimination in the early days of their existence. Lower federal court and state court religious exemption cases almost always have involved members of small and nontraditional religions. Reported cases also support the argument that small and unfamiliar religions consistently receive less favorable treatment from elected officials than popular and well-known religions. Indeed, cases involving explicit discrimination against nontraditional religions have continued to surface. In the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah (U.S. 1993), for example, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated a series of Hialeah, Florida, ordinances that prohibited ritual animal sacrifices, which were an essential part of a certain nontraditional religion’s manner of worship. The claim to equal treatment by a nontraditional religious group, the Unification Church, was upheld in Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982) in which the U.S. Supreme Court held unconstitutional a Minnesota statute that imposed special registration and reporting requirements upon religions that received more than half of their income from nonmembers—a provision the court found to have been aimed at unpopular cults. This provision, the Court said, constituted precisely the sort of denominational preference and discrimination forbidden by the Establishment Clause in the absence of a compelling interest not otherwise amenable to protection. Moreover, the statute also violated the Establishment Clause by authorizing excessive governmental entanglement with and politicizing religion.

CULTURE WARS In discussing nontraditional religion, it is worth recalling that the U.S. Constitution protects the liberty of conscience in order to protect the individual from coercion and discriminatory treatment by church or state officials and guarantees unencumbered, voluntary choices of faith. Free exercise of religion protects the individual’s ability to discharge the duties of conscience through religious worship, speech, publication, assembly, and other actions without necessary reference to a prescribed creed or code of conduct. American pluralism protects multiple forms and forums of religious belief and action, in place of a uniformly mandated religious doctrine.

CULTURE WARS The term culture war (or culture wars) in this American usage is a metaphor used by certain social conservatives to describe a heated clash between two radically different and incompatible conceptions of how Americans should order their civil society. The term frequently implies a conflict between values considered “traditional” or “conservative” and those considered “progressive” or “liberal.” Some socially conservative commentators believe that since the social changes of the 1960s, the division between religious perspectives and political ideologies sharpened between religious conservatives on one side and religious liberals on the other, with their religious differences becoming so politicized and polarized that by the 1980s and 1990s, a “culture war” existed in many aspects of American society on several fronts, including politics, academia, entertainment, and churches. These conservative commentators argue that the culture war included explicitly political and partisan behavior by adherents of both sides of the ideological divide, with the competing sides increasingly using direct forms of political action. Social conservatives in the past have found that campaigning on “culture war” issues has galvanized their political base and helped win elections. James Davison Hunter applied the term to the American political environment in his book, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America, in 1991. Hunter perceived a dramatic realignment and polarization that had transformed American politics and culture. He believed that two definable polarities had emerged on an increasing number of divisive social issues—abortion, gun politics, separation of church and state, privacy, and gay rights. Furthermore, it was not just that there were several divisive issues, but society had divided along essentially the same lines on each of these issues, so as to create two distinct groups, defined primarily not by nominal religion affiliation, ethnicity, social class, or even political affiliation, but rather by ideological world views. Hunter characterized this polarity as developing from opposite beliefs, which he refers to as Progressivism and Orthodoxy. The dichotomy has been adopted with

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varying labels by many public figures. Conservative FOX News commentator Bill O’Reilly stresses the differences between “Secular-Progressives” and “Traditionalists.” Conservative commentator Pat Buchanan ran for the Republican nomination for president of the United States against the incumbent George H.W. Bush in 1992. At the Republican National Convention, he gave what is sometimes referred to as the “culture war” speech. He said, “There is a religious war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as was the Cold War itself.” He went on to denounce “environmental extremists” and “radical feminism,” and argued that public morality was a defining issue in American politics: “The agenda [Bill] Clinton and [Hillary] Clinton would impose on America—abortion on demand, a litmus test for the Supreme Court, homosexual rights, discrimination against religious schools, women in combat—that’s change, all right. But it is not the kind of change America wants. It is not the kind of change America needs. And it is not the kind of change we can tolerate in a nation that we still call God’s country.”

Buchanan later argued that this conflict centered on society’s definition of right and wrong. He believed that abortion, sexual orientation, and popular culture were major fronts—and mentioned other controversies, including clashes over Christmas and taxpayer-funded art. He also claimed that the criticism of his references to a “culture war” was itself evidence of America’s polarization. Social conservatives argue that the battles of the “culture war” involve sharp clashes over several areas of law, especially family law and constitutional law. These Traditionalists strongly oppose Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965) for creating a right of privacy that provided a precedent that was relied on by such decisions as Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973), Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey (U.S. 1992), and Lawrence v. Texas (U.S. 2003). In the 2008 presidential election, the issues that animated the “culture wars” such as gay marriage and abortion rights did not play a decisive role in the campaign. The major issue was the national economy, with many Americans facing the loss of homes or jobs. In addition, with the major Democratic victories in both 2006 and 2008, the United States moved much more to the political left. However, there is still an ideological divide on certain “social issues” as represented by California’s surprising vote in favor of Proposition 8, a constitutional amendment that made same-sex marriages illegal. Florida and Arizona passed similar referenda. Outrage in the gay community over Proposition 8 led to national protests and seems to indicate that the “culture wars” are alive and well. A demographic shift may decide the outcome of the culture wars, with national surveys suggesting that the post-baby boom generations are more inclined than previous generations to accept legalized abortion and same-sex marriages.

CUTTER V. WILKINSON

CUTTER V. WILKINSON (U.S. 2005) The U.S. Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 (RLUIPA) was constitutional. In Cutter v. Wilkinson, the Court held that RLUIPA was an appropriate accommodation of the religious freedom rights of prisoners and other institutionalized persons, rejecting a claim that it violated the Establishment Clause. The case was brought by prisoners in the Ohio penal system, members of a variety of minority religious sects, who alleged that prison officials denied them “the same opportunities for group worship that are granted to adherents of mainstream religions, forbidding them to adhere to the dress and appearance mandates of their religions, withholding religious ceremonial items that are substantially identical to those that the adherents of mainstream religions are permitted, and failing to provide a chaplain trained in their faith.” Since every state, including Ohio, accepts federal funding for its prisons, the case raised issues under federal law. Congressional hearings on RLUIPA cited in the case indicated some unequal burdens on inmates’ religious freedom. One prison in Ohio allowed Jewish prisoners kosher food, but denied Muslim prisoners halal food. Jewish prisoners across the United States complain that prisoners routinely refuse to provide sack lunches for fast days, which would allow inmates to break their fast after sundown. The Michigan Department of Corrections forbade the lighting of Hanukkah candles, although it permitted Christian votive candles. Sacramental wine for Roman Catholic prisoners posed problems at some institutions. Religious articles of various sorts were routinely treated with contempt. The Sixth Circuit of Appeals held that the way in which religion is singled out for special treatment by the RLUIPA violates the Establishment Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear the case precisely in order to address that issue. While granting that some ways of favoring religion might devolve into “an unlawful fostering of religion,” the Court insisted that “there is room for play in the joints between” the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses, allowing the government to accommodate religion beyond free exercise requirements, without offense to the Establishment Clause. One should not assume that accommodation goes “beyond free exercise requirements” in the post-Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) era, but not before Smith, when precisely whether the accommodation is required by the Free Exercise Clause would have been the first issue before the Court. RLUIPA does not violate the Establishment Clause, because it “alleviates exceptional government-created burdens on private religious exercise.” In other words, it is because of government policy that some prisoners cannot exercise their religion freely, and RLUIPA is simply redressing that inequality. The Court also says that there seems to be no plausible government claim of a compelling interest in peace and safety, since Ohio already extensively accommodates mainstream

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religion. Whatever prisons must do for peace and safety they may still do, but they have not made a convincing case that the minority cases are of this sort. Cutter was a unanimous decision. Only Justice Thomas wrote a separate (concurring) opinion, and only because he had held that the Establishment Clause protects states from federal action, and thus, he had to do some extra work to show how he would reach the same result. He, however, did reach it. Whatever divides the U.S. Supreme Court in the area of religious accommodation, there is unanimity in upholding this limited legislative attempt to give strong RFRA-like protections to some of America’s most vulnerable people. When Cutter was issued in May 2005, some advocates of original intent were hopeful that it represented the end of the three-pronged Lemon test. Justice Ginsburg’s majority opinion rejected the argument of the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, which had argued that RLUIPA had failed the Lemon test because it “impermissibly advanced religion by giving greater protection to religious rights than to other constitutionally protected rights.” The Lemon test, however, remains viable. Shortly after the Cutter decision, the Court employed the Lemon test in McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky (U.S. 2005).

D DAVIS V. BEASON (U.S. 1890) Idaho Territory had seen a large expansion of its Mormon population. This case involved Samuel B. Davis, a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, who challenged an Idaho territorial statute criminalizing polygamy. The law required voters to take an oath that they were not members of any organization that “teaches, advocates, counsels or encourages” its members to enter into polygamous relationships. Because Davis belonged to the Mormon Church, that did in fact encourage and practiced polygamy, Davis had committed perjury and had violated the statute. Davis was convicted of swearing a false oath. He argued that the statute under which he was convicted violated the Free Exercise Clause. The Idaho court treated Davis’ disenfranchisement solely as a political question. Davis then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Idaho statue was enacted in a nationwide atmosphere of anti-Mormon sentiment. Popular sentiment against the church was ignited when in 1852 Brigham Young made public the Mormon belief in polygamy that it had practiced for at least two decades, through at least 1890, when the LDS Church officially denounced the practice. The case had little constitutional analysis, and relied heavily on the first “Mormon case,” Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), and was openly hostile to Mormon beliefs. Justice Stephen J. Field, who wrote the opinion for the U.S. Supreme Court, viewed the case as identical to Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), and gave a narrow and inconsistent interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause. Field wrote that the Free Exercise Clause protects religious beliefs, not acts that prejudice the health, safety, or good order of society as defined by the legislature governing under its police power. Field concluded that if an act is a crime, then to teach, advise, or counsel it couldn’t be protected by evoking religious tenets. Thus, the court held that while religion was a matter of belief and

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was constitutionally protected, conduct was outside the protection of the First Amendment. The decision became one of the principal basis of what is now referred to as the “secular regulation approach” to the Free Exercise Clause, in which no religious exemptions are required from otherwise valid secular regulations. As in Reynolds, the Court first distinguished Mormonism from true religion, describing it as a “cultos” or form of worship of a particular sect.” It was said that a general religion guided legal understanding was one of “common sense,” of civilization, and thus not a sectarian religion. For the court, legitimate religion in public life was that which upheld the moral judgment of the community as a whole. In this way, the court reduced religion to the perceived moral order of civilization. The Mormon religion had no legal standing, since according to the court, the Mormons were sectarian and supported social policies opposed to civilization. These cases show the formation of a legal consensus around general religion that embodied the moral order of a “civilized” nation. This case was the third defeat before the U.S. Supreme Court for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (the Mormons), following Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879) and Murphy v. Ramsey (U.S. 1885). Davis was a particularly damaging setback, because in upholding the state law, the Court made it impossible for Mormons to vote in local election and greatly diminished the local clout they previously held because of their geographic concentration.

DEFENSE OF MARRIAGE ACT (DOMA) Three homosexual couples in Hawaii who sought to be legally married triggered a legal and political controversy in 1993, which eventually led Congress to enact a bill restricting same-sex marriages. The three couples challenged Hawaii’s refusal to provide marriage licenses to same-sex couples under § 572–1 of the Hawaii Revised Statutes, which restricts marital relations to a male and a female. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that because the Hawaii constitution forbids discrimination on the basis of sex, Hawaii could justify § 572–1 only by showing a compelling state interest for barring same-sex marriages that was narrowly drawn to achieve those ends. On remand to the Circuit Court of Hawaii, Judge Kevin Chang ruled decisively in favor of the plaintiffs on December 3, 1996. [Baehr v. Lewin (Haw. 1993)] Although the Baehr ruling applies to only one state, it has national implications. Under the Full Faith and Credit Clause of the U.S. Constitution, states are obliged to honor the legal proceedings of other states, including marriages. Some observers argued that the states could refuse to acknowledge gay marriages sanctioned outside their borders. The prevailing opinion, however, was that a

DEFENSE OF MARRIAGE ACT (DOMA) marriage deemed valid in Hawaii would have to have been recognized as valid in the 49 other states. The same clause of the U.S. Constitution also allowed Congress to regulate aspects of the states’ reciprocal legal arrangements, although it was not clear how far that power went. With that in mind, two Republicans with close ties to social conservatives–Representative Bob Barr (R-GA) and Senator Don Nickles (R-OK) introduced similar bills in May 1996 to allow states to refuse recognition of samesex marriages performed legally in other states. The statute that resulted from these bills is known as the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). Rep. Barr has repudiated his support for DOMA. Supporters of DOMA said the statute was needed to combat what they described as a radical effort to broaden the traditional concept of marriage. Representative Charles Canady (R-FL) said, “What is at stake in this controversy? Nothing less than our collective moral understanding . . . of the essential nature of the family.” Proponents also contended that legalizing gay marriages would send children a message that homosexuality was appropriate, encouraging them to stray beyond traditional heterosexual relationships. One DOMA supporter, Bob Inglis (R-SC), even suggested that loosening the definition of marriage might ultimately lead to the legalization of polygamy. Majority Leader Senator Trent Lott (R-Miss) defended the bill and its proponents, asserting, “This is not prejudiced legislation. . . . It is a preemptive measure to make sure that a handful of judges in a single state cannot impose a radical social agenda upon the entire nation.” President Clinton signed DOMA into law on September 21, 1996. Section 2, entitled “Powers Reserved to the States,” on the issue of same-sex marriages states: No State, territory, or possession of the United States, or Indian tribe, shall be required to give effect to any public act, record, or judicial proceeding of any other State, territory, possession, or tribe respecting a relationship between persons of the same sex that is treated as marriage under the laws of such other State, territory, possession, or tribe, or a right or claim arising from such relationship. Section 3 of DOMA, entitled “Definition of Marriage,” states that: In determining the meaning of any Act of Congress, or of any ruling, regulation, or interpretation of the various administrative bureaus and agencies of the United States, the word “marriage” means only a legal union between one man and one woman as husband and wife, and the word “spouse” refers only to a person of the opposite sex who is a “husband or a wife.” While the passage of DOMA was a major victory for social conservatives, a key Republican constituency, opponents of the law question its constitutionality, focusing on possible effects of the legislation. For example, does it violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution by excluding homosexuals from a benefit—marriage—bestowed by the state? Does it transgress the constitutional

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requirements of the process? Does it grant states a power they did not already possess—namely, the power to ignore extraterritorial marriages? Article IV, Section 1 of the Constitution requires each state to give “full faith and credit” to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. Thus, a marriage legally contracted in one state must usually be recognized in all other states. More pertinent to the issue of religion and the law, many critics of DOMA have cast the constitutionality question in terms of the Act’s intent. If the law has a “religious” intent it may well violate the Establishment Clause of the Constitution. As currently interpreted, the Establishment Clause forbids the government to give preference to any particular religion, or to religion in general. According to the text of the Act, DOMA’s purposes are to “define and protect the institution of marriage: where marriage is intended to exclude same-sex partners.” Thus, to be constitutionally valid under the Establishment Clause, the notion that heterosexual marriages require “protection” from gay and lesbian persons must spring from a secular and not a religious source. Critics of DOMA argue that the Act crosses this forbidden line between the secular and the religious. DOMA’s opponents criticized the statute as “plainly religious” in both scope and purpose in the minds of its sponsors. In the House of Representatives supporters of DOMA frequently made references to religious teachings regarding marriages, even going so far as to read from the Bible. Representatives argued that traditional heterosexual marriage has been preferred by every religious tradition in recorded history, with some calling marriage a “covenant established by God.” Similar appeals to religious teachings as the source of the marriage tradition warranting DOMA protections were made in the Senate, with frequent references to the “holy estate of matrimony” and the “sanctity of marriage.” Democratic Senator Bill Bradley from New Jersey argued that “marriage is, first of all, a predominantly religious institution.” DOMA’s critics charge that the law was clearly a government “entanglement” with religion. Representative Jesse L. Jackson (D-Ill) warned that “religious groups may not govern who receives a civil marriage license . . . [W]hen I came to Congress, I placed my hand on the Bible and swore to uphold the Constitution, now I am being asked to place my hand on the Constitution and uphold the Bible.” Representative Barney Frank (D-Mass), who organized and led opponents against DOMA, objected to the characterization of marriage as a sacrament. “We have no power to give anyone any sacraments. We are not in the business of dispensing sacraments, and I hope we never get there.” Senator Charles Robb, a Democrat from Virginia, reminded his peers that “at its core marriage is a legal institution officially sanctioned by society through its government.” Opponents of DOMA in both the House and the Senate criticized its “political motivation” as designed to embarrass those who consistently supported the rights of gay and lesbian citizens. Opponents particularly criticized the bill as an attempt

DEFENSE OF MARRIAGE ACT (DOMA) to embarrass President Bill Clinton shortly before the 1996 November general election. The president was faced with the dilemma of vetoing it in accordance with his long-standing belief in protecting the civil liberties of gay citizens, but by so doing alienating a large constituency who believed homosexuality to be morally wrong. Or, he could sign the bill and thereby repel another solid constituency. Those with even the slightest amount of political acumen knew that Clinton could not veto DOMA without endangering his chances for reelection. Clinton sought the path of minimal cost and in the middle of the night signed DOMA into law. Opponents of DOMA believe it is unconstitutional based on the Due Process and Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment pertaining to the definition section of the statute, and the “Full Faith and Credit Clause,” which is primarily concerned with the second section of DOMA. Specifically, they charge that the statute violates the fundamental right to marriage (as recognized in Loving v. Virginia (U.S. 1967)) under the Due Process Clause; that Congress over-reached its authority under the Full Faith and Credit Clause; and that the statute illegally discriminates against same-sex couples, and therefore, violates, the Equal Protection Clause. DOMA opponents also charge that the statute violates the Establishment Clause. If DOMA was subjected to the standards established in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) and Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987), DOMA must have a primary and sincere secular purpose to be Constitutional under the Establishment Clause. Aguillard indicated how to ascertain that purpose, including analyzing the text of the statute, its legislative history, and the historical and social context out of which it arose. DOMA opponents argue that the statute has no true secular purpose. Instead, they believe that DOMA symbolizes legislative support for fundamentalist Christianity, referring to the legislative history, which they claim evidences the religious motivations of the bill’s sponsors and supporters. The very definition of “marriage” that DOMA seeks to defend is from the Judeo-Christian tradition. DOMA supporters clearly view marriage as a religious practice. As such, DOMA’s goal to protect marriage was criticized as an effort to codify one particular religious perspective as law. Moreover, while § 2 of DOMA grants no new powers and thus functions solely as a religious symbol, the operation of § 3 of DOMA is flatly underinclusive relative to its alleged secular goals. Finally, DOMA’s critics assert that the antigay animus, of which they claim DOMA manifests, and religious fundamentalism are so tightly intertwined that the one implicates the other. Critics charge that DOMA fails the Aguillard test, which determines whether stated secular purposes are a sham, and assert that the Act is an “unconstitutional establishment of fundamentalist Christianity.” Currently, two states (Massachusetts and Connecticut) allow same-sex marriage, five states recognize some alternative form of same-sex union, twelve

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states prohibit any recognition of any form same-sex unions, including civil unions, 27 states have adopted amendments to their state constitutions prohibiting same-sex marriage, and another 20 states have enacted statutory DOMAs. Only five states have neither a statute nor a constitutional prohibition on same-sex marriage. The U.S. Supreme Court has thus far declined to review any challenges to the constitutionality of DOMA. All lower court rulings have upheld the constitutionality of the statute. In response to the growing number of legal challenges to DOMA, supporters of this statute have proposed the Federal Marriage Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The strongest version of such an amendment would prevent any possible application of the Full Faith and Credit Clause to same-sex partnerships, marriages, or civil unions in other states, and would prohibit both federal and state governments from recognizing same-sex unions. It would also prevent any state from legalizing same-sex marriages entered into within the state. Some alternatives include the plank proposed by Republican Party in its 2004 national platform, for Congress to enact a statute preventing DOMA from being subject to judicial scrutiny. Opponents of DOMA believe that such a proposal would be unconstitutional.

DEPROGRAMMING CASES A controversial practice that first emerged in the 1970s, deprogramming refers to a practice whereby putatively “brainwashed” adherents of new religious movements (NRM’s) (sometimes referred to as cults) were physically abducted, forcibly constrained, and subjected to counter-indoctrination. Two involuntary methods were used: (1) simple abductions without prior legal authorization (but legally defended after the fact through the defense of necessity); and (2) authorized actions under state law, usually in the form of temporary guardianship or conservatorship orders granted by courts (often in ex parte hearings) to relatives of adherents. Deprogramming was often initiated by relatives of the follower, often parents of adult children, who are taken against his or her will. NRMs and the ACLU asserted that involuntary deprogramming was both dangerous and an illegal violation of the adherent’s freedom of religion and civil rights, since this person was kidnapped from an organization in which they voluntarily joined and participated in. Further, if the involuntary deprogramming fails, then it will only widen the rift between the NRM member and their family. Deprogramming in the context of guardianship or conservatorship orders rapidly disappeared after cases such as Katz v. Superior Court (Cal. 1977). In that case, a California superior court judge initially awarded five sets of parents’ 30-day

DEPROGRAMMING CASES custody over their adult children, who were affiliated with the Unification Church, for purposes of conducting deprogramming. An appeal by the five Unificationists resulted in an appellate court ruling forbidding the parents from engaging in deprogramming activity prior to a review of the constitutionality of the conservatorship laws. Shortly thereafter, a court order was issued dismissing the temporary conservatorships and releasing the five individuals from custody. The court ruled that “in the absence of such actions as render the adult believer gravely disabled . . . the process of this state cannot be used to deprive the believer of his freedom of action and to subject him to involuntary treatment.” The court suggested that when it was asked to determine whether a change of religious attitude “was induced by faith or by coercive persuasion, [was] it not investigating and questioning the validity of that faith?” Although a binding precedent only in California, this case appears to have discouraged the use of conventional guardianship and conservatorship statutes to legalize the involuntary deprogramming of devotees who could not be found “gravely disabled.” Coercive deprogramming has been legally costly for some deprogrammers. One case involved Rick Ross, as the chief defendant, along with the well-known Cult Awareness Network (CAN). Ross was perhaps the best known contemporary deprogrammer in the United States. A member of an evangelical Protestant group targeted for deprogramming sued Ross and CAN, which allegedly conspired with Ross in the deprogramming. A jury found the defendants liable and awarded over $5 million to the plaintiff. After the verdict, CAN declared bankruptcy and ceased operations. [Scott v. Ross (W.D. Wash. 1995)] The anticult movement has retreated from espousing coercive deprogramming. Professional therapists, who became an increasingly powerful component of the movement, were unwilling to accept abducted individuals as clients and deprogrammers discovered that voluntary forms of deprogramming were as effective as coercion in many cases. Still, coercive deprogramming persists, and it is not easy for deprogrammees to obtain remedies in civil or criminal courts. As juries tend to sympathize with troubled families who have “lost” a member to a “cult” and there is reluctance to interfere in “family matters,” the prospects of prosecutions and civil actions against deprogrammers and relatives who have employed them remain indeterminate. Other types of interventions have replaced involuntary deprogramming, including “exit counseling,” which are less traumatic for the follower and do not use illegal coercion.

DISCRIMINATION See Religious Discrimination

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DISESTABLISHMENT Disestablishment refers to the severance of the connection between a particular religion and the state, removing its privileged legal status and reducing it to the level of a voluntary association. The United States never had an established church, but the process of disestablishment occurred when several of the original thirteen states severed their official church –state relationship in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The distinctive relationship between church and state in the United States originated during the colonial period between 1607 and 1776. The law of this period reflected growing freedom arising from the colonists’ adjustment to the promise and realities of the New World. The colonists had always to contend with the Church of England and English religious policy. Great diversity emerged in the three major regions, the southern, middle, and New England colonies, which to some extent reflected differences between distinct cultural groups, and how this impacted how they viewed the establishment of religion. For example, the New England colonies generally supported a Congregational Church, while middle Atlantic and southern colonies had Episcopal establishments. By the time of the American Revolution, physical persecution of religious dissenters had ended, and some toleration existed. With the exceptions were Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, the American colonies continued to prefer and support one religion over all others. These churches were legally designated the established church in the colonies where they were so recognized. The American War for Independence was a factor in the disestablishment in the 13 colonies (now states), and it is one of most compelling issues of the era whether causal relationship is more appropriately reversed—that is, to what extent the conflict was one between American dissenters and Anglican establishmentarians in England. Apparently by disestablishment in the South, the patriot leadership hoped to enlist dissenters in the war efforts. The dissenters, in turn, recognized wartime as a perfect opportunity to gain equality from the tidewater gentries. Disestablishment was a multifaceted reality, but not among its realities was hostility to state support of religion. The erosion of the preferential position of the established church lasted from the Revolution to the mid-nineteenth century, when for the first time in Western history, church and state were completely separated. Some of the nation’s Founders, including Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Mason, were strong advocates of religious freedom, and strongly distrusted established churches based on their experiences with England. They believed that too close a collaboration of church and state would lead to the corruption of both. The Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia gave little consideration to the disestablishment issue, which was an issue that vigorously debated in the state legislatures. The states granted religious freedom on their own initiative, since this was the period before the First Amendment was incorporated and applied to the

DIVISIVENESS DOCTRINE states. [Permoli v. New Orleans (U.S. 1845)] The disestablishment of state churches occurred because: (1) The argument of establishment proponents that religion and ultimately the state would perish without the continued support of the government was proven false by the growth of religion in states without established churches such as Rhode Island and Pennsylvania; (2) with the ease resulting from their wealth and legally secured position, the established churches had become stagnant, obtained few converts, and lacked a fervent congregation, that would energetically oppose disestablishment; (3) as immigration to the New World increased and the dissenting churches gained more converts, the established groups become the political minority; and (4) the Bill of Rights, even though legally inapplicable to the states, added impetus to the disestablishment process by emphasizing individual liberties. The United States has never had a federally established church. The Articles of Confederation refers only once to religion. Each state is guaranteed the assistance of its sister states if attacked “on account of religion.” The Articles only maintained the status quo. When the Constitutional Convention met in Philadelphia in 1787, the practical needs of the time, as much as the political and philosophical theories of that era, required that references made to religion be minimized. By 1789 the states were well on their way to recognizing religious tolerance. By 1833, all of the states had disestablished their state churches. To establish a federal church would have jeopardized the new union. Accordingly, Article VI of the new document proscribed a religious test of office. In the state conventions called to ratify the Constitution, some of the delegates sought even stronger guarantees of religious liberty. Whether a state retained its own establishment or not, its delegates demanded that the federal government, if only to preclude encroachment on the privileges of the state establishment, should not establish a federal religion. Responding to this public sentiment, the First Congress drafted a Bill of Rights, ratified by the states in 1791, which in part declared that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Both Article VI and the religious guarantees of the First Amendment applied only to the federal government. [Barron v. Mayor of Baltimore (U.S. 1833)] In 1940 the U.S. Supreme Court recognized the process of incorporation, which extends the protection of the Fourteenth Amendment to guarantee religious freedom against state action. [Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940)]

DIVISIVENESS DOCTRINE One of the Supreme Court’s abiding concerns in adjudicating claims under the religion clauses of the First Amendment has been to avoid “political divisiveness,”

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which could arise if one religion is perceived as receiving favored treatment from the state. Without a complete separation of religion and government, political factions are “bound to divide along religious lines, one of the principal evils against which the First Amendment was intended to protect,” said the Supreme Court in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). Therefore courts enforcing the constitutional command of nonestablishment should defuse these explosive issues by settling them judicially, before sectarian tensions arise. Justice Robert H. Jackson wrote in Everson that the First Amendment “above all” was to “keep bitter religious controversy out of public life by denying access to public influence.” The end of such strife, Justice John Rutledge wrote in the same case, will either be domination by the strongest sect or constant turmoil and dissension engulfing the entire society. Justice Hugo Black, author of the majority opinion in Everson, wrote in 1968 that the Establishment Clause “was written on the assumption that state aid to religion . . . generates discord, disharmony, hatred, and strife among our people.” Justice Rutledge continued in Everson that “public money devoted to payment of religious costs . . . brings the quest for more. It brings to the struggle of sect against sect for the largest share or for any.” Justice John M. Harlan, II, observed in 1970 that “political fragmentation on sectarian lines must be guarded against” and expressly deputized “voluntarism” and “neutrality” as humble servants of this paramount concern. The seminal Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) opinion fully explained: Ordinarily political debate and division, however vigorous or even partisan, are normal and healthy manifestations of our democratic system of government, but political division along religious lines was one of the principal evils against which the First Amendment was intended to protect. The potential divisiveness of such conflict is a threat to the normal political process. . . . The history of many countries attests to the hazards of religions intruding into the political arena or of political power intruding into the legitimate and free exercise of religious belief. The Supreme Court, however, has viewed that the potential for political divisiveness alone can not serve to invalidate otherwise permissible conduct. [Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984); Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983)] Justice O’Connor wrote in her concurring opinion in Lynch that, although several “Supreme Court cases have discussed political divisiveness under the entanglement prong of the Lemon test, the Supreme Court has never relied on divisiveness as an independent ground for holding a government practice unconstitutional. Guessing the potential for political divisiveness inherent in a government practice is simply too speculative an enterprise, in part because the existence of the litigation itself may affect the political response to the government practice. Political divisiveness is admittedly an evil addressed by the Establishment Clause. Its existence may be evidence that institutional entanglement is excessive or that a government practice is perceived as an endorsement of religion. The constitutional inquiry, however, should focus ultimately on the character of the government activity that might cause such divisiveness, not on the divisiveness itself.”

DIVORCE 161 Divisiveness, of course, can attend any state action respecting religions, and neither its existence nor its potential necessarily invalidates the state’s attempts to accommodate religion in all cases. [Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992)] The political divisiveness doctrine has been criticized because it has armed opponents of religious interests with a potent weapon: their mere opposition becomes a basis for a finding of unconstitutionality. Of course, the political victories of either side in such controversies could be divisive; but the doctrine did not—and could not—work both ways. In effect, critics say, the doctrine results in blaming the religious side of any controversy for the controversy.

DIVORCE Divorce is the dissolution of a marriage, other than by death, normally permitting each party to remarry. The religious authority of a country or the convictions of the parties may forbid divorce, but its availability is a fairly common practice in the Western world. The degree and kind of formalities required also varies, down to the case of divorce at will or by consent. Modern social and legal change has access to divorce to be perceived as a civil right. As courts and legislatures have liberalized divorce laws, they have rejected the religious objections of earlier eras, and today either husband or wife can readily secure a civil divorce despite the other’s opposition. In the United States, each state and the District of Columbia may regulate the law of marriage and divorce within its borders. Divorce statutes in most states have nonetheless evolved to recognize the difference between regulating the actual decision to divorce and regulating the practical consequences of such a decision, such as property distribution, support obligations, and child custody. Most courts ignore marital fault in determining whether to grant a divorce, but many still consider fault in setting future obligations between the parties. To determine the exact nature of the rights and duties related to a divorce, one must consult the relevant statutes for the state in which the divorce is filed. In early civilizations, marriage and marriage dissolution were considered private matters. Marriage and divorce first came under comprehensive government regulation in the Roman Empire under the reign of Emperor Augustus (27 BC–AD 14). As Christianity expanded its influence, the government came under religious control. The Roman Catholic Church, the most powerful of the Christian groups, strictly forbade divorce. The only exception to this ban was if one of the spouses had not been converted to Christianity prior to the marriage. One of the ramifications of the Protestant Reformation, which began in the 16th century, was that divorce became less of a church and more of a state issue.

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European courts granted divorces upon evidence of offenses such as adultery, cruelty, or desertion. Marriage and divorce in England were controlled by the Anglican Church, which like the Catholic Church, strictly prohibited divorce. The Anglican Church allowed separations, but neither spouse was allowed to remarry, while the other was living. In the American colonies, the law of divorce varied according to the religious and social mores of the varying colonial societies. England insisted that its American colonies not enact legislation that contradicted restrictive English laws, and a colonial divorce was not considered final until approved by the English monarch. Despite these hurdles, some northern colonies enacted legislation allowing divorce in the 1650s. Divorce in the colonies remained very rare. It could be obtained only through a private act passed by the legislature. Many couples divorced from “bed and board,” i.e., they simply separated without legally dissolving their relationship. After the Revolutionary War, divorce law in the United States continued to develop on a state by state basis. The U.S. Constitution did not address divorce, leaving the matter to state regulation. State legislatures passed and maintained statutes that granted divorce on a showing of fault on the part of a spouse. This meant that if a divorce was contested, the divorcing spouse was required to establish grounds for divorce. If the court felt that the divorcing spouse had not proved the grounds alleged, the court was free to deny the divorce petition. The most common traditional grounds for divorce were cruelty, desertion, and adultery. Other grounds included nonsupport or neglect, alcoholism, drug addiction, insanity, criminal conviction, and voluntary separation. Fault-based divorce laws continued to grow. Legal divorce remained uncommon into the early 20th century, especially in the South, although even there, wives were often quite willing to divorce their husbands, despite a social stigma greater than elsewhere. As late as 1851, legislative divorce was the only way to terminate a marriage in Virginia and Maryland. Northern legislatures much more quickly moved toward granting judicial divorces. Massachusetts in 1780 was the first state to allow judicial divorce, and by the end of the 19th century every state, except South Carolina had it. Even as divorce law became rationalized, it remained deeply conflicted. Organized religion, for example, was adamant in opposing divorce. The Catholic Church condemned it as sin. Protestant denominations portrayed it as an act of personal and national moral failure. Judges and legislators accepted these beliefs and were unwilling to make divorce too easy and too efficient. The adversarial process impeded reform of divorce law. The concept of consensual divorce was unknown in 19th century United States law. One party had to prove that the other had committed a wrong of sufficient magnitude that

DIVORCE 163 existing legal relations required to be rearranged. Although legislators no longer issued divorce decrees, they continued to enact statutes that specified their terms on which judges could grant them. What seemed an adversarial process was often consensual. Husbands, wives, lawyers, and even judges colluded in order to circumvent anachronistic rules and to diminish the costs of a costly system. In 1933, New Mexico became the first state to allow divorce on the ground of incompatibility. This new ground reduced the need for divorcing spouses to show fault. In 1969, California became the first state to completely revise its divorce laws. The California Family Law Act of 1969 provided, in part, that only one of two grounds was necessary to obtain a divorce: irreconcilable differences that have caused the irremediable breakdown of the marriage, or incurable insanity. In divorce proceedings, testimony or evidence of specific acts of misconduct were excluded. The one exception to this rule was where the court was required to award child custody. In such a case, serious misconduct by one parent would be relevant. California was the first comprehensive “no-fault” divorce law, and it inspired a national debate over divorce reform. Supporters of no-fault divorce asserted there were several problems with fault-based divorce. Fault-based divorce was a destructive, counter-productive process. It also encouraged spouses to fabricate one of the grounds for divorce required under the statute. No-fault divorce, conversely, recognized a marriage breakdown may not be the result of one spouse’s misconduct. No-fault divorce laws avoided much of the hostility that plagued fault-based divorce statues. They also simplified the divorce process and made it more consistent nationwide, thus obviating the motivation for desperate couples to travel to other states in search of simpler divorce laws. The United States adopted “easy divorce” statutes for several reasons including that under the old fault system, by the 1960s, American courts were mostly unwilling, or lacking in time, to inquire into the respective grievances of the spouses. Fault divorces had thus already been substantially converted in practice into nonfault mutual consent divorce. In 1970, the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws prepared a Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act, which provides for no-fault divorce if a court finds that the marriage is irretrievably broken. Such a finding requires little more than the desire of one spouse to terminate the marriage. The original proposals were based on notions of family privacy, namely that married persons ought to have their right to terminate their relationship just as they had the right to begin it, subject only to the law’s power to insist that the custody and support of their children be provided for adequately, and that their financial affairs be settled equitably. Several state legislatures enacted the statue, and by the end of the 1970s, nearly every state legislature had enacted statutes allowing no-fault divorce or divorce

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after a specified separation. Some states replaced all traditional grounds with a single no-fault provision. Other states added the ground of irreconcilable differences to existing statues, in such states a divorce petitioner remains free to file for a divorce under traditional grounds. Many major religions extensively regulate divorce of its members. In the Christian tradition, the Roman Catholic Church provides the most comprehensive regulations on divorce. There are over one hundred canons (regulations of the Catholic Church), addressing issues of marriage and ecclesiastical marriage courts. For Catholics marriage is a sacrament, an act that imparts grace to the couple and glorifies God. The essential properties of marriage are unity and indissolubility, thus excluding “divorce” in the modern sense of that term. The absence of canonically recognized divorce leaves unhappy Catholic couples with three alternatives if they cannot fulfill their “duty and right” to maintain conjugal cohabitation: 1. The couple may separate. Several situations may justify a separation, including adultery, endangerment of the physical person or the spirit of a spouse or child, and rendering common life together too difficult. In cases of separation, the couple remains married in the eyes of the Church. 2. The couple may seek to have the marriage bond dissolved. Marital dissolution through the authority of the church alone may occur (a) if the marriage was never consummated by sexual intercourse, (b) in instances of the Pauline Privilege, or (c) through decree of the pope in favor of the faith, in a marriage between a baptized and a nonbaptized person. 3. The parties may seek an annulment from the ecclesiastical authorities (usually a bishop). An annulment effectively declares that there never was a valid, recognizable marriage according to the Church. Parties may choose to remarry after receiving an annulment (though “remarriage” is an odd term, because an annulment declares that there never was a valid marriage). Annulment may be sought on a number of grounds, including the presence of a diriment impediment, a defect of consent, or a lack of canonical form. All of these grounds for annulment are present (or not present) before the marriage ceremony. That is, there are more numerous procedures for entering valid marriages in the Catholic Church, which serve to counterbalance the increased difficulties of leaving a marriage. Because the civil courts in the United States govern divorce law, Catholic couples may marry and divorce with impunity according to the civil law. They must, however, follow the prescriptions and proscriptions of the canon law if they desire to be in full communion with the Church. Thus, many Catholic couples wanting to end their marriages seek a civil divorce, but approach the ecclesiastical tribunals seeking an annulment. The judges and other tribunal personnel must follow careful guidelines set forth in several canons. While their decision regarding

DIVORCE 165 the validity of the marriage is binding as it pertains to marriage within the Catholic Church, their decision is not binding on the civil courts—in the spirit of the canon laws’ claim that proper jurisdiction of marriage cases lies with ecclesiastical judges, and not civil judges. Thus, while the Roman Catholic Church has established and developed an elaborate system for marriage questions, it is barred from using that system to the fullest effect by the prevailing legal structures and lack of jurisdictional pluralism. Judaism’s long history and rich tradition provide compelling perspectives to view the interrelationship of the religious authorities and the civil authorities. When a Jewish couple gets married, the bride and groom sign a ketubah, or “writing.” This signifies the validity of the marriage contract within the Jewish community. After marriage, the ketubah becomes the sole property of the wife. Its exclusiveness to the wife is for historical reasons: it is to discourage the husband from exercising what was his unilateral and unconditional power to divorce his wife. A procedure called a get was created to lessen the potential capriciousness of husbands who wanted to divorce. A get is a formal written document signifying and stating the husband’s desire to divorce. The get process must conform to certain formal and technical rules; the standardization of this process was supposed to provide protection to the woman by making it harder for a husband to divorce his wife. Even with the institution of the get, Jewish women are somewhat at the whim of their husbands, for the husband may be divorced only according to “his free will.” This prerogative of the husband sometimes evolves into a situation in which a recalcitrant husband refuses to issue a get to his wife. Without a get, a Jewish woman cannot remarry according to Jewish law, and she becomes an agunah, or “chained woman.” Traditionally, rabbis have exerted various social pressures on recalcitrant husbands to encourage them to issue a get. These methods ranged from public declarations in the synagogue to social excommunication and banishment from the community. These pressures met moderate success when Jewish communities were fairly independent entities with virtually complete control over their internal affairs. However, in an age of increasing technology, mobility, and less isolation for most Jewish communities, these methods rarely effect the desired result. The problem is especially acute among the Orthodox community, which has not accepted some of the solutions read into Jewish law by Conservative communities. Only recently have Orthodox communities begun to discuss and attempt to deal with this insidious problem. In one effort to address the problem of recalcitrant husbands, the Orthodox rabbinate turned to the secular government for assistance. In 1983 New York passed a law permitting courts to withhold a civil divorce until all barriers, specifically including “any religious or conscientious restraint or inhibition . . . imposed on a party to a marriage, under the principles held by the clergyman or minister who has solemnized the marriage, by reason of the other

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party’s commission or withholding of any voluntary act,” are cleared—thus encompassing the agunah problem. The New York legislature expanded the law in 1992 to permit civil judges to consider a husband’s refusal to issue a get when deciding distribution of marital assets. The New York statutes have not solved the dilemma, however, and their constitutionality is often debated. Moreover, many Orthodox feminists disdain the efforts to rely on secular authorities. These women, many of whom have been deeply involved in the struggle on behalf of agunot, regard reliance on secular authorities as a concession that Jewish law is incapable of ensuring justice for Jewish women. The most promising solution from internal Jewish law is the use of a premarital agreement in which the husband commits to maintain and support his wife until the marriage is properly terminated. Both spouses then agree to let the rabbinical court adjudicate any attempts to dissolve the marriage. There is judicial precedent for legal recognition of such agreements: secular courts, in honoring the prenuptial agreement of the parties, affirm the authority of the Beth Din (the Jewish Court) to exercise oversight and regulation in these cases. In one well-known example, Avitzur v. Avitzur (NY 1983), a Conservative Jewish couple had signed a modified ketubah that required the appearance before the Beth Din at the request of either spouse (which would effectively force the husband to give his wife a get). A divided New York Court of Appeals ruled the ketubah was a valid antenuptial agreement and not violative of public policy under the First Amendment. Although much more common in Conservative Judaism, Orthodox Judaism has also began advocating prenuptial agreements to prevent future agunah cases. The Rabbinical Council of America (the organization of Orthodox rabbis) has adopted and promulgated a standardized prenuptial agreement, which is regarded as the single most important thing that Jewish couples can do before they get married. The purpose of drafting the agreement was to eliminate most future cases of agunah with the use of the prenuptial agreements. These prenuptial agreements provide a method whereby parties agree to internal religious resolution of marital disputes, but the agreement itself is enforceable by the external authorities. The prenuptial option prevents the secular courts from becoming enforcers of religious doctrine, for its lets couples voluntarily choose their forum for dispute resolution. The civil court simply enforces the wishes of the parties to be governed by Jewish law in a Jewish court. The free exercise rights of the individuals are respected by allowing them to remain true to their religious convictions and by allowing for dispute resolution in a religious forum. The free exercise rights of the group are respected, as the Beth Din is empowered to resolve the disputes of its adherents. Establishment Clause problems are avoided, because the government is not forcing any person into a choice of law or forum that he or she did not voluntarily choose, and the government is not advocating one law or forum over the other.

DOREMUS V. BOARD OF EDUCATION In the Islamic tradition, marriage is basically seen as a contract, absent the Christian notions of sacrament. But it is unique in that it is an “adhesion contract,” with terms dictated by the legislature (and not subject to any contrary agreement by the parties), and that it mostly regulated by religious jurisdiction (to preserve its sanctity), even though it is civil in nature. The marriage must be contracted in the presence of witnesses, the parties must not violate degrees of affinity, kindred, or fosterage, the proper form must be followed, and there must be no religious difference between the parties. Once marriages are validly contracted, they may be dissolved during the lifetime of the parties in one of three ways: 1. The most common method of divorce is by the husband exercising the right of talaq, or “repudiation.” The Shari’ah, the law of God, defines this as “the dissolution of a valid marriage contract forthwith or at a later date by the husband, his agent, or his wife duly authorized by him to do so, using the word talaq, a derivative or a synonym thereof. This method of repudiation by uttering talaq is an exclusive right of the husband. Variations of the talaq are revocable for a certain time period, while others are irrevocable. While the talaq is exclusive to the husband, traditional law does allow the husband to delegate his power to his wife under certain circumstances. 2. Divorce may also be effected by mutual agreement, known as khul’ or mubara’a. This kind of mutual agreement rises to legal status though a form of offer and acceptance, usually through the wife paying the husband the amount of her dower. 3. Islamic law also provides for judicial dissolution of marriage under certain circumstances. These causes, which vary according to different schools of jurisprudence, include injury or discord, a defect on the part of the husband (ranging from any physical defect to impotence only), failure of the husband to pay maintenance, and prolonged absence or imprisonment of the husband. Islamic law is codified in many countries, particularly in the Middle East. However, like Catholic canon law, Islamic law on marriage and divorce is not recognized as valid civil law in the United States. Thus, Muslims wishing to adhere to the Shari’ah in the United States must attempt to reconcile those wishes with the competing and often contradictory demands of the civil law on marriage and divorce.

DOREMUS V. BOARD OF EDUCATION (U.S. 1952) A New Jersey statute required the reading of five verses of the Old Testament at the opening of each public school day. Two plaintiffs challenged this practice as an impermissible establishment of religion, prohibited by the First Amendment,

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and applicable to the states through the Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment. The Plaintiff, Donald R. Doremus, was a taxpayer from the Township of Rutherford, NJ. Doremus filed solely as a taxpayer. He had no children in the public schools of the defendant school district. The other plaintiff was Anna Kline, a taxpayer of the town of Hawthorne who had a child in its school system—Gloria Kline, a student at Hawthorne High School, in the Borough of Hawthorne, NJ. Under the New Jersey law, any student or parent of a student who objected to the practice could be excused from the classroom during the exercise. Neither Anne nor Gloria Kline ever made such a request, while Gloria was a student. Further, the Plaintiff’s never complained that the practice required by the statute conflicted with their personal convictions. The Superior Court of New Jersey in Passaic County ruled in favor of the school board. The New Jersey Supreme Court upheld the decision. The plaintiffs, then, appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The court found there was no “case or controversy” in which the Supreme Court had jurisdiction. Under Article III of the U.S. Constitution, the federal courts have jurisdiction over questions that are presented in the form of a case or controversy. Justice Robert H. Jackson, writing for the Court, rejected the standing of the plaintiff, Anne Kline, to raise the constitutional question because the child, Gloria Kline, had graduated from high school, so the claim of the parent was moot. Furthermore, because there was no evidence that public funds were spent on the religious practice, the status of both plaintiffs as taxpayers gave them no stake in the litigation. Justice Jackson wrote that Doremus acting as a taxpayer alone is “too indeterminate, remote, uncertain, and indirect to furnish a basis for an appeal.” Both of the plaintiffs were denied standing as taxpayers, then, because they could show no “measurable appropriation or distribution of a school district’s funds” resulting from the practice of Bible-reading. Justice William O. Douglas, along with Justices Stanley F. Reed, and Harold Burton, dissented. Taxpayers, Douglas argued, had a general interest in the management of the community’s public schools, and that if this Bible reading is an Establishment of religion, then there is mismanagement of tax-supported schools. The effect of the Court’s decision in this case was to defer for a decade a decision on the constitutionality of religious exercises in public schools.

DRAFT See Conscientious Objector

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DRUGS AND RELIGION Some religions teach that drug-induced ecstasies constitute a path toward higher truth. Used as religious sacraments, drugs are considered as ways to relate to the “sacred” dimension of the religious experience. They may include ingesting substances that alter physical behavior and mental states. In certain Christian churches, members drink alcoholic beverages, such as wine for communion; the Native American Church ingests peyote, a mild hallucinogenic; Rastafarians and members of the Ethiopian Zion Coptic Church use marijuana extensively. The free exercise of religion not only involves beliefs, but also includes freedom to perform or abstain from certain acts that are religiously motivated. These religious acts may in some cases include the use of drugs as part of the religious worship. Despite recognizing the freedoms of its citizens to engage in religious acts, the government has repeatedly asserted that it may regulate certain religiously motivated behavior. Thus, conflicts periodically arise between the religious groups who argue that this drug use should be protected as part of their free exercise of religion and the government which argues that public health, safety, and welfare depends upon effective enforcement of the nation’s drug laws. Sometimes these conflicts are resolved through both legislative (statutory) religious exceptions and judicial (case law) exceptions. Even in the absence of explicit legislative exemptions, religious drug users have occasionally been successful in invoking the protection of state and federal constitutional religious liberty provisions in the courts, especially relying on Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963). Prior to the emergence of the Sherbert balancing test, it was assumed that laws prohibiting the use of certain drugs could be applied to those who wished to use these drugs as a part of their religion. Because the state has a clear secular interest in the regulation or prohibition of such drugs, the courts saw no free exercise interest requiring an exemption for any religious use. Following the development of the Sherbert balancing test, a new approach to cases emerged. First, the plaintiff must prove that the inability to use the drug seriously burdens the practice of his or her religion. Second, the state’s interest in the regulation of the drug and the impact of an exemption for religious use must be assessed. If it is clear that the drug is dangerous, the state’s interest would be of a magnitude that should not permit even religious use of drug. If for no other reason, the danger of accidental distribution of a dangerous drug to persons outside of the religious sect claiming the exemption should constitute a compelling interest. However, it is possible that some proscribed drugs are not so dangerous that a narrow exemption for religious use would impair the state’s interest in safety or health. From 1963 through 1990, the U.S. Supreme Court said that state laws imposing substantial burdens on religious exercise were constitutionally permissible only if they were justified by some compelling interest. This doctrine was soon applied to

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the use of drugs in religious ceremonies. In People v. Woody (Cal. 1964), the California Supreme Court ruled that no compelling state interest justified a ban on peyote use in the Native American Church. The “burden” on religious practice created by a ban on peyote was deemed to be an infringement on the free exercise of religion. The U.S. Supreme Court in Employment Division v. Smith (1990) dramatically changed judicial doctrine, when it enunciated a new standard for resolving claims under the Free Exercise Clause and effectively abandoned the compelling state interest test in drug use cases. In this case, Alfred Smith, a member of the Native American Church, was terminated from his job as a counselor for a private rehabilitation Center in Portland, Oregon after ingesting a small amount of peyote for sacramental purposes, while attending a religious ceremony. Oregon law listed peyote as a controlled substance. Unlike many other states, and the federal government, Oregon did not exempt the sacramental use of peyote from their criminal drug laws. The Code of Federal Regulations (CFR), in Schedule I of the Controlled Substances Act, for example, specifically exempts the use, possession, and distribution of peyote for bona fide religious ceremonies by the Native American Church. Smith attempted to collect unemployment compensation, however, the state argued that he had been fired for cause—that is because he had violated the state’s anti-drug laws. Smith sued, claiming that the state law making the use of peyote illegal violated his rights under the Free Exercise Clause. In Smith, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the First Amendment did not protect the use of peyote as part of the religious ritual for members of the Native American Church. Peyote has been used in Native American religion for centuries. It is not a “recreational drug,” and many states have exempted it from their drug laws when used in religion services. The Court held that nondiscriminatory laws affecting religious conduct do not implicate the Free Exercise Clause, do not require any type of special constitutional justification, and do not require religious exemptions. Justice Antonin Scalia distinguished between laws whose direct purpose is to regulate religion, and are unconstitutional and laws that have, as an incidental effect on religion, the abridgement of the free exercise of religion. For example, states may not enact statutes prohibiting the use of wine in the mass; as this would be a burden to the religious beliefs of Roman Catholics, however, states may enact a statute to outlaw the sale of alcoholic beverages generally. The fact that an incidental effect of this statute would be to prohibit the use of wine in the mass would not, in applying the reasoning of the majority opinion, violate the Free Exercise Clause. The Oregon statute, prohibiting the use of peyote, was not intended to regulate the Native American Church. Its effect on the Church was incidental. Hence, there was no Free Exercise violation in Smith. This case held that the balancing between the state interest and free exercise was no longer required. Scalia argued that the Sherbert test opened the door to religious

DRUGS AND RELIGION 171 exemptions from “civic obligations of every conceivable kind” and that its rigorous application would be “courting anarchy” for it would replace the general law with private conscience. Thus, under Smith, a burden on religious conduct no longer triggers presumptive constitutional protection, unless the burden results from a law that targets religious conduct for unequal treatment. Four justices dissented strongly from Scalia’s opinion. Justice O’Connor wrote that the majority opinion “dramatically departs from well-established first amendment jurisprudence and is incompatible with our Nation’s fundamental commitment to religious liberty.” The First Amendment, she claimed, “does not distinguish between laws that are generally applicable and laws that target specific practices.” General laws that are seemingly neutral toward religion may “coerce a person to violate his religious conscience or intrude upon his religious duties just as effectively as laws aimed at religion.” While some observers viewed the court’s actions as a proper correction to a decision that should have been created (i.e., the religious exemption to legal requirements on First Amendment grounds), several civil and religious rights groups objected to Smith, who successfully sought enactment of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA), which directed courts to use the compelling state interest test again. Although, RFRA may have provided a statutory defense in some cases (which became main sources of protection for the sacramental use of controlled substances), the U.S. Supreme Court declared RFRA unconstitutional in Flores v. City of Boerne (U.S. 1997). The freedom of religion guarantee in the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is not an absolute defense to a drug charge. [Peyote Way Church of God, Inc. v. Smith (N.D. Tex. 1983); United States v. Greene (6th Cir. 1989)] Several cases have ruled in effect that the constitutional guarantee of freedom of religious practice is not a valid defense to a violation of criminal laws prohibiting or restricting possession of a particular controlled substance, even if the defendant possessed or utilized the drug in the practice of his or her bona fide religious beliefs. The general theory of this group of cases appears to be that the police power should and does predominate over one’s right to freely practice his or her religious beliefs, where such religious practice involves conduct made criminal by law. [Leary v. United States (5th Cir. 1967) rev’d on other grounds (U.S. 1969)] The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, however, rejected the defendant’s claim that he had a right to use marijuana that was protected by the First Amendment. The defendant claimed that his conviction for marijuana violations should be reversed because use of marijuana was called for by his Hindu faith. In assessing Leary’s claim, the court noted that marijuana was not central to Hinduism in the way that peyote is in certain Native American sects. In several cases, such as Leary, in which a defendant asserted a constitutional freedom of religion and religious practice as a defense to a psychedelic drug offense, courts have considered that there was a failure to show that the drug-

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related conduct was engaged in for a bona fide religious purpose. However, under certain very restricted conditions, a person’s constitutional freedom to practice his or her religion can be a valid defense against a criminal prosecution for illegal drug use or possession. In one case a court dismissed an indictment against a defendant for unlawfully importing peyote through the U.S. mail and possessing peyote with intent to distribute. The defendant was not Native American. However, he was an active member of the Native American Church and used peyote in bona fide religious ceremonies of that church. In rejecting the prosecution’s case, the court held that the freedom to exercise one’s religion by using peyote applied to all members of the Church regardless of race and the fact that the defendant was not a Native American did not mean he could not be a member of the Church. [United States v. Boyll (D.N.M. 1991)]

DUE PROCESS CLAUSE The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution contain provisions denying the federal and state governments respectively any right to deprive a person of “life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” The original purpose of these provisions was to ensure that a fair legal procedure was conducted before life, liberty, or property could be taken away from a citizen or be subjected to government interference. These provisions have resulted in much litigation and have been invoked in circumstances not envisioned when they were adopted. Religious freedom is part of the liberty that the Fourteenth Amendment protects against deprivation without due process of law. All of the First Amendment liberties (speech, press, assembly, as well as religion) are liberties protected by the Fourteenth Amendment because they are considered “fundamental” and they have a “preferred” position, entitling them to greater judicial protection than economic liberties. Therefore, the Fourteenth Amendment has been given wide interpretation in connection with civil liberties, in particular in making applicable to the states the guarantees of liberty in the Bill of Rights. In 1940, the U.S. Supreme Court in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940) held that that the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates the Free Exercise Clause and thus applied it to the states. Seven years later, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Establishment Clause applied to the states, also through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). The text of the fourteenth amendment does not lend itself easily to the incorporation of the Establishment Clause, since it may not be obvious that an establishment of religion would deprive anyone of liberty or

DUE PROCESS CLAUSE property. In early incorporation decisions, the court had taken a broad interpretation of the limiting phrase: “without due process of law.” The statute in Everson provided government funds to transport students to public and parochial schools. The Court upheld it on a five-to-four vote. In his opinion, however, Justice Black gave the Establishment Clause a broad construction far beyond merely prohibiting a national church. He wrote: “Neither a state nor the Federal Government can set up a church. Neither can pass laws which aid one religion, aid all religions, or prefer one religion over another. . . No tax in any amount, large or small, can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions. . . Neither a state nor the Federal Government can. . . participate in the affairs of any religious organizations or groups and vice versa. In the words of Jefferson, the clause was intended to erect ‘a wall of separation between church and State.’”

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E ECCLESIASTICAL CORPORATION Corporate bodies created for the promotion of religion and the securing of the rights of a particular religious group or sect are ecclesiastical corporations. The members of an ecclesiastical corporation are entirely “spiritual persons,” a term referring to the clergy and religious orders originates in English common law. They include corporations sole (for example, bishops, parsons, and vicars) and corporations aggregate (for example, deans and chapters). At common law, a corporation is considered an “artificial” person, who is endowed with the legal capacity of perpetual succession, consisting either of a single individual (called a “corporation sole”) or a collection of individuals (called a “corporation aggregate”). Religious corporations incorporated under the laws of a U.S. state, however, are not “ecclesiastical corporations” in the sense of the English law. [Robertson v. Bullions (N.Y. 1854)] William Blackstone defined ecclesiastical corporations as “where the members who compose it are entirely spiritual persons, “such as bishops, certain deans, and prebendaries; all archdeans, parsons, and vicars, which are sole corporations; deans and chapters at present, and formerly priors and convents, abbots and monks, and the like bodies aggregate.” Blackstone describes corporations known as “eleemosynary corporations” as neither strictly speaking lay nor ecclesiastical, “even though composed of ecclesiastical persons, and although they in some things partake of the nature, privileges and restrictions of ecclesiastical bodies.” [1 Blackstone 470] Eleemosynary corporations are now defined as corporations with charitable functions and powers. It is not the profession of piety by the individuals that renders the corporation of which they are the members “ecclesiastical.” The corporation must be spiritual in a legal, and not in a popular or scriptural sense. Lay corporations may be for the advancement of religion, and the members may all be clergymen even, but that does not make the corporation ecclesiastical. [Robertson v. Bullions (N.Y. 1854)]

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Ecclesiastical corporations were a category of corporation disfavored in the United States after the American Revolution and the disestablishment of the Anglican Church (the modern Episcopalian church). In the eighteenth century, Virginia’s antipathy to the Anglican faith resulted in a wholesale confiscation of church funds and prompted a prohibition against ecclesiastical corporations that continues to this day in Virginia and West Virginia. A special feature enjoyed by both eleemosynary and ecclesiastical corporations was visitorial power, which was an enforcement mechanism and could compel the original purpose of the charity to be “faithfully fulfilled.” The theory of the visitorial power was that the private, charitable corporations founded and endowed by private persons were subject to the private government and rules of the founders. As in all charitable corporations, the individuals who originally donated funds and revenues, as well as their heirs, had the right to visit, inquire into, and correct all irregularities and abuses that arose in the course of the administration of the funds donated. Under English common law, the ecclesiastical corporation sole dates back to the mid-fifteenth century. The corporation sole developed as a product of early property law principles that did not permit the devise of real property to a church in fee simple absolute. A conveyance to the religious leader (usually a parson or minister) personally thus ran the risk that the property might descend to the leader’s heirs to be subject to personal debts or encumbrances. By making the person and his successors a corporation, the church accomplished the goal of preserving the property of the parsonage for the benefit of the church; because the present officeholder, his predecessor and his successor were deemed by law to be one and the same person, any property given to one was considered the property of the successor. As it developed in the New England colonies, the corporation sole functioned as a municipal corporation, and alienation of property required the consent of the parish.

ECCLESIASTICAL COURT Courts or tribunals established by churches to adjudicate disputes between clerical authorities and disputes involving spiritual matters affecting either clerics or laity are ecclesiastical courts. Such courts exist in Christian denominations (for example, the Catholic tribunal), among Jews (the Beth Din), Muslims (the Shari’ah), and other religious faiths. In earlier times ecclesiastical courts were much more powerful than they are today. In Europe during the Middle Ages the courts of the Roman Catholic Church had wide jurisdiction, extending to many temporal matters, and often rivaled the secular courts in power. The range of spiritual matters under their

ECCLESIASTICAL DISPUTES 177 jurisdiction often extended into the secular area. The cases they adjudicated included those involving marriage, divorce, legitimacy, wills, heresy, and all cases in which clerics were accused of either religious or secular crimes. Some ecclesiastical courts gained a harsh reputation. The Inquisition, which began in 1231 (particularly severe was the Spanish Inquisition of 1478–1808, 1814–1820, and 1823–1834), was one of the most brutal of the ecclesiastical courts and sent many people accused of heresy to be burned at the stake. As societies have become more secular, the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts has become strictly limited to religious issues, the governance of church property, and matters of ecclesiastical discipline. By the sixteenth century in Continental Europe, ecclesiastical courts largely ceased to have any secular functions. In England today, the ecclesiastical courts exercise jurisdiction in civil cases concerning church buildings and in criminal cases in which clergy members are accused of ecclesiastical crimes.

ECCLESIASTICAL DISPUTES Where there is a dispute between factions of a religious organization, one or more of the parties may seek resolution of the dispute by a state court. Of course, the government cannot declare which party is correct in matters of religion, because that would violate the principles of both the Establishment and the Free Exercise Clauses of the Constitution. A judicial declaration on such matters would simultaneously establish certain religious views as correct for the organization, while inhibiting the free exercise of the opposing belief. Yet when the opposing groups both claim the same church property, the state is required to make some judgment as to who is entitled to possession. This must be done under carefully circumscribed rules that avoid deciding matters of religious belief. When the disputed property is subject to some express condition in a deed, a court may rule on the occurrence of the condition, if that does not involve a ruling on religious matters. Thus, if a building is deeded to a church for so long as it is used as a place of religious worship, the court could order the return of the property if it were used as a retail sales establishment. But if the condition is that the church can keep the property so long as it is true to its doctrine, that condition could not be enforced. Any ruling requiring the return of the church property in such a case would involve a government ruling on religious beliefs, which is forbidden by the Constitution. Most ecclesiastical disputes involving property center on property that is not subject to such a specific condition. In these situations two or more groups present themselves to a court and claim the right to possess and control church property. The permissible basis for court rulings in these situations varies with the organization of the church involved in the dispute. When the church is an

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independent congregation that is not subject to a general or higher church authority, the will of a majority of the members must control the decision. As this is a self-governing unit, the only secular basis for a ruling between competing groups is based on the preferences of a majority of the members. A separate secular way to determine ownership might pertain if the deed to the property at issue or the incorporation documents of the church group specified some other form of resolving disputes that did not require the court to review religious doctrine. As it is highly unlikely that such a neutral, secular rule or dispute resolution could be found, it is only safe to assume that the majority rule principle must prevail in these cases. Another controversial issue involves ecclesiastical discipline. Generally, secular courts have no ecclesiastical jurisdiction and cannot review church disciplinary actions for the purpose of reinstating expelled church members. [Fowler v. Bailey (Okl. 1992)]

ECCLESIASTICAL LAW An ecclesiastical law is a law that has been enacted by a competent ecclesiastical authority. In a general sense, all laws relating to a church, whether imposed by secular authorities, by divine law, by the law of nature and reason, or by the rules of independent societies can be seen as ecclesiastical law. In a narrower sense ecclesiastical law embodies those rules established by the church itself for the spiritual welfare of the faithful and the orderly conduct of church affairs. Ecclesiastical laws include disciplinary laws, liturgical laws, procedural laws, and penal laws. In the context of English law, ecclesiastical law means the law of the Church of England as administered by the ecclesiastical courts, the constitution of the church, its property, clergy, benefices, and services. It is derived largely from the canon and civil law. In England prior to the Reformation, which began in that country in 1534, ecclesiastical courts administered the general canon law of the Western Christian Church. At the Reformation, this became English ecclesiastical law. In England the Church of England is established by law and its law is a part of the law of the land. The Church in Wales was disestablished in 1920. The Church of Ireland was separated from the Church of England and disestablished in 1871. Other churches in England, although recognized by law, are fundamentally voluntary associations and their codes of law are binding on their members only by virtue of voluntary submission. As now restricted, ecclesiastical law applies mainly to the affairs, and the doctrine, discipline, and worship, of the established church. In the United States, all churches are tolerated but none are established churches.

EDWARDS V. AGUILLARD

EDUCATION See Government Aid to Private Schools; Government Aid to Religious Institutions; Public School Curriculum

EDWARDS V. AGUILLARD (U.S. 1987) Louisiana’s Balanced Treatment Act compelled the public schools to teach Bibleinspired creationism whenever Darwinian evolutionary theory was introduced into the classroom. Although welcome to ignore both “theories,” the law required that any public school teacher who taught evolution must also give equal time to teaching “creation science.” In Aguillard the Supreme Court struck down the Balanced Treatment Act, finding that it furthered a primarily religious, and therefore, unconstitutional, purpose. The Supreme Court agreed with and cited the court of appeals finding that the legislature’s “actual intent was ‘to discredit evolution by counterbalancing its teaching at every turn with the teaching of creationism, a religious belief.”’ In reaching this result, the Court first had to evaluate and ultimately dismiss a purported secular legislative purpose advanced to justify the Act. Although the first prong of the test originally set forth in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) required that the legislative purpose be secular and not religious, the Aguillard Court also explicitly required that the “statement of such purpose be sincere and not a sham.” In other words, while the Lemon test directs courts to ask the crucial question—what is the purpose of the law?—Aguillard provides the courts with the kinds of information that they can consult to arrive at a proper answer. The Supreme Court identified six areas of permissible inquiry to facilitate the evaluation of a law’s purpose. These are: 1. Whether the legislative history of the law contains overt religious justification for it, especially from the sponsor 2. Whether the law functions solely symbolically by failing to grant any new authority 3. The extent to which the law’s operation is underinclusive relative to its stated purpose 4. The history behind the topic and its prior ties to religion 5. The social and political context from which the law emerged, and 6. Whether the explicit text of the law expresses a religious purpose. The Balanced Treatment Act presented problems on all six inquiries except the last. Although advocates of the Act offered the secular reason of advancing academic freedom, the sponsor, Senator Bill Keith, intended to narrow the science curriculum. “My preference would be that neither [creationism nor evolution] be

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taught.” The Court found this attitude inconsistent with the purported goal of advancing academic freedom. The Court found that the legislative history revealed no identified secular purpose and that the primary purpose of the Act was to promote a particular religious belief. (In his dissent, Justice Antonin Scalia argued that the Louisiana statute had as its secular purpose the protection of academic freedom.) The majority of the justices further rebutted the sincerity of the purported purpose of advancing academic freedom because “[the] Act [did] not grant teachers a flexibility that they did not already possess . . . The Act provides Louisiana school teachers with no new authority. Thus the state purpose is not furthered by it.” This failure to grant new authority to the teachers led the Court to conclude that “[t]he Act violates the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment because it seeks to employ the symbolic and financial support of government to achieve a religious purpose.” The Aguillard Court also argued that the purported purpose of the Act, that of protecting academic freedom, was inconsistent with its effect, which was promoting a religious belief, and thus made the sincerity of the “academic freedom” purpose suspect. The Court noted that if by such freedom the state meant to encourage the fair “teaching [of] all of the evidence,” the Act displayed a “discriminatory preference of the teaching of creation science and against the teaching of evolution,” which contradicted the claims of promoting fairness. The Aguillard Court also noted a historical “link between the teachings of certain religious denominations and the teaching of evolution,” which was reviewed in Epperson v. Arkansas (U.S. 1968). This history supported the Court’s conclusion that “the term ‘creation science,’ as contemplated by the legislature that adopted this Act, embodies the religious belief that a supernatural creator was responsible for the creation of humankind.” Finding that the antagonistic link between creation science and evolution is not only historic, but “contemporaneous,” the Court also examined present-day influences. In this process the Court found that the legislators’ religious views influenced the passage of the Act: “The state senator [Senator Bill Keith] repeatedly stated the scientific evidence supporting his religious views should be included in the public school curriculum to redress the fact that the theory of evolution incidentally coincided with what he characterized as religious beliefs antithetical to his own.” Thus, “because the primary purpose of the Creationism Act is to endorse a particular religious doctrine, the Act furthers religion in violation of the Establishment Clause.” Given that the Balanced Treatment Act violated five of the six inquiries set forth as a test of the law’s secular purpose, the Court judged the Act’s stated purpose of promoting academic freedom or basic educational fairness to be a subterfuge intended to hide the fundamentally religious nature of the law. In their dissenting opinion, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist and Justice Antonin Scalia criticized the majority for presuming the law unconstitutional

ELK GROVE UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT V. NEWDOW because “it was supported strongly by organized religion or by adherents of particular faiths.” “Political activism by the religiously motivated is part of our heritage,” Scalia wrote. “Today’s religious activism may give us [this law] . . . but yesterday’s resulted in the abolition of slavery, and tomorrow’s may bring relief for famine victims.” Scalia also pointed out the contradiction of ruling that secular humanism is protected as a “religion” in some court cases, and then depicted as a neutral nonreligion in this case.

ELK GROVE UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT V. NEWDOW (U.S. 2004) Michael Newdow, a Sacramento, California, attorney and emergency medicine physician, filed a lawsuit in March 2000 against the Elk Grove Unified School District. Newdow sued on behalf of his daughter, who was enrolled in the Elk Grove public schools, as “next friend.” He alleged that the words “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance was a constitutional establishment of religion and that, as such, the daily recitation of the Pledge with the phrase “under God” interfered with his right to inculcate his daughter with his religious beliefs. U.S. Magistrate Judge Peter A. Nowinski found the Pledge to be constitutional. The district court accepted the magistrate’s findings and dismissed the case on June 21, 2000. Newdow appealed to the Ninth Circuit. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled that the words “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance constituted an endorsement of religion, and therefore violated the Establishment Clause. On June 14, 2004, the U.S. Supreme Court held that Michael Newdow, as a noncustodial parent, did not have standing to bring the lawsuit on his daughter’s behalf. The Ninth Circuit decision was thus reversed on procedural grounds. The Supreme Court did not rule on the constitutional issues raised by the case. The Ninth Circuit issued three opinions in Newdow, as included below. The court issued Newdow I on June 26, 2002. A three-judge panel of the court unanimously found Newdow had standing as a parent to challenge a practice that interferes with his right to direct the religious education of his daughter. On the merits of the case, the court reversed the trial court decision on a two-to -one vote on June 26, 2002. The majority opinion was written by Judge Alfred T. Goodwin with a partial concurrence and partial dissent written by Judge Ferdinand F. Fernandez. In reviewing the case, the court applied the Lemon test, the Endorsement Test, and the Coercion Test. In doing so, the court concluded recitation of the Pledge with the words “under God” included violated the Establishment Clause. Judge Fernandez, in his partial dissent, wrote that the religious content of the “under God” addition is so small that it is de minimis—so trivial as to be properly beneath judicial notice.

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The public and congressional reaction to the Ninth Circuit’s decision was highly negative. Nearly 150 members of Congress expressed their opposition to the ruling by standing on the front steps of the Capitol and reciting the Pledge, including the words “under God,” and the Senate passed a non-binding resolution (S. 2690) affirming the presence of the phrase “under God” by a unanimous vote (ninety-nine, with one Senator absent). The court issued Newdow II on December 4, 2002. After the June opinion was issued, Sandra Banning—the mother of the child in question (Newdow and Banning were not married)—filed a motion to intervene or, alternatively, to dismiss Newdow’s complaint. She declared that although she and Newdow shared actual custody of their daughter, a California court order granted her exclusive legal custody of the child, including the sole right to represent her legal interests and make all decision[s] about her education and welfare. Banning further stated that her daughter is a Christian who believes in God and has no objection either to reciting or hearing others recite the Pledge of Allegiance, or to its reference to God. Banning expressed the belief that her daughter would be harmed if the litigation were permitted to proceed, because others might incorrectly perceive the child as sharing her father’s atheist views. Banning accordingly concluded, as her daughter’s sole legal custodian, that it was not in the child’s interest to be a party to Newdow’s lawsuit. The court’s second published opinion noted that Newdow no longer claimed to represent his daughter, but the judges unanimously concluded that Banning’s sole legal custody of the child did not deprive Newdow, as a noncustodial parent, of Article Three standing to object to unconstitutional government action affecting his child. The court further held that under California law Newdow retained the right to expose his child to his particular religious views even if those views contradicted the mother’s, and that Banning’s objections as sole legal custodian did not defeat Newdow’s right to seek redress for an alleged injury to his own parental interests. The court issued Newdow III on February 28, 2003. Defendants sought en banc review. This was denied and an amended order and opinion was issued in February 2003. The amended opinion omitted the initial opinion’s discussion of Newdow’s standing to challenge the 1954 statute and declined to determine whether Newdow was entitled to declaratory relief regarding the constitutionality of that Act. On September 11, 2003 Newdow was awarded partial custody of his daughter, including joint legal custody. The Ninth Circuit had found that the 1954 insertion of “under God” was made “to recognize a Supreme Being” and advance religion at a time “when the government was publicly inveighing against atheistic communism”—a fact which (according to the court) the federal government did not dispute. The court also noted that when President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the act which added the

ELK GROVE UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT V. NEWDOW phrase “under God,” he also announced, “From this day forward, the millions of our school children will daily proclaim in every city and town, every village and rural schoolhouse, the dedication of our Nation and our people to the Almighty.” Judge Alfred Goodwin from the Ninth Circuit remarked: “A profession that we are a nation ‘under God’ is identical, for Establishment Clause purposes, to a profession that we are a nation ‘under Jesus,’ a nation ‘under Vishnu,’ a nation ‘under Zeus,’ or a nation ‘under no god,’ because none of these professions can be neutral with respect to religion.” On March 24, 2004, the Supreme Court of the United States agreed to hear the case to consider two questions: (1) whether Newdow had standing as a noncustodial parent to challenge the school district’s policy on recitation of the Pledge, and (2) if so, whether the policy offends the First Amendment. Justice Antonin Scalia recused himself from the case after a request by Newdow that cited Scalia’s disapproval of the Ninth Circuit decision in a public speech. According to Scalia, many lower courts often misinterpret the Establishment Clause, extending its proscription of religious expression in the public sphere. On June 14, 2004, in an opinion written by Justice John Paul Stevens, five of the remaining eight justices—Stevens, Anthony Kennedy, Stephen Breyer, David Souter, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg—found Newdow lacked standing to bring the case as “next friend” to his daughter, because Sandra Banning had sole legal custody of the child at the time, including exclusive authority over the girl’s education. The majority also found that Michael Newdow lacked prudential standing to bring the case on behalf of himself due to the custody arrangement. This resulted in reversal of the Ninth Circuit’s decision as a matter of procedural law. The other three justices concurred in the judgment reversing the Ninth Circuit, but dissented on the issue of standing. They found Michael Newdow did have standing to bring the suit. Thus, they proceeded to examine the constitutional question, and in doing so they found it did not offend the Constitution. Chief Justice William Rehnquist wrote an opinion in which the other two joined in part; and both justice Sandra Day O’Connor and Justice Clarence Thomas wrote their own separate opinions. The Chief Justice’s opinion asserts the phrase “under God” does not endorse or establish religion but actually asserts that the term merely acknowledges the nation’s religious heritage, in particular the role of religion for the Founding Fathers of the United States. Thus, according to the opinion, the Pledge is a secular act rather than an act of indoctrination in religion or expression of religious devotion. Justice Thomas, by contrast, asserts that finding the Pledge unconstitutional is an unjustifiable expansion of the meaning of “coercion” as that term is used in legal precedent: to prohibit compelling students in a “fair and real sense” by “subtle and indirect public and peer pressure” [Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992)] to be

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prayerful, as well as prohibiting actual coercion by force of law and threat of penalty. Further, he argues that the Establishment Clause ought not be considered a right that attaches to individuals pursuant to the Incorporation Doctrine, because he believes the clause only prohibits interference by the federal government in the right of individual states to establish their own official religions—notwithstanding current majority opinion on the question is against states having such a right, as a result of the Incorporation Doctrine.

EMPLOYMENT DIVISION V. SMITH (U.S. 1990) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court held that Oregon’s prohibition of peyote in religious ceremonies did not violate the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Two drug and alcohol abuse rehabilitation counselors, both of whom were members of the Native American Church, were terminated from their jobs with a private corporation because they ingested peyote, a hallucinogenic drug, for sacramental purposes at a church ceremony. Use of the drug was prohibited by state law. The counselors applied to the Employment Division of Oregon’s Department of Human Resources for unemployment compensation, but their claim was rejected because they had been fired for violating the state’s drug laws. The former drug counselors appealed, claiming that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment protected their use of peyote in connection with a religious ceremony. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that (1) the Free Exercise Clause did not require an exemption from criminal laws banning the use of peyote, and (2) unemployment compensation could be denied to persons whose discharge had been based on their violation of a valid criminal statute. Justice Scalia wrote the majority opinion, which held that the Free Exercise Clause did not require the government to justify its refusal to exempt religiously motivated drug use from the general prohibition of drug use. The majority believed that the judiciary was not authorized by the Free Exercise Clause to balance the societal interest in the drug proscription against the degree to which compliance with the law burdened the sincerely held religious beliefs of the individuals in the case.

ENDORSEMENT TEST The endorsement test is used to determine whether state participation in a religious activity violates the First Amendment’s ban against government

ENDORSEMENT TEST establishment of religion. The test asks whether the state activity involved constitutes either an endorsement or disapproval of religion. [Chaudhuri v. Tennessee (M.D. Tenn. 1995)] The endorsement test asks whether a reasonable person would view the challenged action as the government favoring religion. It continues to remains a viable source of constitutional jurisprudence. There is universal consensus with the core Establishment Clause value that the government may not use its power to coerce religious conduct. There is significant dispute over what this coercion requires. Unconstitutional government endorsement of religion exists when a government provides special treatment to the religious and there is no burden on religious exercise to justify that action as an accommodation. The endorsement test was best articulated by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in her concurrence in Allegheny County v. ACLU (U.S. 1989). This case reviewed the constitutionality of a holiday display on public property that included both a menorah and a Christmas tree. The city had placed a sign at the foot of the tree that read: “During this holiday season, the City of Pittsburgh salutes liberty. Yet these festive lights remind us that we are keepers of the flame of liberty and our legacy of freedom.” Justice O’Connor found that the display “did not endorse Judaism or religion in general, but rather conveyed a message of pluralism and freedom of belief.” The “endorsement test,” as articulated by Justice O’Connor, asks whether a reasonable observer would perceive the challenged religious activity as a government endorsement of religion, when looking at it in the context as a whole. The heart of the rationale for this approach is that “[e]ndorsement sends a message to ‘nonadherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community.”’ In religious display cases, the controlling analysis is the endorsement test: a religious display on public property violates the Establishment Clause if a “reasonable, informed observer” would perceive that the display communicates government endorsement of religion. This “reasonable, informed observer” is not a mere casual passerby, but instead “a hypothetical observer who is presumed to [be] aware of the history and context of the community and forum in which the religious display appears.” Indeed, “reasonable observers have reasonable memories, and . . . precedent[] sensibly forbid[s] an observer ‘to turn a blind eye to the context in which [the] policy arose.”’ Applying the endorsement test, the Court has reached mixed results. For example, in Allegheny County v. ACLU, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a seasonal display that included a menorah adjacent to a Christmas tree, but struck down a stand-alone cre`che displayed on the steps of the town hall. In the Court’s opinion, pairing the religious menorah with a secular Christmas tree sent a secular message of seasonal celebration, while the freestanding cre`che sent a message of religious endorsement. In McCreary County

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v. ACLU, the Court struck down two Ten Commandments displays at state courthouses because they had an unmistakable religious theme. In Van Orden v. Perry, however, the Court upheld a Ten Commandments display near the Texas State Capitol building because the arrangement included “17 monuments and 21 historical markers commemorating the ‘people, ideals, and events that compose Texan identity.”’ As these cases suggest, the endorsement test is highly contextual, requiring judges to imaginatively reconstruct the history and context of a religious display, and then view that imaginary world through the equally imaginary eyes of the reasonable observer. Not surprisingly, then, display of the same religious item—for example, the text of the Ten Commandments—is permissible when planted in one context, but unconstitutional when transplanted to another. The endorsement test also applies to cases where religious groups seek access to public property. These cases typically involve a local government that, fearing a lawsuit on Establishment Clause grounds, prohibits religious groups from using public buildings. Under the Free Speech Clause, denying access based on a group’s viewpoint is unconstitutional unless the government can show a compelling reason to do so. The government typically claims that it had denied access to avoid violating the Establishment Clause, arguing that granting access to religious groups would send a message endorsing religion. The government’s argument ultimately fails because allowing religious groups nondiscriminatory access to public property does not necessarily violate the Establishment Clause. In terms of the endorsement test, the reasonable, informed observer will not necessarily perceive government endorsement of religion from a policy that grants all groups—secular and religious—nondiscriminatory access to public property. Rather, the message is that government supports a wide array of private association, regardless of viewpoint. Even nondiscriminatory access may create the perception of endorsement. Capitol Square Review and Advisory Board v. Pinette (U.S. 1995) addressed the question of when nondiscriminatory access might do so. There, the Klu Klux Klan sought to place a Latin Cross on a public plaza adjacent to the state capitol building. Historically, the plaza had “been used for public speeches, gatherings, and festivals advocating and celebrating a variety of causes, both secular and religious.” The state was concerned that placement of a religious symbol next to the statehouse would send an unconstitutional message of endorsement. Once again, Justices applying the endorsement test controlled the outcome. Justice O’Connor explained that the reasonable, informed observer would not perceive government endorsement from the mere proximity of the Klan’s cross to the statehouse. Knowing the plaza had an over one-hundred-year history of accommodating all manner and viewpoint of speech, the reasonable observer would instead perceive a message of tolerance and openness. Justice O’Connor explained that under different circumstances, however, proximity of a private religious display to the statehouse might send a message of

ENDORSEMENT TEST endorsement, even if the forum were open on a nondiscriminatory basis. In reaching this conclusion, Justice O’Connor made three important points. First, purely private religious activity can violate the Establishment Clause. In Pinette, the religious component of the challenged action—placement of a religious symbol—was carried out by purely private actors. Yet, the endorsement test still applies “where private religious conduct has intersected with a neutral governmental policy providing some benefit in a manner that parallels the instant case.” Thus merely admitting private religion to public property necessitates constitutional scrutiny. Second, under the endorsement test, the mere fact that the government “neither intends nor actively encourages” the perception of endorsement does not end the analysis. Regardless of the government’s intent or disinterested behavior, “the State’s own actions (operating the forum in a particular manner and permitting the religious expression to take place therein), and their relationship to the private speech at issue, actually convey a message of endorsement.” Justice O’Connor explained how the government may unwittingly and unwillingly endorse religion: “At some point . . . a private religious group may so dominate a public forum that a formal policy of equal access is transformed into a demonstration of approval. Other circumstances may produce the same effect—whether because of the fortuity of geography, the nature of the particular public space, or the character of the religious speech at issue, among others. Our Establishment Clause jurisprudence should remain flexible enough to handle such situations when they arise.”

Third, when a neutral government policy has led to perceived endorsement of religion, government has an affirmative duty “to take steps to avoid being perceived as supporting or endorsing a private religious message.” Government may not “remain studiously oblivious to the effects of its actions.” If a policy of nondiscriminatory access leads to religious activity that dominates a public forum, the government must act to prevent the forbidden result (i.e., the reasonable perception of endorsement). For example, the government might publicly disclaim association with, or endorsement of, the religious activity. The endorsement test has been criticized by some commentators who argue that while these display and prayer cases may appear to be consistent—government does not offend the Establishment Clause as long as it does not appear to endorse religion, private prayer on public grounds may present an additional difficulty which the endorsement test does not address. Many private prayer cases arise when the government invites the public to an otherwise secular occasion, and a person must handle a prayer to which she objects. Even if the prayer is purely private, and the government does not endorse it, the objector may still need to take some action to avoid participation. If the necessary action is visible to others in attendance, the objector will be identified. And if the community has a strong norm of religious belief and behavior, the objector may be identified as a norm

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violator and suffer sanctions as a result, such as harassment or loss of social acceptance. The religious objector, then, finds herself in a similar position to the member of an unpopular political party confronted by a disclosure law. The Supreme Court, the argument goes, may find it best to adapt its freedom of association test to protect religious objectors from such prayer.

ENGEL V. VITALE (U.S. 1962) For years many public school districts mandated that the school day begin with some sort of prayer. The first case to come before the Supreme Court challenging that practice was Engel v. Vitale. A group of 10 parents sued the Board of Education of Union Free School District No. 9 in Hyde Park, New York, for requiring that the following prayer be read aloud by each class in the presence of a teacher at the beginning of the school day: “Almighty God, we acknowledge our dependence on Thee, and we beg Thy blessings upon us, our parents, our teachers, and our Country.” The prayer was composed by the New York State Board of Regents, which was a state agency having broad supervisory powers over the state’s public schools. State officials had composed the prayer and published it as part of their “Statement on Moral and Spiritual Training in the Schools.” The plaintiffs felt that the prayer was contrary to their families’ religious practices and maintained that its mandatory use in the public schools violated the federal Constitution. Specifically, they felt that the prayer violated the clause in the First Amendment that states “Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion.” This clause, called the Establishment Clause, was made applicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. The court stated that there could be no doubt that the classroom invocation was a religious activity. Neither the fact that the prayer was denominationally neutral nor that its observance was voluntary make it acceptable under the Establishment Clause. The New York Court of Appeals that heard the case upheld the power of New York to allow the prayer to be said each day as long as the schools did not compel any student to join in the prayer over the parent’s objections. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court reversed the lower courts and ruled that the use of a government-composed, nondenominational voluntary prayer in the public schools violates the Establishment Clause of the Constitution. The Court’s five-to-two decision was delivered by Justice Hugo Black: The religious nature of prayer was recognized by Jefferson, and has been concurred in by theological writers, the United States Supreme court, and State

ENGEL V. VITALE 189 courts and administrative officials, including New York’s Commissioner of Education. A committee of the New York legislature has agreed. The petitioners contend . . . that the state laws requiring or permitting use of the Regents’ prayer must be struck down as a violation of the Establishment Clause . . . We agree with this contention since we think that, in this country, it is no part of the business of government to compose official prayers for any group of the American people to recite as a part of a religious program carried on by government. The New York laws officially prescribing the Regent’s prayer are inconsistent both with the purposes of the Establishment Clause and with the Establishment Clause itself. The Court said there could be no doubt that the program of daily classroom invocation of God’s blessings as prescribed in the Regents’ prayer was a religious activity. The constitutional prohibition against laws respecting an establishment of religion must at least mean that in this country it is no part of the business of government to compose official prayers for any group of the American people to recite as a part of a religious program carried on by government, said the Court. It is a matter of history that this very practice of establishing governmentally composed prayers for religious services was one of the reasons that caused many of our early colonists to leave England and seek religious freedom in America, said the Court. The Court explained that it was an unfortunate fact of history that when some of the very groups that had most strenuously opposed the established Church of England found themselves sufficiently in control of colonial governments in this country to write their own prayers into law, they passed laws making their own religion the official religion of their respective colonies. By the time of the adoption of the Constitution, U.S. history shows that there was a widespread awareness among many Americans of the dangers of a union of church and state, the Court said. The First Amendment was added to the Constitution to guarantee that neither the power nor the prestige of the federal government would be used to control, support, or influence the kinds of prayer the American people can say—that the people’s religions must not be subjected to the pressures of government for change each time a new political administration is elected to office, the Court explained. Under that Amendment’s prohibition against governmental establishment of religion, as reinforced by the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, government in this country, be it state or federal, is without power to prescribe by law any particular form of prayer that is to be used as an official prayer in carrying on any program of governmentally sponsored religious activity, the Court determined, observing that the State prayer program officially established the religious beliefs embodied in the prayer. The Court said that the Establishment Clause, unlike the Free Exercise Clause, does not depend upon any showing of direct governmental compulsion and is violated by the enactment of laws that establish an official religion whether those laws operate directly to coerce

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nonobserving individuals or not. The first and most immediate purpose of the Clause rested on the belief that a union of government and religion tends to destroy government and to degrade religion. Another purpose of the Establishment Clause rested upon an awareness of the historical fact that governmentally established religions and religious persecutions go hand in hand, said the Court. To so hold was not to be hostile to religion, the Court said, observing that the First Amendment was written to quiet well-justified fears that nearly all of the Founders felt arising out of an awareness that governments of the past had shackled men’s tongues to make them speak only the religious thoughts that government wanted them to speak and to pray only to the God that government wanted them to pray to. Justice Douglas, concurring, stated that the point for decision was whether the government could constitutionally finance a religious exercise. He said that there were many governmental “aids” to religion at many different levels, and that in that regard what New York did on the opening of its public schools was what each House of Congress presently did at the opening of each day’s business. He noted that the disputed law involved no compulsion or coercion, and no proselytizing. Thus, he said, the question was a narrow one. He acknowledged that the prayer was brief, but said that no matter how briefly the prayer is said, the person praying was a teacher, who was a public official on the public payroll, performing a religious exercise in a governmental institution, and that was what made it illegal. Yet, he said, he could not say that to authorize the prayer in question was to establish a religion in the strictly historic meaning of those words. A religion is not established in the usual sense merely by letting those who choose to do so say the prayer that the public school teacher leads, he said. Yet once government finances a religious exercise it inserts a divisive influence into our communities, he said. He believed Everson v. Board of Ed. of Ewing Tp. (U.S. 1947), which allowed taxpayers’ money to be used to pay the bus fares of parochial school pupils as a part of a general program under which the fares of pupils attending public and other schools were also paid, seemed out of line with the First Amendment. In his dissenting opinion, Justice Potter Stewart indicated that the Court misapplied a great constitutional principle. He said he could not see how an “official religion” was established by letting those who want to say a prayer say it. On the contrary, he said he thought that to deny the wish of these schoolchildren to join in reciting the prayer was to deny them the opportunity of sharing in the spiritual heritage of our nation. Moreover, he said he thought the Court’s task, in this as in all areas of constitutional adjudication, was not responsibly aided by the uncritical invocation of metaphors like the “wall of separation,” a phrase nowhere to be found in the Constitution. What is relevant to the issue here is not the history of an established church in 16th Century England or in 18th Century America, but the history of the religious traditions of our people, reflected in countless practices of the institutions and officials of our government.

EPPERSON V. ARKANSAS 191 The principles outlined in Engel v. Vitale were extended to a voluntary moment of silence in Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985).

ENLIGHTENMENT The philosophical movement referred to the Enlightenment originated in the rational approach to society, religion, and science of John Locke and Isaac Newton. Spreading in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries over most of Europe, it influenced many thinkers, notably Voltaire, Montesquieu, Helvetius, Cesare Beccaria, and Jacques Rousseau, who all believed that man was a rational being who could achieve salvation without church intercession. This anticlerical and rationalist thought was highly influential and led to reform throughout Europe. Enlightenment thinkers supported the ideals of the French Revolution, religious toleration, and a more rational approach to justice and law. Accordingly, man-made law must be examined in the light of reason and nature. Law was not made by edicts, according to the Enlightenment, but was discoverable by right reason. The means of reforming the law and restating it in accordance with reason was the codification. This rationalism was the impetus behind the Prussian, Austrian, and French legal codes, which appeared in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and replaced earlier codes and bodies of customary law.

ENTANGLEMENT See Excessive Entanglement

EPPERSON V. ARKANSAS (U.S. 1968) In Epperson, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down an Arkansas statute that outlawed the teaching of evolution. The statute made it unlawful for a teacher in any state-supported school or university to teach “that mankind ascended or descended from a lower order of animals.” Susan Epperson, an Arkansas public school teacher, and H.H. Blanchard, a father of two Little Rock students, brought a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the statute on the grounds that it was an abridgment of free speech violating the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The plaintiffs lost their case in the Arkansas Supreme Court, which found that the law was “a valid

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exercise of the state’s power to specify the curriculum of the public schools.” The plaintiffs appealed this ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the statute violated the Fourteenth Amendment, which incorporates the First Amendment’s prohibition of the state Establishment Clause. The majority found that the sole reason for the Arkansas statute was that certain religious groups considered the evolution theory to conflict with the account of the origin of man set forth in the Book of Genesis. A state’s right to prescribe the public school curriculum does not include the right to prohibit teaching a scientific theory or doctrine for reasons that violate the Establishment Clause. The statute, the court concluded, conflicted with the First Amendment, which mandates governmental neutrality between religion and religion, and between religion and nonreligion. After finding that the Arkansas statute violated the principle of religious neutrality, the court concluded that “fundamentalist sectarian conviction was and is the law’s reason for existence.” The Court then established two precedents: First, the Court held that any law wholly without a secular purpose is a law presumptively motivated by religion, and therefore forbidden by the First Amendment. Second, the Court looked for the law’s motive beyond explicit claims and into the unspoken social and political contexts that influenced the legislative process. Thus, although the Arkansas statute did not explicitly claim that its purpose was to further fundamentalist Christianity, its text was modeled on a Tennessee statute that did include such language. The Court compared one statute to the other, and concluded that “the motivation for the [Arkansas] law was the same” as the Tennessee law. Thus, even if the overt language of a law is inoffensive, Epperson instructs that knowledge of the specific social, intellectual, and philosophical pedigree of a statute may find a violation of the Constitution. The ruling was unanimous, although Justices Black, Harlan, and Stewart disagreed with the majority’s reasoning and held instead that the law should have been struck down because it was unconstitutionally vague. Justice Black argued that the Court’s opinion, written by Justice Fortas, could lead to further restrictions on state control of the school curriculum. The influence of the Epperson case was particularly important in 1971 when the Court enunciated a test to determine when the Establishment Clause is violated in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971).

ESTABLISHED CHURCH A church that is recognized by law and supported by the secular government as the official church of a nation is an established church. Establishment implies that

ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE there is some definite and distinctive relation between the civil authority of the state and a religious faith and that this relation is not shared by any other religious faith in the country. Establishment does not imply any particular form of relationship between church and state. It merely means that some kind of relationship exists. It usually implies some form of financial support. An established church enjoys a privileged position, but in return, it has obligations toward the state. In Great Britain, two established churches are found, one in England, the other in Scotland. In England, the established church is the Church of England or Anglican Church. The establishment of the Church of England does not date from any particular year, as church and state have always cooperated closely in England and developed along side each other. Certain events, however, helped to solidify the relationship. The first was King Henry VIII’s repudiation of the authority of the pope in England. By the Act of Supremacy (1534) the king became “the only supreme head on earth of the Church of England.” Under Queen Elizabeth I (1533–1603) the established church assumed a more Protestant character, which it still retains today. Nevertheless many of its teachings and forms have been inherited directly from the medieval church, and so its claim that it is both reformed and catholic has some measure of justification. The Presbyterian Church is the established church of Scotland, the Lutheran Church for much of Scandinavia, Judaism for Israel, and Islam for much of the Middle East. In pluralistic societies established churches are rare. The United States has no established church. All religious organizations, including Christian churches, are considered “voluntary organizations” under American law. Under American law, the Establishment Clause prohibits a state or the federal government from forming a church, or passing laws that aid one—or all—religions, or from giving preference to one religion, or forcing belief or disbelief in any religion. [Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947)]

ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE The provision of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that prohibits the government from establishing a religion is known as the Establishment Clause. Specifically, the Clause reads: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” In 1789, James Madison submitted ten proposed amendments to the recently ratified Constitution, the first of which addressed the coexistence of religion and the state. The draft of that Religion Clause read, “The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext, infringed.” The House and

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Senate modified the passage several times before both houses passed it into law, with the final clause reading, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. . . .” The clause’s terminology does not clearly indicate what the Founders meant to prohibit when they barred the “establishment of religion.” The original wording of James Madison’s draft of the First Amendment suggests that the “establishment of religion” doesn’t necessitate complete separation of church and state but rather prohibits the preferential treatment by the federal government to any one religion. Similar to Madison’s version of the amendment, early drafting reports of the clause also support an interpretation promoting the inclusion, not exclusion, of God in the state. For example, one congressman strongly opposed shortening the original draft of the Establishment Clause, fearing that the abridged version— included in our Constitution today—“might be thought to have a tendency to abolish religion altogether.” Another member of the House expressed his “hopes … [that] the amendment would be made in such a way as to secure the rights of conscience and a free exercise of the rights of religion, but not to patronize those who professed no religion at all.” It is also possible that in precluding government establishment of religion, the Framers meant only to remove the question of establishments from the federal government while leaving matters of religious involvement to the states. Such an interpretation comports with the fact that at least six states had governmentsupported churches when the First Amendment was adopted in 1789. Conversely, various House drafts of the amendment suggest that the Establishment Clause was included not just to prohibit the congressional establishment of a single American church but to remove congressional involvement in religious matters generally. Unlike many countries, the United States does not have a state established church. The First Amendment Establishment Clause prohibits the establishment of state church. The Clause has also been interpreted to prohibit other relationships between religion and government. The First Amendment does not simply bar a congressional enactment establishing a church, but forbids all laws respecting an establishment of religion; it affords far more extensive protection against religious establishments than merely forbidding a national or state church. [McGowan v. State of Md. (U.S. 1961)] Under its contemporary interpretation, the Establishment Clause has not been read as a mere prohibition against a government-sponsored church (but see Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985)(Rehnquist, J., dissenting)) or as simply a demand of equal treatment of religions (that is, an antidiscrimination guarantee), but as a broader prohibition against laws “which aid one religion, aid all religions, or prefer one religion over another.” [Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947)] Congress, in other words, may not pass laws that aid one or all religions, or that give

ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE preference to one religion, or force belief or disbelief in any religion. Therefore, the Establishment Clause not only means that neither a state nor the federal government can set up a church, but also that neither can pass laws which aid one religion, aid all religions, or prefer one religion over another; neither can force nor influence a person to go to or remain away from a church against his or her will, or force a person to profess a belief or disbelief in any religion; and no person can be punished for entertaining or professing religious beliefs or disbeliefs, or for church attendance or nonattendance. The Establishment Clause does not, however, exclude religious organizations from such secular governmental activity as fire inspections and building and zoning inspections. The Establishment Clause, for example, was not violated by county zoning ordinance exempting from special exception requirement parochial schools located on land owned or leased by church or religious organization; ordinance had several plausible secular purposes, exemption had a principal effect that neither advanced nor inhibited religion, and exemption did not foster excessive entanglement with religion. [Ehlers-Renzi v. Connelly School of the Holy Child, Inc. (4th Cir. 2000)] The Establishment Clause, at the very least, prohibits the government from appearing to take a position on questions of religious belief or from making adherence to religion relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community. Neither a state nor the federal government can openly or secretly participate in the affairs of any religious organizations or groups, and vice versa. The government’s use of religious symbolism is unconstitutional if it has the effect of endorsing religious beliefs; whether there is such an effect depends upon the context in which the symbolism is used. In addition, a state may not establish a “religion of secularism” in a sense of affirmatively opposing or showing hostility to religion, thus preferring those who believe in no religion over those who do believe. Furthermore, the Establishment Clause does not prohibit any and all governmental preference for religion over irreligion. [Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005)] In Van Orden, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the display of a monument inscribed with the Ten Commandments on the grounds of Texas State Capitol, which was challenged as violative of First Amendment’s Establishment Clause, was typical of unbroken history of official acknowledgment by all three branches of government dating back to 1789 of role of religion in American life. (Per Chief Justice Rehnquist, with three Justices joining and one Justice concurring in judgment). [Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005)] When the government acts with the ostensible and predominant purpose of advancing religion, however, it violates that central Establishment Clause value of official religious neutrality, because there is no neutrality when the government’s ostensible object is to take sides. [McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky (U.S. 2005)] The Supreme Court ruled that the evaluation of the government’s claim of a secular purpose for the ultimate display of the Ten Commandments and other

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historical documents in courthouses may take the evolution of the display into account, for purposes of a lawsuit brought by civil rights organizations and others alleging that the display violated the Establishment Clause. A preliminary injunction preventing counties from displaying a revised display of the Ten Commandments that included other historical documents in courthouse was adequately supported by evidence that the counties’ purpose was to emphasize and celebrate the Commandments’ religious message, in violation of the First Amendment. [McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky (U.S. 2005)] To determine whether challenged display of copy of the Ten Commandments in county courthouses and natatorium had the effect of advancing or inhibiting religion in violation of the Establishment Clause grounds, the court is required to examine the entire display and evaluate the religious symbol based upon the context in which it is presented. The presentation would violate the Establishment Clause if an objective observer, acquainted with text, legislative history, and implementation, would view it as government endorsement of religion. [Turner v. Habersham County, Georgia (N.D. Ga. 2003)] The Establishment Clause has been described as based on the belief that a union of government and religion tends to destroy government and to degrade religion, and upon history which shows that governmentally established religions and religious persecutions are often closely associated. The First Amendment was added to the Federal Constitution to stand as a guarantee that neither the power nor the prestige of the Federal Government would be used to control, support, or influence the kinds of prayer the American people can say—that the people’s religions must not be subjected to the pressures of government for change each time a new political administration is elected to office. Therefore, one of the principal evils which the establishment clause sought to prevent was political fragmentation by division along religious lines. [Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975)] The basic idea of the Establishment Clause is attributed both to Roger Williams, who feared state corruption of the Church, and Thomas Jefferson, who feared church corruption of the state. Many commentators view the basic purpose of the Establishment Clause is, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, to erect a “wall of separation between church and state.” In his “wall of separation” letter, written to the Danbury Baptist Association, which was frustrated with the First Amendment’s apparent exclusion of religion from the government, Jefferson explained that by passing the Establishment Clause, “the legislature … built a wall of separation between church and State.” This separation theory ultimately advocates for a “high and impregnable” partition between religion and the state. The image of a wall, however, does not clearly determine what types of state actions violate the Clause. As a general matter, it is surely true that the Establishment Clause prohibits the government from abandoning secular purposes in order to put an imprimatur on one religion, or on religion as such, or to favor

ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE the adherents of any sect or religious organization. While the metaphor of a “wall” or impassable area between church and state, taken too literally, may mislead constitutional analysis, the Establishment Clause stands at least for the proposition that when government activities touch on the religious sphere, they must be secular in purpose, even-handed in operation, and neutral in primary impact. In short, so far as an establishment of religion is concerned, the First Amendment requires the separation of church and state to be complete and unequivocal. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court has said that the Constitution does not require a complete separation of church and state; in fact, it affirmatively mandates accommodation, not merely tolerance, of all religions, and forbids hostility toward any. And, like other broad constitutional concepts, the meaning of “separation” is to be ascertained in the application of the principle to specific cases. In 1898 the prominent legal scholar Thomas Cooley, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, defined the Establishment Clause as follows: “By establishment of religion is meant the setting up or recognition of a state church, or at least the conferring upon one church of special favors and advantages which are denied to others. It was never intended by the Constitution that the government should be prohibited from recognizing religion . . . where it might be done without drawing any invidious distinctions between different religious beliefs, organizations, or sects.” The first time that the U.S. Supreme Court decided an Establishment Clause case was in 1899, when it considered the case of Bradfield v. Roberts (U.S. 1899), in which a challenge was made to a federal construction grant to a Roman Catholic hospital. The case was decided based on corporation law. So long as the hospital fulfilled its contract (that is, to treat illness), the Court held that its operation by a religious order was not relevant because the aid given had only indirectly benefitted the church. In Quick Bear v. Leupp (U.S. 1908) the U.S. Supreme Court decided that federal money held in trust funds for Native Americans could be used to pay to educate Native American children in Catholic schools because the money belonged to the Native Americans, not the government. The case of Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925) challenged an Oregon law requiring that all able-bodied children of school age attend public school, thus potentially threatening the existence of parochial and other private schools. The Court held that the statute was unconstitutional, but the decision was based on the Fourteenth Amendment, not the First, because it involved an action of state government. Pierce was decided before the religion clauses of the First Amendment were “incorporated” into the Fourteenth Amendment, or made applicable to the states. Incorporation was announced in the case of Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940). The modern basis for the Pierce holding is sharply debated. The Supreme Court in Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968), treated Pierce as a decision based on the free exercise of religion.

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Cochran v. Board of Education (U.S. 1930) also seemed to raise Establishment Clause issues. The issue was whether Louisiana could use state funds to provide textbooks for students attending parochial schools. Holding that the program was constitutional, the Supreme Court again based its argument upon the Fourteenth Amendment, rather the First, because the First Amendment provisions had not yet been “incorporated” into the Fourteenth Amendment, and were, hence, not applicable to the states. Most of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Establishment Clause rulings have been issued since the Court declared the Clause applicable to the states in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). There are at least three reasons why no litigation explicitly based on Establishment Clause grounds was decided by the Supreme Court prior to 1947. First, persons who wanted to challenge the use of tax monies in support of religious institutions or practices encountered extreme difficulty in obtaining standing to sue. Second, many states had statutory or constitutional provisions that were more specific than those of the federal Constitution in prohibiting the use of governmental funds for particular religious activities. These prohibitions tended to minimize state involvement in religious matters. Third, the Establishment Clause not been applied to the states prior to that time. Indeed, it is commonly understood that the case of Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) was the first in which the Establishment Clause was incorporated into the Fourteenth Amendment. The case setting the precedent for the incorporation of provisions of the Bill of Rights, Gitlow v. New York (U.S. 1925), had been decided in 1925. In Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940), the Supreme Court observed that, “The First Amendment declares that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The Fourteenth Amendment has rendered the legislatures of the states as incompetent as Congress to enact such laws.” In spite of this broad language, Cantwell was decided solely on the free exercise issue. As a result the Establishment Clause was not specifically applied to the states until Everson. The issue in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) was whether state tax money could be used to reimburse parents for the cost of transporting children by bus to parochial schools. A New Jersey taxpayer sued in a state court, arguing that such a use of state money was a violation of the Establishment Clause made applicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. The plaintiff based his argument on the broad language in Cantwell. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case because it raised a compelling federal question. The Court, in Everson, declared that neither any state nor the federal government could use tax money to support even the most general and impartial religious activity. In his opinion for the Court, Justice Hugo Black defined the limits of the Establishment Clause, which has served as the baseline for subsequent Establishment Clause litigation:

ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE “The ‘establishment of religion’ clause of the First Amendment means at least this: Neither a state nor the federal Government can set up a church. Neither can it pass laws which aid one religion, aid all religions, or prefer one religion over another. Neither can force nor influence a person to go to or remain away from church against his will or force him to profess a belief or disbelief in religion. No person can be punished for entertaining or professing religious beliefs or disbeliefs, for church attendance or non-attendance. No tax, in any amount, large or small, can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions, whatever they may be called, or whatever form they may adopt to teach or practice religion. Neither a state nor the Federal Government can, openly or secretly, participate in the affairs of any religious organizations or groups and vice versa. In the words of Jefferson, the clause against establishment of religion by law was intended to erect a “wall of separation between church and state.”

In view of this separationist language, many commentators were surprised when Justice Black and four colleagues found that reimbursements for transportation did not violate the Establishment Clause. Throughout the majority opinion, Justice Black understood that the precedent of incorporation of the Establishment Clause into the Fourteenth Amendment was well established. He did not believe he needed to argue in support of the concept. He believed that the Establishment Clause should be applied to the states (through the “incorporation doctrine”). The court has followed that precedent in all subsequent Establishment Clause cases. The modern Supreme Court interpreted the intent of the Framers as follows: “[F]or the men who wrote the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment the ‘establishment’ of a religion connoted sponsorship, financial support, and active involvement of the sovereign in religious activity.” [Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970)] However, the Court never interpreted the Clause to prohibit all assistance that aids, however incidentally, a religious institution. Outside this area, the decisions generally have more rigorously prohibited what may be deemed governmental promotion of religious doctrine. The U.S. Supreme Court, in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), enunciated the test to determine whether a law violates the Establishment Clause of the Constitution. The Court requires that each part of a three-part test be satisfied in order to withstand an Establishment Clause challenge: (1) the law must have a secular legislative purpose; (2) the principal or primary effect of the law must neither advance nor inhibit religion; and (3) the law must not foster “an excessive government entanglement with religion.” The Lemon test was of critical importance because it provided a frame of reference for judging whether laws violated the Establishment Clause. In subsequent cases, the Court would debate on whether the Lemon test was a strict standard or simply a loose guideline. The crucial issue became whether the Court would allow government accommodation of religion or insist on strict separation of government and religion. The Lemon test has been severely criticized as too strict. Further, the Court has departed from the test in upholding prayers opening legislative sessions, emphasizing instead the historical acceptance of the challenged practice, which

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makes it a “part of the fabric of our society” [Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983); Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970)(emphasizing historic practices in upholding state tax exemptions for property and income of religious institutions)] Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982) also avoided the Lemon test in invalidating a state law imposing disclosure requirements only on religious organizations soliciting more than 50 percent of their funds from nonmembers on the basis that it discriminated against nontraditional religions in violation of the Establishment Clause. Larson used the strict scrutiny test for laws discriminating against some religions in favor of others. Strict scrutiny is the standard of review that federal courts use in equal protection cases involving the constitutionality of government classifications that infringe on fundamental constitutional rights. To meet this scrutiny, a challenged governmental action must be “closely related to a compelling governmental interest” or it will not be valid. This strict scrutiny is the toughest of the three levels of investigation used by federal courts when deciding whether actions by the government are permissible. The other levels are “ordinary” scrutiny and “intermediate” scrutiny. The future of the three-pronged Lemon test is not clear. New trends in Establishment Clause jurisprudence have emerged. In recent years, the Supreme Court has been inquiring whether the law at issue constitutes an endorsement of religion or a particular religious belief. Justice O’Connor indicated that she believes that this is a more useful test than the Lemon test. [Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984)] Justice Kennedy, however, believed that endorsement is too imprecise a concept and that the appropriate inquiry is whether the state is proselytizing so that the government action is coercive. [Board of Education v. Mergens (U.S. 1990)(Kennedy J., concurring)] The Lemon test has never been formally repudiated, but Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992), which did not apply Lemon at all, suggests that Lemon’s viability remains open. For purposes of the Establishment Clause, the link between government funds and religious training is broken by the independent and private choice of recipients. [Locke v. Davey (U.S. 2004)] A school voucher program, enacted for valid secular purpose of providing educational assistance to poor children in demonstrably failing public school system, did not violate Establishment Clause, even though majority of participating students had enrolled in religiously affiliated schools. The program was neutral in all respects toward religion, and any direction of government aid to religious schools was result of individual recipients’ independent private choices. Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (U.S. 2002). Where government aid program is neutral with respect to religion, and provides assistance directly to broad class of citizens who, in turn, direct government aid to religious schools wholly as result of their own genuine and independent private choice, program is not readily subject to challenge under Establishment Clause. [Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (U.S. 2002)] One difficulty in determining the parameters of Establishment Clause jurisprudence is that there has been no attempt in U.S. history to declare a

ETERNAL LAW national religion. Most Establishment Clause litigation focuses on whether certain lesser acts – school prayer, financial aid to religious organizations, the posting of the ten commandments in public places) constitutes an establishment of religion. Because these lesser acts do not clearly violate the First Amendment, the courts have had difficulty to define the phrase, “respecting an establishment.” It has attempted to do so on a case-by-case and category by category basis. Enactment of Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) did not violate Establishment Clause. RFRA had secular purpose, in that it was enacted to protect freedom of religion and not to benefit particular religious sect, did not advance or inhibit religion, and sought to prevent, rather than fostered, excessive government entanglement with religion, by limiting impact of neutral laws on religion. [In re Young, 141 (8th Cir. 1998)] The section of the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) increasing level of protection of prisoners’ and other incarcerated persons’ religious rights did not violate Establishment Clause. The section had legitimate purpose of alleviating exceptional government-created burdens on private religious exercise, did not, by allowing substantial burdens to be imposed on inmate’s religious exercise in furtherance of compelling governmental interest, elevate accommodation of religious observances over institution’s need to maintain order and safety, and did not differentiate among bona fide faiths. [Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000, § 3, 42 U.S.C.A. § 2000cc-1. Cutter v. Wilkinson (U.S. 2005)]

ETERNAL LAW Eternal law is a concept developed first by Stoic philosophy, which emphasizes that true happiness and true freedom comes from rejecting passion, unjust thoughts, and indulgences, and by performing one’s duty with the right disposition. It is distinct from natural law (ius naturale) and human law (ius humanum). It is the law of reason of the cosmos that rules the universe. Human reason, an imitation of cosmic reason, rules the lives of natural men, so that natural law partakes of eternal law. The concept was adopted and elaborated by Cicero (106–43 b.c.), a Roman orator, politician, and philosopher, and later by St. Augustine (a.d. 354–430), one of the later fathers of the Catholic Church and bishop of Hippo, who identified eternal law with the reason or will of God. St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) saw divine law as the part of eternal law that God made known through divine revelation, beyond the comprehension of man, but given to man as an eternal truth. Natural law was the part of eternal law that man could apprehend with his unaided reason but could neither create nor change by reason or will, and within the limits that natural law prescribed human or positive

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law was created by human reason for the common good. Subsequently, Francisco Suarez (1548–1617), a Spanish Jesuit philosopher, maintained that law had rational foundations. According to its proponents, eternal law influences the law of contemporary society because such law governs human conduct and its principles are inspired or revealed by God. These principles exist whether or not governments choose to recognize or enforce them and governments must incorporate these principles into their legal systems for justice to be achieved.

EVANGELICAL MANIFESTO Conservative Christian leaders who believe the word “evangelical” has lost much of its religious meaning issued a self-critical document in the summer of 2008, asserting that the movement had become too political and has diminished the Gospel through how it approached the “culture wars.” The statement, entitled “An Evangelical Manifesto,” criticizes Christians on the right and left for using faith to express political views without regard to the truth of the Bible. “That way faith loses its independence, Christians become ‘useful idiots’ for one political party or another, and the Christian faith becomes an ideology.” The declaration encourages Christians to be politically engaged and uphold teachings such as traditional marriage. But the drafters say evangelicals have often expressed “truth without love,” helping create a backlash against religion during a “generation of culture warring.” “All too often we have attacked the evils and injustices of others,” the statement says, “while we have condoned our own sins.” It argues, “we must reform our own behavior.” The document is one of the latest chapters in the debate among conservative Christians on their role in public life. Most veteran leaders believe the focus should remain on opposition to abortion and in defense of traditional marriage, while other evangelicals—especially younger evangelicals— are advocating for a broader agenda. The manifesto advocates seeking a wide range of concerns beyond the confines of “single-issue politics.” Among the signers of the manifesto are Os Guinness, a well-known evangelical author and speaker, and Richard Mouw, president of Fuller Theological Seminary, a leading evangelical college in Pasadena, California. A. Larry Ross, spokesman for the authors, said the theologians and Christian leaders involved are seeking to “go back to the root theological meaning of the term evangelical.”

EVERSON V. BOARD OF EDUCATION

EVERSON V. BOARD OF EDUCATION (U.S. 1947) A New Jersey statute authorized local school districts to promulgate rules and transact contracts for the transportation of children to schools. In Everson, Ewing Township authorized a reimbursement to taxpayers using the public bus system in the township to transport their children. The reimbursement was also made to parents of school children going to and from Catholic parochial schools. A taxpayer challenged the right of the Board to reimburse parents of parochial school parents. By a five-to-four vote, the Supreme Court in Everson upheld a government program for reimbursing parents for funds spent in transporting parochial students to school in public buses. The law was “a general program to assist parents by transporting their children, regardless of their religion, safely and expeditiously to and from accredited schools.” A majority of the justices upheld the program even though they maintained that no aid could be given to a religion, as this was prohibited by the Establishment Clause. The majority believed that providing free bus transportation to all school children on an equal basis constituted only a general service to benefit and safeguard children, rather than an aid to religion. The court held that it was not the purpose of the First Amendment to handicap religion, than to favor it. In Everson, the children attend Catholic schools were receiving no more than the benefits of public welfare regulation, and therefore, the New Jersey statute did not violate the Constitution. The opinion observed that basic governmental services, such as fire and police protection, could be extended to religious institutions along with the rest of the public without aiding religion. As the majority saw the general provision of free transportation to be similar to such a service, the program was approved. The public welfare benefit was available to all students and any aid to religion was only incidental. Thus, the law had a secular purpose and a secular primary effect. In this case, Justice Black articulated his famous interpretation of the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause: “Neither a state nor the Federal government can set up a church, neither can pass laws which aid all religions, or prefer one religion over another. Neither can force or influence a person to go to or remain away from church against his will, or force him to profess a belief or disbelief in any religion. No person can be punished for entertaining or professing religious beliefs or disbeliefs, for church attendance or non-attendance. No tax in any amount large or small, can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions, whatever they may be called, or whatever they may adopt to teach or practice religion. . . In the words of Thomas Jefferson, the clause against establishment of religion by law was intended to erect a wall of separation between church and state.”

In dissent, J. Jackson and J. Rutledge asserted that the majority failed to follow the implications of its own reasoning.

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Despite strong opposition by some separationists, Everson remains the law of the land and the Supreme Court has shown no inclination to reverse its position on basic bus fare reimbursement programs. Similarly, state-approved secular textbooks may be lent to private school students, including parochial school students. [Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968)] A law that imposes a general obligation on the state to provide a sign language interpreter for a deaf student can be applied to a student at a Catholic high school. The Establishment Clause is not violated just because a sectarian institution receives an “attenuated financial benefit” from a government program that neutrally distributes benefits. [Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993)] However, the loan of instructional materials (for example, maps, magazines, and tape recorders) and providing public transportation for field trips to parochial school students have been struck down. [Wolman v. Walter (U.S. 1977)] The Wolman Court concluded: “In view of the impossibility of separating the secular education function from the sectarian,” the state aid presented too great a danger of advancing the religious teaching mission of the parochial schools. The court relied for its decision on Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975), which held that state loans of nontextbook instructional materials and equipment to private schools was unconstitutional.

EXCESSIVE ENTANGLEMENT Excessive entanglement between the state and religion is perhaps most simply defined as an impermissible merging or intermeddling of religion and government. The idea of “excessive entanglement” as a standard to determine the constitutionality of laws under the requirements of the First Amendment first arose in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). In that case Justice William O. Douglas wrote that “[t]he Constitution decrees that religion must be a private matter for the individual, the family, and the institutions of private choice, and that while some involvement and entanglement may be inevitable, lines must be drawn.” The Supreme Court enunciated the three-part test in the Lemon case, in order to determine whether any program under which the government grants aid to a religiously affiliated institution of any type complies with the Establishment Clause. To pass constitutional muster the program must have (1) a secular purpose, (2) a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and (3) no “excessive entanglement” between the government and religious authority. Factors considered by a court when testing for “excessive entanglement” of the government with religion in any program include: (1) the character of the institution aided, (2) the type of aid given, and (3) the resulting administrative relationships. [Black v. Snyder (Minn. App. Ct. 1991)] Additionally, the potential

EXCESSIVE ENTANGLEMENT of the aid program for causing political divisions along religious lines is an important factor in determining its validity. Government financial grants are found to foster “excessive entanglement” with religion if they necessitate government oversight of a religious institution’s affairs in order to ensure that the government aid flowing to the institution is utilized for secular purposes and not for the advancement of religion. [State v. Pendleton (N.C. App. Ct. 1993; N.C. 1994); Bowen v. Kendrick (U.S. 1988); Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985)] A law fosters “excessive entanglement” between church and state when it necessitates sustained and detailed administrative relationships between church and state. Whether excessive entanglement exists in a certain program involves determination of the degree of independent secular function in the institution to be aided. If the institution is pervasively religious, it will be practically impossible to aid the institution without either having the impermissible effect of adding religion or else having to establish so many procedural safeguards that an excessive entanglement results. However, if the institution has a clearly independent secular function, the state should be able to design a program that aids only the secular activities. This type of institution can then be aided with a minimum of administrative entanglement, as the lesser potential for aiding the religious function requires fewer safeguards. During the last century, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld grants to churchaffiliated hospitals in Bradfield v. Roberts (U.S. 1899), recently cited with approval by the Court in Roemer v. Board of Public Works (U.S. 1976). As religious hospitals seem to have an independent secular function, the analysis should be the same as that for religious colleges—the state need only avoid aiding pervasively religious institutions or clearly religious activities. So long as the hospital aided is not so “pervasively sectarian” as to subsume its role as a hospital in its religious mission, its secular medical function may receive state aid. The government may not delegate governmental power to religious organizations because such action would involve excessive governmental entanglement. [Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc. (U.S. 1982) (statute impermissibly gave church-affiliated schools power to veto liquor licenses for nearby businesses)]

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F FAITH HEALING The Christian tradition depicts life on earth as a journey from God back to God. While denominational theologies differ, the overriding principle is that Christians are the children of God and will be rewarded with eternal salvation by living according to the teachings of God’s word as found in the Bible. For practicing Christians, prayer is an essential part of life’s sojourn on earth, and prayers are offered for a multitude of things including relief from sickness. Scientists are currently studying the impact both of prayer for oneself and prayer for others, and the National Institutes of Health is funding research on the medical effects of prayer through the Frontier Medicine Initiative. Praying for the miraculous healing of the sick has occurred throughout the history of Christianity, but the modern-day faith healing movement finds its origins in the “Faith Cure” movement that was a part of the larger Holiness movement of the late nineteenth century. The most influential Holiness faith healer was Episcopalian Charles Cullis, who wrote Faith Cures (1879), emphasizing the “prayer of faith” (James 5:14–15) especially as the key to healing. Cullis persuaded many others who would become major faith healers. While prayer is integral to the Christian tradition, the overwhelming majority of churches and their members recognize and accept the value of conventional medical care. Priests and ministers are daily visitors at hospitals, nursing homes and hospices. There are, however, two notable exceptions to this tradition: the Christian Science Church and a small number of fundamentalist churches. While the Christian Science Church has a well-defined theology, some fundamentalist churches are often more difficult to study because they are insular and have often isolated themselves from the public scrutiny. Some of the major fundamentalist churches include Church of the First Born, End Time Ministries, Faith Assembly and Faith Tabernacle.

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Traditionally, American courts have held that the government’s interest in the general health of the populace overrides individual religious objections to medical and health regulations. Faith healing has given rise to legal liability in two distinct situations: (1) when a parent refuses all forms of conventional medical treatment for his or her child, and instead adheres strictly to faith healing for a cure, and (2) when an adult patient refuses all forms of conventional medical treatment for himself or herself, relying strictly on faith healing to cure illnesses. Faith healing derives from the healing miracles, in which disease is cured by faith and prayer. Faith healers profess to cure disease utilizing faith and prayer and some denounce the use of conventional medicine. American courts have upheld the right of the state to protect the health and safety of minor children over the religiously based objections of the child or his or her parents. Thus, courts have appointed guardians to consent to necessary medical treatment (such as blood transfusions) for children, even though the treatment violates the child’s or parent’s religion. [In re Sampson (N.Y. 1972)] Similarly, appropriate action may be taken against parents for the neglect of the health or safety of their children regardless of whether the parent acted based on religious principles. [Perricone v. New Jersey (N.J. 1962), cert. denied (U.S. 1962)] In 1997 Congress amended the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act in order to protect parents from any federal requirement to provide their children with medical intervention that would be against the parents’ religious beliefs. The statute also provides that it may not be interpreted to require a state to find, or prohibit a state from finding, abuse or neglect when a parent relies on “spiritual means” rather than medical treatment to provide for the health needs of the child. Faith-healing practitioners have been criticized on several grounds, including for perceived healings that do not last, for healings that are never verified by medical professionals, for blaming the lack of healing on the inadequate faith of the patient, which produces intense feelings of guilt, and for excessively high numbers of healings claimed. Many critics contend that the healings are psychosomatic at most. Some healers have brought disrepute to the movement through fraudulent healings, lack of financial accountability, and highly publicized moral failures. The most controversial development in the faith-healing movement may be the so-called Faith Teachers, led by Kenneth Hagin, who emphasize a health and wealth gospel in which people with enough faith can claim (not just request) their healing from God. The plaintiff in Winters v. Miller (2d Cir. 1971) sued for civil damages, alleging that her constitutional rights were violated. The plaintiff was a 59-year-old female Christian Scientist, who had been receiving welfare benefits. She was admitted involuntarily to the hospital for mental illness after she had refused to change hotel rooms, which were entirely subsidized by welfare, upon management’s request. At the hospital she repeatedly expressed to the medical staff her

FAITH HEALING adherence to faith healing and refused all medical treatment, even the taking of her blood pressure. Despite her objection to medical treatment on religious grounds, the hospital staff regularly gave her medication, mostly tranquilizers, for the approximately month and a half that she remained in the hospital. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals addressed whether the state constitutionally could compel the plaintiff to submit to conventional medical treatment, such as taking medications, in violation of her religious belief in faith healing as her only means of medical treatment. Relying on U.S. Supreme Court precedent, the court stated that “freedom of speech and of the press, of assembly, and of worship may not be infringed on such slender grounds [as the rational basis inquiry]. They are susceptible of restriction only to prevent grave and immediate danger to interests which the state may lawfully protect.” The court dismissed the state’s argument that its interest in caring for people suffering from mental illness, and in protecting the mental health of the state, outweighed the appellant’s freedom of religion. In so doing, the court stated that by “forcing the unwanted medication on Miss Winters, the state was in [no] way protecting the interest of society or even a third party.” A similar case addressing a violation of a plaintiff’s constitutional right to religious freedom to reject life-saving medical treatment arose in Ohio. [In re Milton (Ohio 1987)] A 53-year-old woman believed in faith healing as her sole means of medical treatment. The plaintiff’s competency was questioned because she had delusions that she was married to a locally well-known faith healer, who, she believed, would cure her. However, the plaintiff was never legally declared to be incompetent due, largely, to at least one doctor who testified that her belief in faith healing was long-standing and genuine. The Ohio Supreme Court held that the competent adult ultimately could decide medical treatment decisions. More importantly, the court held that the state’s interest in enforcing its police powers does not outweigh a competent adult’s decision to adhere to faith healing, despite the availability of a recognized medical remedy. In People v. Vogelgesang (N.Y. App. 1917), a spiritual healer associated with the “Spiritualist Church” engaged in silent prayer while prescribing herbal remedies. He claimed that this was a religious practice, and hence, was protected by the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment so that he was exempt from state licensing requirements for doctors. The court did not agree and classified the faith healer as a medical doctor, requiring him to abide by the state’s licensing laws for medical professionals. Noncompliance with the state licensing laws constituted the unlicensed practice of medicine. The court distinguished between faith healers and medical doctors thus: faith healers use religious beliefs and prayer to cure illnesses, while doctors use learned skills, training, and instruments. Consequently, as long as the faith healer relied solely on the practice of religion, faith, and prayer to heal the patient, the faith healer is within the statutory exemption contained in the medical licensing statute for such practices. However, if the faith healer relied

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on any physical means or substances—such as herbal remedies, the faith healer would not eligible for the exemption. The law indicates that an individual’s right to freedom of religion is of paramount importance, and will be considered secondary only if a legitimate state interest exists. The U.S. Supreme Court applies a balancing test to determine whether the state’s interest outweighs the individual’s right to freedom of religion. The standard to be applied is whether the restriction on religious freedom “prevents grave and immediate danger to interests which the state may lawfully protect.” The lawful state interests that have qualified to tip the balance in favor of restricting religious freedom are protection of society or a third person. Beginning in the early 1980s, some prosecutors pursued criminal charges against parents who relied solely on prayer for treatment, and whose children died as a result. Seven cases, each discussed below, have been decided by state supreme courts, none of which the U.S. Supreme Court has accepted for review. These state Supreme Court decisions illustrate the complexity of the issues involved and the lack of consistency in the law nationwide. The primary constitutional issues involve the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment and the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. Virtually all interests in the debate about spiritual exemptions base their claim to the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause as their philosophical foundation. Those who support spiritual exemptions from medical care and vaccinations argue that the Free Exercise Clause guarantees them the right to practice their religious beliefs for themselves and their children, including reliance on prayer in lieu of medicine for healing the sick. Those who oppose the exemptions argue that they violate the Establishment Clause and therefore should be declared unconstitutional. It is very important to differentiate between defining the parents’ rights as opposed to the children’s rights. There is little dispute in the United States that adults can refuse medical treatment even if it results in death, but there is a very profound dispute about whether adults can refuse medical care for another person even if that person is their child or legal ward. The Christian Scientist Church argues that the First Amendment protects the Christian Science parent’s right to freely exercise her religion, including healing through prayer, for herself and her children. Christian Scientists are adamant about maintaining this protection because they believe that healing through prayer is more effective than healing through medicine. Christian Scientists further argue that the value of an individuals’ faith in God should override the state’s interest in intervening in religious practices that may seem to harm children. While Christian Scientists may argue for the parents’ need for religious faith, especially in time of crisis, critics charge that this argument doesn’t address whether spiritual exemptions should be about the welfare of children, and not about parents’ rights to free exercise of their religion. While parents may feel the need for religion and faith in such a time of crisis, critics point out the scales tip

FAITH-BASED INITIATIVES toward the rights and needs of the person who is ill, especially when that person is a child. To date the U.S. Supreme Court has not accepted a case challenging spiritual exemption statutes, although in July 2002, the U.S. District Court for Western Arkansas invalidated that state’s immunization exemption because it contradicted both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment. Despite this case, the legal status of spiritual exemptions remains a patchwork of law with state supreme courts issuing conflicting decisions.

FAITH-BASED INITIATIVES During the 2000 presidential campaign, Texas Governor George W. Bush promised to enlist “armies of compassion” to fight America’s social welfare problems. He stated “when we see social needs in America, my administration will look first to faith-based programs and community groups, which have proven their power to save and change lives.” Acting on his pledge of “compassionate conservatism,” President George W. Bush implemented an Executive Order on January 31, 2001, establishing a White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, which officially opened on February 20, 2001. On the same day, President Bush issued an Executive Order that established that Centers for Faith-Based and Community Initiatives be created within five executive branch offices, including the departments of Health and Human Services; Justice; Labor; Housing and Urban Development; and Education. The goals of the initiatives were to identify and eliminate restrictions that prevented faith-based groups from having equal access to governmental funding for social service programs, encourage charitable giving through tax incentives, and promote cooperation between the public and private sectors, including secular and faithbased nonprofits. The Executive Order states: “Faith-Based and other community organizations are indispensable in meeting the needs of poor Americans and distressed neighborhoods. Government cannot be replaced by such organizations, but it can and should welcome them as partners. The paramount goal is compassionate results, and private and charitable community groups, including religious ones, should have the fullest opportunity permitted by law to compete on a level playing field, so long as they achieve valid public purposes, such as curbing crime, conquering addiction, strengthening families and neighborhoods, and overcoming poverty. This delivery of social services must be results oriented and should value the bedrock principles of pluralism, nondiscrimination, evenhandedness, and neutrality.”

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John Dilulio, the former head of the White House Office for Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, stated during a meeting with the National Association of Evangelicals that the initiatives have “three interrelated goals: increasing charitable giving, human and financial; leveling the playing field to meet civic needs and improve government performance; and seeding or expanding model public/private, religious/secular programs that promise measurable results at a citywide or national scale.” President Bush’s plan would allow social service programs to receive government support “only if they follow all relevant antidiscrimination laws that protect clients, duly segregate accounts, serve secular or civic purposes, and prove results.” On the other hand, if the organization is an “indivisibly conversion-centered program that cannot separate out and privately fund its inherently religious activities, [it] can still receive government support, but only via individual vouchers.” The White House Office of Faith-Based Initiatives’ goal was to implement the little-known charitable choice provision. Don Willett, the director of law and policy for the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, stated that the creation of the office was “to oversee the flow of federal money to faith-based and civic charitable organizations, assist the poor with social services, and clear bureaucratic red tape that prevents such groups from doing their work.” The five executive-branch agencies are responsible for informing faith-based organizations about the requirements for grant application. In addition, the President asked Congress to fund the Federal Compassion Capital Fund, which would implement programs offering mentors to children of prisoners, as well as support programs battling illiteracy and drug addiction. President Bush has motivated House and Senate leaders to sponsor and promote bills implementing the charitable choice provision. The proposed legislation calls for an expansion of the charitable choice provision by facilitating more social service programs, including programs based on faith, to be eligible for federal funding.

FAMILY LAW Family plays a crucial role and has a sanctified position in most of the world’s religions. Family relations have an uncertain, even ambivalent constitutional status in Supreme Court decisions. If the Constitution protects the family against external interference, it also permits the establishment of public moral standards and to protect and regulate social relationships among adults and to protect children from apparently harmful parental conduct. In Meyer v. Nebraska (U.S. 1923) the Supreme Court held that the “liberty” guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution includes the right to “marry, establish a home and bring up children.”

FEDERALISM Emphasizing the religious basis for the parents’ claims, the Supreme Court in Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972) held that school officials could not require Amish children to attend secondary schools in the face of their parents’ objections that this imposition was harmful to the children and inconsistent with the parents’ views on proper child-rearing practices. Justice William O. Douglas’s dissent in the case focused on the narrowness of the Court’s framework, which encompassed only the interests of the parents and the state. He argued that the children should first have been heard as to their desire for a high school education and emancipation from the Amish religion and community. In addition, he questioned whether only formal religious communities can seek an exemption from compulsory high school for their adherents. Some commentators argue that the Supreme Court is not prepared to find constitutional protection for family status as such, but only for those families whose conduct meets with the justices’ particular approval. This principle could explain the Court’s deference to Amish parents, who generally succeed in imposing rigid behavioral controls on their children—as the Court repeatedly stressed in Yoder—or its deference to parents’ wishes to confine their socially disruptive children in psychiatric institutions. A judicial preference for such behavior controls might also explain the Court’s refusal to defer to parents’ objections to school corporal punishment or to parents’ resistance to abortions when they failed effectively to convince their unmarried minor daughters to abstain from sexual relations. The Court has not been unanimous in these cases, and no justice has explicitly defended this particular child-rearing principle as a constitutional norm. Yet the Court does suggest that current constitutional doctrine gives no special status to family relations as such, either between parents and children or among adults. The occasional rhetorical flourishes in Supreme Court opinions on the “constitutional sanctity” of the family does not yet reflect any consistent constitutional principle. By the 1990s the Supreme Court had issued extensive rulings on family life. These cases involved issues ranging from religion to gender equity. They generated intense debate and controversy. Despite their inconsistencies and contradictions, the Court’s rulings had redefined the legal and constitutional basis of the American family. Significantly, the Court had become a major source of national family policies. Its decisions helped structure American family life on everything from birth to death.

FEDERALISM Federalism may be loosely defined as contractual noncentralization, or the structured dispersion of power among many centers whose legitimate authority is

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constitutionally guaranteed. Federal democracy is an original American contribution to democratic thought and republican government. Its conception represents a synthesis of the Puritan idea of the covenant relationship as the foundation of all proper human society and the constitutional ideas of the English natural rights school of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Federal democracy is a composite democracy that includes a strong religious component. The religious expression of federalism was brought to the United States through the theology of the Puritans, who viewed the world as organized through the covenants that God made with mankind, binding God and man into a lasting union and partnership to work for the redemption of the world, but in such a way that both parties were free—as partners must be—to preserve their respective integrities. Implicit in the Puritan view is the understanding that God relinquished some of his omnipotence to enable people to be free to contract with him. Under federalism, all social and political relationships are derived from that original covenant. This theological perspective found its counterpart in congregationalism as the basis of church polity. Thus, communities of believers were required to organize themselves by covenant into congregations, just as communities of citizens were required to organize themselves by covenant into towns. The entire structure of religious and political organization in early New England reflected this application of a theological principle to social and political life. One characteristic of modern federalism in the United States is the essence of federal norms, whether legal, administrative, or judicial, that bear directly upon the federation’s citizens, without any need of intervention of the member states. The architects of the American system recognized that a successful federal system, something more than a loose confederation of states, required that both the national and the state governments be given substantial autonomy. They also recognized that each had to have some way to influence the other from within as well as through direct negotiation. The federal government has the power to deal directly with the public, that is to say, with the citizenry of the states. The states, in turn, have a major role in determining the composition of the federal government and the selection of those who make it function. By the 1980s the United States Supreme Court had become an active interpreter of the constitutional provisions on free exercise and no establishment of religion. It was not always thus. The Court had few occasions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to render opinions in these areas. The text of the First Amendment, which includes the religion clauses, limits only the federal government, not the states. Because the jurisdiction of the federal judiciary does not normally extend to claims made under state constitutional provisions, the long silence of the federal courts on issues of religious liberty is understandable. It was not until the United States Supreme Court “incorporated” the free exercise and no establishment principles as substantive parts of the Fourteenth

FEDERALISM Amendment’s Due Process Clause (an amendment that does apply to the states) that the federal judiciary gained jurisdiction over claims of state violations of religious liberty. This incorporation did not occur until the Free Exercise Clause was incorporated by the Court’s decision in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940) and the Establishment Clause was incorporated in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). By the mid-1960s, as the nation committed itself to the recognition and implementation of civil rights, the values of federalism were in eclipse. The U.S. Supreme Court had incorporated virtually all of the Bill of Rights into the Fourteenth Amendment for application to the states, and it aggressively enlarged its interpretation of the scope of those rights. The Court’s expansion of the First Amendment guarantees of religious liberty resulted in the invalidation of numerous state regulations that had heretofore been deemed perfectly acceptable reflections of local culture. Thus, for almost 150 years, judicial interpretation of the rights of religious liberty was largely a matter for the separate state judiciaries under their own constitutional provisions. The result of incorporation into the Fourteenth Amendment of the federal Bill of Rights has been not only to open the federal courts to state claimants but also to bind state courts to the authoritative decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court on issues of religious liberty. These decisions establish the minimum or base standard of no establishment and free exercise. State courts are then free under their own constitutional provisions to expand or enlarge on the federally defined base. In requiring a higher standard than is demanded under the federal Constitution, however, a state may not transgress other federally protected constitutional rights. [Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981)] President Ronald Reagan announced his own brand of “new federalism” on taking office in 1981. Both in his rhetoric and administrative actions, he sought to turn the clock back dramatically on many features of modern federalism. Generally speaking, Reagan’s policies were based on an orthodox, small-government, anticentrist ideology, seldom stressed since the New Deal era of the 1930s and 1940s. Reagan’s new federalism included support to constitutional amendments designed to permit school prayer in public schools and to permit the states to prohibit abortion. During the Reagan years, federalism again emerged at the center of political debate in America and once again the values of federalism were being invoked for purposes that transcended the mere reordering of federal-state relationships. The classic concerns of federalism in theory—diffusion of power, diversity, liberty, and efficiency—remained in the forefront of public attention. How to reconcile the ideals expressed in the original understanding of federalism with the social and economic realities of the late twentieth century remains a profoundly important issue.

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FETAL RIGHTS The rights of any unborn human fetus, which is generally a developing human being from roughly eight weeks after conception to birth. Like other categories of rights, fetal rights embrace a complex variety of topics and issues involving many legal areas, including criminal, employment, health care, and family law. Historically, under both English common law and U.S. law, the fetus has not been recognized as a person with full rights. The common law, although considering postquickening abortions a crime, regarded them as a lesser offense than the killing of a born child. Instead, legal rights have centered on the mother, with the fetus treated as a part of her. Nevertheless, U.S. law has in certain instances granted the fetus limited rights, particularly as medical science has made it increasingly possible to directly monitor, diagnose, and treat the fetus as a patient. The term fetal rights came into wide usage following the landmark abortion case Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973). In that case, the Supreme Court ruled that a woman has a constitutionally guaranteed unqualified right to an abortion in the first trimester of her pregnancy. She also has a right to terminate a pregnancy in the second trimester, although the state may regulate abortion procedures as long as the regulations are reasonably related to the promotion of the mother’s health. In its holding, the Court ruled that a fetus is not a person under the terms of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The Court, however, also maintained that the state has an interest in protecting the life of a fetus after viability—that is, after the point at which the fetus is capable of living outside the womb. As a result, states were permitted to outlaw abortion in the third trimester of pregnancy, except when the procedure is necessary to preserve the life of the mother. Roe was bitterly criticized by those who were morally or religiously opposed to abortion, and in the years following that case, abortion became one of the most contentious issues in the United States. Abortion opponents became a powerful political lobby and their efforts to promote the rights of unborn humans significantly influenced the law. The prolife (antiabortion) contingent has actively lobbied for legislation on both the state and federal level, resulting in laws requiring parental notification of an adolescent’s decision to have an abortion, prohibiting research using aborted fetal tissue, cutting off federal funding for abortion research, and banning partial-birth abortions. They are also behind a “human life” amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would restrict the right to an abortion.

FIRST AMENDMENT (U.S. CONSTITUTION)

FIRST AMENDMENT (U.S. CONSTITUTION) The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution has two distinct clauses affecting religion, each representing a fundamental principle and both designed to protect religious liberty. The Establishment Clause prohibits any law “respecting an establishment of religion.” The Free Exercise Clause bans laws “prohibiting the free exercise of religion.” The First Amendment’s religion clauses have generated much litigation, and balancing their sometimes contradictory provisions has generated complex legal rules. The two religion clauses are designed to protect the same basic value: the freedom of every individual to worship (or not to worship) as he or she wishes without governmental interference. They have been summarized as requiring “that government neither engage in nor compel religious practices, that it effect no favoritism among sects or between religion and nonreligion, and that it work to the detriment of no religious belief.” [Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963)] Some authorities believe that the intent of the Free Exercise Clause was especially intended to protect the religious freedom of those of minority religious groups. So long as one is dealing with beliefs and expressions, which are separable from conduct harmful to other individuals or the community, the essential unity of the philosophical core of the First Amendment makes it unnecessary to distinguish for legal purposes among religious belief, political ideologies, and other equally sincere convictions. In upholding the First Amendment privilege of Jehovah’s Witnesses to refuse to join other school children in a daily salute to the U.S. flag, the Supreme Court pointedly refrained from specifying whether the privilege arose under the Free Exercise Clause or the guarantee of freedom of speech: “[C]ompelling the flag salute and pledge, . . . invades the sphere of intellect and spirit which it is the purpose for the First Amendment to reserve from all official control.” [Minersville School District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940); West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943)] Test oaths, like particular beliefs, cannot be required for holding public office or receiving public grants. In upholding the conviction of a Mormon for polygamy in Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), despite a plea from the defendant that the Free Exercise Clause protected him in his religious duty, the U.S. Supreme Court sought to distinguish between the realm of ideas and the world of material action in fashioning a constitutional principle: “Congress was deprived of all legislative power over mere opinion, but was left free to reach actions which were in violation of social duties or subversive of good order.” In the beginning, religion and established churches were dominant in American life. Nearly all Americans were Christians, with Protestantism being predominant. In South Carolina the Constitution of 1778 declared the “Protestant religion to be the established religion of this State.” Church and state were intertwined in

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Massachusetts. Even where there was no official connection, both the laws and practices of government bore evidence of benevolent cooperation with the prevailing creeds: Sunday closing laws were universal, religious oaths were often required of state officials, and legislative sessions began with prayer. (Even today the crier in the U.S. Supreme Court still begins each session by invoking divine blessing, the country’s coinage states “In God We Trust,” and church property remains exempt from taxation.) As public education spread, prayers and Bible reading began each school day in many areas. The basis for extending the First Amendment to the states was established by the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868, which provides in part “[N]or shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” The effects of the Fourteenth Amendment on First Amendment rights generally, and upon religious liberty in particular, were slow to develop. As late as 1922 the Supreme Court declared in Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek (U.S. 1922) that “neither the Fourteenth Amendment nor any other provision of the U.S. Constitution imposes upon the States any restrictions about ‘freedom of speech.”’ But within another decade the First Amendment’s guarantee of freedom of expression had been incorporated into the Fourteenth Amendment by judicial interpretation. Incorporation of the other clauses, including the prohibition against any law “respecting an establishment of religion,” followed somewhat later. [Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940; Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947)] Today, the First Amendment restricts both state and federal governments to the same extent and in the same fashion. Prior to incorporation of the religion clauses into the Fourteenth Amendment, the U.S. Supreme Court and lower federal courts had the power to review alleged Establishment or Free Exercise Clause violations by Congress under Article III, which states that the “judicial power [of the United States] shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising out of this Constitution.” No authority existed, however, for federal courts to review religious liberty claims arising under state law. The paucity of federal cases interpreting the religion clauses between the late eighteenth and the early twentieth centuries is thus attributable to at least two factors: the small number of religion-based claims initiated against the federal government and the limitations of federal review of state actions involving religion. The traditional links between church and state were challenged after incorporation of the First Amendment into the Fourteenth Amendment, not only by atheists or agnostics, but also by religious minorities whose members were distinguished by official involvement in religious practices, who were fearful that their isolation would hamper full assimilation into all aspects of American life or stimulate invidious discrimination against them. The Supreme Court was then forced to choose among the competing strains of religious and political philosophy

FIRST AMENDMENT (U.S. CONSTITUTION) whose adherents heretofore had agreed only that the federal government, but not the states, should be barred from “an establishment of religion.” The majority’s inclination during the years 1945 to 1980 toward a strongly secular, separationist view of the wall of separation between church and state led to two important lines of decisions. At issue for contemporary courts has been where to draw the line for government-provided services that benefit religious organizations. Some aid obviously must be permitted, such as police and fire protection for church property. Less clear and more controversial are government financial subsidies to parochial schools, or to parents who send their children to such schools. One line of important court decisions prohibits both state and federal governments from giving direct financial aid to sectarian primary and secondary schools, even though the same or greater aid is given to the public schools maintained by the government. These decisions leave somewhat greater latitude for aid to parents of parochial students, and also for government grants destined to promote higher education, including programs offered by religious institutions. The second important line of decisions required discontinuance of the widespread and traditional practice of starting each day in the public schools with some form of religious exercise, such as saying an ecumenical prayer or reading from the Bible. The latter decisions provoked such emotional controversy that in the 1980s, more than two decades after the decisions were rendered, fundamentalist groups were actively pressing for legislation to abolish the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction to enforce the Establishment Clause in cases involving school prayer, thus leaving interpretation of the clause to the vagaries of judges in individual states. Even though the line between the realm of the spirit and the world of material conduct subject to government regulation is fundamental to the jurisprudence of the First Amendment, the simple line between belief and conduct drawn in the polygamy cases was too inflexible to survive as a complete constitutional formula. Religious duties too often conflict with the commands of civil authority. Conversely, the public has compelling interests in the world of conduct that sometimes cannot be secured without interference with the expression of ideas. Two cases suggest the one limiting constitutional protection for religious disobedience to the commands of the state. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972) the Supreme Court held that the Free Exercise Clause secured Amish parents the privilege of keeping 14- and 15-year-old children out of high school, contrary to a state law requiring school attendance until age 16. The decision allowed the Amish to pursue their religious conviction that salvation requires simple life in a church community apart from the world and worldly influences. The Court saw its judicial duty to be striking a proper balance between the importance of the interests served by the state law against the importance to believers of adherence to the religious practice in question. The balance swung the opposite way in Negre

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v. Larsen (U.S. 1971). In that case the Court held that a faithful Roman Catholic’s belief that the “unjust” nature of the war in Vietnam required him to refuse to participate did not excuse his refusal to be inducted into the armed forces. Where religious objectors seek exemption from laws of general application, both federal and state governments must walk a narrow line. On the one hand the Free Exercise Clause may require exemption. On the other hand excepting religious groups from laws of general application may constitute an unconstitutional “establishment” of religion. Here again the decision calls for ad hoc balancing of the individual and public interests affected by the particular legislative act. Beginning in the 1960s the Supreme Court applied the First Amendment’s limitations rigorously. To test compliance with the Establishment Clause, the Court required government actions to pass a three-part examination. To determine if a government action interfered with the Free Exercise Clause, the Court subjected it to strict judicial scrutiny; that is, to be constitutional the government interest advanced by an action had to be “compelling” and not attainable by any alternative means less disruptive to the religious interests affected by it. The three-part review of laws for constitutionality in light of the Establishment Clause was set forth in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). To pass constitutional muster under this test, a law must first have a secular purpose. In other words, there must be a valid nonreligious reason for the law. Second, the law’s primary effect must neither advance nor inhibit religion. Finally, the statute must not foster “an excessive government entanglement with religion.” Any rule that forces government at any level to become intertwined with religious institutions or principles is prohibited. Several statutes and government actions have been found unconstitutional when subjected to the Lemon test. For example, government could not provide financial support to educational programs in parochial schools as this would “entangle” government with the religious institution. [Committee for Public Education & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist (U.S. 1973); Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975)] A mandated moment of silence to allow for meditation or prayer in public schools was struck down because it lacked any “secular purpose.” [Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985)] And prohibiting the teaching of evolution unless “creation science” was also taught violated the Constitution because the “primary effect” of the law was the advancement of a particular religious belief. [Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987)] The “strict scrutiny” test of any law that might infringe on the free exercise of one’s religion was set forth in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963). If a law or regulation substantially infringed on a religious practice, the government had to show a “compelling government interest” for the provision and even then had to show that the law was the least restrictive method to achieve that significant interest. Under this test, the Supreme Court upheld the right of a Jehovah’s Witness to quit

FIRST AMENDMENT (U.S. CONSTITUTION) his job in a defense factory and still get unemployment insurance because of an “honest conviction” that his religion barred him from doing any war-related work. It declared invalid a state prohibition of unemployment compensation for anyone who would not work on the Sabbath. [Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963)] It also invalidated a law that required Amish parents to send their children to high school. [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] The First Amendment is typically understood to protect from government abridgment a broad realm of what might be called “symbolic activity,” which includes religious expression. Because religious expression, like every other type of expression protected by the First Amendment, is intertwined with many other activities that the government is clearly empowered to regulate—for instance, education and economic activities—the courts have experienced considerable difficulty in distinguishing impermissible infringement on First Amendment freedoms from legitimate exercises of governmental authority. The Supreme Court has fashioned many diverse and detailed rules with which to make the determination. The determination must be content neutral, that is, without regard to the content of the expression under consideration. So much of this doctrine now exists and it is so overlapping that ample room remains for disagreement among the justices, the advocates, and the commentators about how to characterize and hence decide particular First Amendment cases. The result is that by the 1980s the First Amendment—especially in the area of religion—has followed the Fourth Amendment in a proliferation of fragmentary, ephemeral, and highly bureaucratized doctrines. Politicization, the problem of distinguishing content-neutral from content-based regulation, and the tendency to produce more complex context-specific doctrine has been evident in the Supreme Court’s treatment of religion cases. In Allegheny County v. ACLU (U.S. 1989), for instance, the Court fragmented over the constitutionality of two religious displays on public property during the December holiday season. One display was of a Christian nativity scene; the other display exhibited a Christmas tree and a Hanukkah menorah. On the basis of some exceedingly fine distinctions, the various opinions established that the menorah exhibition was constitutional, while the nativity scene was not. The importance of the distinction between content on the one hand, and form and effect on the other was especially evident in the judicial disagreement over the constitutionality of the nativity scene display. Writing at times for the Court, for a plurality, and for himself, Justice Harry A. Blackmun concluded that the display of a nativity scene on public property during the Christmas season violated the Establishment Clause because it endorsed a patently Christian message. Focusing on the message conveyed by the display, Justice Blackmun noted that the nativity scene was accompanied by the words: “Glory to God in the Highest” and that unlike the display in the case of Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984), there was

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nothing in its context to detract from the scene’s religious message. Accordingly, Justice Blackmun concluded that the government was endorsing a religious message in violation of the Establishment Clause. One group of dissenting and concurring justices, Anthony M. Kennedy, Byron White, and Antonin Scalia, rejected Blackmun’s reasoning and result. Turning away from an inquiry into the meaning of the government display of a nativity scene, this group of justices focused attention on the effects of the scene: they noted that there was no evidence of coerced participation in religion or religious ceremonies or of significant expenditures of tax money. On the whole, then, the judicial disagreement here also organized itself around the determination of whether it is the conceptual meaning of the government action that matters or its forms and effect.

FLAG SALUTE CEREMONY The flag salute ceremony developed in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In the original ceremony the participants faced the flag and pledged “allegiance to my flag and the republic for which it stands, one nation indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” While repeating the words “to my flag” the right hand was extended palm up toward the flag. Over the years the ceremony evolved slightly, with minor changes of wording and with the extended arm salute dropped in 1942 because of its similarity to the Nazi salute. At this point in its evolution, however the salute had official standing: Congress had prescribed the form of words and substituted the right hand over the heart for the extended arm. Beginning in 1898 with New York, some states began requiring the ceremony as part of the opening exercise of the school day. The early state flag salute laws did not make the ceremony compulsory for individual students, but many local school boards insisted on participation. Many patriotic and fraternal organizations supported the flag salute; opposition came from civil libertarians and some small religious groups. The principal opponents of the compulsory school flag salute were the Jehovah’s Witnesses, a tightly knit evangelical sect whose religious beliefs commanded them not to salute the flag as a “graven image.” There are two cases that became known as the flag salute cases, Minersville School District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940) and West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943). Acting under the authority of the state government, the school board of Minersville, Pennsylvania had required both students and teachers to participate in a daily pledge of allegiance to the flag. In Gobitis, the Supreme Court decided against a group of Jehovah’s Witnesses who sought to have their children exempted on the grounds that this exercise amounted to a form of idolatry strictly forbidden by their faith. With only one dissenting vote, the Court

FLAG SALUTE CEREMONY ruled that it was permissible for a school board to make participation in saluting the American flag a condition for attending public school, regardless of the conscientious objections of parents and students. Relying on Gobitis and quoting liberally from the majority’s decision, the West Virginia State Board of Education issued a regulation making the flag salute mandatory statewide. When a challenge to this action arose barely three years after Gobitis, the Court reversed itself by a vote of 6 to 3. In Barnette, the U.S. Supreme Court held that students could not be compelled to salute the flag against their beliefs, based on the right of free speech. The Court found that the requirement invaded the sphere of free intellect and belief that was at the core of these First Amendment principles. Although the Jehovah’s Witnesses brought these cases because of their religious objections to the honoring of “idols,” the infringement of religious beliefs was not crucial to the decisions. Anyone opposed to saluting the flag had to be excused from the requirement without regard to whether their refusal was based on religious or nonreligious grounds. During the brief interval separating these cases, the lone dissenter in Gobitis was elevated to Chief Justice and two new justices, both favoring reversal, had joined the Court, while two supporters of the original decision had departed. But of the seven justices who heard both cases, three reversed themselves and to set forth their reasons for the change. In Barnette, the most straightforward formulation of the reasoning states that compelling students, upon pain of expulsion, to participate in the flag salute violates their First Amendment rights. But the case is often cited as the source of Justice Jackson’s famous quotation that suggests a far broader reading of the case: “If there be any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein. If there are any circumstances which permit an exception, they do not now occur to us. We think the action of local authorities in compelling the flag salute and pledge transcends constitutional limitations on their power and invades the sphere of intellect and spirit which it is the purpose of the First Amendment to our Constitution to reserve from all official control.”

This passage suggests that the First Amendment imposes additional limitations on school officials to inculcate their pupils beyond merely prohibiting the compulsory flag salute. The Court, however, made clear that states had the indirect authority to seek to promote patriotism and loyalty: “The State may ‘require teaching by instruction and study of all in our history and in the structure and organization of our government, including the guarantees of civil liberty, which tend to inspire patriotism and love of country.’ Here, however, we are dealing with a compulsion of students to declare a belief. They are not merely made acquainted with the flag salute so that they may be informed as to what it is or even what it means. The issue here is whether this slow and easily neglected route to aroused loyalties constitutionally may be short-cut by substituting a compulsory salute and slogan . . . .”

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The message that emerges from the two quoted passages is somewhat unclear. On the one hand, the First Amendment exists to protect the sphere of intellect and spirit, and on the other hand, the public schools may teach a history course designed to promote patriotism and may do so, apparently, by teaching only history that would tend to inspire patriotism. The Court seems to be endorsing a sanitized or an “airbrushed” history. Some observers condemn this as an open invitation to manipulate the consciousness of students through a selective presentation of the past. As long as naked compulsion is not used, government schools may seek to invade the sphere of intellect and spirit. The legacy of Barnette, thus, remains ambiguous.

FOREIGN POLICY The United States State Department has asserted that an important part of American foreign policy is to promote greater freedom of religion and to encourage reconciliation among religious groups. The United States adopted this stand because it is consistent with American values and the belief that nations are stronger and the lives of their people richer, when citizens have the freedom to choose, proclaim, and exercise their religious identity. The United States has also learned that the denial of religious freedom or threats to it can cause, fear, flight, fighting, and even all-out war. Thus the United States has developed a focus in our policy on regions where religious divisions have combined with other factors to engender violence or endanger peace. Promoting religious freedom is an American foreign policy priority. To this end United States diplomats are instructed to provide frequent and thorough reports on the status of religious freedom in the countries to which they are assigned. The United States has intensified the spotlight on religious freedom in the reports that the State Department issues annually on human rights practices around the world. The United States is also modifying its procedures for reviewing requests for political asylum to ensure that those fleeing religious persecution are treated fairly. In addition, the United States promotes religious freedom through foreign broadcasting, by sponsoring programs and exchanges that foster understanding, and through work in international organizations such as the United Nations Human Rights Commission and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The United States often raises issues related to religious freedom with foreign governments and their representatives. That was the case, for example, in 1997 when Secretary of State Albright discussed restrictions on religious activity in Vietnam, and when President Clinton raised with President Yeltsin serious

FRAZEE V. ILLINOIS DEPARTMENT OF EMPLOYMENT SECURITY concerns about Russia’s new law on religion. The law classified five religions as “traditional” to Russia: Russian Orthodoxy, Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, and Christianity. The law would have restricted groups such as Roman Catholics, Pentecostalists, Seventh-day Adventists, Baptists, and Mormons. Restricted groups would not be able to operate schools, distribute religious literature, or invite foreign preachers. Other groups that refused to register would be subject to even heavier restriction. During the United States-China summit meeting in 1997, the United States stressed to President Jian Zemin the importance of respecting the religious heritage of the people of Tibet and of ensuring that China’s growing Christian community is allowed to worship freely. The United States reinforced its commitment to religious tolerance in 1996 when Secretary of State Warren Christopher established an Advisory Committee on Religious Freedom Abroad. The Committee includes distinguished scholars, activists, and religious leaders representing the major American spiritual traditions. Its purpose is to help direct attention to the problem of religious persecution abroad and to provide advice on how to achieve reconciliation in areas now sundered by religious enmity.

FRAZEE V. ILLINOIS DEPARTMENT OF EMPLOYMENT SECURITY (U.S. 1989) This case expanded the protection of the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment by allowing a Christian to refuse to work on the Sabbath without being denied unemployment benefits. The Supreme Court had already held that such benefits could not be denied to persons whose religious beliefs obligated them to refuse work on the Sabbath, but in these earlier cases (for example, Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963)) the claimant had belonged to a religious sect or particular church. Frazee was not a member of either and did not rely on a specific religious tenet. He did assert, however, that he could not work on Sunday due to his beliefs “as a Christian,” but he was not a member of an organized church, sect, or denomination. The Illinois courts therefore upheld the denial to him of unemployment compensation. Unanimously, the Supreme Court reversed the Illinois courts and sustained Frazee’s right to free exercise of his religious beliefs. Frazee had asserted that he was a Christian, and no authority had challenged his sincerity. As a Christian, Frazee felt that working on Sunday was wrong. The Court held that a professing Christian, even if not a churchgoer or member of a particular sect, was protected by the Free Exercise Clause from having to choose between his or her religious belief and unemployment compensation. Denial of compensation violated the clause.

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FREE EXERCISE CLAUSE The Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution forbids the government from making any law “prohibiting the free exercise” of religion. To contemporary Americans, the word “exercise” primarily denotes “[t]he action of employing [something] in its appropriate activity [or] of giving practical effect to [it].” Following this interpretation, “the free exercise” of religion seems to imply a right of giving effect in society of one’s religious beliefs. The phrase, however, has another historical meaning, specifically legal and arguably more relevant: “[t]he practice and performance of rites and ceremonies, worship, etc.; the right or permission to celebrate the observances (of a religion).” In this sense, the ceremonial conduct of religious congregants is their “exercise” (or “exercise of worship,”) and the word seems to refer almost exclusively to liturgical matters. A religious group that is not forbidden to gather and to conduct its distinctive rituals-without more protection from the law of the state-would thus be enjoying “the free exercise of religion.” The more restrictive term, being more clearly focused on the legal context, has a strong claim for preference, under the principle that “lex specialis derogat generalis” (a doctrine stating that a law governing a specific subject matter [lex specialis] may not be overridden by a law which only governs general matters [lex generalis]). In constitutional interpretation, however, the origin of a term must not be confused for its essence. Whatever lawyers may have meant by this phrase in the 18th century, its inclusion in the Bill of Rights was a political decision inspired by the petitions of many of the states ratifying the original Constitution. Most of these states either had or were adopting guarantees of religious freedom that spoke of “the rights of conscience,” of “the free exercise of . . . religious profession and worship,” or of “the free exercise of religion.” Some of these guarantees added additional provisions limiting the right to actions that did not damage the peace and order of the state, which certainly seems to imply that some kind of behavior outside church sanctuaries was contemplated. Scholars have long debated whether the protected behavior included only the freedom to preach and seek converts or included behavior in the secular sphere, such as refusing military service. The best historical scholarship available produces an inconclusive answer: the provision by the legislature of certain legal accommodations for religious believers is not constitutionally forbidden. Whether those who wrote the Clause regarded such exemptions as commanded, and as enforceable by courts, may be impossible to resolve. Therefore, we must derive a meaning for the term from its context in the document and its place in the constitutional hierarchy created by the First Amendment in particular and the Bill of Rights in general. Just as “free exercise” cannot, in a principled reading, mean nothing at all, so it cannot cover every action that expresses a religious impulse. The Free Exercise

FREE EXERCISE CLAUSE Clause grants religious groups the freedom to practice their religion, yet the U.S. Supreme Court has clearly ruled that this freedom is not absolute and will not excuse or justify behavior by religious group members that is harmful to society. U.S. Supreme Court caselaw articulates three principles underlying the Free Exercise Clause: (1) No individual may be compelled by law to accept any particular form of religion or membership. (2) All individuals are constitutionally permitted to choose a religion freely in accordance with their conscience and spirituality, and the government may not inhibit their religious practices; and (3) The government may enforce criminal norms against people whose religious practices would violate a compelling societal interest. The Free Exercise Clause, like the Establishment Clause, applies not only to the federal government but also the states through the Fourteenth Amendment (through the incorporation doctrine). This constitutional provision “withdraws from legislative power, state and federal, the exertion of any restraint on the free exercise of religion. Its purpose is to secure religious liberty in the individual by prohibiting any invasions there by civil authority.” [Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963)] The Free Exercise Clause prohibits “governmental regulation of religious beliefs as such,” and prohibits secular government programs “to impede the observance of one or all religions” or “to discriminate invidiously between religions . . . even though the burden may be characterized as being only indirect.” [Braunfeld v. Brown (U.S. 1961)] “A regulation neutral on its face may, in its application, nonetheless offend the constitutional requirement for governmental neutrality if it unduly burdens the free exercise of religion.” [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] The Free Exercise Clause is based on the freedom of conscience. The government may not penalize or discriminate against an individual or a group of individuals because of their religious views, nor may it compel persons to affirm any particular beliefs. [Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963)] Yet, under the belief/ conduct dichotomy, the Free Exercise Clause does not preclude government from either requiring the performing of some act or forbidding the doing of some act merely because religious beliefs may motivate the conduct in question. [See Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879)(case challenging Mormon practice of polygamy, which established the principle that under guarantee of religious liberty, government may not punish religious beliefs but may punish religiously motivate practices that injure public interest); Jacobson v. Massachusetts (U.S. 1905)(The Court rejected plaintiff’s religious objections to town vaccination ordinance); United States v. Lee (U.S. 1982) (The Court held that Amish employers had to pay social security and unemployment taxes, regardless of their religious objections to them; compelling government interest is served by federal revenue system, so no member of any religious group can claim exemption from taxation); Employment

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Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)(state’s interest in ensuring integrity of unemployment insurance fund was found sufficiently important to justify refusal to pay benefits to claimants who were fired for use of peyote, despite fact that use was for religious purposes)] Having abandoned the “balancing test,” which it had used since its decision in Sherbert, the U.S. Supreme Court in Smith held that neutral, generally applicable laws may be applied to religious practices even not supported by a compelling government interest. Congress responded to the Smith decision with the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA), which was intended to “restore the traditional compelling interest test” and guarantee its application in all cases where free exercise of religion is substantially burdened. The Supreme Court, in City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997), held that the RFRA was overbroad, especially because there was no evidence that the states were attempting to restrict religious freedom. The Free Exercise Clause explicitly prohibits the outlawing of any religious belief. The difficult issues arise not in connection with pure beliefs, but in connection with conduct that is related to beliefs (referred to as the belief/conduct dichotomy). Normally, free exercise issues arise when the government, acting in pursuit of a nonreligious objective, either (1) forbids or burdens conduct that is dictated by person’s religious beliefs or (2) compels or encourages conduct forbidden by someone’s religious beliefs. However, not all statutes prohibiting conduct required by religious beliefs or that compel conduct forbidden by religious beliefs automatically violate the Free Exercise Clause. The Court has not developed a clear test for determining when such a violation exists (in contrast to the three-prong standard in Establishment Clause cases, which was first articulated in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)). Both Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause caselaw are relatively new. The early state constitutions extensively protected the freedom of worship and conscience. These provisions most likely adequately served the needs of the major Protestant denominations of pre–Civil War America. The removal in the early nineteenth century of some implicit political disabilities against Roman Catholics and Jews ensured that all the major religious denominations were not only free to worship but free to enjoy equal civil rights. Although anti-Semitism and antiCatholicism persisted throughout the nineteenth century, religious bigotry did not preclude Jews and Roman Catholics from practicing their religion. They constructed churches and temples, flourished, and joined the dominant American culture. Throughout much of the nineteenth century, most religious groups within the Judeo-Christian mainstream did not suffer violations of their free exercise of religion. Even religious nonconformists were not persecuted for their religious beliefs. The major legal issue was nonconformity to the laws motivated by religious belief. The major example of this kind of behavior was the Mormon practice of polygamy in the 19th century.

FREEDOM OF RELIGION 229 There is a natural conflict between a command not to establish religion and a command not to inhibit its practice. The general guide is the concept of “neutrality.” The opposing values require that the government act to achieve only secular goals and that it achieves them in a religiously neutral manner.

FREE EXERCISE OF RELIGION See Free Exercise Clause

FREEDOM FROM RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION ACT See International Religious Freedom Act of 1998

FREEDOM OF RELIGION As the tolerance of American society for religious diversity has broadened, so has the U.S. Supreme Court’s definition of beliefs it recognizes as religious, and therefore entitled to First Amendment protection. Originally, the Court considered religion only in the traditional Judeo-Christian sense, which required belief in a divine being. “The term ‘religion’ refers to the believer’s views of his relation to his Creator, and the obligations they impose of reverence for his being and character, and of obedience to his will.” [Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890)] Freedom of religion encompasses the liberty of individuals to believe and to practice or exercise their religious beliefs. Important aspects of the freedom of religion include the freedom of meeting, in private or in public, to worship, teach the aims of the religious group, teach children, win adherents, and more. The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution protects both the freedom to believe and the freedom to act. The first of these is absolute, but the second remains subject to regulation for the protection of society. Freedom of religion means not only that civil authorities may not intervene in the affairs of a church; it also prevents a church from exercising its authority through mechanisms of the state. The First Amendment guarantees freedom of religion through the two clauses. One clause prohibits the government from interfering with the Free Exercise of religion. The other clause prevents the government from acting to “establish” a religion or religion in general. Both guarantees have been made applicable to the states through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment under the doctrine of incorporation. [Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940)(free exercise of

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religion) and Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947)(no establishment of religion)]

FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT, RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AS A Because individual liberty is at the core of the American constitutional system, more rights are legally protected in the United States than in other societies. Under such conditions, not all rights are considered equal, but a hierarchy of valued liberties exists. The freedoms that Americans deem the most important referred to as “fundamental rights.” Although inherent in the Anglo-Saxon heritage of due process of law, the concept of fundamental rights can be difficult to delineate. Nevertheless, it constitutes one of those basic features of democracy that are the test of its presence. As defined by Justice Felix Frankfurter, dissenting in Solesbee v. Balkcom (U.S. 1950), it embraces a “system of rights based on moral principles so deeply embedded in the traditions and feelings of our people as to be deemed fundamental to a civilized society.” The justice whom Frankfurter succeeded on the high bench, Benjamin Cardozo, had spoken in Snyder v. Massachusetts (U.S. 1934) of “principles of justice so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our peoples as to be deemed fundamental.” Three years later, in Palko v. Connecticut (U.S. 1937), Cardozo articulated fundamental rights as “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” Because these rights are fundamental, the judiciary grants them special protection. The courts view them as preferred freedoms that receive particularly “strict scrutiny” of their infringement by legislative or executive action. In other words, to be considered constitutional, laws or ordinances affecting fundamental rights must demonstrate a more or less “compelling need,” whereas those affecting lesser rights need only be clothed with a rational basis justifying the legislative or executive action at issue. As such, fundamental rights should prevail in conflict with governmental authority over other, less valued, liberties. In the twentieth century personal liberties assumed fundamental status. Through the process of selective incorporation, the U.S. Supreme Court has determined that with only a few exceptions, all of the rights in the U.S. Constitution and its amendments meet the definition of fundamental liberties, and thus, are constitutionally protected from encroachment by state and local governments as well as federal authorities. Some fundamental rights remain preferred. To what extent that arrangement will stand the test of time and experience will depend largely on the judiciary. In recent years, the right to privacy and protection against various forms of discrimination have been seen as fundamental.

FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT, RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AS A

FUNDAMENTALISM See Religious Fundamentalism

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G GAY MARRIAGE See Same-Sex Marriage

GILLETTE V. UNITED STATES (U.S. 1971) In this case the Supreme Court addressed the compatibility of the exemption from military service for conscientious objectors with the religion clauses of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Under the conscientious objector provision of the Selective Service Act (50 U.S.C. §§ 451–471a), the then-existing statutory exemption clearly was granted only to those who objected to “participation in war in any form” and denied to those who objected only to some wars. This interpretation was challenged in this case by two plaintiffs whose formal religion or religious philosophy required them to refrain only from participation in “unjust” wars. Gillette argued that he should be exempt from the Military Service Act because his religious beliefs prohibited him from participating in the Vietnam war because it was unjust. A majority of Supreme Court justices found that the narrow definition of the statute complied with both religious clauses. The Court held that the granting of conscientious objector exemptions only to those whose beliefs opposed all war did not violate the Establishment Clause. The majority found that the objection was based on secular reasons relating to the persons involved rather than adherence to accepted beliefs. The claimants in Gillette also argued that failure to grant an exemption to those who opposed only unjust wars on a religious basis violated the Free Exercise Clause because making them participate in an unjust war was contrary to their religious beliefs. The District Court construed the statutory exemption clause to require objection to all wars. In response, petitioners argued that this was an impermissible

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discrimination among religious beliefs: interpreting the statute in this way barred their claim to relief from military service. In considering the issue of whether “Congress interferes with free exercise of religion by conscripting persons who oppose a particular war [Vietnam] on grounds of conscience and religion,” the court used the “substantial government interests” as opposed to the “compelling government interests” as the test. The Supreme Court applied the balancing test and held that the incidental burdens felt by persons in the claimant’s position were strictly justified by substantial governmental interests. The Court stressed the “justification” of the burdens placed upon selective conscientious objectors. It spoke of the “valid concerns” of Congress—the difficulty in making fair determinations as to who would be entitled to selective conscientious objector status. The Court made this ruling despite the fact that these sorts of administrative concerns that were rejected in Sherbert as not compelling—the difficulty in preventing misuse of unemployment benefits. The Court raised the connection of the conscription statute to the constitutional authority to raise and support armies. The connection seems to confer “substantial government interest” status of itself. There was no mention of a need for proof that the conscription statute was the least restrictive alternative available. The majority opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court found that the burden on these persons was justified by substantial government interests in defense and the power to raise armies. The Court reached this result by granting great deference to these governmental interests and without any real weighing of the individual interests involved. With these important national interests at issue, the Court simply refused to review the legislative determination of who should serve in the armed forces, as the justices did not view the law as a penalty against any belief or religion. Finally, the treatment of those who had performed alternative service as conscientious objectors raised one further issue. The person who was granted this exemption but required to perform alternative service did not receive the same benefits as those who performed normal military service. Although there have been other important establishment decisions since, Gillette provides useful guidance for analyzing establishment issues. The Court in Gillette stated: The Establishment Clause stands at least for the proposition that when government activities touch on the religious sphere, they must be secular in purpose, evenhanded in operation, and neutral in primary impact. . . . The critical weakness of petitioners’ establishment claim arises from the fact that § 6(j), on its face, simply does not discriminate on the basis of religious affiliation or religious belief, apart of course from beliefs concerning war. . . . The specified objection must have a grounding in “religious training and belief,” but no particular sectarian affiliation or theological position is required. . . .

GOLDMAN V. WEINBERGER Section 6(j) serves a number of valid purposes having nothing to do with a design to foster or favor any sect, religion, or cluster of religions. There are considerations of a pragmatic nature, such as the hopelessness of converting a sincere conscientious objector into an effective fighting man . . . but no doubt the section reflects as well the view that “in the forum of conscience, duty to a moral power higher than the State has always been maintained.” . . . We have noted that the legislative materials show congressional concern for the hard choice that conscription would impose on conscientious objectors to war . . . . Naturally the considerations just mentioned are affirmative in character, going to support the existence of an exemption rather than its restriction specifically to persons who object to all war. The point is that these affirmative purposes are neutral in the sense of the Establishment Clause. Quite apart from the question whether the Free Exercise Clause might require some sort of exemption, it is hardly impermissible for Congress to attempt to accommodate free exercise values . . . . “Neutrality” in matters of religion is not inconsistent with “benevolence” by way of exemptions from onerous duties . . . so long as an exemption is tailored broadly enough that it reflects valid secular purposes. In the draft area, for 30 years the exempting provision has focused on individual conscientious objection, not on sectarian affiliation.

GOLDMAN V. WEINBERGER (U.S. 1986) Goldman v. Weinberger is the leading U.S. Supreme Court case concerning the extent to which the Free Exercise Clause requires the military to accommodate religion by providing an exemption to military regulations. Captain S. Simcha Goldman, an Orthodox Jew and ordained rabbi, was forbidden to wear a yarmulke while on duty as an air force doctor and clinical psychologist. The prohibition was based on an air force regulation enjoining the wearing of headgear indoors “except by armed security police.” After Captain Goldman testified as a defense witness in a court-martial while wearing his yarmulke, the military prosecutor reported the uniform violation to Captain Goldman’s commander. The commander ordered Captain Goldman to cease wearing the yarmulke in uniform, and Captain Goldman sued. He argued that the Free Exercise Clause required the Air Force to grant him an accommodation by permitting him to wear a yarmulke in uniform despite the regulatory prohibition. He claimed that the prohibition of the yarmulke violated his First Amendment right to the free exercise of religion. Captain Goldman asked the Court to apply strict scrutiny to the case. The U.S. Supreme Court decided this case in 1986, four years before it decided Employment Division of Oregon v. Smith (U.S. 1990), at a time when it appeared that the Court was applying strict scrutiny even to free exercise challenges of religion-neutral

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laws. Under this standard, Captain Goldman sought an exemption unless the yarmulke posed “a ‘clear danger’ of undermining discipline and esprit de corps.” The Supreme Court, however, ruled against Goldman on a five-to-four vote, holding that no religious accommodation was required by the Free Exercise Clause. There were strong dissents. Writing for the majority, Justice William H. Rehnquist declined to require a government showing of either a compelling state interest or a rational basis to justify the yarmulke prohibition, because “the military is, by necessity, a specialized society separate from civilian society.” Instead, the Court applied a highly deferential kind of minimum scrutiny, which looked only to whether the regulation was reasonably related to some legitimate military interest. Rehnquist argued simply that the military must be accorded wide-ranging deference by the courts in order to execute its mission. The Air Force asserted a vital interest in uniformity, which “encourages the subordination of personal preferences and identities in favor of the overall group mission . . . [and] encourage[s] a sense of hierarchical unity by tending to eliminate outward individual distinctions except for those of rank.” The Court, noting a line of cases in which the Court gave “great deference to the professional judgment of military authorities concerning the relative importance of a particular military interest,” concluded that the military, rather than the courts, must decide the need for uniform regulations. The military’s line between permissible and impermissible religious symbols –depending on whether the symbol was visible in uniform or not—was a reasonable way to further the military’s stated need for uniformity. The Court upheld the Air Force’s regulation and its refusal to provide an exception for Captain Goldman despite the burden on his religious exercise. Hence Rehnquist refused to scrutinize the air force’s “professional judgment” on how to maintain a uniform dress code. Justice Rehnquist used similar reasoning a year later to uphold the power of prison authorities to restrict the free exercise rights of prisoners in O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz (U.S. 1987). Justices William J. Brennan, Harry A. Blackmun, and Sandra Day O’Connor each filed separate dissents. All three believed that the Court should have attempted to weigh Goldman’s free exercise rights against the government interest. They further agreed that the government interest should yield in this case because the military had not shown a reasonable basis for the regulation as applied to Goldman. They stressed that Goldman had been allowed to wear his yarmulke by the air force for almost four years before the practice was challenged. The Court’s approach to evaluating religion-neutral laws in the military foreshadowed the approach it would take in Employment Division of Oregon v. Smith (U.S. 1990) evaluating religion-neutral laws in the civilian sector. Courts will uphold such laws when they pass minimum scrutiny and are otherwise valid. In the military context, however, the Court will give even greater deference to the governmental interest underlying the law. Congress reacted quickly to Goldman. In 1987, Congress enacted a statute generally authorizing military members to wear items of religious apparel while in

GOLDMAN V. WEINBERGER uniform. The statute authorized service secretaries to make exceptions prohibiting items that would interfere with the performance of duty or that are not neat and conservative. Service secretaries were directed to enact regulations on the wearing of religious apparel in uniform. In February 1988, the Department of Defense promulgated directive number 1300.17 entitled Accommodation of Religious Practices Within the Military Services. The directive concerns not only the wearing of religious apparel in uniform but also certain other religious accommodation contexts. These other contexts include time off for worship, holy days, observing the Sabbath, dietary issues, and waiver of required immunizations. The overarching theme of the Department of Defense Directive is reflected in its statement of policy: A basic principle of our nation is free exercise of religion. The Department of Defense places a high value on the rights of members of the Armed Forces to observe the tenets of their respective religions. It is DoD policy that requests for accommodation of religious practices should be approved by commanders when accommodation will not have an adverse impact on military readiness, unit cohesion, standards, or discipline. The DoD Directive establishes goals for the military services in their development of regulations on religious accommodation but emphasizes that these goals do not create a guarantee that the military will always accommodate religion. The military should accommodate requests regarding “[w]orship services, holy days, and Sabbath observances . . . except when precluded by military necessity.” The military should consider religious dietary limitations when considering military members’ requests for separate rations or to bring their own food in a field or sea deployment. The military “should consider religious beliefs as a factor for waiver of immunizations, subject to medical risks to the unit and military requirements.” The directive establishes more guidance regarding wearing religious apparel with the uniform and distinguishes between apparel that is visible and not visible in uniform. Religious apparel is defined as “clothing worn as part of the doctrinal or traditional observance of the religious faith practiced by the member” and explicitly excludes jewelry, hair, and grooming. If visible, apparel must be “neat and conservative” and not interfere with the performance of duties. If not visible, the “neat and conservative” requirement does not apply, but the “non-interference with duty” requirement still applies. Interference with duty would occur when the apparel interferes with the operation of weapons or machinery, poses a health or safety risk, or interferes with the wear of special clothing or protective equipment (e.g., helmet, gas mask). “Neat and conservative” items are those that are discreet, tidy and non-showy, do not replace or interfere with how the uniform is worn, and are not affixed to the uniform. For example, a dark yarmulke would be permissible. Even normally qualifying visible religious apparel may be prohibited when unique circumstances require absolute uniformity, as with an honor guard. The DoD Directive specifies five factors that military commanders should consider in deciding, on a case-by-case basis, whether to approve a request for

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religious accommodation. The factors are: (1) “The importance of military requirements in terms of individual and unit readiness, health and safety, discipline, morale, and cohesion”; (2) “The religious importance of the accommodation to the requester”; (3) “The cumulative impact of repeated accommodation of a similar nature”; (4) “Alternative means available to meet the requested accommodation”; and (5) “Previous treatment of the same or similar requests, including treatment of similar requests made for other than religious reasons.” The commander may consider other relevant factors as well. The weightiest factor arguably is the importance of the military requirement: the more important the requirement to be missed (e.g., critical combat operation), the stronger the justification for denying the accommodation. The potential cumulative impact of many people making similar requests also would be a factor against accommodation. The importance of the accommodation to the requester, however, cuts in favor of accommodation. The fourth factor looks to whether the military might accommodate in some way that affects the mission the least—for example, postponing a requester’s scheduled duty as charge of quarters for one day until after a holy day has passed rather than just excusing the requester from the duty altogether. The final factor—previous treatment of similar requests, including handling of requests for accommodation for non-religious reasons—bears special emphasis. This factors boils down to two related principles: non-discrimination against religion and consistency in similar circumstances. Non-discrimination and consistency are part of the overarching principle of governmental neutrality toward religion. Denying a request for accommodation cannot be based on discrimination against the religion of the requester. If a commander denies a request for accommodation (e.g., a request to bring supplemental food rations to a field or sea deployment due to dietary constraints) from a person of one religion after granting a similar request from someone of another religion, this could create the appearance of prohibited discrimination against the second religion. Important differences in circumstances, however, might justify accommodating one request while denying a similar one. Similarly, if a commander denies a request for accommodation (e.g., excusal from a particular training) for a non-religious reason (e.g., to attend a wedding), the commander might be hard-pressed to justify denying a request for excusal from attending the same training for observing a holy day. The disapproval—if not based on some difference in circumstance (e.g., differences between the two requesters in terms of their proficiency in the skill being trained)–could reasonably imply discrimination against religion in general or against the particular religion, both of which are prohibited. Under the Court’s precedents, discrimination against religion would be presumptively invalid and would almost certainly be invalidated by the courts as violating the Free Exercise Clause. Each of the military services has regulations (or portions thereof) providing additional guidance on religious accommodation implementing DoD Directive

GONZALES V. O CENTRO ESPIRITA BENEFICENTE UNIAO DO VEGETAL 1300.17. Bonded by DoD Directive 1300.17, all the religious accommodation regulations are generally similar in their policies; however, differences do exist among the service regulations. In addition, other issues that arguably are a form of accommodation may be governed by separate laws. For example, requests for discharge from the military or reassignment to noncombatant duties as a conscientious objector—when based on religious beliefs –are a form of request for religious accommodation. Conscientious objection is governed by service regulations dedicated to that topic rather than by other religious accommodation regulations.

GONZALES V. O CENTRO ESPIRITA BENEFICENTE UNIAO DO VEGETAL (U.S. 2006) This case involved the use of a hallucinogenic tea called hoasca in the religious ceremonies of the O Centro Espirita Beneficiente Uniao do Vegetal (UDV), a religious community from Brazil. Hoasca is brewed from two indigenous Brazilian plants. It contains dimethyltryptamine (DMT), a Schedule I controlled substance under the federal Controlled Substances Act (CSA). A small number of UDV members in the United States imported hoasca for their religious ceremonies. In 1999, the U.S. Customs Service seized three drums of the illegal tea. Although the government only threatened prosecution, that threat was enough to induce the UDV to cease the ritual use of hoasca in the United States. The UDV then sought an injunction in federal court, contending that the Religious Freedom Restoration Act’s (RFRA’s) “compelling interest” standard requires the government to exempt believers’ use of hoasca from the CSA’s prohibitions. The UDV also claimed that the federal government’s enforcement of the Controlled Substances Act against it violated the church’s free exercise rights. In the U.S. District Court, the United States conceded that the “CSA imposes a substantial burden on [UDV believers’] sincere exercise of religion.” It insisted, though, that it has a compelling interest in “adhering to the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances; . . . preventing the health and safety risks posed by hoasca; and . . . preventing the diversion of hoasca to non-religious use.” After hearing evidence on the potential health risks associated with hoasca use and the possible diversion of hoasca into the black market, the district court concluded that the evidence was “in equipoise” and “virtually balanced.” And so, it ruled that the government had “failed to carry its heavy burden” of proving that its refusal to accommodate UDV’s religiously motivated use cleared the RFRA’s high threshold. The court said that the government had not demonstrated “a compelling government interest in protecting the health of UDV members using hoasca or in preventing the diversion of hoasca to illicit use.” The United States Court of

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Appeals for the Tenth Circuit affirmed. The U.S. Supreme Court then granted review. Before the U.S. Supreme Court, the government presented three arguments. First, it contended the district court’s evidentiary “equipoise” was insufficient to authorize the injunction because of the no-exemption enforcement of the CSA. It also argued that the nature of Schedule I substances, and the government’s strong interest because of the uniform application of the CSA, preclude individualized exemptions for particular religious groups. Finally, the government insisted that its obligations under the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances provides the compelling interest required by the RFRA. Acknowledging that “there may be instances in which a need for uniformity precludes the recognition of exceptions to generally applicable laws under RFRA,” the Court did not find that the Controlled Substances Act was immune from exemptions “given the longstanding exemption from the Controlled Substances Act for religious use of peyote, and the fact that the very reason Congress enacted the RFRA was to respond to a decision denying a claimed right to sacramental use of a controlled substance.” Writing for a unanimous Court, Chief Justice Roberts rejected each of the government’s arguments. First, regarding the government’s “equipoise” claim, the chief justice noted that “the UDV [had] effectively demonstrated”—indeed, the government had conceded—“that its sincere exercise of religion was substantially burdened.” Therefore, the RFRA placed the burden of proof “squarely on the Government.” Even if persuading the district court to find the evidence in “equipoise” came close, it did not satisfy the standard imposed on the government by Congress. In other words, the government had failed to establish, as the RFRA requires, that its refusal to grant an exemption “would, more likely than not, be justified by the asserted compelling interests.” The justices also rejected the government’s claim that the need for uniform application of the drug laws should outweigh UDV’s claim for a religious exemption. This claim, the Court seemed to believe, also ignored the legislative intent behind the RFRA. After all, the statute’s purpose was to provide or prompt exemptions for religious believers and religiously motivated conduct in situations where officially imposed burdens on religion are not the “least restrictive” means of furthering compelling state interests. To accept the blanket assertion that there is “no need to assess the particulars of the UDV’s use or weigh the impact of an exemption for that specific use, because the Controlled Substances Act serves a compelling purpose and simply admits of no exception” would severely handicap the RFRA’s operation and effectiveness. The Court ruled that the government must “demonstrate a compelling interest in uniform application of a particular program by offering evidence that granting the requested religious accommodations would seriously compromise its ability to administer the program.”

GONZALES V. O CENTRO ESPIRITA BENEFICENTE UNIAO DO VEGETAL The chief justice also observed that Congress had explicitly included the compelling interest standard in the RFRA as it was understood and applied in the Sherbert and Yoder cases. He concluded that “RFRA requires the Government to demonstrate that the compelling interest test is satisfied through application of the challenged law ‘to the person’—the particular claimant whose sincere exercise of religion is being substantially burdened.” And, because the RFRA requires such a particularized inquiry, it is not enough for the government merely to “invok[e] the general characteristics of Schedule I substances” or “Congress’ determination that DMT should be listed under Schedule I.” The act requires consideration of “the harms posed by the particular use at issue[.]” Chief Justice Roberts also noted that the CSA specifically exempts “certain people from its requirements”; that “an exception has been made to the Schedule I ban for religious use” for the use of peyote in Native American religious ceremonies. So not only had the government failed to consider carefully, in a particularized way, whether any harm to a “compelling” government interest would result from an exemption for UDV believers from the hoasca ban, its insistence that no such exemption was possible flew in the face of its earlier decision to provide a religious exemption for thousands of Native Americans from a similar ban on peyote. The Court recognized that “the Government [could] demonstrate a compelling interest in uniform application of a particular program by offering evidence that granting the requested religious accommodations would seriously compromise its ability to administer the program.” In other words, the public interest in the efficient enforcement of a program or prohibition could conceivably outweigh an individual’s free exercise interests, but only if granting the requested exemption would actually endanger the regulatory scheme. In O Centro, “the Government’s argument for uniformity . . . rest[ed] not so much on the particular statutory program at issue as on slippery-slope concerns that could be invoked in response to any RFRA claim for an exception to a generally applicable law.” Under the government’s reasoning, “If I make an exception for you, I’ll have to make one for everybody, so no exceptions.” The Court indicated that a case-by-case approach to evaluating exemptions to generally applicable statutes was appropriate, as was the case in Cutter v. Wilkinson (U.S. 2005). The government had failed to explain why an exception for religious use of hoasca would be any more disruptive to the Controlled Substance Act’s regulatory system than an exception for peyote. In the justices’ view, the peyote exception reflected Congress’ determination that the government did not, in fact, have a compelling interest in unswerving adherence to a uniform, exceptionless prohibition on the religiously motivated use of controlled substances. The Court also rejected the government’s assertions regarding the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances. While the justices agreed that the convention covers hoasca, they maintained that “[t]he fact that hoasca is covered

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by the Convention . . . does not automatically mean that the Government has demonstrated a compelling interest in applying the Controlled Substances Act [to the UDV’s use of hoasca].” Indeed, “[t]he Government did not even submit evidence addressing the international consequences of granting an exemption for the UDV.” Again, under the RFRA, the “invocation of such general interests, standing alone, is not enough.” The Court concluded that “Congress has determined that courts should strike sensible balances, pursuant to a compelling interest test that requires the Government to address the particular practice at issue.”

GOVERNMENT AID TO PRIVATE SCHOOLS Government aid to private schools is highly controversial because most private schools are associated with a church, teach religious doctrines, and encourage religious belief. The basic question is whether various forms of government aid to private religious schools and their students violate the Establishment Clause. Up through the late 19th century, government aid to private schools was common and served as a practical way to foster an educated citizenry. State support of private religious schools was not viewed as an Establishment Clause violation, because the First Amendment only applied to Congress prior to its incorporation and application to the states in 1940 [See Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940)]. Only in 1925, did the U.S. Supreme Court interpret the 14th Amendment as placing the same restrictions on state governments that the Bill of Rights imposes on Congress. [Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925)] By the late 19th century, state aid to religious schools had become controversial. Some states continued to assist private schools by offering free transportation or textbooks to students, but others rejected this legislation. Some enacted legislation designed to discourage private school attendance. A proposed federal constitutional amendment prohibiting the use of any state tax money to aid parochial schools was considered by 1876, but ultimately failed. Beginning in 1947, the Supreme Court considered a long series of Establishment Clause challenges to several more direct forms of aid to parochial schools and their students. In Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947), the Court considered the constitutionality of a state plan providing free transportation to private school students. In deciding the case, the Court for the first time used Thomas Jefferson’s metaphor that the First Amendment erected “a wall of separation between church and state.” This meant, the Court said, that the government could not pass laws that aided one religion, aided all religions, or preferred one religion over another.

GOVERNMENT AID TO PRIVATE SCHOOLS Under current law, limited government aid may go to religious primary and secondary schools without violating the Establishment Clause. Because the U.S. Supreme Court has held that these schools are permeated by religious teachings, any significant aid probably has the effect of aiding religion. The only way to avoid such an effect would be to impose so many procedural regulations that the program would result in excessive entanglement between government and religious entities. Additionally, these aid programs could cause serious political divisions. For these reasons the Court has strictly applied the purpose-effect-entanglement test to these programs. The First Amendment principles governing this area are the result of a series of Supreme Court decisions on very specific types of aid to religiously affiliated schools, including public aid for student transportation, textbooks, and tuition tax credits. The Supreme Court has not adopted a constitutional test that would separate unconstitutional aid to religiously affiliated schools from constitutional aid going to students or the parents of students who attend religiously affiliated schools. Instead of using a “student aid” versus “aid to religious schools” distinction, the U.S. Supreme Court has used the so-called Lemon test from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)(also known as the purpose-effect-entanglement tests) to determine the validity of each type of government aid that is given to religious schools or their students. The Lemon test focuses on three factors when evaluating government aid programs: purpose, effect, and entanglement. Under the Lemon test, a law or government practice is invalid if it lacks a secular purpose, has a primary effect of advancing or inhibiting religion, or unduly entangles government with religion. The Supreme Court has used the Lemon test in many of its modern Establishment Clause decisions. The test has led to a policy of allowing no substantial government aid to religious institutions. The Supreme Court is most likely to uphold government assistance programs if those programs are viewed primarily as aid to the individual students and their parents rather than a form of aid to the religious schools. [Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983); Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind (U.S. 1986); Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993)] The public school is the place in which child and states (parties vastly unequal in power) encounter each other. The same skewed balance of power is true in the context of a religiously affiliated school; this is a place in which the child encounters the church as an institution. In the public school context, the problem seems to be how to keep the schools nonreligious but still permit them to impart values, while in the private school setting the problem is how to differentiate between the teaching of moral values and the teaching of religious doctrine. The importance of these issues to the development of the law on religion and education cannot be overstated. Dissenting in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947), Justice Robert Jackson argued that public schools are “organized on the premises that secular education can be isolated from all religious training,” and

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raised the question of “whether such a disjunction is possible, and if possible, whether it is wise.” There are two basic positions within the Supreme Court on state support for students enrolled in religiously affiliated schools. Some justices believe that the First Amendment requires the state to remain neutral between and among religions, and between religions and secular viewpoints on the role of religion in education. This faction generally permits the state to allocate educational benefits to all students, regardless of where they go to school, so long as the assistance is provided in a religiously neutral public benefits program. Their view is best described as one that permits “formal” neutrality in the distribution of public benefits. Such an approach favors the decentralization of control over education. Other justices believe that the Establishment Clause was intended to eliminate any form or vestige of official government support for religion, and to eliminate the possibility that the politics will be divided on a sectarian basis. They believe that the public schools are to be viewed as a religiously neutral educational setting, and that, to the extent children or parents desire to take advantage of publicly funded educational opportunities, they must do so in the public schools. This approach views education as a state function, and federalizes a set of philosophical norms on the role of religion, religious training, and religious ritual, in the education of primary and secondary school children.

GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.” The Framers of the Constitution did not provide precise guidance as to how to apply this prohibition. Although the Bill of Rights was ratified in 1791, the Supreme Court is still struggling to determine the meaning of the Establishment Clause and to define the parameters for government aid to religious institutions. Furthermore, the Court continues to seek a balance between the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause. Nonetheless, the prohibition of the Establishment Clause today applies to both the federal and state governments. It forbids government sponsorship of religion and requires that the government neither aid nor formally establish a religion. Although at its inception the clause might not have been intended to prohibit governmental aid to all religions, it is also interpreted to prohibit a preference for religion over nonreligion. Sometimes, however, it is impossible for the government to avoid aiding religion in some manner without actively opposing religion, which the Free Exercise Clause forbids it to do. For example, providing police or fire protection to churches clearly aids the practice of religion, but withholding such services would

GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 245 discriminate religious activities for a special burden. Thus, clearly some test is necessary to determine when incidental aid is permissible and when it is prohibited. The constitutionality of government aid to religious institutions through financial subsidies is most often challenged under the Establishment Clause. When the purpose of the subsidy is to finance obviously religious activities, such as the erection or repairing of a church building, the subsidy is generally considered unconstitutional. Largely, the purpose of the Establishment Clause was to forbid such grants, as indicated in the Supreme Court’s opinion and Justice Wiley Rutledge’s dissenting opinion in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). Relying on the writings of Madison and Jefferson, Justice Rutledge argued that the New Jersey program could not be justified as a public safety expenditure. He added that publicly supported transportation of parochial school children benefits not only their secular education, but also their religious education: “Two great drives are constantly in motion to abridge, in the name of education, the complete division of religion and civil authority which our forefathers made. One is to introduce religious education and observances into the public schools. The other, to obtain public funds for the aid and support of various private religious schools.. . . In my opinion, both avenues were closed by the Constitution. Neither should be opened by this Court.” When government-provided funds are used for what would generally be considered secular activities, however, such as maintaining hospitals, the constitutional validity of such programs is unanimously assumed. Most forms of public aid for parochial schools, even to support secular courses, have been held to violate the Establishment Clause, particularly when the aid has been provided directly to the schools themselves rather than to the parents of the students who attend them. Because the U.S. Supreme Court has found that these schools are permeated by religious teachings, any significant aid to them will effectively aid religion. The only way to avoid this would be to impose so many procedural checks that the program would result in an “excessive entanglement” of government with religious entities. (But see the separate opinion of Justices Anthony Kennedy and Antonin Scalia in Bowen v. Kendrick (U.S. 1988), which reasons that government assistance to parochial schools would not violate the Constitution so long as it does not exceed the value of the secular educational services the schools render. In such case there is no use of tax-raised funds to aid religion and thus no threat of danger to religious liberty.) Additionally, government programs that aid parochial schools have historically caused serious political conflict. For these reasons the Court has been quite strict in applying the purpose-effect-entanglement test to these programs. Known as the Lemon test (from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)), this requires government action to meet three criteria in order to be constitutional under the Establishment Clause. The action must: (1) have a secular legislative purpose; (2) have a primary

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effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion; and (3) must not result in excessive entanglement of government with religion. Because the First Amendment principles that govern this area are the product of a series of Supreme Court decisions on very specific types of aid to religiously affiliated schools, a review of those decisions is necessary to understand the current state of the law. In Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) the Supreme Court upheld as a valid exercise of police power a state statute financing bus transportation to parochial schools. The decision rested on the conclusion that the purpose of the law was not to aid religion, but to finance the operations of the schools and help ensure the safety of children going to or returning from them. The Everson, or “no-aid,” interpretation of the Establishment Clause as applied to governmental financing of religious schools next reached the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968). In that case the Court upheld a New York statute providing for the loan to students attending nonpublic schools of secular textbooks authorized for use in public schools. The Court concluded that the statute did not impermissibly aid religious schools within the meaning of Everson, nor did it violate the Establishment Clause ban on laws lacking a secular purpose or having a primary effect that either advances or inhibits religion, as that Clause had been interpreted in Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963). In upholding the New York law, the Court recognized that the police power rationale of Everson was not readily applicable to textbook laws, but it adjudged that the processes of secular and religious training are not so intertwined that secular textbooks furnished to students by the public are in fact instrumental in the teaching of religion. The Allen rationale could be used to justify state aid to religious schools considerably more extensive than mere financing of transportation or provision of secular textbooks. It could, for example, justify state financing of supplies other than textbooks, the costs of maintenance and repair of parochial school premises, or most important, the paying of salaries to instructors who teach the nonreligious subjects that constitute the major part of the parochial school curriculum. This extension was intended by Justice Byron White, the author of the Allen opinion, who thereafter dissented in all the decisions prohibiting aid to churchrelated schools. The first of these decisions came in the companion cases of Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) and Earley v. DiCenso (U.S. 1971). In Lemon, the state of Pennsylvania purchased the services of religious schools in providing secular education to their students. In DiCenso, Rhode Island paid 15 percent of the salaries of religious school teachers who taught only secular subjects. The statutes involved in Lemon and DiCenso violated the Establishment Clause, the Court held, because in order to ensure that the teachers did not inject religion into their secular classes or allow religious values to affect the content of secular instruction, it was necessary to subject the teachers to comprehensive, discriminating, and continuing state surveillance, which would constitute forbidden entanglement of church and state.

GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 247 Despite Lemon and DiCenso, the Court has upheld the constitutionality of reimbursement for noninstructional health and welfare services supplied to parochial school students, such as meals, medical and dental care, and diagnostic services on speech, hearing, and psychological problems. In Committee for Public Education and Liberty v. Regan (U.S. 1980) the Court allowed reimbursement for the expense of administering state-prepared and mandated objective examinations, and the decision in Bowen v. Kendrick (U.S. 1988) revealed the Rehnquist Court’s inclination to interpret the term secular activities broadly. That case upheld the constitutionality of government funds granted to a variety of public and private agencies (including religious organizations) to provide counseling for the prevention of adolescent sexual relations and to promote adoption as an alternative to abortion. Whereas this program may be fairly characterized as having a “secular” purpose (even though it coincides with the approach of certain prominent religious groups), there appears to be a substantial danger that the program’s primary effect will be to further religious precepts when religiously employed counselors deal with a subject so closely and inextricably tied to religious doctrine. In the mid-1980s, probably the most important uncertainty regarding government assistance to parochial schools concerned school choice vouchers. Under a typical voucher program, vouchers are given to parents who may then turn them in to any public or private school in lieu of tuition. The voucher is redeemed by the school for government (taxpayer) funds. Although the decision in Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind (U.S. 1986) involved only a special type of voucher and did not speak to the constitutionality of school vouchers generally, its rationale greatly sustains their validity. The case upheld a state program providing visually handicapped persons a voucher (although it was not called that) for use in vocational schools for the blind. Witters was studying religion at a Christian college “in order to equip himself for a career as a pastor, missionary, or youth director.” The fact that Witters attended college was significant to the holding. The strict ban on government aid to schools involves primary or secondary schools where the fear of state-sponsored religious inculcation is of paramount concern. In general, the courts seem more relaxed when the institution involved in a voucher program is one of higher education. A majority of the Supreme Court, even before Justices Anthony Kennedy and Antonin Scalia had been appointed, agreed that “state programs that are wholly neutral in offering educational assistance to a class defined without reference to religion do not violate the [Establishment Clause], because any aid to religion results from the private choices of individual beneficiaries.” The state’s money, however, was plainly being spent for religious purposes. Criticizing the decision, separationists argue that if the government, whether through a voucher or a direct grant to parochial schools, is financing not only the value of secular education in those schools, but also all or part of the cost of religious education, the support is

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an expenditure of compulsorily raised tax funds for religious purposes and should be held to violate the Establishment Clause. Direct government subsidies to religious schools, whether in the form of payments for services, such as student transportation, or redemption of vouchers, are but one issue invoking Establishment Clause concerns. Religious institutions may also be “aided” by exempting them from laws of general application. For example, a tax exemption may be considered an indirect form of government aid. Historically, the federal government, every state, and the District of Columbia have exempted churches from paying property and income taxes. The Establishment Clause prohibits Congress from providing any direct support to religion, in addition to not designating a national church. [Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)] In Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970) the Court upheld the constitutionality of tax exemptions accorded to property used exclusively for worship or other religious purposes. Tax exemptions, the Court held, do not entail sponsorship of religion and involve even less entanglement than nonexemption, because they do not require the government to examine the affairs of the church and audit its books or records. The longevity of the exemption, dating as it does from the time the United States was founded, constitutes strong evidence of its constitutionality. The Court in Walz did not hold that the Free Exercise Clause would be violated if exemption were disallowed (despite being urged to do so in the amicus curiae brief submitted by the National Council of Churches). Nor, on the other hand, did it decide to the contrary. Presently, therefore, it seems that governments, federal or state, have the constitutional option of granting or denying tax exemptions to religious organizations. Tax relief—either exemptions for property used exclusively for worship or other religious purposes, or income tax deductions for parents who send their children to parochial schools—has been held not to violate the Establishment Clause as long as the benefits extend beyond religion-related recipients. For example, the Court had upheld property tax exemptions for educational and charitable institutions and tax deductions for school expenses to all parents of school children. In Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock (U.S. 1989) the Court invalidated a state sales-tax exemption for books and magazines that “teach” or are “sacred” to a religious faith. Because the exemption was for religious purposes only and not the broad-based type of tax relief provided in the earlier cases, the Court held that this governmental aid violated the Establishment Clause. In addition to Establishment Clause issues, government aid to religious institutions also raises concerns regarding the right to free exercise of religion contained in First Amendment to the Constitution. In the early 1990s the Supreme Court dramatically reduced protection for religious liberty in a case involving the rights of Native Americans to use peyote, a hallucinogenic substance, for religious reasons. In Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), the

GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 249 Court held that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment affords no religious exemption from a neutral law that regulates conduct, even though that law imposes a substantial burden on religious practice. Smith essentially adopted a per se neutrality rule that states that the Free Exercise Clause does not provide any relief when “a valid and neutral law of general applicability” burdens a religious practice. A facially neutral criminal law that serves some secular purpose, but inadvertently outlaws a religion’s central practice will, thus, always satisfy the Smith rule. Similarly, under the neutrality of treatment approach, the Court held in Board of Education of Westside Community Schools v. Mergens (U.S. 1990) that the First Amendment’s ban on laws respecting an establishment of religion permits student religious groups in secondary schools to meet for religious purposes (including prayer) on school premises during noninstructional time as long as other noncurriculum-related student groups are allowed to do so. The Equal Access Act, which was at issue in Mergens, was interpreted as a facially neutral law. This theme of neutral treatment of religious and secular groups has been prominent in issues involving government aid as well. The “formal neutrality” standard refers to a rule that deems acceptable all laws that do not explicitly mention religion or differentiate among religions or between religions and nonreligion. Thus, all “neutral” laws should be acceptable under the Constitution. In the aftermath of the Smith decision, formal neutrality plays a clear and decisive role in establishing the bounds of constitutionally protected religious freedom. In Mergens the doctrine of “equal access” is premised on free speech and free associations protections embodied in the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Beginning in the 1980s, strict church-state separationism has declined, not only in the courts but in the broader culture. The chief move away from separationism has come in the area of government aid to religious institutions. The U.S. Supreme Court is increasingly willing to permit such aid on equal terms as aid to secular entities (although perhaps with some remaining separationist limitations). Separationism has also yielded to an equality-oriented approach under the Free Exercise Clause, and on the issue of religious exercises in public institutions, separationism has not expanded far beyond the ban on state-sponsored exercises in schools. In 1997, the Court shifted in its Establishment Clause interpretation with its ruling in Agostini v. Felton (U.S. 1997). Justice O’Connor, writing for the majority, revised the Lemon test and set forth three new requirements to decide when government aid advances religion. First, aid cannot result in government indoctrination of a religion. Second, there can be no discrimination among religions. Third, there can be no “excessive entanglement” with religion. The Court used the new test to validate a New York program that sent public school teachers to private religious schools. Under this program, the teachers provided remedial education to students in need. In upholding the

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constitutionality of the program, the Court stated that when the aid is “neutral,” that is when the aid is available to a broad spectrum of religious and non-religious schools alike, the aid will not have the impermissible effect of advancing religion. The New York program provided aid to all children who qualified, regardless of where they went to school. Therefore, the program was neutral and did not advance religion. In Mitchell v. Helms (U.S. 2000), the Court endorsed and defined the new Agostini test. The Court held that a government school-aid program providing educational materials and equipment to both public and private religious schools does not violate the Establishment Clause. In reaching its decision, the Court considered the first two prongs of the Lemon test. First, the Court determined that the government aid to religious schools in Mitchell had a secular purpose in educating children. Second, the primary effect of the government aid neither advanced nor hindered religion. The Court used the Agostini test to determine if the primary effect of the program advanced religion. Under this test, the Court examined if the aid resulted in religious indoctrination, differentiated between religions, or caused an excessive entanglement with government and religion. In determining whether government aid results in religious indoctrination, the Court considered if any indoctrination could “reasonably be attributed” to the government. The indoctrination is not attributed to the government if the program is “neutral.” A program is neutral if aid is offered to a broad range of groups or people, regardless of their religion. “If the religious, irreligious, and areligious are all alike eligible for governmental aid, no one would conclude that any indoctrination that any particular recipient conducts has been done at the behest of the government.” In defining neutrality, the Court in Mitchell again drew heavily on Agostini to find that a program was neutral only if the government aid was directed to religious institutions as a result of “genuinely independent and private choices of individuals.” Neutrality and private individual choice would prove to be the cornerstones of the Zelman decision. In Zelman, the Supreme Court followed the reasoning in Agostini and Mitchell to validate a Cleveland program that allowed parents to use vouchers to send their children to private religious schools. Zelman addressed an Ohio pilot program designed to provide educational choices to families with students in the Cleveland City School District. The Cleveland City School District provided students little hope for a competitive education, and was one of the worst school districts in the nation. In 1995, a Federal District Court ordered the School District be placed under state control. The Cleveland City School District did not meet any of Ohio’s 18 standards for minimal acceptable performance. Two-thirds of the students within the School District did not graduate high school, and students at all levels performed much lower in proficiency examinations than other Ohio public school students. The pilot program provided students within the Cleveland City School District tuition aid to attend a participating public or private school.

GOVERNMENT AID TO RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 251 In the 1999–2000 school-year, 96.6% of participating students used the vouchers to enroll in private religious schools. As in Mitchell, the Court in Zelman looked only at the first two prongs of the Lemon test. Because there was no dispute that addressing the needs of students in a failing school district maintained a valid secular purpose, in Zelman the Court examined only if the primary effect of the program was the advancement of religion. The Court reiterated that a program does not have the effect of advancing or inhibiting religion if the program is neutral with respect to religion. Again, as determined in Mitchell, a program is neutral if it does not discriminate among religions or against the non-religious, and religious institutions obtain aid only as a result of genuine and independent choices made by private individuals. Chief Justice Rehnquist, writing for the majority in Zelman, relied on precedent to demonstrate that programs of true private choice do not offend the Establishment Clause. In Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983), the Court upheld a Minnesota scheme that provided tax deductions for public and private school student expenses. Although 96% of the deductions were used to send children to private religious schools, because all parents were eligible to participate in the program, and religious schools were aided only because of choices made by the parents, there was no Establishment Clause violation. The Court also relied on Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind (U.S. 1986), in which the Court ruled it was constitutional for a blind person to use state vocational rehabilitation assistance to study to become a pastor at a Christian college. Again, aid was made available without regard to religion, and such aid flowed to religious schools only as a result of “genuinely independent and private choices of aid recipients.” Because the program was neutral with regard to religion, and because private choices determined where the money went, the program survived an Establishment Clause challenge. Likewise, in Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993), the Court allowed state funds to be used for sign-language interpreters in religious schools. The two features required for government aid to survive a constitutional attack were present in Zobrest. First, the program was open to all disabled children without regard to religion, therefore the program was neutral with regard to religion. Second, the aid was used in a religious setting only because of independent individual choices. In Mueller, Witters, and Zobrest, the programs were neutral with regard to religion, and the aid went to religious schools by the affirmative action of individuals who had a genuine and independent choice. Accordingly, the Court found the programs constitutional. Similarly, in Zelman the Court found that the Ohio program met the two main criteria necessary for government aid to be consistent with the Establishment Clause. Ohio only dispersed tuition to private religious schools by the direction of individuals, so it was a program of true private choice. Because the Ohio program was open to students of all religions, and schools with any religious affiliation—or

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no religious affiliation—were allowed to participate, the Ohio program was neutral with regard to religion. Clearly, from 1947 through 2008, the Establishment Clause has moved from mandating a wall of separation between church and state, to something considerably less restrictive. As Zelman and other recent caselaw on the issue suggest, as long as there is neutrality and independent private choice, the government can aid religion. There are many who now believe that Establishment Clause jurisprudence is at a point when government can pay for students to attend private religious schools without offending the First Amendment of the Constitution.

GOVERNMENT DISPLAYS OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS See Holiday Displays

GOVERNMENT NEUTRALITY See Neutrality Standard

GRAND RAPIDS SCHOOL DISTRICT V. BALL (U.S. 1985) In this case, also known as the Grand Rapids Shared-Time Case, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated a community education program financed by the public school system that held classes in space leased from private schools. Justice William Brennan, for the majority, concerned himself solely with the possibility that the state-paid teachers might advance religion by conforming their instruction to the environment of the private sectarian schools. Stressing the “pervasively sectarian” nature of almost all of the private schools involved, Brennan identified three factors as establishing that the programs had the primary effect of advancing religion. “First, the teachers participating in the programs may become involved in intentionally or inadvertently inculcating particular religious tenets or beliefs.” Even though many of the teachers in the shared-time program had never worked in religious schools and the courses were supplemental and secular in content, the religious atmosphere of the schools could influence the instructors to conform to the environment. The private school students would be receiving the instruction in the usual religious environment “thus reinforcing the indoctrinating effect.”

GRAND RAPIDS SCHOOL DISTRICT V. BALL “Second, the program may provide a crucial symbolic link between government and religion, thereby enlisting—at least in the eyes of impressionable youngsters— the powers of government to the support of the religious denomination operating the school.” A core purpose of the Establishment Clause, said Justice William Brennan, is to avoid any message of governmental approval of religion. Young religious school students, moving from religious to secular classes in the same religious-school building, would be unlikely to be able to discern the “crucial difference” between the religious-school classes and the public-school classes. This would have the effect of promoting “the symbolic union of government and religion in one sectarian enterprise.” “Third, the programs may have the effect of directly promoting religion by impermissibly providing a subsidy to the primary religious mission of the institutions affected.” A public subsidy was involved because the public school assumed responsibility for providing a substantial portion of the teaching of the private school students. Not only instructional material as in Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975) and Wolman v. Walter (U.S. 1977) was involved, but “also the provision of instructional services by teachers in a parochial school building.” The primary effect was the “direct and substantial advancement of the sectarian enterprise.” Ball, like Aguilar v. Felton (U.S. 1985), was a landmark case in which the Court affirmed the use of the Lemon test as the measure for Establishment Clause cases. However, the Court did not apply all three parts of the test. The Court invalidated the statute in Grand Rapids and stated that the ultimate question in every Establishment Clause case was whether the aid provided to the religion was “direct and substantial.” In Ball, the Court used the term “indirect aid” to denote loans of textbooks and the provision of transportation to parochial school students, and the term “direct aid” to denote loans of instructional materials or provision of tuition tax deductions to parochial school students. The Court’s use of the terms “direct” and “indirect” have been criticized for lacking in consistent content. The decision in the Grand Rapids Shared-Time Case was criticized on the grounds that the evidence did not validate the Court’s fears. Justice Rehnquist, in his dissent, wrote that “One wonders how the teaching of [community education classes in sectarian schools], which is struck down today, creates a greater ‘symbolic link’ than . . . the legislative chaplain upheld in Marsh.” In his dissent, Justice White reiterated his long-standing criticism of the Lemon test particularly in the context of state aid to private schools, he “disagreed with the Court’s interpretation and application of the Establishment Clause” and that the Court, by applying the Lemon test has acted contrary to the interests of the United States. White added: “As evidenced by my dissenting opinions in Lemon v. Kurtzman and Committee for Public Education & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist, I have long disagreed with the Court’s interpretation and application of the Establishment Clause in the context of state aid to private schools. For

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the reasons stated in those dissents, I am firmly of the belief that the Court’s decisions in these cases, like its decisions in Lemon and Nyquist, are not required by the First Amendment and [are] contrary to the long range interests of the country.”

Grand Rapids School District v. Ball was overruled in Agostini v. Felton (U.S. 1997).

GRASSLEY INVESTIGATION OF TELEVANGELISTS Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA), the Republican leader on the U.S. Senate Finance Committee, has been leading an investigation of the finances of six taxexempt ministries since late 2007. The six ministries include Without Walls International Church in Tampa, Florida; the World Healing Center Church, Inc. in Grapevine, Texas; Joyce Meyer Ministries in Fenton, Missouri; the New Birth Missionary Baptist Church in Lithonia, Georgia; World Changers Church International in College Park, Georgia; and Kenneth Copeland Ministries in Newark, Texas. Previous to his investigation of the televangelists, Grassley has probed nonprofits that revealed improper expenditures at the Smithsonian Institution, conflicts of interest at the Nature Conservancy, and mismanagement at the American Red Cross. Pursuant to his investigation of the six televangelists, Grassley asked for detailed information about ministry expenditures from each, based on information received from the media and whistle-blowers. Some of the ministries and their supporters have objected, claiming that Grassley is trying to destroy the separation between church and state, and is asking for confidential information, or that an investigation is the responsibility of the Internal Revenue Service, not Congress. “The most successful nonprofit organizations recognize the need for transparency about their operations and accountability to their donors and the taxpaying public,” Grassley said. “They appreciate that Congress has a responsibility to review the effectiveness and fairness of tax laws for taxpayers and tax-exempt groups alike.” Looking particularly if any of the spending by the televangelists violates the U.S. tax code—especially a tax exemption for religious organizations—Senator Grassley asked six televangelist ministries to answer questions on issues ranging from compensation and housing allowances to personal use of assets and unreported income. Grassley said, “If tax-exempt organizations, including mediabased ministries, thumb their noses at the laws governing their preferential tax treatment, the American public, their contributors, and the Internal Revenue Service have a right to know.” Stressing the importance of the investigation, Grassley said, “Considering tax-exempt media-based ministries today are a billion-

GRASSLEY INVESTIGATION OF TELEVANGELISTS 255 dollar industry…with minimal transparency, it would be irresponsible not to examine this tax-exempt part of our economy.” Both church groups and other nonprofits have expressed concern that the Grassley probe could lead Congress to enact laws that violate the free exercise rights of the churches by imposing excessive government oversight on a wide range of churches and other nonprofits. The evangelical organization National Religious Broadcasters (NRB) wrote to Grassley expressing concern about “the broader implications of this issue, not only for our members, but for all nonprofit Christian ministries as well.” NRB president and CEO Frank Wright said that the information requested of the six ministries “goes far beyond a mere request for financial records necessary to scrutinize the charitable nature of an organization’s operations.” Grassley had asked for compensation agreements, employment contracts, minutes of board meetings, credit card statements, flight records, plastic surgery expenses, and a detailed account of the personal use of assets. Craig Parshall, NRB senior vice president and general counsel, asserted that “there is financial information in an employment contract but also a lot of information that’s none of the government’s business.” While none of the six ministries included in the probe to date is an NRB member, Parshall said that if abuses are found, Congress may seek to regulate the spiritual lives of churches. He added that “there are thousands of Christian ministries engaged in electronic communications who are doing the right things—agonizing about how they are going to use donor dollars. Then you have, perhaps, handfuls that have abused the tax laws. That’s how bad laws get made.” Some of the televangelists Grassley has been investigating have resisted the probe, including Kenneth Copeland’s ministry. Kenneth Copeland indicated that he would resist a subpoena, “and that’s something I’ll go to prison over.” Copeland has submitted only partial responses to most questions and did not respond to any questions about compensation. In addition, Creflo and Taffi Dollar of World Changers Church International have not provided any of the requested information.

H HARE KRISHNAS See Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness

HATE CRIMES Crimes of hate transcend their immediate victims and cast a shadow of fear and terror throughout entire communities . . . we are not talking about the obvious physical damage inflicted during a hate motivated attack. We are referring to the fear, the terror, that one experiences when faced with a passionate rejection because of what one is. An absolute stranger looks at you and hates you. Hate crimes, referred to by some as “bias crimes,” are generally defined as crimes that are “committed not out of animosity toward the victim as an individual, but out of hostility toward the group to which the victim belongs.” Looking at a more specific definition, a hate crime is defined as “a crime in which the defendant intentionally selects a victim, or in the case of a property crime, the property that is the object of the crime, because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ethnicity, gender, disability, or sexual orientation of any person.” The FBI reported that there were 7,755 hate crimes committed in 1998, with racial hate crimes being the most prevalent. Analyzing the statistics reported by the FBI throughout the 1990s, it appears that the number of hate crimes increased early, but has decreased in recent years. Although many commentators argue over whether the hate crime problem has or has not worsened, the statistics remain inconsistent and incomplete, and thus, may support both conclusions. One major problem is that the number of hate

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crimes reported by the FBI is simply an accumulation of numbers reported by state and local law enforcement agencies, the participation of which is voluntary. Additionally, many hate crime victims simply do not report the incident to police. Overall, one can conclude that the hate crime problem is much more serious than even the statistics report as a result of drastic underreporting by both law enforcement agencies and victims themselves. Certain aggravated types of assault may be distinguished from simple assault by statute. Several states have enacted civil or criminal statutes prohibiting offensive conduct (such as physical injury) toward another based on factors such as perceived race, color, religion, and similar factors. These provisions have been challenged on various grounds. In State v. Plowman (Ore. 1992), a state court upheld an ethnic intimidation statute against vagueness and a First Amendment challenge. The U.S. Supreme Court has recognized that the right of free speech does not render immune utterances tending to incite an immediate breach of the peace or disorderly conduct or rioting, particularly where such utterances are made for the purpose of attacking racial and religious groups. Thus a state may constitutionally punish “fighting words”; that is, words that by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. However, they must do so under carefully drafted statutes or ordinances that by their own terms, or as construed by the courts, are limited in their application only to “fighting words” and are not susceptible of application to protected expression. Prior to 1980, only five states had enacted hate crime laws, while some states had statutes prohibiting vandalism of religious institutions and interference with religious worship. According to one commentator, hate crimes historically “have been actively encouraged, passively condoned, or simply ignored by systems of governance, especially the criminal justice system.” However, hate crime legislation increased after the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) released a model hate crime statute in 1981, and today almost every state has some form of legislation to address hate crimes. Even though most states model their statutes after the ADL model , there is substantial variation from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Most states use sentence enhancement statutes, which increase the penalty for a crime when the offender’s motivation is a bias prohibited under the statute. Among states that have enhancement statutes, states differ as to the size of the penalty enhancement, the types of biases that are enumerated under the statute, and the predicate offenses that may qualify as hate crimes. In contrast to sentence enhancements, some state statutes may define new substantive offenses that “redefine conduct that is already criminal as a new crime or as an aggravated form of an existing crime.” Other state laws range from mandating collection of statistics, creating civil causes of action for hate crime victims, criminalizing interference with religious worship and vandalism of

HATE CRIMES religious institutions, to providing and/or mandating training for law enforcement personnel. While the progress in implementing hate crime statutes on the state level has been commendable, gaps still exist. While almost all statutes criminalize hate crimes motivated by bias based on race, color, religion, and national origin, many omit hate crimes motivated by bias based on gender, sexual orientation, and disability. The first hate crime case to reach the Supreme Court was R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (U.S. 1992). The Court invalidated a city hate crime ordinance that criminalized the placing of a burning cross or swastika on private or public property, even though the statute was limited to expressions constituting “fighting words.” Although it recognized that restrictions may be placed on speech, the Court concluded that the ordinance constituted impermissible content discrimination, and thus violated the First Amendment. The constitutionality of hate crimes came under attack again in the case of Wisconsin v. Mitchell (1993). In upholding the constitutionality of a sentence enhancement statute, the Court rejected the argument that the statute violated the First Amendment, stating that a “physical assault is not by any stretch of the imagination expressive conduct protected by the First Amendment.” While it noted that a defendant’s abstract beliefs could not be taken into consideration, the Court stated that sentencing judges may take into account the defendant’s racial animus towards the victim. In concluding that the statute was constitutional, the Court emphasized that the statute singled out conduct that inflicts further individual and societal harm. The decision was highly controversial. The commendable enactment of hate crime legislation at the state level has not been equaled at the federal level. In response to what most viewed as an increase in hate crimes during the 1980s and early 1990s, the federal government passed various legislation to first assess, and then attack the problem of hate crimes. Perversions of religion are viewed as responsible for many hate crimes. Followers of a racist version of Christianity were charged with the murder of an entire Arkansas family, including an 8-year-old girl, in pursuit of an “Aryan” republic that they were planning. They justified the murders on their interpretation of the Bible. Another white racist group was convicted of bombing and robbing banks in Washington, on the grounds that the Bible outlaws the charging of interest. Still others were convicted of robbing Midwestern banks to build a white “army.” Just as white supremacists interpret the Bible to justify their cause, black separatists look to Christianity and other religions to support their views. In 1997 officials began investigating a group of alleged Black Hebrew Israelites, a black supremacist religion, in New Mexico. The group’s headquarters was said to be decorated with a mural depicting sword-carrying African Americans standing heroically over bloodied white bodies. Police believe adherents of the same theology may have instigated attacks on police officers in Memphis during a Ku

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Klux Klan rally early in 1998. Prison officials in several states have noted a rise in black supremacist gang activity. Congress has also attempted to confront the hate crimes issue during the 1990s. The main federal hate crimes statute, 18 U.S.C. (Section 245), which was enacted as part of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 in order to deal with racial violence against civil rights workers. It is widely considered to be “outdated.” It prohibits the use of force, or threat of force, to injure, intimidate, or interfere with (or attempt to injure, intimidate, or interfere with) a person because of that person’s race, color, religion, or national origin, and because of that person’s participation in any one of six enumerated federally protected activities. The current statute is deficient on two grounds: (1) no federal jurisdiction exists unless the victim engaged in one of the enumerated federally protected activities, and a nexus exists between the crime and the federally protected activity; and (2) there is no federal protection for hate crimes committed because of bias based on gender, sexual orientation, or disability. These deficiencies have limited federal investigation and prosecution of brutal hate crimes, and have even led to acquittals in several cases. In 1999, Congress attempted to pass the Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 1999 (HCPA), but failed to do so. The HCPA would have helped to correct the deficiencies. Supporters of the bill, however, continue their efforts to enact federal legislation. Strong Hate Crime legislation is necessary to contend with alarmingly high number of hate crimes in the United States.

HEAD START See Faith-Based Initiatives

HEALTH See Medical Treatment

HEFFRON V. INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR KRISHNA CONSCIOUSNESS (U.S. 1981) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a Minnesota State fair regulation that restricted the distribution, sales, and solicitation activities of fair participants to a

HEFFRON V. INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR KRISHNA CONSCIOUSNESS fixed-booth location. The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKON) challenged the fixed-booth rule because it interfered with its adherents’ practice of a religious ritual called sankirtan, which required them to proselytize, sell literature, solicit donations, and beg for alms. ISKON contended that the rule violated its First Amendment rights of freedom of speech and free exercise of religion. The U.S. Supreme Court decided that there was a compelling state interest to maintain safety and crowd control at this event, which averaged over one million visitors each year. When measured in terms of the balancing test advanced in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), time, place, and manner restrictions, such as the one enforced in Minnesota were seen as reasonable. Although the Supreme Court accepted that the regulation burdened the Krishna religion, it concluded that the regulation was a valid restriction on the time, place, and manner of exercising a First Amendment right and did not violate the Constitution. First, the Court noted that the rule was not based on the content or subject matter of participants’ speech. The rule applied to all enterprises at the state fair, whether nonprofit, charitable, or commercial. It also allowed anyone to engage in face to face discussions on the fairgrounds. Second, the method of allocating rental space was nondiscriminatory and not open to arbitrary application. Third, the rule served a significant government interest because of the state’s need to maintain the orderly movement among exhibitors of the large number of visitors attending the fair. Given the need to control the flow of crowds within a congested area, the regulation served to prevent disorder, a goal that could not be achieved if all groups at the fair were granted exemptions from the regulation. The Heffron case stands for the principle that neutral regulations of the time, place, or manner of speech may be applied to the speech and activities of religious organizations. When Heffron was originally decided, if the regulatory statute at issue imposed a burden on the members of the religious organization, those individuals might have a right to an exemption from the statute under the Free Exercise Clause, unless the court found that the government has an overriding interest in denying an exemption. Justice William Brennan agreed that the restriction was valid when applied to the sale of literature and the solicitation of funds, but found it unconstitutional when applied to the simple distribution of religious literature. For Brennan, this activity was no more disruptive than person to person proselytizing, which the ruling, as written, would allow. The U.S. Supreme Court, in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), abolished the “compelling interest” standard for free exercise claims. In the Smith opinion, the Court basically imposed a “neutrality” standard for determining whether a law that impacted religious practices was constitutional. Religious liberty became protected by general rights applicable to all, rather than by specific

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exemptions granted to those who hold peculiar religious beliefs. The principle of equality before the law will be maintained.

HERNANDEZ V. COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE (U.S. 1989) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a refusal by the Internal Revenue Service to allow members of the Church of Scientology to deduct expenditures for training sessions as charitable contributions. A member of the Church of Scientology appealed this case from the U.S. Tax Board. In Hernandez, members of the Church of Scientology sought to deduct, as charitable contributions under IRC 170, “fixed donations” that they had made to the church in exchange for auditing and training courses. Church members also argued that the IRS’s disallowance of their deductions placed a heavy burden on petitioners’ free-exercise rights by making the auditing and training courses far more costly. The main issue in Hernandez was whether the IRS properly had refused to recognize Scientology as a religion for purposes of IRC 501(c)(3) and related provisions allowing for taxpayers to deduct contributions to an exempt organization. The Court first questioned whether the refusal really imposed a substantial religious burden on the Church’s members, because—unlike the Amish faith that prohibits the payment of Social Security taxes—nothing in the Scientology faith prohibited the payment of taxes. The only “burden” the Court could see from the refusal to allow the deduction was that Church members would have less money available to them to attend the training sessions. But even if this indirect burden was sufficiently substantial, the Court went on to note that the burden was “justified by the broad public interest in maintaining a sound tax system” that is free of myriad exceptions flowing from a wide variety of religious beliefs. The IRS ruling in this case applied to all religious entities and involved no denominational preference. Hernandez held that the IRS ruling was constitutional under the Lemon test [Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)], which requires that legislation have a secular purpose, with a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and does not entail “excessive entanglement” of the government with religion in order to enforce. The government action at issue in this case was neutral in design and purpose. Nor was there a significant danger of excessive entanglement, even though the IRS was required to examine Church practices and financing. The Court observed that “routine regulatory interaction which involves no inquiries into religious doctrine, no delegation of state power to a religious body, and no ‘detailed monitoring and close administrative contact’ between secular and religious bodies, does not of itself violate the nonentanglement command.”

HERNANDEZ V. COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE Justice Marshall’s description of the Church of Scientology emphasized its postmodern and commercial aspects: Scientology was founded in the 1950s, has branch churches called “franchises,” uses electronic devices to monitor “spiritual difficulty by measuring skin responses during a question and answer session,” charges “fixed donations” also known as “prices” for a schedule of graduated “training sessions” and offers discounts for advanced payments. This is not the language of the Traditional Amish model, reflecting an anti-science, antitechnology life of goodness and inner morality, nor is this the modern religion that stays out of commercial affairs and does not mix science and religion. This is paying to maintain “inflow” and “outflow” to achieve spiritual balance—pure Postmodern religion. Justice Marshall also presented other factors that indicate a Postmodern religion: the lack of a congregational aspect, mediated promotion of the religion, the reciprocal nature of spiritual exchanges, commercial purpose, commercial promotion, and required payments as a quid pro quo. Justice Marshall’s majority opinion held that the “donations” were not deductible because the payments were quid pro quo, not charitable contributions or gifts made out of disinterested generosity for purposes of IRC 170. In her dissent, Justice O’Connor acknowledged that the members of the Court may be using different models of religion: “This is not a situation in which a governmental regulation ‘happens to coincide or harmonize with the tenets of some or all religions,’ . . . rather, it involves the differential application of a standard based on constitutionally impermissible differences drawn by the Government among religions.” Although Hernandez did not decide whether the burden the IRS’s ruling imposed on the petitioners’ free-exercise rights was “substantial,” the opinion suggested in dicta that the Court had “doubts whether the alleged burden imposed by the deduction disallowance on the Scientologists’ practices is a substantial one.” Using that reasoning, the Court instead could have decided the case under the substantial burden prong of the compelling-interest test, and concluded that the burden the law imposed on the petitioners was not constitutionally significant. And if the facts in the record were insufficient for the Court to reach such a holding as a matter of law, the Court could have remanded the case to the district court for further proceedings. Although the Court likely would have reached the same conclusion, its holding would have been far more consistent with the compelling-interest test (which the Court claimed to be applying in Hernandez) than the Court’s reliance on the “principle of general applicability.”

HISTORIC PRESERVATION See California Missions Preservation Act

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HOLIDAY DISPLAYS Holiday displays located on public property during the Christmas season, often paid for and sponsored by government entities, used to be common throughout the United States. Increasingly, however, religious and secular groups have challenged these displays on the grounds that they violate the Establishment Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled on many challenges of this type, including Allegheny County v. ACLU (U.S. 1989). In 1986, the ACLU challenged the constitutionality of a holiday display that included a creche and a Chanukah menorah at the county courthouse in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. The Court applied the three-prong Lemon test. That test, first developed in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), provides that government action is constitutional under the First Amendment if it (1) has a secular purpose, (2) has a primary effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion, and (3) does not entail an “excessive entanglement” of government with religion in order to enforce. The court then added that “in recent years, we have paid particularly close attention to whether the challenged governmental practice either has the purpose or effect of “endorsing religion.” In so stating, the Court essentially combined the “purpose” and “effect” prongs of Lemon and asked whether either the purpose or the effect of the contested action was to endorse religion. Under what has become known as the “endorsement test,” the key inquiry is whether the challenged practice conveys or intends to convey a message that “religion or a particular religious belief is favored or preferred” by government. The Allegheny Court explained that it was not articulating an entirely new test for Establishment Clause contests. The Court recognized that the word “endorsement” is similar to “promotion,” and pointed out that it “long since has held that government may not . . . promote one religion or religious theory against another.” Regardless of the term used, the Court held that “the Establishment Clause, at the very least, prohibits government from appearing to take a position on questions of religious belief or from “making adherence to a religion relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community.” Although holiday displays almost inevitably have some religious symbols, they can still meet the requirement of having a “secular” purpose if it appears that the intent of the display is simply to acknowledge the history and traditions of holiday celebrations in the community and wider nation. In Allegheny, for example, a display on the grand staircase of the county courthouse that consisted of a Christmas tree and a menorah (a Hanukkah symbol) did not violate the Constitution because together the displayed items merely symbolized the different facets of the “same winter-holiday season, which has attained a secular status in our society.” Conversely, a display inside the county courthouse that consisted only of a Christian nativity scene accompanied by a banner reading “Gloria in Excelsis

HOLIDAY DISPLAYS Deo” (“Glory to God in the Highest”) was found to be unacceptable by the Supreme Court, because it appeared to be a government endorsement of a particular religious message. Applying the test, the Court concluded that by displaying a creche on the main stairway of the courthouse, “the county sends an unmistakable message that it supports and promotes the Christian praise to God that is the creche’s religious message.” In contrast, the Court found that the menorrah, displayed next to a Christmas tree and a sign saluting liberty, was not likely to cause residents to perceive government endorsement of the Christian or Jewish faiths. Unlike the outdoor display, this interior nativity scene was found to have the primary effect of advancing religion, perhaps because of its isolated, prominent placement in the government building with a sign containing a religious exhortation for the Christian faith. As regards the third prong of the Lemon test, which forbids “excessive entanglement” of the government in religious activities, the Court found no undue “administrative entanglement” or “political divisiveness” engendered by the nativity scene. With respect to the former, it was significant that erection and maintenance of the display was done without any contact between the city and religious authorities. With respect to the latter, the Court noted that the only “political divisiveness” arguably caused was that manifested by the filing of the lawsuit itself, yet “a litigant cannot, by the very act of commencing a lawsuit . . . create the appearance of divisiveness and then exploit it as entanglement.” [Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984)] In addition to reaffirming the use of the Lemon test in holiday display cases, the Allegheny decision highlighted the ad hoc character of these determinations; i.e., because each display is different, each must be evaluated on a case-by-case basis, virtually ensuring that these types of cases would be litigated for some time to come. Indeed, the issue of holiday displays remains controversial and caselaw arising from the lower courts is equally not useful in presenting definitive rules. Holiday displays continue to require a fact-specific evaluation to determine whether the religious message is sufficiently mixed with the secular holiday observance to avoid the overall impression of governmental endorsement of religion. A subject as intensely personal as religion is likely to evoke strong reactions if religious displays are constructed with public funds or if they are placed in locations that give them some type of official status. Displays that are sponsored by private groups, albeit on public property, seem more likely to be found constitutional than those sponsored by government entities. Moreover, displays placed in traditional public forums, like parks and plazas, which are commonly used for speeches, displays, or other expressions of opinion, are even less likely to violate the Constitution. Indeed, the free speech provisions of the First Amendment probably protect the rights of a private group to display a

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nativity scene or menorah in a public forum, even without holiday trappings, as the symbolic expression of the celebration of the holiday season. If governments want to participate more actively in celebrating the Christmas season, the traditional Christmas tree provides a constitutionally acceptable alternative to overtly religious-themed displays. Christmas trees have acquired a sufficiently secular meaning as a symbol of the holiday season so that their display does not endorse Christianity, regardless of who bears the cost or wherever the tree may be located. Another alternative to the Lemon test is the coercion test, originally developed by Justice Anthony Kennedy in Allegheny v. ACLU. In Allegheny County, the Court examined the constitutionality of a government building with a holiday display which included religious symbols such as a creche and a menorah. Like Justice O’Connor in Lynch, Justice Kennedy used the Lemon test as a basis for his opinion. However, Justice Kennedy wrote for the majority that no action should be considered as violating the Establishment Clause unless it is directly coercive. He argued that an act should not be unconstitutional if it does not “coerce anyone to support or participate in any religion or its exercise [or] in the guise of avoiding hostility or callous indifference, give direct benefits to religion in such a degree that it in fact “establishes a [state] religion or religious faith, or tends to do so.”’ Justice O’Connor took exception to the coercion test, proclaiming that “[a] standard that prohibits only ‘coercive’ practices or overt efforts at government proselytization . . . but fails to take account of the numerous more subtle ways that government can show favoritism . . . would not . . . adequately protect the religious liberty or respect the religious diversity of the members of our pluralistic political community.” Applying this coercion test to the facts at hand, Justice O’Connor said that the simple display did not force anybody to support or participate in any religion and thus should be found constitutional. The Allegheny County “contextual analysis” led to the Court’s application of what critics have called the Santa Claus test. The Court reconciled the decision declaring the creche unconstitutional with Lynch by noting that the creche in Lynch was surrounded by a Santa Claus, reindeer, candy canes, animals, and clowns, while the nativity scene at issue in Allegheny County did not include any secular figures. Critics of the Court’s holiday display jurisprudence alleged that the constitutionality of a government-sponsored creche display depended on whether the religious figures are accompanied by decorations such as Santa Claus, candy canes, and clowns. This analysis does not establish a clear or practical constitutional standard. Furthermore, religious organizations are offended by the Court’s decision that a figure of Jesus may be displayed by the government only if accompanied by figures of Santa Claus, reindeer, and clowns, and local governments are confused about what constitutes a constitutionally permissible holiday display. Consequently, communities will not know whether their holiday

HOLIDAY DISPLAYS decorations are constitutional until the courts decide each case within its own factual context. This situation inevitably leads to increased litigation. The Court also used the Santa Claus test to uphold the constitutionality of the menorah. After determining that the Christmas tree was a secular object, the Court reasoned that its placement next to the tree diminished the menorah’s religious impact. The Court concluded that the overall display of the menorah and the Christmas tree signified the city’s recognition of pluralism in celebration of the winter holiday season. The Court’s reasoning demonstrates that a flexible, contextual approach to the endorsement test will justify almost any conclusion. Since the Supreme Court’s decision in Allegheny County, there is evidence that local communities have indeed adopted policies that avoid the divisiveness that the Establishment Clause was intended to prevent. They have relied increasingly on private groups to sponsor religious holiday displays and have selected locations that are not adjacent to public buildings such as city halls and courthouses. This development has the salutary effect of compelling governments, private parties, and courts to consider the nature of the forum rather than the numbers of reindeer, the prominence of Santa Claus, or the relative sizes of a menorah and a Christmas tree. The Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals recently found that a menorah display erected during Hanukkah in Grand Rapids, Michigan, did not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The appeals court said that the facts before it were different from many other holiday display cases in two crucial ways: First, the display was erected by a private group, and second, it stood in a traditional public forum to which all citizens had equal access. [Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. City of Grand Rapids (6th Cir. 1992)] In a similar case, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that a religious group could display a biblical tableau in a public park during Christmas without violating the Establishment Clause. [Kreisner v. City of San Diego (9th Cir. 1993)] The court characterized the issue as whether “placement of a private, overtly religious holiday display on public property represents government endorsement of religion.” Although the park where the display was set up was owned by the municipality, it was still “unquestionably a public forum,” according to the court. “The mere fact that no other speaker [in the park] has chosen the medium of an unattended display cannot justify a rule of law that would force the city to forbid such displays based upon their religious content.” The fact that the park housed a half-dozen public museums did not transform the character of the park as a public forum. “Even if we assume [these buildings] are owned or operated by the city, they appear to have nothing to do with the seat of government. Rather, consistent with the nature of [the park] itself, they involve cultural and recreational activities unrelated to core governmental functions. . . . Although [the park] may be a well-known [city] landmark, it is not the equivalent of a City Hall or a city office building.”

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The court went on to explain its standard of review: “[I]n evaluating the effect of the city’s grant of a permit to [the religious group], we apply the standard of a reasonable observer. . . . [S]uch an observer could not fairly interpret the city’s tolerance of the . . . display as an endorsement of religion.” Judge Alex Kozinski concurred, noting that “the Establishment Clause prevents the government from treating religious speech more favorably than nonreligious speech. But both the Establishment and Free Speech Clauses prevent the government from treating religious speech less favorably.” Even holiday displays that are unabashedly government sponsored may yet be permissible, provided they do not appear to “endorse” religion. In Elewski v. City of Syracuse (2d Cir. 1997) the Second Circuit Court of Appeals held that a nativity scene erected by the city of Syracuse in a downtown public park did not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. In assessing the Syracuse cre`che, the Second Circuit employed the now-familiar Establishment Clause “endorsement test” by asking: “Would a reasonable observer of the display in its particular context perceive a message of governmental endorsement or sponsorship of religion?” To answer the endorsement question, the court relied on the perceptions of a “reasonable observer” as defined by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s concurrence in Capitol Square Review and Advisory Board v. Pinette (U.S. 1995). Critics of the test argue that Justice O’Connor’s formulation imports to the reasonable observer the perceptions of a member of the religious majority or of an adherent of the religion on display, thereby rendering the endorsement test insufficiently sensitive to displays of majority religious symbols.

HOME SCHOOLING Many deeply religious parents have asserted, in a variety of settings, a constitutional right to educate their children exclusively at home. In addition to seeking to provide a religious education for their children, home schooling parents also assert that declining test scores, concerns over teacher performance standards, and perceptions that public schools are not safe as reasons for home schooling their children. The home schooling movement has grown rapidly in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Home schooling, however, is by no means a new phenomenon in the United States. Before public schools became ubiquitous institutions in the nineteenth century, most children were educated at home, although a certain number attended church schools or private academies when their families could afford to send them. Indeed, many prominent figures in American history were trained at home. Home schooling has generated legal controversy, however, because it sometimes sets two important values in American society against each other. The first of these is the fundamental right of parents to

HOME SCHOOLING direct the education of their children. [State v. Melin (N.D. 1988); People v. DeJonge (Mich. 1992)] In Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925), the U.S. Supreme Court addressed the extent of a parent’s right to control his or her child’s education. The appellees, operators of private schools, sought injunctive relief from an Oregon law requiring compulsory school attendance for children between the ages of eight and sixteen. Justice McReynolds, writing for the Court, held that required attendance of children in public schools violated the rights of the parents to oversee the upbringing and education of their children. Justice McReynolds stated that “the child is not the mere creature of the State; those who nurture him and direct his destiny have the right, coupled with the high duty, to recognize and prepare him for additional obligations.” Pierce demonstrates the parent’s fundamental right in not only the rearing of his or her children, but also the right in overseeing their education. Proponents of home schooling sometimes claim that the U.S. Supreme Court decision of Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972) creates a right of parents to protect their children from the perceived harmful influences of public education. In Yoder, the Court held that Amish parents had the right to exempt their fourteen-and fifteen-year-old children from compulsory school requirements so as to preserve the special Amish culture. Read broadly, home schooling parents could invoke Yoder to justify a right to home schooling if these parents seek to protect their children from what they perceive as the harmful influences of public education. The second is the state’s interest in ensuring that its citizens have a good basic education. To this end compulsory attendance laws requiring children to attend school until a certain age have been routinely upheld as constitutional. [Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925)] States also have the right to set educational standards for both public and private schools (including home schools) and to require licensing and competency tests for teachers. Even parents who school their children at home concede the government’s right to ensure that their children are being educated. Some commentators have argued that private and home schooling should be abolished and all students be required to attend public schools organized into large, metropolitan districts because of a compelling interest in equality of educational opportunity. They further argue that this compelling interest would justify the concomitant abrogation of parental rights under Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925) and would survive strict scrutiny under constitutional review. This approach, however, is unlikely to prevail any time soon. Many legal, social, and political issues are implicated in the home schooling debate. For example, state and federal funding for local public education often depends on the number of students enrolled in a district’s schools. Therefore, the local school board’s budget may be decreased if a number of families in the district elect to home school their children. Public school teachers and their unions have

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also an interest in the parent’s decision regarding home schooling by asserting that home schooling programs cannot provide the student with a comprehensive education experience. Philosophical differences between public school officials and teachers and the parents who decide to educate their children in the home also factor into the debate. Such a debate often revolves less around whether the child receives an education and more around which method will be utilized to achieve that end. But the motivations behind the positions of the various proponents and opponents of home schooling merely provide the backdrop for the confrontation that arises in courts and administrative hearings over a parent’s right to home school his or her children. The most debated and litigated issues pertaining to home schooling deal with the nature and extent of the state’s requirements for home schooling. Regulation of home schooling throughout the United States can be categorized into three distinct approaches. The first approach is a constitutional provision that gives the state the power to regulate only public schools. The second, slightly stricter, approach involves states enacting statutes that expressly allow for home schooling but also provide for some form of state approval or notification by the parents to the local school board. The strictest approach requires state permission to home school and certification of home school teachers. Although home school parents have asserted several constitutional rights in their challenges to home schooling statutes enacted by states, the Supreme Court of the United States has never ruled directly on a statute that regulates home schooling. State regulation of home schooling is especially controversial when the choice to school one’s children at home is religiously motivated. In Michigan v. Bennett (Mich. 1993), the Michigan Supreme Court upheld a state law requiring parents who educate their children at home to provide them with licensed teachers. In a case decided the same day, however, Michigan v. DeJonge (Mich. 1993), the court held that this same law could not be applied to parents whose decision to teach their children at home was compelled by the family’s religious beliefs. The issue before the Michigan Supreme Court in DeJonge was whether the state teacher certification requirement violated the First Amendment guarantee of free exercise of religion. The court applied the U.S. Supreme Court’s holding in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), which ruled that states could impose laws that incidentally limit religious conduct so long as they serve a valid state purpose and are not aimed at inhibiting religion. The court in DeJonge found that Michigan had failed to prove that teacher certification was essential to meeting its interest in child welfare, because the court record showed that the children were “receiving a more than adequate education.” In State v. Schmidt (Ohio 1987), parents attempting to educate their children at home refused to seek approval of their home education program from the local

HOMOSEXUALITY school superintendent, as required. The Court refused to apply a balancing test, ruling that, without a submission of their proposal to the superintendent, there was “no way to balance the appellant’s right to the free exercise of their religion . . . against the state’s interests.” Many states’ home schooling regulations during the 1970s and 1980s required that children be taught by certified teachers. [State v. Melin (N.D. 1988)] The growth of home schooling has had its political effect in the state legislatures. Currently, no state requires that home school teachers be certified. If the parent is the home school teacher, most states have no qualification requirements whatsoever. Many courts have upheld rules requiring parents to consent to state monitoring of home schooling, ruling that such monitoring does not constitute a substantial burden to the parent’s right to educate their children. [Battles v. Anne Arundel County Bd. of Educ. (D. Md. 1995)]

HOMOSEXUALITY The gay rights movement has grown significantly in political power and influence since the late 1960s. In the early 21st century United States, there are large numbers of gay rights groups and anti-discrimination laws and policies. Gay rights organizations have had much success in promoting an agenda of tolerance and non-discrimination across the country. The gay rights movement has since changed its goals from societal tolerance of homosexuals to outright acceptance, including the legalizing same-sex marriage. Proponents of gay rights argue that the rights of gay people to privacy, nondiscrimination, marriage, parenting, and so forth, are particular examples of the human rights found in the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights. Supporters of traditional mores, however, have repeatedly fought back. Religious conservatives have responded to what they perceive as an elitist court system that imposes its own liberal morality onto the populace against their will. They oppose what they perceive as radical social engineering by an un-elected few and have responded with grass-roots efforts to attack on traditional morality. To fully understand the current debate, one must understand the religious underpinnings of the issues of homosexuals in American society. Homosexual acts, particularly of males, were considered evil in biblical times, essentially because they wasted human seed (sometimes referred to as Onanism), disgraced a fellow human being, or represented idolatrous pagan practices. The gay rights movement has challenged the predominantly negative stance maintained by the Christian church since the first century. Religion is not merely correlated with opposition to homosexuality, but religion has largely cultivated

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and encouraged opposition to homosexuality. Indeed, homosexuality is actively opposed by many religious organizations in modern American society. Fundamentalist Christianity especially strongly condemns homosexuality. The conservative Christian Coalition organization regards homosexuality as a virulent threat to morality and family, supporting “ex-gay” ministries to save repentant homosexuals from their “sin.” Some Roman Catholic leaders believe that homosexuality is a “basic human disorder.” On the other hand, more liberal churches, seeking “more light” in dialogue with gays and lesbians condemn homophobia as the sin to be repented, a violation of the commandment against bearing false witness (Exodus 20:16), and have debated issues such as the ordination of homosexuals and blessing the unions of gay and lesbian people. Liberal theologians argue that same-sex love has integrity and that homosexual orientation is a gift. The political and legal battle over gay rights has been long and fierce. In a statewide referendum in 1992, Colorado voters passed a state constitutional Amendment which was purported to prevent any governmental body in the state from giving gays, lesbians, and bisexuals any special rights or privileges. Supporters of this Amendment were attempting to counter what they perceived as the militant political power of homosexual groups by negating legislation and ordinances in Colorado that prohibited discrimination against homosexuals and by preventing any future re-implementation of similar legislation. The U.S. Supreme Court in Romer v. Evans (U.S. 1996) found that the Colorado Amendment’s broad language could be construed as prohibiting any government body in the state from supporting any claim under color of law if the victim was a homosexual, thus depriving homosexuals of rights aimed at the population in general. Also, the Supreme Court found that the Amendment removed most of the political power of homosexuals as a group, preventing them from any possibility of success in lobbying city or state government bodies for protection based on their homosexual status. To gain any legislation designed to benefit homosexuals, the Court claimed that homosexuals would have to mount a state-wide campaign to get their own constitutional amendment passed, or else resort to the Federal government to overcome the barriers that the amendment had put into their path. Homosexuals were thereby deprived of any recourse at the municipal levels, the county levels, or even the state legislative and administrative levels of government. In light of this, the Supreme Court found that this Constitutional Amendment did not serve any rational government purpose. The religious condemnation of homosexuality found expression in many antisodomy and other laws uniformly passed by the states in the past century. In 1986 the United States Supreme Court rejected a challenge to one such Georgia law that made consensual homosexual acts in the privacy of one’s own home a crime. [Bowers v. Hardwick (U.S. 1986)] The effort to lift the burden of criminal sanctions against same-sex intimacy has stimulated a vigorous debate about government regulation of sexual conduct, the

HOMOSEXUALITY way in which the courts identify “new rights” protected by the Constitution, and the proper role of majority concepts of morality in regulating the private, consensual conduct of minorities. Lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals have invoked the Constitution’s guarantees of equal protection in the public debate. The U.S. Supreme Court long rejected the claim that the laws outlawing homosexual conduct are unconstitutional, but its decisions have generated extensive commentary on alternative theories for prescribing the limits of state regulation of private adult sexual conduct. The U.S. Supreme Court’s unwillingness to protect homosexuals has led state courts to provide the protections the they see fit. The legal landscape changed dramatically when the U.S. Supreme Court issued its decision in Lawrence v. Texas (U.S. 2003), which struck down all sodomy laws as unconstitutional, state sodomy laws States used sodomy laws to construct a criminal class comprised of gay men and lesbians. These laws were traditionally seen as anti-homosexual laws. Even those sodomy statutes, such as the Georgia sodomy law at issue in Bowers, that proscribed all oral and anal sex—regardless of the genders of the participants—were often described as “homosexual sodomy” laws. The primary effect of criminalizing sodomy was not to deter sodomy or to imprison those who committed sodomy, but to inflict “the stigma of criminality upon same-sex eroticism.” Therefore, sodomy laws served to equate homosexuality with criminality. In response to a report of a weapons disturbance, Houston police arrived at the home of John Lawrence. Actually, no disturbance had occurred. A neighbor had filed a false report in order to harass Lawrence. When the police entered into Lawrence’s residence, they found him engaged in consensual, sexual intercourse with Tyron Garner, another man. The police arrested Lawrence and Garner, held them in custody overnight, and charged them with violating the Texas Homosexual Conduct statute, which criminalized “deviate sexual intercourse” between individuals of the same sex. The two men were arrested and convicted. Lawrence and Garner argued that the Texas sodomy law violated both state and federal rights to privacy as well as equal protection guarantees. The case was appealed all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Lawrence majority on the Supreme Court declined to decide on Lawrence’s equal protection claim. Instead, Justice Kennedy’s majority opinion focused on whether the criminalization of private, adult acts of consensual, sexual intimacy violates the individual’s “vital interests in liberty and privacy protected by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.” The Court began its substantive discussion of privacy rights with Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965), the case in which the Court first recognized a constitutional right to privacy and invoked this right to strike down a state law prohibiting the sale and use of contraceptives. While Griswold involved a challenge by a married couple, the Court’s decision in Eisenstadt v. Baird (U.S. 1972) expanded the federal constitutional right to privacy beyond the marital relationship. Griswold and Eisenstadt provided the foundation

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for a series of privacy cases including Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973), Carey v. Population Services International (U.S. 1977), and Bowers v. Hardwick (U.S. 1986), in which a deeply divided Court upheld the constitutionality of Georgia’s sodomy law. The Lawrence Court directly challenged the Bowers holding. The Lawrence majority first took issue with how the Bowers Court framed the legal issues it considered. Although Georgia’s sodomy law was, in fact, gender-neutral, the Bowers Court treated the criminal statute as gender-specific. The Bowers Court styled the question as “whether the Federal Constitution confers a fundamental right upon homosexuals to engage in sodomy and hence invalidates the laws of the many States that still make such conduct illegal and have done so for a very long time.” The Lawrence Court repudiated the Bowers Court’s false framing of the constitutional question at stake. The Lawrence majority saw the issue not as the narrow “right to engage in homosexual sodomy,” but as the broader question of whether the state could criminalize noncommercial “personal relationships” between consenting adults in private. The Court then noted the importance of the sexual bond in intimate relationships. The Lawrence Court next attacked the historical rationale of the Bowers decision. In response to the Bowers Court’s assertion to a millennia of laws against gay sex, Justice Kennedy countered that “early American sodomy laws were not directed at homosexuals as such but instead sought to prohibit non-procreative sexual activity more generally.” Only in the last third of the twentieth century did state legislators enact sodomy laws targeted directly at homosexuals. Indeed, the Court noted that the category or concept of the homosexual did not even exist until the late 1800s. The Lawrence majority also questioned the Bowers Court’s invocation of social norms to uphold the constitutionality of sodomy laws. The Bowers majority pointed to the social norms of centuries to justify the treatment of gay men and lesbians in the late twentieth century. In his Bowers concurrence, Chief Justice Burger asserted that “decisions of individuals relating to homosexual conduct have been subject to state intervention throughout the history of Western civilization. Condemnation of those practices is firmly rooted in Judeo-Christian moral and ethical standards.” Refuting Bowers’ assertions, the Lawrence Court reasoned that social norms analysis actually supported the proposition that the constitutional right to privacy protects private sodomy between consenting adults. First, Burger’s assertions about ancient social norms were simply incorrect. Second, the Lawrence Court found Bowers’ reliance on social norms of the past unpersuasive and instead looked to the social norms of modern society to determine the contours of the constitutional right to privacy. Justice Kennedy found evidence of these social norms in two places: the international community and the progression of constitutional privacy law in the American states. The Court noted that international social norms in Western democracies had evolved to include protection of private, sexual conduct between consenting adults. Finally, the

HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGN 275 Lawrence Court analyzed the emergence of a new social norm, as reflected by the response of American states to the Bowers opinion. At the time of Bowers, half of the states still maintained sodomy laws. After Bowers, half of those remaining twenty-five states had invalidated or repealed their sodomy laws. The Lawrence Court observed that states with same-sex sodomy laws were “moving toward abolishing them.” Far from accurately reflecting public opinion on sodomy statutes, Bowers provoked a contrary judicial and legislative response in many states. After Bowers temporarily closed the door on federal privacy arguments, sodomy law opponents turned to state courts to argue that sodomy laws violated state constitutional guarantees of individual privacy rights. Most of the state courts that did reach the merits of these challenges declined to follow Bowers and held that their sodomy laws violated the applicable state constitutional right to privacy. In summing up its analysis of Bowers, the Lawrence majority concluded, “Bowers was not correct when it was decided, and it is not correct today.” After disposing of Bowers, Justice Kennedy invoked a more sweeping view of privacy than had been envisioned by Supreme Court majorities in the past. He noted that Messrs. Lawrence and Garner were “entitled to respect for their private lives. The State cannot demean their existence or control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime.” In contrast to the clear liberty interest at stake for gay and lesbian Texans, the State of Texas could proffer no rationale for maintaining such an intrusive and demeaning law. By reversing Bowers v. Hardwick (U.S. 1986) and invalidating sodomy laws as unconstitutional, the Supreme Court in Lawrence eliminated what gay rights proponents believed was the most important vestige and cause of the second-class citizenship inflicted upon gay and lesbian Americans. While states generally did not enforce their sodomy laws through criminal prosecutions, federal, state, and local officials all relied upon state sodomy statutes to discriminate against gay men and lesbians in a wide variety of venues, including employment, child custody, and immigration. By striking-down sodomy laws, the case was vitally important to the gay community in America. Lawrence was a historic landmark case in gay rights jurisprudence, because it represents the first time that the United States Supreme Court granted certiorari to an openly gay petitioner in a gay rights case and issued a written opinion reversing a lower court’s ruling against that gay petitioner. It is this aspect of the case that is unprecedented. This aspect of the case could fundamentally change the way that gay men and lesbians perceive their Supreme Court.

HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGN The Human Rights Campaign (HRC) is the largest lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) lobbying organization and political action committee in the

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United States. The HRC claims over 725,000 members and supporters. The HRC mission statement is: “HRC envisions an America where gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people are ensured equality and embraced as full members of the American family at home, at work, and in every community.” The Human Rights Campaign is highly visible in U.S. politics. It lobbies Congress for the support of LGBT bills, works to elect LGBT supports to Congress by funding those politicians who support the LGBT community, mobilizes grassroots action amongst its members, and encourages members to exercise their right to vote in elections. HRC overwhelmingly supports Democratic candidates running for office, although it supports some moderate Republicans.

HUMAN RIGHTS See Foreign Policy

HYDE AMENDMENT See Abortion

I ILLINOIS EX. REL. MCCOLLUM V. BOARD OF EDUCATION NO. 71 OF CHAMPAIGN CO., ILL. See McCollum v. Board of Education

IN GOD WE TRUST “In God We Trust” is the official national motto of the United States and the U.S. state of Florida. The motto may have originated in the final stanza of The StarSpangled Banner. Written in 1814 by Francis Scott Key (and later adopted as the U.S. national anthem), the song contains an early reference to a variation of the phrase: “. . . And this became the motto: ‘In God is our trust’.” “In God We Trust” became the official U.S. national motto after the passage of an Act of Congress in 1956 [36 U.S.C. § 302 (1999)]. Two federal statutes mandate that the phrase, “In God We Trust” be inscribed on all U.S. coins and currency. [31 U.S.C. §§ 5112 and 5114 (1999)] Several lawsuits have been filed over the years alleging that these statutes violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, but no court has yet held them to be unconstitutional. “In God We Trust” is also found on the flag of Georgia, the flag of Florida, and the Seal of Florida. It was first adopted by the state of Georgia for use on flags in 2001, and subsequently included on the Georgia flag of 2003. In Florida, it became the state motto during the term of Republican governor Jeb Bush, the bill making it so into law. Starting in 2007, the phrase can also be found on the license plates of Indiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and Ohio (it can be selected among different designs). The phrase “In God We Trust” was placed on United States coins largely in response to the increased religious sentiment that developed during the Civil War. Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase received many appeals from devout

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Americans, urging that the United States recognize God on United States coins. The first such appeal came in a letter dated November 13, 1861 to Secretary Chase from Rev. M. R. Watkinson, Minister of the Gospel from Ridleyville, Pennsylvania. Dear Sir: You are about to submit your annual report to the Congress respecting the affairs of the national finances. One fact touching our currency has hitherto been seriously overlooked. I mean the recognition of the Almighty God in some form on our coins. You are probably a Christian. What if our Republic were not shattered beyond reconstruction? Would not the antiquaries of succeeding centuries rightly reason from our past that we were a heathen nation? What I propose is that instead of the goddess of liberty we shall have next inside the 13 stars a ring inscribed with the words PERPETUAL UNION; within the ring the allseeing eye, crowned with a halo; beneath this eye the American flag, bearing in its field stars equal to the number of the States united; in the folds of the bars the words GOD, LIBERTY, LAW. This would make a beautiful coin, to which no possible citizen could object. This would relieve us from the ignominy of heathenism. This would place us openly under the Divine protection we have personally claimed. From my heart I have felt our national shame in disowning God as not the least of our present national disasters.

Secretary Chase instructed James Pollock, Director of the Mint at Philadelphia, to prepare a motto, in a letter dated November 20, 1861: Dear Sir: No nation can be strong except in the strength of God, or safe except in His defense. The trust of our people in God should be declared on our national coins. You will cause a device to be prepared without unnecessary delay with a motto expressing in the fewest and tersest words possible this national recognition.

Congress enacted legislation dated January 18, 1837 prescribing the mottoes and devices that should be placed upon United States coins. This meant that the mint could make no changes without the enactment of additional legislation by the Congress. In December 1863, the Director of the Mint submitted designs for new one-cent coin, two-cent coin, and three-cent coin to Secretary Chase for approval. He proposed that upon the designs either OUR COUNTRY; OUR GOD; or GOD, OUR TRUST should appear as a motto on the coins. In a letter to the Mint Director on December 9, 1863, Secretary Chase stated: I approve your mottoes, only suggesting that on that with the Washington obverse the motto should begin with the word OUR, so as to read OUR GOD AND OUR COUNTRY. And on that with the shield, it should be changed so as to read: IN GOD WE TRUST.

IN GOD WE TRUST The Congress passed the Act of April 22, 1864, which changed the composition of the one-cent coin and authorized the minting of the two-cent coin. The Mint Director was directed to develop the designs for these coins for final approval of the Secretary. IN GOD WE TRUST first appeared on the 1864 two-cent coin. In the mid to late 19th century, the National Reform Movement emerged and during the Civil War era encouraged the widespread belief that the war had been a punishment from God for the nation’s lack of Christianity. This organization proposed amending the Constitution in order to make it and the government explicitly Christian. It would have had the government acknowledge “the Lord Jesus Christ as the ruler among nations,” and would have declared “his will as the supreme law of the land, in order to constitute a Christian government.” This particular effort failed, but they did manage to get many members placed in all levels of government. One of these was James Pollock, named by President Lincoln as the tenth director of the U.S. Mint in 1861. Pollock, who wanted the United States to become an official Christian theocracy, was able to get Congress to include in a law the phrase “. . . and the shape, mottoes, and devices of said coins shall be fixed by the director of the mint, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury; . . .” Previously, Congress decided what would appear on coins – but at the time, Pollock had free rein to do anything he wished. It was at this time that the phrase “In God We Trust” first began to appear on the nation’s coins. Congress passed another statute on March 3, 1865, allowing the Mint Director, with the Secretary’s approval, to place the motto on all gold and silver coins that “shall admit the inscription thereon.” Under the Act, the motto was placed on the gold double-eagle coin, the gold eagle coin, and the gold half-eagle coin. It was also placed on the silver dollar coin, the half-dollar coin and the quarter-dollar coin, and on the nickel three-cent coin beginning in 1866. Later, Congress passed the Coinage Act of February 12, 1873. It also said that the Secretary “may cause the motto IN GOD WE TRUST to be inscribed on such coins as shall admit of such motto.” The use of IN GOD WE TRUST disappeared from the five-cent coin in 1883, and did not reappear until the Jefferson nickel was introduced in 1938. Since 1938, all United States coins bear the inscription. Later, the motto was omitted from the new design of the double-eagle gold coin and the eagle gold coin shortly after they appeared in 1907. In response to a general demand, Congress ordered it restored, and a statute enacted May 18, 1908, made it mandatory on all coins upon which it had previously appeared. IN GOD WE TRUST was not mandatory on the one-cent coin and five-cent coin. It could be placed on them by the Secretary or the Mint Director with the Secretary’s approval. The motto has been continuously used on the one-cent coin since 1909 and on the ten-cent coin since 1916. It also has appeared on all gold coins and silver dollar coins, half-dollar coins, and quarter-dollar coins struck since July 1, 1908.

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However, the appearance of these words was fixed to the desires of the current Mint’s Director and the Secretary of the Treasury, so Congress passed a new statute in 1908 that required the phrase to appear on certain coin denominations. Despite signing the law, President Theodore Roosevelt described his reservations to the phrase, writing to William Boldly on November 11, 1907, that: “My own feeling in the matter is due to my very firm conviction that to put such a motto on coins, or to use it in any kindred manner, not only does no good but does positive harm, and is in effect irreverence, which comes dangerously close to sacrilege. . . . It is a motto which it is indeed well to have inscribed on our great national monuments, in our temples of justice, in our legislative halls, and in building such as those at West Point and Annapolis – in short, wherever it will tend to arouse and inspire a lofty emotion in those who look thereon. But it seems to me eminently unwise to cheapen such a motto by use on coins, just as it would be to cheapen it by use on postage stamps, or in advertisements.”

Congress enacted legislation (P.L. 84–140), and on July 30, 1956, the President approved a Joint Resolution of the 84th Congress, declaring IN GOD WE TRUST the national motto of the United States. Both of these actions were taken in response to the perceived threat of “godless communism.” IN GOD WE TRUST was first used on paper money in 1957, when it appeared on the one-dollar silver certificate. The first paper currency bearing the motto entered circulation on October 1, 1957. The Bureau of Engraving and Printing (BEP) was converting to the dry intaglio printing process. During this conversion, it gradually included IN GOD WE TRUST in the back design of all classes and denominations of currency. As a part of a comprehensive modernization program the BEP successfully developed and installed new high-speed rotary intaglio printing presses in 1957. These allowed BEP to print currency by the dry intaglio process, 32 notes to the sheet. One-dollar silver certificates were the first denomination printed on the new high-speed presses. They included IN GOD WE TRUST as part of the reverse design as BEP adopted new dies according to the law. The motto also appeared on one-dollar silver certificates of the 1957-A and 1957-B series. The motto “E Pluribus Unum,” (“from many, one”) was approved for use on the Great Seal of the United States in 1782. It still appears on coins and currency, and was widely considered the de facto national motto. However, by 1956 it had not been established so by legislation as the official “national motto,” and therefore Congress selected “In God We Trust.” The Congressional Record of 1956 reads: “At the present time the United States has no national motto. The committee deems it most appropriate that ‘In God we trust’ be so designated as U.S. national motto.” Separationists argue that commanding people to trust in a god is not the job of the state. They further argue that, not only is this a misuse of government power, but it is an insult to religion to try and claim that trusting in their God is a secular

INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT OF 1998 rather than a religious issue. This motto, they say, is an attempt to enforce a particular idea of God in American society.

INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT OF 1998 In 1998, Congress enacted the International Religious Freedom Act. The Act, which was several years in the making, established a new governmental Office on International Religious Freedom in the State Department, to be headed by an Ambassador-at-Large for religious freedom. The Act also created a new Commission on International Religious Freedom and added an additional adviser on international religious freedom at the National Security Council. In addition to its ad hoc advisory functions, the Office on International Freedom is required to issue an annual report assessing the state of religious freedom in every foreign country and explicitly identifying those that violate religious freedom. The political dynamics of the Act have been chronicled in a small but illuminating literature. Two facets of the debate stand out. The first is the unlikely coalition that pushed for legislative intervention. The most sustained lobbying came from Michael Horowitz, a Jew for whom contemporary religious persecution spurred memories of the Holocaust, together with evangelical Christian groups alarmed by increasing reports of religious persecution in many parts of the world. These groups allied with human rights activists, many of whom were seasoned, resolutely secular campaigners for international human rights. Pope John Paul II’s frequently expressed concerns about religious persecution, and the long Catholic tradition of support for human rights, added further ballast to the campaign. It was a fractious coalition, undercut at times by tensions and false steps (including a pronouncement by Pat Robertson that violent Liberian leader Charles Taylor should be supported as a good Christian), but it successfully countered opposition from business groups and initial skepticism in the Clinton Administration.

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J JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES The Jehovah’s Witnesses movement is an indigenous American form of Protestant Christianity—millennial, internationalist, apolitical, authoritarian, and fundamentalist—that preaches the inerrancy of its version of the Bible. Begun as a small group of Bible students in Pennsylvania in the 1870s, the movement now claims to have more than 6.5 million practicing members organized into more than 100,000 congregations in some 235 countries. Its members are ethnically or racially indistinct and represent a wide range of social classes, although generally they are not among the least or most privileged. Nor have the Witnesses appeared to be especially inclined toward economic or political activism. Nevertheless, their adherence to certain beliefs has caused friction with civil authorities in the United States and other countries. One such belief is neutrality toward, or non-involvement in, government. Witnesses claim that “accelerating deterioration of human institutions and conditions of life” is proof that Christ has “already begun to prepare over the . . . imminent millennial paradise on earth.” Thus, Witnesses do not put their trust in institutions such as governments. In fact, from 1929 until 1962, their doctrine required Witnesses to obey the Watch Tower Society’s leading officials, but not necessarily secular or governmental authorities. Today, Witnesses do not vote or join the armed forces. Another belief is their refusal to engage in patriotic exercises that involve “graven images,” which appears to originate in how they interpret Exodus 20:3–5 in the Hebrew Scriptures. In 1935, Witness President Joseph Rutherford publicly praised Witnesses in Nazi Germany who resisted offering the Hitler salute, a military style salute with the hand forward at eye level. He noted its similarity to the flag salute many children in the United States performed as part of opening school exercises, and he claimed it was unfaithful “to ascribe salvation by saluting an earthly emblem.” Witnesses today, like those school children that generated litigation in the 1930s and 1940s, refuse to salute the flag.

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Yet another belief is the commission to witness “to God’s existence, loving nature and plans for the world.” Although most Christians share this commission, when combined with the Witnesses’ millennial beliefs, it can cause friction. For example, Witness doctrine teaches that only a limited number of preordained or elect people will serve with Christ in heaven. But others—the great company (including most Witnesses)—can survive the Battle of Armageddon and live forever on a paradise earth, if they learn the correct biblical teachings and choose God’s offer of redemption. Only those thus rescued from corrupt and false teaching (i.e., the teaching of all other religions, particularly the Roman Catholic Church) will have this opportunity; others may be destroyed in Armageddon or may be denied entry into paradise. In the 1920s, Rutherford mandated rescue of the ignorant by proselytizing doorto-door and in public parks and street corners. He organized and systematized evangelism to provide Witnesses with “tracts, magazines, booklets, Bibles, records and record players, bookmarks, and ‘sound cars,’ broadcasting prerecorded messages.” As opposed to the traditional Christian practice of Sunday morning worship services, some believe this type of evangelism is the highest form of Witness worship. Because it is considered a condition of survival through Armageddon, evangelism has had a sense of urgency. The Witnesses were encouraged to “rescue” or proselytize when churches were in worship on Sunday mornings. Fervent and organized, they often overwhelmed small towns with groups of as many as 1,000 zealous evangelists at a time. Although they asked for a donation to pay for printing their tracts, they would leave them for free. With remarkable persistence over a thirty-five-year period, the Jehovah’s Witnesses vigorously protected themselves from the actions and regulations of local governments. The official hostility stemmed from public antipathy because the Witnesses abstained from patriotic exercises and civic duties in wartime, spoke disrespectfully of political and religious leaders, and insulted the religions of others while incessantly proselytizing. Represented by private lawyers of their faith, and aided by lawyers representing organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union and the American Bar Association Committee on Civil Rights, the Witnesses secured protection through the federal and state courts. A by-product of their struggle was a large number of influential U.S. Supreme Court decisions that expanded the protection of the First Amendment on freedom of speech, press, and religion. The combination of Witness indifference to civil authority and refusal to engage in patriotic exercises that involve “graven images” caused litigation resulting in another key First Amendment principle, known today as freedom from coerced speech. Assuming local school authorities had the power to require children to recite the Pledge of Allegiance and salute the national flag or be expelled, Justice Frankfurter wrote for the Supreme Court in Minersville School

JIMMY SWAGGART MINISTRIES V. BOARD OF EQUALIZATION District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940) an opinion that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment did not exempt Jehovah’s Witness children from that requirement. Three years later the Court reversed itself with Justice Frankfurter dissenting. In West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943), the Court ruled that the Free Speech Clause meant the local school board did not have the authority to expel Jehovah’s Witness school children who refused to salute the flag and recite the Pledge.

JIMMY SWAGGART MINISTRIES V. BOARD OF EQUALIZATION (U.S. 1990) This case involved the imposition of a state sales and use tax on religious merchandise sold by a religious organization. Relying on the Free Exercise Clause, the Jimmy Swaggart Ministries had argued that merchandise with a religious content was exempt from taxation based on the Free Exercise Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously disagreed, holding that a sales tax on religious merchandise did not violate either the Free Exercise Clause or the proscription against excessive entanglement of the government with religion enunciated by the Supreme Court in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). Applying the Lemon test, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded that the taxes were neutral and nondiscriminatory regarding religion or religious belief. Nor was there an excessive entanglement of church and state. The religious materials were simply subject to the tax without any need for government inquiry into their content or the motives of the parties involved in the sale. In ruling that a religious organization and its members had no right to refuse to pay a state’s general sales and use taxes on the sales and use of religious products and religious literature, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor wrote the Court’s unanimous decision, which applied the same reasoning used in Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue (U.S. 1989). California’s general sales and use taxes did not employ religious criteria for determining who should pay them and they did not constitute a special tax on religious goods or activities. Because the taxes were neutrally and consistently applied to everyone selling goods in the state, they did not have to be justified by a compelling interest. The taxes did not violate the Establishment Clause because the general sales and use taxes had a nonreligious purpose, a primary nonreligious effect, and the collection of taxes from a religious person or organization does not constitute an excessive entanglement between government and religion. The Supreme Court distinguished Swaggart from prior caselaw that had invalidated the application of general licensing fees to those who sold and distributed religious materials door to door. In both Murdock v. Pennsylvania (U.S.

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1943) and Follett v. McCormick (U.S. 1944), the Supreme Court had objected to such licensing fees because by imposing a flat license tax “as a precondition” to the exercise of First Amendment freedoms, they acted as a prior restraint on religion. In the same cases, however, the Court clearly stated that the First Amendment did not exempt religious groups from generally applicable taxes on income and property. The Court reaffirmed that principle in Swaggart, noting that the tax under attack was a general levy on revenues raised from the sale of certain products. The Court acknowledged that in some cases a generally applicable tax of this sort might adversely affect an adherent’s religious practices, but did not determine whether such a tax would violate the Free Exercise Clause. As the Court explains, “there is no danger that appellant’s religious activity is being singled out for special and burdensome treatment.” The Swaggart decision is important for several reasons. First, Swaggart stands for the proposition that generally applicable legislation is favored over that which has the effect of curtailing religious liberty. Because churches could potentially qualify as employers for Title VII purposes, requiring them to abide by its provisions is entirely consistent with the letter and underlying policy of Swaggart which requires religious institutions to comply with generally applicable laws. This is particularly true when such religious authorities are actually motivated by non-religious, rather than religious, factors. Furthermore, Swaggart demonstrates that the Supreme Court will permit some level of state entanglement with religious entities provided that such involvement is limited to regulating their secular activities. The concerns of the Swaggart Court established useful guidelines for judging excessive entanglement in the employment context. In applying antidiscrimination laws, court must consider: first, whether the state is imposing a substantial administrative burden on the institution; next, whether the proposed regulation involves detailed monitoring and close administrative contact with the institution; and finally, whether the state must inquire into religious doctrine of the institution in order to regulate its decisions. The Swaggart decision “subject[s] religious organizations to the same regulation and taxation as any business.” Some critics of the Swaggart decision believe that the decision compromises the Free Exercise Clause, arguing that it represents a retreat from complete autonomy of religious organizations, and that it is detrimental in its reliance upon the formal neutrality of the taxes at issue. They further argue that Swaggart departs from Murdock, where the Court observed that the formal neutrality of a law is immaterial to free exercise analysis.

JOHNSON V. ROBISON (U.S. 1974) In this case the Supreme Court upheld the granting of educational benefits to veterans who served active duty in the military but denied them to conscientious

JOHNSON V. ROBISON objectors who performed alternative service. The plaintiff, who served two years of alternative service, argued that certain portions of the Veterans Readjustment of Benefits Act of 1966 violated his free exercise rights. The Plaintiff further argued that he was entitled to such benefits on the ground that disruptions suffered quantitatively and qualitatively were far greater for those engaging in military activities and so intended under the law. The Veterans’ Administration moved to dismiss the action on the grounds that federal court jurisdiction over a suit brought to challenge a benefits determination was prohibited under a statute precluding judicial review. The statute provided: “The decisions of the Administrator on any question of law or fact under any law administered by the Veterans’ Administration providing benefits for veterans . . . shall be final and conclusive and no official or any court of the United States shall have power or jurisdiction to review any such decision. . . .” The Supreme Court, in an opinion by Justice Brennan, held the statute inapplicable to the constitutional challenge asserted by the plaintiff. The Court refused to find that the review preclusion statute relied on by the Veterans’ Administration was intended to bar constitutional claims, avoiding the “serious questions” that would be raised by construing the review-precluding statute to “bar federal courts from deciding the constitutionality” of the benefits legislation. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the differential treatment between veterans and conscientious objectors that performed alternative service did not violate the First Amendment. Thus, the exclusion survived scrutiny under a balancing test. The Court found that there had been no legislative intent to interfere with the plaintiff’s religion. In holding that there was no violation of the Free Exercise Clause, the majority first found that there was little, if any, real burden on religious practices that resulted from the exclusionary policies governing these veterans benefit programs. The majority of justices found both a secular distinction between the types of service and a minimal burden on the practice of religion resulting from the exclusion of conscientious objectors from the benefits at issue. The justices had little trouble in ruling that the secular governmental interest was sufficient to overrule the conscientious objector’s claim for further benefits, stressing that the governmental interest in raising and supporting armies is compelling. Relying on Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the statute, once again recognizing that the Government’s substantial interest in raising and supporting armies, is of a “kind and weight” sufficient to sustain the challenged legislation against an attack based on the alleged burden on the free exercise rights of those who did not receive the educational benefits, and that including conscientious objectors in the benefits would not rationally promote the statutes objectives of enhancing military service and the readjustment to civilian life of military personnel who served on active duty.

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Justice Douglas dissented in Johnson because “discrimination against a man with religious scruples seems apparent.” The religion clauses should “not place a penalty on anyone for asserting his religious scruples.”

JONES V. WOLF (U.S. 1979) A schism developed in a local church that was a part of a hierarchical church. A majority of its members voted to withdraw from the general church. The proper authority of the general church determined that the minority that remained constituted the “true congregation” of the local church and awarded them authority over its property. The breakaway majority of the congregation filed a lawsuit contesting this ruling in a state court and an appeal reached the U.S. Supreme Court. A divided Supreme Court, while formally adhering to neutral principles regarding church property in the event of a church schism, appeared to depart in substance from their application. In its ruling the Supreme Court first approved the approach of the state court, which applied neutral principles in examining the deeds to the church property, relevant state statutes, and provisions of the general church’s constitution on ownership and control of church property. The state court determined that there was no language of trust in favor of the general church in any of these documents and that the property thus belonged to the local breakaway congregation. The Supreme Court, however, held that the First Amendment did not prevent the state court from applying a presumption of majority rule to award control of the property to the breakaway majority of the local congregation, provided that it permitted defeasance of the presumption upon proof that the identity of the local church was to be determined by some other means, as expressed, for example, in the general church charter. The dissenting justices in the case argued that to permit a court to narrowly view only the church documents on property ownership allowed it to ignore the more important fact that the dispute was really over ecclesiastical issues and that the general church had decided which faction of the broken congregation was the “true” church. Thus, it is unclear where the Court stood on this issue. Jones continues to state that it is improper to review an ecclesiastical dispute and that deference is required in those cases, but by approving a “neutral principles inquiry” that can filter out, in effect, the doctrinal issues underlying a church dispute the Court seems to have approved at least an indirect limitation of the authority of hierarchical churches. The Supreme Court did indicate that the general church could always expressly provide in its charter or in deeds to its property the proper disposition of disputed property. But here the general church had decided which faction was the “true

JUDAISM congregation”—a decision that would appear to constitute as definitive a rule as the Court required.

JONESTOWN Jonestown was the informal name for the “People’s Temple Agricultural Project,” a planned community in northwestern Guyana formed by the “People’s Temple,” a cult in California led by Jim Jones. It became internationally known in November 1978, when 918 people died in the settlement as well as in a nearby airstrip and in Georgetown, Guyana’s capital. The name of the settlement became synonymous for the mass murder-suicide that occurred there. On November 18, 1978, 909 Temple members died in Jonestown, all but two from apparent cyanide poisoning, in an event referred to as a “revolutionary suicide” by Jones and some members on an audio tape of the event and in prior discussions. To the extent that the actions in Jonestown were viewed as a mass suicide, it is the largest such event in modern history. The Jonestown incident was the greatest single loss of American civilian life in a non-natural disaster, until the al-Qaeda organized terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001. The poisonings in Jonestown followed the murder of five others by Temple members at a nearby Prot Kaitumba airstrip. The victims included Congressman Leo Ryan, the first and only member of the U.S. Congress murdered in exercising his official duties in American history.

JUDAISM Judaism is a monotheistic religion based on the principles and ethics embodied in the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), as further explored and explained in the Talmud and other commentaries. Judaism is among the oldest religious traditions still being practiced. Jewish history and the principles and ethics of Judaism have influenced other religions such as Christianity and Islam. In Modern Judaism, central authority is not vested in any single person or body, but in sacred texts, traditions, and learned rabbis who interpret those texts and laws. According to Jewish tradition, Judaism begins with the Covenant between God and Abraham (ca 2000 bce), the patriarch progenitor of the Jewish people. Throughout the ages Judaism has adhered to a number of religious principles, the most important of which is the belief in a single, omniscient, omnipotent, benevolent, transcendent God, who created the universe and continues to govern it. According to Jewish tradition, the God who created the world established a

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covenant with the Israelites and their descendants, and revealed his laws and commandments to Moses on Mount Sinai in the form of both the written and oral Torah. Judaism has traditionally valued Torah study and the observance of the commandments recorded in the Torah and as expounded in the Talmud. There is no religious hierarchy in Judaism. The authority of the rabbi is based not on his position but upon his learning. In Orthodox practice, the rabbi rarely leads in services; the cantor conducts worship. Any well-informed layman may rise to the pulpit to lead the congregation in prayer. The modern rabbi is responsible for religious education, for worship in the synagogue, for ceremonials surrounding birth, bar mitzvah/bas mitzvah, marriage, and death, and for pastoral guidance. Judaism is essentially a family religion. The home is often regarded as an appropriate place of worship. Over the centuries several formulations of Jewish principles have appeared, and though they differ with respect to certain details, they demonstrate a commonality of core ideology of these formulations; the one most widely considered authoritative is Maimonides’ 13 principles of faith, formulated in the 12th century. Today, most Orthodox authorities believe that Maimonides’ 13 principles of faith are obligatory, and Jews who do not fully accept each of them are potentially heretical. The basis of Jewish law and tradition (“halakha”) is the Torah (also known as the Pentateuch or the five books of Moses). According to rabbinic tradition, there are 6,134 commandments in the Torah. Some of these laws are directed only to men or to women, some only to the ancient priestly groups, the Kohanim and Leviiyim (members of the tribe of Levi), some only to farmers within the land of Israel. Many laws were only applicable when the Temple of Jerusalem existed, and fewer than 300 of these commandments are still applicable today. While there have been Jewish groups whose beliefs were claimed to be based on the written text of the Torah (e.g., the Sadducees and the Karaites), most Jews believed in what they call the oral law. These oral traditions were transmitted by the Pharisee sect of ancient Judaism, and were later recorded in written form and expanded upon by the rabbis. Rabbinic Judaism has always held that the books of the Torah (called the written law) have always been transmitted in parallel with an oral tradition. To justify this viewpoint, Jews point to the text of the Torah, where many words are left undefined, and many procedures mentioned without explanation or instructions: this, they argue, means that the reader is assumed to be familiar with the details from the oral sources. The parallel set of materials was originally transmitted orally, and came to known as “the oral law.” By the time of Rabbi Judah ha Nasi (200 ce), after the destruction of Jerusalem, much of this material was edited together into the Mishnah. Over the next four centuries this law underwent discussion and debate in both of the world’s major Jewish communities (in Israel and Babylonia), and the commentaries on the Mishnah from each of these communities eventually came to be edited together into the compilations known as the two Talmuds. These have been expounded by commentaries of various Torah scholars throughout the ages.

JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS AND RELIGION 291 Halakha, the rabbinic Jewish way of life, is based on a combined reading of the Torah and the oral tradition—the Mishnah, the halakhic Midrash, the Talmud and its commentaries. The Halakha has developed slowly, through a precedentbased system. Over time, as practices develop, codes of Jewish law are written that are based on the response; the most important code, the Schulchan Aruch, largely determines Orthodox religious practice today.

JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS AND RELIGION During the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign between Democratic candidate Senator Barack Obama (D–IL) and Republican candidate Senator John McCain (R-AZ), one of the major issues was judicial appointments, especially appointments to the U.S. Supreme Court. Five of the Court’s nine members will be over the age of 70 in January 2009, and there is widespread speculation that the next president will have the opportunity to replace one or more of them. Sen. McCain promised to select judicial nominees who are similar to Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito, justices who understand “that there are clear limits to the scope of judicial power, and clear limits to the scope of federal power.” McCain said he would expect to appoint “strict constructionists,” who must believe in original intent. Obama always has believed that the courts should stand up for social and economic justice. Sen. Obama said, “[we] need [a Supreme Court nominee] whose got the heart, the empathy, to recognize what it’s like to be a young teenage mom. The empathy to understand what it is like to be poor, or African American, or gay or disabled, or old.” In an August 2007 poll, 52% of registered voters reported that “the appointment of Supreme Court justices” would be “very important” to their vote for president in 2008, and 88% reported that Supreme Court appointments would be at least “somewhat important.” Federal judges have a momentous impact on law and society. Privacy, wartime executive power, abortion, property rights, cloning, gay marriage, school choice, the death penalty, and gun control are some of the many highly controversial issues that the federal courts will likely address over the next four years. The essential elements of the judicial appointment process, articulated in Article II, sect. 2 of the U.S. Constitution have been unchanged since the founding of the United States: the president “by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint . . . Judge of the Supreme Court.” For several structural, external, and judicial reasons, the politics of federal judicial appointments have fundamentally changed in the last eighty years, especially since the 1980s. Today, for the U.S. Supreme Court and especially for U.S. circuit courts of appeals, the appointments process has become a high-stakes, explosively partisan, and often nasty process. Some commentators have called for the

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abandonment of the Senate confirmation hearings, the direct election of Justice, a more assertive and independent role for the Senate in pre-approving and rejecting nominees, a two-thirds supermajority requirement for Senate confirmation, and many other similar changes.

JUDICIAL DEFERENCE AND RELIGION The First Amendment, as it has been applied to state governments through the Fourteenth Amendment, requires judicial deference to religious organizations on religious matters, for example on matters relating to clergy. [Kreshik v. St. Nicholas Cathedral (U.S. 1960)] Judicial deference is a First Amendment doctrine that applies in many church autonomy issues, by which courts refuse civil jurisdiction and defer to church authorities whenever a dispute might otherwise embroil the court in an internal dispute. [See Jones v. Wolf (U.S. 1979)] Courts avoid constitutional issues through several different methods. They can, for example, construe a statute to reconcile it with the Constitution. Federal courts can also abstain from hearing a case until appropriate state agencies have had a chance to address it. The Court also followed the principles of judicial deference in accepting the judgment of military commanders on issues of military discipline. In one case, the Court did so on the issue of a military regulation prohibiting personnel from wearing religious apparel while on duty. The Supreme Court ruled that the air force did not have to make an exception to its rules requiring personnel to wear uniforms for members who wanted to wear religious garb as part of their practice of religion, even if the regulation had the effect of substantially burdening religion. [Goldman v. Weinberger (U.S. 1986)]

JURY SERVICE AND RELIGION Required for criminal prosecutions pursuant to the Sixth Amendment, America’s jury system is a crucial component of the country’s judicial branch of government. Consequently, individual states have rights to expect jury duty from its citizens. If certain conditions are met, however, a trial judge, for any reason personal to the juror, may excuse a qualified juror before he or she is sworn. This rule applies to both petit and grand juries. Religious objection to serving as a juror qualifies as one of the reasons for excusing a juror from jury duty. Those religiously opposed to jury duty cannot be compelled to serve. [In re Jenison (U.S. 1963)] Some of the issues involving religion and jury service include: • Should those who refuse for religious reasons to sit as jurors be constitutionally excused?

JURY SERVICE AND RELIGION 293 • Should an attorney be permitted to strike a juror based on the attorney’s perception that the juror’s religious beliefs will make him or her partial? • Is a lawyer permitted to ask prospective jury members questions about their religious faith in order to reach a decision regarding their impartiality? • To what extent can jurors rely on their religious beliefs in reaching a verdict? • Are such verdicts impeachable by the party against whom the jury finds? The South Carolina Supreme Court held early in the nineteenth century that a religious group known as the Covenanters had no constitutional right to be exempt from jury service. [State v. Willson (S.C. 1823)] Generally, there is very little caselaw on this issue. As of 1963, there were no reported cases involving an interpretation of a statute with an exemption for jury service due to religious objections. Shortly after deciding Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), which allowed individuals to make First Amendment claims against government policies that indirectly burdened their free exercise of religion and required the government to show that any such burdens were justified by a compelling state interest, the U.S. Supreme Court, basing its holding on Sherbert, vacated a judgment of the Minnesota Supreme Court holding Mrs. Laverna Jenison in contempt of court for refusing on religious grounds to serve as a juror. [In re Jenison Contempt Proceedings (U.S. 1963)] In Jenison, Mrs. Jenison was selected to sit as a juror, but immediately prior to swearing, Mrs. Jenison declared that serving on a jury would violate her religious beliefs. Pointing out that the New Testament asserts: “Judge not, that you be not judged” Jenison claimed that she could not sit in judgment of another. The Supreme Court of Minnesota, which disallowed her exemption, held that serving on a jury does not prohibit one’s free exercise of religion, and that refusal to serve “is inconsistent with the peace and safety of the state.” Stressing the importance of jury duty, the court stated: “No concept in our Anglo-Saxon tradition is more firmly entrenched or more an integral part of our democratic heritage than the right of every citizen to be tried by a jury of his peers. To sanction the disqualification of a juror because of a conviction which is at variance with such a basic institution is to invite the erosion of every other obligation a citizen owes his community and his country.”

In denying the exemption, the court reasoned that if a person were to be excused from jury duty for religious reasons, that exemption should be created by the legislature, as in the case of conscientious objections to war. Mrs. Jenison then petitioned the United States Supreme Court for a writ of certiorari. While the case was pending, however, the Court decided Sherbert v. Verner, and remanded Mrs. Jenison’s case back to state court for further consideration in light of Sherbert. On remand, the Minnesota court reversed itself and held that a person whose religious beliefs prohibited jury service was constitutionally exempt from jury service. [In re Jenison (Minn. 1963)] The court,

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in relying on Sherbert, found that there was no immediate threat to the jury system and the state’s interest in the efficient administration of justice did not outweigh Jenison’s free exercise rights. In West Virginia v. Everly (W. Va. 1966), a Jehovah’s Witness was excused from jury duty because he believed that contributing to the mechanisms of a worldly government was inconsistent with his role as a representative of the Kingdom of God. Another court, however, dealt with the issue of conscientious objection to the juror’s oath, at least tangentially, when the court excused jurors because the trial began on a holy day of their religion. In one such case, the trial judge’s excusal of all Jewish venire men who requested excusal because the trial began on Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement) was not a violation of the Constitution, nor did it invalidate a criminal trial jury. [Grech v. Wainwright (5th Cir. 1974)] In an early religious liberty case, United States v. Hillyard (E.D. Wash. 1943), the court refused to hold in contempt a Jehovah’s Witness who refused to serve as a juror, because to do so would be to violate a tenet of his faith . The court, instead, held that the refusal of a Jehovah’s Witness to serve as a juror because of a religious belief is protected by the First Amendment. Judge Schwellenbach, for the court, stressed the importance of American religious liberty in times of crisis: “The ‘history of the times’ is filled with instances of bigotry, intolerance, reprehension and persecution. The colonists who fled from the old world to escape religious persecution brought with them none of the tolerance towards those with whom they disagreed which they demanded from those from whom they fled. The statute books of the Colonies were replete with laws by which the majority members of each Colony attempted to enforce upon others the precepts of the particular denomination or faith to which the majority adhered. People were taxed against their will for the support of religion and, sometimes, for the purposes of particular sects to whose tenets they could not and did not subscribe.”

Judge Schwellenbach extensively cited James Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments in order to define the parameters of religious liberty. He described the essence of the Founding Fathers’ religious liberty philosophy when he wrote: “We maintain therefore that in matters of religion, no man’s right is abridged by the institution of Civil Society, and that Religion is wholly exempt from its cognizance.” Relying on the views of Madison and Jefferson, Judge Schwellenbach concluded: “I feel constrained to resolve the very considerable doubt in my mind in favor of the defendant. While I cannot understand defendant’s reasoning and cannot accept his conclusion, I must admit that his refusal to serve does not amount to a breaking out into overt acts against peace and good order.”

The Supreme Court developed a subsequent peremptory challenge jurisprudence holding unconstitutional challenges based on gender and race. [See J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B. (U.S. 1994)(unconstitutional to use peremptory challenges to

JURY SERVICE AND RELIGION 295 exclude men from jury in paternity suit); Batson v. Kentucky (U.S. 1986)(unconstitutional to use peremptory challenges to strike prospective jurors on basis of race in criminal case in which defendant and prospective jurors are of same race); Powers v. Ohio (U.S. 1991)(peremptory challenges based on race are unconstitutional when the defendant and prospective jurors are of different races; Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co. (U.S. 1991)(applying Batson to civil cases); Georgia v. McCollum (U.S. 1992)(finding criminal defendant to be “state actor” when exercising peremptory challenges, thus making defendant’s peremptory challenges subject to judicial review)] The Supreme Court has yet to rule on peremptory challenges based on a prospective juror’s religious beliefs. However, in his dissent in J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B. (U.S. 1994), Justice Scalia noted that the Batson principle “presumably would include religious belief.” But in State v. Davis (Minn. 1994), which was decided before the Supreme Court decided J.E.B., the Minnesota Supreme Court declined to extend Batson to peremptory challenges made for reasons of the prospective juror’s religious faith. Shortly after J.E.B. was decided, the Supreme Court denied certiorari in State v. Davis (Minn. 1994). Justice Clarence Thomas, joined by Justice Scalia, dissented: “[G]iven the Court’s rationale in J.E.B., no principled reason immediately appears for declining to apply Batson to any strike based on a classification that is accorded heightened scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause.” Most antidiscrimination statutes, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, are written to prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, gender (or sex), and religion, among other forms of discrimination. Justice Ginsberg wrote a short opinion concurring in the denial of the petition for writ of certiorari, complaining that the dissent’s “portrayal of the opinion of the Minnesota Supreme Court is incomplete.” The dissent, in her opinion, failed to note that the Minnesota Supreme Court concluded that religion is not as selfevident as race, and that inquiries during voir dire of a witness’s religious beliefs are ordinarily impermissible. Despite Justice Ginsberg’s conclusion that such inquiries are impermissible, attorneys often question members of the venire about their religious beliefs. In Texas, prospective jury members are asked to state their religious faith on a form used by lawyers to help make peremptory challenges and challenges for cause. State courts confronting the issue of the propriety during voir dire of questions on the religion or religious beliefs of prospective jurors have both permitted and excluded such questions. Generally, a person otherwise competent is not disqualified as a juror because of his or her religious beliefs. Courts have reached different results, however, under the circumstances involved as to whether the religious belief, affiliation, or prejudice of a prospective juror is a proper subject of inquiry on voir dire or a proper ground of challenge for cause. Thus, it has been held that inquiry as to a prospective juror’s religious beliefs or affiliation was properly allowed or improperly denied in cases involving prosecution for abortion

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[Wasy v. State (Ind. 1955); State v. Barnett (Ore. 1968)] or a prosecution for polygamy [United States v. Miles (U.S. 1877)], or a prosecution on selective service laws [U.S. v. Jones (2nd Cir. 1947)]. Courts have also held, however, that inquiry as to a prospective juror’s religious belief was properly denied in prosecutions relating to abortion [People v. Dailey (Cal. App. Ct. 1958); Adams v. State (Md. 1952)] or relating to selective service laws [United States v. Cullen (7th Cir. 1971); Moapili v. United States (9th Cir. 1968)] or other criminal cases [People v. Velarde (Colo. 1980); Hamling v. United States (U.S. 1974)]. As the Court observed in Davis, although such inquiries are often prohibited, these questions may be allowed based on the discretionary judgment of the trial judge. Although many lawyers have used religious affiliation and religious belief to guide their peremptory challenges, there is no present social scientific data linking religious affiliation or intensity of religious belief with particular patterns of juror behavior.

K KENNEWICK MAN CASE This term refers to the court proceedings involving the skeletal remains of a prehistoric man found on the banks of the Columbia River near Kennewick, Washington in 1996. Two teenagers, while watching a boat race, discovered a human skull. The local coroner examined the remains, and then called for assistance from anthropologists. A team of anthropologists then examined the nearly complete human skeleton, which became known as “Kennewick Man,” and conducted initial tests that indicated that he could have lived over 9,000 years ago. The age and condition of these remains was considered one of most important anthropological discoveries in contemporary times. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has jurisdiction over the area of the Columbia River where the discovery occurred, land that is also considered by the Umatilla tribe (and five other tribes) as part of their traditional homeland. The remains, however, became embroiled in a controversy over the relationship between Native American religious rights, scientists, and government. In order to protect Native American burial customs, Congress enacted the Native American Grave and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) in 1990. According to NAGPRA, if human remains are found on federal lands and their cultural affiliation could be established, the remains must be returned to the affiliated tribe. Five Native American tribes (the Nez Perce, the Umatilla, Yakima, Wanapum, and Colville) all claimed the remains. The Umatillas pursued the claim in court. Upon consideration of the arguments by both the tribes and the archaeologists, the Corps of Engineers agreed with the tribes that the age and location of the remains indicated that Kennewick Man was a Native American for the purposes of NAGPRA. The Corps then began the process of repatriation by stopping further testing, removing the remains from the scientists, and prepared to turn Kennewick Man over to the tribes for burial. Despite government efforts to settle the controversy out of court, Robson Bonnichsen and seven other anthropologists filed a lawsuit against the United

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States government for the right to study the Kennewick remains prior to their reburial, arguing that Kennewick Man was a vital archaeological discovery, which needed to be studied. In September 1998, the District Court ordered that the bones be sent to a Seattle Museum on Friday October 30, 1998 to be studied. The Corps of Engineers appealed to the U.S. ninth circuit court of Appeals. The ninth circuit ruled that neither the U.S. government nor the Native American tribes could establish a cultural link between the tribes and the skeleton, therefore, NAGPRA did not apply. Thus, the court concluded that the archaeologists could continue their scientific study of the remains. [Bonnichsen, et al. v. U.S. (9th Cir. 2004)] The researchers were allowed access to the Kennewick Man remains in 2005, and the results of their study were publicized in 2006.

L LARKIN V. GRENDEL’S DEN, INC. (U.S. 1982) Chief Justice Warren E. Burger, for the majority, struck down a Massachusetts statute that prohibited the sale of alcoholic beverages within 500 feet of a school or church, if either objected to the presence of a neighboring tavern. Originally, Massachusetts had absolutely banned such taverns but found that the objective of the state police power, promoting neighborhood peace, could be fulfilled by the less intrusive method of allowing schools and churches to lodge objections. In this case a church objected to a tavern located ten feet away. A lawsuit was filed when the Holy Cross Church objected/vetoed a liquor license application by Grendel’s Den. The church’s only reason for vetoing the application was because there were already so many liquor establishments within the area. A federal district court refused to follow the decision of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court upholding the statute, and the federal First Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed that decision. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the statute could not be characterized as a simple exercise of legislative power, because it delegated governmental power to private, nongovernmental entities. Justice Burger held that vesting the church with the state’s veto power (in this case the Massachusetts statute vested in the governing bodies of churches and schools to veto applications for liquor licenses within 500 feet radius of a church or school) breached the prohibition against an establishment of religion, because the church’s involvement vitiated the secular purposes of the statute, advanced the cause of religion, and excessively entangled state and church. The Court reviewed the Massachusetts statute’s constitutionality under the Lemon test’s three elements: secular purpose, effect on religion and entanglement. The Court acknowledged that protecting churches and educational institutions from the clientele of liquor establishments is a secular purpose. Thus, the statute passed the first element of the Lemon test. The second element of the Lemon test, effect on religion, led the Court to analyze the effect the veto power had on the

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establishment of religion. The Court found the statute allowed a church to veto a liquor license without reason or cause. The Court then analyzed how a church may misuse the veto power. The Court stated that “the potential for conflict inheres in the situation.” After this analysis, the Court described the benefit a church would gain from the veto power, an appearance of a joint government/church legislative power. The Court observed that the church and government were also entangled because of the joint process in the liquor application process—government application and church veto power. Thus, the U.S. Supreme Court found that the Massachusetts statute had unconstitutionally delegated decision-making of a public legislative body to religious institutions. This entangling of religious authorities with governmental powers was the type of excessive entanglement prohibited by the third prong of the Lemon test. Therefore, the Court held that the statute violated the second element and third element, beneficial primary effect on religion, and entanglement. Justice Rehnquist argued in his solitary dissent that Supreme Court directed “heavy First Amendment artillery” at a sensible statute that had not breached the wall of separation between church and state. He said that the statute did not subsidize any religious group or activity and did not encourage participation in religious activities. He asserted that the state did not advance religion by making provision for those who wish to engage in religious activities [to] be unmolested by activities at neighboring bar or tavern.” The Court itself conceded that the legislature could enact a flat ban on the sale of liquor within 500 feet of a church, the dissent said, and that ban would be more protective of churches and more restrictive of liquor sales than the statute at issue. Rehnquist also observed that “silly cases” like this one, as well as great or hard cases, make bad law.

LARSON V. VALENTE (U.S. 1982) A Minnesota statute required charitable organizations to register and make disclosure of their finances when they solicited contributions. Religious organizations were exempted if more than half their contributions came from members. Members of the Unification Church of the Reverend Sun Myung Moon sued in federal court to challenge the law’s constitutionality. A federal district court struck down the law. The Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the lower court. The Supreme Court, by a five-to-four vote, held the law invalid. In 1961, Minnesota enacted a comprehensive statute to regulate charitable organizations within the state. The legislation imposed several registration and record-keeping requirements, including detailed annual reports on income, costs of administration, fundraising, and transfers of funds. Originally, the Charitable Solicitations Act’s exempted religious groups from its requirements. In 1978,

LARSON V. VALENTE however, the Minnesota Legislature amended the statute, which made the Act applicable to certain religious groups. One of these amendments stated that religious organizations were presumed to be covered by the statute unless they received more than half of their contributions from members. In October of 1978, four individual members of the Unification Church filed a lawsuit in federal district court, alleging that they often solicited funds for the Church from the public, and that the statute’s new amendments burdened their individual rights to freedom of speech, religion, and equal protection of the laws. The trial judge granted summary judgment for the plaintiffs and held the statute’s provisions unconstitutional as applied to religious organizations because they discriminated against certain religious groups, and thus violated the “effects” prong of Lemon. The result of the court’s ruling was that the statute returned to its pre1978 version, exempting all religious organizations from the registration, recordkeeping, and reporting requirements. A unanimous panel of the Eighth Circuit affirmed the trial court’s decision. The Court of Appeals focused on the Establishment Clause question, stating that “[a]ll parties agree that the major legal issue in this case is whether the classification made in a religious exemption contained in the Act is invalid because of its unequal application to different religious organizations.” The Court agreed with the district court’s ruling that the classification violated the effects prong of Lemon, but based its holding on the test’s “purpose” prong. Although neither the district court nor the appellate court received evidence of the Minnesota Legislature’s purpose in passing the legislation, the Eighth Circuit inferred from the nature of the statutory classification that an intentional “religious gerrymander” was probably at work because the State was unable to adequately explain why traditional religious organizations were usually exempt from the Act, while new or less traditional religions generally had to comply. Justice William Brennan wrote the opinion for a five-justice majority in Larson. Brennan began the opinion by disposing of the standing question, stating that it was logically inconsistent for Minnesota to argue that the Unification Church was not a religious organization subject to the Act since it had attempted to enforce the Act’s religious organization provisions against the Church in the district court. Justice Brennan discussed the court’s denominational preference precedents, stating that, “The clearest command of the Establishment Clause is that one religious denomination cannot be officially preferred over another” and “[i]n short, when we are presented with a state law granting a denominational preference, our precedents demand that we treat the law as suspect and that we apply strict scrutiny in adjudging its constitutionality.” The Court acknowledged that “[t]he constitutional prohibition of denominational preferences is inextricably connected with the continuing vitality of the Free Exercise Clause[,]” helping to explain why it was, for the first time, applying the traditional Free Exercise test of strict scrutiny under the Establishment Clause. After announcing the new test, the Court held

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that the Act “clearly grants denominational preferences of the sort consistently and firmly deprecated in our precedents [,]” discussing Minnesota’s Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971) defense only in a footnote. The Court states that the case before it differed from Gillette and other “disparate impact” cases for two reasons. First, the exemption provision of the Act “is not simply a facially neutral statute, the provisions of which happen to have a ‘disparate impact’ upon different religious organizations. On the contrary, [the exemption] makes explicit and deliberate distinctions between different religious organizations.” Second, the Court held that Gillette itself was inapplicable because the distinction there was made between religious beliefs, in contrast to the Act’s distinction on the basis of religious affiliation. The Court then considered whether the Minnesota statute passed the strict scrutiny test. The Court observed that, although the statute furthered a compelling interest, the particular exemption for only some religious groups needed to be examined independently to determine if it furthered that compelling interest. The Court quickly rejected Minnesota’s purported justification for the religious classification, stating that there was no evidence that a religious organization would be better supervised simply because it received more funds from members than nonmembers. Additionally, and, in contrast, the Court found the need for public disclosure more plausibly increases with the absolute amount of contributions an organization receives, as opposed to the proportion of funds it receives from members compared to nonmembers. In concluding that the Minnesota statute effectively granted denominational preferences, favoring well-established churches and disfavoring newer churches or churches that preferred public solicitation, Justice Brennan wrote that the law did “not operate even-handedly, nor was it intended to.” This discrimination removed the case from the “purpose-effects-entanglement test” of Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) for Establishment Clause challenges. Instead, Brennan invoked a rigorous form of strict scrutiny, which the state by the facts of the case failed to pass. The state’s purported interests in preventing abuse in solicitation were not supported by the facts of the case. In any case, Brennan said, the Minnesota statute failed Lemon’s “entanglement” test by increasing the politicizing of religion. Justices William Rehnquist, Byron White, Sandra Day O’Connor, and Chief Justice Warren Burger dissented. The four dissenters believed that the plaintiffs lacked standing to challenge the law, because they argued that the Unification Church was not a religion. Justices White and Rehnquist also dissented on the merits of the Establishment Clause issue in the case, arguing that the law did not constitute an explicit discrimination among religions. They wrote that the statute on its face “did not discriminate against some religious beliefs, as Justice Brennan indicated.” The dissenters agreed with Minnesota that neither the Supreme Court nor the court of appeals should have considered arguments regarding the Legislature’s

LEMON V. KURTZMAN motivation in enacting the exemption, since the district court had received no evidence or made any findings of fact on the issue. Related to this argument was his criticism of the majority’s ruling that the exemption constituted a denominational preference. White observed that: The rule itself . . . names no churches or denominations that are entitled to or denied the exemption. It neither qualifies nor disqualifies a church based on the kind or variety of its religious belief. Some religions will qualify and some will not, but this depends on the source of their contributions, not on their brand of religion.

Because the subjective motivation of the Minnesota Legislature was not properly before the Court, and because the statute did not make explicit distinctions between religions, the dissenters concluded that the plaintiffs had not established a violation of the Establishment Clause. In a strict sense then, White and Rehnquist did not explicitly disagree with the idea of a compelling interest test for denominational preferences; however, he did not clearly support the idea either. Instead, his dissent was premised on a belief that the plaintiffs had not even demonstrated the existence of a denominational preference. Kiryas Joel was the last case the U.S. Supreme Court confronted involving the issue of denominational neutrality under the Establishment Clause. For that reason, there are still unanswered questions regarding the meaning of the Larson case. First, the test does not apply to legislation favoring religion over nonreligion; discrimination between religions is required. Second, the promotion of theism or a generalized version of Christianity will rarely, if ever, be found in practice (as opposed to in formal doctrine) to elicit strict scrutiny by the courts. Third, government conduct, as well as legislation, fall under Larson’s reach. Finally, a law naming one religion for a benefit implicitly discriminates against religions not named, and probably implicates some form of heightened scrutiny. In the decades since the Larson test was announced, its strict scrutiny test has never been used to strike down challenged legislation, nor has the Court ever explicitly held that the test was even applicable. A constitutional “test” that is never applied can hardly be said to be an important part of Supreme Court jurisprudence. However, the argument can be made that the Court’s reluctance to apply Larson may derive from the fact that there are very few cases where a legislature has explicitly preferred one religious denomination over another.

LEMON V. KURTZMAN (U.S. 1971) The basis for modern Establishment Clause jurisprudence is Lemon v. Kurtzman, which articulated the first and one of the significant Establishment Clause tests.

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This case involved one of the school aid statutes enacted by state legislatures following the Supreme Court’s Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968) decision. Lemon I represents three cases joined for decision by the Court. Pennsylvania enacted a statute that authorized the superintendent of public instruction to reimburse nonpublic schools for teachers’ salaries, textbooks, and instructional materials in secular subjects. The plaintiff, Alton Lemon, challenged the statute because he believed that state support for parochial schools would divert muchneeded funds for public schools and that African Americans and other ethnic minorities would be harmed. The other cases consolidated with Lemon’s appeal were Earley v. DiCenso and Robinson v. DiCenso (U.S. 1971), which challenged a Rhode Island statute that offered direct payments to teachers in nonpublic schools in amounts of up to 15 percent of their regular salaries. The Court acknowledged the difficulty it faced in attempting to define how far a state could go to assist a religiously-affiliated educational institution without crossing the First Amendment line. Describing the religion clauses as “at best opaque,” the Court noted that “candor compels acknowledgment, moreover, that we can only dimly perceive the lines of demarcation in this extraordinarily sensitive area of constitutional law.” In the absence of express constitutional prohibitions regarding this issue, the Court chose to identify “three main evils” that violate the Establishment Clause: “sponsorship, financial support, and active involvement of the sovereign in religious activity.” In Lemon I the Supreme Court announced a three-part test for determining whether a state law or action is constitutional under the Establishment Clause. First, in most cases each part of the test must be satisfied for a law to withstand an Establishment Clause challenge. The test requires that a law (1) have a secular legislative purpose, (2) the principal or primary effect of which neither advances nor inhibits religion; and (3) must not foster “an excessive government entanglement with religion.” The purpose prong of the Lemon test focuses on what the legislators could reasonably be presumed to have been thinking when they enacted the new law. The inquiries it authorizes include: Did they know, or could they reasonably be presumed to have known, that a piece of legislation had its origins as a religious mandate? Was this knowledge just one of many influences on their decision to enact the law, or was it the sole or primary factor? The Court held that both statutes were unconstitutional under the religion clauses of the First Amendment, as the cumulative impact of the entire relationship arising under the statutes involved excessive entanglement between government and religion. The entanglement in the Rhode Island program arose because of the religious activity and purpose of the church-affiliated schools, especially regarding children of impressionable age in the primary grades, and the dangers that a religionaffiliated teacher posed to the separation of religious from purely secular aspects of

LEMON V. KURTZMAN elementary education in such schools. These factors would require continuing state surveillance to ensure that both the statutory and First Amendment requirements were complied with. Furthermore, under the Rhode Island statute, the government would be required to inspect school records to determine what part of its expenditures went for secular education, as opposed to religious activity, if a nonpublic school’s expenditures per pupil exceeded the comparable figures for public schools. The excessive entanglement in the Pennsylvania program also arose from the restrictions and surveillance necessary to ensure that teachers would exercise a strictly nonideological role and the state supervision of nonpublic school accounting procedures required to establish the cost of secular, as distinguished from religious, education. The Pennsylvania statute was also defective in providing continuing financial aid directly to the church-related schools. Historically, governmental control and surveillance measures tend to follow cash grant programs, and here the government’s postaudit power to inspect the financial records of church-related schools created an intimate and continuing relationship between church and state. The First Amendment is intended to avoid political division along sectarian lines. The Court expressed concern that the programs at issue in Lemon involved successive and probably permanent annual appropriations benefitting relatively few religious groups were involved would result in political fragmentation and divisiveness on sectarian lines. Unlike the tax exemption for places of religious worship, upheld in Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970), which was based on a practice of 200 years, the programs involved in Lemon had self-perpetuating and self-expanding propensities that warned against entanglement between government and religion. Chief Justice Warren Burger delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Justices Hugo Black, William O. Douglas, John M. Harlan, Potter Stewart, Thurgood Marshall, and Harry Blackmun joined. Justice Douglas filed a concurring opinion, in which Justices Black and Marshall joined as to the Rhode Island cases. Justice Brennan filed a separate concurring opinion, and would reserve judgment in the Pennsylvania case. Justice White filed an opinion concurring in the judgment in the Pennsylvania case and dissenting in the Rhode Island case. Justice Marshall did not participate in the case. The Supreme Court considered Lemon two years later (known as Lemon II) on the issue of whether the Pennsylvania schools could retain the funds distributed in the period between the implementation of the statute and the decision of the Supreme Court invalidating the statutes in Lemon I. In a plurality opinion for himself and Justices Harry Blackmun, Lewis F. Powell, and William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice Burger held that they could. An unconstitutional statute, he suggested, is not absolutely void, but is a practical reality upon which people are entitled to rely until authoritatively informed otherwise. Justice Byron R. White,

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concurred. Justice William O. Douglas, joined by Justices William J. Brennan and Potter Stewart dissented. Douglas argued that there was “clear warning to those who proposed such subsidies” that they were risking that their initiatives would be found unconstitutional. “No consideration of equity,” Douglas suggested, should allow them “to profit from their unconstitutional venture.” There are at least two periods of modern religion clause jurisprudence, the first governed by Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) and Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963) in the establishment and free exercise contexts, respectively, and the second represented by gradual changes of the Lemon standard, as well as the plurality opinion in Mitchell v. Helms (U.S. 2000) and the holdings in Zelman v. SimmonsHarris (U.S. 2002), Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), and Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah (U.S. 1993). During the course of the change from the first set of standards to the second, the Court has gradually reconceived the role of purpose and effect in the religion clauses and increasingly conformed its tests to those employed under equal protection. Lemon, then, was the clear governing test for Establishment Clause cases for most of the period from 1971 through 1992. The Lemon test became the standard for evaluating Establishment Clause challenges and the Court applied it to every such case between 1971 and 1992, with one exception. Even when the Lemon test was still regarded as the official standard for courts adjudicating appeals involving the Constitution’s Establishment Clause, the court had made a significant exceptions ins Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983). In 1983, the Court heard a First Amendment challenge by a member of the Nebraska State Legislature to that state’s practice of having a state employed chaplain open each legislative session with a prayer—a practice followed in over two hundred years of American history. The Marsh majority declined to apply the Lemon test, and instead analyzed the Nebraska practice in light of history and tradition. The Court held that, because the Founding Fathers who wrote the First Amendment approved of legislative chaplains, Nebraska’s chaplaincy practice did not violate the Establishment Clause. The Court observed that the first Congress, many of whose members participated in framing the Constitution, passed a statute allowing legislative prayer. Therefore, the Court reasoned, an act passed by these individuals was “contemporaneous and weighty evidence of [the Constitution’s] true meaning.” More specifically, the State of Nebraska adopted the practice of “opening legislative sessions with prayer . . . even before the State attained statehood.” The Court distinguished Marsh from cases involving students, noting that the suit was brought by an adult who was “presumably not readily susceptible to “religious indoctrination’ . . . or peer pressure.” In dissent, Justice Brennan commented that the majority reached its conclusion without applying any of the tests that the Court traditionally applied to Establishment Clause cases. “That it fails to do so is, in a sense, a good thing, for it simply confirms that the Court is carving out an exception to the Establishment

LEMON V. KURTZMAN Clause rather than reshaping Establishment Clause doctrine to accommodate legislative prayer.” Since Marsh, the Court has expressly rejected a historical analysis in cases involving religious activities in public schools. “Such a historical approach is not useful in determining the proper roles of church and state in public schools, since free public education was virtually nonexistent at the time the Constitution was adopted.” Likewise, the Pledge was not introduced into public schools until more than one hundred years after the Constitution was adopted. Lemon has never been overruled, and has received some approval in some majority opinions. But despite the Lemon test’s longevity and frequent application, it has been heavily criticized by many U.S. Supreme Court justices and many commentators. Some commentators, for example, have contended that the Lemon test has been inconsistently applied, unprincipled, and too easily manipulable. Others criticized it as containing dichotomies too sharply defined (for example: secular vs. religious, advance vs. inhibit religious interest, and excessive vs. acceptable government entanglement) and thus too rigid to address to the complex nature of modern church-state relationships. Others find that the test undermines the value of religious autonomy, especially in public settings, as in Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984), a case in which the U.S. Supreme Court allowed a nativity scene to be placed among less sectarian symbols of Christmas in publicly funded holiday display. They view the test when not rigorously applied as violating the Establishment Clause principles by allowing majority religions to impose their beliefs on nonadherents. Further, the Supreme Court has departed from the test in upholding prayers that open legislative sessions, emphasizing instead the historical acceptance of the challenged practice that makes it “a part of the fabric of our society.” [Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983)] Similarly, Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970) emphasized historical practices in upholding state tax exemptions for the property and income of religious institutions. Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982) also avoided Lemon in invalidating a state law imposing disclosure requirements only on religious organizations soliciting more than half of their funds from nonmembers, because it discriminated against nontraditional religions in violation of the Establishment Clause. The Larson Court used the strict scrutiny test for determining laws or actions that impermissibly discriminate against some religions in favor of others. It is often difficult for judges to apply the Lemon test to the particular circumstances of different cases. This difficulty in application has led to inconsistent opinions and “incomprehensible results.” Many of the Justices in recent years, through their own opinions, expressed dissatisfaction with the Lemon test and have considered alternative constitutional formulas to replace it. In some Establishment Clause cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has not placed heavy reliance on the Lemon test, even totally ignoring it at times or applying other tests. Two of the significant alternative tests used by the Court are the endorsement test and the coercion test.

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Using the endorsement test, a court would focus its inquiry as to whether the law at issue constitutes an endorsement of religion or a particular religious belief. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor believed this was a more useful test than Lemon. [Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984)] Justice Anthony Kennedy, however, believes that “endorsement” is too imprecise a concept and that the appropriate inquiry is whether the state is proselytizing so that the government action is coercive. [Board of Education v. Mergens (U.S. 1990)(concurring opinion)] Justice Antonin Scalia reasons that the purpose prong of Lemon is impermissible because a purpose inquiry is “almost always an impossible task.” [Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987)(dissenting opinion)] If religious motivation by itself invalidates a piece of legislation, wrote Scalia, then there is much legislation that must be invalidated. Persuaded by Scalia’s arguments, some have called for the elimination of the purpose prong, stating that it “[p]resent[s] a test too difficult to apply . . . [because the] sources which reveal such intent can be ‘contrived and sanitized, favorable media coverage orchestrated, and post-enactment [sic] recollections conveniently distorted.”’ In Jones v. Clear Creek Independent School District (5th Cir. 1992), the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals addressed the issue of whether a Texas high school’s policy of permitting high school seniors to select student volunteers to deliver “nonsectarian and nonproselytizing” prayer during graduation was constitutional. Applying the three-part Lemon test, the court held that the policy did not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The prayer was intended to promote the secular purpose of solemnization, and unlike the policy at issue in Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992), the resolution was designed to minimize state entanglement with religion and coerced participation in religious activity. Specifically, the court noted that the school delegated to the senior class the discretion to use invocation or benediction during graduation ceremonies, and that students, rather than clergy were permitted to deliver a nonsectarian and nonproselytizing prayer. Also, prayer was not mandatory, because the resolution merely allowed prayer based on a senior class vote.

LEVITT V. COMMITTEE FOR PUBLIC EDUCATION (U.S. 1973) In this case, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected state reimbursement of parochial schools on a lump sum per project basis for the costs of administering tests when the private school teachers prepared some of them. The lump sum per student payment was to cover the cost of keeping certain records, preparation of various reports to the state, and the testing of students on required subjects. The Court said that the program aided religion and that there was no guarantee that the aid would be used to defray only secular costs and would not be used to advance religion. Given the nature of religious primary and secondary schools, the Court

LYNCH V. DONNELLY reasoned, these unrestricted lump sum grants might advance the sectarian activities as well as the secular functions of these schools. The fact that these services were required by the state could not furnish a way to avoid the prohibition against subsidizing religious activities. A program similar to that in Levitt for reimbursing state- mandated costs was also held to violate the Establishment Clause in New York v. Cathedral Academy (U.S. 1977). The Title I benefits in Aguilar v. Felton (U.S. 1985) and the time release program in School District of the City of Grand Rapids v. Ball (U.S. 1985) were also found to violate the Establishment Clause. These cases, denying aid, sent a message at the time, that the Establishment Clause demands strict separation between religion and the government. They seemed to indicate that government aid may not flow from public coffers to religion in any form.

LYNCH V. DONNELLY (U.S. 1984) This case involved the city of Pawtucket, Rhode Island, which had included a nativity scene (or cre`che) in its annual Christmas exhibit in the center of the city’s shopping district, as it had done for approximately 40 years. The display included other items including a Christmas tree, colored lights, Santa Claus’ home, and animal figures. The plaintiffs, including the ACLU, filed a lawsuit arguing that Pawtucket’s display violated the Constitution’s prohibition of establishment of religion because it demonstrated official support for Christianity. The federal district court of Rhode Island held that the city’s inclusion of the cre`che in the display violated the Establishment Clause made binding on the states through the Fourteenth Amendment, and permanently enjoined the city from including the cre`che in the display. The First Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court’s decision. The city appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which decided the issue of whether the inclusion of a cre`che in the city’s Christmas display violated the Establishment Clause. Reversing the lower court decisions, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld on a fiveto-four vote the legality of the municipality’s erection of a cre`che or nativity scene as a part of an annual Christmas display. For the majority, Chief Justice Burger said the display had the secular purpose of celebrating the Christmas holiday and of depicting the origins of the holiday. This secular purpose was shown by the fact that the exhibit proclaimed “Seasons Greetings” and included Santa Claus, his reindeer, a Christmas tree, and figures of carolers, a clown, an elephant, and a teddy bear. The Court noted frequent government recognition of religious holidays and events. The First Amendment, Burger argued, did not mandate complete separation, as demonstrated by our national motto “In God We Trust,”

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paid chaplains, presidential proclamations invoking God, the Pledge of Allegiance with its mention of “under God,” and religious art in publicly supported museums. The Court’s opinion in Lynch, thus, provides protection for ceremonial deism with its history and tradition-based rationale that provides precedent by which to defend ceremonial deism from constitutional attack. The Court also discussed the increasing secularization of Christmas. Further, the religious effects were no more apparent here than in many public aid programs approved by the Court. The chief justice concluded that any benefit to religion from the display was “indirect, remote, and incidental.” He added that, there was “insufficient evidence to establish that the inclusion of the cre`che is a purposeful or surreptitious effort to express some kind of subtle governmental advocacy of a particular religious” belief. The absence of any ongoing day-to-day interaction between church and state minimized any entanglement concerns. Fear of political divisiveness does not invalidate otherwise permissible municipal conduct. The court observed that, “no inquiry into potential political divisiveness is even called for” because the situation did not involve direct aid to church-sponsored organizations and because the cre`che had been displayed for 40 years without any problems. Burger further added that the U.S. Constitution “affirmatively mandates accommodation, not merely tolerance of all religions, and forbids hostility toward any.” Sandra Day O’Connor’s concurring opinion argued the position that the Establishment cases should be best approached through an “endorsement analysis,” i.e., the principle that the Establishment Clause prohibits “government endorsement or disapproval of religion.” The benefit of the “endorsement” test was that it focused attention on whether the government’s action made adherence to religion “relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community.” Under this test, Justice O’Connor wrote in a concurring opinion that “endorsement sends a message to non-adherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community. Disapproval sends the opposite message.” She added that “irrespective of government’s actual purpose, [if] the practice under review in fact conveys a message of endorsement or disapproval . . . [a court] should render the challenged practice invalid.” Endorsement of religion by the government depended both on the subjective intent of the governmental speaker and the objective meaning of the statement in the community. In this case, she concluded, the City of Pawtucket had not “endorsed” a view favoring religion (or particular religious beliefs) over nonreligion, and thus the display was constitutional. “Endorsement,” she wrote, “sends a message to nonadherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community.” Based on this interpretation of Lemon, Justice O’Connor concluded that the purpose of the nativity scene was not to endorse Christianity but to celebrate a public holiday of secular significance, notwithstanding its

LYNCH V. DONNELLY religious aspect. As for the effect of the nativity scene, its “overall holiday setting negates any message of endorsement” of the religious aspect of the display. Justice O’Connor’s “endorsement” test provided a more focused approach than the openended emphasis on “accommodation” in Chief Justice Burger’s opinion and has been widely followed in subsequent cases even by justices who disagreed with her conclusion that the Pawtucket cre`che was constitutional. Justice O’Connor adhered to the “no endorsement” test throughout her tenure on the Court, and during most of that time the “no endorsement” test was the moderate position between the “no coercion” test of the conservative wing of the Court and the “purely secular purpose” test of the liberal wing. Justice William Brennan, joined by Justices Marshall, Blackmun, and Stevens, dissented on the grounds that the city’s display was an unconstitutional endorsement of a particular religious faith. Brennan said the “maintenance and display at public expense of a symbol as distinctively sectarian as a cre`che simply cannot be squared without prior cases.” Specifically, the dissenters argued that that the city’s action did not pass the Lemon test. They explained that the city could have met the secular purpose of celebrating a national holiday without a clearly religious symbol that supports only one religion to the exclusion of others by giving one group public approval of its views. Even if other religious groups are allowed to be included, the dissenters warned, “competing efforts [by differing religious groups] to gain or maintain the support of government may occasio[n] considerable civil strife.” The cre`che was also placed in a central location within the display, which calls into question the Court’s conclusion that Pawtucket was merely including all the traditional images of the Christmas season. The dissenting opinion also mentions that the cre`che cannot be compared to religious art in a museum because it is not solely being considered as art, but as a religious symbol as well. The dissenters further argued that the government recognition of Christmas previously has been to recognize the secular parts of Christmas, such as spending time with the family. This was the first U.S. Supreme Court case since the Sunday Closing Law Cases (U.S. 1961) to adjudicate a state-supported recognition of a religious holiday. It was also the first case decided by the Establishment Clause “endorsement test” as opposed to the Lemon test. Under the endorsement test, a state’s action may neither have the purpose of endorsing religion, nor may it convey a message of support for religious practices. Under the Lemon test [Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)], a statute does not violate the Establishment Clause, only if it meets each of the following conditions: (1) it must have a secular legislative purpose; (2) its principle or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; and (3) it must not foster an excessive entanglement between the government and religion. Many observers viewed the decision as a considerable modification of the existing line between church and state, with the U.S. Supreme Court significantly

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lowering the wall of separation between church and state by sanctioning an official display of a sacred Christian symbol. It found instead a constitutional mandate for religious accommodation. A spokesman for the National Council of Churches complained that the Court had put Christ “on the same level as Santa Claus and Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer.” Other critics irreverently argued that the Court had created a “tworeindeer” rule for testing the constitutionality of holiday displays and, more seriously, for demonstrating insensitivity to non-Christians. Critics of the decision complained that the court had a confused understanding of what constitutes an establishment of religion, because in Larkin v. Grendel’s Den (U.S. 1982) it saw a forbidden establishment in a state police power measure aimed at keeping noisy patrons of a tavern from disturbing a church, yet here saw no establishment in a state-sponsored nativity scene.

LYNG V. NORTHWEST INDIAN CEMETERY PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION (U.S. 1988) In this case, the U.S. Forest Service proposed to build a paved road and allow timber harvesting in an area held sacred by certain Native Americans known as the Chimney Rock section of the Six Rivers National Forest in northwestern California. The Native Americans used the area for at least 200 years to perform religious rituals. The area was considered an essential part of an ancient Native American religion in which land is more than a mere place of worship, but in a sense God itself. The Native Americans believed that their religious leaders received power from the land that would permit them to fill their religious roles. The Supreme Court held five to three that the Forest Service action would not violate the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, despite finding that the government “threat to . . . some religious practices is extremely grave.” Writing for the majority, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor maintained that the Free Exercise Clause was not violated in this case, because the Native Americans would not be coerced by the government’s action into violating their religious beliefs. She further wrote that “[g]overnment simply could not operate if it were required to satisfy every citizen’s religious needs and desires.” She added that, “The Constitution does not, and courts cannot, offer to reconcile the various competing demands on government, many of them rooted in sincere religious belief, that inevitably arise in so diverse a society as ours.” Hence, the government did not have to provide a compelling state interest to justify its action. The fact that the government activity would interfere with the native American’s religion was irrelevant because the “Free Exercise Clause is written in terms of what the government cannot do to the individual, not in terms of what the individual can

LYNG V. NORTHWEST INDIAN CEMETERY PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION extract from the government.” Moreover, even if the Forest Service actions should “virtually destroy the Indians’ ability to practice their religion, . . . the Constitution simply does not provide a principle that could justify upholding” their claims. Writing for the dissenters, Justice William J. Brennan rejected the majority’s narrow interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause and argued that because the beliefs and activities implicated by the government action were “central” to the religion of the American Indians, the government must supply a compelling state interest to justify its action. Justice Blackmun wrote that the majority’s reasoning was “surreal,” that government action that “will virtually destroy a religion is nevertheless deemed not to ‘burden’ that religion.” Lyng has become the leading Supreme Court case of the use of the Free Exercise Clause for sacred site protection. Native American efforts to use the Free Exercise Clause to protect sacred sites ended with the Lyng decision because it requires a finding that the government “coerced or penalized” a particular religious group because of that group’s beliefs. This “coerced or penalized” standard is demanding and will end most attempts to use the Free Exercise Clause to protect sacred Native American sites located on public lands. Lyng was criticized for finding no affirmative obligation on the government to promote religious pluralism or to protect a class of persons whose religious beliefs and practices had long been excluded from the cultural mainstream and had been all but destroyed by official government policy and a European-American hegemony.

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M MADISON’S MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE AGAINST RELIGIOUS ASSESSMENTS (1785) James Madison (1751–1836), of Orange County Virginia, was one of the nation’s founding fathers, the framer of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and Fourth President of the United States. He was a staunch supporter of the individual’s rights to freedom from unjust coercion by the state. He was especially committed to the cause of religious liberty, and he believed non-establishment of religion was a necessary condition of this fundamental freedom. In 1784 and 1785, as a member of the Virginia General Assembly, he led the opposition to a bill that would have levied a tax on Virginians “to restore and propagate the holy Christian religion” through financial support of the Christian clergy. In 1784 the Virginia General Assembly considered legislation to benefit “Teachers of the Christian Religion” by assessing a small tax on property owners. Each taxpayer could designate the Christian church of his or her choice as the recipient of his or her tax money; the bill allowed nonchurch members to denote their taxes for the support of local schools, and it upheld the “liberal principle” that all Christian sects and denominations were equal under the law, none preferred to others. The bill did not address the “established religion” of the state as the failed bill of 1779 had done, and it also purported to be based on only secular considerations—the promotion of the public peace and morality, rather than Christ’s kingdom on earth. Patrick Henry had introduced this bill in order to support the clergy who had become impoverished by the Revolution. Madison did not oppose organized religion. He believed, however, that the needs and mission of organized religion must be addressed separate from government, free of entanglement with, and possible coercion by government. Madison denounced the bill as an establishment of religion, no less dangerous to religious liberty than the proposal of 1779 and differing “only in degree” from the Inquisition. Madison rejected the popular idea of his time that government should support religion in order to improve public morality and promote the virtues

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needed in a self-governing republic. Madison articulated, instead, the principle that religious opinions should not be directed or controlled by the state. In order to defeat this legislation, Madison wrote the Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, which became critical in developing American religious freedom. Historians consider this document one of the best evidence of what James Madison, intended by the phrase “an establishment of religion.” Madison’s 15-point argument called for a complete separation of church and state as the only guarantee of the equal right of every citizen to the free exercise of religion, including the freedom of those “whose minds have not yet yielded to the evidence that has convinced us.” He regarded the right to support religion as an “unalienable” individual right to be exercised only on a voluntary basis. “Religion,” he contended, “must be exempt from the power of society, the legislature, and the magistrate.” Opposing establishment including the one proposed by this bill, he wrote, “it is proper to take alarm at the first experiment on our liberties” and in his eloquent defense of separation, Madison emphasized that separation benefited not only personal freedom but also the free state and even religion itself. There is no evidence that Madison’s defense of religious liberty reflected any hostility to religion itself or to its social effects. Madison even praised Christianity, which helped win evangelical support. His Memorial and Remonstrance, with its several arguments against taxation to benefit religious institutions, was a petition to obtain signatures. It was circulated throughout Virginia in the summer of 1785, and successfully influenced public opinion, resulting in the election of legislators who opposed the bill, which had previously passed a second reading. The Remonstrance generated unified opposition to the bill from Baptists, Evangelicals, Methodists, Presbyterians, Enlightenment thinkers, and libertarians. Madison then introduced Thomas Jefferson’s proposal that was enacted into law as the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. In writing the Remonstrance, Madison was greatly influenced by John Locke’s natural law thought. “In matters of religion,” Madison wrote, “No man’s right is abridged by the institutions of civil society, and . . . religion is wholly exempt from its cognizance.” If society itself had no legitimate authority to intervene in the spheres of conscience, “still less could as such authority devolve on the legislative body.” Throughout his career, Madison opposed the establishment and use of the state power in any way to further religion in order to defend “the rights of Conscience in the fullest latitude.” Madison’s successes in Virginia helped him lay the groundwork for the U.S. Constitution and the First Amendment, both of which, Madison was a principal drafter. Madison’s Free Exercise Clause in the Virginia Declaration of Rights was the source of the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, while his defeat of the General Assessment would lead to the insertion of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance became one of the most influential documents in the history of law and religion. It was cited by the U.S. Supreme

MARSH V. CHAMBERS Court as a major source to interpret the meaning of the First Amendment. [See, e.g., Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947); Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962)]

MARSH V. CHAMBERS (U.S. 1983) In 1981, Ernest Chambers, a member of the Nebraska Legislature, challenged the constitutionality of the practice of opening each session of that body with prayer. The prayer was delivered by a chaplain who was paid at the public’s expense. Robert E. Palmer, a Presbyterian minister, held his position for 16 years and he was paid $319.75 per month, for each month the legislature was in session. His prayers were in the Judeo-Christian tradition. The U.S. District for the District of Nebraska held that the Establishment Clause was not violated by the recitation of the prayer, but that it had been violated by paying the Chaplain from public funds. The holding was challenged, and the Court of Appeals enjoined the entire chaplaincy practice after finding that it had violated all three prongs of the Lemon test. [Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)] In this case, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Nebraska’s practice of beginning each legislative day with a chaplain saying a prayer. The court decided the case solely on the history of the practice, which originated with the appointment of chaplains by the first Congress, and therefore did not violate the Establishment Clause. A six-to-three majority of the Court sustained the constitutionality of legislative chaplaincies, finding that they did not violate the Establishment Clause. Chief Justice Warren E. Burger, writing for the Court, did not use the three-part test of Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) previously used in Establishment Clause cases and based the opinion wholly upon historical practice. Prayers by taxsupported legislative chaplains, originated in the First Continental Congress and the very Congress that framed the Bill of Rights, have become “part of the fabric of our society and has long coexisted with the principle of disestablishment of religion.” Justice John Paul Stevens, dissenting, asserted that Nebraska’s practice of having the same Presbyterian minister as the official chaplain for 16 years preferred one denomination to others. He believed that the religious beliefs expressed by the chaplains would “tend to reflect the faith of the majority of the lawmakers’ constituencies,” making it unlikely that leaders of minority faiths would be so chosen. Justices William J. Brennan and Thurgood Marshall, also dissenting, attacked legislative chaplains generally as a form of religious worship sponsored by government to promote and advance religion and entangling the government with religion, contrary to the values implicit in the Establishment Clause—privacy in religious matters, government neutrality, freedom of conscience, autonomy of religious life, and abstention of religion from the political

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arena. Justice Brennan, in his dissent, relied on the Lemon test, and noted the “purpose” of legislative prayer is preeminently religious and the “primary effect of legislative prayer is clearly religious. The Marsh ruling demonstrated that the U.S. Supreme Court was shifting from its strict Church-State separation stance articulated in several decisions during the 1960s and 1970s. The case represents the beginning of what strict separationists believe has been an erosion of a strict interpretation of the Establishment Clause. As a more accomodationist approach to the clause evolved, both in the nation and on the court, Marsh is viewed as bellwether and model of accommodation. The court has sometimes used the test articulated in Marsh, as to whether there has been an unbroken tradition of certain religious acknowledgements such as, with public displays of the Ten Commandments. [Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005)] There was virtually no litigation or legal authority on the constitutionality of sectarian legislative prayer until around 2002. These cases vigorously disagree on legislative prayer issues, revealing ambiguities in Marsh. Each case agrees that Marsh is the controlling rule, but they differ on its interpretation. Furthermore, some courts hold that Marsh has been modified by subsequent cases, while others hold it has not. The central question in these controversies is what type of religious content – specifically, mentioning the name of Jesus Christ – may be included in legislative prayer without “advancing” a religion in a manner that violates Marsh. Disagreements about whether advancement is synonymous with proselytizing, what constitutes advancement, whether prayers can be sectarian, and what makes prayers sectarian, have caused courts to diverge on the meaning of Marsh, and thus, diverge on what constitutes a violation of the Establishment Clause. Some of the first federal courts confronting this issue interpreted Marsh, and restricted all sectarian content from these prayers [Wynne v. Town of Great Falls (4th Cir. 2004); Simpson v. Chesterfield County (4th Cir. 2005)], although later ones have not. [Doe v. Tangipahoa Parish Sch. Bd. (5th Cir. 2006)] While Marsh has been currently interpreted to mean that “the Establishment Clause does not scrutinize legislative invocations with the same intensity that it does other religious activities,” [Simpson (4th Cir. 2005], the lower federal courts have not yet adopted a consistent approach for determining issues of whether the Constitution permits lawmaking bodies to control the content of a speaker’s religious speech during legislative prayer. There are concerns that this sharply divided caselaw may reveal flaws in Marsh, rather than ambiguities. The Marsh rule has been criticized for requiring judges to make determinations on theological matters, a task for which they lack judicial competency to do so. Making such determinations enmeshes the government with religion in a manner that goes to the core of what the Establishment Clause is intended to prevent.

MARYLAND TOLERATION ACT (1649)

MARYLAND TOLERATION ACT (1649) This landmark statute in the protection of liberty of conscience was one of the most liberal grants of religious liberty in colonial America when it was passed on April 2, 1649 by the Maryland Assembly. Under the title “An Act Concerning Religion,” this statute allowed freedom of worship for all Christians in Maryland. It was much more liberal than the English Parliament’s Toleration Act (1689) that came 40 years later. Until 1776 only the Rhode Island Charter of 1634 and Pennsylvania’s “Great Law” of 1682 guaranteed fuller religious liberty. Maryland’s statute, drafted by its Roman Catholic proprietor, Lord Baltimore (Cecil Calvert), was the first public act to invoke the phase “free exercise” of religion, later embodied in the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. More important, the law symbolized the extraordinary fact that for most of the seventeenth-century in Maryland, Roman Catholics and various Protestant denominations openly worshiped as they chose and lived in peace, although not necessarily on completely cordial terms. The statute applied to all those who professed belief in Jesus Christ, except anti-Trinitarians, and guaranteed that they would not be prosecuted because of their religion. Other provisions were more reflective of the time: the statute prescribed the death penalty for blasphemers against God, Christ, or the Trinity, and it imposed lesser penalties for profaning the Sabbath or for reproaching the Virgin Mary or the Apostles. Another clause anticipated group libel laws (statutes prohibiting the holding up of a group to ridicule, scorn, or contempt to a significant segment of the community) by penalizing the reproachful use of any name or term such as “heretic,” “puritan,” “popish rites,” “anabaptists,” “separatist,” or “antinomian.” At a time when intolerance was promulgated as the law in Europe and most of America, Maryland established no church and tolerated all Trinitarian Christians. In 1652, newly immigrated radical Protestants from Virginia overthrew the established government, and suspended the Toleration Act, between 1654 and 1658. Lord Baltimore regained control in 1658. The concepts of the Act of 1649 were revised and promulgated as law in 1676. The radical Protestants won political control of the colony in 1689. In 1691 the Calvert charter, issued by the second Lord Baltimore in 1632 establishing the colony, was annulled and in 1702 the Church of England was officially established in Maryland. Catholics were not granted religious toleration under this new order. The Maryland Constitution of 1776 guaranteed that “all persons professing the Christian religion, are equally entitled to protection in their religious liberty.”

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MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONIAL CHARTERS (1629, 1691) In 1629 King Charles I of England granted a royal charter to Puritan leaders of the New England Company, incorporating them as the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The charter became the colony’s basic instrument of government. In the same year, Puritan leaders were allowed to migrate to New England. As a result, the Puritans controlled Massachusetts and sought to create a Bible commonwealth or theocracy. The charter authorized the freemen of the company to meet in a general court or legislature, and to choose a governor, a deputy governor, and assistants, seven of who could function as the General Court. The charter vested power in these men to govern Massachusetts Bay in every respect and guaranteed that all inhabitants “shall have and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects . . . as if they . . . were born within the realm of England.” The Puritans, who governed themselves, enjoyed the rights of Englishmen. However, they distanced themselves from England and became firmly independent. Massachusetts admitted only church members for freemanship, but the controlling oligarchy refused to allow all freemen a right to participate in governing—in violation of the charter. In 1634 the freemen, in reviewing the charter themselves, demanded full participation in government. The freemen in the town then chose two deputies from each town as members of the General Court, making it a representative body. Conflict between the freemen and the assistants led to an agreement that laws could be passed only by a majority vote of both the freemen and the assistants. Bicameralism—that is, a legislature composed of two chambers, emerged from this practice. Increasing conflict between the colony and England resulted in the annulment of the company’s charter in 1684 and the installation of royal government under a new charter granted in 1691. The charter of 1691 turned Massachusetts from comparative autonomy into a royal colony. The king appointed the governor and his deputy. The colonial governor of Massachusetts had significant power. He could veto legislation, which was a model for a strong executive in later American history. The government established by the second charter recognized a clear separation of powers between the three branches. The charter also embodied the principle of liberty of conscience for all Christians (except “papists”) and like the first charter, also guaranteed the rights of Englishmen.

MCCOLLUM V. BOARD OF EDUCATION (U.S. 1948) (Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education No. 71 of Champaign Co., Ill.) During the late 1940s and 1950s released-time programs were popular around the United States. Under these programs public school students were “released” from school to allow participation in religious studies in accordance with their families’

MCCOLLUM V. BOARD OF EDUCATION wishes. Public school boards and administrators cooperated with churches and synagogues to provide this religious education. More than 3,000 communities in 46 states had such programs. In Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, public school students whose parents had signed a “request card” were released during school hours to attend religious instruction within the school building, for periods of 30 or 35 minutes. The classes were taught by outside teachers furnished by a local interdenominational religious council. The school board did not pay the instructors. And children were required to have parental consent to attend the classes. Attendance records were kept, and the outside teachers were subject to approval by the school superintendent. Students who did not enroll were sent from their classrooms to other rooms where they continued their secular education. Mrs. Vashti McCollum, an atheist, whose child, Terry, attended a public school in Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, challenged the Illinois practice, claiming that it violated the Establishment Clause. The case was the first church-state controversy to reach the Court since Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) was decided. In striking down the program as a violation of the Establishment Clause, Justice Hugo Black wrote the opinion for the majority. Referring to the theory of strict separation announced as obiter dictum (an incidental remark, not part of the holding) in his Everson opinion, Justice Black said this arrangement was beyond all question a use of the tax-supported public school system to aid religious groups to spread their faith, and it clearly violated the Establishment Clause, as applied to the states. He stressed particularly the use of tax-supported facilities to aid religious teaching and the close cooperation between secular and religious authorities in promoting religious education. The operation of the state’s compulsory education system assisted in and was integrated with the program of religious education conducted by separate religious groups. Justice Felix Frankfurter concurred in an opinion in which Justices Robert Jackson, Wiley Rutledge, and Harold Burton joined. These four had dissented from Everson’s approval of state aid. Justice Jackson also concurred separately, rejecting the sweeping separationism of the Black opinion. Arguing that there was little real cost to the taxpayers in the Illinois program, he agreed that the Court should end “formal and explicit instruction” such as that in the Champaign-Urbana schools, but cautioned against inviting ceaseless petitions to the Court to purge school curricula of materials that any group might regard as religious. Justice Stanley F. Reed, the lone dissenter, had concurred in the result in Everson. In McCollum he argued that the majority was giving “establishment” too broad a meaning: unconstitutional “aid” to religion embraced only purposeful assistance directly to a church, not cooperative relationships between government and religious institutions. He argued against “a rigid interpretation . . . that conflicts with accepted habits.”

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The McCollum case was the first to hold a state or federal legislative enactment unconstitutional on the basis of the newly incorporated Establishment Clause. The “incorporation” doctrine allowed the Supreme Court to apply the protections in the Bill of Rights, which originally constrained only the federal government, to the state governments as well through the Fourteenth Amendment. The McCollum opinion was criticized for its historical analysis, its reliance on Madison’s absolute conception of church and state, and for Justice Frankfurter’s attempt to use the public school system as a “symbol of our secular unity.” Critics of McCollum contended that it increased, rather than dissipated, uncertainty about the constitutionality of released-time programs. This decision seemed to represent a deepening Supreme Court commitment to the theory of strict separation of church and state, but it was significantly limited by another released-time case, Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952).

MCCREARY COUNTY V. ACLU (U.S. 2005) The McCreary County case, in which a county in Kentucky posted copies of the Ten Commandments in its courthouses, was decided on the same day as Van Orden. [Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005)] In the opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court, written by Justice Souter, the Court held the county action as unconstitutional, contrary to the decision in Van Orden. The basis of the decision centered on the overarching religious purpose the county had in displaying the Ten Commandments. On its face, this case seems to use the same purpose standard announced by Chief Justice Rehnquist in Van Orden. However, it was not applied in the same manner. In fact, the dissenting justices in McCreary were the plurality in Van Orden. Likewise, three of the four plurality justices in McCreary were dissenting justices in Van Orden. The only reason these two decisions reached opposite results was that Justice Breyer sided with the plurality in each case. Ultimately, his use test, followed only by him, dictated the results of both cases.

MCDANIEL V. PATY (U.S. 1978) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court held that a Tennessee statute that prohibited members of the clergy from holding public office was unconstitutional, and therefore, declared that any clergy disqualification statutes were unconstitutional. Seven of the original 13 states and six other states had statutes excluding clergy from public office, but eventually were repealed in every state, but Tennessee. The statute also prohibited ministers and priests from service in a constitutional convention. A Baptist minister, Paul A. McDaniel of Chattanooga, TN, had

MCDANIEL V. PATY contested the law after he was prohibited from participating in a state constitutional convention to which he had been elected. After McDonald had filed as a candidate to the convention, an opposing candidate, Selma Cash Paty filed a declaratory action asking that McDonald be disqualified. The trial court held that the statute violated the First Amendment (as applied to the states by the 14th Amendment in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940) and permitted McDonald to remain on the ballot. On appeal (after McDonald had won the election), the Tennessee Supreme Court reversed, holding the Tennessee Clergy Disqualification Statute constitutional and imposed no burden on religious belief. McDonald appealed. The Supreme Court eventually heard McDonald’s case. All eight justices who heard the case voted to reverse, allowing McDonald to serve as a delegate. Although the Court was unanimous in its decision, the justices divided four ways in their reasoning behind the result. The plurality opinion by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger, joined by Justices Powell, Rehnquist, and Stevens, maintained that the Tennessee statute violated the Free Exercise Clause, by forcing ministers to sacrifice either their religious roles as clergy (to hold political office) or their political office (to maintain their position of religious leadership) despite Tennessee’s argument that the regulation was necessary to prevent violations of the Establishment Clause. Justice Burger noted that the exclusion had been a part of the Tennessee Constitution when the state entered the union in 1796, reflecting a common concern at the time that the clergy would exercise too much influence in politics. James Madison opposed such clergy disqualification proposals, believing them to violate religious liberty. These justices found that Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963) governed the case. Sherbert requires strict scrutiny of governmental restrictions upon the free exercise of religion. Tennessee had failed to show any validity to the supposed dangers of clergy participation in the political process. The Court distinguished the case of Torcaso v. Watkins (U.S. 1961), which involved a provision of the Maryland constitution stating that “no religious test ought ever to be required as a qualification to any office . . . other than a declaration in the belief of God.” Justice Black, for the Court, found that this requirement contradicted the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. Torcaso differed from the case at hand because the state in this instance was acting on the basis of a person’s status as a clergyman rather than on the basis of a person’s beliefs. Justice William E. Brennan, joined by Justice Thurgood Marshall, found Torcaso controlling because imposing a restriction upon one’s status as a clergyman does penalize religious belief—the freedom to profess or practice that belief. Justice Potter Stewart also found Torcaso was the controlling decision in this case. Justice Byron R. White contended that the Tennessee law was invalid as an equal protection violation because of the restraint upon clergy members who aspire to political office.

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MEDICAL TREATMENT Some religious groups, such as the Christian Scientists, reject all or most forms of conventional medical treatment, believing instead in the power of prayer and faith to cure medical problems. Other groups, such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses, oppose specific type of treatment, such as blood transfusions. A competent adult patient has a generally acknowledged right to refuse medical treatment. [Werth v. Taylor (Mich. Ct. App. 1991); Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital (N.Y. 1914)] The U.S. Supreme Court has issued several historically significant opinions on many of the crucial legal issues involving religion and medical treatment. [See, e.g., Prince v. Massachusetts (U.S. 1944); United States v. Ballard (U.S. 1964); Cruzan v. Missouri Department of Health (U.S. 1990)] These earlier cases were resolved prior to either the balancing test under the Free Exercise Clause announced in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963) or the repudiation of the “compelling interest” standard of Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). American courts have long upheld the right of the state to protect the health and safety of minor children over the religiously based objections of the child or of the parents. [People ex rel. Wallace v. Labrenz (Ill. 1952)] In certain circumstances the exercise of the state’s power to protect the lives and health of its children over the objections of their parents does not violate constitutionally protected free exercise rights. [People ex rel. Wallace v. Labrenz (Ill. 1952)] The broad principle has been enunciated in several cases that a state may, through a court order, intervene to ensure that a child is provided medical treatment necessary for the protection of life or health—including treatment for mental or emotional illnesses—where the custodian of the child has unreasonably refused to allow such treatment. Courts will intervene if they make a finding that the religious practices, even though not illegal, nonetheless pose an imminent and substantial threat to the life, health or safety of children. In cases such as Battaglia v. Battaglia (NY 1958), Levitsky v. Levitsky (Md. 1963), and State v. Perricone (NJ 1962), the courts have held that, where the religious convictions of Jehovah’s Witness parents threatened the very survival of the children at risk, the court had an obligation under the doctrine of parens patriae, to intervene to protect the children’s well-being. Often, both courts and legislatures will substitute their judgment for those of the parents in cases where specific religious practices that the state believes might threaten grave injuries to their welfare. The most common of these conflicts arise among Christian Scientists, Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and others whose beliefs forbid all or certain medical procedures. The state regularly intervenes in order to secure medical treatment for such children.

MEDICAL TREATMENT Courts have appointed guardians to consent to necessary medical treatment (such as blood transfusions) for children even though the treatment violates the child’s or parent’s religion. [In re Sampson (N.Y. 1972); People ex rel. Wallace v. Labrenz (Ill. 1952); Jehovah’s Witnesses v. King County Hospital (W.D. Wash. 1967); Banks v. Medical Univ. of S.C. (S.C. 1994)] In some cases a court has refused to order medical treatment that was beneficial but not related to saving the child’s life. [In re Green (Pa. 1972)] The state may prosecute parents for neglecting the health or safety of their children, regardless of whether the parent acted on the basis of religious principles. [State v. Perricone (N.J. 1962)] In Perricone, a child’s heart condition required surgery, which, in turn would necessitate a blood transfusion. The boy’s parents, who were Jehovah’s Witnesses, consented to the surgery, but refused to allow the blood transfusions, which were prohibited by their religion. At trial, two doctors testified that if the surgery and transfusions were not performed, the child would die. The trial court applied the child neglect statute and held that it was necessary for the state to intervene to protect the child’s welfare; thus, the court ordered the surgery and the blood transfusion. One of the more difficult balancing acts that a court must undertake is determining when to order that a child be surrendered to the custody of a health services agency to provide medical treatment when the parents object on religious grounds. Far from being neglectful or otherwise unfit parents, most of these parents are deeply involved with their children’s needs and seek to transmit their religious and spiritual values to them. Nevertheless, the state has a responsibility not to allow the children to suffer because of such beliefs. In Newmark v. Williams (Del. 1991), the court refused to order a 3-year-old child suffering from cancer to undergo medical treatment over the religious objections of his Christian Science parents. Despite evidence that the child would die within six to eight months if left untreated, the court considered that the medical treatment itself was extremely invasive, risky, toxic, and dangerously life threatening, and offered less than a 40 percent chance for success. In other circumstances courts have authorized treatment where a child’s condition was not an emergency or otherwise immediately life threatening. Many jurisdictions have rules, regulations, constitutional provisions, or legislative enactments on the issue of when medical treatment may be ordered for a child. Cases involving the power of a state body to have a child taken for medical treatment despite the religious objections of the parents in a non-emergency or a non-life threatening situation focus primarily on the nature of the treatment in question. Courts have ordered that children receive needed dentistry [In re Karwath (Iowa 1972)], that a child’s tonsil be removed [Matter of Gregory S. (N.Y. 1976)], that a child be treated for hydrocephalus [Matter of Jensen (Ore. 1981)] and cancer [In re Willman (Ohio 1986)]. Through lobbying at the federal and state levels, some religious groups have sought, and in many cases attained, government recognition in the form of

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approved payment from the state for “nonmedical therapy” and exemption from child abuse and neglect laws when children do not receive conventional medical care. Forty-two states and the District of Columbia have enacted statutes to exempt parents who decline to provide children with medical treatment for religious reasons from liability for child neglect. Some have argued that religious exemptions from child immunization laws violate the equal protection rights of children, on the basis that statutes providing exemptions from child abuse and neglect laws for religiously motivated parents who provide spiritual treatment rather than conventional medical care for their severely ill minor children violate the Establishment Clause. A contrary argument maintains that the very existence of such exemptions is supported by the Free Exercise Clause as a safeguard against the persecution of religious minorities. More current caselaw involves claims by individuals that the Free Exercise Clause entitled them to an exemption from a health or medical regulation. Today, the Supreme Court uses a Free Exercise Clause test that would make it difficult, if not impossible, for an individual to prevail in such a case. The Court summarized its standards as follows: A law that is neutral and of general applicability need not be justified by a compelling government interest even if the law has the incidental effect of burdening a particular religious practice. . . . [A] law failing to satisfy [the neutrality and general applicability] requirements must be justified by a compelling governmental interest and must be narrowly tailored to advance that interest. [Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. Hialeah (U.S. 1993)] So long as the health regulation at issue in a Free Exercise Clause case is a generally applicable law that is religiously neutral, the Court would not require the government to grant religiously based exemptions from it. Some justices believe that the Court should apply a balancing test or a compelling interest test in all free exercise cases. If a majority of the justices in the future were to adopt any type of case-by-case approach to Free Exercise Clause claims, the Court might find that in some circumstances the social benefits of a particular health law are so slight that the government must grant an exemption for persons whose religious beliefs prevent them from complying with the law. However, such an approach to these cases would represent a major departure from the U.S. Supreme Court’s most recent free exercise rulings.

MILITARY CHAPLAINS A military chaplain is generally considered to be a clergyperson assigned to minister to members of the military. The most difficult responsibility of military chaplains is spiritually and morally to prepare troops to take life and to die in

MILITARY CHAPLAINS combat. They also serve as personal counselors. Many are trained in addressing the special concerns of young adults, such as family matters and substance abuse issues. Military chaplains originated in biblical times and have long been recognized as an important component of many armed forces. They have served in Western armies since at least the 4th century. From the earliest days of British settlement in the New World, chaplains were employed in American colonial militias. When the Continental army was formed, chaplains attached to the militia of the thirteen colonies became part of the nation’s first army. Military chaplaincy has continued ever since and its size is growing in proportion to the increase in the size of the armed forces. The federal government has viewed chaplains as necessary to the well-being of the military. George Washington, as the first commander in chief, felt strongly that they were needed to bolster the morale of his troops. Moreover, before the invasion of predominantly Roman Catholic Canada in September 1775, he ordered his generals “to protect and support the free exercise of religion of the country and the undisturbed enjoyment of the rights of conscience in religious matters.” The military chaplaincy was formally established in July 1775, and is the second oldest branch of the Army, preceded only by the infantry. The Continental Congress passed regulations governing the appointment and salaries of chaplains. The first Articles of War called on soldiers to attend religious services that were offered twice daily. Currently, there are approximately 25,000 American military chaplains serving primarily in the Army, Navy and Air Force on military bases, at front lines, and in medical units. The Chief of Chaplains determines their number and denominations on the basis of current needs of the military population. The Department of Defense recognizes a wide range of religious groups, from traditional faiths such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam to nontraditional religions such as Wicca. Commissioning military chaplains has been criticized from a constitutional perspective. Although Congress has been required to provide troops with chaplains throughout the world, their funding has been challenged as a violation of the Establishment Clause. Similarly, limitations placed on specific religious observances while in the military have been challenged under the Free Exercise Clause. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit addressed the first argument in Katcoff v. Marsh (2nd Cir. 1984), holding that Congress does have the authority to commission chaplains. The court declared that the government’s power is derived from Art. I § 8 of the U.S. Constitution, which allows Congress to establish an army for the purposes of “preserving the peace and security, and providing for the defense of the United States.” It viewed the government’s goal as one that does not include establishing a religion, but rather “maintaining the efficiency of the Army by improving the morale of our military personnel.”

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The Establishment Clause and the statutes creating the military chaplaincy, said the court, in Katcoff, must be viewed in the context of their historical background. Constitutional authorization of a military chaplaincy—both before and contemporaneous with the adoption of the First Amendment, and for two centuries thereafter—is “weighty evidence” that the Establishment was not intended to restrict religious freedom in the military. The purpose of the constitutional and legislative provisions “is to ensure that no religion be sponsored or favored, none commended, and none inhibited.” Moreover, said the court, the Free Exercise Clause obligates Congress to accommodate the religious practice of military personnel who serve areas outside the United States. If Congress did not establish a military chaplaincy, it would deny servicemen and women the right to exercise their religion freely, particularly given the mobile and deployable nature of the U.S. military. In fact, although free exercise has long been viewed as subordinate to military necessity, chaplains have nevertheless been successful in overcoming various restrictions placed on them by their superiors. For example, the Persian Gulf War presented special dilemmas for Jewish and Christian troops, many of whom found it difficult to practice their religion for fear of offending the predominantly Muslim host countries. Chaplains themselves were ordered to remove religious insignia from their uniforms. Christmas and Passover observances were muted or celebrated on ships offshore. By the end of the war, however, chaplains were allowed to wear their insignia and were able to hold both Christian and Jewish services in their encampments. A military chaplaincy is likely to withstand a constitutional challenge through strict and abiding adherence to the requirements of the Establishment Clause, specifically, 1) military officials must fully accommodate the rights of service members to believe or not to believe in any particular religious doctrine (or even a deity); 2) military officials must ensure that service members are neither punished for their beliefs nor subjected to unwanted proselytizing or evangelizing from military chaplains or senior officers and noncommissioned officers, even if the proselytizing or evangelizing is intended as a good faith effort to aid the spiritual health of the service members; 3) military officials may not subject members of the armed forces to involuntary worship or prayers, particularly when the full power of the government supported by punitive action under the Uniform Code of Military Justice is employed to command their presence and participation; and 4) except when good order and military discipline are threatened, military officials may not discriminate against any particular religious sect or denomination, especially based on the belief system of the sect or denomination.

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MINERSVILLE SCHOOL DISTRICT V. GOBITIS (U.S. 1940) Two children of Walter Gobitis were expelled from the public school of Minersville, Pennsylvania for refusing to join in the Pledge of Allegiance exercises. The students believed themselves to be loyal Americans, but as Jehovah’s Witnesses, they considered the flag salute to be paying homage to a graven image, and they believed that oaths to “images” such as the flag were sinful [see, Exodus 20:3–5]. The parents sued the school board because they could not afford to enroll their children in a private school, so they stood in violation of the state’s compulsory education law. In 1938, the Gobitis family prevailed in the federal district court, and the ruling permitted the children to return to school. Judge Albert Maris, who made the ruling, personally could find “no religious significance” in the salute, but understood the religious beliefs of the plaintiffs. The court of appeals affirmed the lower court’s ruling. Many observers assumed that the U.S. Supreme Court would also rule in favor of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, reversed the decision of the lower courts and upheld state regulations requiring public schools students to participate in a daily ceremony of saluting the national flag while reciting in unison a Pledge of Allegiance to it. Students failing to comply could be expelled. The Court found that this regulation was within the scope of legislative power, and consistent with the Fourteenth Amendment. Thus it could be applied to children brought up in, and holding a conscientious religious belief that such obeisance to the flag is forbidden. In Gobitis the court upheld the practice of compulsory pledging of allegiance to the flag against a free exercise challenge on the grounds that coercion of this sort is part of the price to be paid for living in a free society. Justice Felix Frankfurter delivered the opinion of the Court, which found that religious convictions do not relieve the individual from obedience to an otherwise valid general law not aimed at the promotion or restriction of religious beliefs. As far as the federal Constitution is concerned, the Court held, it is within the province of the legislatures and school authorities of the states to adopt appropriate means to evoke and foster a sentiment of national unity among the children in the public schools. Justice Frankfurter, for the court, upheld the law as a legitimate way of cultivating the communal identity of its citizens: “The ultimate foundation of a free society is the binding tie of its cohesive sentiment. Such a sentiment is

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fostered by all those agencies of the mind and spirit which may serve to gather up the traditions of a people, transmit them from generation to generation, and thereby create a continuity of a treasured common life which constitutes a civilization.” The Court said it could not exercise censorship over the conviction of legislatures that a particular program or exercise would best promote in the minds of children who attend the public schools an attachment to the institutions of their country, nor overrule the local judgment against granting exemptions from observance of such a program. Justice Harlan Fiske Stone, the lone dissenter in Gobitis, had enunciated the preferred freedom doctrine in 1938, now rebuked the Justice Frankfurter and the majority. To Stone, the state was seeking to “coerce these children to express a sentiment which, as they interpret it, they do not entertain, and which violate their deepest religious convictions.” The case tainted the loyalty of the Jehovah’s Witnesses at a dangerous time. World War II had broken out, and many felt that national unity was essential during this time of crisis, especially with Europe at war, and with Americans increasingly concerned that the United States would soon be involved. The reaction to the Gobitis decision was immediate and terrifying. Mob violence swept throughout the United States, as Jehovah’s Witnesses were beaten, kidnapped, tarred and feathered, maimed, hanged, and shot. In the three months following the decision, the ACLU reported that there were 236 attacks, involving more than 1,000 witnesses in 44 states. In addition, more than 2,000 Jehovah Witness were expelled from school by 1943. Perhaps influenced by the violence and discrimination against the Jehovah’s Witnesses, including children that followed Gobitis, that opinion was reversed in West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943). In overturning Gobitis, Justice Jackson gave an eloquent statement of the liberal political theory that the U.S. Constitution had come to embody: “The very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials andd to establish them as legal principles to be applied by the courts. One’s right to life, liberty, and property, to free speech, freedom to worship and assembly, and to other fundamental rights may not be submitted to vote; they depend on the outcome of no elections.”

If not by compulsory flag salutes, how may a state cultivate a common citizenship? The answers came in a concurring opinion by Justices Black and Douglas, who had changed their position since Gobitis. Patriotism would be a matter of choice, not of inculcation, voluntary and by a free and independent people. A sense of community would flow from a sense of justice rather than the other way around: “Love of country must spring from willing hearts and free minds, inspired by a fair administration of wise laws enacted by the people’s

MINISTERIAL EXEMPTION 331 elected representatives within the bounds of expressed constitutional prohibitions.” [West Virginia v. Barnette (U.S. 1943)] Despite Gobitis and Barnette, controversies over official rituals involving the flag have not completely subsided. In Lipp v. Morris (3d Cir. 1978), a high school student successfully challenged a requirement that she show “full respect” to the flag by standing at attention during the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance.

MINISTERIAL EXEMPTION Title VII, of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, exempts religious employers from its prohibition against religious discrimination. Title VII does not exempt discrimination based on either race or sex. Many established churches, including Catholic and Mormon churches, some Protestant denominations, and schools of Judaism, Buddhism, and Islam ordain only men. This is not a violation of Title VII because of the “ministerial exemption,” which is constitutional in nature, and is based on the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the ministerial exemption in Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. Amos (U.S. 1987). Even though Amos involved a gymnasium custodian, the Court believed that the statute did not violate the Establishment Clause because earlier language, referring to institutions’ “religious activities,” was no longer in the statute. As such, the Court extended the reach of the exemption to non-religious, employment-related activities. Under the ministerial exemption, religious organizations have an absolute right to choose their leaders. Such decisions are not subject to Title VII. Thus, a church or synagogue may not be sued on charges of race, gender, or religious discrimination when choosing its ministers and other religious functions. The scope of the ministerial exemption, like the Title VII exemption, is not clear. Clergy qualify, but some cases read the ministerial exemption more broadly, going so far as to protect all those whose duties involve the spreading of religious ideas (such as school teachers or choir directors). They would be covered as long as the religious organization can show that the individual’s activity is integrally related to furthering the religious organization’s spiritual and pastoral mission. The U.S. Supreme Court suggests that perhaps all nonprofit organizations, religious or not, may have the same right to choose their leaders. [Boy Scouts of America v. Dale (U.S. 2000)]

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MOMENT OF SILENCE A moment of silence invokes both the Free Exercise Clause and the Establishment Clause. As such, public school administrators and teachers must endeavor to balance the rights of public school students present. Proponents of the moment of silence say it simultaneously accommodates religious expression while providing the secular purpose of maintaining order and discipline, and preventing violence in schools. Whatever the reason for establishing a moment of silence, some critics say that it is a veiled attempt to return organized prayer to the public schools. Others, however, believe it is a part of the solution to the growing problem of disorder and violence plaguing many public schools. The implementation of a moment of silence is permissible as long as the primary purpose is pedagogical and not to return organized prayer to the schools. The U.S. Supreme Court, in Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), struck down the Alabama moment of silence statute that permitted a period of silence for “meditation or voluntary prayer” at the beginning of the school day. The Court reached its decision based on the legislative history of that statute, which showed a clear intent by the statute’s sponsors to return organized prayer to the public schools of Alabama. In 1983, the U.S. Supreme Court deemed it constitutional for a state legislature to open its session with prayer. The Court concluded, “the opening of legislative and other deliberative bodies with prayer is deeply embedded in the history and tradition of this country” and therefore is constitutional. [Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983)] The Supreme Court has not addressed the issue of public school board prayer. However, at least one lower court has to determine that a school board meeting is not a deliberative body, but rather a school activity subject to the Lemon test. [Coles v. Cleveland Board of Education (6th Cir. 1999)] In Coles, the Sixth Circuit concluded that the school board is “an integral part of the school system” and therefore is subject to judicial precedent on public school prayer. Critics of the Coles decision believe that a formal school board meeting is an adult function, and prayer among adults is different from prayer among students in a school or at a school function. Moreover, prayer merely being present at a school board meeting does not change the nature of the school board’s secular policymaking function. The fact that students may be present at a school board meeting is irrelevant. Public universities, like all public institutions, are subject to the strictures of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses, and parallel clauses in state constitutions, which are the source of rights that faculty members, students, and staff members may assert against their institutions. The most visible and contentious of these disputes involve situations in which a public institution has

MOMENT OF SILENCE CASES incorporated a prayer or some other religious activity into an institutional activity or event. In Chaudhuri v. Tennessee (6th Cir. 1997), the plaintiff, a practicing Hindu originally from India and a tenured professor at Tennessee State University (TSU), claimed that the use of prayers at university functions violated the Establishment Clause. The functions at issue included graduation ceremonies, faculty meetings, dedication ceremonies, and guest lectures. After the lawsuit was filed, TSU discontinued the prayers and instead adopted a moment of silence policy. The professor then challenged the moment of silence policy as well, alleging that the policy had been adopted in order to continue the use of prayers. The appellate court determined that neither the prayers nor the moments of silence violated the Establishment Clause. The Chauduri court used the three-part Lemon test to resolve both the prayer claim and the moment of silence claim. Under the first prong of the Lemon test, the court found that a prayer may “serve to dignify or to memorialize a public occasion” and therefore has a legitimate secular purpose. Moreover, “if the verbal prayers had a legitimate secular purpose . . . it follows almost fortiori that the moments of silence have such a purpose.” Under the second prong, the court found that the principal or primary effect of the nonsectarian prayers was not “to indoctrinate the audience,” but rather “to solemnize the events and to encourage reflection.” As to the moments of silence, it was “even clearer” that the practice did not significantly advance or inhibit religion: A moment of silence is not inherently religious; a participant may use the time to pray, to stare absently ahead, or to think thoughts of a purely secular nature. The choice is left to the individual, and no one’s beliefs are compromised by what may or may not be going through the mind of any other participant. And, under the final prong of the Lemon test, the court found that “any entanglement resulting from the inclusion of nonsectarian prayers at public university functions is, at most, de minimis” and that the entanglement created by a moment of silence is nil. The Chaudhuri court concluded that the “coercion” test established in Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992) was not controlling. At Tennessee State University (in contrast to the secondary school in Lee), according to the court, there was no coercion to participate in the prayers. It was not mandatory for Professor Chaudhuri or any other faculty member to attend the TSU functions at issue.

MOMENT OF SILENCE CASES The U.S. Supreme Court’s controversial decisions in the school prayer cases of Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962) and Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963)

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generated widespread public opposition. Public reaction ranged from vehement denunciation of the Court to several unsuccessful congressional attempts to overturn the court decisions through constitutional amendment. Some state legislatures responded to the Engel and Schempp decisions by enacting moment of silence laws to accommodate prayer in the classrooms. By 1985, the year the U.S. Supreme Court heard Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), twenty-five states permitted or required that a moment of silence be observed in public classrooms. Several lower courts have considered the constitutionality of moment of silence laws. In Gaines v. Anderson (D.C. Mass. 1976) a federal district court upheld a Massachusetts statute mandating a one-minute period of silence for “meditation or prayer.” Relying in part on Justice Brennan’s dicta in Schempp, which suggested that silent moments may be constitutional, the Gaines court reasoned that a moment of silence promotes the legitimate secular purpose of teaching students “self-discipline and respect for the authority of the teacher . . . .” Moreover, the Gaines court found that a moment of silence merely accommodates religious activity in the public schools because a student can choose to reflect on either secular matters or non-secular matters during the time. Six years later, a federal district court found a similar moment of silence statute unconstitutional. In Beck v. McElrath (M.D. Tenn. 1982), the United States District Court for the Middle District of Tennessee held that a Tennessee statute mandating a moment of silence for “meditation or prayer or personal beliefs” violated the establishment clause. First, the court considered the legislative history of the statute and concluded that the statute’s purpose was to encourage religious exercises in the public schools. Second, the court found the statute had the primary effect of advancing religion. The court reasoned that the effect of a moment of silence will vary in each classroom depending upon how each teacher conducts the exercise. Furthermore, the court found that coercion is implicit in a moment of silence, reasoning that children will be unable to distinguish between the meanings of prayer, meditation, and personal beliefs. Third, the court found potential administrative and political entanglement with the moment of silence law. The Tennessee Legislature reacted to the federal court’s ruling by reenacting a silent moment statute that also permitted voluntary school prayer. Lower federal courts in New Mexico and New Jersey used reasoning similar to that employed by the Beck Court to strike down state moment of silence laws as violative of the Establishment Clause. Three months prior to the Supreme Court’s decision in Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), a federal district court struck down a provision of the West Virginia constitution mandating a moment of silent prayer in public schools, which the voters had adopted in the November 1984 election, as a violation of the Establishment Clause. In Walter v. West Virginia Board of Education (S.D. W.Va. 1985), the district court found that the constitutional provision violated all threeprongs of the Lemon test (based on the holding from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S.

MOMENT OF SILENCE CASES 1971). In reaching its decision, the Walter court relied on the amendment’s legislative history to find that the legislature’s purpose was to return silent prayer to the public schools. After considering similar decisions in New Mexico and New Jersey, the Walter court concluded that “the clear weight of authority” supported the proposition that the amendment was unconstitutional. Although it recognized the unpopularity of its decision, the Walter court declared that its duty “to uphold the United States Constitution . . . cannot in good conscience be shirked because of intimidation.” Finally, the Walter court noted that although the Establishment Clause prohibits state endorsement of prayer, every individual has the right to pray free from government interference whenever he or she chooses. In Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), the U.S. Supreme Court considered the issue of whether an Alabama statute allowing public schools to incorporate “a period of silence” for meditation or voluntary prayer is a law respecting the establishment of religion within the meaning of the First Amendment. Based on the specific wording of this moment of silence statute and the legislative history of its adoption, the court concluded that the statute had no secular purpose. The statute’s sponsor had said that it was an “effort to return voluntary prayer to the schools.” The specific mention of prayer in the statute indicated that the state intended to characterize prayer as a favored practice. The court wrote, “such an endorsement is not consistent with the established principle that government must pursue a course of complete neutrality toward religion.” The implication, however, is that a state statute that only authorized a moment of silence without any reference to prayer might be constitutional. Other federal courts have found that formally organized moments of silence to be unconstitutional if their purpose was to encourage prayer. [Doe v. Sch. of Ouachita Parish (5th Cir. 2001), May v. Cooperman (3rd Cir. 1985), Walter v. West Virginia Board of Education (S.D. W.Va. 1985)] The Fourth Circuit, however, upheld a Virginia statute that required schools to establish a “minute of silence” “so that each student may, in the exercise of his individual choice, meditate, pray, or engage in any other silent activity that does not interfere with, disturb, or impede other pupils in the like exercise of individual choice.” Despite the reference to prayer in the statute, the court concluded that it did not have a religious purpose because the text of the statute was religiously neutral. The law served the secular purposes of permitting non-religious meditation and of accommodating religion, which the court said was a secular purpose in that it fosters the liberties secured in the Constitution.” The legislative history of the statute also indicated the secular purpose of providing a transitional moment to enable students to compose themselves and focus on the day ahead. Justices Lewis Powell, Jr., and Sandra Day O’Connor, in their separate concurring opinions, strongly suggested that a “moment of silence” untainted by a “religious purpose (such had been found in Jaffree) would be permissible. Justice Powell, after concluding that the Alabama statute failed the “secular purpose”

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prong of the Lemon test commented that a better-worded statute would not necessarily violate the second and third prongs. He observed “that the effect of a straight forward moment of silence statute is unlikely to ‘advance or inhibit religion’, nor would such a statute ‘foster an excessive entanglement’ with religion.” According to O’Connor, “the relevant issue is whether an objective observer would perceive it as a state endorsement of prayer in public schools. A moment of silence law that is clearly drafted and implemented so as to permit prayer, meditation, and reflection within the prescribed period, without endorsing one alternative or the others would pass the test.” These statutes suggest how a constitutional statute might be written. Following the Jaffree decision, of the 25 states that had moments of silence statutes, 15 apparently confident that their statutes complied with Jaffree left them in tact; seven states revised their statutes to comply with Jaffree, although one of these (Arkansas) was later repealed; and three states invalidated their prior statutes altogether. This left 21 states with moment of s silence statutes, but two states enacted new statutes, so there are 23 states that have moment of silence statutes that comply with the Stevens-Powell-O’Connor guidelines. Most moment of silence statues leave the decision for implementation with local school districts, is much like that of Texas: “A school district may provide for a period of silence at the beginning of the first class of each school day during which a student may reflect or meditate.” Some, such as New Mexico, require that moment of silence meditation must be implemented only at the request of the students.

MORMON CASES The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (also known as the “Mormon Church”) was founded in 1830, the year that its scriptures, the “Book of Mormon” was published. This was a proselytizing faith that emerged from the religious revivalism that swept upstate New York in the 1820s. The founder of the church, Joseph Smith Jr., had taught in the late 1830s and early 1840s that polygamy was divinely commanded and a religious obligation. That belief was part of the LDS theology for most of the rest of the 19th century. The Mormons were persecuted as they moved from New York to Ohio to Missouri, and Illinois. Smith was murdered in Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1844. Led by Smith’s successor, Brigham Young, the sect moved to the Great Salt Lake Basin, and began to establish communities in Utah and surrounding territories. In 1850, Congress established Utah Territory, and in 1862, passed a statute aimed at Mormons that forbade plural marriages. The statutes applied to federal territories, which enabled the U.S. Supreme Court to

MORMON CASES adjudicate cases from Utah and Idaho prior to the incorporation of the Free Exercise Clause by the 14th Amendment. Understanding the cultural context of 19th century America is important to understanding the Mormon Cases. During this time, many Americans and American courts believed that Americans had a common understanding of God and religion. While the courts professed a belief in a free exercise of religion, many courts assumed that America was a Christian country; more particularly, many believed it was a Protestant country. Polygamy was extremely offensive to members of many Protestant denominations, who viewed the monogamous family as divinely ordained. One should also understand how polygamy was viewed by the 19th century Mormon Church. Not all men seeking a second wife were granted that right under church law. The man had to be deemed “righteous” above all else and had to prove himself worthy in other respects. To the Mormons, the act of taking a second wife was not carnal lust. They considered it a religious covenant with God, and it was respected as such. The U.S. Supreme Court’s first challenge on the grounds that a law conflicted with the First Amendment’s guarantee of free exercise of religion occurred in several cases in which the federal and territorial governments prosecuted members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (the Mormons) because of their practice of “plural marriages” (polygamy or having multiple wives). The Supreme Court justified the prosecutions and convictions for bigamy despite its purported religious basis, by distinguishing between beliefs and acts. [Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879); Cleveland v. United States (U.S. 1946)] Nevertheless, the large number of Mormons in some of the territories made local convictions on polygamy charges difficult. In 1882 Congress passed the Edmunds Act. The Edmunds Act amended the Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862 by declaring polygamy a felony, disenfranchising polygamists, defining unlawful cohabitation, and prohibiting polygamists from serving in public office or as jurors. After the passage of the statute, the first sustained effort to eradicate polygamy in Utah began. The U.S. Supreme Court approved the effort, even as it applied to persons who had entered the state before enactment of the original law prohibiting polygamy and as to persons for whom the statute of limitations had run. [Murphy v. Ramsey (U.S. 1885)] In Cannon v. United States (U.S. 1885), the Supreme Court upheld a conviction for unlawful cohabitation despite a lack of any evidence of sexual relations between the defendant and his second wife. Justices Samuel Miller and Stephen Field dissented on the grounds that the lack of evidence of a sexual relationship prohibited a conviction. Congress enacted the Edmunds-Tucker Act in 1887, which further restricted the privileges of people practicing polygamy. Subsequently, the Court upheld an act of a territorial legislature that required prospective voters not only to swear that they were not bigamists or polygamists, but as well that they did not belong to any organizations that encouraged such

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practices. The opinion of the Court was focused on condemning plural marriage and its advocacy as equal evils. [Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890)] Then ultimately, the Supreme Court sustained the revocation of the charter of the Mormon Church and confiscation of all church property not actually used for religious worship or for burial. [Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States (U.S. 1890)] The Court in that case ruled that: [t]he property of the said corporation . . . [is to be used to promote] the practice of polygamy—a crime against the laws, and abhorrent to the sentiments and feelings of the civilized world. . . . The organization of a community for the spread and practice of polygamy is, in a measure, a return to barbarism. It is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and of the civilization that Christianity had produced in the Western World.

In 1890 the Mormon Church officially disavowed polygamy and advised its members to abide by the laws of the United States in regard to it. When the Mormons voted to accept LDS President Wilford Woodruff’s manifesto, in addition to renouncing giving up polygamy (or plural marriage), the members of the Mormon church also disavowed “economic communitarianism” and the political kingdom. The first concept referred to the church’s emphasis on sharing property in common. The latter referred to the fact that temporal government was placed in the hands of ecclesiastical leaders under the auspices of a political kingdom of God whose theocratic model was Israel. The manifesto represented the beginning of the LDS church joining into the American cultural mainstream, which ensured the survival of the religion. The commitment of LDS church members to their faith since that time has facilitated their social and economic success in American society. The Utah Supreme Court had refused to abandon the forfeiture procedures and appointed a trustee to “support and aid the poor of the church, and to the building and repairing of its houses of worship.” Congress finally ended its confrontation with the Mormon Church. In 1893, Utah’s congressional delegate, Joseph L. Rawlins, introduced a resolution directing the return of the church’s personal property. With minor amendments, the resolution passed Congress and on January 10, 1894, what was left of the church’s personal property was returned. On June 8, 1896, the church’s real estate was returned. Shortly thereafter, in 1896, Utah was admitted to the Union with a constitutional provision forbidding the practice of polygamy. Four other western states subsequently were admitted to the Union that also forbade the practice of polygamy in their constitutions (Oklahoma, Idaho, Arizona, and New Mexico). In 1898, the Utah legislature adopted a statute declaring the common law to be the “rule of decision in all courts of this state.” The federal judiciary continues to adhere to the basic holding of Reynolds and the other cases. Rejecting a “fundamentalist” Mormon argument that the 19th century Mormon cases are no longer good law in today’s permissive society, the

MUELLER V. ALLEN 10th Circuit Court of Appeals held that “monogamy is inextricably woven into the fabric of our society. It is the bedrock upon which our culture is built.” [Potter v. Murray City (10th Cir. 1985)] In 1990, with language from Reynolds, Justice Antonin Scalia denied the religious freedom claim of drug users, which brought up the Mormon Cases distinction between freedom to believe and the validity of prohibiting religious-based actions, placing the distinctions again at the center of free exercise jurisprudence. [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)]

MUELLER V. ALLEN (U.S. 1983) In 1982, Minnesota enacted a statute implementing a tax credit program, which allowed taxpayers, in computing their state income tax, to deduct certain expenses incurred in educating their children. The deduction was limited to expenses incurred for tuition, textbooks, and transportation of students attending either public or private elementary or secondary schools. A group of Minnesota taxpayers, including Van D. Mueller, claimed that the deduction, when used by the parents of children attending religiously-affiliated schools, violated the Establishment Clause by providing financial assistance to those religious institutions. Mueller and the other taxpayers sued the state of Minnesota. At the time there were approximately 500 nonpublic schools in Minnesota educating over 90,000 students. Approximately 95% of these students were enrolled in religiously-affiliated private schools. Supporters of the Minnesota statute claimed that this legislation was intended to broaden educational choice, and that the primary effect of the law was not to advance religion, but to expand educational opportunity. The U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota and the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit both concluded that the law was constitutional. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld by a five-to-four vote the Minnesota tax-credit program. To decide the case, the court applied the three prongs of the Lemon test: purpose, primary effect and entanglement. The court found that the plan was constitutional under this test for the following reasons. First, the law had a legitimate secular purpose, namely to facilitate the education of the state’s citizenry. Justice Rehnquist emphasized the benefits provided to society by parents supporting private schools. Tax benefits to such parents serve the secular purposes of educating children and of assuring the continuing financial health of private schools. The private school system relieves the burden on public schools, serves as a benchmark for public schools, and provides an educational alternative promoting diversity. Any unequal effects of the program could be viewed as a “rough return for the benefits” provided to the state and taxpayers generally. Second, the law did not have the primary affect of advancing religion, because the tax deduction was available to all parents, including those children who

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attended public and nonsectarian schools. The court acknowledged that financial aid provided to parents had an economic effect comparable to that of aid given directly to religiously affiliated schools. Justice William Rehnquist, writing for the Court, noted that the educational deduction was one of many deductions designed to equalize tax burdens and encourage desirable expenditures. Most important, unlike an earlier tax credit program for parents of private school children that the Court invalidated [Committee for Public Education & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist (U.S. 1973)], the Minnesota tax break was available to all parents, including those whose children attended public schools. This factual difference from Nyquist made the result different. Establishment Clause concerns were reduced, because the aid was provided through the parents, so there was no state endorsement conferred on the religious schools. Justice Rehnquist commented: “[A] program that neutrally provides state assistance to a broad spectrum of citizens is not readily subject to challenge under the Establishment Clause.” The argument that a large majority of the deductions would be claimed by parents who pay high tuition at religious schools was dismissed: “Such an approach would scarcely provide the certainty that this field stands in need of, nor can we perceive principled standards by which such statistical evidence might be evaluated.” Third, the court concluded that the tax credit program did not foster excessive entanglement between church and state. That the state might have to disallow deductions for textbooks used in reaching religion was no more a problem than having to screen books eligible for the textbook loan programs. Justice Rehnquist perceived no significant danger of “comprehensive discriminating, and continuing state surveillance” in the religious schools that might excessively entangle the state in religion. Finally, the court suggested that religiously based political divisiveness was only an issue when direct financial subsidies are paid to parochial schools, but again, not when they are channeled through individual citizens. Writing in dissent, Justice Thurgood Marshall emphasized that the Establishment Clause prohibits a state from subsidizing religious education, whether it does so directly or indirectly. For Justice Marshall, the Minnesota law, like any tax benefit system subsidizing tuition payments to sectarian schools, had “a direct and immediate effect of advancing religion.” Marshall argued that the idea that all parents were helped by an even-handed deduction is a fiction. The deduction is not even-handed, because only under the most unusual circumstances do public schools charge any tuition or fees for their books. Only those parents who send their children to private or religiously-affiliated schools are anything beyond minimal beneficiaries of the plan. Whatever its neutral qualities on the surface, the program was designed to provide incentives for or to aid, parents who send their children to nonpublic schools. Marshall, who was joined by Justices William Brennan, Harry Blackmun, and John Stevens, echoed the Court’s admonition in Nyquist that the government is required to maintain a position of neutrality on religion.

MUSLIM CHARITIES Mueller case reflected a profound change in the Court’s jurisprudence on government aid to parents of children attending religiously affiliated schools. Earlier precedents had established that a state may not aid parochial schools either by direct grants or indirectly by financial aids to the parents of the children; whether this assistance assumed the form of tax credits or reimbursements of tuition expenses did not matter. The Mueller decision was significant in that it opened the way for other efforts designed to promote expanded private sector educational opportunities through vouchers or tax credits. Although many believed that after Mueller, that many states and perhaps even the federal government might enact legislation to provide aid to students in religiously-affiliated schools by provisions in their income tax codes to allow all parents with children in school, of whatever kind, to make a deduction. This did not happen, perhaps due to the fact that in difficult economic times, that most governments did not want to deprive themselves of the revenue they would lose by tax deductions.

MUSLIM CHARITIES One of President George W. Bush’s major initiatives in the “war on terror,” launched after the 9/11 attacks in 2001, was to aggressively eradicate sources of funding for terrorist organizations. To this end, the federal government investigated several Muslim charities, and blacklisted twenty-seven of them for allegedly providing financial support to terrorist organizations. While such actions may have enhanced the federal government’s ability to prevent terrorist attacks, these actions also raised serious constitutional and civil liberties issues. There is no doubt that preventing individuals and organizations from funding terrorism in the United States is a legitimate government objective. In these cases, the federal government attempted to prevent the funding of terrorism by investigating Islamic charities to determine whether they support terrorist acts or organizations and subsequently blocked the charities’ assets. This process of “blacklisting” Muslim charities profoundly “chilled” Muslim free religious exercise. Not only have donor opportunities significantly decreased, but also many Muslims avoided donating to religious charities for fear of being labeled a terrorist. This chilling effect significantly interferes with the practice of annual charitable giving, known as “zakat,” one of the five pillars of Islam and a fundamental element of the Muslim faith. The stigma from the government crackdown led to a significant decline in donations to Muslim charities in the United States from 2001 through 2008. In determining the First Amendment claims Muslim donors made in challenging the government’s charity blacklisting, the courts have balanced

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donors’ religious interests against the government interest in curtailing terrorist funding. While the right to donate to charity is admittedly a strong interest, courts have consistently considered the interest in national security to be powerfully compelling and rejected the First Amendment arguments of the Muslim charities. The International Economic Emergency Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) allows the government to designate an organization or individual as a terrorist organization and to block that organization’s or individual’s assets. The IEEPA grants congressional authority to the president of the United States to regulate, investigate, and block transactions between individuals or organizations within American jurisdiction and specifically designated foreign countries and nationals, all in the interest of national security. Prior to exercising this power, the president must declare a national emergency with respect to any unusual or extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States. The IEEPA’s blocking power had been previously used against international governments, such as those of Sudan, Burma, Libya, and Iran, rather than against private groups and individuals. The IEEPA’s grant of regulatory power is extremely broad because it authorizes presidential regulation of any person or any property subject to the jurisdiction of the United States and as it pertains to the declared national emergency. There are, however, four enumerated limitations on the president’s power. The president does not have the power to regulate or prohibit (1) communications which do not involve a transfer of anything of value; (2) informational materials including publications, photographs, and CDs; (3) any transactions ordinarily incident to travel to or from any country, such as the payment of living expenses and the purchase of goods for personal use; and (4) donations of articles intended to relieve human suffering such as food, clothing, and medicine. Under the IEEPA, three different lists are maintained to designate terrorist organizations, often referred to as “blacklists.” The relevant blacklists are: (1) Specially Designated Terrorist, created by Executive Order 12,947, issued by President William Jefferson Clinton in 1995 to identify groups or individuals that sought to threaten the Middle East peace process; (2) Specially Designated Global Terrorist, created by Executive Order 13,224, issued by President George W. Bush after September 11, 2001; and (3) Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons, an umbrella list compiled by the Office of Foreign Assets Control, a branch of the U.S. Treasury Department. On September 23, 2001, President George W. Bush issued Executive Order 13,224 (E.O. 13,224), creating what has come to be known as the Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) blacklist. President Bush issued the order in response to the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon that occurred on September 11, 2001. The SDGT designation is more expansive than President Clinton’s SDT designation in that it includes all global terrorists, not specifically those affecting the Middle East peace process.

MUSLIM CHARITIES At the time E.O. 13,224 was issued, United States officials were still not fully aware of the details about who funded al-Qaeda’s attacks on September 11, 2001, or through what channels they did so. Subsequent investigations, however, revealed that al-Qaeda primarily financed the attacks on the United States through individual fundraisers and charities in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries. Because the fundraisers, mosques, and charities that sent money to alQaeda utilized the centrality of charitable giving in Islam, it is not clear that all donors knew they were donating to al-Qaeda-linked organizations or that their donations would be used to fund terrorism. Although the United States was not a primary source of al-Qaeda funding, some funds raised or donated in the United States nevertheless may have indirectly and unknowingly been given to al-Qaeda. In E.O. 13,224, President George W. Bush said that due to the pervasive and expansive nature of the economic foundation of foreign terrorists, financial sanctions are appropriate for persons and organizations that support or associate with foreign terrorists. He asked for the blocking of assets for (1) individuals or groups on the annexed list; (2) anybody who has committed or is a significant risk for committing acts of terrorism; and (3) any person who is acting on behalf of a group on the annexed list. The annexed list comprises entirely Islamic and Arab individuals and groups, starting at the top with al-Qaeda/Islamic Army and including Osama bin Laden. The Order further allows the Secretary of the Treasury to freeze the assets of any person who may have assisted in, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for acts of terrorism or for those persons listed in the Annex and persons subsequently subjected to asset blocking under the order. The extent of blocking appears constrained by section 1702(b) of the IEEPA, which precludes the president from regulating or prohibiting donations made with the intent to relieve human suffering. However, this limitation on presidential authority to block and designate has its own exception. Under the IEEPA, humanitarian donations may be prohibited or regulated where the president determines that such donations would “seriously impair his ability to deal with” the national emergency so declared, or in this case, the war on terrorism. Because E.O. 13,224 applies to all global terrorists and confers broad powers on governmental agencies fighting terrorism, some U.S. officials viewed it as one of the best available tools to disable terrorist groups. Shortly after its issuance, the government added to the SDGT list several terrorist organizations that had previously been the target of several different U.S. investigations, but were not related to the September 11 attacks, including the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA). Thus, the SDGT list purportedly does not single out Islamic or Middle East terrorism, but rather signifies a “global war on terrorism and terrorist financing” wherever it occurs around the world. The Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) maintains the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons (SDN) list, a comprehensive roster of

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several blacklists. The list has all designated terrorist organizations and individuals from the SDT and SDGT lists and also includes groups that currently have their assets blocked for other reasons, such as narcotics trafficking. The SDN list is also important in the government’s ability to regulate terrorist funding because an individual or organization may be added to the SDN list and have its assets blocked pursuant to investigation without having been given a formal terrorist designation. The ability to block assets during an investigation was the result of an amendment to the IEEPA by the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001 (USA PATRIOT Act). Section 106 of the USA PATRIOT Act expanded the presidential authority under the IEEPA to not only “investigate” transactions involving a declared national emergency, but also to “block during the pendency of an investigation” such transactions. Of the twenty-seven Islamic charities designated as terrorist organizations or terrorist supporters by the U.S. Treasury Department, five have had offices in the United States. These charities were effectively shut down by the “terrorist” designations and blocking orders. All of the charities have challenged the government’s actions in court, and each challenge has been rejected in favor of the U.S. Treasury Department. The Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (Holy Land) was established in 1989 and operates in Richardson, Texas, as a section 501(c)(3) charitable organization providing humanitarian aid overseas, with a primary focus on Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Holy Land was the largest Muslim charity in the United States. The charity collected over $13 million from American Muslims in 2000. On December 4, 2001, the Secretary of the Treasury designated Holy Land as an SDT and an SDGT, pursuant to E.O. 12,947 and E.O. 13,224, respectively, and issued a blocking order for all funds, property, and assets based on alleged links to the terrorist group Hamas. Hamas has assumed responsibility for several terrorist attacks against civilians in Israel. One problem is that Hamas is also a social support organization, and it is difficult to separate these dual, often contradictory objectives. Holy Land released a statement denying the allegations made against it, saying it does not support terrorist groups or individuals. In March 2002, Holy Land filed a lawsuit seeking to enjoin the government from continuing to block its assets. Holy Land argued that the SDT and SDGT designations and attendant blocking orders violated several constitutional rights and statutes: (1) the Administrative Procedure Act; (2) the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment; (3) the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment; (4) the Fourth Amendment; (5) First Amendment rights to freedom of speech and association; and (6) the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. The D.C. District Court rejected most of Holy Land’s arguments and denied its request for a preliminary injunction. The challenge was denied because the court found that the compelling government interest in fighting terrorism overcame the charity’s claims that the

MUSLIM CHARITIES designation and blocking order violated its rights of freedom of speech, association, and exercise of religion. The court also found that OFAC’s action was not arbitrary and capricious because the administrative record provided “ample support” that Holy Land had financial connections to and substantial involvement with Hamas. Holy Land claimed that its funds supported medical and humanitarian aid and argued that the humanitarian exception to the IEEPA should apply to the blocking order. However, the court agreed with the government that the exception merely applied to donations of “articles,” not transfers of money, even if intended to relieve human suffering. The only finding the district court made in Holy Land’s favor was that the government’s entry on or in its premises and the removal of property without a warrant constituted an unreasonable search and seizure in violation of the Fourth Amendment. In 2003, the D.C. Circuit Court upheld the lower court’s decision in the Holy Land case. Though other organizations have stepped forward to request the opportunity to distribute Holy Land’s aid money, its assets remain blocked and not available. Federal prosecutors won criminal charges against five officials of the Holy Land Foundation accused of funding the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in November 2008, after a mistrial in 2007. These five men face life sentences. Attempts are being worked out between the government and private sector to ensure that Muslim charities are not unwitting fundraisers for terror. Muslim Advocates, a San Francisco-based advocacy group, earlier in August 2008 launched an initiative that calls for U.S.-based Muslim charities to undergo a rigorous vetting process conducted by a charity watchdog arm of the Better Business Bureau. The process will not make charities terrorist-proof, but the bureau’s scrutiny and evaluation of charities’ legal compliance, financial accountability, and good governance may give donors enough confidence to make donations again. The initiative “provides a means for American-Muslim charities and nonprofit institutions to familiarize themselves with and adhere to the highest standards of governance and accountability while reassuring donors that resources are being directed toward their intended and stated purposes. The initiative does not provide a remedy for a major issue with which the government and Muslim fundraisers seek to deal: how to carry out charitable work overseas in areas affected by terrorist activities without giving terrorists inadvertent support. The problem is that social welfare and charitable efforts operated by al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, and similar groups are intertwined with terrorist activities in some places. This allows them to gain support, recruit members, and radicalize vulnerable populations. The Department of the Treasury’s terrorist financing guidelines requires U.S. charities to take precautionary measures in such high-risk areas, particularly by vetting their local employees, partners, and grantees.

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The vetting process, however, can be difficult in dealing with terrorist groups that change their names, structures, and features with ease. Many of the charities, however, usually do not have the expertise or resources to conduct extensive security reviews of people and groups they deal with in target countries. The guidelines have been continually refined in consultations with the charitable sector.

MUTUAL ABSTINENCE “Mutual abstinence” is a strict separationist principle that embraces the idea that the state should never become involved in religious issues and that sectarian differences should not be allowed to be politically divisive. This ideal of mutual abstinence includes the principle that religion should never be supported by public taxation. The separation principle entailed the theory of mutual abstinence operates in both ways. It is meant to keep religion from entangling with the state, as well as to keep the church free from the state influence that would be the inevitable result of state financial support. The Constitution is viewed, under the doctrine of mutual abstinence, as a pact to maintain civil peace in a society where political issues and values differ, so as not to open religious conflict and arouse sectarian hostility. The purpose of the religion clauses in the First Amendment is to “ensure civil peace.” The justifications for First Amendment freedoms arise out of the political objective of establishing civil peace by means of toleration and the theory of the “marketplace of ideas.” John Locke’s use of John Milton’s phrase about truth defeating falsehood is intended to ensure that doctrinal division does not disturb the civil peace by encouraging governmental strife. From their shared experiences, the original 13 colonies arrived at an understanding that government should interfere in religious matters only when necessary to protect the civil peace or to prevent “licentiousness.” In other words when religious beliefs conflicted with secular law, religion prevailed unless important state interests militated otherwise. Civil peace was one of the values, along with other values such as autonomy, which the supporters of the Bill or Rights used to justify making the religion clauses part of the U.S. Constitution. These values were neutral values that all reasonable people must accept, whose necessity was apparent to reasonable persons regardless of their particular sectarian beliefs or their atheism or agnosticism. A civil peace justification is widely accepted because nearly everyone wants to avoid violence and a justification that the political order will avoid violence is one that nearly all can accept. An autonomy justification, however, is rejected by many religious believers.

MUTUAL ABSTINENCE One interpretation of the civil peace ideal holds that, religion should be entirely private; it should not encourage adherents to interject religion into politics and law. This philosophy promotes the view that religious discourse and civil discourse are incompatible, so that religious differences must be suppressed to promote civil peace. Under this view, because of centuries of distrust and conflict, government institutions and religious institutions are unable to work together without one seeking to dominate the other. In the United States the First Amendment intends that civil peace may be achieved even with religious diversity. In the American tradition, the religion clauses were not written as protection from religion, but as protection for religion. The Framer’s intended that religion flourish vigorously and peaceably. According to the holding in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), a statute that targets religion is subject to strict scrutiny to determine whether it is constitutional. This principle not only prevents petty harassment of religious institutions, but also serves the important structural goal of maintaining civil peace through a governmental stance of neutrality toward religion. Accomodationists criticize separationist views of nonestablishment as a guarantor of civil peace. Many accommodationists view the basic controversy as essentially one issue: Has religion divided and endangered political communities, or have political factions used religious symbols, affiliations, and authority to engage in political conflict? They admit that world history supports to some extent the idea that religious conflict has often threatened civil tranquility. In U.S. history, however, almost precisely the opposite is true. Many accommodationists believe that Christianity has united, if not defined, the United States, and has supported political liberty. In the 21st Century, the United States is not beset by large-scale outright religious violence. The threat of violence, however, remains present in the United States. Each time a cross or church is burned is an attack on the civil peace in the United States. A loss of civil peace invariably translates into a loss of ordered liberty. Church burnings and cross burnings not only threaten the lives of African Americans and others, but are threats to the entire American system. Civil peace does not survive when racially motivated arson persists in American society. Civil peace may survive establishment of religion and serious violations of free exercise rights. Therefore, the American constitutional order on religion cannot be justified on simply preventing violence alone. An advocate of the civil peace justification might counter that more subtle forms of civil strife continue, and that were legal protections of religious freedom to disappear, outright violence might follow. The present strength of a civil peace justification depends on whether civil strife is a contemporary danger. And in some cases, with the presence of hatemotivated violence fueled by religious bigotry, it is. The civil peace rationale for special protection of religious freedom may not be sufficient. It does not justify protecting groups too small or fringe to resist or garner

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widespread sympathy. Moreover, more ruthless religious suppression must be even more productive of civil peace than toleration. One example the absence of religious conflict in the former Soviet Union. In a pluralistic community, civil peace and inclusiveness can be achieved only imperfectly and only through compromise, cultivated tolerance, mutual forbearances, and strategic silences. In this context, the judicial imposition of any set of consistent and explicit principles is likely to undermine the possibilities for compromise and forbearance, and hence to aggravate the dangers of civil strife and alienation. Civil peace, in short, must be the product of prudence, not of principle imposed from above. Critics of the general notion of nonestablishment as a guarantor of civil peace argue that the U.S. Supreme Court ignores the basic controversy in the area: has religion divided and endangered political communities, or have political factions used religious symbols, affiliations, and authority to fight their political wars? Although the issue undoubtedly permits no categorical answer, the justices offer no analysis at all. More important, although there is indeed a history behind the idea that religious conflict threatens civil tranquility, the Court overstates it and in the process denies the overwhelming evidence in U.S. history of almost precisely the opposite. Christianity has united, if not defined, the United States, and because political liberty presupposes a religious citizenry, government must set aside religion to ensure its own survival. That the generation that enacted the First Amendment held the latter, more favorable, view of religion and the polity is established fact.

N NARCOTICS LAWS AND REGULATIONS See Drugs and Religion

NATIONAL CHURCH See Establishment Clause

NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIONS It is challenging to describe Native American Religions in a fully complete and accurate way, because Native Americans identify themselves by tribe, and many religious beliefs differ by tribe. Native American religions reflect traditions that have existed in the Americas for over 300 centuries, and a tremendous diversity of traditions have evolved over time. Native Americans also typically view religion more in terms of culture than in terms of how most Americans perceive religion. Interestingly, no traditional Native American language has one word that translates to “religion.” For Native Americans, the spiritual life is not separate from the secular life. Native American religions differ from the Abrahamic religions because they are holistic and integrated and because religion is not separated from other aspects of life. Unlike most traditional Western religions, which distinguish the “religious” or “sacred” sphere of life from the secular, Native American religions perceive all creation and events as religious or sacred. Religion therefore permeates every aspect of life for many Native Americans and every day tasks are religious acts imbued with sacred

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meaning. Native Americans do not honor specific Sabbath days, and they generally do not extend special religious significance to particular days of the year. Monotheism, as understood in western civilization, is not a part of Native American religions. Instead, Native American spirituality emphasizes the physical and emotional interconnectedness among all beings. Native Americans’ concept of a supreme deity traditionally reflects an indefinable presence, and their sense of the Great Spirit has been closely tied to the natural world around them, whereas the Christian sense of God has related to the human male form. Western thought has influenced modern Native American religions through acculturation. Many traditional religious practices have been suppressed or disappeared, such as polygamy and mourning with self-mutilation. The extent of acculturation may differ by tribe, and influence from non-Indians has even caused tension within tribes among sociological full-blood and mixed-blood groups. Native Americans are inseparable from their American identity. They are a unique ethnic and religious group because their ancestors were the first American settlers, and because Native American Culture was created and shaped only in America. All Native American peoples share a profound and deeply special reverence for the natural world and for their land. Unlike most mainstream religions in the United States, many Native American religions consider land a living, sacred thing. They consider specific sites as sacred not just because they are the necessary location for important religious rites and ceremonies, but also because they are holy in and of themselves. Moreover, because of the indigenous nature of their culture, Native American sacred sites are located only in America. No ethnic group in the United States has been dispossessed of as much land, or in such a systematic manner, as have Native Americans. As a result of the federal government’s allotment policy, for example, tribal landholdings in the United States decreased from 138 million acres to 52 million acres from 1887 to 1934. And prior to that time, tribes had already been deprived of most of their lands because of official federal policies, including the policy of removing tribes to reservations in the nineteenth century, which confined them to areas much smaller than their traditional land base. This massive land deprivation was devastating to Native American religion because of the intimate connection Native Americans have to the land. Many Native American religions strongly depend on visions, dreams, and a very exacting and demanding ceremonialism, all of which are primarily concerned with communicating with various spirits and maintaining the natural and cultural orders. All Plains tribal groups stress the importance of a vision quest–a quest to receive one’s personal guardian spirit, accomplished with solitary retreat involving fasting and sacrifice. Similarly, the Cherokees in North Carolina continue to practice a vision quest ritual. Peyotism, however, is probably the most familiar example of the use of drugs in Native American religions. Under this faith, the peyote herb is itself considered

NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIONS sacred. Peyotism initially emerged as a means to help relieve suffering; instead of sending a holy person (such as Jesus Christ, Mohammed, or Buddha), the Great Spirit delivered this holy herb, through which users can communicate directly with the Great Spirit and be strengthened. Today, some groups emphasize Christian beliefs in the peyote ceremony, equating peyote with the incarnation of the Holy Ghost; during the ceremony, passages may be read from scriptures in the Christian Bible, especially among Peyotists in the northern plains and Western Great Lakes areas. In 1978, Congress enacted the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA), providing that after August 11, 1978, “it shall be the policy of the United States to protect and preserve for American Indians their inherent right of freedom to believe, express, and exercise their traditional religions.” The statute was based on findings that there had been a history of intolerance toward Native American religions, especially with regard to denying access to sacred sites, restricting the use of peyote, and interfering with religious events. Upon AIRFA’s passage, President Jimmy Carter appointed a task force to review federal policies and issue recommendations for reform. In August 1979, the task force submitted its report to Congress, making legislative proposals, recommending changes in federal policy, and identifying instances where government had violated Native American religious practices. The report, however, resulted in little change. Throughout American history, the federal government failed to apply the Establishment Clause’s proscription against government-sponsored religion, when federal government funded efforts to convert Native Americans to Christianity, and followed Western views on property ownership and control to justify the divestiture of Native Americans from their sacred sites. Western ideas of religion were invoked to characterize Native American beliefs as nonreligious and primitive. Native Americans, though deeply religious, were considered heathens for following markedly different religious tenets. In enacting AIRFA, Congress recognized the history of religious persecution and it granted special protection for Native American religions, which it had not granted to any other religious groups. After AIRFA was passed in 1978, Native American groups filed several lawsuits seeking to gain access to sacred sites and preserve them from development. These actions invoked both AIRFA and the Free Exercise Clause. In Sequoyah v. Tennessee Valley Authority (6th Cir. 1980), Cherokees sought to enjoin the construction of the Tellico Dam on the Little Tennessee River, claiming the dam would flood sacred homelands. In Badoni v. Higginson (10th Cir. 1980), the Navajo sought to compel the government to lower a reservoir that partially flooded the Rainbow Bridge National Monument, a sacred site; to issue regulations controlling tourist behavior at the monument; and to temporarily close the monument to the public, with due notice, for religious ceremonies. And in Wilson v. Block (D.C. Cir. 1983) Navajo and Hopi tribes sought to enjoin the clearing of fifty acres of forest for expanding a ski resort in the Coconino National Forest.

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The Native Americans failed in many of their efforts to obtain relief under AIRFA. The Courts found that their Establishment Clause claims lacked sufficient weight, and found the Native American plaintiffs could not overcome the compelling interest test of the Free Exercise Clause. In the sacred-site cases, the courts had found that the Native Americans had not presented evidence that met the substantial burden standard. The courts required Native Americans to present factual proof that the sites were central and indispensable to their religions, i.e., that their religions could not be practiced without them. However, as applied to Western religions, the centrality test had been rejected, and claimants were protected from even indirect burdens on their religious practices. Some courts rejected the sacred-site claims summarily, stating that free exercise rights could never supersede the government’s interest in land management. And in Badoni, the court did not decide whether there was a substantial burden on a religious practice, because it found the government had a compelling interest in the dam construction at issue. Since Native Americans’ free-exercise claims were rejected, the Establishment Clause was neither determinative nor a focus of the courts’ analyses. Some courts referred to it, nonetheless. In Wilson, the court suggested that if it had accepted the free exercise claim, the Establishment Clause would impose a prohibition, because the Establishment Clause cannot prohibit relief required under the Free Exercise Clause. Conversely, however, other courts commented that the Establishment Clause provided a basis to deny sacred-site protection. These courts decided that protecting sacred sites or regulating the public’s use of them would be analogous to the government erecting a religious shrine in violation of the Establishment Clause. The three-part test from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) was not applied in any of these cases. Despite the barriers on Native Americans’ free-exercise claims, in Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association (U.S. 1988), centrality and indispensability were shown, and Native Americans initially had some success with the lower courts. In Lyng, the government made plans to construct a six-mile road through a National Forest in northwestern California. The Forest Service’s expert recommended that no road be built, because the area was indispensable to the religious practices of three Native American tribes, and the road construction would “cause serious and irreparable damage to the sacred areas.” Nonetheless, the Forest Service rejected that recommendation, and it also rejected alternative routes for the road that would have avoided the sacred areas. The district court in Lyng issued an injunction against the road construction. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed, holding that the road construction did not further a compelling state interest and would violate the tribes’ freeexercise rights. Further, the Ninth Circuit opined that abandoning the road project would not create a religious preserve in violation of the Establishment Clause, but it would simply preserve the land in its natural state.

NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIONS The U.S. Supreme Court reversed, basing its analysis on the Free Exercise Clause. The Lyng majority said that it had previously scrutinized indirect burdens on the practice of religion, such as the denial of employment benefits for refusing to work on one’s Sabbath. It distinguished those cases, however, on the reasoning that they involved governmental coercion. The First Amendment, the Court said, involves “‘what the government cannot do to the individual, not . . . what the individual can exact from the government.”’ The Court held that even if the road would destroy the tribes’ religion, it did not constitute a burden on their religion in the constitutional sense, because it did not “coerce” the tribes into violating their religious tenets. The Court, in rejecting the tribes’ claim, stressed that the government has the prerogative to decide what to do with its own land. It expressed a fear that recognizing the claim could give rise to extended religious servitudes on government property. With regard to the AIRFA claims, the Court held that the statute was only a policy statement and did not grant rights or create a cause of action. The court did not address any issues under the Establishment Clause. Since the Lyng majority stressed governmental interests in land management, the case could be interpreted to mean that the First Amendment couldn’t be invoked to challenge the government’s use of real property. Indeed, this interpretation of Lyng was expressed when the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) was enacted in November 1993. In particular, in the Senate Report accompanying RFRA, Native American free-exercise claims were emphasized. Through the report, Congress was assured that RFRA would not create a cause of action on behalf of Native Americans seeking to protect sacred sites. The Senate Report stated that RFRA was not an attempt to overrule Lyng and that, under Lyng, “strict scrutiny does not apply to government actions involving only management of internal Government affairs or the use of the Government’s own property or resources.” Under both Supreme Court precedents and the RFRA, sacred-site claims, government land use may not be challenged under the Free Exercise Clause. The Establishment Clause was not been a major issue, since no religious benefits have been granted. Besides looking to secular purposes in land preservation, deference could be given to the longstanding history of preserving these lands to find that continued preservation does not threaten the values underlying the Establishment Clause. Undeveloped sites historically have existed in their natural states without threatening religious establishment. Most Americans upon seeing preserved parkland probably do not conclude that the government is endorsing a religion, but rather, they likely conclude that the government is preserving land for secular environmental reasons. Moreover, Congress in the past has set aside park land for Native Americans, expressly stating the land could be used for religious purposes, and every Indian reservation is, in effect, a government-supported enclave through which Native American culture and religion are preserved.

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Furthermore, there is a secular and historical interest in preserving sites that traditionally have been religiously significant to our indigenous peoples. Even Christian churches have received governmental protection from development, though from a Western perspective, a church is a more prominent religious symbol than undeveloped land. The traditional Establishment Clause rules should not prohibit sacred site protection, provided that consistency is maintained in defining what is a religious benefit under both religion clauses. Even if the religious nature of preserving sacred sites was acknowledged, the Establishment Clause should not pose an absolute prohibition to protecting them in all cases. Blanket rules have not been invoked under the Establishment Clause, and the Supreme Court has held that religious accommodation is a secular interest that does not violate the Establishment Clause.

NATIVITY SCENES See Holiday Displays

NATURAL LAW Natural law comprises an unwritten body of universal principles forming the ethical and legal basis by which human conduct is evaluated and governed. Purportedly of divine origin, this law is said to be accessible by reason to people of all races, classes, religions, and cultures. The content of natural law is set by nature and therefore has validity everywhere. The primary precepts of natural law, to do good and to avoid evil, are universally recognized, despite differences in understanding and application. Natural law theory originates with such classical theorists as Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, and Zeno. Natural law theory had its greatest influence during the Middle Ages. In medieval Christianity, natural law was believed to supplement Scripture as God’s truth, and thus, both served simultaneously as the foundation for canon law and civil law, the respective bodies of law of the medieval church and the medieval state. During the Middle Ages, Saint Thomas Aquinas placed natural law just below “Positive Divine Law” and above “Human Law.” Positive law consists of the written rules and regulations enacted by the government. Positive divine law was the law given by God in addition to the natural law. While natural law is promulgated in the very structure of God’s being and is discernible by natural reason alone, the existence and content of divine positive law is known only by revelation. The natural law is comprised of those precepts of the eternal

NATURAL LAW law that govern the behavior of beings possessing reason and free will. The first precept of the natural law, according to Aquinas, was to do good and avoid evil. Aquinas holds a natural law theory of morality in that what is good and evil is derived from the rational nature of human beings. Good and evil are thus both objective and universal. The term natural law is derived from the Latin, jus naturale. Adherents to natural law philosophy are known as naturalists. Naturalists believe that natural law principles form an inherent part of nature and exist regardless of whether government recognizes or enforces them. Naturalists further believe that the government must incorporate natural law principles into the legal system before justice can be achieved. There are three schools of natural law theory: divine natural law, secular natural law, and historical natural law. Divine natural law holds that law must be made to conform to the commands promulgated or inspired by God, or some other deity, who governs according to principles of compassion, truth, and justice. William Blackstone wrote that, “This law of nature, being co-eval with mankind and dictated by God himself, is of course superior in obligation to any other. It is binding over all the globe, in all countries, and at all times: no human laws are of any validity, if contrary to this; and such of them as are valid derive all their force, and all their authority, mediately or immediately, from this original.” Secular natural law replaces the divine laws of God with the physical, biological, and behavioral laws of nature as perceived by human reason. This school theorizes about the uniform and fixed rules of nature to identify moral and ethical norms. According to the school of historical natural law, law must be made to conform to the well established, but unwritten, customs, traditions, and experiences that evolved throughout history. Historical natural law has had an integral role in the development of the Anglo-American system of justice. Natural law theories profoundly influenced the development of English common law. Richard Hooker, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and William Blackstone were prominent Natural law philosophers. Natural law, particularly its approach to Natural Rights, was a fundamental source of the ideals discussed in the Declaration of Independence. In contemporary jurisprudence, natural law may refer to several doctrines: 1) that just laws are immanent in nature; that is, they can be “discovered” or “found” but not “created” by such documents as a “bill of rights”; 2) that they can emerge by the natural process of resolving conflicts, as embodied by the evolutionary process of the common law”; or, 3) that the meaning of law is such that its content cannot be determined except by reference to moral principles. These meanings can either oppose or complement each other, although they share the common trait that they rely on inherence as opposed to design in finding just laws.

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While legal positivism would hold that a law could be unjust without it being any less a law, natural law jurisprudence would hold that there is something legally deficient about an unjust law. The concept of natural law played a crucial role in the development of English Common Law. In the controversies between Parliament and the monarch, Parliament often made reference to the Fundamental Laws of England, which were often said to embody natural law principles since time immemorial and set limits on the power of the monarchy. Blackstone, however, wrote that might be useful in determining the content of the Common Law and in deciding equity cases, but was not itself identical with the laws of England. Nonetheless, the implication of natural law in the common law tradition has meant that the great opponents of natural law and proponents of legal positivism such as Jeremy Bentham have also staunchly criticized the Common Law. Natural law jurisprudence is currently undergoing a period of reformulation. The most prominent contemporary natural law jurist is Australian John Finnis, who teaches at Oxford. Other important natural law jurists, include Americans Germain Grisez, Robert P. George, and Canadian Joseph Boyle. All have worked to construct a new version of natural law. “New Natural Law” was created by Grisez, and focuses on “basic human goods,” such as human life, knowledge, and aesthetic experience, which are self-evidently and intrinsically worthwhile, and states that these goods reveal themselves as being incommensurable with one another.

NEGLIGENCE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS Although religious organizations are protected by the First Amendment, the Constitution confers no general immunity from liability for their contracts and torts. Claims may be stated against religious organizations if those organizations had the corporate power or ecclesiastical responsibility for the specific matter in dispute, or had themselves taken action in the matter. A general assertion of the potential to take action or potential to control is insufficient to result in a claim against the organization. Liability would reside, if at all, in the entity that has both the juridic power (under the religious polity) and the civil duty to answer for the actions of persons or other entities in the religious structure. Departure from these principles could result in an unconstitutional exercise by a court. In the past, it would have been almost impossible for churches and other religious organizations to be sued. Religious organizations in the United States enjoyed a privileged status, protected not only by legal immunity justified by the benefits they provided to society but also were highly respected by ordinary citizens. While religious organizations are still highly respected, Americans today

NEGLIGENCE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS expect religious organizations to be accountable for their mistakes. Religious organizations make contracts that they break, create risks for which they must be responsible, and conduct many activities in the larger society that impact the general public, beyond their members. It is law that religious organizations will be held responsible for the consequences of their actions. The demise of charitable immunity generally, and its limitation in virtually every jurisdiction, means that these entities must pay attention to their legal relationships and conduct. Religious organizations may be held responsible for the conduct of a member, employee, or agent, or even the conduct of another related group or its members, employees, or agents, including volunteers. Religious organizations are often very complex entities. The largest consist of relations among many local churches, many regional judicatories, and millions of adherents bound together not by a contract of law but by the bonds of a common commitment in faith. They relate to each other and to national and international religious bodies according to the dictates of religious principles and doctrines, sometimes millennia old. In this most basic sense, derivative liability encompasses traditional tort policy concepts, both financial risk-spreading and social-reform goals. Indeed, socialreform and risk-spreading considerations are behind decisions in which one entity must answer for the actions of a related entity’s minister, staff, or volunteer. This is more apparent in attempts to force liability on larger national or regional groups affiliated with smaller local groups. The courts presume that, if a “superior” body, however defined or connected, can be forced to take charge of the responsibility for the local matter, harm to future plaintiffs might be precluded. Thus, although this form of liability action has at its root the most basic litigation urge to find a solvent or insured defendant, it also includes an element of social purpose, to enforce some greater responsibility through the liability system and deter future harm. The dilemma confronting the legal system is how best to allocate responsibility among the parties. Conversely, where a litigant seeks to force a religious defendant to assume the legal responsibility for the misdeeds of a member, an employee, a leader, or even another part of the larger religious organization, the fact that all the entities bear a name of a religious faith does not make them all liable for the mistakes of everyone else. Religious organizations organize themselves according to religious principle, vesting responsibilities in certain entities (a local church for property issues, a national church for doctrine), and not in others. Suing a local church over a doctrinal matter would be improper even if constitutional; suing a national church because someone fell through the roof of a parish church is likewise not appropriate. Derivative liability describes how the law sorts out these cases. It reflects a good measure of corporate law and constitutional principle. In examining different church organizations, whether incorporated or unincorporated, hierarchical or congregational, and the case law governing

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liability, certain principles emerge that unify a wieldy body of law. Cutting across polities and corporate forms and governing the imposition of responsibility (in the broadest sense), these principles describe the circumstances under which liability may be shifted. Three general lines of inquiry appear, and liability will not be imposed absent an affirmative finding that the religious organization has exercised at least one of the following levels of responsibility over the matter being litigated. The three principles for imposing liability are: (1) Statutory or Corporate Responsibility; (2) Denominational Responsibility; and (3) Situational Responsibility. Statutory or Corporate Responsibility involves the civil organizing or operational documents expressly placing responsibility for the matter disputed in a particular inferior, superior, or coordinate group. Through its civil (as opposed to ecclesial) governing documents, articles of incorporation or bylaws, policy or personnel manuals, or similar documents, the coordinate or superior body may be held to answer for claims if it has reserved to itself the authority over the matter in contention. Often this question is resolved under state statutory or common law. Denominational Responsibility involves the ecclesial discipline of the body expressly placing responsibility in, or denying it to, a particular group within the body. Denominational responsibility has as its starting point whether, in ecclesial documents or expressions of authority, the coordinate or superior body proposed as a defendant has reserved authority over the matter in dispute to itself. In other words, does the entity reserve to itself the authority to supervise or resolve the particular matter at the center of the dispute? Ecclesiastical control is not always identical to civil control, meaning that the control exercised by the related religious entity rests on the consent or adherence of the other person or entity to religious doctrine. Although the judicial development of this principle involves courts in the close scrutiny of discipline of the body itself, often this scrutiny is invited by the religious entity which has pleaded its governing ecclesial documents as a means to avoid ultimate responsibility for the matter in dispute. Courts here walk a fine constitutional line. The mere potential to exercise ecclesial discipline is not sufficient to impose liability. The governing body must either assert or reserve authority over the particular matter in question. For example, to assert liability against a church for a deliberate personal injury committed by a minister, it is not enough that the church has exercised general ecclesial discipline or offered some general statements of concern. There must be some connection between the particular expression of ecclesial discipline and the particular matter in dispute. The mere right to control conduct generally for ecclesiastical purposes does not make a religious body civilly responsible for all of the actions of any person related to it. As one court explained: “If ecclesiastic control is to be sufficient, the Holy See would be exposed to limitless liability for any tortious acts by individuals who choose to commit themselves to the church’s religious calling.” Should ecclesiastical direction be manifest in the actions of the individual, there is

NEGLIGENCE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS little doubt under the principles established above that a higher ecclesial body would at least be held to answer in such a case in order to discern whether in fact it was negligent. Situational Responsibility, notwithstanding the principles of statutory or corporate responsibility and Denominational Responsibility, involves a particular group that has specifically involved itself in the underlying dispute or transaction, giving rise to the litigation. Examining how the above principles apply in decided tort cases shows that most courts in fact reach decisions consistent with them. Although religious organizations must also be measured by what the U.S. Constitution permits, there is no general barrier to the adjudication of tort claims through the First Amendment. Under the doctrine of respondeat superior, an employer or master is liable for the torts committed by employees or agents within the scope of their duties. For liability to shift (in those cases not involving direct negligence), the plaintiff must prove both aspects of a two-part test. First, the person who committed the tort must be found to be the agent, employee, or servant in a relationship with the religious organization. Even if a relationship can be established, without negligence in the actor no derivative organizational responsibility can be placed. Second, the activity in question must be determined to be within the scope of duties the person was to perform, or a foreseeable consequence of that person’s normal activities in the task. In accident cases, the process by which one assesses responsibility for an accident involving a volunteer or employee of a religious body is normally straightforward. For example, if a staff member driving a church vehicle causes an accident on the way to or from a church trip, or a custodian fails to correct hazardous conditions on or near the property, the employing entity, even though a church, may be responsible. Such cases turn on a policy determination that the employee or supervising entity, even though a religious organization, has not only the opportunity, but the duty, to address hazardous conditions and address them properly. In misconduct cases, abuse of minors and the exploitation of vulnerable adult counselees are two of the more difficult areas of liability for religious entities. These actions are rightly condemned as possibly criminal (depending on the age of the victim), possibly creating liability (depending on whether the person legally could give consent), but always sinful and wrong. The areas of liability generally do not involve respondeat superior liability, as almost every court holds that a sexual assault is not part of the expected duties of a minister or other person serving a religious entity. There are several liability theories that have been asserted against a religious organization or organizations, based on negligence, hiring, retention, supervision, and fiduciary duty. These liability theories come close to having constitutional problems, when the evidence on which the claim depends is a religious doctrine or principle, or when the claim involves the courts

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in analyzing policies or doctrine based on religious values or teaching, or when a secular yardstick is proposed by which to measure the activities of religious leaders. The overwhelming majority rule is that religious organizations are liable for sexual assaults committed by those who minister for them under the doctrine of respondeat superior. Such actions are not only unforeseeable but they violate the very things held sacred by the church. Arguments that ministers routinely have access to vulnerable persons and minors because they can exploit positions of trust have not persuaded courts to alter this majority rule. Criminal impulsive and abusive behavior, contrary to religious teaching and law, is not even remotely in the service of the religion. Far more likely are claims based around negligent hiring, retention, and supervision. These claims depend for success on the existence of antecedent knowledge in the possession of religious superiors who were in a position to act on the knowledge so as to have prevented the sexual misconduct from occurring. Just stating the question indicates the number of potential difficulties in asserting this kind of liability consistent with the U.S. Constitution. The claim that negligent hiring requires no inquiry into religious beliefs or practices seems questionable. Applied to churches, that would seem to call for evidence of what various levels of authority within a church actually do when the church selects someone for ministry, and why. The process a church actually undertook with respect to determining fitness for ministry will then be measured by a jury or other fact finder against a secular (i.e., court-imposed) standard. It would seem difficult to complete such an evaluation without in some sense trolling through religious beliefs and practices. For example, negligent hiring means that the person placed in ministry should not have been “hired.” The “hiring decision” between a religious body and those who minister for it are often themselves religious acts, ordination or call, conducted according to the precepts of religious law and practice. Moreover, the antecedent knowledge supposedly available to religious leaders to prevent such a “hiring” often would occur during the period of religious formation for ordination or call. In these circumstances, it would be profoundly difficult for a court to be able to separate secular aspects of a so-called hiring decision from religious actions undertaken exclusively under religious law and practice. Similarly, the question of retaining a person in ministry is often bound up in questions of religious doctrine about reconciliation, restoration, and penance. Whether a minister is defrocked or otherwise removed from the roster of clergy or reduced to the lay state is a question of one’s religious status as a “minister.” Plainly, such a decision can have civil consequences, especially when one reflects on the issue of exploitation. To allow a cause of action for negligent retention, as that term is commonly used by religious organizations, like the cause of action for negligent hiring of ministers, is ultimately a challenge to religious doctrine and practice.

NEGLIGENCE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS In issues involving negligent supervision, the issue is not whether one should have been ordained as a minister or whether the religious body is negligent in failing to defrock a minister, but rather whether religious leaders were in possession of information which, if acted upon, could have prevented the harm upon which the lawsuit is based. The question is complex. To recognize a claim of negligence in supervising a minister, on the one hand, creates a risk of imposing upon the church, and upon the relationship between minister and church. When a minister has seriously harmed others and the church knows of a continued and substantial risk that he or she will seriously harm others again, there are societal interests in allowing recovery against the church whose failure to mitigate the known risk may have created an opportunity for additional harm. Where such antecedent knowledge is both clear and in fact available to religious leaders, and directly relevant to the subject matter of the underlying lawsuit, a claim based on a failure of supervision might constitutionally be stated. In such cases, every possible defendant bearing a particular religious label is not responsible for the negligent supervision. It may be difficult to identify a “supervisor” in the strict sense. Some churches are hierarchical in structure, others congregational. If there is no mediating authority, is the congregation that calls a minister itself be responsible for “supervising” him? If the congregation is unincorporated, does each and every member of that congregation become subject to a lawsuit? In a hierarchical church, if responsibility for the placement of a minister rests in the hands of a specific religious superior, does that person then assume a secular duty for the kind of oversight and day-to-day supervision that the law expects of supervisors in a commercial setting? The imposition of such a secular duty carries a risk of subtly altering the church’s internal structure. A number of courts have held that allowing such a deep probe into the allocation of power within a church would violate the First Amendment. Applying the defendant-identifying principles set forth above, one must identify which religious entity within the denominational polity has the juridic authority and power to act in the particular area. In a congregational polity, the defendant might be the local church and its leaders who were given the power and ability to select and supervise a minister. For hierarchical bodies, very often it is a regional religious body that is in the sole position to have acted to prevent the harm. In those polities, neither the local church nor the church-wide bodies have the power and ability to prevent the harm from occurring. Pressing more broadly framed assaults on religious entities that lack the ecclesial competence to have prevented the claimed harm only invites more bad law and injustice to the common good. Fiduciary duty has been radically expanded in this area of the law. Courts have entertained such claims with increasing frequency in cases involving ministerial misconduct in the last ten years. There is no cause of action for clergy malpractice, because it is constitutionally prohibited for courts to adjudicate on these issues. Courts have universally rejected

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claims of clergy malpractice. One cannot sue a minister for failing to discharge duties defined by church law, doctrine, or practice. For example, one cannot sue a minister for bad sermons, poor counsel, poorly led worship, or a misinterpretation of scripture, because the criteria by which one judges a minister’s sermon, counsel, liturgical skills, or scriptural interpretation are decidedly religious and ecclesiastical, and hence government action is prohibited by the Constitution.

NEUTRALITY STANDARD The neutrality standard is an equal protection approach that reconciles accommodation of religion with the requires of the Establishment Clause. Where a statute applies to all citizens, whether they are religiously affiliated or not, it applies to them equally. If a religiously affiliated organization performs a publicly sponsored social welfare program, it should be treated the same as a non-religiously affiliated organization. Under this standard, then, religiously affiliated organizations may receive government aid under certain circumstances. The United States Supreme Court has interpreted the Establishment Clause and defines the proper relationship of government vis-a-vis religion and religious institutions in the United States is not one of hostility, but of neutrality, and that the neutrality that is required need not be based on a callous indifference to religion, but may at times be benevolent. [Committee for Public Education & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist (U.S. 1973); Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971)] State courts, too, have adhered to a requirement of government neutrality. Although the metaphor of a wall, or impassible barrier, between church and state, if viewed too literally, may lead to erroneous constitutional analysis, nevertheless the Establishment Clause means that when government activities affect the religious sphere, they must be secular in purpose, even-handed in operation, and neutral in primary impact. Neutrality in this sense means that the state action must have a primary or principal effect that neither advances nor inhibits religion. The “effect” requirement, first articulated in Abington v. Schempp (U.S. 1963), has proven to be decisive in several Establishment Clause cases. The U.S. Supreme Court has upheld state action where the primary effect does not advance religion, although the religious organization may derive some benefit. Because the neutrality standard requires that the state not favor nonbelievers over believers, such favoritism would result in impermissible hostility toward religion. Under the Establishment Clause, government neutrality on religious issues is not inconsistent with accommodation through exemption from onerous duties, so long as an exemption is tailored broadly enough to reflect valid secular purposes. [Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971)]

NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT (NRM) Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (U.S. 1993) indicated that the U.S. Supreme Court was moving towards applying a neutrality standard in Establishment Clause cases. The Zobrest decision used the neutrality standard in order to reconcile the Establishment Clause with statutes permitting government aid to religion on a neutral basis with other societal institutions. The neutrality standard allows religious and nonreligious institutions to be treated alike by government when both perform the same function. Use of a neutrality standard, as suggested in Zobrest, will lead to the application of a lower, yet still rigid, standard of review to certain Establishment Clause cases which some commentators believe will benefit American society by allowing religion to perform its civil religious functions on the same constitutional basis as private nonreligious organizations.

NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT (NRM) “New Religious Movement” (NRM) is a term used to refer to a religious faith or an ethical, spiritual, or philosophical movement of recent origin that is not part of an established denomination, church, or religious body. The term NRM comprises a wide range of movements, from loose affiliations based on novel approaches to spirituality or religion to communitarian enterprises that demand a considerable amount of group conformity and a social identity that separates their adherents from mainstream society. Although there is no one criterion or set of criteria for describing a group as a “New Religious Movement,” the use of the term usually requires that the group be both of a recent origin and “different from existing religion.” Debate surrounds the phrase “of recent origin.” Some scholars use World War II as the dividing line, after which anything is new, whereas others define as “new” everything after the emergence of the Baha´’ı´ Faith in the mid-19th century, or even after Sikhism in the 17th century. “New” in the sense of “different from existing religions” is considered straightforward in definition, but not as much in categorization. Some scholars have a more restricted approach as to what counts as “different.” For them, “difference” applies to a faith that, though it may be seen as part of an existing religion, meets with rejection from that religion for not sharing the same basic creed or declares itself either separate from the existing religion or even “the only right” faith. Other scholars expand their measurement of difference, considering religious movements new when taken from traditional cultural context, i.e., they appear in new places, perhaps in modified forms. Examples of these kinds of “new movements” include the Western importation and establishment of Hindu or Buddhist groups. Other new groups include pagans and Gnostics.

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Generally, Christian denominations that are part of mainstream Christianity are not seen as new religious movements. However, to some scholars, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Christian Scientists, Shakers, and even revivalists have been studied as NRMs. There are also examples of such groups being characterized as cults, generally by other evangelicals who are hostile to their proselytizing efforts. Certain other groups do not define themselves as religious organizations, but nonetheless find scholars labeling them as NRMs. Debates continue on the acceptability of the word “cult.” Similarly, no consensus has been reached in the definition of “new” religious movements among scholars. The NRMs indicate that there are spiritual needs that existing religious organizations have not perceived or not succeeded in meeting. NRMs arise and are particularly successful because people are searching for meaning when they are feeling lost in a period of cultural change. Many Christians join the NRMs because they feel that in them there is an answer to their thirst for Scripture reading, singing, dancing, emotional satisfaction, and concrete and clear answers.

NONPREFERENTIALIST See Accommodationist

NONPROFIT CORPORATION In the United States there are more than one thousand religious denominations. These religious denominations operate local churches, charities, and various other public service organizations. They are supported by people from all walks of life, with over half of the adult population in the United States donating to religious organizations. Religious organizations, and in particular, churches, provide much of the social welfare distributed to those in need. These churches and other religious organizations comprise a large and important part of our national economy, providing necessary services, and filling important needs that other organizations do not serve. To function efficiently and effectively, most religious organizations must have some kind of civil legal structure. They must be able to hold property, enter into contracts, receive and make gifts, manage resources, and have legal continuity. Despite the clear importance and prevalence of churches and other nonprofit organizations, there are few legal structure options available to them. Churches are often limited to organizing as a nonprofit corporation, an unincorporated

NONPROFIT CORPORATION 365 association, or a charitable trust with the most common form being the nonprofit corporation. Corporations organized exclusively for religious, charitable, educational, or hospital purposes may be organized as nonprofit corporations. A nonprofit corporation is generally considered to be “a corporation, no part of the income or profit of which is distributable to its members, directors, or officers,” [Model Nonprofit Corporations Act (MNCA) § 2(a)(1964)] Many Nonprofit Corporation Statute closely mirrors the for-profit corporation statute, as is common in other jurisdictions. Thus, a nonprofit corporation has general powers similar to those of business corporations, though with significant restrictions regarding distribution. The principle difference between a nonprofit corporation and a business corporation is that a nonprofit corporation may be considered as a corporation that exists for, and applies any profits it makes to, charitable purposes, rather than for private gain. Nonprofit corporations may not distribute profits or net incomes to their members, officers, or directors, and are prohibited from issuing shares of stock, or paying dividends to those who have contributed capital. All income must be retained and used to advance the purpose of the corporation. The nonprofit form of incorporation is one of the most common organizational structures used by religious and religiously affiliated groups. As religious corporations, they are recognized by the state. This form is designed to provide the congregations with an orderly procedural framework so as to allow them to exercise their religion freely. The scope and application of the term, religious corporation, may be defined and restricted, by the terms of the governing statute. Nonprofit corporations have many advantages. They have been traditionally immune from tort liability. [Hauser v. YMCA of Rahway (N.J. Super. 1966)] Also, nonprofit corporations can easily amend their corporate governing instruments. Corporations are artificial entities that can sue and be sued, transact contracts, and hold property in its own name. They have an indefinite existence, and a centralized management through a board of directors. Directors of a nonprofit corporation are subject to a lower standard of care than charitable trustees and have the advantage of limited liability. The corporation offers more established precedents than the trust for determining the legal consequences in combining operations (consolidations and mergers, and reorganizations). Nonprofit corporations have special rights, including tax exemptions, because these corporations serve a socially useful function that might otherwise fall on the government and they do not otherwise compete with the profit sector. Compared to the unincorporated association or charitable trust, the charitable corporation must conform to more formalities in its creation and dissolution but internal governance normally is more flexible, allowing it easier to respond to changed circumstances such as the resignation or death of a director. A corporation may hold new elections for board members while a change in trustee for a charitable trust may require court approval.

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Each individual state establishes its own requirements for nonprofit and charitable status. Some states have a general nonprofit law for all nonprofit corporations; others, including Delaware, do not. Many states have statutes for religious corporations. Some states have statutes prohibiting indirect economic benefits from flowing to members and controlling persons. Religious corporations during the twentieth century have been assimilated into the nonprofit corporation statutes of many states and often were required to fulfill the same formalities and standards as modern business corporations. Most states now incorporate religious organizations primarily under a membership corporation model. A membership corporation is similar to a business corporation in that members of the former theoretically have much the same power as the shareholders of the latter. The membership form of religious corporations is a subset of general nonprofit corporations because the several other types of corporations as well. The specific requirements of the nonprofit corporation statute of the church or religious corporation’s domicile should be consulted on all issues of its organization and structure: including, matters of form, management, membership and voting rights, meetings, property rights, mergers, dissolution, and qualification as a “charity” for tax and other purposes. The American Bar Association (ABA) issued a Revised Model Nonprofit Corporation Act (RMNCA) in 1988. The Revised Act resulted from the ABA’s efforts to provide states with a model of codified standards for nonprofit corporations. This revised Model Act leaves religious corporations largely selfregulated. This may be partially due to the fact that statutory limitations and constitutional considerations impede the ability of the state attorneys general or of church members to regulate the fiscal decisions of the church’s corporate directors or officers. The Model Act continues the practice of recognizing religious corporations as both a subset and distinct from general nonprofit corporations. The theory that government may benefit a religious group so long as it acted in a neutral fashion is apparent in tax cases. Exemption of charitable organizations from taxation is a long and established tradition in the United Kingdom and the United States. The Revenue Act of 1894 exempted charitable, religious, and educational organizations from taxation. Exempt status was later extended to other types of nonprofit organizations. Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970) held that the government may grant property tax exemption to religious organizations, if they were included in a larger class of nonprofit corporations. What the court meant by this is “substantive,” rather than “formal neutrality”–an attempt to minimize government influence one way or the other on the individual’s religious belief or practice. The Court explained that it must walk a “tight rope” between establishing religion and restricting religious freedom.” One variation of the religious corporation is the “corporation sole” used in 17 American states to allow the incorporation of the Catholic Church as a distinct

NONPROFIT CORPORATION 367 entity under state law. The corporation sole, a legal, property-owning structure commonly used in the Catholic Church, gives sole title in church property to a single church figure such as an Archbishop. It is the “practical equivalent to the modern one-person corporation.” Most states, however, do not permit the corporation sole, therefore, a Catholic diocese would create a corporation to hold title to its assets under the states’ nonprofit corporation law. Despite the existence of the corporation sole and nonprofit corporation statutes, many Catholic dioceses choose to operate through common law “charitable trusts.” American law allows religious corporations to choose which persons will receive certain services they provide, which in other contexts may be construed as unlawful discrimination. The rationale for this is that if the corporate or group expression of religion is protected, for the state to intrude upon the group and say that the group, outside of organization within a church, may not have a special religious character, and may not enforce religious criteria upon its members, is a violation of that freedom. A real, if not formal, relationship between the nonprofit organization and a church may allow the nonprofit to claim an exemption under § 702 of Title VII and the federal Fair Housing Act. The criteria for an exemption include: whether the entity’s bylaws or articles of incorporation have any statements of religious purpose, require church approval of any changes in the bylaws or articles of incorporation, or require that church appointees sit on the board of directors or other governing body; whether the entity is forbidden from deviating from any tenet of the members’ religion; whether, on those grounds, the entity has reserved the right to discriminate in employment on the basis of religion; and whether it has succeeded in asserting such a right, if that assertion has been challenged. Close affiliation, however, by itself may not be enough if the organization’s activities are not themselves sufficiently religious. Absent affiliation and significant religious activities, the organization will be denied an exemption. The Fourth Circuit held that a children’s home that was funded by, and maintained close ties with, the Methodist Church, whose mission was to provide a “Christian home for orphans and other children,” was not exempt from Title VII because the “direction given the day-to-day life of children [was] practically devoid of religious content or training.” The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals held that a theological college would not lose its nonprofit organization status even if it ceased to be owned and operated by a group of Southern Baptist churches. This is because, in addition to the general exemption under § 702, § 703 of Title VII has a religious curriculum exemption. The religious curriculum exemption allows a school “to hire and employ employees of a particular religion . . . if the curriculum of such school . . . is directed toward the propagation of a particular religion.” In this case, the court found that the college was a religious corporation because its primary purpose was to serve the religious purposes of the Southern Baptist Convention [EEOC v. Mississippi College (Miss. 1978), vac. and rem.]

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Similarly, the publishing society of the Christian Science Church was held to be a religious corporation because its primary purpose was to promote, extend, and advance the Christian Science religion. [Feldstein v. Christian Science Monitor (D. Mass. 1983)] The federal Fair Housing Act has an exemption for religious organizations, permitting a religious organization, or any nonprofit organization, operated, supervised, or controlled by, or in conjunction with, a religious organization, to limit “the sale, rental, or occupancy of dwellings which it owns or operates for other than a commercial purpose to persons of the same religion.” The courts have refrained from adjudicating doctrinal disputes within churches, but have adjudicated nonreligious disputes involving churches. Courts have applied neutral principles of law to resolve internal disputes on governance and other nonproperty issues in congregational religious organizations. For example, a federal district court mandated that resolution of membership disputes are limited to the identifying governing body and applying majority rule. First Baptist Church of Glen Este v. Ohio (S.D. Ohio 1983)] In a case involving a religious corporation’s records, a state court required the church to disclose financial information sought under the state’s nonprofit corporation statute. [Gipson v. Brown (Ark. 1986)] Likewise, another state permitted church members to exercise their right to inspect church records under the state nonprofit corporation statute. [Bourgeois v. Landrum (La. 1981)] In 2008, responding to criticism of the 1998 MNCA, the ABA has issued a proposed newly revised version of the MNCA. The proposed revisions include: 1) to follow the Model Business Corporation provisions to the extent possible considering certain differences that distinguish nonprofit corporations from for profit corporations; 2) to eliminate the classification scheme included in the 1988 version; 3) to eliminate from the Act express provisions pertaining to the role of the attorney general; 4) to revise provisions involving “fundamental transactions”; 5) to revise the use of alternative governance arrangements.

NONPUBLIC SCHOOLS See Government Aid to Religious Institutions

NORWOOD V. HARRISON (U.S. 1973) In this case, the parents of four Mississippi school children challenged that state’s statutory program under which the state purchased textbooks and lent them to students in private schools, including schools that practiced racial discrimination.

NORWOOD V. HARRISON Textbooks had been purchased by the state of Mississippi and given to students for free in both public and private schools since 1940 The Defendants were members of the Mississippi State Textbook Purchasing Board and the Executive Secretary of the Board, who had selected, purchased, distributed, loaned and otherwise disposed of textbooks, in behalf of the state of Mississippi, for the use of children enrolled in the elementary and secondary schools. The Plaintiffs alleged that Mississippi’s action in funding the book loan program was unconstitutional since it provided direct state aid to racially segregated education. The State argued that the governmental aid provided to the discriminatory private sectarian and nonsectarian schools was too insignificant to invoke constitutional scrutiny. The District Court decided in favor of the state. The Supreme Court in Norwood, dealt with the issue of racial discrimination by religious schools since the case involved how courts should apply laws forbidding racial discrimination in a situation where the government was subsidizing religious schools that were segregated, including those that are segregated for religious reasons. The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously held that the state of Mississippi could not lend textbooks to students of a school that discriminated on the basis of race, based on the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This unanimous ruling was authored by Chief Justice Burger and was joined by Stewart, White, Marshall, Blackmun, Powell, and Rehnquist. Justices Douglas and Brennan wrote concurring opinions. The court made this ruling even though the program was identical to one under which the Court had allowed textbooks to be lent to students of religious schools. Such a textbook program may aid religious schools, as they represent a value in the free exercise of religion that offsets any slight aid to religion. There is, however, no countervailing constitutional value that could justify state aid to a racially discriminatory school. Although the form of state aid to each set of schools was identical, the Court found that the practice constituted an unconstitutional subsidy solely because it subsidized the racially restricted schools. The Court held that state aid to racially discriminatory schools was not permissible even where the aid and the discrimination were not tied together. It said that racially discriminatory schools “exer[t] a pervasive influence on the entire educational process,” outweighing any public benefit that they might otherwise provide. Thus, the aid to these students would violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In other words, while the sectarian schools represented the constitutionally recognized values of both free association and the free exercise of religion, the segregated schools represented no significant interest that could be accorded affirmative constitutional protection so as to sanction a disregard of the value of racial equality. Significantly, the Court held that the state’s practice of lending textbooks to this particular school did not constitute a promotion of religion for Establishment

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Clause purposes, even though it did constitute an encouragement of racism for Equal Protection purposes. Norwood, thus, indicated that the state may in a limited way assist in the education of students in religious schools in secular matters.

O OATHS See Religious Oaths

O’LONE V. ESTATE OF SHABAZZ (U.S. 1987) Regulations at a New Jersey prison forbade minimum security inmates who worked outside the main prison building from reentering the building during the day, thus preventing certain Muslim prisoners from attending their weekly worship service held on Fridays. Required by the Koran to attend the service, the prisoners filed suit, claiming violation of their rights under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Adopting what was essentially a compelling state interest test, the third court of appeals held that the prison was required to prove “that no reasonable method exists by which [these persons’] religious rights can be accommodated without creating bona fide security problems.” The appellate court required the prison to allow Muslim inmates who were assigned to work detail outside the main building to attend a weekly congregational service. The U.S. Supreme Court did not use the existing First Amendment standards to analyze the prisoner’s religion claims. The Court, instead, used the same accomodationist balancing test that it had adopted in Turner v. Safley (U.S. 1987) to analyze prisoner free exercise claims. In a five-to-four decision, the Supreme Court reversed, ruling that the court of appeals paid insufficient deference to prison officials, who have authority to enact any prison regulations “reasonably related to legitimate penological interests.” The Supreme Court instructed the lower courts to question only whether the prison regulation or action was reasonably related to a legitimate penological interest, and to consider four factors in that determination: 1) whether there is a valid,

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rational connection between the prison regulation and the interest asserted; 2) whether there are alternative means of exercising that right that remains open to inmates; 3) the impact that accommodation of the asserted constitutional right would have on guards, other inmates, and the allocation of prison resources generally; and 4) whether there are any alternative means by which the prison might serve its interest without curtailing the inmate’s first amendment freedoms. Justice William J. Brennan, writing for the dissenters, accused the majority of uncritically accepting the assertions of prison administrators. Brennan did not claim that the courts should never defer to the judgment of prison authorities, but he maintained that when a prison completely deprives prisoners of a right and the activity in question is not presumptively dangerous, prison officials should be required to show that the denial of the right is no greater a measure than necessary to achieve the government’s objective. The O’Lone standard, as applied by lower federal courts, dramatically reduced the decisions favoring Inmate First Amendment Rights. O’Lone foreshadowed the Court’s eventual abolition of the compelling state interest test for all free exercise cases in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), a case in which the court extended reasoning similar to O’Lone outside the prison context.

ORIGINAL INTENT Original intent refers to the intent of the framers of the U.S. Constitution in writing the various provisions of that document. Many legal professionals, commentators, scholars, and politicians alike believe that original intent should be the sole or most significant consideration when interpreting the Constitution. There is a seemingly irresistible impulse to appeal to history when analyzing issues involving the religion clauses of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In no other area of constitutional law has the study of the historical record been so motivated than in the search for the meaning of the text of the First Amendment. There is, unfortunately, very little history as to the meaning of the clauses. In addition, the Supreme Court has been somewhat selective in its use of history in order to provide content to the constitutional norms protecting religious liberty. The “original intent” of the Establishment Clause has generally been considered quite relevant to its interpretation. There is by contrast, little discussion of the original intent behind either the Free Exercise or Religious Test Clauses. Selective use of history profoundly effects the Supreme Court’s understanding of the religious liberty guarantee. One problem is conceptual. To the extent that a historical perspective is the basis for the Court’s interpretation of any constitutional provision, it is necessary to have a complete (or as near to complete

ORIGINAL INTENT 373 as possible) understanding of the problem at which that provision was directed. If the historical understanding is incomplete, so too will be the interpretation of what that provision of the Constitution requires or prohibits. Without historical context, the language will be infused with whatever meaning seems appropriate to the time and circumstances, rather than the meaning as originally intended. Originalists point out that thinking the nation’s first Congress was moving in a separationist direction, but with considerable accommodations for a wide variety of officially sanctioned religious practices. The separationist tendency was revealed most clearly by: 1) the Establishment Clause, providing that the government would not support an established church; 2) the idea that freedom for religious practice should be expanded as far as possible; and 3) there should be no religious test for public office (which became the only guidelines mentioning religion in the Constitution itself). Many accommodations were made in the period from 1774 to 1789, with respect to religion, including that the Constitutional Congress called for public days of thanksgiving and prayer; it authorized prayers to open its daily sessions, and salaried chaplains to offer them; it attended sermons (including Roman Catholic ones); it sponsored chaplains in the military; it used language about God in official documents; it incorporated religious symbols in the nation’s great seal; and provided federal lands in the Northwest Ordinance in 1787 for education in order to promote religion, morality, and knowledge. The founders were convinced that “virtue” was essential to the survival of the republic and that organized religion was the most reliable provider of that virtue. Scholars, however, caution against the uncritical use of original intent for several reasons. There is no evidence that the framers meant, wanted, or expected future generations to construe the Constitution as they, the founders did. Framers did not necessarily intend to accord the Supreme Court a preeminent role in interpreting the Constitution. Nor did they intend that their own intentions – rather than the text of the documents should be controlling. What is often regarded as the original configuration of intention, text, and interpretation, on which originalist jurisprudence is based is the product of subsequent historical development. Judicial review emerged out of the convergence of forces and ideas including federalism, the Bill of Rights, separation of powers, arguments about appeasing public fears from usurpations of Congress, a written constitution, higherlaw theories, and party politics. Original intent jurisprudence has been criticized notwithstanding its supposed deference to the will of the people as expressed through the legislature, and its fealty to supposed traditional ideas of interpretation, is itself another device of judicial activism, which rationalizes the overturning of precedents that the originalist judge dislikes.

P PAGANS/WICCANS Paganism refers to various religions and religious beliefs throughout the world. The term has been used as synonymous with polytheistic religions. The term has been used in a broad sense to encompass the faith tradition outside the Abrahamiac monotheist religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Wicca is a neopagan religion with distinctive ritual forms; seasonal observances; and religious, magical, and ethical precepts. Wiccans practice a form of witchcraft, but not all witches are Wiccans. Other forms of witchcraft, folk magic, and sorcery exist within many cultures with widely varying practices. Most Wiccans refer to themselves as pagans, although the umbrella term, Paganism, encompasses many faiths that have nothing to do with Wicca or witchcraft (including the Druidic religion). “Pagan” in this entry refers to Wiccan, Witchcraft, and overall pagan communities. Both contemporary Paganism and contemporary Witchcraft have evolved into sophisticated religious, magical, and mystery traditions. Neither has an orthodoxy or dogma, but both have core beliefs and practices. Even though the pagan religious movement has grown, and American society is generally showing a greater understanding and acceptance of paganism, this movement continues to receive hostile treatment by some religious conservatives and their political allies. The U.S. Supreme Court has not ruled on a case that recognizes Wicca or paganism as a religion; however, Wicca has been recognized as such by the Internal Revenue Service since1974. Various Wiccan and pagan spiritual traditions have been recognized by both federal and state courts as deserving of Constitutional protection. The landmark federal case is Dettmer v. Landon (E.D. Va. 1985) aff’d, (4th Cir. 1986). Pointing to the plaintiff’s testimony that while in meditation, the plaintiff would “call down power” from “the ‘supreme being’ and other deities,” the Court in Dettmer said that “We agree with the district court . . . that the Church of Wicca occupies a place in the lives of its members parallel to that of more conventional religions. Consequentially, its doctrine must be

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considered a religion.” Many state courts have taken a similar position: Roberts v. Ravenwood Church of Wicca (Ga. 1982). In Ravenwood, the Georgia Supreme Court pronounced Wicca to be a bona fide religion for First Amendment purposes. In that case, a Wiccan church known as the House of Ravenwood, which had been recognized by the IRS, was denied a property exemption on a three-bedroom house in Fulton County, Georgia, by the Fulton County Tax Assessor and the Joint City-County Board of Tax Assessor, and the board claimed that the organization was not a church. Under state statutes, places of religious worship were exempt from the property ad valorem tax. The founder and high priestess of the church gave testimony discussing various aspects of the church, including the Sabbat celebration and some Wiccan tenets which included self-responsibility, karma, a belief in the teachings of Christ, and a lack of belief in the Christian Devil. Subsequent cases have been in accord with this caselaw. In most cases to date, the terms Wicca and Witchcraft have been used synonymously by both federal and state courts. Other state courts have refused to define Wicca as a religion. A Michigan state appellate judge, relying on negative definitions of witchcraft from the 1967 Encyclopedia Britannica and the 1957 edition of Black’s Law Dictionary, concluded that “If anything, witchcraft and religion, as those terms are generally understood, are opposites.” [People v. Umerska (Mich. App. 1980)] Wiccan and pagan groups are increasingly organizing as legally recognized religious bodies in order to avail themselves of the benefits of such status. These include the ability to conduct such religious services as legally binding marriages; provide pastoral counseling in hospitals, the military, and prisons; receive taxdeductable contributions; purchase land free of real estate taxes; obtain liability coverage of public events and group health insurance/insurance for clergy. Since 1975, increasing numbers of Wiccan congregations have successfully received tax-exempt status from the Internal Revenue Service as religious organizations, churches, or temples. Not all state laws accommodate Pagan theological concepts and practices. This is particular true with regard to the distinction made in many Christian denominations between respective roles of the clergy and laity in running an organization. This is often found in statutory language but doesn’t apply to Pagan organizations, which generally are not governed by a board of directors composed of lay people. Once a Pagan organization is properly incorporated, any discrimination against the organization’s clergy may constitute a violation of the First Amendment and/or the Fourteenth Amendment. In 1985, a group of Wiccans were denied the right to register as clergy by the city of New York. Unless registered, they could not perform legally binding marriages within New York City. The Wiccans prevailed and were recognized as a legitimate and genuine religion, and entitled to constitutional protection. Many Wiccans are concerned about wearing the pentagram—the five-pointed star that is the symbol of the Pagan religion—at work, nor will they discuss their

PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY /PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY FOUNDATION beliefs because they are concerned about being fired. Wiccans have successfully sued employers for religious discrimination under Title VII. In Kosten v. Family Management, Inc. (N.D. Ill. 1997; 7th Cir. 1998), a district court specifically found Wicca to be a religion for the purposes of Title VII. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) has reached the same result in similar cases. [See Hurston v. Henderson (EEOC 2001)] In 1999, Sen. Strom Thurmond (R-SC), then the Senate’s oldest serving member, led an effort to deny military Pagans the right to religious accommodations and the right to practice their religion openly in the military. When asked about the issue, then Texas governor and presidential candidate George W. Bush said, “I don’t think Witchcraft is a real religion, and I wish the military would take another look at it and decide against it.” Rep. Bob Barr (R-GA) criticized the military for allowing Wiccan religious accommodation on military installations. Barr said that he “favored the free exercise of Wicca in civilian life or by military personnel off their bases. He claimed that officially sanctioning Wicca would open the door to other religious practices such as peyote use by Native Americans.” Sen. Thurmond took a similar position. Writing to the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sen. Thurmond accused the military of going too far in its attempts to accommodate religious diversity within its ranks. Thurmond wrote, “limits can and should be placed on the exercise of those views, especially in the military. I do not believe that the Armed Forces should accommodate the practice of witchcraft at military bases.” In response to what they perceived as an attack on the civil rights of Pagan military personnel, several Pagan organizations formed a campaign, which called for interfaith dialogue and support of First Amendment freedoms.

PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY /PEOPLE FOR THE AMERICAN WAY FOUNDATION People for the American Way Foundation (PFAWF) is an organization dedicated to supporting the religious freedom guaranteed to all Americans. The organization advocates for the principle that America must sustain a public life that accommodates everyone’s faith, which can only be achieved if religion and government are kept separate. Thus, it takes a strict separationist position. The PFAWF has often used litigation to achieve their objectives, to oppose the efforts of religious conservative groups, and to assist individuals in asserting their constitutional and civil liberties. The PFAWF has 300,000 members and assists members, activists, concerned citizens, local school boards, and other organizations with issues involving freedom of religion, separation of church and

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state (e.g., school prayer, creationism, vouchers), school censorship and other education issues, civil rights (e.g., discrimination against gay persons, affirmative action), art censorship, Internet censorship, and other freedom of speech and expression issues. The PFAWF has actively opposed school prayer in the following cases: Ingebretsen v. Jackson Public School District (5th Cir. 1996); Committee for Voluntary Prayer v. Wimberly (D.D.C. 1997); Herdahl v. Pontotoc County School District (N.D. Miss. 1996); and Chandler v. James (M.D. Ala. 1997). It has opposed school vouchers and tax credits in Kotterman v. Killian (Ariz. 1999); Simmons-Harris v. Goff (Ohio 1999); and Giacommuci v. Southeast Delco School District (Pa. 1998).

PEYOTE, RELIGIOUS USE OF See Employment Division v. Smith

PHARMACISTS CONSCIENCE CLAUSE Pharmacists are now at the forefront of one of the latest controversies concerning abortion and contraception. In recent years, some pharmacists, motivated by religious or moral scruples, have refused to dispense birth control and emergency contraception to their female customers. Thus, women’s efforts to obtain contraception are frustrated, while others refuse even to refer the prescriptions to pharmacists willing to fill them. The earliest report of a pharmacist who refused to dispense emergency contraception was in 1991. Since then, pharmacists throughout the United States have acted on their beliefs and denied women access to contraception. Emergency contraception is controversial because it may or may not cause an abortion. Emergency contraception is contraception that may be taken up to 120 hours after unprotected intercourse or when regular contraception has failed. It has technically been available for over twenty-five years because many common contraceptive pills can be used for that purpose if taken in large enough doses. However, no product was specifically labeled and marketed for emergency contraception until the FDA approved Preven in 1998, followed by Plan B in 1999. Emergency contraceptive pills can produce one or more of the following effects: (1) delaying or inhibiting ovulation; (2) inhibiting fertilization by altering tubal transport of sperm and/or ova; or (3) inhibiting implantation of a fertilized egg in the uterine lining. Therefore, if one judges that life begins when an egg is fertilized, emergency contraception can be deemed to have the power to cause an

PHARMACISTS CONSCIENCE CLAUSE abortion. However, because the FDA has adopted the view that pregnancy begins when a fertilized egg is implanted in the uterine lining, and has defined abortion as ending pregnancy, drugs such as Plan B and Preven are considered emergency contraception rather than abortifacients. Studies of pharmacists’ attitudes reflect these sentiments toward contraception. In a 1972 survey of 780 Pennsylvania pharmacists, 25 percent believed unmarried minors should not be allowed to purchase contraceptives, while 10 percent believed married minors should also be barred from such purchases. According to the study, religion had a significant role in the decisions of those pharmacists who believed unmarried minors should not have access to contraception. In a 1994-95 survey, also conducted in Pennsylvania, 29 percent of pharmacists stated they would refuse to distribute an abortifacient on religious or moral grounds. According to a national survey, 36 percent of pharmacists stated they would refuse to dispense an abortifacient. However, this number is higher in some areas, such as the South, where 44 percent of pharmacists stated they would refuse. Because some pharmacists consider emergency contraception to be an abortifacient, these numbers may also reflect pharmacists’ attitudes regarding some forms of contraception. A 2000 study of pharmacists in New Jersey and Oregon found that while 26 percent of New Jersey pharmacists and 19 percent of Oregon pharmacists had (mostly personal) reservations about dispensing emergency contraception, a relatively small percentage of those pharmacists—4 percent in New Jersey and 10 percent in Oregon—would actually act on those reservations and refuse to dispense emergency contraception. Women’s organizations argue that a woman’s constitutional right to obtain contraception should not be blocked by a pharmacist’s conscience. Given some pharmacists’ antipathy toward contraception, holding otherwise would make the right to contraception an “empty right.” Many observers argue that conscience clauses that legally protect pharmacists who refuse to dispense contraception or refer patients to willing pharmacists violate the right to access contraception recognized by the Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965) and Carey v. Population Services International (U.S. 1977). Conscience clauses, also known as rights of conscience legislation or refusal clauses, protect health care providers who refuse to provide certain services, such as abortion, which those providers find objectionable on religious or ethical grounds. Pharmacists Conscience Clauses protect pharmacists from legal liability and disciplinary, discriminatory, or recriminatory actions that could result from conscientious objection. Pharmacists face a number of adverse consequences that, in the absence of a conscience clause, could result from their failure to dispense medication. First, refusal could have ramifications on their employment, including termination or demotion. Second, since pharmacists owe a duty of reasonable care to their customers, they could face potential tort liability for failing to dispense medication or refer a patient to another pharmacist. Additionally, pharmacists who refuse to distribute contraception or abortifacients could be liable for

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wrongful birth, wrongful pregnancy, or wrongful conception claims. Finally, a woman who is forced to search for a willing pharmacist after learning that her pharmacist will not provide her with EC may be able to recover damages for the emotional pain and suffering resulting from her hurried and frantic attempt to find a willing pharmacist to dispense emergency contraception in the limited time frame available. Several states enacted conscience clauses in response to Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973). Currently, forty-four states have conscience clauses regarding abortion. Because conscience clauses were enacted in response to abortion in the 1970s, when most abortions were surgical, few states have conscience clauses that explicitly apply to pharmacists. Pharmacists Conscience Clauses, which enjoy relatively high support among pharmacists, are largely opposed by the general public. Currently, four states have conscience clauses explicitly protecting pharmacists: Arkansas, South Dakota, Mississippi, and Georgia. However, the broad conscience clauses present in many states may also implicitly protect pharmacists. For instance, although Ohio’s conscience clause does not expressly mention pharmacists, it has been interpreted to include them. Similarly, the broad language employed by Illinois’ conscience clause also applies to pharmacists. While most conscience clauses only protect health care providers who refuse to participate in an abortion, a few states also protect health care providers who refuse to provide contraception. It is not clear if emergency contraception is covered by abortion-oriented conscience clauses, since, as one author noted, “Most statutes define ‘abortion’ as the ‘termination of a human pregnancy’ without defining ‘pregnancy.’” No court has ever invalidated a conscience clause containing a contraception exemption on constitutional grounds. Nonetheless, pharmacists are restricting women’s access to contraceptives by acting on their consciences. Conscience clauses could further restrict women’s access to contraceptives by encouraging otherwise obedient pharmacists to act on their consciences and refuse to dispense or to refer prescriptions for contraception. Providing legal immunity for conscientious objection could provide the impetus for some pharmacists to refuse to dispense contraception, which in turn could restrict the availability of contraception for many women. For some, a pharmacist’s refusal could restrict any meaningful access to emergency contraception, which is only effective during a limited amount of time. This problem could be particularly acute in rural areas, where women could effectively have no access to contraceptives if faced with an objecting pharmacist. Inaccessibility may also be heightened for adolescents and the poor, who are unable “to shop around.” Women’s groups argue that without reasonable access, the constitutional right to control reproductive choice via contraception may become an empty right. Although Pharmacists Conscience Clauses may effect a less-than-absolute ban on access to contraception in many situations, the Carey Court noted that laws that

PIERCE V. SOCIETY OF SISTERS entrust the distribution of contraception to the discretion of a limited number of pharmacists may unconstitutionally burden the right to access to contraception. Therefore, women’s groups believe that the conscience clauses infringe on a constitutional right by burdening women’s access to contraception, and should be deemed unconstitutional.

PIERCE V. SOCIETY OF SISTERS (U.S. 1925) Post World War I nationalism and intolerance contributed to the enactment in 1922 of an Oregon Compulsory Education Act. The statute, which became law through a popular petition and referendum, required all normal children between the ages of eight and 16 years to attend only public school until the completion of the eighth grade. The statute further imposed fines and prison terms for noncompliance. The statute was passed as a result of an initiative campaign organized primarily by the Ku Klux Klan and Scottish Rite Masons. Supporters urged that the separation of children of different religions in private schools would cause dissension and discord, and that the law was necessary to assure a basic education free from religious indoctrination. Anti-Catholic bigotry also played a major role in the election campaign. Even though the statute was to be effective in 1926, it had already seriously impaired the operation of sectarian and secular private schools within the state. If the statute were to take effect, it would perhaps result in the destruction of well-established, private elementary school corporations and greatly diminish the value of property long held for that purpose. The Roman Catholic Church challenged the statute. The plaintiffs in Pierce were two Oregon religious orders that owned and operated schools and a private military academy, who sought a court order restraining enforcement of the statute. The Society of Sisters was a religious order of Catholic nuns, which ran several boarding schools in Oregon, including St. Mary’s Academy and St. Francis School in downtown Portland. Concerned that the new Oregon law would deprive its schools of revenue and Catholic parents of the ability to obtain religious training for their children, the Society of Sisters challenged the statute in the United States District Court for the District of Oregon. There, the order sought to enjoin enforcement of the law by three defendants: Walter Pierce, Governor of Oregon; Isaac Van Winkle, Attorney General of Oregon; and Stanley Myers, District Attorney for Multnomah County. The Society of Sisters explicitly argued for religious freedom in its complaint, stating that “said pretended law attempts to control the free exercise and enjoyment of religious opinions and to interfere with the rights of conscience.” The Society, however, did not explicitly invoke the federal Free Exercise Clause, for that clause would not be incorporated against the states until 1940. The

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Society instead claimed that the Oregon Compulsory Education Act deprived it of liberty without due process of law as applied to the states under the Fourteenth Amendment. This argument was based on the freedom of parents to send their children to private schools, such as St. Mary’s, which offered religious training as well as general education. Arguing before a special three-judge panel, the religious order claimed that the law violated both the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Contracts Clause, and sought an injunction. Consolidating the case with a challenge to the Act brought by the Salem, Oregon-based Hill Military Academy, a private secular school, the three-judge district court unanimously enjoined the Oregon statute on the grounds that it violated the Fourteenth Amendment. The district court had enjoined the Act based upon the schools’ rights to economic liberty and substantive due process. Citing Lochner v. New York (U.S. 1905), Murphy v. California (U.S. 1912), and Meyer v. Nebraska (U.S. 1923), District Judge Wolverton wrote for the three-judge district court: “The right to contract in relation to one’s business is a liberty that may not be inhibited without entrenchment upon rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. The right to engage in a useful, legitimate business, not harmful or vicious, is protected under the amendment, and cannot be abrogated . . . Governor Pierce then appealed to the Supreme Court.”

In what became a major due process case, the Supreme Court in a unanimous decision held that while the state may reasonably regulate all schools and require that all children must attend some school, the state may not deny children the right to attend adequate private schools and force them to attend only public schools. The Oregon statute was an unreasonable interference with the liberty of parents and guardians to direct the upbringing of their children, and thus that it violated the Fourteenth Amendment. The court explained that a statute requiring children to attend public schools unconstitutionally restricted the freedom of both parents and students. Moreover, the fundamental theory of liberty upon which all governments in the United States are based prohibits the states from standardizing education by forcing children to receive instruction from public schools only. The religious orders that owned the schools had “standing” to invoke the liberty interests guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment against the state’s action because they were threatened with destruction of their business and property through the improper compulsion exercised by the statute upon parents and guardians. The Court found that the interest of the religious orders was direct and immediate, and thus, they were entitled to an injunction, based on Truax v. Raich (U.S. 1915). Today, Pierce represents the right of children to attend private (including religious) schools, provided that such schools meet basic educational standards. The state cannot regulate the subjects taught in those schools beyond ensuring that children are given competent instruction in specified secular subjects and that

PLACE OF WORSHIP they are in a safe and healthy environment. Pierce is also important because it held that religious minorities are entitled to due process protection under the Fourteenth Amendment. The Pierce decision has profoundly affected how American civil liberty jurisprudence developed in the 20th century. In its emphasis on fundamental rights not expressly articulated in the Constitution and on family autonomy, it was the forerunner of later privacy decisions.

PLACE OF WORSHIP From a legal viewpoint, a location’s status as a “place of worship” is crucial in determining whether it is entitled to a tax exemption, whether local liquor control ordinances can be invoked in its vicinity, or whether the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment have been violated. In addition to the federal constitutional provisions, some state constitutions have a state Establishment Clause that provides that no individual may be compelled to erect or support any “place of worship.” In the following cases, the court found that a certain building or place was used as a place of worship. In Dougherty v. Kentucky Alcoholic Beverage Control Board (Ky. 1939) a building in which preaching services and an organized Sunday school were regularly held, and a series of revival services was conducted, and that was used for no other purpose, was a “place of worship” under the law, even though it had no church organization with a pastor, board of stewards, deacons, or similar officers. Thus denial of a liquor license to a tavern located within 200 feet of the building pursuant to a state statute prohibiting liquor sales within the vicinity of churches was proper. On the other hand, a private chapel, which merely offered a generalized opportunity to the public for use for meditation, Bible study, and prayer, was not a “church or other place of worship” within requirements needed to sustain a 200feet zone set up by New York’s Alcohol Control law. [Jane Street Seafood Corp. v. New York State Liquor Authority (N.Y. 1980)] The following were also not considered “places of worship”: a city’s displays of a nativity scene and menorah at the front entrance to city hall [ACLU v. Schundler (D. N.J. 1995)]; a mausoleum in which there was a chapel where funeral services were conducted [Foster v. Harding (Okla. 1967)]; and buses used to transport students to and from nonpublic schools [Honohan v. Holt (Ohio 1968)]. In Georgia a building with the outside appearance of a residence that served as the headquarters of a religious association and had a kitchen, an office for the association’s employees, and a chapel occupying 25 percent of its space at which were held some religious exercises but no church or Sunday school services on

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Sunday morning, was also found not to be a “place of worship.” The building was primarily used for coordination, training, and promotional work in furtherance of the religious association’s administrative duties and was not open as a public place of worship. Thus it was not entitled to a tax exemption. [Leggett v. Macon Baptist Association (Ga. 1974)]

PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE Since 1954, the Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag is: I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America, and to the Republic for which it stands, one Nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” Custom and usage dictate that the pledge should be rendered by standing at attention facing the flag with the right hand over the heart. When not in uniform men should remove any non-religious headdress with their right hand and hold it at the left shoulder, the hand being over the heart. Persons in uniform should remain silent, face the flag, and render the military salute. The pledge is most frequently recited in American schools, and most of the controversies involving the pledge take place at the schools. The United States Supreme Court has been sharply divided for many years over what the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment does and does not protect, particularly when it comes to speech within public schools. As part of this debate, a hot topic throughout the decade has been what the Establishment Clause means for the Pledge of Allegiance and its recitation in public schools. A former Baptist minister named Francis Bellamy wrote the original Pledge of Allegiance in 1892, which was first published in Youth’s Companion, a childrenoriented magazine that had hired Bellamy shortly after he resigned from his religious post. Bellamy also served as chairman of a committee of the National Columbian Public School Celebration in connection with his service to Youth’s Companion. As chairman, he was charged to develop a program to celebrate the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’s landing in the Americas. Bellamy’s program centered around a flag-raising ceremony that included his new salute to the flag, the “Pledge of Allegiance.” During the summer before his flag ceremony, Bellamy successfully petitioned President Benjamin Harrison and Congress to issue a proclamation to observe the Columbus Day celebration. While the Pledge of Allegiance was first recited in public schools as part of a Columbus Day Celebration on October 12, 1892, thousands of other public and private schools participated in the Pledge during the official Columbus Day Celebration on October 21, 1892. The wording of the Pledge adopted in 1892 for the Columbus Day observance is somewhat different than the contemporary version. It read, “I pledge allegiance to my Flag and to the Republic for which it stands - one Nation indivisible - with

PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE 385 Liberty and Justice for all.” At the 1923 National Flag Conference, the Conference leadership altered the phrase “my Flag” to “the Flag of the United States of America,” over Bellamy’s objections. The Pledge amendment sought to make it clear to immigrants that the flag being referenced was in fact the United States’ Flag and not the flag of a state or any other nation. This amendment was adopted. The Knights of Columbus, a Catholic fraternal organization, believed that the Pledge did not fully encompass the essence of America if it did not mention God. In 1952, the Supreme Council of the Knights of Columbus amended the Pledge for recitation at its meetings by adding the phrase “under God” after “one nation.” The Knights of Columbus then petitioned the President of the United States, the Vice President of the United States, and the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives to similarly amend the Pledge. In 1953, Representative Louis Rabaut of Michigan sponsored the first resolution in the United States Congress to amend the Pledge accordingly. Although they failed at first, the Knights of Columbus and other fraternal organizations refused to give up and began to use Lincoln’s Gettysburg address, which included the phrase “under God,” as persuasive authority justifying the change. Reverend George Macpherson Docherty, a Presbyterian minister and pastor of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church in Washington D.C., advocated adding “under God” to the Pledge, which was inspired by a phrase in Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, during his Sunday sermon to commemorate Lincoln’s birthday. The following day, a member of Docherty’s congregation, Representative Charles Oakman, introduced a resolution to the House that would codify the inclusion of “under God” in the Pledge. Two days later, Senator Homer Ferguson presented an identical resolution to the Senate. The Oakman-Ferguson resolution, S.J.R. 126 in the Senate and H.J.R. 243 in the House, passed both chambers of Congress and President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed the bill into law on Flag Day, June 14, 1954. Shortly thereafter, Eisenhower declared, “From this day forward, millions of our school children will daily proclaim . . . the dedication of our nation and our people to the Almighty.” Some opponents may argue that this statement by the President reveals the true intent of the amendment: to inculcate schoolchildren with religious teachings. Proponents may argue, however, that a statement by a sitting president cannot constitute legislative intent. This 1954 legislation to add the phrase “under God” to the text of the Pledge of Allegiance brought the Pledge of Allegiance to its contemporary form. Both the Pledge and its ceremonial recitation are codified as 4 USC § 4. Public schools have long been enmeshed in controversies over public rituals, and religious belief (including nonbelief) has been at the center of most of them. Even before the Pledge’s codification in the United States Code, school districts nationwide began to institute policies mandating the daily recitation of the Pledge

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of Allegiance. Unlike today, most of the Pledge from the 1930s and 1940s had policies that called for compulsory recitation of the Pledge and students declining to participate in the exercise for any reason were disciplined accordingly. The first challenge to these compulsory Pledge policies reached the Supreme Court in Minersville School District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940). In Minersville, the Supreme Court upheld the practice of compulsory pledging of allegiance to the flag against a free exercise claim on the grounds that this type of coercion is a price to be paid for living in a democracy. The Court ruled that public school districts could compel students to participate in reciting the Pledge of Allegiance, even students who saw the Pledge as a blasphemous idolatry in conflict with their religious convictions, as the Gobitises did in Minersville. Gobitis was overruled in West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943). The Court held that “compulsory unification of opinion” violated the First Amendment. The controversy over official rituals involving the flag has persisted well into contemporary times. A high school student successfully challenged the requirement that she show “full respect” to the flag while the pledge was being given by standing at attention during the flag salute and recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance. [Lipp v. Morris (3d Cir. 1978)] It is not unconstitutional for schools to conduct official ceremonies and rituals that contain occasional references to God, as these references are merely incidental. For instance, a majority of the Supreme Court has indicated that the use in public schools of the Pledge of Allegiance, with its reference to “one nation under God,” does not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, because this is merely a “reference to our religious heritage,” rather than an endorsement of religion. [See Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984) (dicta)] Critics of the reference to God have asserted that in situations involving the Pledge of Allegiance, the threat of indirect compulsion is much greater than in cases involving individual prayers because when the pledge is said the individual dissenter is made to stand out as one opposed to patriotism. In Sherman v. Community Consolidated School District 21 (7th Cir. 1992), the panel opinion by Judge Frank Easterbrook held that a school district’s policy of conducting a voluntary recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance, including the words “under God” was Constitutional. The court rejected a claim that daily recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance, led by the school principal, is inherently coercive. In Sherman, Easterbrook proposed the “coercion test” and proclaimed the death of the Lemon test. More than a decade elapsed between Sherman and when the U.S. Supreme Court heard Elk Grove v. Newdow (U.S. 2004). In Newdow, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to rule on whether a school district policy requiring teachers to lead students in reciting the Pledge of Allegiance constitutes a violation of either the Establishment Clause, with the words “one nation under God” as part of the pledge. Newdow was a high-profile case that began when the father of an

PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE 387 elementary school student objected to the pledge. Michael Newdow, an atheist, contended that having his daughter watch and listen to the teacher proclaim the existence of a God, and that the United States is a nation under God, violated the Establishment Clause. The Ninth Circuit ruled in favor of Newdow in a highly controversial two-to-one decision that originally applied to recitation of the pledge in any setting, but was later modified to apply only to public school students. The full panel of the Ninth Circuit refused to overturn the decision, and the case was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The court found that Newdow lacked standing, i.e., he could not sue on his daughter’s behalf because he was not the parent who had authority under the divorce settlement when the parents disagreed. Rather, the mother had that right, and she was not opposed to the pledge. Because Newdow lacked standing, he could not file the suit. The effect of the ruling was to moot the Ninth Circuit decision. Thus, the wording of the pledge remains unchanged. There have been several other judicial decisions involving the pledge in recent years. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit ruled that a Pennsylvania statute requiring the school to inform parents of students who opt not to participate in the recitation of the pledge of national anthem violates the students’ First Amendment rights because it amounts to viewpoint discrimination. This is because the state intervenes only when the student refuses to participate. The court also ruled that the statute could not be applied to private schools, because to do so would violate the school’s right to free expression (Circle Schools v. Pappert (3rd Cir. 2004)). The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit ruled that a principal in Alabama violated a student’s rights of free expression when he punished the student for standing and silently raising his fist during the daily flag salute. Further, the teacher breached the Establishment Clause by soliciting prayer requests from the students and leading the class in a moment of silent prayer. The case was remanded to the lower court for trial (Holloman v. Hardland (11th Cir. 2004)). The Pledge of Allegiance was written and adopted as a patriotic observance for the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’s landing in the Americas. It was intended as a patriotic observance to honor the heritage of the Nation and was inspired by the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Gettysburg Address. The Court held that students cannot be compelled to pledge their allegiance, but pledge policies today call for the voluntary recitation of the Pledge. Opponents of the Pledge, such as Michael Newdow, argue that the 1954 statute, in which it added the phrase “under God,” makes the Pledge religious speech and thus, violates the Establishment Clause. Yet to be answered by the Supreme Court are the two-fold issues involving the Pledge of Allegiance: 1) is the Pledge of Allegiance religious speech, and 2) does the Pledge of Allegiance compel the affirmation of a religious belief in God? The answer to these questions will determine the Pledge’s constitutionality and whether it can continue to be recited as it has been in public schools.

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POLYGAMY Congress criminalized polygamy in the United States territories by statutes, including the Morrill Act of 1862, the Edmunds Act of 1882, and the EdmundsTucker Act of 1887. The legislative history of the Morrill Act reveals that religious beliefs clearly played a major role, if they were not the motivating factor, in the congressional attempts to prohibit Mormon polygamy. The emergence of Mormonism brought “our holy religion into contempt, [defied] the opinions of the civilized world, and [invoked] the vengeance of Heaven by a new Sodom and a new Gomorrah to attract its lightning and appease its wrath.” Congress concluded that the Morrill Act “was a law respecting an establishment of religion,” but added with open contempt “if the odious and execrable heresy of Mormonism can be honored with the name of religion.” [House Report 83–86, cmt 4 (1860)] Religious issues were, thus, clearly central to the legislators’ purpose when they outlawed polygamy. Some commentators believe that the background of the Morrill Act illustrated that when the federal government had legislated on marriage forms in the past, the principle purpose was to achieve religious conformity. That polygamy was almost universally considered immoral was taken largely as a clear, self-evident fact. Only a few presumably needed to be persuaded on the issue, the history of the Morrill Act, for instance, has very little discussion on why polygamy is so evil. Following this social consensus, moreover, some judges, such as James B. McKean, Chief Justice of the Utah Territorial Supreme Court from 1870 to 1875, regarded “cleansing the country of polygamy” as a “religious cause.” The U.S. Supreme Court agreed with the Utah Supreme Court in Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879) and held that George Reynolds, a member of the Mormon Church and secretary to Mormon Leader Brigham Young, had violated the 1862 Morrill Act. There was no dispute that Reynolds had married at least twice and that he had done this from a genuine conviction that polygamy was his religious duty. The Supreme Court, however, upheld the federal government’s right to make bigamy a crime in federal territories and rejected the free exercise objection of Reynolds. The opinion reviewed the widespread condemnation of polygamy in Western civilization, and accepted this opprobrium as determinative, but did not overtly consider how Western civilization came to hold this opinion. The Court considered the practice of religiously related polygamy as similar to the practice of religiously motivated human sacrifice; each was conduct “in violation of social duties,” and therefore prohibited by the state. The Court also relied on English Common Law, and found that, “the second marriage was always void . . . and from the earliest history of England, polygamy has been treated as an offense against society.” The most enduring part of the Reynolds decision was the holding by Chief Justice Waite that the authorizing statue was constitutional because under the Free Exercise Clause, although “Congress was deprived of all legislative power of over

POLYGAMY opinion,” it was nevertheless “left free to reach actions which were in violation of social duties or subversive of good order.” This became known as the belief-action dichotomy in constitutional jurisprudence. Applying this principle in Reynolds, the court left no doubt that bigamy violated social duties and subverted “good order.” Some scholars believe that the anti-polygamy law upheld in Reynolds reflected widespread anti-Mormon feeling. Under the “least restrictive means to a compelling end” standard, enunciated in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), some question would have arisen as to whether the goal supposedly being pursued by enactment of the ban (preservation of monogamous marriage) was sufficiently compelling, and whether the refusal to exempt Mormons was sufficiently critical to the attainment of that goal to justify the burden placed on the religious liberty of Mormons. Under the modern standard enunciated in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), however, only statutes that expressly seek to regulate religious beliefs or conduct violate the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution. Polygamy did not end in Utah as a result of Reynolds. Anti-polygamy statutes encountered continued resistance. In a territory where 75% of the population was Mormon, bigamy prosecution became a farcical exercise. Polygamists went into hiding in the “underground,” key witnesses disappeared, plural wives refused to testify against their husbands, and sympathetic juries would not convict. Nevertheless, the federal government’s persistence in combating polygamists overcame Mormon resistance. The vigorous enforcement of enhanced antipolygamy statutes eventually led to the prosecution of 2500 criminal cases. Congressional enactment of the Mormon Control Acts was harsh response to the Mormon resistance to the Morrill Act. The first, the Edmunds Act of 1882, criminalized even cohabitation with more than one woman, let alone marry more than one. The statute also prevented those who favored polygamy or cohabitation from serving on juries in a polygamy or cohabitation case. When combined with the Reynolds decision, the law ensured that polygamy would be found illegal in all future cases. The second statute, the Edmunds-Tucker Act, revoked the statute granting incorporation to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, causing the corporation to be dissolved and much of the church property to be escheated. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the Mormon Control Acts. The Court, in 1890, stated that Mormonism is “a return to Barbarism . . . contrary to the spirit of Christianity and the civilization that Christianity has produced in the Western world. “By the late 1880s, the success of these measures was clear. The Mormons were increasingly less willing to resist federal anti-polygamy laws. Thousands of men, including many church leaders, had either been imprisoned for violating the anti-polygamy laws, or were hiding from federal authorities. In 1885, President Grover Cleveland reinforced federal troops in Salt Lake City, allowing the taking of valuable church property pursuant to the Edmunds-Tucker Act. On September 24, 1890, soon after the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the Edmunds-Tucker Act, Wilford Woodruff, president of the Church of Jesus Christ

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of Latter-day Saints, issued a manifesto, advising members to refrain from polygamy. This led to reconciliation between the federal government and the LDS Church. As a result, anti-Mormon sentiment faded, and eventually, Mormons became more accepted into mainstream American culture. Having renounced polygamy, the Mormons gradually ceased to be regarded as a strange and deviant sect and the LDS Church became increasingly accepted as a conventional Christian denomination. In addition to greater public acceptance, Congress finally admitted Utah to the union in 1896. Over time, public concerns over polygamy subsided. It was not until law enforcement pursued aggressive prosecution against polygamous Mormons did public opinion again focus on the polygamists. The revelation precipitated a new anti-polygamy fervor in the United States, as exemplified by the nationwide manhunt for polygamist leader Warren Jeffs. The Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS Church) is one of the largest Mormon fundamentalist groups and one of the largest practitioners of polygamy in the United States. The FLDS Church emerged in the early 1900s when its founding members left the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints (LDS Church). The schism occurred largely because of the LDS Church’s renunciation of polygamy and its decision to excommunicate practitioners of polygamy. Warren Jeffs succeeded his father Rulon Jeffs 2002 as President of the FDLS Church. He served in that position until his resignation in 2007. For nearly two years, Warren Jeffs had been sought on sex-crimes charges. From May 2006, until his arrest in August 2006, Jeffs was on the FBI’s Ten MostWanted List. On September 25, 2007, Jeffs was found guilty of two counts of being an accomplice to rape and was sentenced to ten years to life in prison. In addition to federal law, the three States (Idaho, Arizona, and Utah) with large populations of Mormon Fundamentalists have also had significant criminal penalties for the practice of bigamy or polygamy. In Idaho, bigamy is a felony offense punishable by incarceration for a period up to three years. In Arizona, “[a] person having a living spouse who knowingly marries any other person is guilty of a class 5 felony.” In Utah, the headquarters of the LDS Church, polygamy is expressly prohibited in the state constitution. Article III of the Utah Constitution expressly states that “polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited.” The Utah Criminal Code enforces the constitutional command by categorizing bigamy as a third-degree felony. Both state and federal laws provide law enforcement the necessary authorization to prosecute anyone who engages in the practice of polygamy. Further, all challenges to the constitutionality of the applicable statutes have been dismissed, providing prosecutors the ability to confront polygamists, prevailing over all claims of religious freedom. Despite such explicit authorization, however, officials have generally not fully enforced the law. One significant exception to this general rule occurred in 1953 on the Short Creek polygamist community located on the Arizona-Utah border. In order to

POLYGAMY build support prior to the law enforcement raid, Arizona Governor Howard Pyle released a statement vilifying Mormon Fundamentalists and dramatizing activities occurring in Short Creek. The media campaign generated a public outcry. Governor Pyle then ordered a military assault on Short Creek. Early on the morning of July 26, 1953, police officers and members of the Arizona National Guard entered into Short Creek and arrested 122 polygamous men and women. This crackdown generated national attention, but to the dismay of the Governor, much of the media coverage portrayed the polygamists as ordinary Americans simply trying to exercise their constitutionally protected freedom of religion. Simultaneously, the media depicted children torn from their parents by government officials. Outraged, the public immediately criticized the government and sentiment shifted in favor of the polygamists. As a result of the incident, Governor Pyle was defeated for reelection and all of the polygamists detained were eventually released. Officials in Utah and Arizona in their more contemporary efforts to prosecute polygamy within their borders, have chosen not to attack this problem directly. The police instead have arrested Fundamental Latter-day Saints (FLDS) members for offenses associated with polygamy such as rape, sexual contact with minors, and sexual assault. By vigorously enforcing these “peripheral” charges, authorities shifted the focus away from a more sympathetic religious custom to crimes targeting innocent victims. Even this strategy has not worked as well as desired. Failed enforcement includes the difficulty in actually proving polygamist behavior. “Polygamy is difficult to prosecute because the men generally obtain marriage licenses for only their first wives. Subsequent marriages are performed secretly, and the additional wives often present themselves to society as single women.” To add to the problem, it is difficult to secure a witness willing to testify, especially if it is against a woman’s own polygamist husband. Mormonism is a patriarchal religion and its fundamentalist members take notions of obedience and loyalty very seriously from an early age. “The primary responsibility of women in FLDS communities . . . is to serve their husbands, conceive as many babies as possible, and raise those children to become obedient members of the religion.” In addition to the instilled notions of submissiveness, the wives of polygamists are intimidated with threats of eternal damnation and the loss of their children should they choose to flee the community or seek police protection. Therefore, chances of successful prosecutions are slim because it is difficult for a state to prove polygamy with multiple marriage certificates or to secure witnesses willing to testify. On April 3, 2008, the Texas Department of Family Protective Services, acting on a tip from a person calling a domestic abuse hotline alleging systematic child abuse on the FLDS Church’s Texas compound, in Eldorado, Texas, raided the compound and took custody of all 468 of the children under age 18 from the church’s Yearning for Zion (YFZ) Ranch, assisted by a large contingent of Texas

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Rangers who assumed control of the compound from April 3 through April 10, 2008. Twenty-seven adults were among those “children” that were placed into state custody. The state took this action without a court order. A local trial court sustained the ex parte seizure of the children on an “emergency basis,” based on the theory that the FLDS parents would subject the girls to sexual abuse and inculcate the sexual abuse of women as a religious precept in the boys. The Texas Court of Appeals reversed this order and required the Department to immediately return the children to their parents. On May 29, the Texas Supreme Court declined to review the appeals ruling that Texas FPS was not justified in removing every child from the ranch and ordered the children to be returned to their parents. The caller has never been found and the tip that prompted the raid is now believed to be a hoax. The court decision has been criticized for placing children, including those most at risk for abuse, the young girls, back into a situation where there is a potential for harm. Only a few of the families have returned to the YFZ Ranch in Eldorado. Most of the members of the FLDS church have moved to other places while the Texas state attorney general’s office pursues a criminal investigation and the state FPS continues its child-abuse investigation. The FLDS parents litigated and won the appeal not on the basis of religious freedom, but rather on the state’s violation of more general parental rights protected under both the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Texas Family Code. Moreover, the Texas appellate courts considered and decided the appeal solely on the basis of parental rights and Texas statutory protections of those rights. The protections granted by the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution are some of our most cherished rights as Americans. The freedom to practice one’s religion without government interference is indeed a fundamental principle of American democracy. The First Amendment greatly limits the government’s ability to regulate religious practices. However, the Supreme Court has concluded that there are limited circumstances upon which government interests outweigh the value of religious liberty. Polygamy is considered one such example. Although Mormon Fundamentalists argue that the First Amendment shields against official state action, the Supreme Court has consistently ruled otherwise. A state’s interest in protecting innocent women and children, according to the Supreme Court, is far more compelling than any claim to religious autonomy. The legislative and judicial grant of authority has opened the door to authorities seeking to curtail polygamous acts. Despite express authorization, however, fundamentalists have usually remained essentially undisturbed. Police and other authorities, for various reasons, have expressed great reluctance to prosecute Mormons who assume multiple wives in the name of religion. This lack of official action has been criticized because the women who enter into arranged marriages and bear many children, are reported to have

PRISONS AND PRISONERS suffered tremendously as a result of this practice. Critics of polygamy argue innocent victims must be protected from exploitation, sexual slavery, and psychological manipulation, and that the government must enforce the rule of law and end the destructive practice of polygamy in the United States.

PRAYER IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS See School Prayer

PRISONS AND PRISONERS The United States imprisons more of its citizens than any other nation. Since America has such a large incarcerated population, significant issues relating to prisoner religious freedom have arisen and continue to be highly controversial. Large proportions of prisoners in the United States want to exercise their religious beliefs. One study reported that about 50% of inmates attend religious services an average of six times per month. Historically, however, prisoners in the United States have had very little protection of their religious exercise rights, even when American prisoners were first allowed to worship, there was little tolerance granted to non-Protestant worshippers. Although federal courts began to increasingly hear cases brought by prisoners during the New Deal era and afterwards to constitutional claims against state officials, they continued to be reticent in providing a forum for prisoners to bring free exercise (or other constitutional) challenges to the policies of prison administrators. In the 1960s and 1970s, federal courts became increasingly receptive to prisoner religious exercise claims. This initial religious freedom prisoner litigation was led largely by Black Muslims and other minority religions, and, for the first time, resulted in decisions from lower federal courts that “insofar as possible within the limits of prison discipline[,] . . . prisoners” should be allowed to practice their religion in prison.” Then, in Cruz v. Beto (U.S. 1972), the Supreme Court held that a prison had a duty to provide Muslim prisoners “reasonable opportunity of pursuing [their] faith comparable to the opportunity afforded fellow prisoners who adhere to conventional religious precepts.” In the 15 years following Cruz v. Beto (U.S. 1972), prisoners enjoyed the highest level of protection for their First Amendment religious exercise rights in American history. Though there was a conflict among the circuits over exactly what level of scrutiny burdens on the religious exercise of prisoners received, the lower courts generally extended some form of either strict or heightened scrutiny.

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A prison regulation restricting inmates’ constitutional rights (including First Amendment rights) is legal if the regulation is “reasonably related to legitimate penological interests.” Applying this standard, the U.S. Supreme Court has upheld a prison regulation on the work duties of inmates that precluded Muslim inmates from attending a religious service held on Friday afternoons. [O’Lone v. Shabazz (U.S. 1987)] The Court in O’Lone was applying the standard enunciated in Turner v. Safley (U.S. 1987). The Court determined that the reasonableness of a prisoners’ challenge to a regulation depended upon four criteria: 1) the “valid, rational connection between the prison regulation and the legitimate governmental interest” which it served; 2) prisoner access to other means of exercising the right; 3) the impact that accommodating the prisoner would have on guards, inmates, and prison resources; and 4) possible other ways to satisfy the prisoner’s religious needs. In Turner, the Court found that a restriction on the fundamental rights of prison inmates should be upheld so long as the restriction was reasonably related to legitimate penological interests. This standard seems to require a case-by-case approach to determine the reasonableness of all prison regulations that restrict fundamental rights. In Turner, for example, the Court upheld restrictions on the ability of prison inmates to send mail to each other based on prison security needs. Turner requires prison administrators be given great deference because they are in a better position than courts to make decisions regarding institutional operations. The Court, however, invalidated a prison regulation that prohibited all marriages between prisoners or between a prisoner and a person outside the prison facility without permission of the warden, because this regulation burdened inmates constitutional right to marry and was not related to a legitimate penological concern. In 1993, in response to Smith, Congress passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in a direct attempt to reinstate the “compelling interest test” and “to provide a claim or defense to persons whose religious exercise is substantially burdened by government.” The RFRA provided the lone exception where the government may substantially burden an individual’s exercise of religion. The RFRA allowed the government to substantially burden the exercise of religion when—and only when—the government can demonstrate that the “application of the burden to the person is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest.” After demonstrating there is a compelling governmental interest, the government must then show that the application of such burden on the person “is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest.” The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) of 1993 prohibited governments, both state and federal, from acting in such a way that significantly burdens free exercise of religion, unless its action furthered a compelling state interest, and was the least restrictive means of addressing that interest. This legislation led to an increase in Free Exercise test cases. In June 1997, however,

PRIVACY the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the RFRA was unconstitutional as applied to the states. In response to the Supreme Court’s decision on the RFRA, Congress passed the religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000. Section 3 states that: “No government shall impose a substantial burden on the religious exercise of a person residing in or confined to an institution . . . even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability, unless the government demonstrates that imposition of the burden on the person— 1) is furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and 2) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest.”

RLUIPA provides a specific cause of action to protect and accommodate the religious exercise rights of prisoners Specifically, it provides that state action that “substantially burdens” a prisoner’s religious exercise” is unlawful unless prison officials can demonstrate that burdening religious exercise is the “least restrictive means” of achieving a “compelling government interest.” Moreover, recognizing that lower courts had undermined the protections of RFRA by construing it to protect only a narrow range of religious exercise, Congress took special care in drafting RLUIPA to enact a definition of religious exercise that corresponds to the inclusive approach the Supreme Court has taken in defining protected religious exercise under the Free Exercise Clause. While RLUIPA ultimately passed both the House and the Senate unanimously, a small minority of Congressman, prison authorities, and state officials asserted that including prisoners under the protections of RLUIPA would lead to a “flood of frivolous lawsuits” and consume prison resources. Such lawsuits, they claimed, were likely to include “bizarre” demands for the “recognition of the right to burn bibles. Such concerns about a flood of frivolous suits were unfounded, even during the congressional hearing phase of RLUIPA. Witnesses provided evidence that prisoner lawsuits had not significantly increased under RFRA—primarily because suits which raised a RFRA claim also raised constitutional claims—thereby demonstrating that the situation would likely be no different under RLUIPA. Witnesses also noted that any claims brought under RLUIPA would be subject to The Prison Litigation Reform Act, which curtailed the ability of inmates to bring trivial lawsuits against prison officials. Accordingly, concerns about frivolous lawsuits ultimately carried little weight in light of the available evidence and statutory law in place to limit to such claims.

PRIVACY Privacy as a concept has no plain meaning for most Americans. “The right to be let alone,” as U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis called it, covers many

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situations and many abuses. Obviously, private life must shelter information, decisions, and behaviors of many different kinds. The question is, which ones are to be protected against regulation or governmental intrusion? Justice Brandeis described the right to privacy as follows: “The makers of our Constitution understood the need to secure conditions favorable to the pursuit of happiness, and the protections guaranteed by this are much broader in scope, and include the right to life and an inviolate personality—the right to be left alone—the most comprehensive of rights and the right most valued by civilized men. The principle underlying the Fourth and Fifth Amendments is protection against invasions of the sanctities of a man’s spiritual nature, his feelings, and his intellect.”

The right to privacy entails freedom from publicity about one’s private affairs or the wrongful intrusion into one’s private activities. It also encompasses the right to prevent the unauthorized appropriation or exploitation of one’s personality. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that the First Amendment protects some rights to privacy in speech or association. The Court has also spoken on when a tort suit may be brought against a person whose speech has invaded the privacy of another. In terms of due process and equal protection of the law, the right to privacy has come to include a right to engage in certain highly personal activities; specifically, freedom of choice in marital, sexual, and reproductive manners. Even this definition may be too broad, for the Supreme Court still has not recognized any general right to engage in sexual activities that are done in private. [See Bowers v. Hardwick (U.S. 1986) (state could criminalize homosexual acts done in privacy of home); overruled by Lawrence v. Texas (U.S. 2003) (the U.S. Constitution prevents the criminalizing of homosexual acts)] Instead, the justices have acknowledged the existence of a right and defined it by very specific application to laws on reproduction, contraception, abortion, and marriage. [Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1965); Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973); Loving v. Virginia (U.S. 1967)] The major legal issue in Bowers involved the question of whether the right to privacy extended to protect consensual homosexual sex between adults. Some of the justices discussed whether the religious origins of the prohibition meant that the statute violated the Establishment Clause. The majority was not persuaded by this argument, and held that whatever the origins of the statute were, a secular purpose could be imputed to the statute. Bowers was overturned by Lawrence v. Texas (U.S. 2003). Following Lawrence, a Court rejected a constitutional challenge by polygamists to the Utah statute prohibiting polygamy. The plaintiffs in that case asserted that this statute violated their rights of free exercise of religious beliefs under the 14th Amendment. [Bronson v. Swensen (D. Utah 2005)] Griswold announced for the first time the constitutional right of privacy. In that case, Justice William O. Douglas discussed the concept of a constitutional “right to privacy.” None of the opinions in Griswold took judicial notice of the biblical and theological origins of the prohibition against contraception. The court later used the privacy doctrine as its rationale in striking down state statutes prohibiting

PRIVACY abortion in Roe v. Wade (U.S. 1973) and Doe v. Bolton (U.S. 1973). Once again, the court did not consider issues relating to the original religious character of the anti-abortion statutes, but sought a different rationale for their invalidation. Since Roe, the Supreme Court treatment of the abortion issue has been based on an implied constitutional right to privacy. Nonetheless, the Court has been unclear about principles that do or ought to govern the elaboration of the unenumerated right of privacy. The justices have sometimes relied upon societal tradition, sometimes on precedent, and sometimes on a principle thought to underlie constitutional privacy. The justices, moreover, have characterized the relevant tradition, precedent, or principle differently and sometimes inconsistently. Tort principles on privacy rights have been applied in cases brought against a clergyman, church, or religious organization. Courts have held that no cause of action for invasion of privacy exists in cases involving employment discrimination by a church or the practice of shunning, with the latter court holding that the First Amendment protected such religious practices. [See Ventimiglia v. Sycamore View Church of Christ (Tenn. App. Ct. 1988)] In another shunning case, Paul v. Watchtower Bible and Tract Society (9th Cir. 1987), the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that a former Jehovah’s Witness could not recover for injuries arising from that church’s use of shunning as a disciplinary method. Janice Paul was raised as a Jehovah’s Witness. In 1975 when she withdrew from the church, it did not shun people who left voluntarily. However, this policy changed in 1981. As a result, many of Paul’s childhood friends began shunning her. Paul subsequently filed a lawsuit, including among her allegations a claim for outrageous conduct and intentional infliction of emotional distress caused by the shunning. The Ninth Circuit held that the First Amendment prevented Paul from recovery. The court found that the shunning was religiously motivated and that allowing tort damages for it would directly burden the free exercise of religion: “Imposing tort liability for shunning on the church or its members would in the long run have the same effect as prohibiting the practice and would compel the church to abandon part of its religious teachings.” One court, in a case involving two church superiors who induced a minister’s psychiatrist to breach the physician-patient privilege, has held that, even assuming there was a right to privacy at a common law, such right would not allow any greater recovery than that already allowed for inducing a breach of the confidentiality privilege. [Alberts v. Devine (Mass. 1985)] Reasoning that the behavior of the church officials and clergy was unreasonable, two courts have held that allegations that a church or clergyman intentionally interfered with the marital and family relationships of another stated a cause of action for invasion of privacy. [O’Neil v. Schuckardt (Idaho 1986)] In O’Neil, for example, the court held that a husband had proved his claims of invasion of privacy against a church for interfering with his relationship with his wife and five

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children. The wife had become involved with a fundamentalist sect of the Catholic Church that believed that marriages between Catholics and nonCatholics were invalid in the eyes of God. Because the plaintiff husband was not Catholic, the church convinced the wife that her marriage to him was invalid and that she would be committing a sin if she had sexual relations with him (although she could continue to live with him as though he were her “brother”). The church’s interference led to a divorce. In the husband’s tort action the court found that the evidence supported a finding of an intentional and wrongful invasion of the couple’s domestic privacy by the church. One court has found the elders of a church liable for invasion of privacy when they wrongfully publicized private facts about a former parishioner’s life, including sexual relations with a nonmember. [Guinn v. Church of Christ (Okla. 1989)] In that case, the plaintiff had joined a church with an extremely strict and public disciplinary process. When she realized that the church elders intended to denounce her publicly for fornication, she tried to quit the church to avoid exposure of her private life. The elders of the church, however, believed that members could not withdraw from the congregation and proceeded to “disfellowship” the plaintiff by publicly announcing her “sins” and reading the biblical passages she had allegedly violated. Justice William O. Douglas valued religious beliefs highly, which is the reason he assumed an absolutist approach to protecting religious belief from government interference. He occasionally wrote about the basic tenets of freedom in nearreverential terms. He described the individual mind as a “sacred precinct” and claimed that protecting liberty would give the nation “spiritual strength.” Douglas, however, also believed that the state could not interfere with religion and not promote it in any way. Religious beliefs belonged to an individual’s private realm and the best approach government could do is to protect the right of privacy and abstain from any involvement in the religious sphere. While it is true that the right to privacy is neither a provision of the Constitution or one of its amendments, it is widely accepted as an implied constitutional right. A large majority of Americans would believe it appropriate for the constitution to effectively safeguard America’s most precious values, including the right to privacy. In order to do this, the Constitution must evolve to meet the challenges of a changing society. The Constitution must not be a static document. The Constitution, for many reasons, such as technological changes, value changes, and changing needs, must be an evolving document. Americans can not be governed in the 21st century by a slavish and uncritical adherence to the values and choices of the late 18th Century. This constitutional evolution should be by both judicial interpretation and by constitutional amendment.

PROPERTY TAX EXEMPTION 399

PROPERTY TAX EXEMPTION Church property is generally exempt from property tax. Whether the real estate of a nonprofit organization is exempt from property tax usually depends on its use and ownership. Many states restrict the exemption of church property to property used for worship. Parsonages may be exempt from real estate in certain jurisdictions. If the pastor owns the parsonage instead of the church, the parsonage is usually subject to property tax. Church parking lots are usually exempt if properly recorded. It may be possible to obtain an exemption for vacant land. Property tax exemption of church camps and recreation facilities are often challenged because of the income that may be generated through their use. Property partially used for church use and partially leased to a third party for profit entity results in the proration of the tax exemption. For many reasons, many rooted in colonial American history, churches and religious organizations have enjoyed special tax considerations. Legislatures have traditionally provided special tax treatment to groups and organizations whose influences or services are thought to be beneficial to the life of the community. Thus, houses of religious worship, nonprofit schools and colleges, public museums, libraries, and nonprofit hospitals are generally exempt from property taxes in all states. All states continue to grant tax exemptions for church property and places of worship, since the disestablishment of religion in the post-revolutionary United States. Similarly, the federal government exempts organizations operated exclusively for religious purposes from payment of income and gift taxes. Churches and their associations are subject to the unrelated federal business tax—that is, to taxes on income-producing property unrelated to the church, such as a commercial rental property or business enterprises. Although there is little doubt that the tax structure often benefits religious organizations, the issue has not been widely litigated. The U.S. Supreme Court has considered the constitutional issue of establishment and a church property tax exemption on only one occasion. In Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970), the Court upheld a New York tax exemption for properties of religious organizations when the properties were exclusively for religious purposes. Conceding that such an exemption gives churches an economic benefit, the Court nevertheless ruled that the granting of property tax exemptions to churches are not indirect government subsidies and do not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. To answer the contention that such an exemption is indirect tax support of religion, the Court noted, “The general principle deducible from the First Amendment and all that has been said and done by the Court is this—that we will not tolerate either governmental established religion or governmental interference with religion. Short of those expressly proscribed governmental acts,

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there is room for play in the joint product of a benevolent neutrality which will permit religious exercise to exist without sponsorship and without interference.” Also, state property tax exemptions for facilities used for religious purposes are constitution in those cases (such as in Walz) in which the tax exemptions were also available to related, but secular organizations such as hospitals and libraries. Furthermore, the Court held that such tax exemptions assist in guarding against the latent dangers to the free exercise of religion inherent in the imposition of taxes. Unlike a direct grant or subsidy, a tax exemption transfers no public revenue to a church and there is not real connection between the exemption and the establishment of religion. Indeed, it has been argued that exempting religious property may promote separation by restricting fiscal contact between church and state. The Court expressed concern that the problem of entanglement between church and state might actually be worse without an exemption scheme than with one, because the government would then have to be involved in “tax valuation of church property, tax liens, tax foreclosures, and the direct confrontations and conflicts that follow in the train of those legal processes.” This would deeply involve the government in the internal affairs of religious bodies, and lead to the type of entanglement with religion that the court proscribed in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). Chief Justice Warren Burger, writing for the Court, concluded that, “The exemption creates only a minimal and remote involvement between church and state. [It] restricts the fiscal relationship between [them], and tends to complement and reinforce the desired separation insulating each from the other.” Some of the concern in this area is that exemption may be necessary to ensure that governments do not prosecute religion under the guise of collecting taxes. Finally, the Court advanced a “charitable class argument” which identified religious properties as part of a larger class of eleemosynary institutions (from the Greek term “eleemosyne,” meaning mercy), such as schools, museums, libraries, and hospitals, all of which are exempt from property taxes. So therefore, religious properties do not receive any special government favors by virtue of being owned by religious institutions. Given that there is a broad class of exempt organizations, to eliminate the exemptions only of religious organizations would single them out for a special negative treatment, and that would arguably be a violation of the Establishment Clause. Walz, dealt only with property tax exemptions for property “used exclusively for religious, education, or charitable purposes.” Although the precedent set in Walz settled the general issue, the Court has confronted and likely will continue to face variations on this issue. In Differderfer v. Central Baptist Church (U.S. 1972), the Court addressed a challenge to property tax exemption for church property used as a commercial parking lot. Before the Court could rule, however, the state law was changed, denying exemption for purely commercial property and requiring a pro rata exemption for mixed use property. The problem of diversification among religious organizations led to other exemption problems. The Internal Revenue

PROSELYTIZING Service (IRS) granted tax-exempt status to religious schools, independent of racial admissions policies, until 1970, when the IRS concluded that it could no longer justify such exemptions. Bob Jones University, which allowed the enrollment of unmarried African Americans but denied admission to applicants who were in an interracial marriage, or known to support interracial marriage or dating, lost its tax exempt status as a result of this IRS policy change. The university brought a lawsuit against the IRS for exceeding its powers and for violating the Free Exercise Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the university did not qualify as a taxexempt organization, stating the “tax exemption depends on meeting certain common-law standards of charity—namely that an institution seeking tax exempt status must serve a public purpose and not be contrary to established public policy. To warrant exemption, “an institution . . . must demonstrably serve and be in harmony with the public interest, and the institution’s purpose must not be so at odds with the common community conscience as to undermine any public benefit that might otherwise be conferred.” Although the Supreme Court may never give a complete, definitive statement to cover all problems pertaining to the tax-exempt status of religious organizations, Walz remains the ruling precedent. The court is unlikely to reverse that precedent, especially because exemptions retain widespread social and political approval.

PROSELYTIZING Proselytizing is the practice of attempting to convert people from one opinion or thought, to another, particularly, to another religion. In the New Testament, the word proselyte refers to a person who had converted to Judaism. Although the word proselytism is specifically associated with Christianity, it is also used to refer to the efforts of many religions to convert people to their beliefs or to another point of view, whether that point of view is religious or not. Christianity throughout its history has sought to bring as many people as possible into the Church. The reason for this is based on Christian eschatology. Christian theology emphasizes salvation, and devout Christians are obligated not only to save themselves, but others. In the book of Matthew, Christ gives his disciples the great commission: “Full authority has been given to me both in heaven and on earth; go, therefore, and make disciples of all the nations. Baptize them in the name ‘of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.’ Teach them to carry out everything I have commanded you.”

For many Americans, religion is a purely private matter, to be practiced in houses of worship or in the home. For others, however, this view directly contradicts the core teachings of their religious belief system. Some religions direct

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their adherents to “spread the Gospel wherever the opportunity presents itself”; to encourage others to “accept God,” or to be a “living witness” to their beliefs. These people believe that they are compelled by their faith to encourage others to consider their beliefs. The Free Exercise of religion guarantee means that religious proselytizing must be exempt from prior restraint legislation. Municipal ordinances requiring the previous consent of local officials for the dissemination of religious literature have been challenged in the courts as infringements of religious freedom. Until the Free Exercise Clause became incorporated in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940), several cases were decided against minority religious sects. Many of the Free Exercise cases involving proselytizing and adjudicated by the U.S. Supreme Court, especially since Cantwell, involved the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society (commonly known as the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Their strenuous efforts to preach their religious views to uninterested listeners, along with their criticism on other religious beliefs, have brought them into direct conflict with the majority view in communities. In Cantwell, a Connecticut law prohibited soliciting for religious and other causes except with a certificate issued by the secretary of the Public Works Council. The unorthodox methods of evangelism practiced by the Witnesses were demonstrated by the Cantwell family, a father and two sons. After refusing to obtain the required permit, they chose a New Haven neighborhood that was 90 percent Roman Catholic and went door to door distributing literature, soliciting contributions, and playing a phonograph record that attacked the tenets of the Roman Catholic Church. They were convicted for canvassing without a permit. Justice Owen Roberts, in his opinion for Court, said that not only were the Cantwells’ unorthodox methods of evangelism legitimate, but that the Connecticut State deprived them of due process of law. The Court accepted the need for municipalities to legislate with general and nondiscriminatory regulations under the state police power for the peace and safety of the community. Nevertheless, the Court refused to sanction approving granting an administrative official censorial powers over the dissemination of religious ideas. The Court viewed that the requirement of “prior consent” with respect to religious proselytizing constituted “a censorship of religion as a means of determining its right to survive.” A second charge against the Cantwell family was the common law offense of inciting to breach the peace. The conviction was disposed of by the Court on the grounds that the testimony disclosed angry words spoken by and to the Cantwells—but no actual breach of the peace occurred. Furthermore, this conviction was based only on a common law concept of the “most general and independent nature.” The facts did not show a “clear and present danger of riot, disorder . . . or other immediate threat to public safety, peace, or order.” In its holding, the Court decided that the proselytizing efforts of the Jehovah’s Witnesses were an integral part of their religious practice and a legitimate activity

PROSPERITY GOSPEL 403 protected by both the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment. Citing Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), Justice Roberts discussed the distinction between the freedom to believe and the freedom to act. The Court noted that “the first is absolute, but in the nature of things, the second cannot be.” Conduct must remain subject to regulation for the protection of society. The Court, however, modified its original belief-action construct to provide religiously motivated behavior (including the right to proselytize) protection under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, which the Court now applied to the states. This required the states to respect the principles of liberty of conscience and the equality of a plurality of faiths before the law. Prior to Cantwell, the Court had consistently applied the secular regulation rule to religious action, and by implication, rejected any special constitutional protection for this action. Now, by specifically incorporating free exercise into the due process clause (and making it applicable to the states), the Court ushered in a new era of federal court jurisdiction over religion in American life. Under Supreme Court rulings since Cantwell, Free Exercise had come to mean more than the right to believe and worship according to the dictates of one’s own conscience. Religious freedom meant among other things the right to proselytize— to engage in activities designed to win converts to the faith, to distribute and sell religious literature free from discriminatory requirements and tax burdens, and to use public streets and parks for religious meetings, and to make door-to-door solicitations free from local restrictions.

PROSPERITY GOSPEL The core message of the prosperity gospel is that God wants people to be financially successful and they can get there by giving generously to the church. Some television ministries preach a so-called “prosperity gospel,” which is among the most popular evangelical messages on television and the Internet. The prosperity gospel assures followers that the more they give, including in the form of tithes to the church, the more they will receive from God. Some prosperity gospel preachers live lavishly, claiming that this is proof of the abundance God may bring. Critics of the prosperity gospel believe that it pathologizes poverty, and implies that insufficient faith and poor standing with God are to blame for individuals who are missing out on the American dream. Many of those who criticize the prosperity gospel, however, do not welcome government intervention such as the Grassley investigation, asserting that choosing the best expression of religion is outside the proper scope of government authority.

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PROTESTANTISM

PROTESTANTISM Protestantism is a general term for the branch of Christianity that originated with the 16th-century Reformation. The term originates as a reference to the “Protestatio” that the Evangelical German princes presented at the Second Diet of Speyer in 1529. After that event the opponents of the Reformation referred to its supporters as Protestants, although the preferred the term was “Evangelicals.” In the 17th-century, the terms “protestant religion” and “protestant church” emerged as neutral secular descriptions of Reformation Christianity.

PUBLIC AID TO RELIGION See Government Aid to Religious Institutions

PUBLIC EDUCATION See Public School Curriculum

PUBLIC FORUM The courts have created a qualified right to a public forum in order to give meaning to the protection of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and the right to assemble, and the right to assemble for redress of grievances given by the First Amendment. The First Amendment protects two essential values. First, freedom of communication and assembly serve the public good by allowing all ideas relevant to an issue of public policy to be freely discussed without governmental censorship and with every citizen free to articulate his or her opinion. The U.S. Supreme Court established the doctrine of the public forum in 1939, when it ruled in Hague v. Congress of Industrial Organizations (U.S. 1939) that government may not prohibit speech-related activities such as demonstrations, leafleting, and speaking in public areas traditionally provided for speech. Such places have historically served as an essential means of communication, especially for groups who lack power or access to alternative channels of communication. Three major forums exist: a traditional public forum, a designated public forum, and a nonpublic forum. Traditional public forums include “places which by long

PUBLIC FORUM tradition or by government fiat have been devoted to assembly and debate [or] which have immemorially been held in trust for the use of the public and . . . have been used for purposes of assembly, communicating thoughts between citizens, and discussing public questions.” [Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educator’s Ass’n (U.S. 1983)] Parks, sidewalks, and other areas traditionally used to facilitate the “free exchange of ideas” qualify as traditional public forums, but public schools normally do not. [Perry (U.S. 1983] Designated public forums are similar to traditional public forums with “the only difference being that they are created by an intentional act of government and as such may be closed by the government.” [Perry (U.S. 1983] The government may limit access to a designated public forum for “use by certain speakers, or the discussion of certain subjects.” [Perry (U.S. 1983] When the government exercises its right to limit speech in the designated public forum, it creates a limited designated public forum, commonly called a limited public forum. [Perry (U.S. 1983)] Thus, the government opens a designated public forum for all expressive uses while it opens the limited public forum for only those uses it explicitly designates. [Perry (U.S. 1983] To determine whether schools have created a designated public forum or a limited public forum, courts review the schools’ policies and practices. Government may close public forums it designates as such, but it must adhere to neutral standards while such forums remain open. In Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981), for example, the Supreme Court ruled that once it had opened its facilities for use by student groups, a state university had created a public forum. It was then required to justify any content-based exclusion. Such exclusions would be upheld only if they were necessary to serve a compelling state interest and if they were narrowly drawn to achieve that end. The university was unable to meet this standard with regard to student religious groups and, thus, was required to permit them to use its facilities under the same terms as those applicable to other student groups. In recent years the U.S. Supreme Court has elevated the distinction between public and nonpublic forums into a fundamental principle of First Amendment doctrine. Apart from rules of time, place, and manner, government regulation of speech within a public forum is especially subject to the strict scrutiny ordinarily required by First Amendment jurisprudence. Government regulation of speech within a nonpublic forum, however, is accorded wide latitude and presumptive constitutionality. The Court has increasingly relied upon public forum doctrine to insulate from judicial review restrictions on speech in such settings as schools, prisons, military establishments, and state bureaucracies. The most controversial aspect of contemporary public forum doctrine has been the Supreme Court’s tendency to defer to institutional authorities on the question of whether the regulation of speech is truly necessary to achieve institutional objectives. In Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier (U.S. 1988), for example, the Court

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concluded that determinations of the educational propriety of speech should properly rest with the school board rather than with the federal courts, and that therefore judges should defer to the decisions of the school officials. However, such deference in effect cedes to the states enormous discretion to regulate speech and hardly raises the question of the circumstances under which courts ought to relinquish careful supervision of governmental curtailments of speech. Later Supreme Court cases took a more accomodationist posture towards religious groups using public school facilities. In Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District (U.S. 1993), the school district, consistent with New York state law, denied a church group access to high school facilities during nonschool hours to show a film about family issues, approached from a religious perspective. The church had asked to use the high school auditorium for several evenings to present programs, open to the public, on child rearing and discipline. The programs would feature films that approached the topic from a Christian viewpoint. The school denied the request based on a school district policy forbidding school property to be used for any religious purpose. The church asserted that this policy violated the Free Speech, Free Exercise, and Establishment Clauses. The Supreme Court later ruled on a 6-to-3 vote that a school district had violated the free speech rights of an after-school Christian group for 6-12 year olds. The district excluded the club from using its facilities after the school day, while allowing access to nonreligious groups such as the Boy Scouts and the 4-H Club. District administrators refused to allow the “Good News Club” to meet once a week in a classroom. The district’s then superintendent based this refusal on the grounds that the club’s activities were a form of religious worship and prohibited under the district’s community-use policy, claiming that allowing such meetings to take place would violate the Establishment Clause. The organizers of the club sued the district in 1997, and a federal district judge issued an injunction allowing the club to meet at the school for most the school year. The judge then ruled against the club on the merits of the case. The district had created a “limited public forum,” the judge ruled, by opening its building for specific community uses. It was, however, not obligated to open the building for all speech, adding that the district could legally exclude the subject category of religious instruction and prayer. On appeal, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit ruled 2-to-1 in 2000 for the school district. In his opinion, Justice Thomas rejected concerns that the elementary-age children at the school might feel coerced to participate in the club by its presence in the building. First, he noted, participation in the club required parental permission. He then wrote that any danger that children might perceive the school was endorsing religion by allowing the club was not “any greater than the danger that they would perceive a hostility towards the religious viewpoint if the

PUBLIC FORUM club were excluded from the public forum.” In finding that the school had created a forum for speech by the public for those allowed to use the building, and that the school allowed the expression of religious perspectives on its approved topics, Justice Thomas noted the school would not allow the club’s expression of overt religiosity. Justice Thomas, speaking for the majority, concluded that: “We find it quite clear that Milford engaged in viewpoint discrimination when it excluded the club from the after school forum,” and that this violated the Free Speech Clause. The court further held that permitting the religious club to use the schools “limited public forum,” would not violate the Establishment Clause, as the school had claimed. The club’s meetings were after school hours, not sponsored by the school, and open to any student of the appropriate age who had parental permission. Justice Souter, in a dissenting opinion joined by Justice Ginsburg, noted the heavily devotional nature of meetings of the Good News Club, one of hundreds across the country affiliated with a national organization, Child Evangelism Fellowship, which seeks to promote Christianity among young children. Justice Souter wrote “It is beyond question that Good News intends to use the public school premises not for the mere discussion of a subject from a particular Christian point of view, but for an evangelical service of worship calling children to commit themselves in an act of Christian conversion.”

Until Congress enacted the Equal Access Act (EAA) in 1984 and the Supreme Court’s later decision in Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District (U.S. 1993), public school districts had wide discretion in prohibiting religious expression in their schools. In enacting the EAA, Congress substantially opened public schools to religious expression by creating a “limited open forum” in schools where non-curriculum-related student groups were permitted to meet during non-instructional time. The U.S. Supreme Court, in upholding the constitutionality of the EAA in 1990 against a strong Establishment Clause challenge in Mergens presaged the Court’s unanimous decision three years later in Lamb’s Chapel, which recognized that constitutional rights of free speech expression applied to the primary and secondary level. Although Lamb’s Chapel dealt with the expressive rights of a community organization (an evangelical church) as opposed to individual students or student groups, the court has approved increased religious activity in public schools. In Lamb’s Chapel, the Court unanimously held that once a school district had permitted a non-religious viewpoint on the subject of child rearing on its premises, it could not discriminate against a church’s presentation of a religious viewpoint on the same subject. By prohibiting viewpoint discrimination, the Court created a constitutional floor of protection for religious expression.

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PUBLIC OFFICE Early in American history, seven of the original 13 states, joined by six other states, either by statute or constitutional provision prohibited members of religious orders or ministers from holding public office. The purpose was to avoid the entanglement of church and state in the civil law-making function of the legislature. There was also a belief that one way to ensure disestablishment was to prohibit the clergy from serving in public office. Some of the Founders such as James Madison opposed clergy disqualification statutes. There was a belief that religion should not have undue influence in government, that clergy may not be able to fairly and fully perform as legislators because of a sense of higher obligation, and that citizens following different religious beliefs may feel inadequately represented. By the turn of the twentieth century, it was generally recognized that clergy disqualification laws conflict with both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment, and accordingly, they were repealed in all but two of the states that had adopted them. Only Maryland and Tennessee still had these laws. Maryland’s disqualification law was declared unconstitutional in Kirkley v. Maryland (D. Md. 1974). Tennessee had enacted a statute that prohibited “ministers of the gospel, or priest[s] of any denomination whatever,” from serving as delegates to the state’s constitutional convention. This statute mirrored a provision of the state constitution prohibiting such persons from membership in the state legislature. Although Tennessee’s disqualification provisions were not aimed at any particular religion, they did focus on religious practice and perhaps belief. The Tennessee Supreme Court ruled that the statute imposed no burden on religious belief and upheld the law. The court added that the provision would “prevent those most intensely involved with religion from injecting sectarian goals and policies into the lawmaking process, and thus [would] avoiding fomenting religious strife or the forcing of church with state affairs.” Overturning the Tennessee decision, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously found that the statute was unconstitutional in McDaniel v. Paty (U.S. 1978). There was no majority opinion in McDaniel, however, because the justices could not agree on exactly why the statute was unconstitutional. Chief Justice Burger, in his opinion joined by Justices Powell, Rehnquist, and Stevens, concluded that the disqualification statute violated the Free Exercise Clause because it conditioned McDaniel’s right to the free exercise of his religion on the surrender of his right to seek public office. The opinion by the chief justice found that the law was not one that infringed the “freedom to believe,” and therefore, was not automatically invalid under Torcaso v. Watkins (U.S. 1961). In Torcaso the Court held that persons may not be disqualified from government service (in this case, service as a notary public) on the grounds of religion. The chief justice noted that the history of such disqualification clauses in the original states indicated that such laws had

PUBLIC OFFICE been aimed merely at restricting acts of religious groups that would have further entangled the states with religion. The Tennessee law, however, regulated actions that related to the individual’s religion, and therefore, it was to be tested by the Free Exercise Clause balancing test. Under this test, the state’s failure to demonstrate that participation by clergy in the political process would bring about further “establishment” problems indicated that this law in fact did not promote a strong state interest. Thus, the law was invalid because it burdened religious practices without advancing overriding state interests. The Court found that the state’s interest was not sufficiently important without a showing of current validity to justify an infringement of the minister’s free exercise rights. In other words, given Tennessee’s failure to demonstrate the reality of the alleged dangers of clergy participation in the political process, the state’s infringement on free exercise could not withstand the constitutional challenge. Burger found no reason to examine whether the state’s asserted interest in furthering separation of church and state under other circumstances might constitute a permissible legislative goal. Justice William Brennan, joined by Justice Thurgood Marshall, found that the statute violated both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment, which applied to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment. Unlike the chief justice, Justice Brennan found that this law disadvantaged a person because of his or her religious belief. So construed, the law was a per se violation of the Free Exercise Clause; there was no reason to employ the balancing test in such a case. Justice Brennan noted that requiring a minister to forego either his ministry or public office constituted a sufficient burden to invoke the Free Exercise prohibition against burdening religious beliefs. Brennan wrote that government may not use religion as a basis of classification for the imposition of duties, penalties, privileges, or benefits except when it does so “for purposes of accommodating our traditions of religious liberty. Under Brennan’s approach, government must be “religion-blind” except when it accommodates religion. Brennan went on to discuss his conception of religion in public life. Brennan disagreed with the court’s reasoning in McDaniel , insofar as it “manifested patent hostility toward, not neutrality respecting religion.” He rejected the idea that religion was so divisive that its entry into the political debate is a “threat” to the democratic process in the U.S. Rather, he said, that “religious ideas, no less than as others, may be the subject of debate which is “uninhibited, robust, and wideopen,” pointing out that “church and religious groups in the United States have long exerted powerful political pressures on state and national legislation on subjects as diverse as slavery, war, gambling, drinking, prostitution, marriage, and education.” McDaniel remains vital precedent that forbids government from “imposing special disabilities on the basis of religious views or religious status.” The decision is strong evidence of the non-persecution principle because it particularly disfavors statues that impose disabilities on religious status—and more precisely on behavior

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that is associated with this status—specifically, because of its association with religion. Significantly, McDaniel expresses skepticism for any justification for burdening religious affiliation based on antiquated historical attitudes historical attitudes about religion that are incompatible with fully understood principles of religious freedom, or that are themselves of dubious historical origin. Taken together, Torcaso and McDaniel establish a principal of religious neutrality just as the state cannot require officer holders to adhere to a certain religious belief, neither can it exclude them for having a certain religious belief.

PUBLIC PLACES See Public Forum

PUBLIC SCHOOL CURRICULUM The fundamental power to select the system of instruction and course of study in the public schools belongs to the state legislature, although, for practical reasons, the selection of courses of study is often delegated to local authorities under general limitations and rules laid down by the legislature. The legislature, however, cannot prescribe courses of study without regard to constitutional principles. There is some conflict in the caselaw as to the limits of the respective powers of parents and school authorities over the course of study to be pursued by a particular student, and the right of a parent to control his or her child’s education, and particularly religious training. The interest of the school in universal education is subject to a balancing test when it comes into conflict with the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Parents often charge that the teaching in public schools is inimical to their religious beliefs and therefore violates their right to free exercise of religion. The U.S. Supreme Court has not yet dealt with this issue, and its pronouncements elsewhere offer little guidance. The Court has often stated that a substantial burden on free exercise can be justified only by a compelling state interest, pursued by the least restrictive means. Public schools have denied that their teaching burdens free exercise at all because their teaching is secular, not religious. Children need not accept what is taught, and children are not compelled to attend public schools, but are free to attend private schools. Dissatisfied parents reply that free exercise is burdened if their children are taught that their religion is wrong, although the children do not have to profess acceptance of the school’s teaching, and although others consider the issues in question secular. These parents stress that young impressionable children may not understand that they should reject

PUBLIC SCHOOL CURRICULUM the school’s teaching, or may be too intimidated to express their disagreement. They also argue that the option of attending private schools is too expensive for most parents to remove the burden on free exercise. However, even if a public school’s curriculum does burden free exercise, public schools claim a compelling state interest in giving all children this education. Most observers concede that states have an interest in teaching basic skills such as reading and writing. However, it is debatable how important the state’s interest is in other areas, including moral values and sex education. If a public school does burden free exercise without compelling justification, some accommodation of the religious students may be necessary as a remedy. Thus, many schools excuse students from certain programs to which they have religious objections, and some schools provide students with alternative instruction. The latter approach can be expensive and administratively burdensome; the former may prevent the child from obtaining essential skills. Suggestions that children be given vouchers to attend private schools meanwhile have been attacked as both violative of the Establishment Clause and destructive of the objectives of public education. The legal need for accommodation may no longer be as pressing as it once was, however. The Supreme Court recently indicated in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) that it has abandoned the “compelling state interest” standard. If the Court continues to adhere to this position, public schools would not be constitutionally required to show a compelling reason for subjecting children to teaching that is hostile to their religion. In 1983 a group of fundamentalist parents in Tennessee sought to have their children exempted from a school reading program because they believed some of the textbooks disparaged their religious beliefs. The Tennessee parents did not want to change school curriculum, they simply wanted their children to have an alternative reading program, while allowing their children to participate in the rest of the school’s academic program. The district court found for the parents. [Mozert v. Hawkins County Public Schools (E.D. Tenn. 1984)] A three-judge panel on the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously reversed. However, the judges could not agree on the reasons for reversal. One judge argued that the reading program did not burden the children’s free exercise rights because it did not tell them what to believe. A second judge maintained precisely the opposite, arguing that a broader purpose of the reading was to inculcate “values.” This purpose gave the school district a compelling state interest in not allowing exemptions to the program. The third judge, meanwhile, claimed that the reading program did not burden free exercise, but he did not want to issue a new precedent in this area without express guidance from the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court declined to follow this course of action, although it later made clear in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) that it had no intention of broadening free exercise rights. Smith suggests that further litigation using a free exercise approach would likely fail. In several cases, religious parents have sought

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to turn the Supreme Court’s expansive interpretation of the Establishment Clause prohibition on religion in the public schools to their advantage by alleging that the schools are unconstitutionally establishing a religion they term secular humanism through the teaching of other subjects—most notably the theory of evolution and other scientific postulates. Although the Supreme Court has not addressed this issue, the lower federal courts have uniformly rejected these claims. [Wright v. Houston Independent School District (D. S.D. 1972); Daniel v. Waters (6th Cir. 1975); McLean v. Arkansas Board of Education (E.D. Ark. 1982)] The Supreme Court has stated that nontheistic faiths, including secular humanism, can qualify as religions under the First Amendment. However, if secular humanism is defined narrowly enough to be considered a specific religion, the public schools are certainly not establishing it, because they promote no particular dogma or rituals. In contrast, if secular humanism is defined so broadly as to include the entirety of public school education, it ceases to be a religion for First Amendment purposes. A contrary conclusion would impel the untenable result that virtually any secular enthusiasm, such as music, art, or sports, could be considered a religion and thus prohibited from the public schools. Although a violation of the Establishment Clause need not be attended by coercion, objections that sex education programs in the public schools violate that clause by tending to establish a secular religion have been rejected when it appeared that the subject was not covered from a religious viewpoint; but simply as a public health matter. [Cornwell v. State Board of Education (D. Md. 1969)] The designation of sex education as an independent topic of study and discussion in the public schools appears to be a relatively recent development. There is no truly relevant case prior to 1969. When provision has been made that students whose parents object to courses in sex education can be excused, the giving of such a course has been uniformly upheld in which the matter has been adjudicated. [Cornwell v. State Board of Education (D. Md. 1969), aff’d (4th Cir. 1970) (rejecting free exercise challenge to compulsory sex education program); Citizens for Parental Rights v. San Mateo County Board of Education (Cal. App. Ct. 1975)] Decisions holding that a system for excusing students whose parents object was not sufficient to meet constitutional objections to other public school programs, such as Bible reading or prayer, have been distinguished as involving the direct use of tax-supported public school systems for religious instruction in violation of the Establishment Clause. [Medeiros v. Kiyosaki (Haw. 1970)] One court has even held that when a program has no compulsory feature, constitutional objections based on the rights of parents need not be considered. [Hobolth v. Greenway (Mich. 1974)] No court has yet held a sex education program invalid, even when attendance is compulsory. Objections that sex education programs in the public schools violate the right of objecting parents to the free exercise of religion have been rejected when

PUBLIC SCHOOL FACILITIES, ACCESS OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS TO attendance is not compulsory, because a violation of the Free Exercise Clause must be predicated on coercion. [Citizens for Parental Rights v. San Mateo County Board of Education (Cal. 1975)] One court has held that mandatory attendance could represent coercion against the practice or exercise of religious beliefs. [Hopkins v. Hamden Board of Education (Conn. 1971)] Moreover, a sex education program that puts some burden on the free exercise of religion may be justified by a compelling state interest, although one court has held that facts must be proven or stipulated before the balance can be struck. [Valent v. New Jersey State Board of Education (NJ 1971)] A compelling state interest is one that the state is obligated to protect. The concept would uphold the state’s action in the face of a challenge based on the right to equal protection or First Amendment rights because of a serious need for such state action. Objections to such programs can arguably be based on a parental right to direct the upbringing of children that is clearly supported by precedent, and such a right can be infringed when the state establishes compulsory sex education programs involving sexually explicit materials. Objections to sex education courses based on the Free Exercise Clause have also been rejected when the parents failed to satisfy the court that their objections to the program were based on religious, rather than merely philosophical or personal grounds. [Davis v. Page (D.N.H. 1974)] In a related issue, there have been efforts by evangelical Christians to have socalled creationism taught in the public schools. Creationism, or creation “science,” is the fundamentalist Christian belief in the literal truth of the biblical story of creation. Unlike fundamentalists from an earlier era, the new creationists do not argue that evolution should not be taught; they only contend that whenever evolution is taught, scientific creationism must also be taught in order to protect the students’ right to study different points of view. Hence, they argue their case in terms of academic freedom. In Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987), however, the Supreme Court struck down a Louisiana law that adopted this approach as violative of the Establishment Clause.

PUBLIC SCHOOL FACILITIES, ACCESS OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS TO There have been several of controversies concerning the use of public school facilities by student religious groups. In Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981), the Supreme Court insisted that public university facilities generally available to student groups and speakers must also be open to student religious groups. Although government may not promote religion through its educational facilities, it may not, in pursuit of neutrality or separation of church and state, prohibit student groups seeking voluntarily to meet to engage in religious activities from doing so on school property, at least in institutions of higher learning. So long as a

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public institution permits nonreligious groups to meet on a nondiscriminatory basis, to allow religious groups access to the same facilities would not constitute an impermissible benefit to religion, the purpose in allowing access would be secular, and little danger of entanglement was likely. The application of this principle similarly to secondary and perhaps elementary schools was unclear. The Court noted that university students “are less impressionable than younger students and should be able to appreciate that the university’s policy is one of neutrality toward religion.” In 1984 Congress extended this principle to secondary schools (but not primary schools) by adopting the Equal Access Act, which forbids secondary schools from discriminating on the basis of the content of speech when affording student groups access to school facilities outside school hours. However, the school may not sponsor, and teachers and other school employees may not participate in, student religious groups. The statute does not require schools to permit student initiated groups to meet on campus. It does not supplant the school’s authority to decide when and where student clubs may meet. The statute does, however, provide that if a school receives federal aid and has established a “limited open forum,” or at least one student-led non-curriculum club that meets outside of class time, it must allow additional such clubs to be organized, and must provide them equal access to meeting spaces and school publications. Exceptions can be made for groups that “materially and substantially interfere with the orderly conduct of educational activities and school,” and schools can technically “opt out” of the Equal Access Act by prohibiting all non-curriculum clubs. In one of the first cases the U.S. Supreme Court heard after the Equal Access Act was passed, Bender v. Williamsport Area School District (U.S. 1986), a school district refused to let a voluntary student religious group meet on school premises. The Reagan administration strongly supported the student group, claiming that permitting such meetings was consistent with—indeed required by—the religion and speech clauses of the First Amendment. But rather than resolve the substantive issue, the Supreme Court decided the case on standing grounds. The Court ruled that because a school board member—not the school board—had appealed a district judgment against the school system, the district court judgment must be preserved. Justices Burger, Powell, Rehnquist, and White dissented, claiming that the substantive issue should have been resolved in favor of the student group. Some critics of the Equal Access Act believed that the Act was unconstitutional because of the possibility that school employees would become involved and that students would perceive the provision of facilities to student religious groups as endorsing religion. The Court disagreed in Board of Education v. Mergens (U.S. 1990), which held that the Equal Access Act does not violate the Establishment Clause, and was therefore, constitutional. In Mergens, a student at Westside High School in Omaha, Nebraska, requested and was denied permission to form a Christian club at the school. The school argued that since organized

PUBLIC SCHOOL FACILITIES, ACCESS OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS TO student activities are an integral part of its educational mission, approval of the proposed Christian club would effectively incorporate religious activities into the school’s official program, thus endorsing participation in the religious club and providing the club with school approval to proselytize other students. The student, Bridget Mergens, sued the school, claiming that it had violated her constitutional freedom of speech, freedom of association, and free exercise of religion. In addition, she said the school violated the Equal Access Act. In disagreeing with the school that the Equal Access Act violated the Establishment Clause, the Court said: “There is a crucial difference between government speech endorsing religion, which the Establishment Clause forbids, and private speech endorsing religion, which the Establishment Clause forbids, and private speech endorsing religion, which the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses protect. We think that secondary school students are mature enough and are likely to understand that a school does not or support student speech that it merely permits on a nondiscriminatory basis.”

Mergens is significant because the Court placed the decision whether to allow student religious groups to meet during noninstructional hours in the schools, rather than the courts. Schools may reflect more accurately the sentiments of their communities if they are free to create or deny a “limited open forum” as defined in Mergens. The decision also provided clearer guidance as to what path schools can follow to preserve the rights of all their students. President Clinton directed the U.S. Secretary of Education, in consultation with the U.S. Attorney General, to provide every public education school district in the United States with a statement of principles addressing the extent to which religious expression and activity are permitted in public schools. The Secretary of Education sent every superintendent Guidelines on Religious Expression Public Schools in August 1995. The purpose of promulgating these presidential guidelines was to end much of the confusion regarding religious expression in public schools that had developed since the school prayer cases of the 1960s. The Clinton Administration had hoped these guidelines would help school officials, teachers, and parents find common ground on important issues of religious freedom consistent with constitutional requirements. Litigation continued to be pursued on various aspects of the Equal Access Act. In Hsu v. Roslyn Union Free District No. 3 (2nd. Cir. 1996), the Second Circuit ruled that a school district violated the statute when it refused to recognize a religious club because the constitution of that club specified that the club’s officers must be Christians. The school district had denied recognition based on its nondiscrimination policy that prohibited excluding students from extracurricular activities based on religion, among other factors. The court, however, concluded the club’s decision to allow only Christians to fill three officer positions was

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calculated to make a certain type of speech possible at the club meetings and thus to realize the rights protect by the Equal Access Act. At the college level, controversy arose over whether a university should pay for a publication by a religious student organization. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia (U.S. 1995) that if the university pays for other student organization publications, it must also pay for the publications of religious organizations. A similar case was filed in a Michigan federal district court in 2007. The Alive Bible Club at Farmington High School in Michigan alleged it was denied recognition as a non-curriculum club despite recognition for a similar group. School officials based their decision on the doctrine of Separation of Church and State. Equal Access was not an issue because the school also denied recognition for other religious-based groups.

PUBLIC SPACE AND RELIGION A public space refers to an area or place that is open and accessible to all citizens, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, age or socioeconomic status. Most streets, including the pavement, are considered public space, as are town squares or parks. Government buildings, such as public libraries and many other similar buildings, are also considered public space. In the United States, a person’s presence in a public space may grant this person certain rights on that property. In a public space, known as a “public forum,” the government may not usually limit a person’s speech beyond what is reasonable. For example, the government can prohibit screaming epithets at passersby, but may not usually prohibit proselytizing. The Supreme Court has issued several decisions regarding religious expression on public space, including in Jamison v. Texas (U.S. 1943). Ella Jamison, a longtime member of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, was distributing pamphlets to Dallas pedestrians, inviting them to hear a speech from another Jehovah’s Witness and to contribute money to the Jehovah’s Witnesses by buying their books. She was charged with violating a city ordinance prohibiting distribution of pamphlets. The Corporation Court of Dallas and the County Criminal Court successfully convicted her, and she appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Court, in Jamison v. Texas (U.S. 1943) held that the Dallas ordinance violated her First Amendment rights of freedom of the press and of religion, applied to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court rejected both of the city’s arguments in favor of the ordinance. First, it said that although cities certainly have much control of travel and public conduct, individuals have the right to express their views “in an orderly fashion” in public spaces. The right to do so is protected whether in speech or written word.

PUBLIC SPACE AND RELIGION 417 Jamison is one of several cases foreshadowing the Court’s line of forum doctrine cases, which hold (among other things) that communication of ideas in public forums is an important First Amendment right. In contemporary American society, there is a heated debate over what role religion should play in the “public space.” Separationists argue that there have been wars of religion for centuries where endless cruelty and injustice was done in the name of religion, and that part of the secular arrangement that emerged from the Enlightenment was the understanding that the way society must deal with spirituality or religion on one hand and the state and public space on the other hand is to keep them separate, to build a wall between them. In other words, there would be a plurality of religious doctrines but religious issues would be of private concern and not open to public debate. Critics of this approach believe that this would closet religion, walling it off from the public space, limiting it, and making it trivial in the wider society. The argument continues in that if religious or spiritual values are of great importance to us, it is unrealistic to believe that they only relate to issues of personal or private concern. Religious conservatives strongly object to this argument. Father Richard J. Neuhaus in his famous book, The Naked Public Square: Religion and Democracy in America, argued that the public square is naked or nearly naked, because we have lost sight lately of the historic and unchanged fact that “as the Supreme Court said in 1931,” Americans are “a Christian people.” Contemporary church-state jurisprudence, Fr. Neuhaus writes, has “problematicized” church-state relations when “it becomes official doctrine that there is no moral consensus in American life, that ours is a secular society.” Following this erroneous approach, he believes, Americans have lost sight of how their basic political morality, including the commitment to freedom and the Bill of Rights, rests upon the biblical tradition, which he describes sometimes as a “JudeoChristian” tradition. Some such “moral legitimation,” Neuhaus wrote, supplies the most vital and ultimate of needs—the need for some “final inhibition against evil.” Without that “final inhibition,” he argues, along with former Secretary of Education William Bennett and others, there is no foundation for the democratic structure—no dispositive reason to prefer our rights and freedoms to any other political order. And with the “public square” thus denuded, there is a vacuum. Politics, Fr. Neuhaus believes, treats vacuums the way nature does, and the stripped public square becomes a target and an empty space, to be filled by some form of totalitarian control.

R RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, BASED ON RELIGION Issues of race and race relations—particularly those concerning the status of African Americans—have had a major role in American life since the colonial era. Given the place of the U.S. Supreme Court in the American legal system, the Court naturally has had and continues to have an active role in adjudicating issues of race in American life. Although state aid to private schools does not necessarily violate the Establishment Clause, the government may not aid a private school that discriminates on the basis of race. Government anti-discrimination objectives and the right to religious liberty came into sharp conflict in Bob Jones University v. United States (U.S. 1983). Founded in 1927, Bob Jones University is a fundamentalist university of approximately 5,000 students located in South Carolina. All faculty and students must be devout Christians. The school’s administrators monitor their public and private conduct. The university leadership believes that the Bible forbids interracial dating and marriage. The university completely excluded African Americans until 1971. In 1971 the university accepted applications from African Americans married to other African Americans. In 1973 unmarried African Americans who had been members of the university staff for four years of more were allowed to apply for admission. In 1975, after the U.S. Supreme Court prohibited segregation in private schools, all unmarried African Americans were allowed to apply. The university, however, continued to prohibit interracial dating and marriage. It promulgated rules including those that provided: 1) students who were partners in interracial marriage would be expelled; 2) students who date outside their race would be expelled. Bob Jones University was a tax-exempt, nonprofit organization. In 1970, the IRS modified its rules, denying tax-exempt status to colleges that practiced race

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discrimination. In 1971, Bob Jones University sued the IRS. The university argued that racial segregation was part of its religious practice. Therefore, the university’s First Amendment right to exercise its religion was violated when the IRS, based on the school’s racial segregation policy, revoked the tax-exempt status. The case, Bob Jones University v. United States, was consolidated with another case, Goldsboro Christian Schools v. United States (4th Cir. 1981), because the cases presented similar legal issues involving anti-miscegenation. Founded in 1963, Goldsboro Christian School was a private, whites only academy. The school advanced principles including that “race is determined by descendance [sic] from one of Noah’s three sons—Ham, Shem, and Japheth.” Based on this interpretation, Asians and Negroes are Hamitic, Jews are Shemitic, and Caucasians are Japhethitic. According to Goldsboro, the cultural or biological mixing of the races was a violation of God’s will. The IRS changed its tax policy on private religious schools, and permitted the school’s racist practices to continue. The Reagan administration, religious fundamentalists, and conservative Republicans placed great political pressure on the agency. Civil rights organizations protested IRS policy change, which would allow schools with anti-miscegenation policies to maintain tax-exempt status. The only way that the university could challenge the IRS ruling was to first pay the tax, and then sue in federal court for a refund. The university attempted to avoid this procedure by bringing suit directly against the IRS for a court order preventing withdrawal of the university’s tax-exempt status. When this failed, the university paid a token amount of its back FICA taxes in order to challenge the IRS ruling. The U.S. District Court ruled in favor of the university, which had lost in the court of appeals. After years of litigation, the Supreme Court finally agreed to review the cases. The Supreme Court upheld validity of the IRS ruling that denied tax-exempt status under § 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code to schools with racially discriminatory policies and to deny its supporters tax deductions for contributions to the school. Bob Jones University, dedicated to the teaching of fundamentalist Christian beliefs, objected to the revocation of its tax-exempt status based on its policies prohibiting interracial marriage and dating. The university claimed its policies were based on the Bible and, therefore, governmental interference with them violated its free exercise rights. The Court, however, in its opinion written by Chief Justice Warren Burger, held that the government had a “fundamental, overriding interest in eradicating racial discrimination in education.” That interest substantially outweighed the burden on free exercise and there were “no less restrictive means” available to achieve the government’s interest. Thus, the Court found that the IRS had the power to revoke the tax-exempt status of an educational institution that practiced racial discrimination. Justice William Rehnquist was the lone dissenter. In Allen v. Wright (U.S. 1984) the U.S. Supreme Court held that private individuals have no standing to challenge the tax-exempt status of racially

REGISTRATION OF RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS discriminatory private schools, thus severely limiting the potential reach of the holding in Bob Jones University. The plaintiffs in Wright were African American parents whose children were enrolled in school systems subject to desegregation decrees. They brought a class action lawsuit to force the IRS to revise and enforce its guidelines denying tax-exempt status to discriminatory private schools. The class action said the IRS had not adopted sufficient standards and procedures to fulfill its obligation to deny tax-exempt status to racially segregated private schools that were being created or expanded in those communities at the same time when public schools were being desegregated. They alleged two direct harms: (1) the fact of government financial aid to discriminatory private schools; and (2) that federal tax exemptions to racially discriminatory private schools in their communities allegedly impaired the ability of the communities in which they lived to desegregate their public schools. The Court rejected both assertions, holding that “neither [harm] suffices to support respondents’ standing. The first fails under clear precedents of this Court because it does not constitute judicially cognizable injury. The second fails because the alleged injury is not fairly traceable to the asserted unlawful conduct of the IRS.” O’Connor’s standing doctrine had both a constitutional component and a prudential standing component of judge made limits to protect court efficiency. Her core constitutional component required plaintiffs to allege having suffered discrete and concrete personal injury that was fairly traceable to a defendant’s unlawful conduct and also redressable. Admitting that raising issues to integrated education was a serious and cognizable injury, she could find no causal connection between the injury to school children and the IRS guidelines. O’Connor stated that citizens have no general right to make governments comply with the law and found that the African American plaintiffs were not primarily harmed by the “stigmatic injury” associated with white flight allegedly facilitated by the IRS failure to enforce the law.

REGISTRATION OF RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS A state may not exempt certain religions from regulations requiring organizations (including religious organizations) to register with the state because the primary purpose and effect of such action advances religion in violation of the Establishment Clause. [Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1982)] The Supreme Court held in Larson that legislation demonstrably intended to disadvantage particular religious denominations violated the Establishment Clause. In Larson, the Supreme Court explicitly said that the “clearest” meaning of the Establishment Clause “is that one religious denomination cannot be officially preferred over another.”

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RELEASED-TIME PROGRAMS The arrangement by which public primary and secondary schools permit students to be dismissed from classes prior to the completion of the regular school day in order to receive religious instruction. The First Amendment of the Constitution guarantees freedom of religion in both belief and practice under the Free Exercise Clause, but prohibits the government from aiding and recognizing any religion under the Establishment Clause. These constitutional provisions are binding on the states through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Since being created in 1914 in Gary, Indiana, release-time programs have allowed students, who would otherwise be deprived of an opportunity to receive religious instruction, a way to learn about their religion. Such programs came under judicial scrutiny because of concerns that the involvement of public school boards in facilitating religious instruction violates the Establishment Clause. The U.S. Supreme Court has considered the constitutionality of released time education. The Court has held that students may not be given religious instruction on public school premises, because such a program has the direct effect of aiding the establishment of religious beliefs. [McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948)] The state, however, may release students from school so that they may attend religious instruction away from the public school. [Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952)] This early release of students is intended to accommodate individual religious preferences, rather than as an aid to the religions. When the Court first considered the issue, it ruled that released-time programs in which regular classes end an hour early one day a week and religious instruction is provided in public classrooms to students who request it are invalid. [McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948)] The Court held that the superintendent’s approval of the teachers, the use of public school classrooms, and the assistance provided by compulsory attendance laws violated the Establishment Clause. Justice Hugo Black, for the Court, ruled that: “[P]upils compelled by law to attend school for secular education are released in part from their legal duty upon the condition that they attend religious classes. This is beyond all question a utilization of the tax-established and tax-supported public school system to aid religious groups to spread their faith.” The Court went on to quote the Everson ruling, “As we said in the Everson case, the First Amendment has erected a wall between church and state which must be left and impregnable.” The Champaign program, the Court concluded, was not an example of separation of church and state. The Court went on to apply the Everson ruling in this case. Justices Frankfurter, Jackson, Rutledge and Burton concurred, but added themes that they hoped might keep the decision from becoming a precedent to be used against different types of released-time programs. The “secular public school did not imply indifference to the basic role of religion in the life of the people, nor rejection of

RELEASED-TIME PROGRAMS religious education as a means of fostering it. In Champaign, the courses do not profess to give secular instruction in subjects concerning religion. Their candid purpose is sectarian teaching.” Relying on Everson, these justices wrote, “We renew our conviction that “we have staked the very existence of our country on the faith that complete separation between state and religion is best for the state and best for religion.” Instead of a wall, Justice Frankfurter, spoke of a fence: “If nowhere else, in the relationship between church and state, ‘good fences make good neighbors.”’ Four years later the Court upheld New York City’s released-time program in which religious instruction was given during the school day but not in the public schools. The Court ruled that programs in which participating children attend religious classes conducted at religious centers away from the public schools do not violate the Establishment Clause. [Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952)] The Court also considered the fact that the school did not approve the teachers, public school classrooms were not used, and no public funds were expended in the program. The Supreme Court found that the New York program did not significantly aid religion; it simply required that the public schools “accommodate” a program of outside religious instruction. “Government,” wrote Justice William O. Douglas for the majority, “may not coerce anyone to attend church, to observe a religious holiday, or to take religious instruction. But it can close its doors or suspend its operations as to those who want to retire to their religious sanctuary for worship or instruction. No more than that is undertaken here.” Douglas did not find any evidence of “coercion to get public school students into religious classrooms” and suggested it would be unconstitutional for a public school teacher to coerce a student into taking religious instruction. In their dissent, Justices Black, Frankfurter, and Jackson argued that the program was coercive and a direct aid to religion. Frankfurter noted that there was no proof of coercion because the lower courts had refused to let those who objected to the practice offer any. Also dissenting, Justice Robert H. Jackson noted that rather than in reducing the school day, school authorities were suspending school time for one purpose only—religious exercises. Those who did not wish to participate in religious activities were forced to remain in school. The program, said Jackson, was thus a preference for religion: “The day that this country ceases to be free for irreligion it will cease to be for religion—except for the sect that can win political power.” The key concept in Zorach is the neutral principle of “accommodation.” If there had been proof that the city’s program coerced students into attending religious classes, the state support of those programs would violate both the Free Exercise Clause and the Establishment Clause. The line is drawn according to the degree of interaction between religious and government institutions. Both McCollum and Zorach were precursors to the “excessive entanglement” test enunciated in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). Zorach modified the strict separationist approach of

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McCollum to allow some accommodation of church and state cooperation. Zorach also suggested the possibility that some government aid to religious educational institutions might be constitutionally permitted.

RELIGION AND POLITICS Despite the judicial doctrine of separation of church and state, Americans have had a long tradition of combining politics and religion. Throughout American history, religious values, ideas, and advocates have had a role in the political development of the United States, including issues such as the abolition of slavery, women’s suffrage, civil rights, abortion rights, and gay marriage. All were supported largely with the advocacy of faith communities (and often opposed by others in those same faith communities). These cases have drawn upon religious institutions for moral authority, inspirational leadership, and organizational muscle. In the contemporary U.S. history, religion has been woven more deeply into the fabric of partisan politics than ever before. The emergence of the religious conservative movement (referred to as the Religious Right by its detractors) in the 1970s and 1980s were strongly opposed by strict separationists. The reality, however, is that religion and politics have rarely been all that separate from each other in the traditional norms of the American system. Hector St. John de Crevecoeur and Alexis de Tocqueville observed early in American history that religion had a paramount role in the political life of the United States in the nineteenth century. More recently, Garry Wills observed that politicians in the late twentieth century who ignore the influence of religion in American politics find themselves on politically tenuous grounds. Many religions in the United States joined in support of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s. During the late 1970s and 1980s, the Moral Majority, and later the Christian Coalition advocated a conservative political program based on conservative Christian principles. Despite the considerable influence of religion on American politics, avowedly Christian political parties have managed only very limited successes in the United States. The American Party of the 1840s and 1850s nominated a presidential candidate in 1856 (former President Millard Fillmore) and held a few seats in Congress, but faded by 1860. Further, that party left a negative legacy of nativism (originally meaning a hostility to immigrants, especially non-Protestant ones) to those who dreamed of a Christian party in the United States. Various Christian organizations that have sought to organize as a political movement have tended to revolve around a single issue of great importance, such as prohibition. In fact, a Prohibition Party regularly nominated candidates for office, including the presidency, throughout the latter third of the nineteenth

RELIGION AND POLITICS century and into the twentieth century. However, religious influences have centered more on attempts to persuade mainstream candidates and office holders to take certain stances on particular issues or for particular causes. The formation of the Moral Majority by the Reverend Jerry Falwell in 1979 was not an attempt to create a party, but an attempt to create a pressure group. Falwell’s organization hoped to persuade politicians to enact laws to overturn Supreme Court rulings on abortion and prayer in public schools and to permit tax credits for parents sending children to private church-based schools. Although Falwell claimed to have ensured Ronald Reagan’s election in 1980, most commentators attribute it to other causes. Undoubtedly, however, Falwell’s high visibility and his grassroots appeal contributed to Reagan’s victory. The political activism by American religious leaders during the twentieth century usually involved the efforts of traditional Christians to reverse what they perceive as negative trends in society. Pleas to protect the environment, for example, are presented in terms of morality. Although the moral and religious overtones of the civil rights movement appear clear to commentators, appeals by women, gays, lesbians, and Native Americans, are similar moral appeals to politicians and the electorate. Although many commentators believe that religion is irrelevant in contemporary American politics, the moralistic tone of the rhetoric persists. In contemporary America, religion is almost always seen as something primarily political, but this is because the political has claimed increasingly more of the lives of Americans. In the 1980s and 1990s, political scientists and journalists have reported an increased political activity on the part of religious Americans. The period has seen the rise of the Moral Majority, the creation of the Christian Coalition, and the presidential campaigns of the Reverends Jesse Jackson and Pat Robertson. Politics looks more like a religion than religion looks like politics. Conservative Christian groups, such as fundamentalists, contrary to a tradition of political noninvolvement, became politically active because they believed that American law was adopting principles and practices that were directly opposed to the tenets of religion, and of Christianity in particular. Beginning in the mid1970s, fundamentalists were mobilized into political action in opposition to legalized abortion, the Equal Rights Amendment (ensuring equal rights to women), increased rights for homosexuals, and challenges to church-related schools. Separationists, including many in the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), argue that a political agenda inspired by religious beliefs is anathema to our democracy because it ultimately politically divides the nation on religious grounds. One example is that religious conservatives, evangelical Christians in particular, often have a difficult time articulating a public philosophy that is not ultimately based on the moral authority of the Bible. In the 2004 presidential elections, the candidates openly discussed their religious beliefs, churches became increasingly active in political mobilization, and

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voters could be defined not just by their political preferences, but also by the depth of their religious commitment. In fact, whether a person regularly attends religious services was a more salient predictor of his or her vote for president in 2004, than such standard demographic characteristics as gender, age, income, and religion. According to an August 2007 poll by the Pew Forum and Pew Research Center for People and the Press, the vast majority (69%) of Americans agree that it is important for a President to have strong religious beliefs. However, a sizeable majority (64%) opposes churches endorsing candidates during election campaigns. Only 28% believe that churches should openly endorse candidates. This number has grown slightly since 2002, when 22% held this opinion. Although the public opposes church endorsement of candidates, most Americans view President Bush’s expression of faith as appropriate. The Pew Forum, in July 2006, found that more than 52% believe that Bush mentions his faith the right amount. For much of the Presidential campaign in 2008, value issues had a relatively minor role in the general election. Indeed, at various points, both Senator Barack Obama (D-IL) and Senator John McCain (R-IL) seemed to avoid discussing abortion, same-sex marriage, and other “culture war” issues. The section of Alaska Governor Sarah Palin as the Republican Party’s Vice presidential candidate and the Catholic Bishop criticisms of Senator Joe Biden’s comment on when life begins have increased the focus on “culture war” issues. A few weeks before the 2008 presidential election, an ABC/Washington Post poll indicated that Senator McCain was leading 72 percent to 23 percent nationally over Senator Obama among White evangelicals. This was not quite the level of support that President Bush enjoyed in 2004. In 2004, the evangelicals comprised 23 percent of the vote nationwide, and exit polls indicated went 78% for Bush and 21 percent for Democrat Senator John Kerry (D-MA).

RELIGION, DEFINITION OF One of the most difficult constitutional issues in contemporary jurisprudence is that of deciding whether a particular belief system constitutions a religion under the First Amendment. Judicial definitions of religion are important, for if a set of beliefs do not constitute a religion, then its adherents are not afforded protection under the religion clauses. The proliferation of government programs and regulations in American society has heightened conflicts between individual beliefs, pushing to the forefront the issue of which of these beliefs fall under the mantle of the clauses. Cases involving new sects or unfamiliar beliefs generally present situations in which an individual must choose between deeply held convictions, on one hand, and state entitlements, property interest, or liberty, on the other. Adherents of

RELIGION, DEFINITION OF new religious movements often seek relief from state burdens on free exercise grounds, thereby requiring the courts to determine whether the beliefs are in fact religious. Because this definitional issue was largely unforeseen by the Founders, the founding principles can provide guidance only in the broadest sense. The concept of religion is often considered: (1) a belief in a deity or in a power beyond the individual, (2) a doctrine (an accepted body of truth that is believed), (3) a code of morality for the guidance of conduct, (4) the use of sacred teachings, and (5) rituals. The U.S. Constitution does not define the term religion. Other sources, therefore, must be used in order to ascertain and define its constitutional and legal meaning. One of the most important sources is the history of the period during which the religion clauses were adopted. The Supreme Court has defines the term religion to refer to “one’s views of his relationship to his Creator and to the obligations they purpose of reverence for his being and character and of obedience to his will.” [Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890)] Chief Justice Hughes defined religion as follows, “The essence of religion is a belief in a relation to God invoking duties superior to those arising from any human relation.” [U.S. v. MacIntosh (U.S. 1931) (Hughes C .J., dissenting)] In more contemporary cases, the Supreme Court in the Welsh and Seeger cases so expanded (or diluted) the notion of “Supreme Being” that only ardent atheists or the completely uncommitted could not claim free exercise protection. Seeger articulated a test of relief religious belief as “sincere and meaningful belief which occupies in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled by the God of those absolutely qualifying for the exemption.” [Welsh v. United States (U.S. 1970); United States v. Seeger (U.S. 1965)] In 1982, a federal court of appeals addressed the sensitive issue of defining religion under the First Amendment in Africa v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (3rd Cir. 1981). A prisoner named Frank Africa asserted that he was a member of a religion known as MOVE, which required a special diet of uncooked fruits and vegetable. He claimed that the prison was violating his free exercise rights by denying him this diet. The District court held that MOVE was not a religion. The Court of Appeals affirmed, employing a definition by analogy, consisting of three indicia: 1) a religion addresses fundamental and ultimate questions having to do with deep and imponderable matters; 2) a religion is comprehensive in nature; it consists of a belief system as opposed to an isolated teaching; 3) a religion often can be recognized by the presence of certain formal and external signs. In examining MOVE’s beliefs, the court observed that the group rejected contemporary society and was committed to a natural, unadulterated lifestyle. Central to the lifestyle was diet provided by God. [Africa v. Pennsylvania (3rd Cir. 1981)] Religion is often confused with the form of worship of a particular faith, but is distinguishable from the latter. Religion does not mean solely the Christian religion, although as distinguished from non-Christian religion, it was realized that

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because of the number, influence, and social standing of its adherents in the United States, Christianity is the prevailing religion of the United States. Religious believers chose to live their lives under certain distinctive beliefs and values. They usually join a community of like-minded people (a church). They typically have definite ideas about their relationship to God that orient them in their daily life. Religious claims are asserted in many contexts, including solicitation of funds, conscientious objection to military combat, ritual practices, living arrangements, and educational curricula. In practice, whether a particular claim is religious depends entirely on the circumstances. In the conscientious objector cases, the Supreme Court avoided constitutional decisions by interpreting federal law broadly enough to cover a wide range of religious convictions, both theistic and monotheistic. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972), the Court held that an entire way of life may constitute a religion for some purposes. In the evolution cases, the Court held that unconstitutional religious proselytizing in the schools cannot be avoided simply by labeling a doctrine “Creation Science.” If the belief asserted is philosophical and personal rather than religious, or merely a matter of personal preference, and not one of deep religious conviction, shared by an organized group, it will not be entitled to First Amendment protection. It has been held that so-called New Age concepts do not implicate the Establishment Clause, inasmuch as they do not demonstrate any shared or comprehensive doctrine or display any structural characteristics or formal signs associated with traditional religions, given the absence of any organization, membership, moral or behavioral obligations, comprehensive creed, particular texts, rituals, or guidelines, particular object or objects of worship or any requirement that anyone give up religious beliefs he or she already holds. The term secular humanism, often used by conservative Christians, refers to a world view that they believe minimizes the importance of God and elevates the worship of humanity itself. Religious conservatives believe it is a pernicious ideological viewpoint that is damaging modern American society. Beginning in the 1970s, conservative religious political coalitions sought to persuade the American public to oppose the influence of secular humanism on public life. One argument has been to represent secular humanism as a religion in itself, and then to charge that government actions that are neutral regarding traditional religious activities actually assist the new “religion” of secular humanism, which violates the Establishment Clause. Courts have uniformly rejected this argument. [See Fleischfresser v. Directors of School District 200 (7th Cir. 1994) (discussing problems with defining religion and holding that elementary reading series in public school that included stories of “fantasy and make-believe” was not “impermissible establishment of pagan religion”; Smith v. Board of School Commissioners (S.D. Ala. 1987); Mozert v. Hawkins County Public Schools (6th Cir. 1987); Panarella v. Birenbaum (N.Y. 1971); Doe v. Human (W.D. Ark. 1989)]

RELIGION IN THE WORKPLACE GUIDELINES While the Supreme Court has never formulated an authoritative definition of what constitutes “religion,” how the Court characterizes the conduct alleged to be “religious” is significant to determining the outcome of any Establishment Clause challenge. For example, Scientologists established the Church of Scientology in part to protect the organization’s therapeutic devices from regulation by the federal Food and Drug Administration. Scientology was held to be a “religion” because the group’s beliefs are described as a theory of “man’s nature or his place in the Universe,” analogous to beliefs held by recognized religions. The Court also held that the Science of Dianetics is a religion for purposes of the Free Exercise Clause. [Founding Church of Scientology v. United States (D.C. Cir. 1969, cert. denied)] Transcendental Meditation, whose practices are derived from the Hindu religion, sought classification as a “therapeutic science,” partially so that the group’s meditation techniques could be taught in the public schools. The Court found transcendental meditation to be a religion under the Establishment Clause. [Malnak v. Yogi (3d Cir. 1979)] One court found that a “religion” includes “devotion to some principle; strict fidelity or faithfulness; conscientiousness; pious affection or attachment.” [Washington Ethical Society v. District of Columbia (D.C. Cir. 1957)] The U.S. Supreme Court has found various beliefs to be “religious” in several cases for First Amendment purposes. The Court found the proselytization requirements of the Krishna sect to be religious in Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness (U.S. 1981), as well as the practice of the Amish not to send their children to high school. [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] The Court suggested that, if sincerely held, the beliefs of members of the “I AM” movement would be protected, even if they seemed “preposterous.” [United States v. Ballard (U.S. 1944)] The Court also acknowledged the religious character of Mormon beliefs about polygamy. [Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879)] The term “religion” is not defined in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination, based on religion. The courts, however, have given it a sufficiently broad definition to not only include traditional theistic religions, but also a sincere and meaningful belief that plays a role analogous to a belief in a god.

RELIGION IN THE WORKPLACE GUIDELINES In August 1997 President Clinton issued an executive order entitled “Guidelines on Religious Exercise and Religious Expression in the Federal Workplace.” This order protects religious expression of federal employees and was drafted in conjunction with the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, the American Jewish Congress, and the National Council of Churches, the Center for

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Law and Religious Freedom, and People for the American Way. The guidelines uphold the right of federal employees to wear religiously mandated clothing, conduct prayers in unused conference rooms, discuss religion, and decline assignments on religious grounds. Under the guidelines, federal employees are free to express religious ideas unless this creates the appearance of government (or disparagement), intrudes on the efficient provision of public services, or intrudes upon the legitimate rights of other employees. Supervisors, as well as ordinary employees, may express personal religious views if they make it clear they are personal views. Employees must refrain from expression directed at a fellow employee when the fellow indicates that it is unwelcome. Some people are particularly insistent about pressuring their religious views, offering a hope of salvation to listeners. Although such speech can be very disturbing to some listeners, they should be instructed to express their discomfort, especially if the person is a supervisor, even if they are careful to distinguish personal views from official responsibilities. Workers should be instructed that they need not feel compelled to listen to unwelcome religious speech. If they feel harassed by it, they mention their concerns. This balance of speaker and listener’s rights though not perfect seems the most appropriate under the circumstances. The guidelines were based on efforts initiated in 1994 by the EEOC aimed at deterring workplace harassment. The issuance of the new rules highlighted President Clinton’s interest in restoring some of the protections granted in the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) of 1993, which the U.S. Supreme Court had overturned in City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997). The Court, in Flores, ruled that Congress had exceeded its authority when it attempted in the statute to define the level of protection that the Constitution afforded to religious expression. President Clinton supported the RFRA, which said that the government could not enforce laws that “substantially burdened” individuals’ rights to religious expression. Some criticized President Clinton’s guidelines for religious expression of federal executive branch employees, because they had taken a narrower approach to protecting the freedom of religious expression than the approach taken by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s (EEOC) Proposed Guidelines on Harassment Based on Race, Color, Religion, Gender, National Origin, Age, or Disability, which it proposed in 1993 and withdrew in 1994. Others have criticized the Guidelines as an attempt to circumvent public scrutiny that the regulations would go through if they had been promulgated by the EEOC. Still other critics argue that the guidelines emphasize Establishment Clause prohibitions and fail to refer to the reasonable accommodation standard. If a religious practice violates the standard, the practice must cease without regard for possible reasonable accommodation as required under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act.

RELIGIOUS BELIEF, DEFINITION OF

RELIGIOUS BELIEF, DEFINITION OF The U.S. Supreme Court has not defined the term religious belief. Any judicial test of what counts as “religious” is worrisome; it is intrinsically difficult to apply and creates the danger that the court would favor the familiar over the unorthodox. Nonetheless, court has addressed certain aspects of the issue of defining what a religious belief is. For example, the Supreme Court has made clear that religious belief does not require recognition of a Supreme Being. [Torcaso v. Watkins (U.S. 1961)] Religious belief also need not arise from a traditional, or an organized religion. [Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security (U.S. 1989)] In one of the draft exemption cases, the court offered a broad definition of religious belief: “claimed belief must occupy a place in the believer’s life parallel to that occupied by orthodox religious belief.” [United States v. Seeger (U.S. 1965)] Seeger interpreted the statutory (§ 6(j) of the Universal Military Training and Service Act, governing conscientious objections), rather than constitutional provision. The Supreme Court has never held an asserted religious belief to be “not religious” for First Amendment purposes in any case that it has heard. The Supreme Court often is asked to determine whether particular state activities unconstitutionally affect issues of religion. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972), the Court held that Wisconsin could not require members of the Amish faith to send their children to public school after the eighth grade. In finding a significant burden on the free exercise of religion imposed by the state’s law, the Court had to decide whether the parents’ refusal to send their children to school was based on religious beliefs. As the Court noted, a claim based on a personal or philosophical rejection of secular values would not be protected by the Free Exercise Clause. Thus, if the Amish refused to send their children to school merely to preserve a “traditional way of life,” their claim would be denied. However, the Court found that the Amish lifestyle, educational practices, and refusal to send their children to school to further secular education were religious in nature. This holding was based on the following facts: (1) this was a shared belief by an organized group rather than a personal preference, (2) the belief was based on certain theocratic principles and interpretations of religious literature, (3) the system of beliefs pervaded and regulated their daily lives, (4) the system of belief and lifestyle resulting from it had been in existence for a substantial period. It is not clear as to which, if any, of those factors determines the presence of a “religion” or a “religious belief.” The question of how one determines whether a belief is “religious” cannot be answered definitively, as this is the only case in which the U.S. Supreme Court has addressed the issue of defining religion apart from a statutory determination. A narrow definition of religion, perhaps recognizing only very structured religions, should be employed in Establishment Clause cases because no real danger is posed to religious freedom by government aid to unusual or

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nonstructured groups, even if they could arguably be deemed religious. It would seem that the Supreme Court should be more lenient in defining “religious” or “religion” in cases under the Free Exercise Clause. These claims seek only to protect private individual liberty rather than to overturn governmental social welfare programs. Under the Free Exercise Clause one cannot allow individuals to grant themselves a “religious exemption” from laws that they don’t like. As Chief Justice Burger stated for the majority, “although a determination of what is a religious belief or practice entitled to constitutional protection may present a most delicate question, the very concept of ordered liberty precludes allowing every person to make his own standards on matters of conduct in which society as a whole has important interests.” [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] Although courts may decide which beliefs qualify as “religious,” they may not determine such beliefs to be “false.” For example, if a person says he spoke to God and that God said the person should solicit money, he cannot be found guilty of fraud on the basis that God never said that. However, a court may determine whether such a person is sincerely asserting a belief in the divine statement. [United States v. Ballard (U.S. 1944), as described in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)] The majority opinion in Thomas v. Review Board (U.S. 1981) was written by Chief Justice Warren Burger. The chief justice avoided ruling on what type of beliefs were “religious,” although the majority opinion indicated that judges had to accept an individual’s assertion that his or her belief or motivation for actions was religious so long as the person asserts the claim in good faith and so long as the belief could arguably be termed “religious.” In Thomas the state had denied unemployment compensation benefits to Eddie C. Thomas, a Jehovah’s Witness, who had terminated his job because his religious beliefs forbade him to participate in the production of armaments. He claimed that the denial interfered with his free exercise rights. Once Thomas’s reasons were found to be religious, the case was easily disposed of under the First Amendment. Conditioning a significant benefit upon conduct prohibited by a religious belief places a substantial burden on the individual regardless of whether the burden can be labeled direct or indirect. Religion is not understood as designating certain subjects, such as euthanasia, as “religious” for the purposes of the religion clauses. Under such a view, all beliefs on those matters would fit into the constitutional definitions of religion, whether or not those beliefs derive from a faith in a god. If euthanasia is an inherently religious subject matter, the beliefs of atheists and agnostics on euthanasia would also be “religious.” The Supreme Court’s religion cases reject such a definition of religion, which denominates certain subject matters as religious for all persons, in favor of one that looks at the particular belief systems of each person. Under the Court’s approach, courts examine the belief systems of persons on a case-by-case basis to determine

RELIGIOUS BELIEF, SINCERITY AND TRUTH OF which beliefs sufficiently implicate a person’s faith in a god to qualify as religious for First Amendment purposes. In the conscientious objector cases, the Court broadened its definition of religion when it indicated that analogous beliefs of nonbelievers qualify as well. [United States v. Seeger (U.S. 1965); Welsh v. United States (U.S. 1970)] Since Welsh the U.S. Supreme Court has commented only twice on the definition of “religion,” both times in dicta. The Supreme Court has apparently retreated from the view that some beliefs of nonbelievers qualify. [Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972)] The Supreme Court has offered a restricted definition of religion, in which the protection of the religion clauses depends, at least to some extent, on an individual’s membership in an organized, established sect. In Thomas v. Review Board (U.S. 1981), the Court stated that “[o]nly beliefs rooted in religion are protected by the Free Exercise Clause.” The U.S. Supreme Court admitted its difficulty in defining “religious belief or practice” and conceded that “religious beliefs need not be acceptable, logical, consistent, or comprehensible to others” to be constitutionally protected. Struggling with the concept of religion, the Court explains that: “Only beliefs rooted in religion are protected by the Free Exercise Clause, which by its terms, gives special protection to the exercise of religion. The determination of what is a “religious” belief or practice is more often than not a difficult and delicate task, as the division in the Indiana Supreme Court attests. However, the resolution of that question is not to turn upon a judicial perception of the particular belief or practice in question; religious beliefs need not be acceptable, logical, consistent, or comprehensible to others in order to merit First Amendment protection. [Thomas v. Review Board (U.S. 1981)]

RELIGIOUS BELIEF, SINCERITY AND TRUTH OF “Religion” and religious issues present several difficult issues from the 18th through the 21st century. The difficulty arises from the fact that religion triggers heightened constitutional (and in some case, statutory) protections, while simultaneously, the specific meaning of the term is vague and elastic. The government (including courts) is not permitted to evaluate or determine the truth of falsity of theology under the American system of government. The truth of religious belief or doctrine is not constitutionally open to adjudicate. In the leading case, United States v. Ballard (U.S. 1944), adherents of the “I AM” cult were indicted for fraudulent soliciting funds by mail. Their solicitation letters asserted that they were “divine messengers” and attained a “supernatural power to heal.” The U.S. Supreme Court refused to let the jury consider the truth or falsity of the beliefs they preached. Justice William O. Douglas said, “heresy trials are foreign to our Constitution”; people “may believe what they cannot prove. They

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may not be put to the proof of their religious doctrines or beliefs.” In other words, whether a “belief” is true may not constitutionally be questioned, but whether it “is believed” is subject to proof. For example, under conscientious objection laws, a draftee could escape combat service if his “religious training and belief” led him conscientiously to oppose “war in any form.” Whether the religious teaching is true may not be raised, but whether the draftee actually was convinced that war is wrong may obviously be an issue. Without a test for sincerity, anyone could claim conscientious objector status, just as anyone could escape a fraud conviction by insisting that his claims are religiously based. Dissenting in the mail fraud case, Justice Robert H. Jackson would not permitted an inquiry into either sincerity or belief because they cannot be realistically be separated: “How can the government prove these persons knew something to be false which it cannot prove to be false?” Moreover, faith itself is often held in the face of considerable doubt. The deepest religious conviction is often of this sort: “I admit that the proposition I am advancing sounds crazy, but I believe it anyway.” Nevertheless, the constitutional distinction between truth of the belief and sincerity in the belief seems well established. The principle that belief is not open to judicial investigation has led the Supreme Court to deny courts the power to adjudicate fights for control of church property on the basis of which warring faction represents the “true” church. To do so would require the courts to adjudicate doctrine, and that they are constitutionally forbidden to do. Instead, courts must look to church rules. If the church has a governing body, then its decision is determinative; if the church operates congregationally by majority vote, then the majority may determine who is to control. Courts may not set aside a church’s defrocking of its bishop despite his claim that the church violated its own rules. Despite this general conclusion, the Court said in 1979 that in the absence of proof to the contrary, the state may apply a presumption that the majority of the congregation is entitled to decide the issue. The Seeger case pushes at the constraints of the general rule. [U.S. v. Seeger (U.S. 1965)] In Seeger, the Court has set forth a test for determining the sincerity of religious belief: “The test might be stated in these words: A sincere and meaningful belief which occupies in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled by the God of those admittedly qualifying for the exemption comes within the statutory definition.” In evaluating the application of a conscientious objector with unconventional “religious” beliefs, the officials at the draft board (or a judge) must think of some conscientious objector with conventional religious beliefs they have known (or hypothesize about one), say, a Quaker. They are to think about the sincerity of religious belief of that person, that is, the role that a personal God plays in his or her life. Then they are to think bout the unconventional applicant and try to determine if that person’s unconventional beliefs are held as sincerely, or play as large a part in that person’s life, as those of the Quaker. If they are

RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING parallel, then the unconventional person can be granted conscientious objector status. Through this test, government officials evaluate one applicant’s beliefs in comparison with another’s more conventional beliefs. Some may argue that the procedure defies the principle. Others may argue, and the Supreme Court would agree, that it is not the content of the belief that is being evaluated, but the sincerity with which it is held. The distinction is difficult to discern. Protected religion had seemingly come to refer to beliefs in which one sincerely believes, with the test of that sincerity being whether the belief occupied a place within a person’s interior life analogous to that held by unquestionably protected beliefs (i.e., Christianity). The specific content of the beliefs, and their presumed truth or falsity are not part of the inquiry. Under this standard, the term “religion” is no longer a mere synonym for Christianity but a concept of considerable, even infinite breadth. Concern over precisely this condition had ironically motivated the Reynolds Court to articulate the original belief/conduct dichotomy that had initiated this line of reason that brought about the feared result.

RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution generally protects the rights of citizens to express their opinions publicly in the press. This includes opinions that are religious in nature. Thus, any citizen or group of citizens is privileged to write and publish for broad dissemination materials relating to religious beliefs or to proselytize on behalf of religious beliefs. However, it has long been held that broadcast media are subject to greater government regulation than other types of media because the broadcast spectrum—unlike printed media—is finite and limited. Therefore, the government has the obligation to ensure the greatest possible access to such media for the various diverse views held by the nation’s citizenry. It therefore has the power to grant licenses for the use of discrete bands of the broadcast spectrum. Because of this power, questions may arise regarding how the government allocates licenses to groups that wish to broadcast religious programs. For example, does the grant of a license to a religious group constitute a government “establishment” of religion? Or, on the other hand, does a denial of a license to a religious group constitute interference with that group’s right to the “free exercise” of religion? Are religious broadcasters entitled to government subsidies normally given to broadcasters of secular information? These issues have been addressed as follows. Religious broadcasting has its revival tent evangelism, which toured from town to town, with the purpose of saving souls. Religious broadcasting also closely

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parallels the history of broadcasting. The parallel is seen both in technical development, from local radio to televised broadcasts via satellite, but also in its social role and importance. The first religious broadcast occurred in the United States less than two months after the first licensed radio station went on the air. Station KDKA, Pittsburgh, provided a remote broadcast from Calvary Episcopal Church. The “first radio church” was then formed. Here was no physical building, only a microphone and listeners. In 1924 the first religious station, St. Louis based KFUO (“Keep Forward, Upward, Onward”) operated by the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod’s Concordia Seminary, was up and running. By 1925, at least 63 stations were owned by church institutions. As radio frequencies became more valuable, many churches sold out to commercial interests, in some cases accepting a promise of free broadcast time in lieu of cash. By 1927, with the formation of the Federal Commission (the forerunner of today’s Federal Communications Commission), it was clear that the policy in the United States would be that radio would primarily be a commercial medium, with religious and educational broadcasting having secondary importance. By the 1930s church-owned stations had all but vanished, but many local stations continued to broadcast Sunday worship services for the churches in their community, either “remote” from a church sanctuary, or directly from the station’s own studios. The relationship between broadcasters and religious organizations has been controlled in part by federal regulation. When in 1934 the Communications Act was being debated in Congress, an amendment was proposed that would have allocated fully 25 percent of broadcast frequencies for the exclusive use of nonprofit agencies, including churches. The coalition of educators, religious groups, farm agencies, and other nonprofit organizations was strongly resisted by broadcasters who, during extensive hearings, assured Congress that they, the broadcasters, should be trusted to provide ample free time for nonprofit groups. The Congress chose a compromise. While it rejected the proposal to give frequencies outright to nonprofit groups, Congress established the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to regulate the broadcasters, and as a first order of business, mandated the new FCC to “study the proposal that Congress by statute allocate fixed percentages of radio broadcasting facilities to particular types or kinds of nonprofit radio programs.” The FCC recommended in early 1935 that, since the broadcasters were making their facilities available to nonprofits in a spirit of “unity and cooperation,” therefore no fixed percentage of broadcast facilities should be allocated for the use of nonprofit activities. However the FCC said, “[I] n order for nonprofit organizations to obtain the maximum service possible, cooperation in good faith by the broadcasters is required. Such cooperation should, therefore, be under the direction of the Commission.” Thus, while religious and other nonprofit groups did not get their frequency allocations, they were told that the FCC would make

RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING certain that the broadcasters would continue to give them the time to be heard on the commercial stations. A basic policy difference began to develop among the religious broadcasters themselves. The larger, more established, “main line” denominations generally held the view that broadcasters should provide time on the air for a balanced presentation of all religious views, involving representative groups in the community, even if this required stations to supply the time without charges. The smaller, more “sect type” groups believed that they were being ignored by this policy, and accused the cooperative groups of attempting to silence them. They chose to purchase airtime and in order to pay for the time, to make financial appeals over the air. Independents such as Charles F. Fuller, Aimee Semple McPherson, M.R. De Haan, and H.M.S. Richards put most of their funds into buying time. By 1933, conventional Protestant broadcasting accounted for only 28 percent of the total religious radio output. Various Catholic religious orders became involved in broadcasting beginning in the 1930s, including the Franciscans and the Paulists. In 1968 the U.S. Catholic Conference established an Office of Radio and TV to represent it in all broadcasting matters. In 1945, the Jewish Theological Seminary of America began “The Eternal Light,” a weekly program that dramatized Jewish culture and religion on the NBC network. Religious programming attracted huge audiences. The Lutheran Hour, for example, reached 700 million people in the 1940s. It s host, Walter Maier, became world famous. By the early 1950s, Billy Graham had brought television cameras and sophisticated advertising techniques to his mass meetings, and with the help of William R. Hearst’s newspapers, he become an overnight celebrity. While the FCC had always encouraged broadcasters to carry some religious programming, such television fare did not become influential or controversial until the advent of widespread cable television. Coupled with changes in broadcasting regulations, religious television has become much more visible beginning in the 1970s. The National Religious Broadcasters (NRB), established in 1944, with the encouragement of the National Association of Evangelicals has grown to be a coalition of many religious radio stations, television stations, and production companies and distributors related to the electronic evangelists. While the NRB lobbied for the deregulation of broadcasting, main-line churches complained that the electronic evangelists had become the captives of commercial broadcasting and its values, and that their emphasis on purchase of time played into the hands of commercial broadcasting and worked to drive religious diversity off the air. According the FCC regulations in existence when TV programming first went on the air, a certain amount of airtime was reserved for content deemed to be in “the public interest.” The free time provided to religious broadcasting was with few

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exceptions, granted by the networks to Catholics and mainstream Protestant clergy, and was generally placed on Sunday mornings and at the beginning or end of the broadcast day. In 1960, however, after long years of lobbying by the NRB, the FCC issued a policy directive that would dramatically change religious television. That directive ruled that “no important public interest group is served by differentiating between gratis airtime and commercially sponsored programming.” In effect, the ruling allowed local stations to sell religious airtime and still get credit for “public interest” programming. The conservative evangelicals began to purchase airtime, ensuring that they would have access to TV time that had previously been denied them. The new FCC policy, along with the advent of videotape technology (which made broadcasting generally less expensive than before) made it possible for conservative evangelicals to overtake the mainstream denominations in dominating the religious airwaves. Because the conservative evangelicals were able and willing to pay for airtime, and because local stations could obtain the same public interest credit for commercial airtime, station managers throughout the United States discontinued mainstream Protestant programming. Between 1959 and 1972, religious broadcasting in the United States that was paid programming rose from 59% to 92%. In the United States during the 1970s, the Electronic Church emerged on both radio and TV. During the same decade, however, the number of stations carrying main-line religious programs dropped by more than half, as stations sold time to Electronic Church syndicators in preference to carrying the free network programs. Although easier access to electronic media has allowed increases in several different types of religious programming, the most visible and largest (in terms of audience has been the segment of religious television associated with evangelical Protestantism. Programs such as the Old Time Gospel Hour, the 700 Club, the PTL Club, and Hour of Power have combined an explicitly “old fashioned” evangelical religious message with the technology of modern mass communications. By the end of the 1970s, the television evangelists had large amounts of air time, large numbers of viewers, and whole networks of their own. The vast expansion of religious programming was the result of changes in FCC regulations that effectively gave conservative fundamentalists a place in a medium formerly dominated by the mainline liberal churches. Many of these programs had an explicitly political message. The Old Time Gospel Hour was one important vehicle through which Jerry Falwell promoted the Moral Majority, and Pat Robertson used the 700 Club to launch his bid for the 1988 Republican presidential nomination. Televangelism has been effective at providing religious and political messages to a relatively self-selected audience and religious television has been a potent means of fund raising as well. A major crisis developed in early 1987, when sexual and financial scandals sullied the reputations of several leading televangelists. Listener confidence

RELIGIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES dropped sharply, and income for the TV ministries also decreased sharply. By the beginning of 1988 some of the Electronic Church ministries verged on bankruptcy. On February 25, 1998 the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) modified its equal employment opportunity enforcement policies for religious broadcasters, allowing them to establish religious belief or affiliation as a bona fide job qualification for all station employees. A federal district court held that the government’s decision impacting religious broadcasters did not violate the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), prior to the time that this statute was found unconstitutional. In Fordham v. Brown (D.C. 1994), the court granted summary judgment in favor of the government in an action under RFRA that challenged the government’s refusal to fund certain broadcast facilities that broadcast sectarian programs, such as the plaintiff’s radio station, which had a weekly broadcast of a Catholic mass. The court found that the plaintiff radio station had not been sufficiently burdened by the lack of funding, because it continued to broadcast the mass, and concluded that the government had a compelling interest in upholding the Establishment Clause. Broadcasts by a public television station of a Catholic mass program had a sectarian purpose and thus, the broadcast fell under a regulation prohibiting funding by the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) through grants from the Public Telecommunications Facilities Program (PTFP). The NTIA did not mean to look to the essential mission of the station but instead to apply its regulations to facts at hand. [Fordham University v. Brown (D.D.C. 1994)]

RELIGIOUS CHARITIES, FEDERAL AID TO See Faith-Based Inititatives

RELIGIOUS CLOTHING See Religious Garb

RELIGIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES Although government aid to nonpublic institutions of higher education has been the subject of only a few U.S. Supreme Court decisions, it is clear that government programs aiding these schools must be tested under the same criteria that have

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been employed in the primary and secondary school cases. The aid must have a secular purpose, its primary effect must neither advance nor inhibit religion, and the aid must avoid creating an excessive entanglement between government and religion. [Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)] Government grants programs have been held not to have a primary effect of aiding religion where there was at least some formal guarantee by college authorities that funds provided by the government would not be used for religious instruction or other sectarian activities. The Supreme Court does not assume that religious colleges are so permeated with religion that their secular functions cannot be separated from their religious mission. Thus a program that is tied only to secular instruction will not have an effect of advancing religion. [Tilton v. Richardson (U.S. 1971); Hunt v. McNair (U.S. 1973)] However, if the institution to be aided is sectarian to the extent that the advancing of religious beliefs permeates its entire program, the institution would be similar to the parochial elementary and secondary schools that the majority of Supreme Court justices have deemed to have a primary function of propagating religious doctrine. In such a situation, the secular teaching function of the college could not be sufficiently separated from its religious mission to avoid the prohibited effect of government aid advancing religion. In determining whether excessive entanglement exists, courts examine three factors: (1) the character of the institutions benefited; (2) the nature of the aid provided; (3) the resulting relationship between government and church authorities. Additionally, the program must not be of a type that will cause political division along religious lines. The Supreme Court was closely divided, and approved quite extensive public assistance. [Tilton v. Richardson (U.S. 1971)] On the same day that it first struck down an assistance program for elementary and secondary private schools in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), the Court sustained federal construction grants to church-affiliated colleges and universities under the Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963. The specific grants in question were for construction of two library buildings; a science building; a music, drama, and arts building; and a language laboratory. The statute prohibited the financing of any facility for, or the use of any federally financed building for religious purposes, although the restriction on use ran for only 20 years. The Court found that the purpose and effect of the grants were secular and that, unlike elementary and secondary schools, religious colleges were not so permeated with religious inculcation that every activity they sponsored was religious in nature. The supervision required to ensure conformance with the nonreligious-use requirement was found not to constitute “excessive entanglement,” because the construction grants were one-time projects and did not continue as did the state programs. The Supreme Court later, in Hunt v. McNair (U.S. 1973), sustained a South Carolina program under which institutions of higher education could enter into

RELIGIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES contracts with a state authority by which the authority would issue revenue bonds for construction of projects at a university. This provided a participating Baptistoperated college a better arrangement in terms of interest costs than it could make otherwise. Under the program, the state authority held formal title to the project, while the college paid the principal and interest on the bonds, as well as the expenses of the authority. The U.S. Supreme Court concluded that state financing of construction projects at religiously affiliated colleges would not create entanglement problems because the funding was clearly directed to the secular functions of the college. Justice Lewis Powell explained in his opinion that, “ [a]id may normally be thought to have a primary effect of advancing religion when it flows to an institution in which religion is so pervasive that a substantial portion of its functions are subsumed in the religious mission or when it funds a specifically religious activity in otherwise substantially secular setting.” The colleges involved, although affiliated with religious institutions, were not shown to be so permeated with religion as to fall under the former clause. First, no religious test existed for the faculty or student body. Second, a substantial percentage of the student body did not identify with the religion of the college’s affiliation. And third, state law precluded the use of any project financed under the program for religious activities. The kind of assistance permitted by Tilton v. Richardson (U.S. 1971) and by Hunt v. McNair (U.S. 1973) seems to have been broadened when the Court sustained a Maryland program of annual subsidies to qualifying private institutions of higher education. [Roemer v. Maryland Board of Public Works (U.S. 1976)] The grants were noncategorical but could not be used for sectarian purposes, a limitation to be policed by the administering agency. The Court’s plurality opinion found a secular purpose to the grants. It found that the religiously affiliated institutions were not so pervasively sectarian that secular activities could not be separated from sectarian ones, and therefore that the limitation of funding to secular activities was meaningful. The plurality also thought the character of the institutions aided was not pervasively sectarian, which reduced the degree of public surveillance required to police the use of the funds to such an extent that excessive entanglement was improbable. The annual nature of the subsidy was a problem, but the plurality thought that the generally secular character of the institutions, again, permitted the relationship between the public agency and the recipient institution. The Court also saw much less likelihood of political divisiveness in controversies over annual funding because the student body was not local, and because many of the nonreligiously affiliated institutions also received aid. Thus, the Court upheld the law, asserting that it was narrowly drawn to avoid advancing religion and therefore did not violate the Constitution. A still further broadening of governmental power to extend aid to religious institutions of higher education is suggested in the Supreme Court’s summary approval of two lower court decisions upholding programs of assistance—

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scholarships and tuition grants—to students at colleges and universities as well as to those in vocational programs in both public and private (including religious) institutions. One program had no secular use restrictions at all, and in the other one the restriction seemed perfunctory. [Smith v. Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina (U.S. 1977); Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. Blanton (U.S. 1977)] There certainly will be increased legal challenges due to the fact that aid has become more readily available to religious institutions (through the demise of the “pervasively sectarian” test and the Lemon test), while these same institutions are allowed to discriminate based upon religion in their hiring practices. Some commentators criticize this approach of the Establishment Clause leads to equal opportunity for funding on the one hand whole providing for unequal rights to discriminate an unequal immunity from regulation on the other. Employment and discrimination issues represent a unique challenge, as the government seeks to respect the autonomy and freedom of religious institutions while at the same time furthering both public policy and the constitutional protections of equality and fairness. Some critics of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Bob Jones University v. United States (U.S. 1983) argue that it could have a devastating impact on educational institutions. Despite the compelling interest of the government to rid society of racial discrimination, its regulatory power through tax policies could either jeopardize the financial survival of some religious institutions or force them to alter their fundamental teachings. One of the newest and most emotionally charged areas of the law involves discrimination based upon sexual orientation. While the national debate rages, several states and local communities have enacted statutes in order to protect homosexuals from discrimination. In 1987, the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia was faced with determining whether D.C.’s Human Rights Act, which prohibits educational institutions from discrimination based on sexual orientation, could be used to force Roman Catholic Georgetown University to recognize gay and lesbian student groups on its campus. While the groups had substantial support from the student body, they had not received the formal university recognition that would provide them potential funding as well as access to campus mail services. Georgetown justified its refusal to recognize the group by claiming that such an endorsement would conflict with Catholic teachings on homosexuality. The D.C. Court wrote seven separate opinions that avoided the fundamental constitutional issues by separating endorsement from the provision of funding and other resources. While contending that the university did not violate the statute by refusing recognition of the groups, it did run afoul of its intent by not allowing the groups equal access to benefits. The court further concluded that any burden upon the university’s religious freedom by providing benefits to these organizations was outweighed by the District of Columbia’s compelling interest to eliminate

RELIGIOUS COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES discrimination based on sexual orientation. [Gay Rights Council of the Georgetown University Law Center v. Georgetown University (D.C. 1987)] Despite their religious affiliations, religious colleges and universities must continue to comply with state higher education licensing provisions in order to confer degrees in that state. Shelton College is an instructional offshoot of the fundamentalist Bible Presbyterian Church, which operated in New Jersey. In 1971, after a protracted legal battle, the New Jersey Board of Higher Education removed the license of Shelton College to award degrees in the state since Shelton failed to meet the Board’s minimum standards. The college moved its operation to Florida where it received licensure. However, in 1979 after submitting an incomplete application for New Jersey licensure, Shelton reopened its New Jersey campus. The Board successfully enjoined Shelton in state court, but Shelton sent to federal court and won the right to recruit students, offer credit-bearing courses, and award degrees while the case proceeded through the state court system. In 1979 the college initially submitted a significant portion of the material required as part of the licensure process, but refused to provide requested information on financial stability or on the qualifications of its faculty. The college asserted that its religious beliefs would not permit it to participate in the state licensure process, and that the process unlawfully infringed upon its constitutional rights. However, Shelton College was seeking to offer in New Jersey baccalaureate degree programs in such nonsectarian disciplines as English, history, business education, and the natural sciences. In addressing the merits of the college’s free exercise claims, the court rejected the State Board’s argument that the licensing statute posed “no direct interference with religious practice because [the College’s] religion [did] not require attendance at” that college. The court concluded that the “New Jersey licensing statutes, as applied to Shelton College, impose[d] some burden on the exercise of religion.” The licensing requirements, nonetheless, were upheld despite the free exercise argument. The licensing requirements were upheld as the least restrictive means to carry out the state’s interest in maintaining minimum academic standards and preserving the basic integrity of the baccalaureate degree. Whatever excessive entanglement arguments might have been viable in Shelton College were dismissed as speculative, since the college had declined to participate in the licensing process. Shelton College stands for the important principles that states have the authority to regulate religious colleges and universities and that the religion clauses will not exempt higher education institutions from regulation unless there is evidence of legislative intent to exempt the institutions or unless a substantial burden to the institution’s religious mission can be proved. Religious universities have claimed exemptions on both grounds. [New Jersey v. Shelton College (D.NJ. 1981), aff’d (3rd Cir. 1981)]

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RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION Since 1970, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) has denied tax-exempt status to schools, colleges, and universities that discriminate on the basis of race. The IRS adopted this policy in Mississippi following litigation; thereafter, the administration temporarily abandoned this policy in January 1982. It explained that Congress had not included a nondiscrimination requirement in the statute, and that the executive branch had no authority to unilaterally impose this requirement. The Free Exercise Clause protects the internal affairs of churches from government control or interference. When one seeks to affiliate with a church, or with a pervasively religious school one must do so on the church’s terms. Similarly, when the church ventures into secular society, it must adhere to the requirements of the secular state. A religiously motivated citizen, who objects to racial equality, is not entitled to be excused from secular rules forbidding discrimination that apply to all. This includes not being permitted to discriminate as a landlord. The same result applies when the church acts collectively. For example, a church may not exclude African Americans from a public park during a church picnic, just because a religious belief mandates it. It is not entitled to discriminate in selling a church building for sale in the open market, it cannot disseminate among potential buyers on the basis of race. America’s societal commitment to racial equality is so important that the views of dissenting churches are regularly subordinated to it, whenever the church or an individual believer, outside the areas considered to be the realm of belief. Regarding its internal matters, churches must be free to select their own members on any terms they choose, and to discriminate among those members on any terms the faithful will accept. Despite the strong national policy against sex discrimination, Congress has no power to tell the Catholic Church it must ordain women. Similarly, Congress may not order the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints to admit African Americans into the priesthood prior to a change in that church’s doctrine. Ordering a church to admit black members is not much different. And when a church school is pervasively religious, operated as an integral part of the church itself, ordering it to accept African American students is also not much different. The Free Exercise Clause requires that pervasively religious schools not be penalized for discrimination in admissions or other internal policies. A statute denying tax exemptions to schools that discriminate will seriously infringe the autonomy even of church schools that do not discriminate, because every school would risk being required to prove its nondiscriminatory policy. Even nondiscriminatory churches with long records of educating minorities must be concerned with the governmental intrusion required to enforce a

RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION nondiscrimination policy. One example is the injunction in Green v. Miller (D. Col. 1980), ordering the Internal Revenue Service to adopt more vigorous procedures for identifying discriminatory schools. The D.C. district court ruled that an inference of present discrimination arises with respect to any private school that was established or expanded while the public schools in its locality were desegregating. That is not an unreasonable inference; many private schools were established expressly for creating a segregated alternative to forcibly integrated public schools. It is, however, a plainly over-broad inference. Desegregation cases can extend for years, and many private schools have been established or expanded for innocent reasons during the local public school desegregation. The U.S. Supreme Court has not specifically decided whether churches and church schools that discriminate may be denied a tax exemption available to all other churches and schools. It has decided cases in other contexts that strongly support the principles stated above. One line of cases restricts state entanglement in church affairs. This doctrine was developed in response to Establishment Clause challenges to aid to church schools, but it has recently been extended to government regulation of churches. Another line of cases restricts secular resolution of internal church disputes, especially in cases of schisms and disputed clerical appointments. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) of the federal government has promulgated guidelines regarding employment in religious institutions. These Religious Discrimination Guidelines state that the EEOC will define the statutory term “religious practices” to include moral or ethical beliefs as to what is right and wrong that are sincerely held with the strength of traditional religious views. Thus, a worker is required to show only that he or she took a position of conscience on the basis of beliefs that are sincerely held “with the strength of traditional religious views.” It is irrelevant whether the teachings are “identifiably” those of the faith to which the worker subscribes. [See EEOC, Religious Discrimination Guidelines (1966)] In this regard, the EEOC follows the broad definition of the concept of religion developed in conscientious objection cases. Most of the provisions of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibit discrimination based on religion along with other suspect criteria, such as race, national origin or sex. Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on religion in public accommodations like restaurants and hotels. Title III prohibits discrimination based on religion in public facilities such as municipal recreation facilities and senior centers; Title IV prohibits discrimination based on religion in public elementary and secondary schools, as well as in public colleges and universities, and Title VII prohibits discrimination based on religion in employment. Title VII also has two unique provisions protecting religious liberty. In addition to making outright discrimination illegal,

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such as refusing to hire persons of a particular religion, Title VII also requires that employers make a reasonable accommodation for the religious observances and practices of employees, such as accommodating Sabbath observance or religious dress, unless the employer can demonstrate that doing so would be an undue hardship. Finally § 702 of Title VII protects the independence and autonomy of religious institutions by exempting them from the general restriction on consideration of religion in hiring. Section 703(e) 91 permits religious employers to discriminate on the basis of race, gender, and national origin, if it is a “bona fide occupational qualification reasonably necessary to the normal operation of that particular business or enterprise.” If the religious organization cannot prove that its discrimination on the basis of race, gender, or national origin is a “bona fide occupational requirement,” then its discrimination would not be exempt, and it would violate Title VII. The Fair Housing Act and the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (ECOA) also protect persons from discrimination based on religion. Title IX of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 permits the Attorney General to intervene in federal court cases seeking relief from denial of equal protection under the 14th amendment on account of religion. All of these non-discrimination laws are enforced by the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division. The U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division enforces a broad range of federal statues that protect religious freedom. The Civil Rights Division was successful in the following cases: winning the right for a Muslim girl to wear her headscarf to school, winning the right of seniors at a Texas senior center to say prayers before meals, sing gospel music, and hold Bible studies, and many cases winning the right of religious groups to equal access to public facilities.

RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT American society is more tolerant of religious minorities than it used to be, and religious discrimination in employment is much less common than it was as even in the 1950s. Religious discrimination in employment, however, has not disappeared. In the United States, hostility towards Roman Catholics, Jews, Mormons, and other groups has been pervasive, intense, and longstanding. Over 40,000 complaints of religious discrimination have been filed with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) since Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the most important EEO law, went into effect. The number of charges rose steadily, from 169 in fiscal year 1967 to 1,176 in 1972, and 3,417 in 1984. Religious discrimination has continued to be a growing problem in recent years. From 1992 to 2005, complaints of religious discrimination in employment filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission increased by 69%.

RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT During this same period, sex discrimination complaints rose 6%, national origin discrimination complaints rose 8%, and racial discrimination complaints decreased by 9.5%. The attacks on 9/11 and resulting discrimination against Muslims, as well as Sikhs, and others mistakenly perceived to be Muslims, underscored the need to rigorously enforce the nation’s religious civil rights laws. The number of complaints was smaller than might have been expected on the basis of testimony presented to Congress in the early 1960s, amounting to about 2.4 percent of the total number complaining of discrimination on the basis of race, religion, national origin, and sex; the 243 federal court decisions in EEO religious discrimination cases published from 1967 through 1987 was even a slightly lower percentage. From 1997 through 2007, the number of individual EEOC charge filings alleging employment discrimination based on religion increased from 1,709 in 1997 (2.1 % of the total) to 2,880 in 2007 (3.5% of the total). Up through the 1980s, Jews and Seventh-day Adventists brought the most cases, each accounting for almost 25% of the total; other Sabbatarians including World Wide Church of God bring a sixth, and many other religious groups divide the rest. Laws prohibiting employment discrimination involve primarily the need to guarantee to all members of American society unfettered access to the labor market, and to all of the economic and social benefits that flow from active participation in it. Religious discrimination in employment has been the subject of state as well as federal legislation and courts have been called upon to define the circumstances under which particular conduct constitutes illegal religious discrimination in employment under state statutes. For example, in Finnemore v. Bangor HydroElectric Co. (Me. 1994), the Maine Supreme Judicial Court concluded that a genuine issue of fact existed about whether sexually explicit comments directed at a fundamentalist Christian constituted illegal religious harassment violating state law. Other courts applying state antidiscrimination statutes have reached varying results, depending on the particular circumstances involved and the language of the statute in question. Most states have enacted statutes to prevent employers from discriminating based on race, color, national origin, or religious creed, regarding personnel decisions or the terms and conditions of employment. State laws prohibiting employment discrimination based on religion, like state civil rights laws generally, vary considerably. These state laws often closely follow the equivalent federal law contained in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, although other state statutes differ significantly from the federal civil rights laws. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits employers covered by the Act from discriminating against persons because of their religion. This statute greatly impacts the employment market because it applies to most forms of private, as well as governmental, employment and the activities of labor unions.

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The statute itself is straightforward in approaching religion-based discrimination in the workplace. It prohibits an employer from discriminating in the hiring, payment, or treatment of employees on the basis of their religion. Similarly, the statute makes it unlawful for a labor organization to exclude or burden a worker on the basis of religion. In 1972 the Act was amended to include a definition of religion that also defines an employer’s duties in this area. The Act now reads: The term “religion” includes all aspects of religious observance and practice, as well as belief, unless an employer demonstrates that he is unable to reasonably accommodate an employee’s or prospective employee’s religious observance or practice without undue hardship on the conduct of the employer’s business. The goal of Title VII is to reduce or eliminate most religion-based barriers to labor market participation. In 1966 the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) interpreted Title VII’s antidiscrimination provision as imposing an affirmative duty upon employers to accommodate the religious practices of employees if accommodation did not cause a “serious inconvenience to the conduct of their business.” A year later, the EEOC changed its position and required less from an employer. The amended guidelines required accommodation of an employee’s religious practices if it did not impose an “undue hardship on [the employer’s] business.” Congress later amended Title VII to reflect the undue hardship requirement. Courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, have routinely construed Title VII broadly, understanding this provision to be a general expression of Congress’s intention to eradicate all forms of invidious discrimination in the employment context. In applying Title VII, courts have recognized claims alleging that employers discriminated against employees by creating hostile working environments. Title VII also states, however, that employers must accommodate employees’ religious beliefs, a rule that the courts have applied narrowly. Thus, employers are both forbidden to subject their employees to religiously hostile environments and required to make some accommodation to religious employees. According to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, there has been a steady rise in recent years in religious discrimination complaints filed by employees—from 1,192 cases in 1991 to more than 2,880 in 2007. The most common religion-related problems reported by human resources managers: employees who attempt to proselytize other workers (20 percent); complaints from employees who feel harassed by their coworkers because of expression of their religious beliefs (14 percent); and, employees refusing certain duties based on religious beliefs (9 percent). The most common kinds of religious accommodation offered by employers are: flexible scheduling that allows time off for religious observances (70 percent); allowing the display of religious materials in work areas (24 percent); providing space or time for religious observance, study, or discussion during work breaks (15 percent); and making exceptions in dress or personal appearance codes (13 percent).

RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT In Corporation of the Presiding Bishop v. Amos (U.S. 1987), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld § 702 of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which exempts religious organizations from Title VII prohibition against discrimination on the basis of religion. Although Amos worked in a non-religious job, he was discharged for not being a church member. Applying the Lemon test, the Court ruled that, “where, as here, government acts with the proper purpose of lifting a regulation that hinders the exercise of religion, we see no reason to require that the exemption comes packaged with benefits to secular entities.” The Civil Rights Division has responsibility for bringing suits under Title VII against state and local governmental employers. Under § 706 of Title VII, individual cases of discrimination against state and local governmental entities must be filed first with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which can refer cases to the Civil Rights Division. The Civil Rights Division then opens a supplemental investigation, if warranted, to determine if a lawsuit is appropriate. When a pattern or practice of discrimination by a governmental entity is alleged, the Civil Rights Division may file a lawsuit on its own volition under § 707 of Title VII. The Civil Rights Division filed a lawsuit against the Los Angeles Metropolitan Transit Authority over its policy of refusing to accept bus driver applications unless the applicant indicated that he or she was available to work 24 hours per day, seven days a week. The lawsuit alleged that this policy discriminated against Sabbath-observant Jews and Christians and other who refrain from work on certain days for religious reasons by failing to make any effort to provide them with the religious accommodations that Title VII requires. The Civil Rights Division reached a consent decree that requires the MTA to accept the applications of Sabbath-observant applicants; provide applicants with information about their accommodation rights: permit drivers to swap assignments with other drivers, and when no acceptable assignment is possible either though use of seniority rights or swaps, permit drivers to take temporary leaves of absence; and provide information about religious accommodation in marketing literature and in its training programs for supervisors. [United States v. Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transit Authority (C.D. Cal. 2004)] The Civil Rights Division filed a lawsuit against the New York Metropolitan Transit Authority alleging that it had discriminated against Muslim and Sikh drivers by refusing to permit them to wear headscarves and turbans. The lawsuit alleges that the Muslim and Sikh drivers were forbidden to wear these religious head coverings with their uniforms, while other MTA workers were allowed to wear non-regulation headgear, such as baseball caps, without penalty. [United States v. New York Metropolitan Transit Authority (E.D. N.Y. 2004)]

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RELIGIOUS DISQUALIFICATION See McDaniel v. Paty

RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT A religious body or creed officially endorsed by the state. Religious establishment is state-sanctioned religion, in which special privileges are granted to a religious organization that are not granted to other religious organizations. The established church would often be supported by tax revenues, government recognition of its privileged place in society, and often the state would officially recognize the creed of the established church. In its narrowest sense, religious establishment is the recognition of a single national church or the preference of one religious group over another. A broader definition is that a religious establishment may promote religion in general, as well as preferring one religion to another. The degree and nature of state support for a denomination or creed designated as a state religion varies from nation to nation. The religious establishment may range from mere endorsement and financial support, with freedom for other faiths to practice, to prohibiting any other religious group from practicing, and to persecuting the followers of other faiths. In Europe, competition between Catholic and Protestant denominations for state support in the 16th-century led to the principle of “cuius region eius religio” (States follow the religion of the rule”) which became enshrined in the treaty accompanying the Peace of Augsburg, 1555. In England, the monarch imposed Protestantism, and replaced the Pope as head of the Church in England. In Scotland, the Church of Scotland became the established Kirk (Scottish church). A “state church” differs from a “state religion in that a “state church” is created by a monarch, such as in the cases of the Anglican Church, created by King Henry VIII of England, or the Church of Sweden, created by Gustav Vasa. An example of a “state religion” is Argentina’s official acceptance of Roman Catholicism as its religion. In the case of the former, the state has absolute control over the church, but in the case of the latter, in this example, the Vatican has control over the church. Although the Established Church was a unifying force in Britain, the framers drafted the First Amendment to forbid Congress from establishing an official religion. An established church for the whole nation would have been an impossibility even in the early American Republic, for the predominant religion differed from state to state, and in some states, no single religion predominated. Furthermore, the framers had learned from the political and religious turmoil in 17th-century Britain that a close alliance of church and state may lead to civil

RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENT unrest and even war, when it was confronted with a significant number of determined religious dissenters. Many of the framers were descended of colonists who had come to America to escape persecution that was caused from religious strife, and sought to have religious liberty safeguarded in the new United States. Most Americans during the late eighteenth century, both in states with establishments and without religious establishments, believed that religion was essential for the preservation of civil society because it instilled morals and virtue in its citizens and provided for a stable social order. Some Americans also believed that government should provide financial support to religious institutions in order to reach these goals. James Madison and religious dissenters, however, believed that religion should be funded voluntarily, but also generally agreed with that religion played a vital role in civil society. Americans throughout the thirteen new states agreed that freedom of religious conscience was an essential right, and generally agreed that no religious faith should receive preferential treatment over others. While the establishment of an exclusive state or national religion was not likely Americans expressed concerns about the combination of sects or the preferential treatment of the dominant religion by powerful interests that be, even under a system that claimed religious equality. Finally, most early Americans believed that enforced tax support of one religion or of religion generally violated rights of conscience. By the time the First Amendment was drafted, compelled assessments for the support of religion existed in only three states and, in each case, in the form of nonpreferential, multiple establishments. Even in those states, religious assessments were not evenly enforced. However those states with assessment systems generally claimed that their states did not maintain religious establishments because they were: (1) not exclusive but nonperferential; (2) that public support of religion was for the benefit of civil society, not religion; and (3) that their assessment systems did not violate rights of conscience. Only Connecticut officially acknowledged its establishment, though its officials, like those in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, would have been reluctant to admit to one due to the negative connotation the term had with its association to European establishments. The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment prohibits Congress from enacting any laws establishing a religion, but did not interfere with state establishments. The First Amendment originally applied only to Congress. The anti-establishment clause applies to the states through the 14th Amendment under the “incorporation doctrine.” At the time the constitution was adopted, there were still states that had religious establishments, and sometimes, multiple establishments of Protestant Christian churches. Several states still had religious tests for public office and did not give full citizenship rights to people who were not members of an established church. Massachusetts became the last state to abolish its officially established religion in 1833.

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Strict separationists argue that there was an implied establishment of Christianity—and Protestant Christianity in particular, which was exemplified by the widespread reading of the Protestant King James Bible in public schools. Strict separationists have been only partially successful in ending various symbolic forms of establishment. For example, the atheist spokesperson Madalyn Murray O’Hair failed in her attempt to convince the U.S. Court of Appeals to remove “In God We Trust” from the currency. [O’Hair v. Blumenthal (5th Cir. 1978)] An effort to persuade the U.S. Supreme Court to eliminate prayer at the beginning of legislative sessions was rejected. [Marsh v. Chambers (U.S. 1983)] Strict separationists also claim that because governments in the United States on all levels, including local, state, and federal provide substantial amounts of financial aid to various religious organizations, that they are sustaining an establishment of religion, and undermining the constitutional principle of separation. Religious accomodationists often view “religious establishment” or “establishment of religion” in its more restrictive sense as a formally government sponsored church.

RELIGIOUS EXEMPTIONS The U.S. Supreme Court has held that no religious exemption was required from the following religiously neutral regulations, even though certain groups objected because the regulation interfered with sincerely held religious beliefs: 1. Prohibition against use of peyote [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)(claimant argued use was part of sacred rite in Native American Church)] 2. Prohibition against polygamy [Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879) (claimant argued that multiple wives were required by Mormon faith)] 3. Denial of tax-exempt status to schools that discriminate on the basis of race [Bob Jones University v. United States (U.S. 1983)(claimant argued that separation of races was part of religious creed)] 4. Prohibition against religious garb for members of air force while in uniform [Goldman v. Weinberger (U.S. 1986) (claimant wanted to wear yarmulke while on duty)] 5. Sunday closing laws [Braunfeld v. Brown (U.S. 1961) (claimant, whose Sabbath was celebrated on Saturday, argued that Sunday closing requirement was undue burden on his religious practice)] 6. Requirement that employers comply with federal minimum wage laws [Tony and Susan Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor (U.S. 1985) (employer argued that minimum wages interfered with members’ religious desires to work without compensation)]

RELIGIOUS EXPRESSION 453 7. Requirement that employers pay social security taxes [United States v. Lee (U.S. 1982) (claimant argued that his religious beliefs prohibited payment and receipt of social security type payments)] 8. Draft laws and the selective service provision for exemption to conscientious objectors of all wars [Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971) (claimant objected to specific war only)] 9. Denial of veterans’ entitlements [Johnson v. Robison (U.S. 1974) (claimants were conscientious objectors who performed alternative civilian service)] 10. Denial of exemption from sales and use taxes [Jimmy Swaggart Ministries v. Board of Equalization (U.S. 1990) (claimant argued that denial of exemption to religious organization was impermissible discrimination)] 11. Development of federal lands [Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association (U.S. 1988) (claimants objected to logging of area that their religious belief held sacred)]

RELIGIOUS EXPRESSION The First Amendment provides some definitions of freedoms and the limits of freedom of religious expression in American society. When courts rule on issues regarding freedom of religious expression, they apply the First Amendment. In fact, it is not only the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause that impact religious expression, but freedom of speech, freedom of the press, the right to peaceable assembly, and the right to petition government all have important impacts as well. The eighteenth century founders regarded the principle of free exercise of religion as a basic protection for religious speech, press, and assembly—what is today called freedom of religious expression. They regarded “free exercise” as an umbrella term that incorporated the principles of liberty of conscience, separation of church and state, and equality of a plurality of faiths. Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940) gave clear guidance as to the meaning and measure of the term “freedom of religious expression.” All religious expression, Justice Roberts wrote for the Court, “remains subject to regulation for the protection of society.” Cantwell provided the keys to adjudicating free exercise claims: (1) outright prohibitions and prior restraints on religious expressions that effectively foreclose it were forbidden; (2) discriminatory regulations of religious expression were also forbidden; but (3) general regulations that properly protected public safety and security were permissible. The Court elaborated on these concepts in the series of cases following Cantwell. Most of these cases were raised by the Jehovah’s Witnesses—an emergent Christian missionary group for whom strong religious

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preaching, proselytism, pamphleteering, and public demonstrations of biblical beliefs were vital exercises of faith. The Court readily struck down outright prohibitions on religious proselytism and other forms of religious expression. In Cantwell itself, the Court held that merely unpopular preaching on the public streets of a religious neighborhood could not be prohibited or punished as a breach of the peace. In Jamison v. Texas (U.S. 1943) and Martin v. Struthers (U.S. 1943), the Court struck down ordinances that prohibited distribution of religious pamphlets in the public square and door to door. “The state may prohibit the use of the streets for the distribution of purely commercial leaflets,” Justice Black declared in the Jamison decision, but “they may not prohibit the distribution of handbills in pursuit of a clearly religious actively merely because the handbills invite the purchase of books for the improved understanding of the religion or because the handbills seek in a lawful fashion to promote the raising of funds for religious purposes.” Three years later, the Supreme Court extended this ruling to company- and government-owned towns; per se prohibitions and criminal penalties levied on such religious expression violate the Free Exercise and Free Speech Clauses. In the contemporary work environment, some employees believe that their religion requires them to express their religious beliefs in the workplace by, for example, posting religious language (such as “God Bless You” or “Praise the Lord”) when communicating with others, or attempting to proselytize coworkers. In these situations, it can be difficult to balance the rights of the religious employee with the rights of others who do not share that employee’s beliefs. According to the EEOC, employers must allow employees to engage in religious expression as long as it doesn’t create an undue hardship. And, employers may not restrict religious expression more heavily than other forms of expression that have a similar impact on workplace efficiency. Some courts have held that an employer has no duty to accommodate an employee’s religious expression when it could constitute harassment against other employees or it contravenes the employer’s diversity or nondiscrimination policies. Some courts, however, have found in the employee’s favor if his or her behavior was merely “annoying” or created discomfort for others. In light of this legal uncertainty, the best practice is to consult with a lawyer if an employee’s religious expression is causing others to feel uncomfortable. In the public school setting, the First Amendment provides the basis for how courts decide between competing values in the public school setting. It is often difficult to arrive at a consensus as to how to apply the First Amendment in certain fact situations. With all the divergent opinions emanating from the courts, scholars, and interest groups on the meaning and application of the First Amendment, it makes for a highly dynamic environment around the issue of student religious expression. Nonetheless, even in this dynamic and at times highly charged environment, the U.S. Supreme Court has provided some

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM definition to the application of the First Amendment that can be used in discerning the boundaries. The U.S. Supreme Court has declared that state-sponsored school prayer is unconstitutional in cases such as Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962) and Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963); but student-initiated and voluntary student religious expression comports with the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment and is therefore constitutionally permissible.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM There have been divergent opinions on the relationship among law, religion, and government since the Europeans began settling America in the 17th century. Establishing an appropriate relationship between religion and government has been a difficult task throughout American history. The First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbids Congress to make any law “respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Although technically and originally this was a restriction on Congress only, the First Amendment has been made applicable to the states by passage of the Fourteenth Amendment through the incorporation doctrine. The constitutional restriction against government interference with religion has significant impact in two ways. On the one hand it prevents government adoption of any creed or the practice of any form of worship. Such government abstention also protects the free exercise of every citizen’s chosen form of religion. The Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses are interrelated in the following ways: The religious clauses of the U.S. Constitution preserve civil liberty by prohibiting religious interference with the government, while also protecting religious liberty from the interference by the government. Although the two clauses overlap in certain instances, and a general harmony of purpose exists between them, the limits of permissible state accommodation of religion under the “Establishment Clause” are not coextensive with the noninterference mandated by the “Free Exercise Clause.” The Free Exercise Clause has a reach of its own. A distinction between the “Free Exercise” Clause and the “Establishment” Clause of the First Amendment is that a violation of the former clause is based on coercion, while a violation of the latter clause need not be so attended. [Gillette v. United States (U.S. 1971)]

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RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AMENDMENT (1997) Legislation known as the Religious Freedom Amendment was first introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1997. Its purpose was to amend the Constitution to guarantee the right to religious expression in public settings and possibly allow government funding of religious institutions. The measure (House Joint Resolution 78), sponsored by Ernest Istook (R-Okla) represented an expansion of the school prayer amendments that Congress began considering in 1966. Those measures sought to allow prayer in public schools. Istook’s proposal would cover school prayer and other forms of religious expression on public property, such as placing a nativity scene in front of a town hall. In 1994, after failing to obtain a school prayer amendment, the Christian Coalition had decided to seek an amendment for religious freedom, because the organization’s leadership believed that an emphasis on religious freedom as opposed to the narrower issue of school prayer would appeal to a broader religious audience. The proposed changes to the First Amendment would “protect religious freedom, including the right of students in public schools to pray without government sponsorship or compulsion. The most controversial element, a provision that prohibits the government from denying “equal access to a benefit on account of religious belief, expression, or exercise,” may result in public funding of religious schools and church sponsored social welfare programs. Supporters of the amendment argued that it would protect the rights of students to express their beliefs in the classroom. For instance, a student would have the right to support creationism over evolutionary theory in science classes. The benefits clause in the amendment could allow for school voucher programs, whose constitutionality has not yet been resolved by the U.S. Supreme Court. Vouchers provide tuition money for parents to use to send their children to a private or parochial school. Separationist organizations, such as People for the American Way, assert that the amendment could be best characterized as a religious coercion amendment and is not only unnecessary, but if enacted may usher in a new wave of divisive government-sponsored religious activity. The proposed amendment was defeated.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RESTORATION ACT (1993) The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) was enacted by Congress in 1993 to prevent the government from restricting religious freedom, unless it has a “compelling state interest,” that is, an interest that the state is forced or obliged to protect. Congress passed the RFRA to restore protections of religious liberty weakened by the Supreme Court’s holding in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RESTORATION ACT (1993) 1990). In Smith, the Supreme Court held that Oregon could constitutionally withhold unemployment benefits from two former drug rehabilitation counselors who had lost their jobs for using peyote in a religious rite at the Native American Church. The use of peyote, a hallucinogen, violated Oregon’s drug laws. The men sued, claiming the state’s interest was not compelling enough to warrant infringement of their religious rights. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, ruled against them, effectively eliminating the compelling interest test. The holding in Smith made it less difficult for states or the federal government to enact statutes that restrict individual religious rights, by ruling that the compelling state interest test applied only in cases in which a regulation directly discriminated against religious conduct. “Compelling state interest” is a legal concept invoked by a government to uphold a “state action” (an action by a government or governmental body) against claims based on equal protection of the law under the First Amendment. As a result of the Smith opinion, as long as the government’s policies were neutrally stated and generally applicable, they would hold up under constitutional attack, unless they were targeting a specific religious group. Smith made it more difficult to challenge incidental infringements on personal religious liberty. Before Smith state laws restricting religious activities had to meet a stricter legal standard of serving a “compelling” government interest in a way that posed the least possible burden on religious freedom. Federal courts could strike down a law if the state could not prove such a compelling interest. Starting in 1986 exceptions to this standard had been created for the military and prisons. On June 27, 1991, Congressman Stephen Solarz (R-NY) harshly criticized Smith as a “dastardly and unprovoked attack on our first freedom” and declared that Smith “must not be permitted to stand unchallenged.” To counteract the effects of Smith, Solarz introduced a bill entitled the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Specifically, the RFRA stated: Government shall not substantially burden a person’s exercise of religion even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability unless the government can prove that application of the burden to the person (1) is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and (2) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest. As a legislative effort to overrule the Smith decision, the RFRA’s express purpose was to restore the compelling interest/least restrictive means analysis to regulations that affected citizens’ free exercise rights, as provided by the U.S. Supreme Court’s Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963) and Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972) decisions. Sherbert and Yoder were part of a series of free exercise cases that rigorously enforced the compelling interest test. Most legitimate governmental interests are not compelling. “Compelling” does not mean merely a “reasonable means of promoting a legitimate public interest.” Nor does it mean merely important. Rather, “compelling” interests include only those few interests “of the

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highest order,” or similarly “only the gravest abuses, endangering paramount interests.” Some examples of compelling state interest include the nation’s need to maintain order in its military and the integrity of its system of taxation. [Goldman v. Weinberger (U.S. 1986)] Specifically, the RFRA prohibited the state and federal governments from restricting a person’s exercise of religion without showing both a compelling governmental interest in the restriction and that the restriction is the least restrictive means of achieving the governmental interest. The RFRA was introduced with bipartisan sponsorship in both houses of Congress and was supported by President Clinton. The Act enjoyed its wide bipartisan support only after sponsors included language to ensure that it would not be used to challenge state abortion restrictions. Similar legislation introduced in 1990, 1991, and 1992 had become ensnared in the abortion debate. When it was enacted in 1993, the RFRA effectively overruled the Smith holding. In so doing, the RFRA made it more difficult for government to infringe on religious practices. By explicitly applying itself to all cases in which the government burdens religion, the RFRA essentially returned the law not to the status quo before Smith but to the status quo before 1986. Under the RFRA, all government burdens on religious conduct became subject to the Sherbert test. Once it passed, the RFRA unquestionably withdrew the power of state legislatures to restrict free exercise rights. Supporters of the Act argued that this would prevent both the discriminatory regulation and the pervasive state regulation of religion. At first, the RFRA was upheld as constitutional in several cases, including by the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals in Flores v. City of Boerne (5th Cir. 1996). In 1997, however, the U.S. Supreme Court, by a six-to-three vote, invalidated the RFRA in City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997). The Court ruled that Congress had unconstitutionally attempted to rewrite the U.S. Constitution’s Free Exercise Clause by setting a higher legal standard of review for any law alleged to impose a restriction on religious practice. In so ruling, the Court dramatically asserted its prerogative as the final arbiter of constitutional questions and as the interpreter of constitutional norms. The Agostini v. Felton (U.S. 1997) and Flores decisions make it clear that protection of religious rights became more of a political issue, as opposed to a judicial one. In adjudicating cases arguing that a law is invalid for violating constitutional rights under the First Amendment religion clauses, newer U.S. Supreme Court caselaw provide that only government laws or policies found to truly coerce acceptance of, or specifically endorse, religion are likely to be found unconstitutional. Congress responded to the Flores decision with the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Protection Act (RLUIPA). What RLUIPA tends to do is restore a more liberal or expansive protection of free exercise rights in two specific

RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM areas—in the context of land use planning and also in the context of religious claims of institutionalized persons. The RLUIPA standard is Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1972), which is the pre-Flores Free Exercise Clause standard. In other words, in three contexts, if there is a substantial burden on a religious claimant, regulation of whether the law is neutral of generally applicable, the religious claimant is entitled to a religious exemption from the law unless the compelling state interest can be met by the government entity in question. In drafting RLUIPA, Congress sought to anticipate potential challenges to RLUIPA. Congress attempted to deal with these potential constitutional attacks by carefully defining the circumstances in which RLUIPA is applicable. The statute is applicable in situations in which the Congress’s spending Clause is implicated. In other words, RLUIPA applies when the relevant government institution or entity is receiving federal funds.

RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM One of the greatest achievements of American constitutionalism was how it resolved the paradox that the intolerance of religious fundamentalists may destroy republican government, but their rigorous attachment to moral principle may be needed to defend it. American constitutionalism harnessed the moral idealism of religious fundamentalism, while restraining its potential for bigotry. The Founders harnessed fundamentalism’s moral idealism by stressing the importance of morality in civil life and by acknowledging the crucial role that churches play in fostering this morality. Simultaneously, the Founders sought to temper fundamentalism’s intolerance by removing religious questions from the political arena, which in reality reduced the consequences of religious intolerance by ensuring that government power would never be used to resolve religious controversies. The Founders produced an institutional separation between church and state even while forging a practical connection between religion and politics on the basis of morality. Religious fundamentalists were discouraged by the nature of politics from using the government to promote their theology, but they were free to enter the political arena as citizens in order to promote government policies in accord with both the principles of the Constitution and the “laws of nature and nature’s God” on which those principles are premised. In the late twentieth century, major changes occurred in the perception of church-state relationships. The new emphasis on individual religious freedom was due partly to the changing nature of church-state jurisprudence in the 1970s and 1980s. Whereas previous church-state legal conflicts had focused on how much the government could do to promote religion while complying with the Establishment Clause, new controversies concerned how far the state could go in

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restricting individual religious expression. Public high school students were forbidden by school authorities from meeting on their own during lunch or before school for prayer and Bible study. Churches were prevented form utilizing public facilities readily available for use by other community groups, and zoning laws were invoked to curtail religious activities in private homes. In addition, many parents faced the choice of either removing their children from public schools or allowing their children to be taught the permissibility of behavior they found morally unacceptable. Some religious parents who tried to teach their children at home were jailed. These new conflicts caused many evangelicals to see the government as the problem rather than the solution, and they accordingly sought ways to curtail what they regarded as state-sponsored persecution of their religious beliefs and practices. One new rationale that has not been invalidated by the Supreme Court is “equal access,” which calls for religious expression to be protected as speech under the First Amendment. The primary idea behind equal access is that religious individuals and groups should be given the same access to public facilities as nonreligious individuals and groups. For example, if a public library rents rooms to community groups for meetings, it should not be able to forbid religious groups from renting the rooms for religious meetings because this would be discriminating against certain groups based on the content of their speech. Similarly, if high school students have the right to distribute political leaflets to their classmates on school grounds, they must also have the right to distribute religious leaflets. The equal access rationale has been successfully applied by evangelicals with particular success in the public high school setting, where many schools previously had denied religious student groups the same right to meet on school property routinely afforded to other student groups. The U.S. Supreme Court sustained federal legislation providing a limited statutory right to equal access in public secondary schools in Board of Education v. Mergens (U.S. 1990). The development of the equal access doctrine is yet another example of how successful the Founders were in establishing a system in which the political demands of religious fundamentalism would be framed in terms of generally applicable moral principles rather than petitions based on divine right. In the United States religious fundamentalists have increasingly recognized that the same laws that protect other citizens also protect them and that they do not require special privileges conferred by the government to be successful in either practicing their religion or seeking to influence public policy.

RELIGIOUS GARB Religious garb is particular items of clothing, worn by the faithful of certain religions, to show devotion to their faith. Examples of religious garb include: the

RELIGIOUS GARB clerical collar worn by the clergy of certain Christian denominations (such as priests), habits worn by nuns, yarmulkes (Jewish skullcaps) worn by observant male Jews, saris worn by Hindus, and the hijab, the traditional headscarf worn by Muslim women. The right to wear religious garb is currently a highly controversial issue in the public school and the employment context. The religious garb issue can also be controversial when these items are worn in court proceedings. Students in public schools have the right to wear religious garb and religious jewelry. The U.S. Department of Education addressed the issue of student religious garb in its “Guidelines on Religious Expression in Public Schools.” The Guidelines state: “Schools may not single out religious attire in general, or attire of a particular religion, for prohibition or regulation.” One of the areas where religious garb is specifically controversial in the public school setting involves female Muslim students who choose to wear the hijab in class. The United States Supreme Court has not yet determined the constitutionality of prohibitions against the hijab in public schools, and the United States has no statutes prohibiting Muslim students from wearing the hijab (such as exist in other countries in order to enforce their concepts of secularism or separation of church and state). In the United States, there have been several cases where Muslim girls were suspended from school for wearing the hijab. The 9/11 political environment, and an increased fear of both Islam and Islamic extremism, influenced many schools to prohibit both students and teachers from wearing the hijab in the classroom. On September 11, 2003, an eleven-year-old Muslim girl was suspended from her school in Muskogee, Oklahoma, for wearing her hijab. The school officials based the suspension on the school’s dress code intended to prevent gang-related activity by prohibiting all headgear. Justifying the prohibition against the hijab, the school’s attorney argued that federal education rules do not make an exception based on religion, and refused to make an accommodation. The student was allowed to return to school wearing her hijab, and the school changed its dress code to allow students to wear the hijab and other religious head coverings. This dress code change was part of a settlement agreement between the school district and the Justice Department that was filed in the United States District Court in Oklahoma. The new policy requires that students must have a “serious” religious belief and must have a witness testify as to that belief before being allowed to wear the hijab. While there has been no case in the United States upholding a Muslim student’s right to wear the hijab in public school, at least one court determined whether schools can prohibit students from wearing cultural headwraps. In Isaacs v. Board of Education of Howard County, Maryland (D.MD. 1999), Shermia Isaacs, an eighth-grade student at a Maryland middle school, wore a multicolored headwrap to school in order to celebrate her African American and Jamaican heritage. Shermia had been wearing her headwrap outside of school for the past

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few years, and her mother and other relatives wear headwraps as part of their daily attire. When the assistant principal saw Shermia wearing the headwrap at school, Shermia was taken to the office and asked to remove it because it was in violation of the school’s “no hats” policy. Even after several meetings with the student’s mother, the school refused to allow Shermia to attend class wearing the headwrap. After missing several days of school, Shermia returned and finished the school year without wearing the headwrap to class, and initiated a lawsuit contending that the “no hats” policy violated her constitutional right to free speech. The United States District Court for the District of Maryland ruled that the right to wear an ethnic head covering was not a liberty guaranteed by the First Amendment or a right to be secure in her person under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. The court reasoned that the state’s legitimate interest in the adoption of a “no hats rule” outweighed the student’s interests to wear her headwrap. Although none of the following concerns were raised in the case, the court summarily reasoned that a head covering could potentially cause “a conflict in the hallways, obscure the teacher’s view, obscure (other) students’ view of the blackboard, allow students to hide contraband, and foster a less respectful climate for learning.” The court seemed to determine that the student’s interests were outweighed by a perceived burden to administrators, that it would be too burdensome to “decide on hat-by-hat basis whether particular headgear poses sufficient danger of disruption.” The test applied by the Isaacs court to determine whether the headwrap constituted protected speech under the First Amendment was whether the scarf was intended to convey a particular message, and if so, whether this message would be understood by others. The court reasoned that although the headwrap sends a message that the student celebrates her Jamaican and African heritage, the court did not find that the message would be understood by others. The student was required to finish the school year without her headwrap, but continued to wear it outside of school. Although the Isaacs court determined this case as one of symbolic speech, the court did say that increased protection was possible if additional constitutional rights were invoked, including freedom of religion. The court noted that invoking “hybrid constitutional protections” could possibly exempt religious headgear from the school’s “no hats” policy. Although such a case has not yet been litigated, because government-imposed hijab bans both target freedom of expression in addition to freedom of religion, they are not “neutral” towards religion and should be determined under the hybrid-rights exception. Thus, prohibiting the hijab in the classroom would not be covered under the lower level of review of the Free Exercise Clause as described in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990) because it is not neutral in nature and does not merely incidentally affect religious practices. Rather, because freedom of religion and expression are both involved, such cases should be controlled by the hybrid-rights exception of Smith, as

RELIGIOUS GARB described in Isaacs, and prohibitions restricting the hijab should not be struck down. Teachers who wish to wear religious garb while teaching at public schools may present a constitutional difficulty. To allow publicly paid teachers in religious clothing to teach a captive audience of impressionable children could violate the Establishment Clause’s prohibition against government promotion of religion. To prohibit teachers from wearing religious garb, however, risks violating their right to the free exercise of religion. It would most likely be declared unconstitutional for the government to prohibit conspicuous articles of faith in order to either promote secularism or a national identity. Such an interest would likely be declared unconstitutional under Pierce v. Society of the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary (U.S. 1925), which strongly rejected a state interest in ensuring homogeneity of American children through the public schools. In Pierce, the U.S. Supreme Court held, “The fundamental theory of liberty upon which all governments in this Union repose excludes any general power of the state to standardize its children[.]” If the government were to assert an interest based on an opposition to Islamic fundamentalism, that interest may be construed as unlawful religious discrimination, which would be declared unconstitutional as well. Nonetheless, some prohibitions against religious garb have been upheld often on Establishment Clause grounds. Currently, three states have statutes prohibiting teachers from wearing religious garb in public school classrooms: Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Nebraska. Until 1998, North Dakota also had a similar statute. The North Dakota legislature, however, repealed this statute because of potential Free Exercise violations. The Nebraska statute has criminal sanctions for teachers wearing religious garb. Although all of the anti-religious garb statutes are facially neutral among religions, their legislative history seems to suggest a discriminatory motivation for their enactment, especially when they impose criminal penalties. These statutes were first enacted in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries due to anti-Catholic bigotry, but are sometimes invoked to discriminate against adherents of other minority religions, including Islam. The Oregon statute states that “no teacher in any public school shall wear any religious dress while engaged in the performance of duties as a teacher.” It further states that any teacher in violation of these provisions, “shall be suspended from employment from the district school board and the board then shall report the action to the Superintendent who shall revoke the teacher’s teaching certificate.” In Cooper v. Eugene School District No. 4 J (Ore. 1986), the Oregon Supreme Court upheld the statute, which the school district applied to revoke a Sikh teacher’s teaching certificate because she wore a turban. Janet Cooper was a public school teacher who converted to Sikhism and began to wear a white turban and white clothes while teaching her sixth and eighth grade classes. She was disciplined and

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her teaching license revoked pursuant to the Oregon statute. The court found that the purpose of the statute was to maintain state neutrality, that the state’s purpose was legitimate, and that the statute neither violated the guarantee of religious freedom in Oregon’s Constitution nor the First Amendment. As its rationale, the Cooper court explained that in order to be valid, the statute “must be justified by a determination that the religious dress necessarily contravenes the wearer’s role or function at the time and place beyond any realistic means of accommodation.” There usually must be some type of sectarian teaching occurring in the classroom in order to prohibit the religious clothing, but the court determined that prohibiting religious garb was permissible to avoid the impression that the school approved or shared the religious beliefs of the teacher, even though wearing religious garb in the classroom does not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The Cooper court said that it would not be permissible to terminate a teacher for wearing an unobtrusive religious symbol such as a cross on a necklace or for occasionally wearing religious clothes. The court, however, found that impermissible religious dress is something “beyond the choice to wear common decorations that a person might draw from a religious heritage, such as a necklace with a small cross or Star of David,” even though the apparent need for neutrality in schools is “most obvious when the teacher represents the community’s dominant religion.” Only when a teacher’s overt and repeated display of religious garb or symbols might convey the message of school approval or endorsement does the court authorize dismissal. This holding is controversial. For example, one might ask whether children indeed will perceive the wearing of a turban or yarmulke by a teacher as an endorsement by the school of the religious belief of the teacher. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear Cooper on appeal. Pennsylvania’s religious garb statute was enacted in 1895 at a time of intense anti-Catholic sentiment, and was enacted in opposition to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court decision of Hysong v. Gallitzin Borough School District (Pa. 1894). In Hysong, the court held that the wearing of traditional religious habits by Catholic nuns teaching in public schools did not constitute sectarian teaching unless the nuns conveyed religious instruction during school hours. The Pennsylvania statute prohibits teachers from wearing religious garb while teaching, and states that: “No teacher in any public school shall wear in said school or while engaged in the performance of his duty as such teacher any dress, mark, emblem or insignia indicating the fact that such teacher is a member or adherent of any religious order, sect or denomination. Violations of the provision may result in suspension from employment for one year, and a five-year suspension upon a second violation. Those who violate the statute may also be guilty of a misdemeanor and fined. The statute’s legislative history yields the justification that it is important that all appearances of sectarianism should be avoided in the administration of public schools of this Commonwealth.”

RELIGIOUS GARB The Third Circuit, in United States v. Board of Education for the School District of Philadelphia (3rd Cir. 1990), upheld the Pennsylvania religious garb statute after it was challenged by a Muslim teacher who was terminated for wearing a Muslim hijab. Alima Delores Reardon had been working as a substitute and full-time teacher in the Philadelphia School District when in 1982, she adopted the hijab, which is required in her faith. Reardon taught in her hijab for two years without any complaint. It was not until late 1984 that Reardon was informed that state law prohibited her from teaching in her religious attire. Reardon was then rejected three times when reporting for duty as a substitute because she wore a hijab. Reardon filed a complaint under Title VII, but the Third Circuit held that Title VII does not protect a public school teacher from being fired for wearing religious clothing. The court believed that accommodating Reardon in her religious practices would be an undue hardship on the employer. The court dismissed the plaintiff’s arguments that since the religious statute explicitly discriminates against some practices because they are religious, the more stringent bona fide occupational qualification exception should apply. The court rejected this argument as contrary to the plain meaning of Title VII. Relying heavily on Cooper, the court said that because the statute legitimately helped promote a compelling state interest in maintaining an appearance of neutrality in the classroom, the hijab was not permitted in the classroom. The court, however, also admitted that children would rarely be “sufficiently knowledgeable to recognize which religion” the “sufficiently unusual” garb belonged to, except for some Muslim children who might recognize that Reardon’s attire is associated with Islam. Although the Third Circuit acknowledged that the Cooper court held that wearing religious garb in the classroom did not violate the Establishment Clause, because more is needed to constitute “forbidden sectarian influence in the classroom,” the court did not rule on this issue because an Establishment Clause claim was not asserted. Nevertheless, the court prohibited Reardon from teaching while wearing the hijab because of state neutrality concerns. Thus, like Cooper, the court rejected Reardon’s right to wear the hijab even though it did not find that accommodating her religion would violate the Establishment Clause. The School District of Philadelphia decision was narrowed by EEOC v. Reads, Inc. (E.D. Penn. 1991), which held that “colorful headscarves” were not “religious garb” under Pennsylvania statute, because they are not obviously religious. In Reads, Inc., Cynthia Moore was interviewing for a position as a third-grade counselor when her interviewer noticed her head covering and “suspected” that she was Muslim. When the interviewer asked Moore how she would respond if students asked her about her head covering, she responded that she would answer that it was a matter of personal choice. Like the other religious garb cases, there was no evidence presented in Reads, Inc. indicating that Moore’s hijab would in any way interfere with her teaching or have any influence on the children.

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The court in Reads, Inc. recognized that the term “religious garb” had not been sufficiently defined. Thus, the court discussed different categories of religious garb into several categories and the differing legal implications of these categories: (1) facially religious garb worn for religious reasons; (2) garb worn for religious purposes that are perceived to be religious; and (3) religious garb that is not recognized as religious. The court determined that this third category would not constitute “religious garb” for purposes of the statute. Thus, in order to prevail in court and be permitted to wear the hijab in the Philadelphia school district, Moore must argue that her hijab was not “religious garb” and that she wore it in “an attempt to accommodate” her religion, not practice her religion. She essentially was required to prove that her hijab was inadequate for her religion and would not sufficiently identify her as a Muslim. The court then concluded that Moore’s hijab was not religious garb because it did not necessarily identify the religion she practiced. According to Reads, Inc., in order to maintain religious neutrality and determine whether a teacher’s clothing constitutes “religious garb,” the inquiry is based on how the clothing is perceived by others, not the teacher’s reasons for wearing the hijab. The court made arbitrary distinctions between individual styles of hijab by suggesting that colorful hijabs would likely be permissible because they stereotypically look less Muslim. Although there are different concerns at stake, this reasoning also contradicts the court’s reasoning in Isaacs, where the court denied a student the right to wear a cultural headwrap to school because her peers may not understand that she is celebrating her Jamaican and African heritage. In order for a teacher to be permitted to wear the hijab, then, the hijab must “not appear” to be religious. If the case involves a student, the religious or cultural significance must be understood by the students. In 2003, the same court, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, provided that dress codes prohibiting crosses or Stars of David in the classroom are unconstitutional because they violate the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause and there is no compelling state interest sufficient to require their removal. Critics of the court’s decision asserted that the court’s jurisprudence allowed some religious groups to wear religious items that are unquestionably religious, while Muslims are not unless the item conceals the fact that they are Muslim. Employment issues surrounding the hijab have emerged in several settings. Not only do many Muslim women face obstacles when seeking employment, but there are also challenges within the employment setting. Such issues have emerged in a wide variety of occupations including law enforcement, private security, fire fighting, retail, and office settings. In Wiley v. Pless Security, Inc. (N.D.Ga. 2006), a Muslim woman wearing the hijab was employed as a security guard at the Georgia Department of Revenue. Wiley quit after the Department of Revenue prohibited the wearing of headgear for uniformed security guards and told Wiley that they would demote and transfer

RELIGIOUS GARB her to another location because she wore her hijab. The Department of Revenue reasoned that Wiley’s “turban disturbed the people at the Department of Revenue.” Wiley filed a discrimination claim based on religion under Title VII. The United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia ruled for the defendant on two bases. First, the court stated that it was “hesitant to impute discriminatory animus to statements made in the course of attempts to accommodate an employee’s religious practice.” These “accommodations” the court referred to consisted of demotion and transferring the plaintiff to another location. Second, the court held that because the plaintiff resigned, she could not prove an adverse employment action, despite the threatened demotion if she continued to wear the hijab. Critics of the Wiley decision argued that the court failed to recognize that demoting and transferring the plaintiff to another location because of the biases of other employees at the Department of Revenue is not an accommodation of religious practices. This is an adverse action made on the basis of religion and is just the type of “motivating factor” that Title VII seeks to prohibit. The defendants also could not show that the removal of the hijab was a business necessity; there was no evidence indicating that Wiley’s hijab affected her ability to do her job or imposed any cost, let alone an unreasonable cost, to the employer. A similar case occurred regarding a police officer’s right to wear the hijab while in uniform. In August of 2003, a Muslim police officer, Kimberlie Webb, faced dismissal for wearing her hijab while on duty as a police officer in Philadelphia. The recently divorced mother of six had worked for the police force for eight years before converting to Islam. Webb began wearing the hijab outside of work only, because when she discussed her desire to wear the hijab at work in 1998, her supervisor immediately dismissed the issue. On February 11, 2003, Webb sent a memorandum to her commanding officer requesting permission to wear the hijab while in uniform pursuant to her religious beliefs. The captain denied her request citing Philadelphia Police Department Directive 78, which describes police uniforms. Webb did not act on the issue for about six months, but on August 12, 2003, she reported to work wearing her hijab and the lieutenant on duty asked her to remove it, a request that Webb refused. She was then reprimanded and sent home without pay until she agreed to remove her hijab while at work. Webb returned to work the following two days wearing the hijab, and when she refused to remove it, she was again sent home. Thereafter, she returned to work without wearing her hijab, but faced disciplinary charges for insubordination and neglect of duty for refusal to remove her hijab on August 13 and 14, 2003. The disciplinary charges against Webb resulted in her suspension from work for thirteen days. Webb filed a charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and subsequently a lawsuit alleging religious discrimination under Title VII and retaliation. In order to establish a prima facie case of religious discrimination, Webb demonstrated that: “(1) she holds a sincere religious belief

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that conflicts with a job requirement; (2) she informed her employer of the conflict; and (3) she was disciplined for failing to comply with the conflicting requirement.” The burden then shifted to the city to show it “made good faith efforts to accommodate, or that the requested accommodation would work an undue hardship.” The City conceded that it offered no reasonable accommodation, but argued that the police department would suffer undue hardship if it were required to accommodate Webb’s religious beliefs. In Webb v. City of Philadelphia (E.D.Penn. 2007), the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania held that the City demonstrated a compelling non-discriminatory reason and would suffer undue hardship if required to accommodate Webb by allowing her to wear her hijab with her uniform. The court reasoned that Directive 78 “promotes the need for uniformity,” and “enhances cohesiveness, cooperation, and the esprit de corps of the police force,” yet the court did not indicate just how Webb’s hijab would hinder these goals. In addition, the court explained that “prohibiting religious symbols and attire helps to prevent any divisiveness on the basis of religion both within the force itself and when it encounters the diverse population of Philadelphia” because it promotes “religious neutrality.” However, this reasoning rests on the unsupported assumptions that diversity in the police force will automatically lead to conflict and that prohibiting the religious practices of minority religions would promote neutrality, rather than hinder it. The court cited United States v. Board of Education (3rd Cir. 1990), which held that a Muslim teacher could not wear the hijab under Pennsylvania’s Garb Statute. The court also reasoned that the case was distinguishable from Fraternal Order of Police v. City of Newark (3rd Cir. 1999), where the court held that a policy prohibiting the wearing of beards for religious reasons violated the Free Exercise Clause. The court distinguished that case because, unlike the policy in Fraternal Order of Police, which made secular exceptions to uniform and grooming standards and therefore had to permit religious exceptions for men with beards, Directive 78 made no official secular exceptions, even though it made unofficial religious exceptions where other police officers in Webb wore crosses on their lapels and religious necklaces with their uniforms without discipline. The court explained that because Webb could not show that supervisors condoned or were aware of the unofficial religious exceptions, the City’s motion for summary judgment was granted. There are cases, however, such as that of Stacy Tobing, a Montgomery County, Maryland, firefighter and paramedic, which represent a successful religious accommodation representing the hijab. Her employer, the Montgomery County Fire and Rescue Service placed Tobing on administrative leave, after she began to wear the hijab to work. Tobing’s supervisors cited safety concerns for the hijab restrictions, fearing that in an emergency or fire, someone might pull off her hijab. Acknowledging that these were valid and important concerns, Tobing had already shown her supervisors a special hijab with Velcro that ripped away when pulled

RELIGIOUS GARB and demonstrated that she could take her scarf off in seconds if necessary. She was willing to make the exception for emergency purposes. After being placed on administrative leave, Tobing sought assistance from the Council on AmericanIslamic Relations (CAIR), a Muslim civil rights group, and proposed a fireretardant hood. Tobing’s supervisors finally agreed that she could wear a navy blue or white hijab while on duty, and could replace it with a fire-retardant hood and helmet in the event of a fire. This case, resolved in 2001, demonstrates that it is possible to find creative solutions that meet the concerns of both parties without hindering religious practice. Another scenario involves department store clothing preferences. In Mohammed v. May Department Stores (D.Del. 2003), an applicant for a sales position filed a lawsuit against the department store for refusal to hire on the basis of religion. Najat Mohammed, a United States citizen, was interviewed for a full-time sales associate position with the defendant when she was asked if she could remove her scarf during an interview. When Mohammed explained that she wore the hijab for religious reasons, she was asked to return the next day for an interview with the defendant’s human resource manager. The next day, Mohammed was told by the human resource manager that wearing a scarf violated the store’s dress code policy and was a safety hazard. The defendant did not hire Mohammed. She thereafter filed a charge with the Delaware Department of Labor (DDOL) and the EEOC on November 2, 1999. The EEOC then filed an action against the defendant. After September 11, 2001, Mohammed returned to Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, May Department Stores demanded to depose her. The EEOC requested a telephonic deposition because of the difficulty of traveling back to the United States due to Saudi cultural limitations and restrictions imposed upon Mohammed, but the defendant refused. The EEOC then attempted settlement discussions and agreed to waive the claim in order to recover its costs and stipulated to a dismissal with prejudice because they could not guarantee that Mohammed would appear at her deposition on April 17, 2002. Mohammed arrived back in the United States on April 18, 2002, but was no longer permitted to continue her action. She then filed an action in court contending that the EEOC did not adequately represent her interests and that she was not in privity with the EEOC because she was not in control of the litigation. However, Mohammed’s action was dismissed by the United States District Court for the District of Delaware on the basis of res judicata. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits employment discrimination, including on the basis of religion, for both public and private employers. Title VII states: It is an unlawful employment practice for an employer to: (1) fail or refuse to hire or discharge any individual, or otherwise discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; or

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(2) limit, segregate, or classify his employees or applicants for employment in any way that would deprive or tend to deprive any individual of employment opportunities or otherwise adversely affect his status as an employee, because of the individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.

Title VII is violated if the plaintiff can prove that he or she falls within a protected category, including religion, and that the protected category was used as a “motivating factor” in an adverse employment practice, even if other factors were considered. There are limited exceptions where distinctions based on the protected categories are permissible. For example, employers are permitted to make distinctions between candidates if there is a “bona fide occupational qualification” that is reasonably necessary for the position. Title VII requires employers to accommodate religious practices. Title VII defines “religion” as including “all aspects of religious observance and practice, as well as belief, unless the employer demonstrates that he is unable to reasonably accommodate to an employee’s or prospective employee’s religious observance or practice without undue hardship on the conduct of the employer’s business.” Thus, the law requires employers to make reasonable accommodations for religious practices that do not impose more than de minimis costs on the employer. The next context in which religious garb is an issue is in the context of court proceedings. With the exception of cases involving brief security checks or highly unusual religious claims, courts usually hold that parties to cases have a constitutional right to wear religious garb in court proceedings. The rights of attorneys or witnesses to wear religious clothing in court proceedings are more problematic because of concerns of prejudice. Courts have often addressed these issues in the context of the rights of priests to appear in clerical collars in the courtroom. Vincent LaRocca, a Roman Catholic priest and a lawyer in New York, had sought to wear his clerical collar in court. A lower court decision prohibited LaRocca from wearing his clerical collar during jury selection and trial. In 1974, the New York State Supreme Court, Criminal Term, reversed this decision [LaRocca v. Lane (NY. 1975)]. Although LaRocca claimed that the lower court decision violated his free exercise rights, the Supreme Court began its opinion by stating that “[t]he lower court’s order presents no complex issue of prevention of free exercise of religion, or of favoring a religion.” Focusing instead on jury bias, the court characterized the issue as follows: [T]he authority of a presiding Judge to determine, as a matter of law, that the outerwear of an attorney, be it a clerical collar, skull cap, crucifix, star of David, or other religious or societal emblem or medallion, distinctive of his faith or belief, will so prejudice the state of mind of a jury panel as is likely to preclude it from rendering an impartial verdict.

Expressing confidence in the effectiveness of voir dire, the court concluded:

RELIGIOUS GARB If the outward clerical collar or other symbol denoting religious faith and integrity be barred, then what test other than voir dire may be applied to a trial counsel in a local community who, despite the normal streetwear, is better known to the residents of the community for his much publicized meritorious work as a church leader and as a man of honesty and integrity? If voir dire is employed in one instance, it should be employed, with equal force, in the other. Voir dire is the very cornerstone of jury selection.

The court continued, relying on a strong faith in the jury as well as a practical view of the effect of religious symbols in modern society. The court insisted: The presence of a clerical collar or a skull cap in our social milieu, in our political and governmental functions, is no unusual phenomenon. The prejudices of the past have been tempered by the involvement of our clergymen in the now open citadels of public life. We cannot nor may we build bars on an evanescent presumption to bias, presumably triggered by the sight of religious trappings. To adopt the view that every jury panel will be biased as a matter of law is to condemn our entire society to bigotry and to deny voir dire its function that has been hallowed by precedent and statute.

The Appellate Division, in a three-to-one 1975 decision, reversed the decision of the Supreme Court. The court balanced LaRocca’s right to exercise his religious practice against the court’s interest in conducting a fair and impartial trial. The court found that LaRocca’s right to the free exercise of his religious beliefs was “subject to reasonable regulation when he appears as an attorney in court to try a case before a jury.” Turning to the issue of securing a fair trial, the court first rejected the presumption that a careful voir dire would eliminate any potential juror prejudice. In any event, the court continued, a fair trial “includes the atmosphere and the appearance of a fair trial.” The court concluded that LaRocca’s attire “would undoubtedly affect the witnesses and the spectators. Witnesses for the prosecution, especially the complaining witnesses, might question whether the scales of justice had not been tipped by [LaRocca’s] presence.” In a dissenting opinion, Justice Shapiro criticized the majority’s balancing test as a departure from the compelling state interest test established in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), thus resulting in insufficient protection of LaRocca’s free exercise rights. Additionally, Justice Shapiro doubted the majority’s “presumption” of juror prejudice and the “implicit . . . rejection of the entire process of voir dire.” The New York State Court of Appeals later affirmed the Appellate Division decision. The court balanced the state’s “paramount duty to insure a fair and impartial trial” against LaRocca’s free exercise rights. In discussing the potential danger to a fair trial, the court presented two alternate scenarios of juror prejudice, which may result from a priest’s wearing a clerical collar when serving as a lawyer. First, due to the respect accorded members of the clergy by much of society, the court found it “understandable . . . that a juror might view differently statements made by a

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member of the clergy . . . and might ascribe a greater measure of veracity and personal commitment to the rightness of his client’s cause.” The court also recognized the existence of religious prejudices in society, which “might spill over from a lawyer-cleric of whatever faith to the client.” Thus, the court found that the lower court decision, ordering LaRocca not to wear his collar in court, protected the rights of both the defendant and the people to a fair trial. In considering the “incidental limitation” on LaRocca’s free exercise rights, the court observed that the requirement that LaRocca wear his collar “is not unconditional.” Despite LaRocca’s claim that he had been “designated” by his bishop to wear the collar in court, the Court of Appeals was not persuaded that such a direction was absolute, or that it should, in any event, outweigh the court’s duty in assuring a fair trial. In his Appellate Division dissenting opinion, Justice Shapiro had criticized the majority opinion for referring to the “minimal effect” of the restriction on LaRocca because he was prevented from wearing his collar only when he tried cases before a jury. According to Justice Shapiro, this approach violated the rule that the state may not determine “what is a cardinal principle and what is a subordinate principle of the petitioner’s religious faith.” Despite holding against LaRocca, however, the Court of Appeals did provide for possible limitations on the scope of its ruling. Because the court’s reasoning focused on a jury’s reaction to the unique clerical status of a priest, the court stated that its decision could be different in cases of “head coverings, nonclerical religious garb, [or] common religious symbols worn by devotees of a faith.” In December 1978, Vincent LaRocca informed the District Attorney that he intended to wear his clerical collar while representing Anna Rodriguez, a witness in grand jury proceedings. The trial court ordered LaRocca not to wear his collar before the grand jury, stating in an oral bench opinion: [T]he very presence in the Grand Jury of Reverend LaRocca attired in priestly garb, and . . . his being referred to as the witness’ counsellor [sic], plus the witness’ act of conferring with, being advised by, and consulting a Roman Catholic priest projects him prominently and unmistakably in the eyes of the Grand Jurors as not merely the witness’ attorney, but as a Roman Catholic priest espousing and defending her testimony.

When Rodriguez was subsequently indicted, LaRocca continued to serve as her attorney, and again sought to wear his collar at trial. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of LaRocca’s right to wear his clerical collar while representing a criminal defendant in front of a jury. The court, departing from the ruling of the Court of Appeals, based its decision on a number of factors, ranging from a careful examination of LaRocca’s religious beliefs to the changing perception of members of the clergy in society. [People v. Rodriguez (NY Sup. Ct. 1979)] The court first acknowledged that LaRocca based his religious practice on the direction of his superiors. Under the Canon Law of the Roman Catholic Church, he was required to wear his collar in a public forum. In addition, LaRocca cited a

RELIGIOUS GARB pronouncement by Pope John Paul II that further supported his claim. Having thus established the religious basis for LaRocca’s claim, the court turned to the issue of whether LaRocca’s wearing clerical garb would prevent a fair trial. The court refused to accept the Court of Appeals decision as stare decisis, emphasizing that times and society had changed. Specifically, the court found outdated the Court of Appeals’ description of the different respect and trust given to members of the clergy by society. The court referred to “the plethora of social, political, and even criminal situations occurring since 1975 . . . in which men and women of the cloth have been primary figures.” Such situations included “almost daily” news reports of “an ever-increasing number of [clergy] members falling into venality, unseemly behavior, and outright criminality.” As a result of these changed circumstances, the court concluded, that denying such an erosion of respect for the clergy, which the court analogized to the erosion of public respect for the legal profession, “is to deny a reality.” Thus, the court felt compelled to reject the factual basis for the Court of Appeals’ decision. Finally, the court balanced the interests in the case. Applying Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963) the court first focused on LaRocca’s religious beliefs. Citing the directives of LaRocca’s church superiors, as well as LaRocca’s own “intense desire to display his religious calling,” the court found that his belief “pervades his daily life,” “has been a part of his existence for a substantial period of years,” and “is tied to the principles and literature of his church.” The court therefore criticized the conclusion that requiring LaRocca to remove his collar would be merely an “incidental burden” on his religious beliefs. Such a finding, the court stated, “would . . . minimize a shared belief with literally thousands and thousands of his co-religionists.” Having found a substantial burden on LaRocca’s beliefs, the court balanced LaRocca’s religious interests against the state’s interest in a fair trial, finding that the state’s interest must be compelling in order to override LaRocca’s free exercise claim. The court remained unconvinced that a fair trial could not be obtained, concluding that “an in-depth and searching voir dire . . . is the traditional and proper vehicle to seek out and eliminate potential bias or prejudice.” LaRocca commenced an action in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York. The court dismissed the action, holding that the state’s interest in regulating LaRocca’s garb pursuant to assuring a fair and impartial trial outweighed LaRocca’s free exercise right to wear his clerical collar. LaRocca then appealed to the Second Circuit of Appeals, which ended LaRocca’s attempt to wear his clerical collar while appearing as an attorney in front of a jury. The court found that LaRocca had already a “full and fair opportunit[y]” to litigate the issue in several state courts, which had resolved the issues against him [LaRocca v. Gold (2nd Cir. 1981)]. Despite the LaRocca case, some courts have allowed priests to wear clerical collars when testifying before juries. For example, in People v. Drucker (NY Crim.

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1979), a criminal defendant sought an order preventing the complaining witness, an Episcopalian priest, from testifying before the jury in his clerical garb. The Criminal Court first distinguished its case from LaRocca, noting that in LaRocca, the Appellate Division had emphasized that a court’s authority to regulate the outward appearance of attorneys may not extend to witnesses. Drawing a further analogy to a police officer who testifies in uniform, the court endorsed the use of careful voir dire and jury instructions to overcome any potential prejudice. As in cases involving the rights of parties to wear religious garb in the courtroom, courts have balanced the free exercise rights of attorneys and witnesses to dress in religious clothing against countervailing interests. Courts have expressed concerns for the potential prejudice that might result if an attorney or witness is allowed to dress in religious garb. Indeed, courts have, at times, found that such a concern outweighed the religious rights of the attorneys or witnesses.

RELIGIOUS HOLIDAYS, GOVERNMENT CELEBRATION OF In 1984, the U.S. Supreme Court approved, 5-4, a municipal “observance of the Christian holiday season” without any constitutional justification. Chief Justice Warren E. Burger’s majority opinion simply stated the conclusion that Americans throughout the United States, in common with “Congress and Presidents” have “taken note of a significant historical religious event long celebrated in the Western World” and that to celebrate Christmas is a “legitimate secular purpose.” The majority expressed concerns with the display of religious symbols. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor said that even though they may have “religious aspects,” public holidays have “cultural significance” and celebrating them is a “legitimate secular purpose.” Critics of this opinion pointed out that both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison refused to proclaim even such secular national holidays as Thanksgiving because they believed that so doing unconstitutionally entangled state and church. While having made no definitive ruling on religious holidays in the schools, the U.S. Supreme Court let stand a lower court decision stating that the recognition of religious holidays may be constitutional if the principle is to provide secular instruction about religious tradition rather than to promote the religion involved. [Florey v. Sioux Falls School District (8th Cir. 1980)] The study of religious holidays may be conducted in public elementary and secondary schools as an approach for teaching about religion. Such study serves the academic goals of educating students about history and cultures, as well as what the traditions are of particular religions in a pluralistic society.

RELIGIOUS HOLIDAYS, GOVERNMENT CELEBRATION OF Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 provides that employers must accommodate the religious observances of employees. They need not accommodate such observances if such accommodation would cause undue hardship, or impose more than de minimis costs. Thus, teachers need not be paid for time not worked due to religious observances. [TWA v. Hardison (U.S. 1977) In considering whether undue hardship exists, courts may consider the actual impact on other employees, such as their right under a contractual provision. [Estate of Thornton v. Caldor (U.S. 1985)] The U.S. Supreme Court substantially narrowed the scope of mandated accommodation of religious observance. An employer may now offer an employee any reasonable accommodation even though other available means of accommodation may be less onerous to the employee. Leave without pay was specifically approved as an accessible means of accommodation. However, if an employer allows employees “personal days, which they may use as they see fit, the employer may not prohibit their use for religiously motivated absences. [Ansonia Board of Education v. Philbrook (U.S. 1986)] In Philbrook, a teacher was absent for approximately six school days per year because his religion, Worldwide Church of God, requested him to refrain from secular employment during the designated holidays. Under the collective bargaining agreement between the school board and teachers union, teachers were permitted to use three days leave each year for observance of religious holidays; but were not permitted to use any accumulated sick leave or personal leave for religious holidays. The teacher repeatedly requested the school board to accommodate his religious observance. The board consistently rejected his proposals. The teacher then filed suit, alleging the board had violated Title VII’s prohibition against religious discrimination. The court held under Title VII that a school board must provide reasonable accommodation of an employee’s religious beliefs if it does not cause a hardship to the school district. But where there is more than one reasonable accommodation possible, the board does not have to provide the employee’s proposed alternative. The alternative of unpaid leave is a reasonable accommodation if personal or other personal or other paid leave is accorded without discrimination against the plaintiff’s religious preferences. Two states have held that it is unconstitutional for a collective bargaining unit to treat Good Friday as a holiday with pay. [CSEA v. Sequoia Union High School District (Cal. 1977)] Jewish teachers have fought to have time off with pay for Rosh Hosanna or Yom Kippur on the theory that Christian teachers do not have to take time off without pay to observe church on Good Friday, since these days were included in the spring or winter recesses. This effort was rejected. [Pinkser v. Joint School District # 28J (10th Cir. 1984)]

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RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS Although prayers and Bible reading had been common in American schools from the beginning of public education in America, sectarian religious instruction became uncommon in public schools by the early twentieth century. The practice was prohibited, generally as a violation of state constitutional provisions prohibiting the use of public funds for sectarian instruction. Religious instruction was removed from the curriculum in order to maximize attendance at public schools, and to protect minority rights. In Board of Education v. Minor (Ohio 1872), for example, the Ohio supreme court addressed a dispute that arose out of complaints by Catholics over religious instruction and Bible reading in Cincinnati’s public schools. Catholics objected especially to the compelled instruction in the King James Bible. The Cincinnati school board responded by prohibiting further religious activity in that city’s schools, but the trial court ordered the school board to resume the religious instruction. The Ohio Supreme Court disagreed and concluded that the constitution required the schools to end this religious instruction. In the early twentieth century, the weekday Sunday-school movement pressed school districts to allow the various denominations to provide voluntary religious instruction either outside the school or on the school premises. The U.S. Supreme Court continues to completely prohibit states from requiring or permitting religious exercises in public schools. In McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948), the U.S. Supreme Court held that teaching by religious organizations offering 30 minutes a week of religious instruction in public schools during school hours was unconstitutional. Some groups over the years have introduced teaching moral or spiritual values as substitute for religious instruction in public schools. During the 1970s, the study of religions in schools was becoming increasingly common in Western countries, most noticeably in those with statutory provision for religious education, such as in the United Kingdom. In the United States, the decision in Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963) expressly allowed “teaching about religion” in public schools. Because, however, this part of the decision is less widely known than the decision forbidding prayer and devotional reading of the Bible, few schools include the study of religions. Several attempts have been made to change this situation through teacher education programs, and the distribution of curriculum materials.

RELIGIOUS LAND USE AND INSTITUTIONALIZED PERSONS ACT (RLUIPA)

RELIGIOUS LAND USE AND INSTITUTIONALIZED PERSONS ACT (RLUIPA) The U.S. Supreme Court in City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997) struck down the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) on the basis that Congress had exceeded its constitutional powers under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, which provides that “the Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.” “Congress erred in writing the RFRA in two ways,” wrote Justice Anthony Kennedy. First, congressional power is “limited to remedial or preventive legislation,” in other words, “legislation which deters or remedies constitutional violations.” The RFRA went beyond this. Second, and of greater importance, the RFRA violated the separation of powers doctrine, with Congress effectively altering the Court’s standards for interpreting the Fourteenth Amendment. After Boerne, several religious organizations immediately went to Congress to seek redress. The political context was, however, more complicated than it had been after Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). Decisions rendered the RFRA, including some that had suggested that religiously motivated discrimination might be exempt from civil rights law, had alarmed some religious organizations. Moreover, the Court’s decision in Boerne made clear that any new statute would have to be carefully crafted in order to withstand judicial scrutiny. After three years of hearings, Congress enacted the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 (RLUIPA). The statute again sought to apply the compelling state interest test to state and local government action burdening religious exercise, but only in two areas: restrictions on religious exercise by prisoners and other institutionalized persons, and restrictions on land use (the “institutionalized persons” component of this statute survived constitutional scrutiny in Cutter v. Wilkinson (U.S. 2005). “Institutionalized persons” and “land use” bear no conceptual relation to one another, but the combination made sense considering RFRA’s political history. Though testimony in congressional hearings about RFRA focused on things like, for example, how state coroners performed unwanted and unnecessary autopsies on Hmong immigrants in disregard of religiously motivated objections from relatives. Such events, however, were rare in practice. Disputes on zoning and prisoner rights comprised the bulk of cases litigated under the RFRA. In order to avoid the “enumerated powers” objection that resulted in RFRA being declared unconstitutional, Congress relied not on Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendments, but on the Commerce Clause and Spending Clause (constitutional provisions which in the past had been used to expand the scope of congressional power). RLUIPA’s sponsors sought to circumvent the Boerne decision by compiling evidence that prisoners and religiously motivated landowners were targets of discrimination that frequently went unredressed by the

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courts. Hence, they claimed, RLUIPA really was an effort to redress exactly the types of free exercise harms that the U.S. Supreme Court recognized in Smith and the Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah (U.S. 1993), namely, discrimination on the basis of religion. RLUIPA was necessary, they argued, to remedy discrimination that was difficult to prove in court and would accordingly go unredressed without legislative intervention. RLUIPA provided in part that: “No government shall impose a substantial burden on the religious exercise of a person residing in or confined to an institution” unless the burden advanced “a compelling government interest” and did so by “the least restrictive means.” This, in effect, restated the purpose of the RFRA. However, where the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the RFRA in Boerne, it unanimously upheld RLUIPA in Cutter. In the case of prisoners, courts are reluctant to challenge the judgments of prison wardens, who are predictably unsympathetic to requests from prisoners for special accommodations. The Court’s opinion in Cutter, which rejected an Establishment Clause challenge to the “institutionalized persons” component of RFRA, recited compelling examples (from the congressional hearings) of prison policies that were clearly inconsistent with the demands of equal liberty (such as the Michigan policy that permitted prisoners to light votive candles but prohibited them from lighting Hanukkah candles).

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY The United States Constitution protects religious liberty under three provisions: the prohibition against religious tests for public office contained in Article IV and the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment. Religious liberty has often been called America’s “first freedom, because it is the first right listed in the First Amendment. James Madison stated succinctly that “conscience is the most sacred of all property.” Because the Establishment Clause is selfexecuting and involved mostly with issues of government aid, endorsement, or sponsorship of religious activities, most constitutional litigation over religious liberty has taken place under the Free Exercise Clause. Religious liberty, as enshrined by the U.S. Constitution, is an idea indigenous to the North American experiment in government that became the United States. When the English colonies were established in America, Great Britain had a state church and did not tolerate dissent. Under King James I those who rejected the Anglican Church were imprisoned and even killed. Contrary to popular impressions, neither the Puritans of Massachusetts nor the Anglicans in Virginia intended to deviate from the pattern of an established Christian church that they imported to the colonies. In some form or another all

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY the colonies except Rhode Island had an established religion, some more stringently enforced than others. With several forms of establishment functioning in the eighteenth century, a type of religious “tolerance” emerged by the time of the American Revolution. In 1786 James Madison guided Jefferson’s religious freedom bill through the Virginia legislature, with his revised language, calling for the “free exercise of religion.” Thus, the aspiration of a free conscience in a free state became part of the American ideal. Madison would later help make the “free exercise” language a part of the Bill of Rights, as passed by the First U.S. Congress in 1789. James Madison, in his Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, explained that religious liberty is a right that belongs to all people. He wrote that it is a “fundamental and undeniable truth “that Religion or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only reason and conviction, not by force or violence. The Religion then of every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every man; and it is the right of every man to exercise it as these may dictate.” Originally, the First Amendment applied only to the federal government, and not to the states. In the nineteenth century only one significant U.S. Supreme Court case arose—Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879). The case originated out of the territory of Utah, which was then under the direct authority of Congress, which had outlawed polygamy. Although admitting that the statute burdened the free exercise of the Mormon religion that allowed for multiple wives under the doctrine of plural marriage, the Supreme Court invoked a test of compelling state interest and upheld the legislation in order to safeguard the institution of marriage. After the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868, the Supreme Court began to apply the Bill of Rights to state government. Under the incorporation doctrine, the Court made all state and local laws subject to federal judicial review in matters of constitutionality. [Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940); Palko v. Connecticut (U.S. 1937)] In late 20th century, there have been two general conceptions of the protections afforded by the Free Exercise Clause. The broad conception, which prevailed in the U.S. Supreme Court from 1963 (and arguably earlier) until 1990, held that no law or government practice could be allowed to burden the free exercise of religion unless it was the least restrictive means of achieving a governmental purpose of the highest order. This is referred to as a “compelling” governmental purpose. A narrower view was adopted by a five-to-four vote of the Supreme Court in 1990 in the case of Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). This case holds that the Free Exercise Clause prohibits only those laws that are specifically directed at religious practices. The classic statement of the broad view is found in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963). In that case the Supreme Court required the state of South Carolina to pay unemployment compensation benefits to a Seventh-day Adventist, not

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withstanding her refusal to accept available jobs that would have required her to work on Saturday, her Sabbath. According to the Court, denial of benefits amounted to a fine for following the tenets of her religion. Since Sherbert, the Court has required states to pay unemployment compensation to a Jehovah’s Witness who refused to work on armaments in Thomas v. Indiana Review Board (U.S. 1981), to a convert to the Seventh-day Adventist Church who refused to work on the Sabbath in Hobbie v. Unemployment Appeals Commission (U.S. 1987); and to a Christian who would not work on Sunday in Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security (U.S. 1989). In Frazee, the Court unanimously held that the claimant was entitled to benefits, even though his belief was not mandated by the particular religious denomination of which he was a member. The decision thus confirmed that the right of religious liberty extends to all sincerely held religious convictions and not just to those of established denominations. In the years immediately following Sherbert, the Supreme Court extended free exercise protection to other conflicts between religious conscience and secular law, including compulsory education beyond the eighth grade in Wisconsin v. Yoder (U.S. 1972), and jury duty in In re Jenison (U.S. 1963). After 1972, however, the Court rejected every claim for a free exercise exemption from a facially neutral law, outside the narrow context of unemployment compensation. Especially important examples included Goldman v. Weinberger (U.S. 1986), in which the Court upheld an air force uniform requirement that prevented an Orthodox Jew from wearing his skullcap (yarmulke) while on duty indoors; Tony and Susan Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor (U.S. 1985), in which the Court upheld imposition of minimum wage laws on a religious community in which the members worked for no pay; and Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association (U.S. 1988), in which the court allowed construction of a logging road through national forest lands that were sacred to certain northern California Indian tribes, even though the road would “virtually destroy the Indians’ ability to practice their religion.” In each of these cases, the Court either held that the “compelling interest” test of Sherbert had been satisfied or that there were special circumstances making that test inappropriate to the particular case. Thus, during this period, the formal legal doctrine sounded highly protective of the rights of religious conscience, but in practice, the government almost always prevailed. In 1990 the Court abandoned the compelling interest test in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), holding that “the right of free exercise does not relieve an individual of the obligation to comply with a ‘valid and neutral law of general applicability on the grounds that the law proscribes (or prescribes) conduct that his religion prescribes (or proscribes).”’ The Smith case involved the sacramental use of peyote by members of the Native American Church. Although 23 states and the federal government specifically exempt Native American Church ceremonies from their drug laws, Oregon did not. The U.S. Supreme

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY Court held that the Free Exercise Clause does not require an exemption under these circumstances. After Smith, the only governmental actions that may be challenged under the Free Exercise Clause are those in which this clause applies “in conjunction with other constitutional protections,” such as cases involving free speech or childbearing, or those in which the law is specifically directed at a religious practice. Thus laws discriminating against religion as such would be subject to constitutional challenge. Such cases are unusual in the United States. One notable example is McDaniel v. Paty (U.S. 1978), which involved a Tennessee law barring members of the clergy from service in the state legislature or a state constitutional convention. Because Tennessee had singled out religious leaders for a special disability, its statute was struck down. Another case of discrimination against religion was Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981), in which a public university attempted to prohibit student religious groups from campus facilities. Widmar, however, was decided under the Freedom of Speech Clause, not the Free Exercise Clause. Except for McDaniel and Widmar, almost every free exercise case to come before the Supreme Court involved an ostensibly neutral law of general applicability, now resolved under Smith without inquiry into the strength of the governmental purpose behind the law. The debate between the broad and narrow readings of the Free Exercise Clause predates the proposal and ratification of the First Amendment from 1789 to 1791. John Locke and Thomas Jefferson both apparently opposed special religious exemptions from laws of general applicability; James Madison favored them, at least in some circumstances. The same issue arose under several of the state constitutions, yielding conflict results. Most of the state constitutions adopted before the First Amendment contained language suggesting a broad reading. Georgia, for example, guaranteed that “all persons whatever shall have the free exercise of their religion; provided it be not repugnant to the peace and safety of the State.” [Georgia Constitution of 1777, Article LVI)] Although it is perilous to draw firm conclusions from abstract legal language, the “peace and safety” provision appears to be unnecessary unless the free exercise guarantees were understood to provide some exceptions from otherwise valid laws. Moreover, in actual practice, conflicts between minority religious tenets and general law in colonial and preconstitutional America were not infrequently resolved by crafting exemptions. Examples included exemptions from oath requirements and military conscription. There is little evidence, however, because eighteenth-century America gave rise to few conflicts between religious and civil dictates. If the narrow reading of the Free Exercise Clause announced in Smith remains in force, it will cause major changes in the constitutional rights both of religious individuals and of institutions. It is not uncommon for minority religious practices to conflict with “generally applicable” rules or regulations, and henceforth, any relief from such conflicts must come from the legislatures. Some religious groups—

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those more numerous or politically powerful—will be able to protect their interests in the political process; some will not. The U.S. Supreme Court commented in Smith that “[i]t may fairly well be said that leaving accommodations to the political process will place at a relative disadvantage those religious practices that are not widely engaged in; but that unavoidable consequence of democratic government must be preferred to a system in which each conscience is a law unto itself.” For several years, some justices maintained that laws or government policies that exempted religious organizations or religiously motivated individuals from laws applied to others were themselves suspect under the Establishment Clause. For example, Justice John Marshall Harlan, in the conscientious objection cases that came before the Court during the Vietnam War, concluded in Welsh v. United States (U.S. 1970) that it would be unconstitutional to recognize religious objection to military service without also recognizing nonreligious conscientious objection. More recently the Court, in Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), struck down state efforts to accommodate the religious needs of some school children for voluntary prayer through an officially declared moment of silence, and in Thornton v. Caldor, Inc. (U.S. 1985), the Court invalidated a statute that required private employers to honor the needs of Sabbath observers in determining days off. In Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. Amos (U.S. 1987), however, the Supreme Court unanimously upheld a federal statute exempting religious organizations from the prohibition on discrimination on the basis of religion in employment. The Court reasoned that it is permissible for the government to remove governmentimposed obstacles to the free exercise of religion, even if, in some sense, this gives preferential treatment to religious organizations. And in Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock (U.S. 1989), when a fragmented Court struck down a Texas law exempting religious magazines from paying sales tax, the plurality was careful to note that benefits conferred exclusively on religious organizations are constitutionally permissible if they “would not impose substantial burdens on non-beneficiaries” or if they “were designed to alleviate government intrusions that might significantly deter adherents of a particular faith from conduct protected by the Free Exercise Clause.” Thus, although individuals or religious bodies can no longer challenge generally applicable government actions under the Free Exercise Clause, the courts have also become more likely to uphold legislation designed to accommodate religious exercise. The principle of religious liberty, while an American ideal, is often said to be in a serious and immediate threat. One overriding problem exists in a liberal democracy: How can religion be treated neutrally? To protect religion, we must define it: We are already entangled.

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PROTECTION ACT

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PROTECTION ACT After the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) was declared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1997 [(City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997)], RFRA supporters sought to draft a bill that could withstand a constitutional challenge. It is known as the Religious Liberty Protection Act (RLPA). In Boerne, the justices struck down the RFRA, concluding that the lawmakers lacked the authority under the Fourteenth Amendment’s Enforcement Clause to grant greater protection to religious groups than provided by the Court’s own precedents. Instead of the Enforcement Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the RLPA was premised on powers inherent in the Constitution’s Commerce and Spending Clauses. The RLPA was motivated by court cases that religious groups believe eroded the free exercise of religion as enunciated in the Bill of Rights. RLPA supporters have sought to legislate stronger protections for religious freedom by developing the standard that prohibits state interference with religious practice unless there is a “compelling government interest.” Also, governments must act in the least restrictive manner in cases involving religious practice. The RLPA was supported by more than 80 organizations from the Christian Coalition to the American Civil Liberties Union. Some Christian groups opposed the legislation, arguing that it inappropriately linked religious liberty with interstate commerce, expanding federal power. The bill, they believed, denigrates religion by associating it with commercial enterprise. The RLPA attempted to codify as much of the RFRA’s protections as possible. It mandated the same “compelling interest” and “least restrictive means” test (also called superstrict scrutiny) in cases in which government substantially burdened religious conduct. In deference to the Supreme Court’s declaration that Congress may not create new constitutional rights against the states, the RLPA was tied not only to the Fourteenth Amendment but also to Congress’s powers to spend and govern commerce. Hence, the RLPA mandated superstrict scrutiny when religious conduct was substantially burdened in cases involving activities receiving government financial assistance or cases involving commerce. In other words, wherever the federal government’s funding goes, and wherever commerce exists, the RLPA would follow. While the U.S. House of Representatives passed the Religious Liberty Protection Act and the Senate has held hearings, both in 1999, but did not vote on the legislation. As of 2008, this legislation has not yet passed Congress and has not been enacted into law.

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RELIGIOUS OATHS A religious oath is calling upon God to witness the truth of a statement. Violating an oath (for example, by perjury in court) or even taking an oath is considered by many religious individuals as a violation of the honor due to God. The federal government may not require anyone to take an oath based on a religious belief as a condition for receiving federal employment, because Article VI of the Constitution prohibits such a requirement. State and local governments are prohibited from requiring such oaths by the Free Exercise Clause. [Torcaso v. Watkins (U.S. 1961)] All members of Congress, all federal judges, the president, all governors, all state judges, and all state legislators are required to take oaths when they assume their offices that they will support, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. This is the first duty that these public officers assume. The importance of the oath is underscored by an understanding that a term of office does not begin until an investiture ceremony has occurred. When, notwithstanding the oaths they have taken, state officials fail to obey the commands of the Constitution, it is the duty of the federal courts to protect the rights of those to whom the public officials have denied them. The first oath prescribed by Congress on June 1, 1789 was simply to support the Constitution, and it contained no invocation to God. During the Civil War, on July 2, 1789, Congress changed the oath to what was called the “iron-clad oath” and required the affiant to say that he had not borne arms against the United States or given aid or encouragement to hostile force, or held office under hostile authority; and he was made to declare that he would support and defend the Constitution against all enemies, that he took the oath without mental reservation or evasion, and that he would faithfully discharge the duties of the office, “so help me God.” Some states, at one time required a person entering office to express belief in “one God, the creator of the universe, the rewarder of the good and the punisher of the wicked”; or to declare belief in the “divine inspiration” of the Scripture or “faith in God the father and in Jesus Christ, His only Son.” Several states had used “test oaths” to keep Jews, Catholics, Muslims, and atheists from public service. Like all of the other twelve original states, Maryland had discriminated against Jews, Catholics, and Muslims in its qualifications for public service. By the time Torcaso was appointed to serve as a notary public, the sole remaining religious disqualification was a requirement of belief in the existence of a God. As an atheist, Torcaso could not declare a belief in God and was refused his commission. Citing the colonial history of religious test oaths, the Court ruled that Maryland religious test for public office unconstitutionally violates freedom of belief and religion, and therefore, cannot be enforced against Torcaso. Loyalty oaths were common in Europe during the colonial period, and many religious dissenters immigrated to America, at least to avoid such oaths. One of

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION these immigrants was the first Lord Baltimore, George Calvert, a Roman Catholic, who fled both England and the Colony of Virginia to settle in Maryland. It is thus, somewhat ironic that the Torcaso case involves a challenge to a Maryland oath requiring public officeholders to declare a belief in the existence of God. During the efforts to suppress Mormon polygamy in the 19th century, the legislature of the federal territory of Idaho enacted a requirement that all jurors and voters take the following oath, “I am not a bigamist or polygamist . . . I am not a member of any . . . organization . . . which practices bigamy or polygamy . . . I do not . . . in any manner whatever teach, advise, counsel, or encourage any person to commit the crime of bigamy or polygamy.” A prominent Mormon, Samuel Davis, took the oath and was convicted for taking it falsely. In Davis v. Beason (U.S. 1890), the court unanimously sustained the conviction, which had been challenged as a violation both of the ban on religious tests in Article VI and of the religion clause of the First Amendment.

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION In the law, the word “religion” is considered to be a term of art.” one incapable of an exact legal meaning. A religious organization is defined by federal and state statutes, which vary by state. The definition could also differ according to the exemptions they offer. For example, one state defines a religious organization for health insurance purposes as is defined as an entity that is established exclusively for religious purposes and has obtained nonprofit status. Another state defines a religious organization as a church, synagogue, or other organization or association that is organized primarily for religious purposes. Further, the definition of “religious organization” could differ according to the context. The term could mean one thing regarding the qualifications for tax-exempt status, and, another for restrictions against lobbying. The term religious organization is broader than the term church. Churches are undoubtedly religious organizations, but not all organizations whose central purpose is religious are churches. Conventions and associations of churches and the “integrated auxiliaries” of churches are given the same tax treatment as churches, but there are many groups that are closely associated with churches that do not qualify as churches under the Internal Revenue Code. Among these are religious orders, apostolic and missionary groups, religious broadcasting stations and production companies, religious publishing houses, Bible and tract societies, church-run schools, colleges, universities, and seminaries, hospitals, nursing homes, orphanages, homes for unwed mothers, soup kitchens and food pantries, charitable funds for the support of the poor and homeless, fraternal societies, and

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cemeteries. Organizations such as the Young Men’s and Women’s Christian Associations are considered charitable societies. Some federal agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security consider a “bona fide nonprofit religious organization in the United States to mean an organization that, among other things, possesses a current valid determination letter from the IRS showing that it is a tax-exempt religious organization under Title VII. A college of health sciences qualified as a religious institution under Title VII because it was an affiliated institution of a church-affiliated hospital, had direct relationship with the Baptist church, and the college atmosphere was permeated with religious overtones. [EEOC v. Townley Eng’g & Mfg. Co. (9th Cir. 1988)] A Baptist university was considered a “religious educational institution” where the largest single source of funding was the state Baptist Convention, all the university trustees were Baptists, the university reported financially to the Convention and to Baptist State Board of Missions, the university was a member of the Association of Baptist College and Schools, the university charter designated its chief purpose as “the promotion of the Christian Religion throughout the world by maintaining and operating institutions dedicated to the development of Christian character in high scholastic standing,” and both the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and Department of Education recognized the university as a religious educational institution). [Killinger v. Samford Univ. (11th Cir. 1997)] The Third Circuit ruled that a Jewish Community Center was a religious organization because while it lacked financial or administrative ties to a particular synagogue and many of its activities were cultural, rather than religious, its structure and purpose was primarily religious, its articles of incorporation stated that its mission was to enhance and promote Jewish life, identity, and continuity. It hosted Jewish events and observed Jewish holidays. [LeBoon v. Lancaster Jewish Community Center (3rd Cir. 2007)] In reaching the conclusion determining the religious character of an institution, the panel’s majority opinion stated the courts have looked at these factors: whether the entity operates for a profit; whether it produces a secular product; whether the entity’s articles of incorporation or other pertinent documents state a religious purpose; whether it is owned, affiliated with or financial supported by a formally religious entity such as a church or synagogue; whether a formally religious entity participates in the management, for instance, by having representatives on the board of trustees. Whether the entity holds itself out to the public as secular or religious; whether the entity regularly includes prayer or other forms of worship in its activities; whether it includes religious instruction in its curriculum; and, whether members of its own faith make up its membership. The U.S. Supreme Court decided not to review LeBoon, meaning the previous court rulings stand, and that this Jewish Community Center is a religious organization under the Civil Rights Act. The hiring rights of religious organizations have been among the most controversial aspects of the federal Faith-Based and Community Initiative during

RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION the Bush Administration. While the Civil Rights Act allows religious organizations to make employment decisions based on an employee’s faith, Congress has specifically prohibited such religion-based employment practices for all organizations—including religious ones—that accept funds through certain federal programs. Notably, those include Head Start early education funds and grants through the Workforce Investment Act. The Bush administration and its congressional allies had tried to expand religious hiring rights to such programs, but without success. In 2007, the U.S. Justice Department issued an opinion that religious organizations may still apply for exemptions from employment nondiscrimination rules through the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (which was enacted in 1993).

RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION Religious persecution, meaning violence in which the religion of the persecuted or the persecutor is a factor, affects all religious groups. The groups being most intensely persecuted currently are Christians and animists in the Sudan, the Baha´’ı´s in Iran, the Ahmadiyas in Pakistan, Buddhists in Tibet, and the Falun Gong in China. Christians are the most widely persecuted group. There are, however, no groups in the world that do not suffer because of their beliefs. All religions, whether large, such as Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, or Buddhism, or small such as Baha´’ı´, Jehovah’s Witnesses, or Judaism, suffer to some extent. In many cases these attacks come from their own religious groups (such as Sunni Muslims persecuting Shiite Muslims and vice versa). There is an increasing political influence on religion that is associated with increasing religious repression and the enhanced significance of religion. There is an increasing belief that religion is a matter of vital importance to the state, and it cannot be left alone. A laissez-faire policy seems increasingly less tenable to political elites. Religion is increasingly at the cutting edge of government social control. New, esoteric, and minority religious movements are emerging in many parts of the world and often appear to be eliciting strong opposition and various degrees of government persecution. Religious freedom is also not confined to any one area or continent; there are relatively free countries in every continent and of every religious background. Interesting is that South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, South Africa, Botswana, Mali, and Namibia are freer than France or Belgium. In the 1990s, social conservatives pushed hard to elevate religious persecution and international religious freedom in U.S. foreign policy. A number of pragmatic conservatives as well as some international liberals objected to the bills introduced in Congress. These bills called for automatic sanctions against countries engaging

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in, or tolerating, religious persecution. As such, these bills would have created sanctions on such U.S. allies as Saudi Arabia, Israel, Greece, and Pakistan. Only when the bills were weakened so as to give the president considerable discretion in dealing with religious persecution abroad did Congress finally enact legislation. More attention was paid to religious freedom in U.S. foreign policy, and a new office for such was created in the U.S. State Department. There was also concern, however, not to interfere too much with traditional U.S. economic and strategic interests. Some religious conservatives joined secular liberals to obtain more attention to religious freedom and religious persecution, but this was tempered by traditional self-interest in economic and security matters.

RELIGIOUS PLURALISM Religious pluralism refers to the increasingly common experience of living in communities in which several faiths coexist. It also is used to describe one of the theological responses within Christianity to the issues raised by such an experience. Such responses are frequently classified in three ways: Exclusivism stresses the radical uniqueness of Christianity. Inclusivism was adopted by the Second Vatican Council and by Pope John Paul II. It gives primacy to Christianity, but also sees Christ’s saving work as at least partially present in other traditions that have many spiritual values. Pluralism sees each of the great traditions as comparable in value and of probably equal significance. Americans have historically enjoyed considerable freedom of religious belief (or nonbeliever) and worship. Yet their freedom to pursue their religious tenets has been constrained in at least two ways. First, Americans have often been hostile to religious minorities. Adherents of minority religions often felt that if they wanted to gain access to educational opportunities or desirable job or housing, they should hide (or change) their beliefs and denominational memberships, and minimized the expression of distinctive religious practices. Second, American law has long distinguished between religious belief and religious practice. When one’s religious beliefs often have been problematic for one’s daily secular life, then freedom of religion often has been problematic. The freedom to act on the basis of religious beliefs may be narrowly circumscribed by public opinion and the law. Changes in American society over the last several decades may have significantly reduced both the legal and socioeconomic constraints by religious minorities. Not only has prejudice against religious minorities declined, but legal doctrine has been altered as well. Changes in judicial interpretations of the Free Exercise Clause beginning in the 1960s produced a “more generous and accepting spirit” toward the religious practices of minority religions. Furthermore, in a

RELIGIOUS PROTECTION LEGISLATION dramatic break with the past, government has gone beyond simply allowing free exercise (up to a point) to actively intervening in social and economic life to ensure, through the Civil Rights Act, that Americans are not deprived of access to jobs, public accommodations, education, or housing because of the religious prejudices of their fellow citizens. Americans have been dealing with the problem of cultural diversity since colonial times. Some of the solutions that had been developed over time include: “Anglo-conformity,” demanding that all immigrants conform to norms established by the dominant group of English Protestant ancestry; the “meting pot,” in which groups contribute to the creation of a new American culture; and “cultural pluralism,” which views immigrant groups maintaining some communal institutions and traditions within a general pattern of integration into the broader society.

RELIGIOUS PROPERTY Church property may be defined as anything that is possessed by the church as a corporation or as a moral person. Any property, moveable or immovable, owned by a moral personality created by a religious organization, such as a parish or a religious house. For purposes of exemption from taxation, church property is that used principally for religious worship and instruction. [Church of the Holy Faith v. State Tax Commission (N.M. 1935)] The use or relation of property to the purposes and activities of a church organization determines whether or not the property is “church property” and thus entitled to an exemption from taxation. [Petition of the Board of Foreign Missions of Augustana Synods (Minn. 1946)] A nursing home operated by a church-affiliated nonprofit corporation for the sick and aged was not “church property” for purposes of tax exemption, but where the substantial and primary use was for charitable purposes, the facility was taxexempt. [Retirement Ranch, Inc. v. Curry County Valuation Protest Board (N.M. 1976)]

RELIGIOUS PROTECTION LEGISLATION In modern society, religion is a right taken very seriously not only by general members of the population, but also by the nation’s political representatives. Many politicians do not view religion in the abstract or even on a policy level, but instead, make religious traditions and practices part of their own election platforms

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and legislative agendas. The importance of religion has even united members of different political parties. Both Republicans and Democrats seem to be in agreement on the importance of religious rights, and members of both political parties have embraced the issue by enacting legislation that provides more protection to religious exercise than is mandated under the federal Constitution. In addition, both civil libertarians and religious leaders, unlikely bedfellows, have joined together in the endorsement of religious protection legislation. Their union provides another indication of the broad appeal regarding the protection of religious liberties. In order to provide greater protection for religious freedoms in the face of state or federal laws that burden religion, even against laws that appear neutral on their face but have the effect of burdening religion, Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (S. 578, 103rd Cong. [1993]), the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act, and has debated the merits of the Religious Liberty Protection Act (H.R. 4019, 105th Cong. [1998]) for over two years. Both the Religious Freedom Restoration Act and the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (S. 2869, 106th Cong. [2000]) were co-sponsored by Senators Ted Kennedy (D-MA) and Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), politicians usually falling on opposite ends of the political and ideological spectrum. See also, Religious Freedom Restoration Act.

RELIGIOUS PURPOSES Many states offer tax exemptions or incentives to property or organizations that have “religious purposes.” Thus it is often an issue whether a certain activity qualifies as sufficiently “religious” to claim these benefits. Generally speaking, the words “educational, literary, scientific, religious or charitable purposes,” as used in contexts such as a tax exemption statute are to be defined and understood in their broad constitutional sense. [Indianapolis Elks Building Corp. v. State Board of Tax Commissioners (Ind. App. Ct. 1969)] Religion is specifically designated as a tax-exempt purpose by 501( c )(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. Because of the constitutional doctrine of separation of church and state, it may be difficult to advance a direct challenge and organization’s claim to be organized and operated for religious purposes. Thus, the IRS must be careful not to discriminate against any religious organization in the administration of its tax exemptions. The IRS, however, has revoked the exempt status of religious organizations when the organization conferred private benefits on its members, or when the organization did not serve an exclusively religious purpose.

RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS AND LANGUAGE Some theological inspiration or spiritual content does not automatically make an activity with “religious purpose,” fall within the meaning of a statute exempting from zoning regulations the use of land or structure for religious purposes. [Needham Pastoral Counseling Center, Inc. v. Board of Appeals of Needham (Mass. 1990)] Courts have recognized the following as religious purposes for the purpose of state tax exemption statutes: Bible camps [Appeal of Mount Shepherd Methodist Camp (N.C. App. Ct. 1995); In re Worley (N.C. App. Ct. 1989)]; and a cemetery association organized for burial of deceased Roman Catholics. [O’Leary v. Social Security Board (3d Cir. 1946)] However, the courts have not recognized the following as “religious purposes” for the purpose of a state tax exemption statute: a parsonage [Church of the Redeemer v. Axtell (N.J. Super. 1879]; furnishing residential facilities to elderly persons regardless of their religion [Presbyterian Homes v. Division of Tax Appeals (N.J. 1970) and Yakima First Baptist Homes, Inc. v. Gray (Wash. 1973)].

RELIGIOUS SOLICITATION, REGULATION OF Although cases involving the regulation of religious solicitation have generally been decided under the Free Exercise or Free Speech Clauses of the First Amendment, in Larson v. Valente (U.S. 1986), the Supreme Court, considering establishment and free exercise principles, voided a provision in a state charitable solicitation law that required only those religious organizations that received less than half their total contributions from members or affiliated organizations to comply with the registration and reporting sections of the law. Applying strict scrutiny and equal protection principles, the Court held that by distinguishing between older, well-established churches that had strong membership and financial support and newer bodies without a contributing constituency or that may favor public solicitation over general reliance on financial support from the members, the statute granted denominational preference to the former organizations, which was forbidden by the Establishment Clause.

RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS AND LANGUAGE Religion is intertwined with public life in the United States on many different levels. Given America’s religious heritage and history of religion in the United States, it is common to see the occasional government use of religious symbols and language in public areas. Thus, asking for God’s protection and deliverance has been a part of American public life from the Declaration of Independence to the

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present. Indeed, since 1864 all coins of the United States have had imprinted on them the phrase “In God We Trust,” and since 1955 all currency has carried this national motto. On those occasions when the federal courts have considered the use of religious language and images on currency and stamps, they have consistently upheld their use. [Lynch v. Donnelly (U.S. 1984); Abington v. Schempp (U.S. 1963) (Brennan, J., concurring); Aronow v. United States (9th Cir. 1970); Snyder v. Murray City Corp. (10th Cir. 1996)] In the currency cases, the courts concluded that there is no religious coercion inherent in the symbols and that the language is purely ceremonial and not a religious exercise. In Lynch, the U.S. Supreme Court for the first time considered the constitutionality of government use or displays of religious symbols. The Court held that a government owned cre`che or nativity scene could constitutionally be displayed in a public area at Christmas time to acknowledge the nation’s religious traditions. The holding has commonly been interpreted as also requiring that to be permissible, displays of religious symbols must be a part of a larger holiday display that includes secular symbols. In invoking the concept of “ceremonial deism,” Justice Brennan explained that certain types of government religious speech “serves wholly secular purposes such as solemnizing public occasions, or inspiring commitment to meet some national challenge. Although Lynch, addressed a practice common in many communities, the decision is most significant for its development of a new analytical approach for analyzing Establishment Clause challenges, referred to as the “endorsement test.” In Allegheny County, the court revisited the issue of the constitutionality of religious symbols in public holiday displays. The court adopted the “reindeer rule,” by which it was understood that the nativity scene would be deemed acceptable if they were accompanied by secular symbols of the Christian holiday, such as reindeer. In practice, the constitutionality of government sponsored religious symbols had turned on whether these symbols are part of a larger context that includes secular symbols as well. In this decision, Justice O’Connor used the phrase ceremonial deism to explain why certain religious speech by government does not violate the Establishment Clause. More problematic are issues in which religious monuments and symbols are displayed or used on public property. A common problem has been the placing of Christian crosses on public property or the use of a nativity scene as a part of a Christmas display on public property. In the situations in which courts have upheld Christian crosses on public property, the courts have concluded either that the commercial setting of the display negated any religious message of the cross [(Meyer v. Oklahoma City (U.S. 1972)] or that the cross was used in conjunction with an otherwise valid secular purpose, such as a war memorial [(Eugene Sand and Gravel v. City of Eugene (Ore. 1976)]. When courts concluded that such crosses were intended as a religious message, they have disallowed their use. [Fox v. City of Los Angeles (Cal. 1978); ACLU v. Rabun County Chamber of Commerce (U.S. 1981)]

RELIGIOUS TERRORISM The Supreme Court, in analyzing these types of cases, has applied the essential principle of Schempp to contexts in which religious symbols or teachings were at issue. Thus, in Stone v. Graham (U.S. 1980), the Court invalidated a school district practice of displaying the Ten Commandments in classrooms, concluding that such displays lack a secular purpose.

RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS IN PUBLIC PLACES See Holiday Displays

RELIGIOUS TERRORISM The catastrophic events of September 11, 2001, in the United States, which had been called the worst terrorist attack in U.S. history, led to profound changes in American law, the justice system, and society. Osama bin Laden and his organization, al-Qaeda, was the primary suspect behind this attack. The conspiracy led by bin Laden was rooted in Islamic fundamentalism and a hatred of Americans. The primary goal of al-Qaeda and other Islamic extremist groups is to create a panIslamic Caliphate extending through the Middle East and North Africa. To achieve this goal, bin Laden has been working with Islamic extremists to overthrow non-Islamic regimes and to force out westerners and non-Muslims from Islamic countries. Moreover, in 1998, he issued a religious statement (fatwa) saying that all Muslims should kill American citizens—civilian or military—and their allies everywhere. Although terrorism is a form of criminal behavior, it is different from other crimes because terrorists commit their crimes, in most cases, for non-personal reasons using many methods to cover their violent acts. Terrorists call themselves many names, but not “terrorists.” For example, they consider themselves urban guerillas, warriors, fighters for freedom, and saviors. Most nations do not recognize these individuals as such and deal with terrorists as criminals. Terrorists commit their violent acts for many reasons, one of which is committing illegal acts in the name of religion to achieve religious goals. During the last three decades, terrorism motivated by religion has become a worldwide menace. Almost twenty percent of the fifty well-known active terrorist groups are identified as having religion as the important factor in their activities. For these groups, “religion serves as a legitimizing force—conveyed by sacred text or imparted via clerical authorities claiming to speak for the divine.” Exploiting religion to legitimize terrorism is not limited to a single religion. It exists in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The United States has suffered from

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religious-based terrorism through many notable terrorist acts within and outside the country. Terrorist incidents, such as the bombing of the World Trade Center and the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, provide evidence of the problem of religion-motivated terrorism in the United States. Other incidents, such as the attacks against American targets in Africa, Saudi Arabia in 1995 and 1996, and the attacks against Americans in Beirut, Lebanon, in the 1980s, represent evidence for the problem of religious-based terrorism facing Americans outside the United States. Terrorist acts such as bombing office buildings and embassies as well as suicide bombings on busy streets, cost the loss of many more innocent lives than other types of traditional crimes or other types of terrorism. The most important aspect of this type of violence is the fact that the perpetrators believe that they are on a divine mission; that is, they claim that they are executing God’s orders. They look for ways to “please” God according to their religion, and they are not looking for immediate or short-term benefits but for God’s rewards. Religion and terrorism, hence, have a special relationship that must be both appreciated and understood. Terrorism activities worldwide are financially supported through not only the organized systems that teach holy war as the highest calling, but also through the legal, illegal, and often indirect methods financing these systems that sometimes utilize organizations as fronts to mobilize or channel sources and funds, including charities. Charities are involved in the provision of aid to those in need and oblations or charitable offers occur in nearly all religious systems with sacrifice as a furtherance of the custom. Important symbolic acts such as the “blood sacrifice” link acts of violence to religion and terrorism. Suicide terrorism, self-sacrifice, or martyrdom has throughout history been organized and perpetrated by groups with both political and religious motivations. Suicide terrorism is efficient, inexpensive, easily organized, and extremely difficult to protect against, delivering significant damage for little cost. The shocking nature of a suicide attack also attracts public attention. Glorifying the culture of martyrdom benefits the terrorist organization and inspires more people to join the group. Retaliation against suicide attacks, often in the form of collective punishment, further increases the group’s sense of victimization and commitment to adhere to doctrine and policy. The process serves to encourage martyrdom.

RELIGIOUS TESTS The nation’s first law prohibiting religion-based employment discrimination is a provision within the Constitution itself. The original text of the U.S. Constitution prohibits religious tests as a prerequisite to holding public office. Article VI,

RELIGIOUS TESTS Clause 3 states that “[n]o religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.” A similar provision was adopted into the constitutions of most states. Whether targeted at classes of believers or non-believers, the imposition of a religious test or oath is one of the clearest examples of intentional discrimination on religious grounds, because it involves inquiry into the substance of personal religious belief and practice itself. The Constitutional Convention devoted little time considering the prohibition on religious tests. Charles Pinckney of South Carolina introduced the clause on August 20, 1787, and it was committed without discussion or debate to the Committee on Detail. Ten days later, Pinckney reintroduced it on the convention floor. Roger Sherman of Connecticut made the only recorded comment on the proposal, when he said that he believed it to be unnecessary, believing that the prevailing liberty sufficient security against such tests. Despite Sherman’s objections and without revision, and with no factional division, the motion passed unanimously. In the ratification debate, Federalists used the clause prohibiting test oaths to show the constitution granted Congress no power over religion, and moreover, insisted that Congress would stay neutral on the issue of religion. Oliver Ellicott of Connecticut emphasized that, “[a] test in favor of any one denomination of Christians [i.e., Protestants] would be to the last degree absurd in the United States.” Such a test “would incapacitate more than ¾ of the American citizens for any publick office.” Ellsworth concludes that, “the true principle” as that [c]ivil government has no business to meddle wit.” Article VI’s prohibition of religious tests was the only religiously related issue dealt with when the U.S. Constitution was drafted and approved by the Constitutional Convention in 1787. By including the provision, the Constitutional Convention accepted the libertarian principles of Thomas Jefferson’s Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom, as well as its practical judgment that the diversity of religious practice in America made sectarianism unlikely to disrupt the civil order. The clause prohibiting religious tests for office holding represented an important departure with practice of England and most states in the late 18th century. England’s Toleration Act of 1696, which provided toleration for Protestants only, and any Christian who renounced the faith was rendered incapable of holding public office. In the American colonies, only Rhode Island had offices open to all. Pennsylvania, the most liberal of the other colonies, denied citizenship or civil rights to those who refused to “acknowledge the being of a God . . . [who is] the rewarder of the good and punisher of the wicked.” The state required officeholders to swear an oath that they believed the whole of the Bible was divinely inspired. North Carolina denied office to any who would not swear belief in the truth of Protestantism. During the Constitutional Convention, North Carolina and Connecticut voted against the ban, and the Maryland delegation was divided. Maryland was divided,

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due in part to the influence of Luther Martin, the most powerful and outspoken critic of the Constitution in that state. In his antifederal treatise, Genuine Information, which he brought to the Maryland legislature on November 29, 1787, Martin attacked Article VI, sarcastically relating that some delegates were “so unfashionable” as to think an oath undesirable. Martin believed that “in a Christian country, it would be at least decent to hold out some distinction between the professors of Christianity and downright infidelity or paganism.” Dr. Benjamin Rush, the Philadelphia physician and advocate of higher education, stated the objection more broadly in a letter to John Adams. “Many pious people wish the name of the Supreme Being had been introduced somewhere in the new Constitution. Perhaps an acknowledgment may be made of His goodness or of His providence in the proposed Amendments.” That the proffered Constitution was a “pagan” document, or at least insufficiently infused with Christian orthodoxy, was a theme resounding throughout the new nation and accounted for perhaps half of all the popular criticism of the new government’s relationship with religion. Although it is true that Article IV, Clause 3 prohibits religious qualifications for holding public office, this provision merely ensures that positions of authority will be open to all persons, and therefore to the influences of every faith—and of none. Public servants are expected to bring their personal judgments to bear, including judgments as to what is right, or moral, or appropriate. Of course, the views of religious individuals inevitably reflect their religious beliefs. It would be unreasonable to suppose that a public official can check the religious components of his or her convictions at the door before entering government service. In the United States, the Test Clause is the nation’s oldest employment antidiscrimination law. The caselaw on the Test Clause is sparse. [See, for example, Girouard v. United States (U.S. 1946)(relying in part on Test Clause as guide for construing obligation of applicant for naturalization to swear to “defend” United States); Ex parte Garland (U.S. 1866)(distinguishing test oath from other forms of oath taking)] In fact, the two Supreme Court cases to which the Test Clause would most clearly apply are not within its scope, because they involved state statutes. [See McDaniel v. Paty (U.S. 1978), rev’g Paty v. McDaniel (Tenn. 1977) (holding unconstitutional Tennessee constitutional provision excluding members of the clergy from serving as members of the state legislature); Torcaso v. Watkins (U.S. 1961) (holding unconstitutional a state constitutional provision banning the appointments of atheists for public office, “other than a declaration of belief in the existence of God” as applied to state notary public)]. As a result, it is difficult to state definitively whether the Test Clause forms a part of the religious liberty guarantees “incorporated” by the Fourteenth Amendment such that it applies to the states, or whether it stands as a limit on federal power only. In Torcaso Justice Hugo Black’s opinion expressly stated that the Court “[found] it unnecessary to

REYNOLDS V. UNITED STATES consider [the] contention that this provision applies to state as well as federal offices.” Given the large numbers of persons employed at the federal, state, and local levels of government, and the large number of projects funded in whole or in part by government money, the Test Clause is an underappreciated source of relief for those who believe they have been discriminated against because of religion. An inquiry into a regulation’s constitutionality under the Test Clause has several parts. First it must be determined whether a condition to taking office is, in fact, a “religious test.” Second, an inquiry will be made as to whether the “test” is required as a condition of receiving a benefit such as the holding of office. Finally, a court will decide whether the position for which such a test is required is an “office or public trust under the United States” or under the laws of any state. Religious tests required for private employment may be allowed. However, private employers must still comply with Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

RELIGIOUSLY AFFILIATED SCHOOLS, AID TO See Government Aid to Religious Institutions

REYNOLDS V. UNITED STATES (U.S. 1879) This case was the Supreme Court’s first direct pronouncement on the First Amendment’s protection for the free exercise of religion. The Court held that polygamy was a crime, not a religious practice. In this case, George Reynold’s, a member of the Church of Latter-day Saints and a secretary to Brigham Young, challenged the constitutionality of the federal law prohibiting plural marriages in Utah territory, and therefore, was not protected by the Equal Protection Clause. Observing that bigamy and polygamy were considered punishable offenses in every state, the Court found it “impossible to believe that the constitutional guaranty of religious freedom was intended to prohibit legislation in respect to this most important feature of social life.” Reynolds was based on the fact that marriage is a relationship created, regulated, and protected by civil authority, and that the preservation of the monogamous family unit is more important to American society than the unrestrained religious liberty of believers in polygamy. In 1862, responding to national opposition over the Mormon practice of polygamous marriage in the United States, Congress enacted the first of several anti-polygamy statutes. The Morrill Act provided that those who practiced polygamy were criminally liable as polygamists.

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Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879) was decided by the United States Supreme Court in an opinion written by Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite. Justice Steven J. Field concurred, except on the evidence concerning the nature of plural marriage. Waite’s opinion was significant in three different aspects: 1) its treatment of the history of the First Amendment; 2) treatment of the idea of an exemption under the Free Exercise Clause, and 3) its general perspective on marriage and the state. Reynolds is regarded as the first serious Supreme Court consideration of the Free Exercise Clause. The opinion has an early and influential review of the history of the Free Exercise Clause, and included a discussion of the issue in Virginia, and references to Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance and Jefferson’s Statute on Religious Freedom. Chief Justice Waite relied on Jefferson’s work that opinion is free and that “it is true and sound for the rightful jurisprudence of civil government for its officers when principles break out in overt acts against peace and good order.” Congress was authorized to prohibit polygamy, because it was “left free to reach areas that were in violation of social duties or subversive of good order.” Polygamy was clearly such a condition. Polygamy has always been odious among Northern and Western nations of Europe, and until the establishment of the Mormon Church, was exclusively a feature of the life of Asiatic and of African people.” Reynolds is cited in several different areas, including church and state law, for the proposition that there can be no free exercise exemption from a generally valid law. In criminal law, it is discussed in the context of criminal offenses against the family, more accurately, offenses against the monogamous family.

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH The Roman Catholic Church has 1.2 billion members worldwide, making it Christianity’s largest church body. The Catholic Church describes itself as “the visible society founded by Jesus Christ and consisting of members throughout the world who are tied by the same Faith, particularly the same sacraments, and in spiritual matters accept the supreme authority of the Bishop of Rome (the Pope), the successor of St. Peter.” The Pope is assisted by the College of Cardinals. The church is divided into diocese. Each Catholic lives under the jurisdiction of a bishop or archbishop appointed by the Pope. Each diocese is divided into parishes and each parish is directed by a pastor appointed by the bishop. Along with parochial clergy are members of religious orders (who may be priests, monks, or nuns) who engage in a variety of activities under the ultimate direction of the hierarchy. During the 20th century, the Church recast its position vis-a`-vis the state and civil society, avoiding entangling alliances with the state and assuming a

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH constructive and sometimes prophetic democratizing role within civil society. The Catholic Church abandoned its previous claims to political privilege, renounced the theocratic model of political order, and became a powerful proponent of religious liberty and universal human rights. The “development of doctrine,” ratified during the final session of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), was a dramatic example of internal and religious pluralism, which greatly has advanced the cause of ecumenicalism, tolerance, human rights, and peace. The Catholic Church in the United States developed as an immigrant church. Catholic immigrants from Europe faced anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant sentiment in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by nativist Protestants. The flash points included battles over mandatory school prayer and Bible reading at public schools. Catholic immigrants migrated to ethnic enclaves in large cities in the Eastern and Great Lakes regions of the United States. First- and secondgeneration Catholics felt pressured to assimilate American values of religious freedom and church/state separation in order to demonstrate that their primary allegiance was to the United States and not to a foreign state. Overt anti-Catholicism ended after World War II, as anticommunism emerged as the main rational underlying American foreign policy. Prominent American Catholics such as Bishop Fulton Sheen and the journalist William F. Buckley had allied the goals of U.S. foreign policy with the Vatican’s anticommunist position. Further, the economic, educational, and social mobility of American Catholics freed both Catholics and Protestants from the “ghetto mentality” with which earlier generations of American Catholics had been identified. Clearly the association of Roman Catholicism with alien cultures had largely ended by the middle of the 20th century. In 1960, Senator John F. Kennedy (D-MA) became the second Roman Catholic to run for president of the United States. As a Catholic, he was repeatedly called upon to clarify his positions on church-state relations and on his possible relationship with the Vatican if he were elected. Speaking to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12, he strongly reiterated his position on church-state separation and asserted that if ever his duties as president should conflict with his religious obligations as a Catholic, he would resign the presidency. Thus, Kennedy was forced, by virtue of his religious affiliation, to defend his candidacy against a charge of divided loyalty. Yet despite his repeated and eloquent statements in this regard, the religious issue was an important issue in the presidential election that year. Despite the fact that the election of John F. Kennedy symbolized the demise of American anti-Catholicism, Kennedy’s religious identification cost him substantial votes in both the primary and general elections. In 2004, Sen. John Kerry (D-MA), also a Catholic, was the Democratic nominee for president. Few Americans posed the question of divided loyalty for a Catholic candidate for president. Kerry’s Catholicism, however, was a political

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dilemma from the Catholic hierarchy in the U.S. and the Vatican. As a U.S. Senator, Kerry supported both legal abortion and stem cell medical research, both of which have been condemned by the Vatican. The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) organized a task force to consider how the American Church should treat Catholic political leaders who seek to distinguish between their personal convictions and their public responsibilities. The task force did not make recommendations, but did consider penalties including withholding Holy Communion and excommunication. In 2008, a majority of Catholics voted for Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL). The Catholic bishops had issued “Faithful Citizenship,” a guide for Catholic voters, stressing the bishops’ concerns on issues such as abortion. Pope Benedict XVI, shortly after the American election urged that politically involved Catholics stay true to the Church’s teachings, specifically that their politics must be “coherent” with the faith they profess. The conduct of church-state relations in the U.S. is largely governed by the religion clauses of the First Amendment. In essence, the source of tension between the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses centers on the public nature of the free exercise of religion. Citizens may influence government to enact policies based on their values; the Free Exercise Clause provides special constitutional protection for the expression of religiously based values. The Establishment Clause, however, guarantees that government will not endorse specifically religious values. The Catholic Church has been involved in several leading Supreme Court decisions. In Pierce v. Society of Sisters (U.S. 1925), the U.S. Supreme Court held that the U.S. Constitution required state governments to recognize sectarian education as a valid alternative to compulsory public education. The Court held in Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952) that states could provide released time from public school for the purpose of allowing students religious instruction without violating the Establishment Clause. The Diocese of San Antonio was a party in City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997), which reaffirmed substantial limits to the scope of the Free Exercise Clause. The Church was very interested in Zelman v. SimmonsHarris (U.S. 2002), in which the Court upheld the constitutionality of an Ohio statute that provided tuition vouchers for the parents of children who attend private schools. As the operator of the nation’s largest private school system, the Catholic Church had a clear interest in the outcome of the case. Despite the problems that the Roman Catholic Church faced in the United States, the Catholic faith grew and prospered. The early influence of the Enlightenment in the United States at the time of the nation’s founding continues in unexpected ways to present problematic issues for Catholics and the Catholic Church. The country’s foundation principle of religious freedom originally meant simply to preserve the independence and dignity of both church and state. The Church has objected to interpretations of this constitutional principle to mean

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH that there is a “wall” of separation that seems to indicate that faith should have no impact on the state or society. The Catholic Church teaches that principles should apply that flow from its faith to public policy. The Church points to its advocacy and support for the poor, the elderly, children, and immigrants as examples of the Church’s commitment to advance social justice in the United States. The Church asserts that its pro-life position is an example of calling on our society and government to protect life from conception to natural death.

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S SAME-SEX MARRIAGE In Baehr v. Lewin (Haw. 1993), three couples challenged Hawaii’s refusal to provide marriage licenses to same-sex couples under § 572–1 of the Hawaii Revised Statutes, which restricted marriage to a male and a female. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that because the Hawaii constitution forbids discrimination on the basis of sex, Hawaii could justify § 572–1 only by showing a compelling state interest for barring same-sex marriages that was narrowly drawn to achieve those ends. The court remanded the case to a lower court to determine whether the state could prove this compelling state interest in prohibiting same-sex marriage. On remand to the Circuit Court of Hawaii, Judge Kevin Chang ruled in favor of the plaintiffs on December 3, 1996. Baehr was significant was because it was the first time that a state high court recognized same-sex marriage. In Hawaii, the decision led to passage of the state’s “Reciprocal Beneficiaries” statute, which offers some of the rights and benefits of marriage to homosexual couples. The Hawaiian decisions evoked a tremendous national response both in favor and in opposition to the decision. One reason for this response was the Full Faith and Credit Clause states that “Full faith and Credit shall be given in each state to the public Acts, Records and judicial Proceedings of every other state.” The Clause requires states to grant full weight to legal actions in other states, including marriages, divorces, and other family-related situations. In effect, argued both opponents and proponents of gay marriage, the Full Faith and Credit Clause of the Constitution suggests that a legal marriage between a same-sex couple in Hawaii is a legal marriage everywhere else in the United States. The Baehr holding provided some of the impetus for federal legislation known as the “Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA).” Section 7 of DOMA defines marriage as “a legal union between one man and one woman as husband and wife” and defines spouse as a person of the opposite sex of the party in the marriage. Technically, DOMA forbids “same-sex marriages,” gay or otherwise. Two same-sex heterosexuals are equally barred by DOMA from marriage. In practice, however,

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the majority of the beneficiaries of the right to same-sex marriage would be homosexuals. “Gay marriage” subsequently becomes the focus, with the attitudes toward homosexuals thereby emerging as the predominant issue. DOMA advocates vocally opposed gay marriages, and relied on their private religious faiths as the source of that opposition. DOMA was enacted because proponents feared that large numbers of gay and lesbian residents from other states would travel to Hawaii and get married. Upon their return, the newly wedded couples would sue for recognition of their marriages and those state benefits deriving from their legal marriage in Hawaii. The anticipated tool for these judicial challenges would be the federal constitutional provision that “full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state.” [Art. IV, sec. 1] DOMA was designed to prevent this by prohibiting any requirement compelling states to validate same-sex marriages performed beyond their borders in other states. Many states have passed legislation explicitly forbidding the recognition of extrajurisdictional same-sex marriages. In the second appeal of the Baehr case, Baehr v. Miike (Haw. 1998), the Hawaii Supreme Court made the state the first in the nation to approve gay marriages. However, in November 1998 voters in Hawaii and Alaska joined 29 other states in passing prohibitions against same-sex marriages. In effect this amounted to a legislative overturning of the Baehr decision. The movement for recognizing samesex unions continued, and the legislation seeking to prohibit such unions continued to be subject to constitutional challenge. In 1998, Alaska became the second state to tackle the issue of gay marriage in the courts. In Brause v. Bureau of Vital Statistics (Alaska 1998), the Superior Court of Alaska faced an even stronger challenge than the Supreme Court of Hawaii. Where the Hawaii court in Baehr ruled on a statute that implicitly forbade gay marriage by use of gender specific terms, the Brause court was faced with a statute that expressly forbade gay marriage. The plaintiffs in Brause contested an Alaskan law that defined marriage as between a man and a woman. With the stronger prohibition came a stronger ruling from the court, and the Alaska judiciary struck down the Marriage Code at issue when it held that “marriage, i.e., the recognition of one’s choice of a life partner, is a fundamental right.” The Brause court saw the gay marriage issue primarily as an issue of personal liberty; as such, the court never considered the benefits that a recognized marriage affords to any of the affected parties—partners and children alike. Finally, in 1999, the first gay marriage case to ever significantly deal with the rights and securities granted to children through marriage was decided in Vermont. In Baker v. Vermont (Vt. 1999), three homosexual couples brought suit against the state after each couple had been denied a marriage license from their town clerk. The State contended that “the Legislature was justified . . . ‘in using the marriage statutes to send a public message that procreation and child rearing

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE are intertwined.”’ Plaintiffs offered numerous theories of recovery, including an assertion that the plain language of the Vermont marriage statute allowed for gay marriage. However, the holding, which ultimately granted marriage rights, was not grounded in the right to privacy, the Federal Equal Protection Clause or the due process clause of the Vermont Constitution, but rather in the novel common benefits clause that is unique to the State of Vermont. Regardless of this anomalous posturing, it is nonetheless significant that Vermont became the first state to recognize that the concerns expressed by homosexual couples included protection of their children’s rights: They [plaintiff-couples] argue that the large number of married couples without children, and the increasing incidence of same-sex couples with children, undermines the State’s rationale [for denying gay marriage]. They note that Vermont law affirmatively guarantees the right to adopt and raise children regardless of the sex of the parents [See 15A V.S.A. § S 1-102], and challenge the logic of a legislative scheme that recognizes the rights of same-sex partners as parents, yet denies them—and their children—the same security as spouses. The court adopted the plaintiffs’ argument regarding the rights of children in making its ruling and noted that “the exclusion of same-sex couples from the legal protections incident to marriage exposes their children to the precise risks that the State argues the marriage laws are designed to secure against.” Ultimately, the court held that same-sex couples were entitled to “the same benefits and protections afforded by Vermont law to married opposite-sex couples,” but reserved to the legislature the right to craft laws facilitating this mandate. However, the true seismic shift in this case was the court’s willingness to turn the State’s interest in protecting children into an argument favoring same-sex marriage. The court recognized that “a significant number of children today are actually being raised by same-sex parents, and that increasing numbers of children are being conceived by such parents” and refused to accept the State’s argument that its interest in promoting procreation was a compelling justification for denying same-sex marriage rights. Instead, the court clearly drew the opposite conclusion and stated that “to the extent that the state’s purpose in licensing civil marriage was, and is, to legitimize children and provide for their security, the statutes plainly exclude many same-sex couples who are no different from opposite-sex couples with respect to these objectives.” It was this logic, adopted by the Baker court on December 20, 1999, that truly gave force to the gay marriage debate. On July 6, 2006, the State of New York’s highest court decided a gay marriage case and spent a considerable amount of time probing the marital benefits conferred upon children by the institution of marriage. The New York’s court held that “the Legislature could rationally decide that, for the welfare of children, it is more important to promote stability, and to avoid instability, in opposite-sex rather than in same-sex relationships.” Based on this analysis, the court ruled that

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a law forbidding homosexuals to marry would not offend the Equal Protection Clause of the New York Constitution when held up against a rational review standard. On October 25, 2006, the Supreme Court of New Jersey effectively ruled that any law denying homosexual couples marriage rights granted to heterosexual couples violates the Equal Protection Clause of the New Jersey State Constitution. The court left the legislature with the semantic task of naming such a legal contract either a “marriage” or a “civil union,” but made clear in a unanimous decision that “committed same-sex couples must be afforded on equal terms the same rights and benefits enjoyed by married opposite-sex couples.” Despite stopping short of mandating the title of “marriage” for homosexual unions, the court in Lewis v. Harris (NJ 2006) forever altered the landscape of the gay marriage debate by handing down the first ever unanimous decision for the plaintiff in a gay marriage case. While the court’s resounding unanimity was remarkable, perhaps the most fascinating aspect of the New Jersey decision was the dicta employed by the court in reaching its landmark decision. Like no other prior case, the New Jersey Supreme Court focused extensively on the burdens faced by the children of homosexual couples denied the right to marry, rather than restricting its analysis to an examination of the rights withheld from the couples themselves. Despite their contrasting results, the New Jersey and New York cases have similar focus—the effects of marriage upon any child potentially living with homosexual parents. Over the years, the judicial focus in gay marriage cases has slowly begun to turn away from notions of individual liberty and toward the collective concerns of the family unit. This issue demonstrates the progression to show the ever-increasing role children have in the gay marriage debate. The debate over gay marriage recently shifted focus and evolved into a effort at balancing that considers not only the rights of same-sex couples, but also the rights of these couples’ children. This repeated deference to marriage’s third party, the child, may result in a challenge to anti-gay marriage laws and constitutional amendments that has not previously been considered: an Equal Protection challenge based on a child’s right to presumed legitimacy at birth. With Vermont’s adoption of civil unions, the momentum seemed to be building toward a possible recognition of full same-sex marriage rights within the United States. In 2003, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court issued its decision in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health (Mass. 2003). It remains the only case in the United States to grant full marriage rights to homosexual couples. The ruling came shortly following the major U.S. Supreme Court decision of Lawrence v. Texas (U.S. 2003). The Goodridge court , however, was less concerned with the notions of personal choice that was the basis of Lawrence decision and more influenced by the Baker court’s perception of marriage as an institution for child rearing. In June of 2003, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Lawrence that the right to privacy, based on the Due Process Clause of the U.S. Constitution,

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE precludes the government of any state from interfering in the private sexual choices made by consenting individuals. Specifically, the Court overturned antisodomy laws in Texas that were primarily directed toward homosexual conduct. Some scholars believed the ruling meant that “if a state singles out gays for unprecedentedly harsh treatment, the Court will presume what is going on is a bare desire to harm, rather than moral disapproval . . . placing all antigay laws under suspicion.” This perception, coupled with the timing of the Massachusetts ruling in Goodridge only five months later, may lead one to assume there was a causal connection between the two rulings. Indeed, the Massachusetts court referenced the Lawrence decision in the second paragraph of its ruling in Goodridge. However, the substance of the Massachusetts ruling was less derived from the U.S. Supreme Court than it was to the Baker decision from Vermont. In Goodridge, seven couples challenged the Department of Health’s decision to refuse to issue marriage licenses to the same-sex couples. The same-sex partners had met all the express requirements of the marriage code necessary to obtain a license; however, the Department of Health rejected their applications based on the Department’s understanding that Massachusetts did not recognize same-sex marriage. The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court found that the ordinary usage of the term “marriage,” when used by the legislature in the marriage code, did preclude homosexual marriage. However, the court went on to say that because the state had no rational basis for denying same-sex couples the right to marry, the practice of denying marriage licenses to homosexual partners violated the equal protection under the Massachusetts Constitution. In the course of this determination, the court’s made several references to the children of homosexual partners. Reasoning on the equal protection of children raised by gay parents, unseen before Vermont’s decision in Baker, permeated the Goodridge decision. The Vermont court held that the impositions placed upon the children of gay parents undermined the state’s purported interest in differentiating between straight and gay couples’ marriage rights. The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court took this concept further and found that such a detriment to these children was an affirmative reason to view gay marriage as a civil right. When making its determination the court recognized: Marital children reap a measure of family stability and economic security based on their parents’ legally privileged status that is largely inaccessible, or not as readily accessible, to nonmarital children. Some of these benefits are social, such as the enhanced approval that still attends the status of being a marital child. Others are material, such as the greater ease of access to family-based state and federal benefits that attend the presumptions of one’s parentage. Viewing the issue through this child-centered lens, the court concluded, “It is undoubtedly for these concrete reasons . . . that civil marriage has long been termed a ‘civil right.”’

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Furthermore, the Goodridge court took the unprecedented step of enumerating certain parental rights as “benefits accessible only by way of a marriage license.” Specifically, the court explicitly recognized that “exclusive marital benefits that are not directly tied to property rights include the presumptions of legitimacy and parentage of children born to a married couple.” It is largely due to this type of consideration—a broad view of marriage as a parental construct—that enabled the Goodridge court to find that no legislative rationale for anti-gay marriage laws could survive even a rational basis examination. The court therefore found it unnecessary to consider the plaintiff-couple’s argument that their case merited a stricter standard of review. Ultimately, the Massachusetts court summarily rejected the Department of Health’s proposed legislative rationales. The court concluded that “excluding same-sex couples from civil marriage will not make children of opposite-sex couples marriages more secure, but it does prevent children of same-sex couples from enjoying the immeasurable advantages that flow from the assurance of ‘a stable family structure in which children will be reared, educated, and socialized.”’ The Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts, without ever expressly citing the case, built on the dicta in Baker v. Vermont (Vt. 1999) to reach its finding that “barring an individual from the protections, benefits, and obligations of civil marriage solely because that person would marry a person of the same sex violates” equal protection. While the press and the public were acutely aware of the benefits that homosexual couples had gained after Goodridge, most everyone neglected, and continues to neglect, the consideration of children’s rights that swayed the plurality. As Goodridge remains the only case in the United States to grant full marriage rights to homosexuals, its reasoning is a touchtone for the gay marriage debate that seemingly must be either expounded upon or discredited. Therefore, Goodridge’s treatment of marriage’s effects on the children of gay parents will be central to any challenges brought by opponents of gay marriage prohibitions. The backlash against the Goodridge decision was immediate and fierce. Prior to the ruling of the New Jersey Supreme Court in late 2006, courts across the country that heard the gay marriage issue seemed to be moving away from the Vermont and Massachusetts trend. Courts in Arizona, Indiana, and New York all upheld statutory schemes prohibiting gay marriage. Even the appellate court in New Jersey upheld a statutory interpretation of the marriage code as prohibiting gay marriage, although the New Jersey State Supreme Court ultimately overturned its ruling in Lewis v. Harris (NJ 2006). However, as momentum shifted toward opposition to gay marriage rights (as evidenced by court decisions across the country), the judicial focus in these cases appeared to remain the same; the central question continued, and continues, to be “what is best for the children?” In Standhardt v. Superior Court (Ariz. App. 2003), the Arizona Court of Appeals upheld the prohibition of gay marriage, while nonetheless admitting to the inequities visited upon the children of gay parents caused by the decision. The

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE case revolved around a familiar fact pattern: a homosexual couple applied for a marriage license and their application was denied. The couple appealed directly to the Arizona Court of Appeals and the court chose to exercise jurisdiction. As in Goodridge and Baker, the case primarily hinged upon whether the Legislature of the state could show a rational basis for a state law barring gay marriage. The state premised its rationale for barring gay marriage on “encouraging procreation and child-rearing within the stable environment traditionally associated with marriage” and contended that “limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples is rationally related to that interest.” The plaintiffs, as expected, argued that the law was both over- and under-inclusive because not all heterosexual couples have children, while numerous gay couples do raise children. The court conceded that the plaintiffs’ position was persuasive. However, despite the concession, the court stated, “A perfect fit is not required under the rational basis test, and [the court] will not overturn a statute merely because it is not made with mathematical nicety, or because in practice it results in some inequality.” The Arizona court admitted that deference to the state’s purported legislative intent would result in “some inequality.” The court went on to specify exactly what group would suffer because of this inequality: children, the very group the state claimed it was trying to protect. The court stated: “Children raised in families headed by a same-sex couple deserve and benefit from bilateral parenting within long-term, committed relationships just as much as children with married parents. Thus, children in same-sex families could benefit from the stability offered by samesex marriage, particularly if such children do not have ties with both biological parents. But although the line drawn between couples who may marry (opposite-sex) and those who may not (same-sex) may result in some inequity for children raised by same-sex couples, such inequity is insufficient to negate the State’s link between opposite-sex marriage, procreation, and child-rearing.”

This admitted inequality raises a unique question. Specifically, if the marriage laws of a state do in fact treat children differently based on the nature of their family unit, might such disadvantaged children have a cause of action in opposition to anti-gay marriage legislation? The gay marriage debate will be a topic of public debate for years to come. Most of the case law on this issue has been brought by gay couples on their own behalf with varying success and with a considerable amount of backlash. With courts continuing to focus on the nexus between marriage and childrearing, a claim to invalidate anti-gay marriage laws and amendments brought by a child of gay parents seems highly likely. If a child brings the Equal Protection claims, it is likely that the new battleground of the gay marriage war will be over the amendment of state laws concerning the presumption of legitimacy and the narrow tailoring of all gay marriage-related constitutional amendments and legislation. Such a challenge would also likely reopen the debate over a federal constitutional amendment.

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SCHOOL CHOICE Legislative proposals to provide parents with enhanced opportunities to select their children’s schools are varied and widely debated. Many school choice proposals have been made with the intent of improving the quality and increasingly the range of educational opportunities available to students. Some proponents of school choice suggest that the availability of more school choices will both provide more students with access to better schools and also induce public schools to improve through market competition. Some opponents express concerns about choice program, such as the potential for redirecting public education funding and possible variation in the quality and availability of schools from which to choose. The term school choice includes many programs and plans designed to allow children and their families a choice in where they will attend school. Although the terms school vouchers and school choice are often used interchangeably, they are not synonymous terms. Public school choice, for examples, involves changes that exclusively occur within the existing structure of public education. These include magnet schools, charter schools, and open enrollment. Vouchers involve providing parents with a certificate that they can use in lieu of money to pay for their children’s tuition at the private school of their choice. Vouchers are based on the theory that quality will improve if competition is introduced into the education system. Opinion polls indicate about 70 percent of respondents’ support for school choice. Primary and secondary education is not optional; it is compulsory. Every state requires children to attend school and prosecutes parents who refuse or neglect to send their children to school. Two choices are widely available: schools operated by the government and funded by tax dollars, or schools operated, either in whole or in part, by the private sector (including home schooling). A third alternative, cross-registration or “shared time,” is not widely available. One of the most popular, yet controversial of these plans is the school choice voucher. One of the school choice alternatives is called “controlled choice,” which includes interdistrict, intersectional, or magnet school choice. In controlled choice, the student or parent is restricted in choosing the other public schools either within or outside their district. Alternatively, open enrollment choices, such as school vouchers, allow parents to choose with virtually no restrictions by area or whether the school is public or private. The most controversial school choice plans include the option of selecting a private school, especially religiously affiliated one, supported by public taxes. Some view funded choice at private schools as undermining the very concept of a “common school.” The caselaw in this area reflects long-standing divisions on the role of the state in education, the proper relationship of religion to education, and

SCHOOL CHOICE the need to avoid the close relationship between church and state, especially those that involve the transfer of money from one to the other. Special issues emerge if a private school decides to exclude a protected class under equal protection analysis, such as based on race or religion. State constitutional law is implicated when religious schools are permitted to participate. Opponents claim their inclusion contravenes the Establishment Clause. Supporters of school choice argue that this argument is merely an attempt to dilute the efficacy of school choice proposals. For example, the argument to exclude religious schools from a voucher plan is really an effort to diminish the supply of competing institutions, thus making school choice exist only in theory and not in practice. School choice proponents argue that these programs can create equity in education because they are a more efficient way to run the school system. Opponents of school choice argue that such a policy could at the minimum lead to the impoverishment of the public schools and the establishment of a two-tiered educational system. They fear that school choice politics would increase education inequality and school segregation by class and race. During the 1990s, the proportion of American school children attending “schools of choice” increased modestly, with the increase due primarily to greater numbers of children attending chosen public schools. Across all income levels, greater proportions of students attended public schools of choice in 1999 than in 1993. Legislative proposals to provide parents with enhanced opportunities to select their children’s schools are varied and widely debated. Many school choice proposals were introduced with the intent of improving the quality and increasing the range of educational opportunities available to students. The federal government and many states and localities have implemented several politics and programs that have enhanced parents’ ability to select the schools their children attend, contributing to the modest growth in the exercise of school choice. While many choice policies and proposals have become popular and broadly support approaches toward increasing student access to diverse educational opportunities and effecting elementary and secondary reform, others remain controversial and divisive. While existing federal, state and local programs that support school choice with public resources have a variety of features, they generally fall into six broad categories: 1. Intradistrict Public School Choice: Students may choose among some or all the public schools within their home district. Open enrollment plans, magnet schools (created to promote voluntary school desegregation), and alternative schools are examples of intradistrict school options. 2. Interdistrict Public School Choice: Students may choose to attend public schools outside their home school district. Included in this type are special schools

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districts, such as secondary education districts providing vocational or technical education training, and some magnet schools. 3. Charter Schools: Students may choose to attend public schools operating under charters granting operational autonomy in exchange for increased accountability for outcomes. A charter school may be a school within a local educational agency (LEA) or it may considered its own independent LEA. Virtual charter schools function through the electronic exchange of information between student and teacher, such as from a student’s home via the Internet, and typically do not have a common education facility. 4. Tax Subsidies: The federal and some state tax codes provide deductions or credits supportive of school choice. These include the exemption from taxation of income used for elementary and secondary expenses, such as through federal Coverdell ESA’s and certain state deductions or credits for educational expenses of contributions to school tuition organizations, which provide private scholarships to children. The federal tax code also allows deductions for interest paid on a home mortgage, as well as state and local taxes. These deductions act to subsidize the cost of families exercising their choice to reside in desired school districts of attendance areas, which often have higher property values and higher amounts of deductible local property taxes or home mortgage interest payments. 5. Subsidies to Private Schools: Private non-profit schools may be able to provide educational services at more attractive prices partially as a result of the provision of selected publicly funded services to private school students (e.g., transportation, health, and special education services), the deductibility from taxation of certain contributions received by them or their parent organizations, and their tax exempt status. 6. School Vouchers and Supplemental Educational Services: Parents may be granted vouchers that they use to pay a proportion of or the total cost of full-time attendance at a private school. Vouchers are sometimes referred to as scholarships or tuition certificates. Parents also be may granted the opportunity to select the provider of supplemental educational or tutorial services for their children in much the same way under a voucher program. There are also privately financed choice options. For example, private established programs in many localities to help pay tuition and related costs for mostly low-income children to attend private elementary and secondary schools. Also, many families choose to home-school their children. School choice programs in which vouchers are provided to a limited number of students for attendance at private (including religiously affiliated) schools currently exist in Wisconsin, Ohio, Florida, and Utah. In Maine and Vermont, public funding has been provided to allow children who reside in areas without public schools to attend private schools. On the federal level, school choice has been an active issue during the past several Congresses. The 108th Congress enacted a school voucher program for the

SCHOOL PRAYER District of Columbia—the D.C. School Choice Incentive Act. The 107th Congress expanded the federal role in supporting elementary and secondary (K12) school choice by authorizing distributions from Coverdell Education Savings Accounts to be used for primary and secondary education expenses (including private school tuition, and by enacting the No Child Left Behind Act, which amended and extended the Elementary and Secondary Education Act.

SCHOOL PRAYER Since the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962), school prayer has been a phrase almost exclusively used to describe various forms of prescribed prayer in public schools. Few constitutional issues have generated as much public controversy, and as much confusion, as school prayer. The use of officially authorized prayers or Bible readings for motivational purposes in the public schools is considered a direct violation of the Establishment Clause. Even though a practice may not be coercive, active support of a particular belief raises concerns of eventual establishment of state-approved religious views. The Supreme Court has twice held the official reading of prayers in public schools violates the Establishment Clause. The first case, Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962), concerned an official prayer composed by state-appointed officials of the New York State Board of Regents. The New York school districts required this prayer to be recited in unison by students in every classroom at the beginning of each school day. The Supreme Court found that the practice violated the Establishment Clause, which had been made applicable to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court’s opinion by Justice Hugo L. Black held that the practice violated the Constitution even though the prayer was denominationally neutral and pupils who wished to do so could remain silent or be excused from the room while it was being recited. One year later the Courts applied the principle of Engel to the religious readings selected, but not written, by public officials. Statutes in Pennsylvania and Maryland required every public school to begin each day with the reading of verses from the Bible and group recital of the Lord’s Prayer. Students were permitted to be excused from participation upon the written request of a parent or guardian. In Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963), the Court held these programs also violated the Establishment Clause, which the Court interpreted to preclude actions by state or federal governments that had the purpose or primary effect of either advancing or inhibiting religion. The Court observed that, although the First Amendment permits the study of the Bible or religion as part of a school’s program for education, it does not permit government to organize devotional religious exercises. The fact that government officials had selected particular

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devotionals, rather than composed by them as in Engel, was not a difference of constitutional significance. The decisions in Engel and Schempp unleashed a substantial public protest, and repeated, unsuccessful efforts were made in the 1960s to overturn the rulings by amending the U.S. Constitution. The search for acceptable language for such an amendment dominated the debate in Congress. Some in Congress urged support for prayer in public schools, while others suggested adding restrictive adjectives such as “nonsectarian,” “nondenominational,” or “voluntary” to the calls for prayer. The intent appeared to be to make prayer as inoffensive as possible in order gain maximum support. Some leaders would have been satisfied with the term “meditation,” rather than “prayer.” All efforts to pass constitutional amendments failed largely because of the strong opposition by the National Council of Churches, individual Protestant denominational leaders (including Presbyterian and Southern Baptist leaders), and various Jewish organizations. The Supreme Court’s decisions meanwhile were misinterpreted by some to mean that even the utterance of a private prayer by an individual student while at school is unconstitutional. What the Establishment Clause actually prohibits is action by government officials that endorses or inhibits religion, and not religious activity initiated by students. Although Engel declared unconstitutional all forms of organized classroom prayer, the Court has never banned individual acts of devotion initiated by a student, so long as they are not disruptive of good order. With the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980, school prayer again became a major public issue and was included in the Republican Party’s agenda, both in Congress and in court appointments. Religious conservatives, throughout the 1980s, made several serious efforts in the Senate to pass a constitutional amendment on school prayer. Religious conservatives also sought launched a campaign to authorize a moment of silence in public schools in several states. In Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated an Alabama law providing for a moment of silence in the schools “for meditation or voluntary prayer,” because the intent of the legislature in passing the law was found to be to support prayer. Although the Court struck down the particular statute in Jaffree, a majority of the Court strongly suggested that some laws providing for a moment of silence would be constitutional. In this case Alabama had previously enacted a statute that authorized a one-minute period of silence for meditation. This law had passed review by lower courts. However, the amended statute before the Supreme Court in Jaffree added the word “prayer” in its list of expressly approved activities during the moment of silence. Because students were allowed to pray under the earlier moment-of-silence statute, the new law’s only additional purpose appeared to be “the State’s endorsement and promotion of religion and a particular religious practice.” This, the Court held, constituted impermissible endorsement of religion by the government. A majority of the justices indicated, however, that they would sustain moment-of-silence laws that did not expressly single out prayer as one of the officially preferred activities.

SCHOOL PRAYER The Court explained: When a statute creates an open, undesignated silent time, government itself has not undertaken action to favor or disfavor religion. The seemingly trivial addition of the words “for prayer” to a moment-of-silence law is unconstitutional precisely because it is unnecessary to the goal of creating an opportunity for students to choose to pray. If a simple moment-of-silence law crosses the line of constitutionality precisely . . . If a simple moment of silence is created at school, parents and religious leaders, may, if they wish, suggest to their children or parishioners that they use the moment of silence for prayer. Expressly providing in the state’s code of laws that “prayer” is a designated activity unnecessarily takes the state itself into the improper business of official endorsement and promotion of a religious exercise.

Ideally, a simple moment of silence is functionally a one-minute “open forum” that each student can use as the student wishes. Implementing this in a truly neutral fashion is, however, difficult in practice. The facts of some lower court cases suggest that teachers and school officials in some districts have encouraged or coerced students to pray during the silent moment. Teachers may appropriately ask students to remain quiet during the moment of silence; if teachers suggest or insist that students pray or adopt a prayerful attitude, they have invoked the authority of the state for an impermissible end. The Supreme Court has also used the concept of the open forum to permit students at school to engage in spoken group prayers as long as the religious activities are not encouraged, endorsed, or promoted by government or school officials. In Widmar v. Vincent (U.S. 1981) the Court held that a state university that allowed a diverse range of voluntary student activity groups to meet in university facilities was not required by the Establishment Clause to deny access to student-initiated religious clubs whose meetings on school property included prayer and other devotionals. Indeed, such clubs had a free speech right of equal access to the school’s facilities on the same basis as volunteer student groups engaged in other speech activities. President Reagan signed into law the Equal Access Act in 1984, which requires high schools receiving federal financial assistance to allow student religious groups to hold meetings before and after school hours, if other extracurricular groups are given similar rights. The Act applies only to meetings that are student initiated, voluntary, and carried out without sponsorship by the school or its employees (who may be present only as nonparticipants). In Board of Education v. Mergens (U.S. 1990) the Supreme Court sustained the federal Equal Access Act that extended this principle to public secondary schools. The statute provides that when a public school creates a “limited open forum” by allowing student-initiated, noncurriculum groups to meet at the school, it may not deny access to the school for meetings of other student-initiated groups based on the “religious, political, philosophical, or other content of the speech at such meetings.”

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Even though many Americans remain opposed to the original school prayer and Bible-reading decisions in Engel and Schempp, and even though some recent decisions suggest that the Supreme Court is growing more tolerant of some governmental accommodation of religion, it seems highly unlikely that the Court’s original decisions will soon be overturned either by the Court or by constitutional amendment. The constitutional principle remains for now as it was when Justice Hugo Black wrote for the Court in Engel: “it is not part of the business of government to compose official prayers for any group of the American people to recite as part of a religious program carried on by the government.” In 1992, the George H.W. Bush administration directed Solicitor General Kenneth Starr to defend a Providence, Rhode Island, public school that had invited a rabbi to pray at a middle school graduation. Starr argued that, while Engel and Schempp were properly decided, graduation ceremonies were distinguishable from other school programs because they did not involve compulsory attendance and were not held in the classroom. Ironically, two new Republican appointees to the U.S. Supreme Court voted with the majority to declare the graduation prayer unconstitutional by a five-to-four vote in Lee v. Weisman (U.S. 1992). In Lee, the Supreme Court ruled that employees of a public school district may not induce, endorse, assist, nor promote prayer at their graduation ceremonies. This would forbid prayers offered by a school principal, a teacher, or a member of the clergy. [Lee v. Weisman, (U.S. 1992)] Justice Kennedy, writing for the Court in Lee, found the graduation prayer as part of the official school graduation ceremony to be an Establishment Clause violation, because: “the undeniable fact is that the school district’s supervision and control of a high school graduation ceremony places public pressure, as well as peer pressure, on attending students to stand as a group or, at least, maintain respectful silence during the invocation and benediction. This pressure, though subtle and indirect can be as real as any overt compulsion.” During the 1990s, some religious conservatives sought to allow what they described as “student-initiated prayer” at ceremonies such as graduation and before athletic events. They distinguished these types of prayers from the classroom prayers found unconstitutional in Engel and Schempp for the following reasons. First, graduation prayer is less aggressive and coercive than daily classroom prayer. It occurs infrequently and outside the setting of formally compulsory attendance. Unlike the active student participation in Engel and Schempp, moreover, the graduating students and others are invited to participate only by remaining silent, or perhaps by standing. Second, the prayers are worshipful, but not sectarian, distinguishing them from Schempp. Third, the practice of nonsectarian graduation prayer is supported by a longstanding tradition that is part of a broader tradition of nonsectarian prayer at public ceremonies. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a policy permitting student-led, student initiated prayer at football games violates the Establishment Clause. [Santa Fe

SCHOOL PRAYER Independent School Dist. v. Doe (U.S. 2000)] Reading Lee and Santa Fe together, the court has said that the following factors are considered constitutionally offensive conduct: 1) formal religious exercise, 2) state directed or endorsed, and 3) coercion of attendees into unwilling participation or its appearance, which need not be the direct result of government action, but may be due to private behavior (e.g., social pressure). As of 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court has not rendered a decision on whether student led or student initiated prayers are constitutional. The federal circuit courts are divided. In the Fifth Circuit, for example, Jones v. Clear Creek Independent School District (5th Cir. 1992), upheld the constitutionality of a school district resolution permitting high school seniors to include a student-led invocation in their graduation ceremony if the majority of the class so votes. The Fifth Circuit opinion reads, “The practical result of our decision, viewed in light of Lee, is that a majority of students can do what the State acting on its own cannot do to incorporate prayer in public high school graduation ceremonies.” The 11th Circuit in Adler v. Duval Co. School Bd. (11th Cir. 2001) also ruled that student led-student initiated graduation prayers at public high schools are constitutionally permissible. The 3rd Circuit in 1995, however, ruled that these prayers in this context are not constitutionally permissible. In the spring of 1996, Republican sponsors introduced two new constitutional amendments in Congress Representative Ernest Istook (R-Okla) introduced an amendment that stated that “nothing in the Constitution shall prohibit studentsponsored prayer in public school.” Representative Henry Hyde (R-Ill) and Senator Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) introduced an amendment that abandoned the school-prayer issue and instead endorsed the agenda of the Christian Coalition to seek vouchers for religious schools. That amendment read in part that no law “shall deny benefits to or otherwise discriminate against any private person or group on account of religious expression, belief, or identity.” The word “benefits” was intended to establish religious schools through state funding. In 1998 the U.S. House of Representatives failed to approve by the required margin a controversial constitutional amendment, the Religious Freedom Amendment (H.J. Res. 78) strongly supported by Christian conservatives that would have allowed organized prayer in public schools. It was substantially the same amendment as that offered in 1996, with regard to school prayer. The vote was 61 votes short of the two-thirds vote necessary for passage of a constitutional amendment. The bill was not even considered by the U.S. Senate. Supporters of the bill argued that it was necessary to reverse three decades of U.S. Supreme Court decisions that they say weakened the nation’s religious freedoms, including the outlawing of state-sponsored organized prayer in public school settings. Opponents of the measure, including liberal religious organizations and civil libertarians, opposed the measure. They argued that the amendment would breach the constitutional wall separating church and state and inevitably lead to the

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imposition of majority religious views on members of religious minorities. They also believe the amendment was unnecessary because students already may pray individually in school, read religious texts during study hall or other free-time periods, and assemble in groups for religious activities before or after regular school hours while in public school buildings. Advocating organized school prayer remains one of the leading causes of religious conservatives, and opposing these activities remains a major concern of liberal organizations such as People For the American Way Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union. The “No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act” in 2002 created a new obligation for school districts to certify in writing to their state educational agencies “that no policy of the local educational agency presents, or otherwise denies participation, in constitutionally protected prayer in public elementary schools and secondary schools.” The requirement is a condition of receiving federal funds. The NCLB section, codified at 20 USC § 7904 requires the U.S. Education Secretary to provide and revise evidence every two years state and local educational agencies and the public on “constitutionally protected” prayer in the public schools. The Secretary was further directed to issue and secure compliance with rules or orders regarding local agencies that failed to certify or are “found to have certified in bad faith,” that these policies present or deny student justification constitutionally protected prayer in public schools. The NCLB guidelines state that “students may read their Bibles or their scriptures, say grace before meals, and pray or study religious materials with fellow students during recess, the lunch hour, and other noninstructional time to the same extent that they may engage in nonreligious activities. The constitutional rights of students to read and study the Bible are clearly established. As one District court ruled: Tinker established that student speech restrictions were unconstitutional unless there is a showing that speech would materially and substantially interfere with appropriate discipline or collide with the rights of others. [L.W. v. Knox Co. Board of Education (E.D. Tenn. 2006)]

SCHOOLS See School Prayer

SCOPES TRIAL

SCIENTOLOGY Scientology was founded in the 1950s by L. Ron Hubbard. The Church of Scientology promulgates its religion through a “mother church” in California and many worldwide branch “franchises or missions.” “Scientologists believe that an immortal spiritual being exists in every person.” An individual becomes aware of this spiritual dimension through a process called “auditing.” A trained Scientologist (i.e., “auditor”), with the aid of an electronic device (i.e., E-meter), measures the participant’s skin responses during a question and answer session. The participant (i.e., “preclear”) gains spiritual awareness by progressing through consecutive levels of auditing. In addition to auditing sessions, the Church provides “training” sessions for its members. Participants of the training sessions study the tenets of Scientology and seek to procure the necessary qualifications to become an auditor. Scientologists learn that spiritual gains result from participation in the auditing and training sessions. To participate in these sessions, the individual pays a “fixed donation” to the Church. The charges are summarized in schedules and prices vary with the session’s length and level of sophistication. The Church of Scientology bases the fixed charge system on a central tenet of Scientology known as the “doctrine of exchange.” Under the “doctrine of exchange,” individuals must pay something back each time they receive something. Individuals who avail themselves of this doctrine avoid spiritual decline because they maintain “inflow” and “outflow.” The Church is primarily sustained by proceeds generated from the auditing and training sessions. The Church rewards advance payment for these sessions with a 5% discount and refunds unused portions of prepaid fees, less an administrative charge.

SCOPES TRIAL Also called the Monkey Trial, this refers to the well-publicized 1925 trial in Dayton, Tennessee, of John Scopes, a high school biology teacher, who was accused of violating a state statute prohibiting the teaching in public schools of Charles Darwin’s theories of the biological evolution of human beings. Darwin laid the foundation for modern evolutionary theory through his concept of the development of all forms of life through the gradual process of natural selection. Charles Darwin published On the Origin of Species in 1859, which provided an alternative mechanism by which to explain the beginning and development of the cosmos and life. The orthodox religious view of special creation (creation ex nihilo) was no longer required to explain how life began, and thus, the controversy

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between a theistic (supernaturalistic) and a non-theistic explanation for the origin of the universe began. The Scopes case became a symbol of fundamentalist opposition to the teaching of evolution. The Scopes trial was probably the beginning of public awareness of evolution in the United States. Scientists in the early twentieth century had largely accepted evolution, as had many Christian church leaders and fundamentalists. The trial occurred in the midst of the controversy between fundamentalists and modernists, which embroiled much of religious America. Soon after Darwin’s work was published, American Protestants began to address the theory of biological evolution and its implications for the Christian faith. Although some theological conservatives, such as Charles Hodge, believed that evolution was utterly incompatible with the biblical record and the doctrine of creation, others such as Benjamin Warfield, came to accept some form of evolutionary development. Theological liberals, such as Lyman Abbott and Henry Ward Beecher, enthusiastically embraced evolution as God’s way of working in the world. Following World War I many theological conservatives, most notably Presbyterian layman and three-time presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan, became convinced that a Darwinist “might-makes-right” philosophy provided the basis for Germany’s military aggression and threatened to undermine the foundation of American civilization. Fundamentalists, led by Bryan, urged states to enact statutes forbidding the teaching of human evolution in public schools. These efforts led Tennessee to pass its antievolution statute. On March 13, 1925, the Tennessee State legislature passed the Butler Act, which forbade the teaching of evolution in tax-supported schools that human beings evolved from lower forms of life. John T. Scopes, encouraged by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), decided to test the recently passed legislation. He deliberately taught the evolution theory and was charged with violating the statute. Scopes was a Rhea County, Tennessee teacher and athletic coach, who took the teaching position in Dayton after graduating from the University of Kentucky. Clarence Darrow, a renowned agnostic lawyer, represented Scopes. Darrow was America’s most famous defense attorney, who had previously represented murderers, communists, socialists, and anarchists. John Scopes was the only client that Darrow ever volunteered to represent at no charge, because he said, “I really wanted to take part in it.” Darrow had a life-long interest in science and his family had all of Darwin’s books. William Jennings Bryan represented the state, defending the antievolution law by insisting that “it is better to trust in the Rock of Ages than to know the age of rocks; it is better for one to know that he is close to the Heavenly Father than to know how far the stars in the heavens are apart.” He conceded, however, that the “day” of creation might mean a million years.

SCOPES TRIAL Darrow did not spare the elderly Bryan on cross-examination, telling him, “I am examining you on your fool ideas that no intelligent Christian on earth believes.” The trial was quickly transformed into a major media spectacle, with over 100 reporters descending on the town to wire news of the trial across the country. The case allowed journalists like H.L. Mencken to ridicule Bryan (who died soon after the trial) and fundamentalists generally. Scopes made no pretense of denying his “guilt.” In fact, Darrow actually asked the jury to find Scopes guilty in order that the issue might be won at the appellate level. It was no surprise, then, when the court found him guilty and fined him one hundred dollars. The ruling, however, was overturned on a technicality, specifically, that the jury, not the judge should have ascertained the appropriate fine. The court considered the Butler Act to neither violate either the state or federal constitutions. The Tennessee Supreme Court did not consider whether the Butler Act violated the Establishment Clause, because the U.S. Supreme Court not yet incorporated Establishment Clause to the states, and there was no basis in Tennessee law to consider the statutory prohibition of evolution on religious grounds to violate the law. The antievolution law remained on the books for 42 more years. The trial left a lasting impression that fundamentalism was a rural, antiintellectual movement that would fade away with the emergence of an educated, urban society. In the years immediately following the trial, antievolution efforts tended to be confined mostly to the Southern United States. It would be more than thirty years before the issue of evolution would again become a significant national issue. Generally, there were few skirmishes over the teaching of evolution in public schools in the 1930s and 1940s. The mainstream scientific community did not aggressively promote evolution. During the 1950s two major occurrences dramatically changed the landscape in this area. The first was the impetus to promote science in the United States caused by the Soviet Union’s launch of Sputnik in 1957, generating concerns about Russian scientific superiority over the United States. This motivated Americans to support reforming the science curriculum in public schools. The second event to renew interest in evolution was the 100th anniversary, in 1959, of the publication of Darwin’s Origin of Species. This event sparked the mainstream scientific community, to increase its efforts to teach evolution in American classrooms. Both the Biological Science Curriculum Study and the National Association of Biology Teachers played a leading role in promoting the teaching of evolution. By the 1960s, the rise of “creation science” also fueled the debate over evolution. Creation science is the academic theory based on the principle that all forms of life were created literally in the manner described of in the Biblical Genesis creation accounts. In 1963 the Creation Research Society was established, which promoted the Genesis account of creation. Since 1963, creationists, though a minority in the scientific community had been actively publishing and debating

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with evolutionists. Moreover, there have been several controversies over the creation-evolution issue regarding public school textbooks and classrooms: Creationist bills demanding equal time for a “creation model’ of origins were submitted to legislatures in more than thirty states. Creationists lobbied state boards of education, including those in Texas and California, to accept textbooks that include creationist materials. Creationists also targeted local boards of education for grassroots action as a means of achieving their goals. Creationists also have lobbied publishers of science textbooks. In order to have their books accepted as textbooks, many publishers have accommodated creationist demands in several different ways. They have reduced the space given to discussion of evolution and referred to evolution as “only a theory.” They have included creationist materials and placed references to evolution in a final chapter that the teacher can conveniently omit. In fact, some new biology texts have managed to avoid the word evolution altogether. On April 30, 1973 the Tennessee legislature passed a “balanced treatment” bill which avoided the prohibition policy that it was reviewed in Scopes and simply made illegal any textbook which presented the evolution of man and the world as scientific fact and did not state that evolution is a theory. Moreover, if evolution was presented in any textbook, alternate theories, including the Genesis account in the Bible must be presented. A third requirement was that if the Bible is used as a reference work in these classes, it would not be required to include the disclaimer as required in the science textbooks. The case came before the Sixth Circuit, which declared the law “patently unconstitutional.” For the first time in the creation-evolution controversy, a court used the three-prong test of Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) to determine whether the statute violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. In order to pass constitutional muster, “first, the statute must have a secular legislative purpose; second, its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion; finally, the statute must not foster ‘an excessive government entanglement with religion.” The court observed that although the law does not forbid the teaching of evolution, it nonetheless preferred the Biblical version of creation over any scientific theory.” The court then concluded: “We believe that in several respects the statute under consideration is unconstitutional on its face, that no state court interpretation of it can save it, and that in this case, the District Court clearly erred in abstaining from rendering a determination of the unconstitutionality of the statute on its face.” The court then provided its rationale. The state law required, if evolution be taught, that the Biblical account be also included and that all theories but the Biblical account must have a disclaimer. The result of the legislation would be a clear preference for the Biblical version of creation over views based on scientific reasoning and enforcement of the statute would establish religion, contrary to the first prong of the Lemon test. Moreover, it would involve the State Textbook

SEPARATIONIST Commission in such a manner as to violate the third prong against excessive entanglement with religion. In 1987 the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a Louisiana law that required the teaching of “creationism” in public schools if the theory of evolution was also taught. [Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987)] The Court held that: that the requirement to teach “creationism” was a thinly disguised state attempt to establish a religious doctrine at the expense of genuine science.

SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE See “Wall of Separation” Metaphor

SEPARATIONIST Those who interpret the separation of church and state doctrine of the Establishment Clause as strongly prohibiting any aid to religion are known as separationists. Separationists tend to assume that religion is a dangerous source of social division and factionalism, and that certain behavioral consequences of religious belief (such as self-righteousness, intolerance, and anti-intellectualism) are undesirable in democratic politics. Absolute separationists believe that the realm of religion should be totally distinct from that of the state, prohibiting any public funding for religion. Absolute separationists believe that a total separation of church and state is not only a constitutional requirement, but also a practical necessity. They believe those churches seeking government money (and money they believe is the moving force for breaching the wall of separation) are surrendering something more valuable: their freedom. Absolute separationists believe that government financial support of religious schools would involve partisan politics, political contributions, and church versus government antagonisms. This view is criticized on the basis that it was almost certainly not intended by the framers of the Constitution and might violate the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. Generic separationists recognize that religiously motivated citizens may be involved in political affairs, but believe that both the state and the church will be stronger if they coexist separately. This view compels a detachment from religion that neither advances nor harms religion and prohibits laws that aid or inhibit religion; this has been the official position of the U.S. Supreme Court since Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947). The most enduring legacy of Everson was its lavish use of strict separationist rhetoric in both the majority and minority opinions. The justices relied on history, especially Thomas Jefferson’s and James

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Madison’s role in the dramatic disestablishment struggle in postrevolutionary Virginia, to support a separationist interpretation of the First Amendment. Since Everson, the course of Establishment Clause jurisprudence has been directly affected by the efforts of Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and others to mark the boundary between permissible and impermissible governmental actions affecting religion. The conflict has largely been defined as one between separationists and so-called accommodationists. Although this is not universally true, Protestants and Jewish organizations involved in issues of the relation of religion and government have historically favored a separationist approach, and Catholic organizations have favored an accommodationist approach. Organizations favoring a separationist approach include: Americans United for the Separation of Church and State, the National Council of Churches, and the American Jewish Congress. Organizations favoring an accommodationist approach include the United States Catholic Conference and the Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights. Despite the separation of church and state enshrined in the U.S. Constitution, remnants of the old state-church system remain in the form of the exemption from most taxation for religious organizations, the exemption for clergy from military service, and the remnants of financial support still allowed to religious schools and educational systems. These modest privileges, however, have been questioned and even attacked by certain groups in American society.

SEPTEMBER 11TH ATTACKS AND RELIGION The “September 11” attacks (commonly referred to as either “nine-eleven” or “9/11”) were a series of coordinated suicide attacks by al-Qaeda upon the United States on September 11, 2001. On that morning, 19 al-Qaeda terrorists hijacked four commercial passenger airplanes. The hijackers intentionally crashed two of the airplanes into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City, killing everyone on board and many others in the buildings, causing both buildings to collapse within two hours, destroying at least two nearby buildings and damaging others. The hijackers crashed a third airplane into the Pentagon. The fourth plane crashed into a field near Shanksville in rural Somerset County, Pennsylvania, after some of its passengers and flight crew attempted to retake control of the plane, which the hijackers were attempting to fly to Washington, D.C. There are no known survivors from any of the flights. Excluding the 19 hijackers, approximately 3,000 people died in the attacks. Another 24 are missing and presumed dead. The overwhelming majority of casualties were civilians, including nationals of over 90 different countries. In addition, one person subsequently died from lung disease, which a medical

SEPTEMBER 11TH ATTACKS AND RELIGION examiner ruled a result from exposure to dust from the World Trade Center’s collapse. The United States responded to the attacks by launching a War on Terrorism, invading Afghanistan to depose the Taliban, who had harbored al-Qaeda terrorists, and enacting the USA PATRIOT Act, which was intended to prevent terrorism within the United States. This statute greatly expanded the federal government’s law enforcement, intelligence, and financial powers. It also stiffened penalties for new terrorism-related crimes; tightened restrictions on admission of foreigners into the United States, and extended the period for which non-citizens could be detained without charge. Subsequently, the U.S. Department of Justice drafted the proposed Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003 (“PATRIOT II”), to further increase the federal government’s domestic intelligence gathering in surveillance, increase law enforcement prerogatives, and further expand the government’s authority to carry out Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) surveillance, to explicitly authorize secret detentions of individuals “detained in connection with terrorism investigations,” and to create a DNA database of “suspected terrorists,” which would be expansively defined to include those associated with a “terrorist organization.” The most controversial provision of the proposed legislation was that it would strip any American who “becomes a member of, or provides material support to, a group that the United States has designated as a terrorist organization” of his/her citizenship. The highly controversial PATRIOT II was never enacted in its complete form, but certain provisions of it were. In 2001, an estimated five to eight million Muslims lived in the United States. Major Muslim organizations in the United States (including Islamic Society of North America, American Muslim Alliance, American Muslim Council, Council on American-Islamic Relations, Islamic Circle of North America, and the Shari’a Scholars Association of North America) quickly condemned the 9/11 attacks and called “upon Muslim Americans to help alleviate the sufferings of the affected people and their families.” In addition to substantial monetary donations, many Islamic organizations launched blood drives and provided medical assistance, food, and shelter for victims. Following the 9/11 attacks, Muslim Americans were increasingly subject to prejudice, suspicion, and hostility. A Los Angeles Times survey conducted shortly after the attacks found that 43% of Americans were more suspicious of people who appeared to be of Arab descent. Eighty-seven percent of Americans were concerned about another major terrorist attack on the United States. In another survey conducted the week after the attacks, almost half of respondents (44%) believed the terrorist attacks represented the feelings of Muslim Americans toward the United States. More than half of Americans (58%) felt there should be tighter controls on Muslims traveling on U.S. planes and trains, while 83% thought that tighter restrictions should be imposed on immigrants from Muslim or Arab countries.

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Many American Muslims, as well as adherents of other non-Judeo-Christian faiths, became victims of discrimination and hate crimes following the attacks. Hate crimes against Muslims and people who appeared to be of Middle East ethnicity greatly increased in 2001. Incidents targeting people, institutions and businesses identified with Islam increased from 28 in 2000 to 481 in 2001. The FBI reported that there were more acts of bigotry directed against Arabs and Muslims (including ethnic slurs, harassment, threats, assaults, and vandalism) during the first thirty days following September 11th than in the previous five years. Muslims previously had been among the least-victimized religious groups in hate crime cases. In the six months following 9/11, the Council on American-Islamic Relations reported that there were at least twelve murders and more than 1700 incidents of harassment, violence, and discrimination against the Muslim, Arab, and Middle Eastern communities. In the year after September 11th, Arab Americans also reported more than 800 cases of employment discrimination, a number four times greater than previous annual rates. In addition, overt ethnic and religious bigotry in schools and on college campuses became a major problem. Colleges throughout the United States reported attacks on Muslim students following the September 11th attack. By September 2002, the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) Legal Department reported a four-fold increase in discrimination complaints, including illegal airline discrimination, police and government agency misconduct, hate crimes, and physical and psychological abuse of people perceived as Arabs and Muslims in the United States. The Arab and Muslim American communities voiced other civil liberties concerns after September 11th. Some concerns identified police and FBI misconduct, such as arbitrary and abusive stops and detentions and abuse of detainees, and a growing acceptance of racial profiling and stereotyping. A Seattle man was charged with attempting to burn down a North Seattle mosque. There were two similar attacks on Texas mosques. In Mesa, Arizona, a Sikh gas station owner was murdered outside his business in a seemingly religiously motivated response to the 9/11 attacks. A Hindu temple in New Jersey was firebombed. A Salt Lake City man was indicted for targeting an Arab-owned fast food restaurant. In the tense and anger-filled period following September 11th, judges delayed trials of Muslim criminal defendants, seeking to avoid prejudicial juries, who were hostility toward Muslims and people from the Middle East. In Orange County, California, a judge indefinitely postponed the murder trial of an Egyptian man when nearly twenty prospective jurors admitted they were so angered by the 9/11 attacks that they could not be fair to an Arab defendant. Nearly one-fourth of prospective jurors in that death penalty case expressed hostility toward the Egyptian defendant during voir dire. While delays were effective in avoiding jury prejudices against Muslim defendants in the immediate wake of the September 11th attacks, the ensuing war

SHARED-TIME PROGRAMS in Afghanistan, heightened terror alerts, and continued threats of new domestic attacks sustained a certain level of animus toward Muslims in the United States. Federal national security efforts after 9/11 were directed at many Arab- and Muslim-American individuals. Following the attacks, 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants were fingerprinted and registered under the Alien Registration Act of 1940. 8,000 Arab and Muslim men were interviewed, and 5,000 foreign nationals were detained under Joint Congressional Resolution 107-40 authorizing the use of military force “to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States.” The Departments of Justice and Homeland Security used their increased power to pursue suspects among Arab and Muslim immigrant and nonimmigrant communities. Newly enacted statutes and regulations permitted secret detentions, hearings, and deportations; “voluntary interviews” and discriminatory visa screening procedures that affected thousands of young Arab men; and selective deportation of Middle Eastern “absconders.” Many policies, such as international student monitoring, transcend the Arab-American community and affected people of other ethnic groups. In the immediate post 9/11 period, Americans strongly tended to favor new security measures, which greatly impacted Muslims. In November 2001, nearly 80 percent of Americans supported the government’s plan to interview about 5,000 young men from the Middle East in the U.S. on temporary visas, despite civil libertarian objections that this plan singled out these men unfairly on the basis of their national origin. In a March 2002 poll by Gallup, almost 60 percent said Muslim immigration should be reduced or ended completely.

SEXUAL ORIENTATION See Homosexuality

SHARED-TIME PROGRAMS Shared-time programs either provide secular education at private schools by sending teachers and other materials to the children, or by physically moving the children between public and private school premises, as in Lanner v. Wimmer (10th Cir. 1981). Cross-registration programs, in which a student can be registered in both a public and private school, have been controversial for several reasons. First, they increase the costs incurred by the public schools, and add another issue to debates over the adequacy of public school budgets. Second, they are often considered an unwarranted attempt to “pick and choose” from a “menu” of public educational

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services, and are an implicit rejection of the state’s authority in educational matters. And finally, there is the issue of government support for religious education. In those states in which entitlement to education at public expense is a right, it has been argued that exclusionary policies are an unconstitutional imposition on the exercise of one’s constitutionally protected right to opt out of the public school system. In states where the constitution specifically forbids state support of schools that teach “sectarian doctrine,” any assistance that “frees up” resources for the teaching of religion is perceived as support of such a school’s religious mission. The Supreme Court in Grand Rapids School District v. Ball (U.S. 1985) determined that shared-time programs violated the Establishment Clause. The City of Grand Rapids sought to assist the parochial schools by adopting two-socalled enrichment and remedial programs. The community education program did not employ public school employees. At public expense, it employed regular parochial school teachers to offer several after school activities Ball, however, was overruled by Agostini v. Felton (U.S. 1997). In the majority opinion, Justice O’Connor wrote that, “[w]e no longer presume that public employees will inculcate religion simply because they happen to be in a sectarian environment.” In Agostini, the Court ruled five to four that the Establishment Clause did not prohibit public school teachers from entering parochial schools to provide remedial education and guidance counseling to poor children who were struggling academically. Justice Souter, in his dissenting opinion, criticized the holding, asserting that it would permit direct governmental funding of religious schools. Justices John Paul Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg joined Souter’s dissent. Justice Stephen G. Breyer joined in most of Souter’s dissent.

SHERBERT V. VERNER (U.S. 1963) In 1957, Adell H. Sherbert, a textile mill worker in Spartanburg, SC, became a member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. Two years later, the mill adopted a six-day workweek. Her employer discharged Mrs. Sherbert because she would not work on Saturday, the Sabbath day of her faith. She was unable to obtain other employment, also because she would not work on Saturday, and all the mills in the area had adopted a six-day workweek. Mrs. Sherbert’s claim for state unemployment compensation benefits was denied under a provision that made claimants ineligible if they failed to accept suitable work when offered. The South Carolina Supreme Court upheld the denial of unemployment benefits to the claimant. The appeal reached the United States Supreme Court.

SHERBERT V. VERNER The Court held that the South Carolina unemployment compensation statute violated the Free Exercise Clause, as applied to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court found no “compelling state interest” in enforcing the eligibility provisions of the South Carolina statute that would justify the substantial infringement of the claimant’s right to freely exercise her religion. Moreover, allowing the claimant’s eligibility did not foster an impermissible “establishment” of the Seventh-day Adventist religion in South Carolina in violation of the First Amendment. The Supreme Court, therefore, held that the state unemployment benefits could not be denied to a Seventh-day Adventist because she refused to work on Saturday due to her religious beliefs. Justice Brennan, writing for a seven-member majority, stated that for the denial of benefits to withstand scrutiny under the Free Exercise Clause, “it must be either because her disqualification as a beneficiary represents no infringement by the state of her constitutional right of free exercise, or because any incidental burden on the free exercise of appellant’s religion may be justified by a compelling state interest in the regulation.” Thus the majority endorsed a two-part balancing test of constitutionality: First, the plaintiff had to show that the law imposed a substantial burden on the exercise of her religion. Second, the burden would be valid only it was necessary to further a “compelling state interest” that outweighed the degree of impairment it imposed on the plaintiff’s free exercise rights. This test implied that the degree of burden on religious activity must be balanced against the importance of the state interest and the degree to which it would be impaired by an accommodation for the religious practice. Relevant to such an inquiry is the importance of the state’s interest and the degree to which there are alternative means to achieve it that do not burden religious practices. In Sherbert, the majority found that the denial of unemployment benefits was invalid under this two-part test. First, there was a significant coercive effect on the practice of religion because the Sabbatarian was forced to make a choice between receiving state benefits or following her beliefs. Second, the state failed to prove a “compelling or overriding interest in the regulation,” claiming only that this restriction avoided fraudulent claims. The state, however, did not raise this argument. Sherbert became the most significant case for enunciating the compelling state interest test. The Supreme Court, in that case, held that government could burden a fundamental right like the free exercise of religion only if it was protecting a compelling interest by the least intrusive means possible, and found the state’s interest insufficient to justify the infringement. The Sherbert Case was considered the high water mark in the constitutional protection of minority religious beliefs against state laws affecting, but not targeting specific practices. The Sherbert compelling state interest test made the Free Exercise Clause a formidable source of protection against both subtle and

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overt forms of religious prejudice and insecurity against religious individuals. Consistent with the principle of liberty of conscience, the court extended the technical Sherbert holding to cases where applicants who sought unemployment compensation had individual scruples not shared by their co-religionists, against the production of military hardware [Thomas v. Review Bd. of Ind. Employ. Security Div. (U.S. 1981)], were newly converted to their Sabbatarian beliefs [Hobbie v. Unemployment Appeals Comm’n of Fla. (U.S. 1987)]; or held highly individualized views of the Sabbath [Frazee v. Dept. of Employment Security (U.S. 1989)]. Neither novelty, nor the idiosyncrasy of religious belief should deprive its adherents of Free Exercise Protection. Sherbert was controlling precedent until it was effectively overruled in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). In Smith, the Court held that the Free Exercise Clause protects individuals only from intentional state discrimination on the basis of religion, not from state action that incidentally has a burdensome effect on religious belief. Smith reaffirmed the belief-action doctrine of Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879). That doctrine allows the government to require compliance with laws of general applicability regardless of their impact on religious conduct. However, the right to religious belief, as distinct from conduct, may not be infringed. Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA) in direct response to the Smith decision. RFRA passed unanimously in the House of Representatives and the Senate by a vote of 93 to 7, and then signed into law by President Bill Clinton. RFRA forbade the government from “substantially burdening a person’s exercise of religion,” even if the burden results from a law of general applicability” unless it can demonstrate that the burden was “in furtherance of a compelling government interest” and was the least restrictive means of furthering that interest.” Effectively, the RFRA required that religious exercise was to be protected from incidental burdens no less than from intentional discrimination. Congress claimed RFRA was merely restoring the standard that had been used in Free Exercise cases following Sherbert, but that had been abandoned in Smith. The RFRA, however, went much further and required that the Sherbert balancing test be applied to all Free Exercise controversies, not merely the two legal areas where the court had previously applied it, and which the Congress expressly referenced in the statute itself. In the City of Boerne v. Flores (U.S. 1997), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the RFRA, because it believed that Congress had upset the federal balance, and usurped the Court’s power to interpret the U.S. Constitution.

SIKHS

SIKHS In 1469, a man named Nanak was born in Punjab—the region now split between present-day northwest India and eastern Pakistan. Historians contend that Nanak lived in a time of “tumult of hate and falsehood” involving Hindus and Muslims, where tension existed between the two communities and where the religious practices of both groups were generally becoming more ritualistic and less meaningful. At the age of thirty, Nanak emerged from a period of intense meditation with a vision of unity and spiritual renaissance: “There is no Hindu, there is no Mussulman,” he declared. According to Sikh history, at this age, Nanak also penned a brief verse that is recognized as the fundamental summation of Sikh philosophy and theology. Hence, this verse is called the mul mantar, or “root formula.” The importance of the mul mantar in Sikhism is clear, as it serves as the opening passage to the Sikh holy book, the Sri Guru Granth Sahib, which totals 1,430 pages. The text of the mul mantar, as translated to English, is as follows: God is only One. His name is True. He is the Creator. He is without fear. He is inimical to none. He never dies. He is beyond births and deaths. He is self-illuminating. He is realized by the kindness of the True Guru. Repeat his Name. He was True in the Beginning. He was True when the ages commenced and has ever been True. He is also True now.

Nanak says that He will certainly be True in the future. In addition, Nanak established what are generally understood to be the three essential aspects of Sikh life: (1) remembering and meditating upon God’s Name (naam japna); (2) living a truthful and honest life (kirat karni); and (3) giving one’s resources and labor to help others in the community, particularly the less fortunate (vand ke chhakna). These three activities blend solitary reflection with active service to society. Nanak also believed in the equality of all people, including the downtrodden. This was a groundbreaking principle, given the rigid social hierarchy that existed at the time. As a result of this doctrinal tenet, Nanak contended that every person, regardless of circumstance, could realize God by following the three aforementioned rules. He also rejected all forms of caste systems and extolled the equality of the sexes, a progressive position at the time.

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Nanak spread his message across South Asia and the Middle East, traveling from the foothills of the Himalayan Mountains to Baghdad and as far south as Sri Lanka. Mardana, a Muslim and a trained musician, usually accompanied Nanak. Nanak’s teachings were thus recited to music, making the hymns easier for the masses to memorize. Nanak became the first of ten teachers, or Gurus, whose disciples were named “Sikhs,” literally, students or seekers of truth. Nanak, the man, is therefore called “Guru Nanak.” While Nanak and the Gurus are revered by Sikhs, Nanak made it clear that the Gurus were “ordinary” men, not supernatural figures to be idolized. The nine Gurus that followed Nanak continued to develop his message and expand the faith’s base. The fifth Guru, Arjun, was a prolific proponent of Nanak’s philosophy and authored a majority (2,218) of the hymns that are in the Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Sikhism’s holy text. The turban required by adherents of the Sikh religion consists of ten to twenty feet of cloth, neatly folded and wrapped around one’s head until it completely covers the believer’s hair. This particular headdress has been worn for hundreds of years and for several different reasons, from protection against the weather to signifying royal status. For members of the Sikh religion, however, the turban is an essential part of their faith. Sikhs are required to wear turbans pursuant to religious mandate. They consider it to be an outward manifestation of their devotion to God and solemn adherence to the strictures of their religion. It has been this way ever since the Sikh religion was formally established in the Punjab region of South Asia in 1699. Sikhs immigrated to the United States as early as 1899, settling mainly in the West “to build railroads, farm, or work in mills and foundries.” Sikh agricultural skills, combined with the similarities of the fertile land of California with that of Punjab, made the Western region of America a natural home for many Sikhs. Although there has been a vibrant Sikh community in Central California since the late 19th century, most of the Sikhs currently living around the country arrived after the 1965 immigration laws nullified immigration quotas. “After 1965 in the United States . . . immigration laws were revised to admit Indians in numbers equal to those for people of other countries.” As a result of the change in laws, which favored professionals, Sikhs were among the approximately “hundred thousand engineers, physicians, scientists, professors, teachers, business people, and their dependents who had entered the United States by 1975. There are approximately 500,000 Sikhs in the United States today, one third of who reside in California and New Mexico. Many of them wear turbans and keep long beards as symbols of their faith. Despite the discrimination that Sikhs have faced in the United States, they have prospered in various aspects of American life, including politics and business. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the turban has had a different meaning. In contemporary post-9/11 America, the perceived

SOCIAL GOSPEL 533 similarity of Sikhs with turbans to Osama bin Laden has made the turbaned Sikhs, already one of the most visible minority groups in the United States, a superficial and accessible substitute for the elusive bin Laden and his distant al-Qaeda. As a result, some Americans have directed their post-9/11 anger toward Sikhs. In particular, Sikhs with turbans in the United States have been murdered, stabbed, assaulted, verbally harassed, discriminated against in the workplace, refused service in places of public accommodation, and similar abuses. At the same time, turbaned Sikh-Americans have also faced a broader attack on their identity, leading them to question whether and to what extent their faith is compatible with Western society. In several democratic nations, conspicuous religious clothing, especially the Muslim veil, are considered marks of separation and demonstrative proof of a stubborn refusal to assimilate into mainstream society. This largely European debate concerning the proper balance between multiculturalism and integration has necessarily placed visible articles of faith, including the Sikh turban, under intense scrutiny in the United States as well. These tangible and intellectual challenges to the Sikh turban have resulted in serious consequences for turbaned Sikhs in America. More than physical violence, Sikhs in America are wondering whether they are truly members of this political community and whether the American legal system is sufficient to protect them from the post-9/11 emotion. They are also wrestling with the importance of the turban itself, despite the longstanding belief that it must be worn. In short, the Sikh sense of belonging to the American experiment, their faith in the rule of law in America, and Sikh identity itself are in jeopardy. The turban is a sacred piece of attire for Sikhs and is a target for discriminatory conduct and an object of marginalization after 9/11. While the post-9/11 backlash has been discussed in other contexts, particularly as it relates to Muslims, Arabs, and South Asians, Sikhs are said to have “borne the disproportionate brunt of hate violence in the aftermath of September 11.” The War on Terror has increased racial violence, harassment, and adverse employment actions against Sikhs with turbans; it has also led to a more abstract questioning of the proper degree to which visible immigrant minority groups should be part of mainstream Western society. Western societies have generally permitted immigrant minority groups to maintain aspects of their identity and heritage.

SOCIAL GOSPEL The social gospel in the American context can be understood as the application of the teaching of Jesus Christ and the total message of the Christian salvation to society, economic life, and social institutions, as well as to individuals.

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Christianity has exhibited social dimensions throughout its history, but what is here identified as the social gospel was basically an indigenous growth within American Protestantism. Interacting with the changing realities and problems of an increasingly industrialized and urbanized nation, the social gospel viewed itself as a crusade for justice and righteousness in all areas of the common life. The crusade recruited articulate ministers and lay persons who publicized their new points of view as pastors, educators, editors, and directors of reform organizations. The emergence of the social gospel represented the transformation of American Protestantism. Always more than a traditional religious movement, the social gospel stepped outside the churches to intersect the political, social, and economic forces of a changing United States. The social gospel emerged in post-Civil War America, and grew to maturity in the Progressive Era. It continued to be a vital force long after its demise was predicted following World War I with the rise of the politics of normalcy and the theology of neo-orthodoxy. Emerging with renewed vigor in the turbulent 1960s as one of the not always recognized roots of the multifaceted social justice movement, extensions of the social gospel can be seen among groups associated with different histories and traditions. One major issue to consider in examining the social gospel is to consider the differences in how mainstream Protestant churches view the social gospel as opposed to Protestant evangelical churches. Evangelicals campaigned vigorously for governmental intervention on social issues throughout the nineteenth century, but tended to be wary of social involvement for much of the twentieth century. With the important exception of Prohibition, evangelicals avoided social issues, which they associated with the liberal Protestantism of the Social Gospel. American evangelicals never denied the ubiquitous concern in the Bible for the poor and oppressed. They, however, treated this as secondary to the message of salvation, and preferred private, voluntary efforts to address poverty rather than government intervention.

STALEY V. HARRIS CO. (5th Cir. 2006) A local attorney challenged a monument to a local businessman located on the grounds of the Harris County Courthouse in Houston, Texas, for allegedly violating the Establishment Clause because it displayed an open Bible. The Star of Hope Mission, a local Christian charity that assists the homeless, originally erected the monument in 1956. Star of Hope erected the monument as a memorial to William S. Mosher, a prominent Houston businessman who actively supported that charity. The County granted the charity permission to place the monument on courthouse grounds, which the charity did because of its “permanence and prominence.” The monument included an inscription and a glass case displaying

STALEY V. HARRIS CO. an open Bible. The purpose of the Bible was to memorialize Mosher’s Christian faith. The monument remained without official protest until 1988, when a group of atheists complained to the Harris County Commissioners Court and asked that the monument be removed. No Bible was present in the monument from 1988 until 1995, and during this time the monument fell into disrepair. In 1995, Judge John Devine raised funds and gained permission from Harris County to refurbish the monument. A new Bible was placed in the monument, and red neon lights were added to illuminate the Bible. Star of Hope has maintained the monument since 1997 and periodically turns the pages of the Bible. Kay Staley, an attorney and resident of Harris County, Texas, filed a lawsuit in federal court on August 2003, requesting that the Bible be removed from the display case because she felt it promoted Christianity. The United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas decided in Staley’s favor on August 2004, ordering that the Bible be removed from the monument because its purpose and effect were religious and thus its presence in the monument violated the Establishment Clause. Harris County appealed the district court’s opinion, claiming the court erred in finding the monument had violated the Establishment Clause. The United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit held that the primary purpose of the Mosher monument, which contained a Bible, was religious; therefore the monument violated the Establishment Clause. In Staley, the Fifth Circuit attempted to reconcile McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky (U.S. 2005) and Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005) by using an objectiveobserver analysis to determine that the Mosher monument had a religious purpose and thus violated the Establishment Clause. After reviewing the relevant facts, the Fifth Circuit discussed McCreary and Van Orden, citing these cases as the main precedent for the case before it. After determining that the proper test for Establishment Clause violations was an objective-observer analysis, the Fifth Circuit applied this analysis to the facts in three specific stages and found that the Mosher monument, as it then existed, had a religious purpose. The Fifth Circuit first turned to the Supreme Court’s reasoning in McCreary, where the Court’s analysis focused on the purpose prong of the Lemon test. The Court said that the “purpose” should be determined by an objective observer who “has a reasonable memory, and knows the history and context of the government’s actions.” Next, the Fifth Circuit turned to Van Orden. In Staley, the Fifth Circuit focused on Justice Breyer’s concurrence in that case as the controlling opinion. Justice Breyer noted that the context and consequences of the monument in question were key to determining whether the monument violated the Establishment Clause. In analyzing the Mosher monument’s context, the circumstances surrounding the monument’s placement on state grounds, its physical setting, and the amount of time it stood without challenge were all important. The Fifth Circuit acknowledged that Establishment Clause cases are fact sensitive and stated that the standard it would apply in determining whether the

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Mosher monument was constitutional was an analysis of the purpose of the monument as viewed by an objective observer. The court justified its use of the objective-observer analysis because it is a uniting feature of McCreary and Van Orden. The Fifth Circuit noted that the objective-observer analysis was the main analysis in McCreary and that it was implicit in Van Orden. The court stated that neither case “leaves any doubt that if the objective observer should conclude from appearances and historic knowledge that the state is demonstrating a religious preference, the Establishment Clause is violated.” The Fifth Circuit turned to examining the purpose of the Mosher monument as perceived by an objective observer. In doing this, the court divided the monument’s history into three distinct phases and analyzed the purpose of the monument during those phases. The court noted that the entire history of the monument was relevant and that “an original religious purpose may not be concealed by later acts, nor may a newfound religious purpose be shielded by reference to an original purpose.” The first phase of the monument’s history began in 1956 when the monument was first erected. The Fifth Circuit concluded that an objective observer at that time would have viewed the purpose of the monument as honoring Mosher and the inclusion of the Bible in the monument as merely an indication of the importance of Christianity in Mosher’s life. Thus, the predominant purpose of the monument was not religious at the time it was first erected. The court also noted that the monument stood for over thirty-two years without complaint and that this supported the conclusion that its original purpose was not religious. The second phase of the monument began in 1988, when the Bible was removed. The Fifth Circuit did not analyze whether the monument had a religious purpose during this phase, presumably because the religious element of the monument was absent. The third phase of the monument began in 1995, when the Bible was replaced. The Fifth Circuit concluded that an objective observer would now find the monument to have a religious purpose and stated three main reasons why. First, the refurbishment of the monument was made by Judge Devine, who campaigned on a religious platform and had no relationship with Mosher or Star of Hope. Second, the Bible was not merely replaced, but improvements were made which highlighted the religious portion of the monument. Third, the rededication ceremony, attended by county officials, featured prayers led by Christian ministers. The Fifth Circuit also noted the relatively short time between the rededication of the monument and the legal objection to it. Because the court concluded that an objective observer would find the Mosher monument to now have a predominantly religious purpose, it held the monument violated the Establishment Clause. Judge Smith dissented, arguing not that the majority applied the wrong analysis, but that in applying its analysis it reached the wrong conclusion. He argued that

STANDING TO SUE the majority’s version of an objective observer was not really objective and that the majority’s analysis made two major errors. First, the majority asserted that a religious purpose, whenever it arises, could invalidate a previously secular monument. Judge Smith believed McCreary’s emphasis on the history of a monument would indicate an objective observer would remember the original secular purpose. Second, Judge Smith argued that the majority should not have partitioned the history of the monument into phases. He believed this partition allowed the majority to conveniently ignore the monument’s history of a secular purpose, which should not be done considering the emphasis McCreary laid on incorporating that history. Judge Smith felt that, taken as a whole, the predominant purpose of the monument was secular. Furthermore, he stated that even taking the third phase of the monument in isolation, an objective observer could conclude the monument’s purpose is secular. Thus, he felt the monument did not violate the Establishment Clause. The Fifth Circuit’s decision in this case is significant because it was the first attempt to reconcile the Supreme Court’s analysis in McCreary and Van Orden. Other circuit courts addressing Establishment Clause issues since McCreary and Van Orden have applied the analysis of one case or the other, but have not tried to find a common analytical method which incorporates both analyses. Several circuit courts have simply continued to apply all three prongs of the Lemon test. The Fifth Circuit did not strictly apply the Lemon test, but rather developed an analysis incorporating the purpose prong of the Lemon test as used in McCreary and aspects of the analysis used in Van Orden. In doing so, the Fifth Circuit fashioned a test based on a reasonable, objective observer who takes into consideration history and context when determining the purpose of a religious symbol on public property.

STANDING TO SUE Standing to sue means that a party has a sufficient personal stake in an otherwise justiciable controversy to obtain judicial resolution of that controversy. Generally, a person must show that he or she was directly injured, or would be injured, by the conduct complained of in the lawsuit. In the context of constitutional challenges to laws that affect religious practices, issues involving standing have most often arisen in cases in which public funding has been extended to private sectarian schools. Exactly who has standing to sue for violations of the Establishment Clause is a complicated issue. Generally, federal taxpayers do not have standing to sue to claim constitutional violations. The reason the Establishment Clause was found to

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be a “specific limitation on the tax power was that one of its purposes had been to protect taxpayers from being required to support religion. In Flast v. Cohen (U.S. 1968), for example, the Supreme Court faced a challenge by federal taxpayers to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, which would have permitted federal financing of textbooks, and the teaching of reading, arithmetic, and other subjects in both public and private schools. Holding that the taxpayers had standing, the Court announced a two-part test to determine whether a “logical nexus” existed between the plaintiff’s status (as a taxpayer) and the claim to be adjudicated (support for students at religiously affiliated schools). First, the plaintiff must establish a logical link between the status as a taxpayer and the type of legislative enactment attacked, and second, the taxpayer must establish a nexus between that status and the precise nature of the constitutional infringement alleged. The Court held that the challenge in Flast, and by implication all challenges to direct expenditures by federal or state authorities for religiously affiliated schools, met the nexus requirement. The effect has been to permit, since the mid-1960s, a wide range of federal cases challenging state and federal funding designed to defray part of the costs associated with religiously affiliated education. Significantly, however, the Court has consistently refused to extend Flast, i.e., it has refused to find standing under the Flast rationale in controversies other than those challenging government spending powers under the Establishment Clause. For example, the Court dismissed for lack of standing a case challenging a mandated moment of silence in public schools. [Karcher v. May (U.S. 1987)] The Supreme Court avoided ruling on whether students in a student-initiated nondenominational prayer club had a constitutional right to meet in a public school. The Court also dismissed for lack of standing a case involving equal access to high school facilities. [Bender v. Williamsport Area School District (U.S. 1986)] Similarly, it dismissed for a lack of standing a case challenging the governments turning over property to a parochial college. The Court ruled that standing requires injury, causation, and repressibility. [Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State (U.S. 1982)] In Valley Forge, the Court found that the taxpayers had not met their burden to show that they had standing to sue, even though the Establishment Clause was alleged to control the outcome. The issue involved the transfer of surplus federal property. Holding that the plaintiffs had not satisfied the first prong of the Flast nexus requirement, the Court found it significant that the challenge was to the transfer by the secretary of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, rather than to the substance of the congressional enactment on which it rested. In 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that taxpayers could not contest administrative (as opposed to legislative) decisions. [Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation (U.S. 2007)]

SUICIDE

STONE V. GRAHAM (U.S. 1980) In this case the Supreme Court considered a Kentucky statute that required the public schools to post the Ten Commandments in each classroom in the state. The copies were to be purchased by private contributors. At the bottom of the 16” x 20” copies was a notation that read “secular application of the Ten Commandments is clearly seen in its adoption as the fundamental legal code of Western civilization and the Common Law of the United States. The petitioners, a group of ten parents, claimed the statute violated the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. The state claimed that the statute had a secular purpose, which was the highlighting of the Decalogue’s role in the formation of Western Civilization. However, the Supreme Court ruled on a five-to-four vote, that an “avowed” secular purpose is not sufficient to avoid conflict with the First Amendment and that “The pre-eminent purpose for posting the Ten Commandments on the schoolroom walls is plainly religious in nature. The Ten Commandments is undeniably a sacred text in the Jewish and Christian faiths, and no legislative recitation of a supposed secular purpose can blind [the Court] to that fact.” Therefore, the Court held that the Kentucky statute violated the first part of the three-part test the Court announced in Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), which invalidated any law that did not have a secular purpose as a violation of the Establishment Clause of the Constitution. Justice Rehnquist, dissenting, stressed that posting the Ten Commandments could be justified as serving a secular legislative purpose. He argued that the Supreme Court should defer to the state in determining the secular purpose of the postings. The state legislature and the state courts both believe that the postings have a secular purpose, and that the Court should respect this; especially given that the secular purpose that the Ten Commandments have had on the development of the legal codes of the western world is acknowledged to be true. The Stone case established that the U.S. Supreme Court is not bound to accept without scrutiny a legislature’s routine assurances that a law is not religiously motivated. The Court, instead, is free to probe deeper into relevant evidence regarding a legislature’s intent in passing the law.

SUICIDE Suicide is the taking of one’s own life. Moral questions associated with suicide go back to the earliest traditions of Western civilization. Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle held suicide to be a crime against the community, and Plato even argued that it was tantamount to a crime against God. In the classical world of Greece and Rome, suicide was often idealized as a noble form of death, but from the

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second century onwards, Christian teaching has condemned it. Judaism condemns any active and deliberate hastening of death as the equivalent of murder and suicide is regarded as worse than murder in some respects, inasmuch as there can be no atonement by repentance for killing oneself. Saints Cyprian, Ambrose, Irenaeus, and Athanasius all contributed to the Christian doctrine on the subject, but it was St. Augustine who succinctly formulated the Christian position and named the three grounds on which suicide is renounced: (1) it violates the commandment “Thou shalt not kill”; (2) it precludes any opportunity for repentance; and (3) it is a cowardly act. St. Thomas Aquinas articulated the Christian thought on the subject in the thirteenth century, very similar to the Jewish reason for proscribing suicide: “Suicide is the most fatal of sins, because it cannot be repented of.” Richard Hooker and Jeremy Taylor added the condition that no one can claim a right to death because human life belongs to God. All of the Christian churches oppose suicide. Islam, like Judaism and Christianity, prohibits suicide, while glorifying those who die as martyrs for the faith. Hinduism affirms that suicide must be a thoughtful act—as in the resolve of the person to end the suffering of old age—or that it must be a religiously motivated act. Both Buddhism and Confucianism legislate against suicide, however, there are notable exceptions, as in the case of religiously motivated suicide. Under certain extraordinary circumstances, Buddhists view religiously motivated suicide as an act of sacrifice and worship. Currently, the religious controversy mostly closely aligned with this topic focus on physician-assisted suicide, which some have argued is appropriate in the case of medical futility. The Hippocratic pledge, however, requires physicians to swear that “I will give no deadly drug to any, though it be asked of me, nor will I counsel such.” Further among the ancient moral traditions in Western medicine is the maxim that requires physicians to preserve (some versions say prolong) life and to relieve pain (some versions include “suffering”). Today, these duties sometimes appear not as complementary but as antagonistic—sometimes life can be preserved only with great personal distress, or intractable pain can be relieved only at the expense of life itself. With the advent of “living wills,” “durable power of attorney for health care decisions,” and other procedures intended to address end-of-life issues, several churches have adopted position papers. Some of these speak generally of “death with dignity” and individual prerogative. The United Methodist Church asserts the right of every person to die in dignity; the United Church of Christ affirms additionally the right of individuals to not have their lives unnecessarily prolonged; and the Presbyterian Church U.S.A concurs, adding it “it is best to safeguard autonomy in medical decision making by whatever means.” Other churches, like the Roman Catholic Church, the Episcopal Church, the Evangelical Lutheran in America, and the Assemblies of God, articulate a clear distinction between actions that deny extraordinary measures to prolong life and

SUNDAY CLOSING LAWS actions that directly cause death. While there is no duty to continue the former in treatment that is nonbeneficial, “it is morally wrong and unacceptable to take a human life in order to relieve the suffering caused by illness.” Still others, like the Presbyterian Church in America and the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod address only the matter of physician-assisted suicide and condemn it as an “affront to the Lord who gives life,” which also “open the door for future abuse.” Under common law, suicide, was a felony that was punishable by forfeiture of all the goods and chattels of the offender. Under modern American law, suicide is no longer a crime. Some states, however, classify attempted suicide as a criminal act, but prosecutions are rare, especially when the offender is terminally ill. Instead, some jurisdictions require a person who attempts suicide to undergo temporary hospitalization and psychological observation. More problematic is the situation in which someone helps another to commit suicide. Aiding or abetting a suicide or attempted suicide is a crime in all states, but prosecutions are rare. Since the 1980s, the question of whether physicianassisted suicide should be permitted for persons with terminal illnesses has been the subject of much debate and continues to be a very controversial subject. The debate over physician-assisted suicide concerns persons with debilitating and painful terminal illnesses. Under current laws a doctor who assists a person’s suicide could be charged with aiding and abetting suicide. Opponents of decriminalizing assisted suicide argue that decriminalization would lead to a “slippery slope” that would eventually result in doctors being allowed to assist persons who are not terminally ill to commit suicide.

SUNDAY CLOSING LAWS Commonly, Sunday closing laws require commercial activity to cease in observance of the Christian Sabbath as a day of rest. These laws are often called blue laws, a term of uncertain origin in the United States. It may have been derived from a list of Sabbath regulations that were published in 1781 in New Haven, Connecticut, and printed on blue paper. Sunday observance acts and sumptuary regulations (rules made for the purpose of restraining luxury or extravagance, which were enacted on religious grounds) were transplanted from or modeled on seventeenth-century English legislation. They were most common and most strict in Puritan communities, and usually forbade work or sport on Sundays. Sunday closing laws originated in English legislation dating back to the 13th Century. In 1232, King Henry III forbade frequenting of markets on Sunday. In 1354, King Edward III banned the Sunday showing of wool at the Staple. By 1409, even the playing of “unlawful games” was prohibited by King Henry IV. In 1444, King Henry VI prohibited Sunday fairs, except for those fairs held in churchyards.

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With this distinction, the King made unlawful all fairs, markets, and showing of goods or merchandise on Sundays. King Edward VI disallowed Sunday physical labor with several mid-16th century injunctions, including bans on Sunday sports and amusements. King Charles I placed similar restrictions on sporting events in 1625. In America, colonial Sunday restrictions were promulgated soon after settlement. Beginning in 1650, Plymouth colony prohibited “Sundee work, unnecessary travelling, sport, and sale of alcoholic beverages on the Lord’s Day” and further, enacted laws requiring church attendance. Massachusetts Bay colony, Connecticut and New Haven colonies instituted similar prohibitions in the early 17th century. In the mid-nineteenth century the maxim that Christianity was a part of the common law was cited by several state courts in opinions upholding the constitutionality of Sunday closing laws. In South Carolina, for instance, when a Jewish merchant challenged the constitutionality of his prosecution for selling clothing on Sunday, the court spent the first half of its opinion explaining that Christianity was part of the common law. When the issue arose in Arkansas and New York, the courts reached similar results. [Charleston City Council v. Benjamin (S.C. 1846); Shover v. State (Ark. 1850); and Lindenmuller v. People (N.Y. 1861)] In nearly every case in which the issue was adjudicated, courts affirmed the constitutionality of Sunday closing laws. These laws were not always upheld on the grounds that Christianity was the common law of the jurisdiction in question. The cases concerning the constitutionality of the Sunday closing laws instead generally rested on determinations that these laws were enacted to enforce a day of rest to protect the public health, rather than for religious purposes. Thus, in South Carolina, for example, where the state supreme court discussed the maxim at great length, the case came down to the court’s rhetorical question: “What has religion to do with a . . . regulation for Sunday? It is, in a political and social point of view, a mere day of rest.” The Sunday closing issue on occasion would be a federal question. In the 19th century, especially in the late 1820s, Congress dealt with the then controversial issue of whether there should be mail delivery on Sunday. Sunday mail delivery finally ended in 1912. Congress also appropriated money to assist the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair, with the stipulation that the fair remains closed on Sundays. The organizers rejected the funds and opened on Sundays. The Supreme Court has ruled that laws requiring merchants to be closed on Sundays do not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. [McGowan v. Maryland (U.S. 1961)] The Court reasoned that as these statutes are administered today, they have a secular purpose and effect—providing a uniform day of rest for all citizens. In McGowan, the Court acknowledged that historically the laws had a religious motivation and were designed to effectuate concepts of Christian theology. However, “[i]n light of the evolution of our Sunday Closing

SUNDAY CLOSING LAWS Laws through the centuries, and of their more or less recent emphasis upon secular considerations, it is not difficult to discern that as presently written and administered, most of them, at least are of a secular rather than of a religious character, and that presently they bear no relationship to establishment of religion.” That is, the Court determined that more recent history reveals a secular state interest in the promotion of the health, safety, recreation, and general wellbeing of its citizens, which may be effectuated by many types of law, including the requirement of a day of rest. “[T]he fact that this day is Sunday, a day of particular significance for the dominant Christian sects, does not bar the State from achieving its secular goals. To say that the States cannot prescribe Sunday as a day of rest for these purposes solely because centuries ago such laws had their genesis in religion would give a constitutional interpretation of hostility to the public welfare rather than one of mere separation of church and State.” In other words, the choice of Sunday as the day of rest, while originally religious, now reflects simple legislative inertia or recognition that Sunday was a traditional day for the choice. In Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc. (U.S. 1985), the Supreme Court ruled that a state law affording employees an absolute unqualified right not to work on the Sabbath of their choice “has a primary effect that impermissibly advances a particular religious practice” in violation of the Establishment Clause. The law in Thornton did not relieve the Sabbatarian from any government-imposed obligation. Instead “[t]he employer and others must adjust their affairs to the command of the State whenever the statute is invoked by an employee.”

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T TAX EXEMPTIONS AND RELIGION Tax exemptions are often controversial, because they are in effect a subsidy to the enterprise that receives it. Funds that would have paid for taxes can be expended for other uses. This subsidy comes from the government, and ultimately from other taxpayers. There are many subsidies in our tax system. These preferences usually receive only cursory attention, and that only when there is a demand for additional revenue. Subsidies encourage certain types of behavior, and discourage others. Government regulates and limits tax exemptions otherwise there would soon be neither taxpayers nor taxes. Policing the boundaries of the existing statutes is difficult. The Supreme Court has addressed these issues several times in recent years, often in connection with the religion clauses of the first amendment. The U.S. Supreme Court has recognized tax exemptions as being constitutional. Regarding tax exemptions in Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970), the Court held that a legislative tax exemption for property used exclusively for religious purposes did not violate the Establishment Clause. In Walz it was argued that tax exemption for places of religious worship would prove to be the first step in an inevitable progression leading to the establishment of state churches and state religion. The Court found that this claim could not stand up against more than 200 years of virtually universal practice embedded in our colonial experience and continuing into the present. In upholding the property tax exemption, the Court took note of the historical practice of providing churches with such exemptions, stating that “two centuries of uninterrupted freedom from taxation ha[d] [not] given the remotist sign of leading to an established church or religion . . . .” “If a tax exemption can be seen as the first step toward ‘establishment’ of religion,” said the Court, “the second step has been long in coming.” Quoting Justice Cardozo the Court noted the “tendency of a principle to expand itself to the limit of its logic,” and stated that “such expansion must always be contained by the historical frame of reference of the principle’s purpose . . . .”

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There are several categories of tax-exempt organizations recognized under Section 501 of the Internal Revenue Code. There are member-serving organizations such as social clubs, business leagues, and labor unions. These organizations primarily exist to provide some benefit to their members rather than the public at large. A second category is referred to as public-serving or charitable organizations. These are organizations defined in Section 501(c)(3) of the Code. Section 501(a) of the Code exempts from federal income taxation any organization that meets the criteria of Section 501(c). Section 501(c)(3) provides exemption for: [C]orporations, and any community chest, fund or foundation organized and operated exclusively for religious, charitable, scientific, testing for public safety, literary, or educational purposes, . . . no part of the net earnings of which inures to the benefit of any private shareholder or individual, no substantial part of the activities of which is carrying on propaganda, or otherwise attempting, to influence legislation . . . , and which does not participate in, or intervene in (including the publishing or distributing of statements), any political campaign on behalf of any candidate for public office.

Religious activity is exempt under §§ 170, 501(c)(3), and 6033 of the Internal Revenue Code. Further, the Code recognizes many different religious organizations as tax exempt. The Internal Revenue Code clearly distinguishes between churches and other organizations that operate either as a part of, or in conjunction with them. Churches are exempt both from taxes on the income generated by their exempt functions, and exempt from key filing requirements. Churches are not required to file tax returns and are presumed to be exempt. All other religious organizations must prove their eligibility for exempt status by filing forms with the Treasury Department. “Churches, their integrated auxiliaries, and conventions or associations of churches,” however, have a “mandatory exemption” from the filing requirements under § 508(a) and (b) of the Internal Revenue Code. The IRS may deny tax exemptions claimed for religious donations when the funds were paid to the church in exchange for services (for example, classes) because this is a general rule that applies to all charities. [Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue (U.S. 1989)] Neither the Internal Revenue Code nor any other federal statute defines the term church. Regulators believe that a rigid regulatory definition of the term would likely be unconstitutional. A “working definition” exists, which has developed over time and was extracted from several statutory, regulatory, and judicial sources. The best approach is to focus, not on the term church itself, but rather on the categories of entities that are eligible for designation as churches under the Internal Revenue Code. In order to qualify as a church under the Code’s working definition, an organization must show that it has at least some of the following characteristics:

TAX EXEMPTIONS AND RELIGION 547 • Self-identification as a church from its inception. The term “church” has been interpreted to also include temples, mosques, synagogues, and other places of worship. • A distinct legal existence • A recognized creed and form of worship • Some form of distinct ecclesiastical government • A formal code of doctrine and discipline • A distinct religious history • A membership not associated with any other churches or denominations • Ordained ministers who minister to their congregations and who are selected after completing a prescribed course of study • Its own literature • Established places of worship • A distinct congregation • Regular religious services • Schools for the religious instruction of children • Schools that train its ministers. [Internal Revenue Manual § 321.3; Rev. Rul. 59- 129, 1959 C.B. 58] Not all organizations of any denomination are described by all these criteria, but the listing does serve two basic services. First, it provides the IRS with “objective criteria” in order to evaluate a claim that an organization is a church. Second, and perhaps more importantly for statutory and constitutional purposes, it provides IRS examiners with much flexibility. The IRS has stated that it will also consider “any other facts and circumstances that may bear upon the organization’s claim to church status.” In Murdock v. Pennsylvania (U.S. 1943), a tax immunity claim was based on the First Amendment. The putative taxpayers in Murdock were Jehovah’s Witnesses who evangelized door to door. During their visits, they preached, delivered religious literature, and sought donations to defray the costs of that literature from those willing to accept it. Local tax authorities believed that these activities involved the “sale” of literature, and thus sought to collect the appropriate license tax. An excise tax was imposed on all individuals who engaged in the privilege of “canvassing for or soliciting . . . orders for goods, paintings, pictures, wares, or merchandise of any kind, or . . . delivering such articles under orders so obtained or solicited.” The caselaw in this area present some unique fact situations. In Institute in Basic Life Principles v. Watersmeet T.P. (Mich. Ct. App. 1997), the Michigan Court of Appeals ruled that a corporation qualified as a religious society exempt from real property taxes although it had no members. The court concluded that an organization or association qualifies as a religious society for a tax exemption for houses of public worship if its predominant purpose and practice include teaching religious truths and beliefs.

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In Droz v. Commissioner (9th Cir. 1995) the court affirmed denial of a Social Security tax exemption to a self-employed party who was not a member of any religious organization on the basis that Congress desired to maintain a fiscally sound Social Security System to ensure that people were cared for, constituting a “compelling interest” that complied with the First Amendment and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Permitting the Plaintiff to “opt out” of the Social Security system would interfere with a compelling government interest. Tax exemptions for religious organizations can often involve other major social and legal issues. In Allen v. Wright (U.S. 1984) the Court heard a claim brought by African American parents challenging the decision of the Internal Revenue Service to extend tax-exempt status to racially discriminatory schools. Writing for a majority of the Court, Justice O’Connor dismissed the case on the ground that the parents lacked standing. Even though the dissent cited compelling evidence that these racially segregated academies were causing the local public schools to become resegregated, Justice O’Connor concluded that there was insufficient evidence that the actions of the Internal Revenue Service had in fact caused the flight of white children from the public schools. Accordingly, Justice O’Connor dismissed the plaintiffs’ claim for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. The terms “nonprofit organization” and “tax-exempt organization” are not synonymous. The concept of a nonprofit organization is broader than that of tax exempt organization. Nonprofit organizations are defined and regulated by state law. Whether a nonprofit organization is also a tax-exempt organization is determined by federal law, mainly the Internal Revenue Code (IRC). A taxexempt organization under federal law does not under certain circumstances have an obligation to pay certain federal taxes such as excise and employment taxes. The principal exemption by statute is Section 501 of the IRC, which relieves qualifying organizations from paying federal income taxes.

TELEVANGELISM See Religious Broadcasting

TEN COMMANDMENTS The Ten Commandments, also known as the Decalogue, according to traditional Jewish and Christian belief, came to Moses while he was on Mount Sinai, after the Jews fled Egypt. The Ten Commandments guided the lives of the ancient Israelites and have a major role in the moral conduct of Christians and Jews in contemporary times.

TEN COMMANDMENTS One version of the Ten Commandments reads: I AM the LORD thy God. Thou shalt have no other gods before me. Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Honor thy father and thy mother that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. Thou shalt not kill. Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not steal. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house; thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s wife nor his manservant nor his maidservant, nor his cattle nor anything that is thy neighbor’s.

The display of the Ten Commandments on public property in the contemporary United States is sometimes challenged by those who believe in a strict separation of church and state, because they view the Ten Commandments as a religious symbol and its display on public property to be an improper government promotion of religion. Undoubtedly, the Ten Commandments were given to establish a religious form of government. They are a Near East “suzerain-vassal treaty” between Yahweh and the Nation of Israel, and can be understood as the Constitution of Israel as well as a basis for its criminal law code. In addition to their religious significance, the Ten Commandments are part of the legal heritage of Western civilization and the United States. Public displays of the Ten Commandments in the United States have been intended in various contexts to either honor the Judeo-Christian religious heritage or to honor the evolution of America’s legal history. The issue then, becomes, in what context (if any) is a display of the Ten Commandments on public property constitutionally permissible? The U.S. Supreme Court has used the “endorsement test” to measure the constitutionality of Ten Commandments displays. For example, the Court has ruled that posting the Ten Commandments on the walls of public school classrooms plainly has a religious purpose and is unconstitutional as an establishment of religion. [Stone v. Graham (U.S. 1980)] However, since the Ten Commandments in Stone hung alone, one unanswered question was whether they would still be unconstitutional if surrounded by other displays. Another unresolved issue was whether the age and sensibilities of children made the display unconstitutional, and thus whether a display in an adult-oriented setting might be constitutionally permissible. The endorsement test, as first articulated by Justice O’Connor, focuses on two different factors: the government’s intention concerning the display, and the perceived meaning of the display in the community. Consequently, the Court must undertake not only a subjective analysis of government intent, but also an

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examination of the perceptions of the reasonable observer to determine what message the government “actually conveyed.” This examination of what impressions viewers might have of some religious displays is incapable of achieving certainty because it calls for judges to make assumptions about the opinions that unknown people may have received from certain religious speech or symbols. As an alternative to the “endorsement test,” Justice Clarence Thomas has enunciated the coercion test, which finds that as long as the government does not force an individual to affirm a religious expression, the government practice in question does not violate either the Establishment Clause or the Free Exercise Clause. “Ceremonial deism” does not violate the actual legal coercion test. Under this test, certain practices would be found constitutional that have been recognized for much of U.S. history—including displays of the Ten Commandments on government property. Several controversies in recent decades involve judges posting the Ten Commandments in their courtrooms. These include Judge Roy Moore in his Etowah County, Alabama, courtroom in 1997. Judge Moore had placed an eighteen-inch-tall, hand-carved plaque of the Ten Commandments behind his chair. In 1995, the Alabama Freethought Association filed a complaint against Judge Moore in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Alabama. The complaint sought an injunction requiring Judge Moore to remove the plaque of the Ten Commandments from his courtroom wall. In 1995, the federal district court dismissed the lawsuit, holding that the plaintiffs showed no harm caused by this display of the Ten Commandments [Alabama Freethought Association v. Moore (N.D. Ala. 1995)]. The Alabama Supreme Court dismissed the case brought in state court in order to remove the Decalogue from Judge Moore’s court in 1998. The law remains unclear in this area. The federal courts previously had ordered the Cobb County, Georgia, County Commissioners to remove the Ten Commandments from display in their meeting room in 1994 [Harvey v. Cobb County (N.D. Ga. 1993, aff’d, 11th Cir. 1994)]. Colorado was, however, allowed to keep a monument of the Decalogue, which included a bald eagle and a flag, in a public park near the state capitol. [Freedom From Religion Foundation v. Colorado (Colo. 1995)] Salt Lake City was allowed to retain a granite monolith installed on public grounds and inscribed with the Ten Commandments and symbols representing the Star of David and Jesus Christ. The court recognized both their secular and religious aspects. The court stated that the monolith was an acceptable passive presentation of America’s legal foundation because the Ten Commandments profoundly influenced on Western law [Anderson v. Salt Lake City Corporation (10th Cir. 1973 cert. den.)]. Even the chambers of the U.S. Supreme Court itself are adorned with a mural of Moses descending Sinai with the Ten Commandments. Similar to the Salt Lake case, in Freethought Society v. Chester County (3rd Cir. 2003), the Third Circuit Court of Appeals dealt with an array of factual issues

TEXAS MONTHLY, INC. V. BULLOCK relating to whether a “reasonable observer” would view a Ten Commandments display as a governmental endorsement of religion. The subject of the lawsuit was a plaque of the Ten Commandments that had been erected in the county courthouse in 1920. Since that time, the county had done nothing to draw attention to or maintain the plaque. Then, in 2001 a lawyer for a group of atheists, agnostics, and other “freethinkers” demanded that it be taken down. In the suit, commenced to force the county to remove the plaque, the primary plaintiff acknowledged she had been aware of the plaque since 1960, but she apparently did not find it offensive until she became an atheist in 1996 and was “not bothered enough by it to complain until 2001.” Replying to the plaintiffs’ claim that the plaque represented an affirmative governmental endorsement of religion, the county argued that the plaque’s long history detracted from any conclusion that the county was endorsing religion. To decide the issue, the court investigated the initial purpose behind the plaque’s erection in 1920, the reasons why the county refused to remove the plaque when so demanded in 2001, whether a reasonable observer would know of the plaque’s long history, and whether the age of the plaque was visually apparent. In 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court heard two cases challenging displays of the Ten Commandments on government property. In Van Orden v. Perry (U.S. 2005), the Court upheld the longstanding placement of a monolith in a park-like setting on the capitol grounds in Austin, Texas, as a permissible recognition, not an illegal endorsement, of religion. In McCreary County v. ACLU (U.S. 2005), however, the Court struck down the order of the County Commissioners ordering the display of the Ten Commandments in every courthouse. The Court concluded that two particular displays of the Ten Commandments lacked the “secular” purpose required by the Court’s precedents. Both cases were decided by a vote of 5–4. Justice Breyer was the swing vote in these two decisions. Conservatives criticized the McCreary County holding that held unconstitutional a display of the Ten Commandments in a county courthouse hallway. The Court found that the purpose behind the display was religious rather than secular, even though the county had altered and modified its displays on two different occasions so as to give them an increasingly secular image. The third display, entitled “The Foundations of American Law and Government,” contained nine framed documents of equal size, including the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, the Mayflower Compact, the lyrics of the Star-Spangled Banner, and the Ten Commandments, each of which was accompanied by an educational statement about the document’s historical and legal significance.

TEXAS MONTHLY, INC. V. BULLOCK (U.S. 1989) The decision in Bullock affected the 15 states whose statutes on sales and use taxes exempted religious publications. Texas exempted periodicals that consisted

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entirely of writings promulgating a religious faith from sales and use tax. Voting six to three, the U.S. Supreme Court held the Texas law unconstitutional. The Court held that, although religious schools or religious associations may be included in tax exemptions available to many secular and religious organizations, a tax exemption that is available only for religious organizations or religious activities violates the Establishment Clause. A bare majority of the justices believed that the statute violated the Establishment Clause. Justice William J. Brennan, writing for the Court, concluded that the statute failed to serve the secular purpose of maintaining the separation of church and state, but rather, had the purpose of advancing the religious mission of a particular faith. The exemption for religious periodicals in effect subsidized their teachings at the expense of taxpayers who were not exempt from the tax. Brennan went further, thereby losing the support of Justices Harry A. Blackmun and Sandra Day O’Connor, when he also declared that the statute violated the Free Exercise Clause. Blackmun and O’Connor preferred to base their decision exclusively on the Establishment Clause, believing that Brennan’s free exercise argument subordinated religious liberty to the Establishment Clause. They said that Texas engaged in “preferential support for the communication of religious messages.” Justice Byron White believed that because the statute discriminated on the basis of the content of publication. It violated the Free Press Clause because Texas discriminated on the basis of the publication’s content that consisted “wholly of writings promulgating the teachings of the faith.” In dissent, Justices Antonin Scalia, William H. Rehnquist, and Anthony Kennedy argued that the Court had confused its own precedents and diminished the Free Exercise Clause. Justice Scalia on tax exemptions, concluded that the constitution occasionally permits accommodation despite the Establishment Clause, under the Free Speech Clause. Justice Scalia noted the long history of state statutes providing such tax exemptions, and added: “In practice, a similar exemption may well exist in even more States than that, since until today our case law has suggested that [the exemption] is not only permissible but perhaps required.” An accommodation of free exercise must relieve a burden on religious practice, not promote or sponsor that practice. But saying that an accommodation must relieve a burden does not tell us what constitutes an impermissible burden. Is any tax a burden or is a tax a burden only if it really interferes with religious practice or falls with particular weight on religious practice? In Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock (U.S. 1989), Justice William Brennan wrote in his plurality opinion that an exemption for religious publications from a state sales tax was not constitutional when (absent the exemption) the tax would fall equally on all publications and apparently would not offend religious beliefs or inhibit religious activity. Brennan

TEXTBOOKS AND RELIGION 553 wrote that, “Government may not place its prestige, coercive authority, or resources behind a single religious faith or behind religious belief in general, compelling nonadherents to support the practices or proselytizing of favored religious organizations and conveying the message that those who do not contribute gladly are less than full members of the community.” The Court further indicated that the exemption would have been constitutional had it been granted to a larger class of charitable organizations. The same reasoning should apply to the legislature’s choice of tax rates. Specifically, it would be unconstitutional to single out religious organizations for either higher or lower rates than a broad class of other organizations, but it would be permissible to give preferential rates to, or impose higher rates on, a broad category of organizations such as the list of organizations listed in section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code: “religious, charitable, scientific, testing for public safety, literary, or educational purposes, or to foster national or international amateur sports competition … or for the prevention of cruelty to children or animals.” The key point is that religious organizations may not be singled out for either preferential or punitive rates. The plurality in Texas Monthly also because believed the tax exemption increased “administrative entanglement” because the statute focused on the religious literature being consistent (or not) with the teachings of the relevant religious group or was sacred to the religion. This placed the state’s tax authorities in the role of determining whether, as a matter of religious doctrine, a particular book or magazine “consists wholly of writings promulgating the teaching of the faith” or if the publications were “wholly of writings sacred” to the religion. To increase church-state entanglement interferes with accommodation of religion.

TEXTBOOKS AND RELIGION There are several constitutional issues that have been litigated pertaining to textbooks and religion. Two of the most important issues in this area include: 1) whether the government may provide textbooks to students attending religious schools, 2) parental or student objection to certain content in textbooks used in public schools. On the issue of public aid to religiously established schools, the consensus has largely been that direct financial aid to a religious school is unconstitutional. Various types of aid, however, however may be provided to students of religiously affiliated schools without violating the constitution. Accordingly, the debate over textbooks largely focused on the issue of whether the furnishing of textbooks may be regarded as aid to the school or to the student. The decision could turn somewhat on how such aid is extended, and on which constitutional provision is at issue. It is unlikely that the caselaw provides any

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dispositive answer because the holdings have been so mixed. The U.S. Supreme Court has heard this issue in several cases. In Cochran v. State Board of Education (U.S. 1930), the U.S. Supreme Court had upheld a Louisiana statute that gave nonsectarian textbooks to all school students against a Due Process Clause challenge. The Court relied on the theory that such a policy benefited individual schoolchildren rather than any particular institution, even though the vast majority of the private school students in Louisiana attended Catholic schools. This approach became known as the “child-benefit theory.” If the direct beneficiary of state aid was a schoolchild, the theory went, sectarian institutions such as parochial schools were helped only in indirect ways. In Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968) the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a New York statute requiring local public school authorities to lend textbooks free of charge to all students in grades seven through twelve, including students attending private and parochial schools, did not violate the Establishment or Free Exercise Clauses. The Court explained that “the law merely makes available to all children the benefits of a general program. . . .” The Court held that the “financial benefit [was primarily] to parents and students, not schools.” The Court was not concerned that this would create incentives for some students to attend religious schools. According to the Court, “perhaps free books make it more likely that some children choose to attend a sectarian school, but that was true of the statepaid bus fares in Everson and does not alone demonstrate an unconstitutional degree of support for a religious institution.” In Flast v. Cohen (U.S. 1968), the U.S. Supreme Court Court held that a group of taxpayer plaintiffs had standing to proceed with a lawsuit alleging that a federal statute violated the Establishment Clause by providing financing for educational programs and textbooks at sectarian schools. The Court held that a taxpayer has standing if “he alleges that congressional action under the taxing and spending clause” violates a constitutional provision “which operates to restrict the exercise of the taxing and spending power”—and that the Establishment Clause was such a provision. The Court explained that a taxpayer had a justifiable injury if “his tax money is being extracted and spent in violation of specific constitutional protections against such abuses of legislative power”—here, the establishment of a religion. In 1982, Justice William J. Brennan further explained the rationale of Flast that because one of the primary purposes of the Establishment Clause was to prevent the use of tax money for religious purposes, the “taxpayer was the direct and intended beneficiary of the prohibition on financial aid to religion,” and therefore taxpayer challenges under the Establishment Clause should be treated differently from other taxpayer suits. In Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971) the Court held that a Pennsylvania statute that provided, among other things, for state reimbursement to private elementary and secondary schools for the cost of textbooks in specified secular subjects was unconstitutional, because it violated the Establishment Clause.

TEXTBOOKS AND RELIGION 555 In Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975), however, a state law authorizing for the loan of textbooks to children attending nonpublic schools did not have the “primary effect of advancing religion” and did not involve the state in an impermissible entanglement with religion. The textbooks involved were approved for use in public schools, religious books could not be obtained, the expenditures were for a clearly identifiable secular purpose, and the only contact between the nonpublic schools and state authorities was in processing individual student book requests. [See Wolman v. Walter (U.S. 1977)] School textbooks have been an area of particular conflict through American history. Conflict over the selection of texts for public schools have included early controversies over whether to use the Protestant or Catholic Bible. In recent decades, evangelical Protestants have increasingly challenged textbooks used in public schools as offensive to their religious beliefs. In Mozert v. Hawkins County Public Schools (6th Cir. 1987), the Hawkins County, Tennessee, school district used the Holt Basic reading series as required texts for elementary students. The dispute over the readers began when one mother, Vicki Frost, began reading her daughter’s book and was disturbed by what she viewed as antiChristian messages. She claimed that one story endorsed mental telepathy, another witchcraft, and that a third depicted women in nontraditional roles. Other members of Frost’s fundamentalist Presbyterian church shared her concerns, and a group formed to state their case to the school district. Their core argument was this: The passages taught children beliefs and values that directly contradicted the parents’ religiously informed worldview. Therefore, forcing their children to read the texts was a violation of their right to free exercise of religion. The parents asked the school system to allow their children to use alternatives to the Holt readers. When the school board refused to accommodate the parents, they sued. The Mozert plaintiffs invoked the Free Exercise Clause claim to argue that religious parents should have the option of opting out of the portion of the curriculum to which they had a religious objection. Whereas Establishment Clause challenges demanded that the school system change its offerings for all students, the Free Exercise Clause claim sought accommodation only for dissenting parents. The Mozert plaintiffs did not prevail. In rejecting their claim, the Supreme Court said that parents like the plaintiffs could leave the public schools if they were dissatisfied. Other similar challenges typically had the same result. After losing their battle to exempt themselves from classes in which the Holt reading series was used, most plaintiff students ultimately left the Hawkins County schools for home schooling, private religious schools, or public schools in other counties. Another set of school textbook cases concern how evolution should be taught in the classroom. In 2002, the Cobb County School Board in Georgia required that stickers be affixed to biology textbooks, disclaiming the veracity of evolution as “a theory, not a fact,” because “discussion of disputed views of academic subjects is a necessary

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element of providing a balanced education, including the study of the origin of the species.” Later that year, parents of high school students sued the school district, Cobb County to remove disclaimer stickers (undermining evolution as a scientific theory) from biology textbooks alleging, among other things, that the sticker violated the Establishment Clause. The Parents regarded the sticker as an implied endorsement of “intelligent design.” The court held that the sticker was unconstitutional, holding that, an informed, reasonable observer would interpret the text of the sticker as an implied endorsement of religion by school officials, while regarding evolution less favorably. The court ordered removal of the sticker and permanently enjoined the School Board from disseminating them. [Selman v. Cobb County Sch. Dist. (N.D. Ga. 2005)] The United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit vacated the district court’s decision, finding that that the court’s decision was not supported by the record on appeal, which contained “significant evidentiary gaps,” and remanded the case for further fact-finding proceedings. [Selman v. Cobb County Sch. Dist. (11th Cir. 2006)] Another group of textbook cases has considered challenges to school textbooks based on allegations of an “establishment” of secularism. The Eleventh Circuit, in Smith v. Board of School Commissioners (Ala. 1987), considered and rejected a claim that pervasive secularism violates the Establishment Clause. In that case, the trial court had held that certain textbooks used in elementary and secondary schools in the state of Alabama violated the Establishment Clause because they advanced the religion of secular humanism and inhibited theistic religion. The Court of Appeals disagreed. In its view, the texts conveyed a message of “tolerance of diverse views, self-respect, maturity and logical decision-making” and this was an “entirely appropriate secular effect.” The absence of a discussion of religion, it concluded, did not convey a message of approval of secular humanism.

THOMAS V. REVIEW BOARD (U.S. 1981) This case involving conscientious objection articulates the principle that an exemption from a law of general application may be granted if the individual objecting acts from an honest conviction based on his or her religion, even though coreligionists may disagree. In Thomas the state of Indiana denied unemployment compensation to a Jehovah’s Witness who voluntarily resigned his job because of his religious belief. Thomas resigned because he was required to work on armaments and he believed his religion forbade participation in such work. The state refused to pay him unemployment benefits and ruled that he resigned because of personal philosophical convictions rather than religious belief. Even though many

THORNTON V. CALDOR Jehovah’s Witnesses did not share Thomas’ views on working with armaments, the Supreme Court accepted the religious sincerity of his belief. Chief Justice Burger, for the Court, acknowledged that Indiana had not compelled any violation of Thomas’s religious conviction. However, as in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), the indirect character of the burden only began the inquiry. Even though the law was religiously neutral on its face, it unduly burdened the free exercise of religion: “Where the State conditions receipt of an important benefit upon conduct proscribed by a religious faith, or whether it denies such a benefit, because of conduct mandated by religious belief, thereby putting substantial pressure on an adherent to modify his behavior and to violate his beliefs, a burden upon religion exists. While the compulsion may be indirect, the infringement upon free exercise is nonetheless substantial.” Just as in Sherbert, the state had coerced Thomas in the free exercise of his religion. Having found a substantial burden on free exercise, Chief Justice Burger considered whether an exemption accommodating religion was required: “The State may justify an inroad on religious liberty by showing that it is the least restrictive means of achieving some compelling state interest.” But in this instance the state could not meet the compelling state interest standard. First, there was no evidence in the record indicating that granting an exemption based on religious belief would produce widespread unemployment. Second, there was no evidence that employers would engage in detailed inquiries into the religious beliefs of job applicants. Finally, as in Sherbert, the Thomas Court denied that recognizing an exemption would foster a religious faith in violation of the Establishment Clause. Indeed, any incidental benefit to religion by granting an exemption to the general unemployment compensation law only reflected the tension between the two religion clauses. The state must seek neutrality, neither advancing nor inhibiting religion. Only Justice Rehnquist in dissent in Thomas articulated an approach that later (in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)) would prevail: “Where, as here, a State has enacted a general statute the purpose and effect of which is to advance the State’s secular goals, the Free Exercise Clause does not require the State to conform that statute to the dictates of religious conscience of any group.”

THORNTON V. CALDOR (U.S. 1985) In this case the U.S. Supreme Court held that a Connecticut statute providing employees with an absolute right not to work on their chosen Sabbath (i.e., chosen day of worship) violated the Establishment Clause. In Thornton, the issue involved the constitutionality of a statue that allowed workers to keep their jobs

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and not work on their chosen Sabbath, regardless of their employers’ preferences in the area. The statute was enacted after the Sunday Closing laws (which were earlier challenged as violations of the Establishment Clause) were repealed in Connecticut. The purpose of the statute was inseparable from the prior state of affairs. When the Sunday Closing laws were in effect, no employee could ever be told he had to work against his will on the Sabbath (Sunday). That protection would have been lost when the Sunday laws were repealed, except that Connecticut enacted a statute that restored the status quo ante on this narrow point, and extended to other individuals with other Sabbaths. The law was crafted as a good-faith attempt to promote the free exercise of religion and avoid the type of religious discrimination that had been litigated in the McGowan and Braunford cases twenty-four years earlier. In this case, Donald E. Thornton was a Presbyterian who claimed Sunday as his day of worship. His employer, Caldor, however, required that all managers like him work at least one Sunday each month. When Thornton told his employer that he could no longer work on Sundays he was transferred into a clerical position — a demotion in rank and salary. The employer had rejected an offer to work in another non-supervisory role at a lower salary or to be transferred to a managerial position at a store that was closed on Sundays. Just two days after his transfer, Thornton quit his job and filed a grievance against Caldor, arguing that Connecticut law stipulated that no employee could be forced to work on their Sabbath. Defenders of the statute argued that the statute supports the free exercise of religion, at least if the only question is whether religious observance is advanced in virtue of the statute’s protection. The Supreme Court, however, struck the statute down because it violated the Establishment Clause, because it advanced religion over other organizations. Caldor had argued that the law violated the Establishment Clause because it gave each employee the absolute right to impose their particular day of worship on employers and other employees. The U.S. Supreme Court substantially agreed with this argument. With the majority opinion written by Chief Justice Burger, the Supreme Court ruled 8-to-1 that Connecticut’s law was unconstitutional because it advanced a particular religious practice. In the majority opinion, Chief Justice Warren Burger wrote: “Under the Religion Clauses, Government must guard against activity that impinges on religious freedom, and must take pains not to compel people to act in the name of religion.” Chief Justice Burger directly addressed what he considered the “primary religious purpose and effect” of the statute. “The State thus commands that the Sabbath religious concerns automatically control over all secular interests at the workplace. The statute does not consider the inconvenience or interests of the employer or those of other employees who do not observe a Sabbath. The

TILTON V. RICHARDSON employer and others must adjust their affairs to the command of the State whenever the statute is invoked by an employee. An employee who seeks a day off from his work for compelling, although secular, reasons can be denied, but the Sabbath observer cannot. The machinery of the state may not be harnessed to facilitate the religious convictions of a favored group.” This decision held that laws which endorse a specific religious practice, like observing a Sabbath, are not permitted. It is not relevant that Connecticut had allowed employees to obey varying Sabbath days, even though this meant that they were not endorsing a particular religious faith—the mere act of endorsing religion generally was sufficient to constitute a violation of the Establishment Clause. Thus, Thornton essentially holds that violations of the separation of church and state do not happen simply when the government supports or endorses some particular religion or religious practice—instead, they also occur when religion in general is supported or endorsed.

TILTON V. RICHARDSON (U.S. 1971) In this case the Supreme Court rejected an Establishment Clause challenge to federal construction grants for college buildings to be used solely for secular purposes. Construction aid was given on a one-time basis, was religiously neutral, and did not require continuing government surveillance of the use of public money. Therefore, the grants were deemed permissible. The federal Higher Education Facility Act (HEFA) of 1963 gave construction grants to church- sponsored higher education institutes. Church affiliated colleges and universities were allowed to participate in the program. The funds were required to construct non- religious school facilities. HEFA stipulated that after twenty years, the school could use the facilities for whatever purpose they chose. The statute is federally funded and requires reauthorization every few years. Between its founding in 1965 through 1997, it was reauthorized seven times. The statute defines who is eligible to participate in the program, and provides procedures for distributing funds, which are made available to eligible students and institutions at the start of the academic year. Tilton was one in a group of individuals from Connecticut that in 1971 argued that the four Connecticut-based church-related universities that received HEFA grants were receiving federal monies for sectarian purposes, which violated the Establishment Clause. By a 5–4 vote, the Court decided that the grants for non-religious school facilities did not violate the Establishment Clause. Joining Burger in the majority were Harry A. Blackmun, John Marshall Harlan II, Potter Stewart, and Byron R. White. Chief Justice Burger, writing the majority opinion, said that the Higher

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Education Facilities Act of 1963 had a “legitimate secular objective entirely appropriate for government action without having the effect of advancing religion.” Chief Justice Burger further wrote that: “The primary effect of the Higher Education Facility Act was not to aid religious institutes. The objective was to encourage education among the country’s youth. In an earlier case (Bradfield v. Rob) the Court decided that not all financial aid to church-sponsored activities violates the religious clauses of the constitution. The beneficiaries of the act are secondary schools in which children are not as susceptible to religious coercion and in which religious instruction is not as central to the curriculum. Because the State’s interest in the structure remains after twenty years, the provision giving the schools the ability to use the facility for religious purposes is unconstitutional. This finding does not require the invalidating of the entire act because it was not essential to the whole law. The HEFA did not lead to excessive entanglement because the aid was aimed at religiously neutral facilities. Also, the aid was non-ideological and was a one-time, single-purpose program. The taxpayers’ rights were not violated by the act because there was no coercion directed at the practice or exercise of their religious beliefs.”

The Court, in its holding, found that the constitutional rights of taxpayers were not violated simply by the government granting money to religious schools for secular facilities. The majority found that HEFA did not violate either the Establishment or Free Exercise Clauses, because Congress intended the statute to include all colleges no matter what their religious affiliation, and that this did not promote religion. Relying on the general welfare clause of the constitution, the justices argued that: “The security and welfare of the United States require that this and future generations of American youth be assured ample opportunity for the fullest development of their intellectual capacities, and that this opportunity will be jeopardized unless the Nation’s colleges and universities are encouraged and assisted in their efforts to accommodate rapidly growing numbers of youth who aspire to a higher education.”

The majority cited the Bradfield v. Roberts (U.S. 1899), which held that not all financial aid to church-sponsored activities violated the religion clauses of the Constitution. They found was no evidence the use of the allotted monies to the religiously-affiliated universities would not promote religion. The Court declined to rule whether the assistance to the religious schools for non-religious purposes would enhance their ability to further their religious instruction. Taxpayers, whose money was given to religious institutions, were not harmed provided their own religious practices were not affected. The justices further concurred that religious indoctrination was not as much of a constitutional issue with church-related colleges as it is with parochial secondary and elementary schools. Justices Hugo Lafayette Black, William J. Brennan, Jr., William O. Douglas, Thurgood Marshall dissented. The dissenters believed “that even if the specific buildings funded under the grant were used only for secular (non-religious)

TIME, PLACE, AND MANNER RESTRICTIONS 561 purposes, religious institutions were aided by being able to use for religious purposes monies freed by the receipt of the federal grant.” The dissenters believed that taxpayer’s monies should not be used at religiously-affiliated schools, whether they be elementary, secondary or colleges and universities. These justices said that the provision of monies, under HEFA, to these Connecticut colleges and universities, indeed violated the Free Exercise Clause. flnewline By an 8–1 vote, the Supreme Court invalidated the provision limiting the state’s interest to twenty years was unconstitutional, declaring it unconstitutional, Burger said, was that “it cannot be assumed that a substantial structure has no value after that period and hence the unrestricted use of a valuable property is in effect a contribution of some value to a religious body.”

TIME, PLACE, AND MANNER RESTRICTIONS All First Amendment rights are subject to reasonable governmental regulations, but only on the time, place, and manner in which such rights are exercised, not on the content of what is being expressed. The Free Speech Clause is not violated when Congress or the states impose a time, place or manner restriction on such speech in traditional public forums. Generally speaking, time place and manner restrictions are based on the principle that government may protect society by controlling the harmful incidental effects of speech so long as such regulation meets certain requirements: first, it must be neutral concerning the content of expression, and, second, it may not even incidentally burden the flow of ideas to a substantial extent. The most important time, place, and manner regulations include licensing mechanisms controlling the entry and use of public forums; regulations designed to ameliorate the undesirable side effects of expression, such as noise, litter, obstruction of traffic, and invasions of privacy rules governing the conditions under which groups may solicit funds in order to protect the public from fraud or misrepresentation; and zoning laws that limit access to certain expressive materials. To be valid regulations of expression in public must be content neutral; that is, they must be applied even-handedly regardless of the content of the speech at issue. These type of regulations are usually aimed at concerns such as reducing noise and traffic congestion. Instead of regulating what is said, they merely regulate such matters as when, where, and how loud things are said. [MacDonald v. Chicago Park District (N.D. Ill. 1997)] Cities may maintain public order by placing time, place, and manner restrictions on public evangelizing. [Cox v. New Hampshire (U.S. 1941)] Cities may require that members of the evangelizing group to identify themselves and many have regulations on when, where, and how evangelization is done. Cities

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have the right to control their streets and parks and may insist that evangelization not be disruptive of reasonably normal flow of traffic, not be harmful to citizens, and not overwhelm the police protection of a city. Many cities in the late 1930s and early 1940s enacted ordinances to require a permit and the payment of a tax for permission to evangelize. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, held that such behavior was a form of restraint prohibited by the Free Exercise Clause. [Murdock v. Pennsylvania (U.S. 1943)] In Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940) the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated the convictions of three Witnesses who had been tried for disturbing the peace and for soliciting money for a religious cause without the approval of the relevant local official, as required by the ordinance. Writing for a unanimous Court, Justice Owen Roberts further held that, although a state could condition the time, place, and manner of the solicitation of money for religious purposes, the freedom of religion guaranteed by the First Amendment prohibited a state from either placing an unreasonable burden on such an activity or from forbidding it altogether. In Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness (U.S. 1981), the plaintiffs were members of a religious sect that commanded its members to distribute religious literature in public places. They had challenged a Minnesota statute that required all exhibitors at the state fair to sell and distribute materials only from fixed locations on the fair grounds. Plaintiffs argued that the city’s denial of permission to mingle with the crowds to proselytize violated their constitutional rights. The Supreme Court rejected their challenge, holding that the regulation constituted a valid time, place, and manner restriction on their free speech rights, because it was not content based, served a significant governmental interest, was the least restrictive means of serving the government interest, and provided adequate alternative venues for the free practice of the plaintiffs’ religion. The Court stated that the interest protected by this rule, crowd control, was substantial, and reasonable restrictions that furthered this interest would be permissible so long as the content of the regulated speech was not at issue. Thus, the Court upheld the state’s rule not on the basis that the rule inflicted no First Amendment injury, but on the basis that the rule was a valid “time, place, and manner” restriction and the injury was therefore justified. Time, place, and manner restrictions on free speech by religious sects are considered valid if the ordinance neither discriminates against a religious use, nor favors one religion over another, and if the government provides alternative sites for churches and establishes an important government interest in the exclusion. [Allendale Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses v. Grossman (N.J. 1959)] Zoning ordinances excluding churches from residential districts have been upheld as reasonable time, place, and manner regulations. [Corporation of the Presiding Bishop v. City of Porterville (Cal. 1949); Allendale Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses v. Grossman (N.J. 1959)] A zoning ordinance that limits where churches may be located does not violate a church’s free exercise rights if, first, it is not content based. That is, the

TIME, PLACE, AND MANNER RESTRICTIONS 563 ordinance must not discriminate against religious uses nor favor one religious group over another. On that basis, an ordinance that excluded churches while allowing similar or more intensive uses would be impermissible. Second, the government must provide adequate alternative sites for the church. Thus, under either a standard free exercise analysis or under the doctrine of time, place, and manner restrictions on protected speech, the exclusion of churches from residential zones does not automatically violate the First Amendment. In Cornerstone Bible Church v. City of Hastings (8th Cir. 1991), a Minnesota city excluded churches from commercial and industrial zones on the basis that they displaced commercial use and would harm the economic vitality of those districts. The court found that the Free Exercise Clause was not violated because there was no evidence of discrimination base on religious status. In light, however of the fact that secular noncommercial uses were permitted in the downtown area, the court remanded the case to district court to declare whether under the Equal protection Clause any rational basis existed for prohibiting churches while permitting other similarly situation noncommercial uses. The disparate treatment of religious and secular noncommercial gives rise to the validity of time, place, and manner restrictions in this case. Other activities that are subject to time, place, and manner restrictions include displaying a nativity scene in the park. The placing of the nativity scene, or any other speech activities in the park, could be subject to time, place, or manner restrictions. Student distribution of religious literature may be subjected to time, place, and manner restrictions in the interests of order and forwarding the school’s educational goals. [Hedges v. Wauconda School District (7th Cir. 1993)] Restrictions on prisoner’s First Amendment rights may represent reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions. [Pell v. Procunier (U.S. 1974)] Prison administrators will retain authority, in many instances, to regulate the time, place, and manner of an inmate’s exercise of religion. Restrictions that do not deny inmates the opportunity to engage in otherwise permissible religious practice, but merely require them to pursue such activities within the context of prison life, likely will not substantially burden inmates’ free exercise rights and will be permissible. [O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz (U.S. 1987)] The time, place, and manner issue also appears in the context of religious expression the public schools. In a case in which a court issued an injunction requiring Alabama schools to cease sponsoring prayer and to prohibit studentinitiated prayer, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals held for the school. Religious speech that has been genuinely student-initiated cannot be prohibited. However, student-initiated speech may constitute impermissible state involvement in religion if the school participates or supervises the speech. The school may place time, place, and manner restrictions on the speech that occurs in the school. [Chandler v. James (11th Cir. 1999)]

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One of the legitimate grounds for imposing reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions on free speech is to avoid the appearance of endorsing a particular religion.

TITHES/TITHING American courts, following traditional understanding, usually have defined a tithe as a payment given as a voluntary contribution to support one’s church or religious community. Usually, it consists of 10 percent (one-tenth) of a specific sum, such as an individual’s salary, or of an amount of in-kind goods, such as crops. [Committee v. Cottam (Pa. 1992); In re Whitney’s Estate (Cal. App. 1932)] Tithing in ancient history is the equivalent of modern taxes, as well as gifts to support religious institutions. In the modern context, tithing is usually considered to be voluntary contribution or as a tax or levy, usually to support a Jewish or Christian religious organization. In modern times, tithes are paid in cash, checks, or stocks, while in the past, tithes could be paid in kind, such as agricultural products. Several European countries allow some churches to assess tithes, and this is part of their system of taxation. The Establishment Clause would prohibit the United States from collecting a church tax or a mandatory tithe on its citizens. Actual collection procedures vary from church to church, from the common, strictly voluntary practice of “passing the plate” in Catholic and mainline Protestant churches, to formal, churchmediated tithing in some conservative Protestant churches (as well as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), to membership fees as practiced in many Jewish congregations. There is no government involvement in church collections (though some contributions are considered tax-exempt as charity donations). Tithe or tenth, the proportion of property devoted to religious uses from very early times. Instances of the use of tithes are found prior to the appointment of the Levitical tithes under the law. The two prominent instances are: 1) Abram presenting the tenth of all his property, or rather of the spoils of his victory, to Melchizedek (Genesis 14:20; Hebrews 7:2,6), and 2) Jacob, after his vision at Luz, devoting a tenth of all his property to God in case he should return home in safety (Genesis 28:22). The first enactment of the law regarding tithe is the declaration that the tenth of all produce, as well as of flocks and cattle belongs to Jehovah and must be offered to him that the tithe was to be paid in kind, or, if redeemed, with an addition of one fifth to its value (Leviticus 27:30–33). This tenth is commanded to be assigned to the Levites as the reward of their service, and it is commanded further that they are themselves to dedicate to the Lord a tenth of these receipts, which is to be devoted to the maintenance of the high priest (Numbers 18:21–28).

TITHES/TITHING 565 This legislation was modified or extended in the book of Deuteronomy (about thirty-eight to forty years later). The Israelites were commanded: 1) To bring their tithes, together with their votive and other offerings and first-fruits, to the chosen centre of worship, the metropolis; 2) there to be eaten in festive celebration in company with their children their servants and the Levites (Deuteronomy 12:5–18); 3) all the produce of the soil was to be tithed and these tithes with the firstlings of the flock and herd were to be eaten in the metropolis; 4) in case of distance, permission is given to convert the produce into money, which is to be taken to the appointed place, and there laid out in the purchase of food for a festal celebration, in which the Levite is, by special command, to be included (Deuteronomy 14:22–27); and 5) that at the end of three years all the tithe of that year is to be gathered and laid up “within the gates” and that a festival is to be held of which the stranger, the fatherless and the widow together with the Levite, are to partake (Deuteronomy 5:28,29); and finally, 6) it is commanded that after taking the tithe in each third year, “which is the year of tithing,” an exculpatory declaration is to be made by every Israelite that he has done his best to fulfill the divine command (Deuteronomy 26:12–14). Although tithing was practiced extensively in the Hebrew Bible, it was never practiced or taught within the first-century Christian Church. Instead the New Testament scriptures are interpreted as teaching the concept of “freewill offerings” as a means of supporting the church (see I Corinthians 16:2 and II Corinthians 9:7). Also, some of the earliest Christian communities sold everything they had and held the proceeds in common to be used for the furtherance of the Gospel (Acts 2:44–47, Acts 4:34–35). The book of Acts has an account of a man and wife who were living in one of these groups. They sold a piece of property but donated only part of the selling price to the church and were struck dead for lying to God (Acts 5:1–10). It is believed that tithes were not adopted by the Catholic Christian church for over seven centuries. Although initially rejected, they were mentioned in councils at Tours in 567 and at Macon in 585. They were formally recognized under Pope Adrian I in 787. The various Christian churches view tithing differently. As tithing was only clearly required in the Old Testament, some believe this practice does not belong in modern Christianity. Others believe that the Old Testament law remains in effect. Tithing, on occasion, becomes a secular legal issue in the United States. Before the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005 became effective, bankruptcy court judges were required to allow debtors to tithe a portion of their income on a regular basis. The Religious Liberty and Charitable Donation Protection Act of 1998 allowed debtors filing for bankruptcy protection to exempt up to 15 percent of their annual income from creditors for tithing or charitable donations. In In re Diagostino, (Bank N.D.N.Y. 2006), the court ruled that the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005, however, superseded that law, at least for Chapter 13 filers. “Thou shalt have no

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gods before me . . . except for MasterCard, Visa and American Express,” said Henry J. Sommer, president of the National Association of Consumer Bankruptcy Attorneys, which criticized the judge’s ruling. Sommer argued that: “For religious Americans who find themselves deeply in debt due to job loss, catastrophic medical expenses or other circumstances, the 2005 reform legislation didn’t just reword the federal bankruptcy code, it also effectively rewrote Exodus and Deuteronomy. Many who practice their faith and believe that they are bound by creed to tithe a portion of their income will find that Congress effectively decided that what credit cards want is more important than the deeply personal religious practices of Americans.” The Diagostino decision led Senators. Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) and Barack Obama (D-Ill.) to propose legislation that would allow individuals in bankruptcy to continue donating to churches and charities. Obama, who voted against the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005, said the bill would clarify that Congress didn’t intend for the law to prioritize creditors over religious institutions and charities. “For millions of Americans, charitable giving and tithing is an essential part of their lives,” Obama said in a statement. “And in a country where 37 million citizens live in poverty, we should be encouraging charitable giving, not limiting it.” Criticizing the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005, the court went on to state, “Whether tithing is or is not reasonable for a debtor in bankruptcy is for Washington to decide. However, consistency and logic would demand the same treatment of all debtors.” The Obama-Hatch Tithing Bill (S. 4044) protects an individual’s right to continue reasonable charitable contributions, including religious tithing, while going through a Chapter 13 bankruptcy proceeding. The bill sought to reverse the holding in D’Agostinio that prevented the inclusion of tithes to a church or other charitable donations as “reasonably necessary” expenses for debtors in Chapter 13 who have incomes above their state’s median. The bill passed Congress and was sent to President George W. Bush for his signature.

TONY AND SUSAN ALAMO FOUNDATION V. SECRETARY OF LABOR (U.S. 1985) This case involved an unsuccessful effort to secure a religious exemption from a generally applicable law. Exemption from the minimum wage provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) was sought by a nonprofit religious foundation. Most of the foundation’s activities were conducted by associates who received no cash salaries for their work, but who were given food, shelter, clothing, and other benefits.

TORCASO V. WATKINS The associates worked in several foundation-run enterprises, such as service stations, retail clothing, grocery outlets, hog farms, roofing and electrical construction companies engaged in the production and distribution of candy. The employees or associates were mostly drug addicts, homeless people, or ex-convicts, who were being rehabilitated by the foundation, the purpose of which were to “establish, conduct, and maintain an evangelistic church; to conduct religious services; to minister to the sick and needy, to care for the fatherless . . . and generally to do those things needed for the promotion of Christian faith, virtue, and charity. In analyzing the situation, the court declined to follow the precedent of NLRB v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago (U.S. 1979) because it found no significant risk of an infringement of First Amendment rights. The Court noted that the businesses in which the Alamo Foundation engaged in served the public in competition with ordinary commercial enterprises. The foundation had claimed that the receipt of “wages” by its associates would violate the associates’ religious convictions. Justice Byron White responded that the FLSA does not require the payment of cash wages, so that the associates could continue to be paid in the form of increased benefits that would respect their religious beliefs. Further, if there was some religious objection to the increased benefits, the associates were free to return the “wages” back to the Foundation: “We therefore fail to perceive how application of the Act would interfere with the associates’ right to freely exercise their religious beliefs.”

TORCASO V. WATKINS (U.S. 1961) In this case the Supreme Court unanimously invalidated a provision in the Maryland constitution requiring that a person take an oath that acknowledged a belief in God in order to qualify for public employment. The Court found that the religious test for public office is an unconstitutional invasion of “freedom of belief and religion.” Torcaso, an atheist, refused to make such a statement, and his commission was consequentially revoked. Torcaso, believing his constitutional rights to freedom of religious expression had been infringed, filed suit in a Maryland Circuit Court, which rejected his claim. Torcaso appealed to the Maryland Court of Appeals held that the requirement for a declaration of belief in God as a qualification for office was self-executing. The Court of Appeals justified its decision as follows: “The petitioner is not compelled to believe or disbelieve, under threat of punishment or other compulsion. True, unless he makes the declaration of belief, he cannot hold public office in Maryland, but he is not compelled to hold office.”

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Torcaso appealed the case to the United States Supreme Court, where it was heard on April 24, 1961. Justice Hugo Black, writing for the Court in Torcaso, concluded that the command of neutrality announced in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) prohibited government favoritism towards traditional religions. Justice Black added: “We repeat and again reaffirm that neither a State nor the Federal Government can constitutionally force a person to profess a belief or disbelief in any religion. Neither can constitutionally pass laws or impose requirements which aid all religions as against non-believers, and neither can aid those religions based on a belief in the existence of God as against those religions founded on different beliefs.”

As the justices found that aid could not be given to religion over nonreligion and that nonreligious beliefs could not be burdened, the Maryland statute violated both of the religious clauses of the First Amendment, the Establishment Clause as well as the Free Exercise Clause. Government can neither “aid all religions against non-believers [nor] can [it] aid those religions based on a belief in the existence of God as against those religions founded on different beliefs.” This principle extended protection not only to the secular humanist who challenged the Maryland statute in this case but also to the adherents of nontheistic religious beliefs such as Buddhism, Taoism, and Ethical Culture.

TORTS AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS A tort is a legal wrong committed against a person or property independent of contract. A tort is either an intentional act that causes damage to a legally protected interest, or the breach of a legal duty that is the proximate cause of harm to a legitimate interests of another. The word “tort” originates from the Latin term, “torquerre,” meaning “to twist,” and hence the term implies that something has been “twisted” or is not correct. There are at least three sets of interests that are involved in tort litigation in which legitimate First Amendment claims or defenses can be raised: (1) the legal interests of the tort plaintiff; (2) the First Amendment interests of the defendant; and (3) the regulatory interests of the state. A First Amendment case, however, can make the situation more complicated. Although the states have a strong interest in enforcing their tort and contract law, the First Amendment requires that the courts protect important liberty interests while adjudicating tort and contract cases. Litigation should be conducted in a manner that does not intrude on First Amendment rights, and the relationships must be defined in a way that does not intrude on constitutionally protected interests.

TORTS AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS Tort law is almost entirely state law. Thus, while there are certain common principles that are widely recognized, the law of every state must be consulted for an authoritative application to a given situation. Churches and other charitable organizations and institutions once had the common law defense of charitable immunity and could not be sued. By the early 1940s, however, the courts began rejecting charitable immunity in almost every American state. Today, in most American jurisdictions, churches and other religious organizations, along with other charities are as liable as any secular or commercial organization for their tortuous actions. There are basically three types of torts: 1) negligence, 2) intentional torts, and 3) strict liability. Negligent torts are unintentional torts. Negligence is the failure to do something that a reasonable person in ordinary circumstances that ordinarily govern would do or the doing of something that a reasonable and prudent person under the circumstances would not do. In addition to that which is mandated by statute, courts have developed rules to determine when a person may recover for each type of intentional tort. One instance in which courts have sometimes found churches liable in tort is in the sounding of bells or carillons, which they held in certain circumstances, to constitute a nuisance. This includes cases in which the ringing of a chime or bells from a church tower interfered with the physical comfort of residents living adjacent to the church. [See, for example, Leete v. Pilgrim Congregational Society (Mo. 1884); Terhune v. Trustees of Methodist Episcopal Church (N.J. 1917)] Religious organizations encounter claims of intentional tort when problems arise such as the sexual misconduct of church workers of volunteers toward minors or people that they are counseling. Strict liability refers to certain types of torts in which a person may be held strictly liability, even though the action causing the injury was neither negligent nor intentional. Strict liability is found mostly in products liability cases. This type of tort is rarely applicable to religious organizations. In American law, religious organizations are subject to the same “vicarious liability” or “respondeat superior” for wrongs of their employees as other organizations. The standard in a vicarious liability or respondeat superior case is essentially twofold: 1) was the alleged wrongdoer in fact an employee of the church or religious organization? and 2) was the alleged wrong done in the course of his or her employment? In order to prevail, the Plaintiff must prove that he had an injury that was caused by a negligent and wrongful act of the person or persons who are claimed to be an employee. Despite the extensive litigation of respondeat superior issues with respect to clergy, there is little consistency in the law. Three cases involving Roman Catholic priests, all decided in 1988, illustrate the contrasting applications of these principles in determining who is sufficiently considered to be employee for

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purposes of respondeat superior liability: Brillhart v. Scheier (KS 1988) (injuries caused in automobile accident); Wood v. Benedictine Society (Ala. 1988) (injuries suffered at an abortion protest); and Does 1–9 v. Compcare, Inc. (WA 1988) (sexual abuse of minors).

TUITION TAX DEDUCTIONS OR CREDITS Since the 1960s, many proposals have been offered at both the state and federal level to reduce the cost to parents sending their children to private schools. In Congress, tuition tax credits have been the popular of these proposals. Typically, such bills would permit about half of private tuition to be used as a credit against the Federal Income tax. The credits would be capped and not available to highincome families. Congress has, to date, not enacted any of these proposals. Tuition tax credits and other forms of government aid to private schools are controversial for several reasons. They raise the fear that government assistance to private schools would weaken the public school system. This type of government support also raises Establishment Clause issues, since such a high proportion of private schools have a religious affiliation. Tuition tax credits may be useless to some impoverished families, who pay no or little federal income taxes. Also, government support of private schools would enhance the position of the wealthy in society. Proponents of tax credits do not view these proposals as an attempt to undermine the public school system, but see it as an effort to partially offset a substantial advantage currently enjoyed by the public schools. Proponents further argue that competition from a strong private school sector would help improve public school performance. In response, opponents of tax credits ague that the financial advantage of public schools is justified by the special responsibilities and burdens associated with their mandate to admit and educate all students, and not just those deemed to be acceptable by a selective criteria. A state may not use a system of statutory grants, tax credits, or tax deductions to reimburse parents or students for tuition paid only to religiously affiliated schools. However, a tax deduction to all students or parents based upon the actual expenditures of attending any public or private school (including religious school) has been upheld. [Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983)] Mueller validated a tax statute allowing parents or private school students to deduct the expenses of tuition, textbooks, and transportation. Apparently a valid tax deduction statute must allow deductions for: (1) expenditures for public as well as private schools; and (2) some expenditures other than tuition (such as expenditures for school supplies or books) so that public school students or their parents may benefit from the deduction.

TUITION TAX DEDUCTIONS OR CREDITS 571 The factual difference between Mueller and Nyquist (explained below) made the result different. Justice Rehnquist, writing for the majority, held that that the fact that the tax deductions were available to all school children negated or avoided all church-state problems. The statue creating the tax deduction had a secular purpose, namely supporting the creation of a well-educated citizenry. It does not have the primary effect of advancing or inhibiting religion. Since the financial aid is available not only to parents of parochial school students, Mueller left Nyquist intact. It is still unconstitutional to have a tax law that benefits only parochial school students. Substantially similar tuition reimbursement programs in New York and Pennsylvania were declared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court. New York’s program provided out of general tax revenues reimbursements for tuition paid by low-income parents to send their children to private elementary and secondary schools. The reimbursements were of fixed amounts and could not exceed 50 percent of the actual tuition paid. [Committee for Public Education & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist (U.S. 1973)] Pennsylvania provided fixed-sum reimbursements for parents who sent their children to private elementary and secondary schools, if the amount paid did not exceed actual tuition. The funds were derived from cigarette tax revenues. Both programs, the Supreme Court held, were public financial assistance to sectarian institutions with no attempt to segregate the benefits so that religious activities were not subsidized. [Sloan v. Lemon (U.S. 1973)] New York had also enacted a program of tax relief for those parents sending their children to nonpublic schools; relief was available to parents not qualifying for the tuition reimbursements if they made less than $25,000 per year and the relief was in fixed sums having no relationship to the amounts of the tuition paid. “In practical terms there would appear to be little difference, for purposes of determining whether such aid has the effect of advancing religion, between the tax benefit allowed and the tuition grant allowed under section 2. The qualifying parent under either program receives the same form of encouragement and reward for sending his children to nonpublic schools. The only difference was that one parent receives an actual cash payment while the other is allowed to reduce by an arbitrary amount the sum he would otherwise be obliged to pay to the State.” There was no answer to Judge Hays’s dissenting statement that “[i]n both instances the money involved represents a charge made upon the state for the purpose of religious education.” There was some difficulty in distinguishing this program from the tax exemption approved in Walz v. Tax Commission (U.S. 1970). Two subsidiary arguments were rejected by the Supreme Court in these cases. First, it had been argued that the tuition reimbursement program promoted the free exercise of religion because it permitted low-income parents wanting to send their children to school according to their religious beliefs to do so. The Court agreed that “tension inevitably exists between the Free Exercise and Establishment

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Clauses,” but the government is required neither to advance nor inhibit religion and the tuition program inescapably advanced religion and was unconstitutional. In the Pennsylvania case, the Defendant argued that because the program reimbursed parents who sent their children to nonsectarian schools as well as to sectarian ones, the section on the former parents was valid and parents of children who attended sectarian schools are entitled to the same aid as a matter of equal protection. Many observers believed after the Mueller case, that many states and perhaps even the federal government might enact legislation to provide aid to religious schools students through provisions in the income tax codes that would allow all parents with children in school, of whatever kind, to make a deduction. This did not occur, perhaps because in difficult economic times, most governments are not willing to voluntarily reduce their tax revenues, which would have happened if the tax deductions were enacted. Some legislatures may have been persuaded by Justice Thurgood Marshall’s dissent in Mueller (joined by three justices), in which Marshall argued that the idea that all parents are helped by an “even handed tax deduction is a fiction.” The dissenters argued that the deduction is not even handed, because only under the most unusual circumstances do public schools charge any tuition of fees for their books. Critics further claim that whatever neutral qualities the program purports to have, it was designed to provide incentives for, or to aid, parents who send their children to sectarian schools.

U UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION AND RELIGION Many state unemployment compensation programs make payments exclusively to persons who are involuntary unemployed (that is, those who were laid off, rather than merely resigned), and who are available to work (i.e., willing to accept offered employment). In the case of unemployment compensation, however, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that states must grant religious exemptions. Thus, if a person resigns from a job or refuses to accept a job because it conflicts with his or her religious beliefs, the state must pay him or her unemployment compensation if he or she is otherwise entitled to it. A state cannot deny unemployment compensation merely because the applicant quit a job rather than work on a day on which religious beliefs forbid work. [Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963)] A state cannot deny unemployment compensation merely because a worker quits his or her job rather than work on the production of military equipment after a factory converts from nonmilitary to military production. [Thomas v. Review Board (U.S. 1981)] A person is not required to be a member of a formal religious organization to receive an exemption from unemployment compensation requirements for religious reasons. All that is required is that the person sincerely holds religious beliefs that prevent him or her from working on a certain day or on certain products. [Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security (U.S. 1989)] The unemployment compensation cases do not grant individuals a right to disregard criminal laws due to their religious beliefs. Thus, unemployment compensation laws may disqualify persons fired for “misconduct” (which includes any violation of criminal law). A person who was terminated from his job as a counselor at a private drug abuse clinic when it was discovered that he used peyote for religious reasons during nonwork hours claimed that denial of unemployment compensation to him violated his right to free exercise of his religion. All use of peyote was illegal in the

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state (even if used in a religious ceremony). The U.S. Supreme Court held that unemployment compensation could properly be denied in this case. [Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990)]

UNENUMERATED RIGHTS These are rights not explicitly stated in the U.S. Constitution. The beginning point for interpreting the Ninth Amendment is its language: “The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” There are two major approaches used in analyzing the Ninth Amendment. One approach sees the Ninth Amendment primarily as a rule of construction for interpreting the Constitution’s enumerated grants of power. Another approach construes the Amendment as a repository for judicially enforceable, unenumerated individual rights, such as the right to privacy. The amendment provides that: “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” This language suggests that the Ninth Amendment is perhaps the most dynamic and open-ended of the Constitution’s provisions, and one whose meaning is not fully captured by either of the two approaches. Both those who read the Ninth as a rule of construction and those who view it as a repository of unenumerated individual rights seek ultimate support from the historical background of the period between 1787 and 1791. The rule-ofconstruction supporters greatly emphasize the Federalist-Antifederalist debates over the ratification of the Constitution. Those seeking to prove the “unenumerated right argument base their position on the Lockean natural rights political philosophy of the late eighteenth century. An interpretation of the Ninth Amendment as a declaratory provision can exist in both narrow and broad forms. Viewed narrowly, the Ninth Amendment may simply declare the Framers’ understanding that the Constitution’s limitations on the federal government do not express all of the rights retained by the People. A narrow version of the Ninth proposes that the rights retained by the People are much broader than those mentioned in the Bill of Rights. While the First Amendment says Congress can make no law abridging the right to free speech, the Ninth Amendment declares the Framers’ understanding that the right to free speech is broader than the First Amendment’s simple limitation on congressional power to regulate it. Under a more expansive approach to the declaratory nature of the Ninth Amendment, however, the Constitution does not even mention the many unenumerated rights held by the people. The Ninth Amendment declares the Framers’ understanding that the Constitution functions against the background of

UNENUMERATED RIGHTS a natural rights universe that exists outside the power of the Constitution. Under this approach, the Ninth Amendment could require the enforcement of rights, such as a right to privacy, even if it had no textual basis within the Constitution. In both cases, the Ninth Amendment does not create any rights through positive law, but serves as a declaration of the Framers’ understanding of current law: that rights exist beyond their literal expression in the Constitutional text. The text and the rule of construction that requires plain meaning to be followed clearly establishes the existence of “unenumerated rights.” They are inferred from the language, history, and structure of the constitution, or cases interpreting it. Typically, the term unenumerated rights describes certain fundamental rights that have been recognized by the U.S. Supreme Court under the U.S. Constitution. In addition, state courts have recognized unenumerated rights emanating from the principles enunciated by their own state constitutions. In addition to rights recognized at the time of its inception, the Ninth Amendment probably was intended to be the basis for unknown rights revealed only at a future time. The Framers of the Constitution did not foreclose the possibility that succeeding generations may claim new rights. The fact that a right is not expressly mentioned in the Constitution is not and cannot be, in and by itself, be a decisive objection, because the constitution was not constructed with an exhaustive list of enumerated rights. No comprehensive list of unenumerated rights has ever been compiled nor could such a list be readily produced precisely because these rights are unenumerated. A partial list of unenumerated rights, however, might include those specifically recognized by the Supreme Court, such as the right to travel, the right to privacy, the right to autonomy, the right to dignity, and the right to an abortion, which is based on the right to privacy. Other rights could easily be added to this list, and no doubt will be in the future. The Supreme Court does not accept every claim of unenumerated rights. In Washington v. Glucksberg (U.S. 1997), the Supreme Court ruled that there is no unenumerated constitutional right to die. Reaching beyond the express text of the U.S. Constitution, the Ninth Amendment provides for the unenumerated rights of the people. These rights have content. To interpret the Ninth Amendment as merely the converse side of the Tenth Amendment confuses the meaning of the two amendments. An explicit declaration of the existence of unenumerated rights is an addition of unspecified rights to the Bill of Rights. Confusion between the Ninth and Tenth Amendments originated when Virginia passed the amendments in 1788. Moreover, Madison himself argued that the division between a power granted and a right retained by the people amounted to the same thing as if a right were named. Unenumerated rights, however, are not named, and no affirmative power has been delegated to regulate or abridge them. Undoubtedly, the Ninth Amendment and its problem of identifying unenumerated rights continue to pose a problem. Courts continue to discover

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rights that have no textual existence and might be considered unenumerated, but for the judicial propensity to ignore the Ninth Amendment and believe that some unspecified right under discussion derives from a right that is enumerated. Opponents of such rights often criticize judicial use of such rights as judicial activism. So long as the government exists in order to securing the rights of the people and must exercise its powers in subordination to those rights, the Ninth Amendment should have the vitality intended for it. The problem is not so much whether the rights it guarantees are worthy of enforcement as are the enumerated rights; the problem, rather, is whether our courts should ignore the amendment rights worthy of our respect, which the Framers might conceivably have meant to safeguard at least in principle. Even though enumerated rights have a defensible legal basis, every time such a right is invoked by a judge, there must be some extra-legal account of its constitutional status—some extra-textual account by which this particular right constitutes, even though it might be unwritten, as a constitutional right, and such an account must answer to all the demands of legality by the constitution in a democracy in which unelected judges render constitutional decisions for the nation.

UNITED NATIONS DECLARATIONS AND RESOLUTIONS ON RELIGION The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted by the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations and was adopted by the General Assembly in 1948. At its inception the Declaration was viewed by the U.N. members as a nonbinding agreement. Article 2 of the Declaration provides that “everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status.” Article 19 of the Declaration states: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression, this right includes the right to hold opinions without interference, and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” Along with the U.N. Charter and the International Charter on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the Declaration is part of the International Bill of Rights. In addition to the Universal Declaration, the principal international human rights treaties require governments to prohibit “hate speech” based on race, religion, or nationality. Human rights are considered “religiously impartial, at least in the sense of excluding religious identity as a condition of citizenship. Just as race, gender, and color may not limit the legal and other protections and responsibilities of

UNITED STATES V. BALLARD citizenship, so no form of religious reference or appeal, such as expressed adherence to certain doctrines, texts, practices, or authorities, may serve as a condition for ascribing, withholding, or modifying civil rights and privileges. The drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights underscored the religious impartiality of human rights by deliberately refraining from including references to a deity or to immortal destiny of human beings. That decision is consistent with the requirements of nondiscrimination. Having excluded religious appeals as the basis for the civil enjoyment of human rights, it would be inconsistent to introduce particular religious references as the preferred basis for affirming human rights in the preamble of the Declaration. Furthermore, since the rights and obligations articulated in the Universal Declaration and other similar instruments are by definition “human,” they must be assumed both to be available to and incumbent upon everyone, regardless of race, color, language, or religion. This means belief of a certain religious or similar kind cannot be required as a qualification for benefiting from human rights or for being expected to live up to them. The religious impartiality of human rights, carefully specified in this way, appears to be a crucial element of “nondiscrimination,” a principle that is essential to the whole concept of human rights. Distinguishing between “public” and “private” areas of behavior on issues of fundamental belief seems also required by the principle of nondiscrimination. If religion or belief may not be employed to control what an individual in the role of citizen may or may not do, then religious belief and expression must be “private,” in the sense of being effectively, or for practical purposes, under the direct personal control of each citizen, and only indirectly under the control of public authorities.

UNITED STATES V. BALLARD (U.S. 1944) This case articulates the principle that the government does not have the right to evaluate the religious beliefs of a person or a group. The fact that individuals or groups may believe what they want about religion means the government is not permitted to make a judgment about the validity of the beliefs. Under both the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause, the government may not decide which religious faiths are true and which are not true. In this case, the defendants were charged with using the mail to obtain money by fraud. The two defendants, Edna and Donald Ballard, claimed that they had been made divine messengers by “Saint Germain” who was Gary Ballard when he (Gary Ballard) was alive. They represented themselves as the divine messengers and teachers of the “I AM” movement (a neo-theosophical group) with powers to heal many diseases, including some classified medically as incurable. In 1940, a sensational trial of the leaders of the movement occurred, after some members of

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the Ballards’ personal staff accused the Ballards of obtaining money under fraudulent pretenses. The indictment charged that the Ballards “well knew” that these representations were false and that they made the representations to fraudulently collect donations from their followers for themselves. The district court had submitted to the jury the question of whether the defendants honestly and in good faith believed the representations. The trial judge, however, did not submit to the jury any issue as to the truth or falsity of the representations. The court of appeals reversed the defendants’ convictions on the basis that it was necessary to prove that the representations were in fact false. The U.S. Supreme Court, in a sharply divided and complicated decision, overturned the decision of the court of appeals, which had vacated the convictions and ordered a new trial. The justices had great difficulty in determining a standard to separate the issue of belief from the issue of truth. In an opinion by Justice William O. Douglas, a majority of the justices declared that the Free Exercise Clause was created in order to ensure that even the most incomprehensible religious views would receive full constitutional protection. It said that, freedom of thought, “embraces the right to maintain theories of life and of death and of the hereafter which are rank heresy to followers of orthodox faiths.” Individuals may believe what they cannot prove. The court, instead, held that a jury could only determine whether or not a religious belief was sincerely held, not whether it was true. Thus, while the judges seem to have agreed that Ballard was guilty of fraud (“The religious views espoused by respondents might seem incredible, if not preposterous, to most people”), they ruled that the truth or falsity of the religious claims could not be subject to trial before a jury. Justice Robert Jackson dissented from the remanding of the case to the circuit court because he found that any inquiry into religious “fraud” was prohibited by the First Amendment. He argued that to allow inquiry into a defendant’s good faith in asserting a belief was not materially different from a testing of the belief itself. Unless one proves that the asserted religion is not worthy of belief it is not likely that anyone will be convinced of a defendant’s bad faith. Additionally, the possibility that government might begin testing when “preachers” lack true belief is in itself dangerous to religious freedom. The chief principle of Ballard which is that the government may not evaluate theology protects all those who are religious, not just to so-called “fringe groups.” Ballard does not mean that religious organizations may not be prosecuted for fraud. For example, they can be prosecuted for misappropriation of funds. In these prosecutions, however, the government must avoid making judgments about the veracity of the religious beliefs of a group.

UNITED STATES V. LEE

UNITED STATES V. LEE (U.S. 1982) This is one of several cases involving the constitutional debate over whether the Free Exercise Clause demands that federal and state governments exempt religiously motivated individuals from laws that burden their religious practices or convictions. Edwin Lee, a member of the Old Order Amish, was a farmer and a carpenter, who between 1970 and 1977 employed other Amish on his farm and in his lumber business. He refused to pay social security taxes and filed no social security tax returns because the Amish prohibit participation in Social Security. The IRS assessed Lee in excess of $ 27,000 of which he paid only $91.00. In 1978, Lee sued for an injunction against IRS collection efforts and for a refund claiming that the imposition of the Social Security tax violated his Free Exercise Rights and those of his Amish employees by forcing him to participate in Social Security when his sincere religious beliefs forbade such participation. Congress had previously accommodated self-employed Amish and self-employed members of other religious groups with similar beliefs by providing exemptions from Social Security taxes. The U.S. District Court agreed with Lee, and held that requiring him to participate in Social Security and pay the employee tax for his workers would be unconstitutional on these grounds, and exempted him from the program. The Supreme Court in this case unanimously denied an Amish employer of Amish workers an exemption from compulsory participation in the Social Security System. The court’s opinion, written by Chief Justice Warren Burger, first held that the employer could not claim the statutory exemption allowed self-employed individuals who had religious objections to payment of the tax. The chief justice went on to apply a balancing test, asking whether the payment of Social Security taxes by an Amish employer or the receipt of benefits by Amish employees from the System interfered with the free exercise of their religious beliefs. In accord with Thomas v. Review Board (U.S. 1981), the majority refused to decide the correct interpretation of any religious belief because such a decision was neither a function nor a competency of the judiciary. The Court accepted Lee’s claim that both payment of taxes and receipt of benefits were forbidden by the Amish faith. Therefore, because compulsory participation in the Social Security System violated Lee’s and his employee’s beliefs, such compulsion constituted a burden on their Free Exercise rights. In the second part of the test, the chief justice asked if this burden on the free exercise of religion was justified by an overriding government interest and, if so, whether the religious belief could be accommodated without unduly interfering with the achievement of that interest. The chief justice found that the governmental interest in the Social Security System was compelling. This was a nationwide system of comprehensive insurance providing a variety of benefits and contributed to by both employers and employees. The government viewed

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compulsory payments as necessary for the vitality of the system because voluntary participation would undermine its soundness and would be difficult to administer. The Court in Lee did not examine whether alternative means were available to achieve this compelling interest that would not burden the Amish. The chief justice stated that this complex taxing system was organized in such a way that it would be difficult to accommodate exceptions that might arise from a large spectrum of religious beliefs, except to the extent such accommodation and already been made by the Congress in the statutory exemption. That exemption was narrow (self-employed members of a religious group that made sufficient provision for its dependent members) and readily identifiable. The Court seemed to be concerned, as Justice John P. Stevens recognized in his concurrence, that granting the exemption in this case would result in several other claims that would be difficult to administer. Thus, the government’s interest in an efficient Social Security System justified forcing Lee to comply with the law in violation of his faith.

V VACCINATIONS The judiciary in the United States has firmly supported compulsory vaccinations because of the overriding importance of social health and well being. The U.S. Supreme Court early in the twentieth century held that an individual could be required to receive a vaccination against disease. [Jacobson v. Massachusetts (U.S. 1905)] Although submission to such a program might violate an individual’s religious beliefs, vaccinations are an extremely important method of protecting the public health. Therefore, ordering mandatory vaccination was squarely within the state’s police powers. The court’s recognized that the state had an interest in protecting children’s health and well being that would on occasion overcome a claim for religious freedom. Opponents of vaccinations often base their objections on the Establishment Clause or the Free Exercise Clause. While all states currently grant religious exemptions, compelling a person to submit to vaccination against his will. The Supreme Court clearly states that the right of Free Exercise does not relieve an individual of the obligation to comply with a “valid and neutral law of general applicability. [Prince v. Massachusetts (U.S. 1944)] The Supreme Court opinion, Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), which was a controlling precedent in Jacobson, held that Congress could prohibit any action, regardless of its religious implications, so long as it did not formally prohibit a religious belief. Thus construed, the Free Exercise Clause would provide no protection against the proscription of actions considered central to a religion, unless the legislation formally outlawed the belief itself. Although the beliefaction distinction was eliminated in Sherbert v. Verner (U.S. 1963), it was effectively reinstituted in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990), and the holdings in Jacobson and many other cases following Reynolds remain unchallenged and are current law. The power of the states to require children to be vaccinated as a condition of school attendance has been widely accepted and judicially sanctioned. In Zucht v.

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King (U.S. 1922), the U.S. Supreme Court specifically upheld a local government mandate for vaccinations as a prerequisite for attendance in public school. Although the risk of major health epidemics may have been relatively small, the courts have consistently upheld vaccination requirements as a precondition to a child’s attendance at public school. [Wright v. DeWitt School District (Ark. 1965); Vonnegut v. Baun (Ind. 1934); McCartney v. Austin (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1968)] In 2002, all states required that students be immunized for certain diseases prior to attending school, except for students for whom a vaccination is medically contraindicated. Despite the fact that the state has the power to compel its citizens to receive vaccinations, it must exercise this power “reasonably,” meaning that states cannot impose vaccinations on a person hyper-susceptible to adverse effects, such as a severe reaction. Forty-eight states provided exemptions based on religious reasons and sixteen allowed exemptions for philosophical reasons. In thirty-two of these states, no request for an exemption had ever been denied. For young children, the exercise of the exemption is most likely based on the parent’s religious or philosophical views since young children do not have the maturity to make such decisions or understand their consequences. A retrospective national study of measles for the years 1985 through 1992 showed that children ages five to nineteen years, who were exempted for religious or philosophical reasons, were thirty-five times more likely to contract measles than children who were vaccinated. States vary widely in their requirements and procedures for obtaining spiritual exemptions to vaccinations. The complexity of the exemption process is inversely associated with the proportion of exemptions filed, and when the requirements are minimal, some parents may file for exemptions not because of their religious beliefs, but as a matter of convenience or a belief that the vaccination is not really important. Spiritual exemptions from vaccinations have been criticized for creating a burden on third parties. The burden is imposed, the argument goes, both by the exempted child who becomes ill from vaccine-preventable diseases and by the child’s friends, classmates and members of the public-at-large who may then also become infected. The Supreme Court of Arkansas in 1965 explicitly upheld a compulsory vaccination law that did not exempt persons with religious beliefs; because the freedom to act according to religious beliefs is subject to a reasonable regulation for the benefit of society as a whole. In July 2002, the U.S. District Court for Western Arkansas invalidated that state’s immunization exemption as violative of both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment.

VALUE WARS See Cultural Wars

VAN ORDEN V. PERRY

VAN ORDEN V. PERRY (U.S. 2005) In 1961, the Fraternal Order of the Eagles, a national social, civic, and political organization, presented the State of Texas with a monument inscribed with the Ten Commandments. The Texas legislature ordered this monument placed on the Capitol grounds with sixteen other monuments. Van Orden examines whether that action by the legislature violated the Establishment Clause. The plurality opinion, combined with the concurring and dissenting opinions, reveals a lack of a consistent legal standard for such issues. In 1999, Petitioner Van Orden sued the state of Texas, arguing that the monument violated the Establishment Clause and requesting that the monument be removed. The District Court held that the Establishment Clause had not been violated. This holding was affirmed by the Court of Appeals. In a plurality opinion, the Supreme Court affirmed. Chief Justice Rehnquist, in delivering the Court’s opinion, stated that the issue was whether the Establishment Clause allows a state to display a Ten Commandments monument on state grounds. The plurality held that this was a constitutional issue. The opinion began by stating that the Court must find a balance between recognizing the important role of religion throughout history and the principle that government should not interfere in religious matters. The chief justice emphasized that no precedent exists requiring the government to be hostile to religion. Next, the opinion rejected application of the Lemon test, stating that it is merely a guide and not a binding precedent. From there, the chief justice analyzed the strong historical interrelation of religion and government, citing George Washington’s Thanksgiving prayer proclamations. He concluded that the restrictions on the states couldn’t be greater than what the framers placed on themselves. While not explicitly invoking a particular test, the chief justice seemed to abide by a purpose test. If the monument’s purpose were purely religious, it would violate the Establishment Clause. If the monument’s purpose is historical, with its religious aspect passive in nature, there is no violation. Here, the opinion stated that the monument’s purpose was to show the historical connection between the Ten Commandments and the American people. While acknowledging that the Ten Commandments are inherently religious, he stated that the religious aspect was entirely passive in this situation. The chief justice found support in this argument in noting that the monument stood for forty years before being challenged, and several years after being encountered by the petitioner. Therefore, the presence of the monument did not violate the Establishment Clause. Justice Breyer served as the fifth vote in favor of holding the monument constitutional, but he did not agree with the chief justice’s opinion. His concurrence focused on the use of the monument. Initially, he stated that there is

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no simple test that can adjudicate every Establishment Clause case that may arise. Only given the facts of this case did he advocate a “use” test. He argued that the monument has both religious and secular messages, but also stated that the state intended the secular messages. To bolster this argument, he noted that the Eagles took concrete steps to create something nonsectarian and that the location of the monument was far removed from what would be considered sacred ground. Justice Breyer did echo the chief justice’s argument as to the duration the monument stood without challenge. Standing for forty years without challenge, it is reasonable to conclude that those who saw the monument did not view it as the state advocating a particular religious belief. Because the primary use was secular, Justice Breyer argued that there was no violation of the Establishment Clause and even went so far as to say that this act may satisfy the Lemon test. In his dissent, Justice Stevens advocated a neutrality test for government acts, meaning government may not prefer one religion over another. He believed that a strong presumption against the display of religious symbols on state lands existed. He then argued that the Ten Commandments are not an expression of religion, but an expression of, in this case, a particular sect of the Judeo-Christian faith. He also disagreed with the plurality’s depiction of the monument as passive. Justice Stevens first noted that the Eagles hold as a tenet the existence of a Supreme Being. He also stated that this was not a unique monument, but only one of a great number of similar items distributed throughout the nation. He then described the form of the monument in detail to contradict the passive argument of the plurality opinion. He pointed out that the prominent words on the monument expressed “I AM the LORD thy God” and commands that God be worshipped. He then noted that this version of the Ten Commandments was particular to one Christian faith. In its totality, the form of the monument stated that Texas approved of this god and this particular faith. Justice Stevens also pointed out that the presence of the monument would be at odds with Americans who do not believe in the Judeo-Christian god or any god at all. Justice Stevens attacked the chief justice’s historical significance argument, particularly the George Washington example, and distinguished between the statements of public officials, who the people recognize have individual views, with the statements of the government body, who are to represent all of the people. Justice Stevens added that Thomas Jefferson refused to follow Washington’s precedents, believing them to violate the Establishment Clause. In furtherance of the neutrality argument, Justice Stevens argued that the original intent of the framers was to ensure that the government could not establish one Christian faith over another. Other religious faiths, not greatly represented in colonial times, were not contemplated. Because the Texas monument is not religiously neutral, it violates the Establishment Clause.

VIRGINIA STATUTE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM (1777)

VIRGINIA STATUTE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM (1777) The adoption by the state of the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom was a crucial event in the long struggle for separation of church and state in America. The American colonies had inherited, through England, a social order that had governed Medieval Europe and that had survived the Protestant Reformation. In Europe, church and state were ideally regarded as parts of a greater and divinely sanctioned social order, and owed mutual support to each other. Events associated with the American Revolution accelerated a long-term evolution to a view of society in which political and religious life existed separate from each other and in which religion was now considered a part of the private sphere of human activity. Part of the impetus behind the separation of church and state was religiously motivated. Some originally radical Protestant denominations had become early supporters of separation, either because of their own experience with persecution, or out of more abstract considerations. In addition to these strains within American Protestantism, Enlightenment ideals emphasizing the sanctity of individual conscience were influential, especially among Thomas Jefferson and other leaders of the disestablishment struggle in Virginia. Perhaps the most decisive factor in deciding the general issue of Establishment in the United States, however, was the practical consideration that the large numbers of denominations in the country meant that, in the final analysis, the establishment of any one of them, or even of a combination, was not politically feasible. Next to the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson took his greatest pride in writing the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom, which, as his friend James Madison said, “extinguished forever the ambitious hope of making laws for the human mind.” Indeed, the statute included the immortal phrase, “Almighty God hath created the mind free.” Jefferson wrote this statute in 1777, when he had returned from the Continental Congress to begin a complete revision of Virginia’s laws that would remove every trace of aristocratic privilege. At the time, “the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience” was an established right in Virginia. Yet Jefferson’s statute was bitterly opposed by those supporting the established church, and led to what he later called “the severest contest in which I have ever been engaged.” Although Jefferson first drafted his Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom in 1777, it was not enacted into law until 1786. The statute, nonetheless, firmly established the principles of religious freedom and the separation of church and state and provided the basis for the First Amendment’s clause on religion. The conclusive debates in Virginia occurred in 1784–1785. Patrick Henry led efforts in the legislature to establish a general assessment for the support of Christian worship, which would have effectively substituted for the Anglican establishment a more general Christian establishment. Initially passed in November 1784, Madison sharply attacked this General Assessment Bill. It was

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defeated on its final reading in October 1785. Madison, then, was able to secure a vote on the Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom, proposed by Thomas Jefferson and originally introduced in the legislature in 1779. It was adopted, and enacted as the Statute of Religious Liberty in January 1786. The statute became law due largely to the political acumen of James Madison and only after the assembly had omitted significant sections of Jefferson’s original draft. With a preamble that is four times the length of the Act itself asserting that “God had created the mind free” and that attempts to coerce it “tend only to begat habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the Holy Author of our religion,” Jefferson’s statute provided “that no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or beliefs.” There remained some vestigial connections between church and state, but their separation was completed by 1802. The statute was revolutionary because it represented a new trend in Enlightenment thought. The concept of separation of church and state was alien to British political thought, as the British crown was the head of the Anglican Church. The idea of removing the power of the government from the structure of the church, known as disestablishment, developed in the British colonies. By 1776 Virginia had incorporated into its Declaration of Rights a provision for religious freedom. Ten years later, Jefferson’s dream had become law. The First Amendment has language that is very similar to that of the Virginia statute. The opening words of the Bill of Rights state: “Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” This language in the First Amendment, known as the Establishment and the Free Exercise Clauses, respectively, created what Jefferson referred as “a wall of separation between church and state.” Few other states immediately followed Virginia’s lead. Office holders under many of the original constitutions were required to be believers in God, Christians, or even Protestants. It was not until 1818 that Connecticut abolished compulsory public support of churches, and not until 1833 was a similar establishment completely eliminated in Massachusetts. The First Amendment to the federal Constitution, which prohibited religious establishment or infringement of religious liberty on the national level, helped Virginia to serve as a good example to its sister states. Thomas Jefferson paid a political price for writing the statute. Because of his efforts Jefferson was vilified as an enemy of religion. Thirty years later he wrote that “the priests indeed have . . . thought it proper to ascribe to me . . . antireligious sentiments. . . . They wished him to be thought atheist, deist, or devil, who could advocate freedom from their religious dictations.”

VOUCHERS

VOUCHERS Vouchers have been one of the most popular, yet controversial, proposals for education reform in recent decades. Under such proposals, a voucher is given to parents who may then give it to any public or private school in lieu of tuition. The voucher is redeemed by the school for government funds. One of the best-known voucher proposals that have been implemented was a Milwaukee program that provides to low-income families, vouchers that could be used at any nonsectarian private school. The concept of school vouchers was first championed by economist Milton Friedman in his book Capitalism and Freedom (1962). Voucher plans are based on the theory that private and parochial schools should be allowed to compete with public schools in order to infuse the competitive forces of free market economy into the educational system. This would supposedly result in schools that are more diverse, efficient, and effective than schools operating under the current financial structure. Many of these voucher plans allow students to attend parochial or sectarian schools, raising the issue of whether such plans would violate the Establishment Clause. Widespread discontent with public schools precipitated demands that parents be given some choice about which school their children attend. Several states have adopted statutes granting parents some choice among public schools in their area. These statutes have seldom been criticized on constitutional grounds. Many observers argue that choice plans should be broadened to offer parents government vouchers redeemable at any accredited school, public or private, including religious schools. Supporters of this approach cite the GI Bill as their model, under which the federal government pays certain expenses of military veterans to attend any accredited college. Proponents contend that vouchers will produce better education, especially for poor and minority students who often perform poorly in public schools. They cite the superior performance of private school students. They also believe that public schools would emerge from the complacency caused by their monopoly on state funding and encouraged to improve performance by competition from private schools. Further, proponents want parents to be able to choose for their children an education consistent with their values, whether religiously based or not. Opponents of vouchers deny that private schools generally provide a better education; they ascribe any superior performance to private schools “skimming the cream” by attracting better students. They also dispute whether public schools would benefit from increased competition. They believe that vouchers would lead to further deterioration of the public schools, by leaving public schools to contend with the most difficult students and by reducing the tax base of public schools. Critics further assert that voucher plans are unconstitutional. They believe that vouchers would worsen racial segregation in violation of the equal protection

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guarantees in education as mandated in Brown v. Board of Education (U.S. 1954, 1955). In order to be effective, vouchers must pay a large percentage of the tuition at private schools in order to allow the poor to participate. Many proposed voucher programs would offer so little funds toward tuition that they would in effect benefit only the rich, who would enjoy reduced tuition, while the poor would still be unable to afford the private education. Critics also believe that vouchers redeemed at parochial schools would constitute government aid to religious institutions and an unconstitutional establishment of religion. Opponents to vouchers also argue that the Supreme Court has long articulated that there is a substantial difference between higher education and primary and secondary schools, including the fact that students at the higher levels of education are less likely to be easily inculcated with religious doctrine, because they are more able to think for themselves and to discern efforts to indoctrinate them. [See McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948); Grand Rapids School District v. Ball (U.S. 1985); Tilton v. Richardson (U.S. 1971); and Hunt v. McNair (U.S. 1973)] Voucher proponents respond that vouchers would not worsen school segregation, which is already widespread, but that if they did, this effect would result from individual choices, not from state action, which is necessary to invoke the Fourteenth Amendment. Moreover any increased segregation could be avoided by requiring participating schools to meet certain standards of racial composition in admissions procedures. Defenders also deny that vouchers would establish religion. Relying on their model of the GI Bill, they argue that vouchers as merely giving parents a choice in obtaining a service that the government subsidizes for secular reasons: any benefit to religious institutions would be incidental and would not violate the Establishment Clause. Critics reply that even an indirect benefit is an unlawful establishment. Although school voucher legislation that included religious schools was enacted in Wisconsin and Ohio, strict separationist organizations such as People for the American Way helped defeat legislative voucher proposals in several other states. In Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (U.S. 2002), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the of a Cleveland program that provided school vouchers to low-income parents seeking private school alternatives for their children. Under Cleveland’s voucher plan, parents could theoretically use the voucher at religious schools, secular private schools, or suburban public schools. Few secular private schools and no suburban public schools, however, chose to join the program. So, for most parents, the only voucher option was a religious private school. Voucher opponents used this fact to argue that the plan amounted to state funding of religion and thus violated the Establishment Clause. The Zelman decision rested on racial justice, not religion or values. According to the Court, Cleveland had some of “the worst performing public schools in the Nation,” and the majority of its students were low-income and minority. Only ten

VOUCHERS percent of ninth graders passed a basic proficiency test, two-thirds dropped out or failed out before graduating, and those who graduated could not compete academically with students from other Ohio schools. Vouchers were deemed as a positive response to this educational tragedy, an attempt to rescue a generation of Cleveland’s urban poor. Zelman did not directly affect many students. In 2002, when the case was decided, voucher plans existed in only three states, serving fewer than 20,000 students. Zelman was thought to be important because many assumed that once the Court held vouchers to be constitutional, states would move quickly to implement such plans. For many, the uncertain legality of school vouchers had discouraged them from initiating such programs. In the years since Zelman, only three jurisdictions have adopted voucher plans, and proposals have failed to be implemented in over thirty-four states. One issue is why vouchers have not become more widely implemented. The original rationale for vouchers was the “values case”—vouchers protected the right of parents to send their child to a school that reinforced their values. Originally promoted by Catholics, the values case was adopted by evangelical Christians concerned about the secularization of public schools after the 1960s. The values case was central for most of the history of the voucher movement. In the decade leading up to Zelman, voucher advocates added a “racial-justice case.” This rationale emphasized vouchers as part of a civil rights struggle to obtain academically rigorous private education for low-income and minority parents. Redefining the purpose of vouchers in this manner were politically and legally attractive, and led to the Zelman ruling, which upheld vouchers. Since Zelman, the voucher movement may have been hindered by the rise of the accountability movement in education. No Child Left Behind was enacted in 2002, meaning that state and national education policy began to demand greater oversight of all schools, including private schools accepting vouchers. For schools in the current environment, accountability means less local control, more tests, and stricter government standards. Conservative Christians, who once led the voucher movement, reject these intrusions into school autonomy. As a result, they are less likely to support modern voucher programs. Voucher programs are nonetheless continuing to be considered and implemented. In 2008, Louisiana enacted a voucher statute offering New Orleans school children an opportunity to attend private schools at taxpayer expense beginning in the fall of 2008. This voucher plan is limited in scope. It applies only to New Orleans students entering kindergarten through the third-grade. It applies to a maximum of 1,500 in the 2008–2009 school year and it was unclear whether there will be that many private school slots available.

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W “WALL OF SEPARATION” METAPHOR Thomas Jefferson was inaugurated as the third president of the United States on March 4, 1801. He had been elected in one of the bitterest elections in U.S. history. Jefferson’s alleged atheism was one of the major issues of that campaign. In 1802 President Jefferson responded to a petition from a congregation of Baptists in Danbury, Connecticut, in a way that gave new constitutional significance to the ongoing national debate about the relationship of church and state in American society. There were several different views on this issue, with Jefferson interpreting the religious clause of the First Amendment as calling for a separation of church and state. New England Baptists in the early 19th century were still struggling for their religious liberty, and, for this reason supported Jefferson. Baptist had to sign certificates as to their minority status in order to avoid paying taxes for the support of the Congregationalist religious majority in each town, and therefore sought Jefferson’s support. The Danbury Baptist Association, which sought Jefferson’s opinion on the relationship between church and state, consisted of 26 churches in the Connecticut Valley. In 1800, the association began a petition campaign to ask the Connecticut General Assembly for religious liberty. The Association in October 1801 wrote to Jefferson in order that his response might influence public opinion on its behalf. These Baptists argued that government power did not extend to religion, and that government should not deprive individuals of their rights because of their religious opinions. Jefferson asserting that the purpose of the religion clause was to build “a wall of separation between Church and State.” It continues to be the best known articulation of the proper relationship of religion and government in the United States. The Supreme Court has used this letter to interpret both the Free Exercise Clause (Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), and the Establishment Clause (Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947).

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In Reynolds v. United States (U.S. 1879), a case involving the Mormon practice of polygamy, Chief Justice Waite writing for the Court interpreted the phrase as “almost an authoritative declaration of the scope and effect of the [First] Amendment.” Waite’s conclusion has been challenged because Jefferson was neither the sole or principal author of the first amendment, nor the sole person responsible for its passage and ratification, nor does it necessarily reflect the understanding of those present at the various constitutional conventions. In its first attempts to adjudicate challenges to state aid to religious schools, the Supreme Court relied on Jefferson’s metaphor for substantial guidance. In Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) all of the justices’ separate opinions agreed that the test of the Establishment Clause is separation of church and state, and all suggested that Jefferson’s metaphor of the “wall of separation” is appropriate to deciding these cases. Further, all relied almost exclusively on the history of disestablishment in Virginia, and in particular, James Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance, in interpreting the language of the First Amendment. [See also McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948); West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943); Zorach v. Clausen (U.S. 1952)] Justice Hugo Black cited the metaphor in explaining the rationale in Engel v. Vitale (U.S. 1962), which outlawed the mandated recitation in the public schools of a government-composed prayer. Use of the metaphor has, however, been seriously challenged. Many opponents of Black’s opinion criticized his use of the metaphor and attempted to rebut the Court’s understanding of it. Justice Potter Stewart, in his dissent in Engel, wrote that, “I think that the Court’s task . . . is not responsibly aided by the uncritical invocation of metaphors like the ‘wall of separation,’ a phrase nowhere to be found in the Constitution.” In Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), Chief Justice Burger remarked that “the line of separation, far from being a “wall,” is a blurred, indistinct and variable barrier depending on all the circumstances of a particular relationship.” Justice William Rehnquist, dissenting in Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985), argued that the Supreme Court’s understanding of the metaphor lacked historical foundation, was useless in guiding the Court’s interpretation of the Establishment Clause, and should be abandoned. He noted that Jefferson was serving as the American ambassador to France when the religion clauses were adopted by Congress in 1789. Rehnquist, however, did not address the fact that there were 36 letters exchanged between Jefferson and James Madison from 1787 to 1789. Much of that correspondence discussed whether there should be a Bill of Rights, with Jefferson seeking to persuading Madison that such a document was necessary. Finally, Madison was able to secure passage of Jefferson’s Virginia Statute on Religious Freedom in 1786. The “separation” phrase was not unique to Jefferson. Madison’s voluminous writings argue the same position, especially in correspondence to Robert Walsh in 1819: “[T]he number, the industry, and the

“WALL OF SEPARATION” METAPHOR morality of the Priesthood, and the devotion of the people have been manifestly increased by the total separation of the Church from the State.” Further, after retiring from public life, Madison wrote what has been called the “detached memoranda,” in which he denounced Congress’ appointment of and payment of both civilian and military chaplains, as inconsistent “with the pure principles of religious freedom.” He went on to oppose “religious proclamations by the executive in recommending thanksgivings and fasts” on the principle that the state should not be involved in religious exercises. Other Supreme Court decisions invalidated a Connecticut statute that allowed employees an absolute right to observe their chosen Sabbath and an Alabama statute allowing for a moment of silent prayer in public schools, both of which invoked the “wall of separation” metaphor. [Estate of Thornton v. Calder (U.S. 1986); Wallace v. Jaffree (U.S. 1985)] Lower federal courts have also invoked the separation of church and state doctrine in both Arkansas and Louisiana to strike down state laws enacted in 1981 that allowed for the teaching of creationism in public schools. [McLean v. Arkansas Board of Education (E.D. Ark. 1982); Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987)] Because of the great reliance that the Supreme Court and other courts have given to Jefferson’s letter, its importance has been analyzed, debated, and discussed among legal commentators. Some believe the letter was a casual reply to political supporters, and is insignificant in terms of constitutional jurisprudence. They further argue that there seems little evidence that Jefferson thought the “wall” expressed a universal principle or encapsulated the most inherent aspects of his church-state views. Other scholars have interpreted the letter as a clear statement of Jefferson’s views. Some Christian fundamentalists believe that the “separation of church and state” is an erroneous concept because America developed as a Christian society and nation, the term “separation of church and state” does not appear in the first amendment of the Constitution, or in any of the ratification debates on the amendment. Further, important court cases suggest the legal prominence of Christianity, especially in the nineteenth century. None of the religious dissident groups supporting the first amendment asked for a strict separationist approach. They sought religious liberty, freedom from religious discrimination, and an end to religious establishment, in which one church received state support. One approach to analyzing the debate over the “wall metaphor” is not to defer to Jefferson, Madison, or any other Founder merely because they were “patriarchs, nor be impressed by their iconic statutre and prestige, or the rhetorical advantage one side might gain from a selective quotation from their writings, but rather because their ideas are relevant for our times, because they thought deeply and powerfully about issues of church and state, and because their proposed solutions serve the best interests of both religious and secular interests in American society.

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WALLACE V. JAFFREE (U.S. 1985) This case arose from constitutional challenges to three Alabama statutes. The first statute, enacted in 1978 by the Alabama legislature, established a “period of silence not to exceed one minute in duration, that should be observed for meditation in public schools. In 1981, the statute was amended to authorize a period of silence for “meditation or voluntary prayer.” The author of this amendment, Senator Donald Holmes, urged his colleagues to adopt a statute that would return “voluntary prayer” to public school classrooms. He admitted that he had no other purpose in mind. Ishmael Jaffree, a Mobile lawyer with three elementary school children, filed a lawsuit in federal court against the Alabama law. Jafree argued that the addition of the words “or voluntary prayer” made the minute of silence law unconstitutional because the activity of prayer now received state endorsement. The Supreme Court was not required to rule on this statute because the parties who challenged the statute in the lower court abandoned the claim that the law was unconstitutional in their argument before the U.S. Supreme Court. Angered by Jaffree’s challenge, Alabama lawmakers responded with their own challenge to Supreme Court precedents, by passing a statute in 1982 that allowed teachers to lead “willing students” in a prayer to Almighty God, the Creator, and Supreme Judge of the world.” The statute further stated that any teacher “in any educational institution within the state of Alabama, recognizing that the Lord God is one, at the beginning of any homeroom or any class” could lead a legislatively prescribed prayer. There was no significant issue on the constitutionality of the third statute, which was invalid on the basis of the Court’s previous rulings on government-prescribed prayer. Thus, the only significant issue facing the Court was the constitutionality of the period of silence for “meditation or voluntary prayer” statute. The Court in Jaffree was called upon to overturn a district court opinion that would have allowed the state not only to have a moment of silence for silent prayer or meditation, but also a separate statute that would have authorized teachers to lead “willing students” in legislatively prescribed prayer. The federal district court reached this decision by determining that the U.S. Supreme Court had misinterpreted the meaning of the First and Fourteenth Amendments that, in the district judge’s opinion, would not prohibit state-sponsored school prayer. The U.S. Supreme Court invalidated the Alabama law requiring a minute of silence in public schools for “meditation or silent prayer.” The Court decided by a six-to-three vote that the statute violated the Establishment Clause. Justice John Paul Stevens, who wrote the Court’s opinion, said that the clause requires governmental neutrality and that this statute failed the three-part Lemon test (from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)) because it did not have a secular purpose. The Supreme Court found that religious concerns were the sole motivation for the statute, which was enacted to convey to Alabamans that the legislature endorsed

WALZ V. TAX COMMISSION prayer at school. The Supreme Court majority in Jaffree reaffirmed its longstanding view of the applicability of the religion clauses to the states in upholding its previous decisions on school prayer. Regarded as another significant “purposes prong case,” Wallace v. Jaffree found that religious concerns were the sole motivation for an Alabama statute requiring a minute of silence in public schools for meditation or voluntary prayer. Alabama already had a required moment of silence in which those who were so inclined could silently pray if they chose. The new law amended the previous statute to encourage the use of that time specifically for voluntary prayer as opposed to meditation or quiet reflection. As this was the only change to the statute’s text, and as new legislation is presumed to be an attempt to change existing law, the Supreme Court construed the changes as the manifestation of the state’s intent “to characterize prayer as a favored practice.” The Alabama statute thus failed the purpose prong of the Lemon test (from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971)), which invalidates legislation having a religious, rather than secular, purpose. The Alabama statute therefore violated the First Amendment of the Constitution. The fact that the challenged law permitted no new actions alerted the Court in to the exclusively religious purpose of the amendment to the Alabama statute. School children in that state already had the right to a moment of silence to use in whatever manner they chose. Adding “voluntary prayer” to the list of possible uses did not make that use suddenly and newly available, but the only purpose of the amendment was to reinforce the state’s approval and encouragement of the moment of silence for prayer as a favored practice. If a law grants no new powers or abilities, that law is likely intended to show support for some cause that may or may not be appropriate, and thus warrants close scrutiny. Two justices, Lewis Powell and Sandra Day O’Connor, supported the decision while suggesting that some state moment of silence laws might be constitutional. Three dissenting justices indicated dissatisfaction with the Lemon test precedent followed in the opinion of the Court. The Court also warned against governmentsponsored religious activities directed at impressionable children. The authors of the majority opinion, two concurring opinions, and three dissenting opinions all agreed that a minute of silence at the beginning of each school day was an acceptable practice that the states were perfectly free to legislate. Furthermore, the justices all acknowledged that students and/or their teachers could say silent prayers if they so chose.

WALZ V. TAX COMMISSION (U.S. 1970) Every state and many localities have long granted exemptions from property taxes to religious organizations. In this case the U.S. Supreme Court by a vote of eight

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to one, upheld the universal practice of exempting churches from paying either property or sales taxes. The case addressed the issue of whether tax exemptions for religious property violated the Establishment Clause. The city in this case, as authorized by the New York state constitution, granted tax exemption for all “real or personal property used exclusively for religious, educational, or charitable purposes as defined by law and owned by any corporation or association organized or conducted exclusively for one or more such purposes and not operating for profit.” Frederick Walz, a property owner and taxpayer in New York City, contended that the exemption indirectly compelled him financially to support religious organizations owning exempted properties, and therefore violated the Establishment Clause. Separationists supported Walz’s position, asserting that the Supreme Court’s decision in Everson v. Board of Education (U.S. 1947) insisted that an impenetrable “wall of separation” exist between church and state, and that the government must maintain “strict neutrality” with regard to religion. Writing the majority opinion, Chief Justice Warren Burger asserted that the First Amendment “will not tolerate either governmentally established religion or governmental interference with religion.” If those proscribed acts are avoided, “there is room for play in a benevolent neutrality which will permit religious exercise to exist without sponsorship and without interference.” Evaluation of policies using the religion clauses are based on “whether particular acts in question are intended to establish or interfere with religious beliefs and practices or have the effect of doing so.” The legislative purpose served here is legitimate, Burger said. The tax exemptions in question were historical, common exemptions that recognized the “beneficial and stabilizing influences” of nonprofit groups as a reason to reward them financially. The Court noted that churches were one of several types of nonprofit institutions entitled to tax exemptions. On that basis, the Court concluded that the New York statute being challenged was secular in both purpose and effect—the two tests required under existing Establishment Clause doctrine. The policy also responded to the “latent danger inherent in the imposition of property taxes. . . . What New York is doing is simply sparing the exercise of religion from the burden of property taxation levied on private profit institutions.” On considering the primary effect of the exemption, the Court introduced the entanglement criterion, which would become decisive in many later establishment cases: whether the exemption resulted in an excessive involvement of the government in religious activities. The chief justice argued that government involvement with religion existed with or without the exemption. Indeed, “elimination of the exemption would tend to expand the involvement of government by giving rise to tax valuation of church property, tax liens, tax foreclosures, and the direct confrontations and conflicts that follow in the train of those legal processes.” Although some indirect economic benefits and some involvements result from granting the exemption, they are lesser

WATSON V. JONES involvements than collecting the property tax. Finally, the Court rejected any “nexus between tax exemption and establishment of religion.” The tax exemption is clearly not “sponsorship since the government does not transfer part of its revenue to churches but simply abstains from demanding that the church support the state.” Thus Burger concluded that, while taxation of churches posed a risk of entanglement, the tax exemption created “only a minimal and remote involvement between church and state.” Justice William O. Douglas dissented and, relying on James Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, argued that a tax exemption is no different than a subsidy. Justice Douglas distinguished houses of worship from other charitable organizations that received tax exemptions. He reasoned that since the government could fund the charitable organizations directly, the government could provide a tax exemption to this organization. Since government could not provide a direct tax subsidy to support a house of worship, it could not provide a tax exemption to that house of worship. The Walz case contributed the “excessive entanglement” analysis to the conceptual framework that the Supreme Court would use to examine subsequent government action under the Establishment Clause in order to ensure that this action followed the “neutrality approach” toward religion. When the Supreme Court heard Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), it created the Lemon test. Under this test, in order for government action to comply with the Establishment Clause, the action must have a secular purpose; it must neither advance nor inhibit religion; and it must cause not excessive entanglement between government and religion. In subsequent cases, the Court held that providing and use tax exemption exclusively to religious organizations that sold materials violated the Establishment Clause.

WAR See Conscientious Objector

WATSON V. JONES (U.S. 1872) This was the first Supreme Court case involving internal ecclesiastical dissension, and was decided on common law principles rather than a constitutional basis. The Walnut Street Presbyterian Church in Louisville, Kentucky had divided over the issue of slavery during the Civil War. The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States ruled that those church members who had supported slavery or aided in the rebellion against the union were not legitimate church

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members until they repented of their proslavery beliefs and/or actions. Within the Kentucky state synod (the statewide organization), the Louisville Presbytery (the local regional organization), and in the Walnut Street Church, both the proUnion and pro-Confederacy members claimed to be true Presbyterians and the rightful owners of the church property. The pro-Confederacy faction, those opposed with the General Assembly, brought a lawsuit to gain control of the property of the Walnut Street Church. With jurisdiction based on diversity of citizenship, the federal courts were required to decide which of two contesting groups would be deemed to lawfully control the property of the Walnut Street Church. A state court had awarded the proslavery elders and trustees control of the church property, although they had been replaced by an edict of the highest council of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the state courts were required to follow the edicts of the highest ecclesiastical tribunal. Although the First Amendment had not yet been made applicable to the states, the decision is now recognized as reflecting the values of the First Amendment’s religion clauses. The majority found three general rules applicable to civil court resolution of internal ecclesiastical disputes. First, if a property is given to a congregation with an express condition in the terms of the grant that it shall be used only to support a specific purpose, the civil courts could order a return of the property if it is no longer used for that purpose. Second, when property has been given to the general use of an independent religious group the property must be used as determined by a majority of the society or by another manner that the group has previously established for this purpose. Third, where property has been acquired by a society or group that forms a part of a general religious organization, the established tribunals of that organization must be deferred to by civil courts. The right to church property as far as it is dependent on questions of religious doctrine or ecclesiastical law must be settled by the highest tribunal or authority of the religious organization. In so ruling, the Court affirmed the nation’s commitment to religious liberty by providing a rational that recognized the right of a church to adopt the form of church government most appropriate for its purposes and that required civil authorities to treat ecclesiastical decisions from these bodies of church government as final. What the Supreme Court did not do in Watson was to adjudicate the theological issues involved in the case. This was because the justices understood that the first amendment does not permit civil courts to issue rulings based on doctrine. The court could not make a finding as to who were the true Presbyterians in order to determine who would own the church property. This would require a theological investigation; and a judgment as to which party’s beliefs were more correct. Under the U.S. Constitution, American courts are not permitted to do this. Since the Watson decision, the authority of a civil court to resolve questions of “departure from purpose” involving church property has been limited in the light

WELFARE REFORM ACT OF 1996 of the principles of the First Amendment. The principles of deference to a congregational polity or hierarchical authority have been strengthened by later decisions. The U.S. Supreme Court rendered two other decisions on church disputes before it applied the First Amendment to the states. In Bouldin v. Alexander (U.S. 1872) the Court held that a civil court could declare who was entitled to control the property of an independent congregational church. In this case a minority of the congregation had met and expelled the majority of the members and the trustees in whom the title to the church property was formally vested. The Court found that civil courts must follow the will of the majority of this church to decide the question of legal title. Although it is not clear whether this decision was based on First Amendment principles, it is the only case in which the Supreme Court was presented with a dispute over the property of a clearly independent local congregation, and it follows the principles stated in Watson. The Watson rule was slightly modified in 1929 when the Supreme Court suggested that civil courts might be permitted to adjudicate church property disputes to determine if there had been fraudulent or arbitrary behavior by ecclesiastical officials. [Gonzalez v. Roman Catholic Archbishop (U.S. 1929)] The prohibition against decisions based on theology remains. Watson affirmed the importance of religious freedom for churches. The Supreme Court noted that Watson “radiates . . . a spirit of freedom for religious organizations, an independence from secular control or manipulation—in short, power to decide for themselves, free from state interference, matters of church government as well as those of faith and doctrine.” [Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral (U.S. 1952)]

WELFARE REFORM ACT OF 1996 The Welfare Reform Act of 1996 was a comprehensive redefinition of a wide range of programs designed to assist low-income families. The 1996 reform act eliminated the Aid for Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program and replaced it with one called the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). TANF also replaced the Job Opportunities and Basic Skills training (JOBS) program. TANF provided federal funds and work opportunities to low-income families by granting states the funds and the flexibility under certain guidelines to develop and implement their own distribution programs, subject to certain guidelines and restrictions, such as those contained in Section 104. One of the restrictions in Section 104 established what has come to be called “charitable choice,” by specifically extending religious organizations the right to participate in many governmental programs to religious organizations. The statute

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WELSH V. UNITED STATES

allows states to contract with religious organizations and allows religious organizations to accept money under Titles I, II, and IV of the Social Security Act. Under the statute, religious organizations may receive certificates, vouchers, or other forms of disbursement on the same basis as all other non-governmental organizations that participate in a TANF-financed program. The law specifically prohibits discrimination against any religious organization, and it contains other safeguards, such as the right of religious organizations to maintain their internal form of governance without interference, as well as preserving the right to retain religious art, icons, scripture, or other religious symbols while participating in the programs. Under the act, the specific nature of the program, rather than the agency, is to serve as the basis of assessment. All programs, whether religious or secular, are to be evaluated on the basis of how well they train the unemployed, care for children, or heal drug addicts. President Bush based his Faith-Based Initiatives on Section 104 of the Welfare Reform Act of 1996.

WELSH V. UNITED STATES (U.S. 1970) Conscientious objection has long been recognized in American law. In 1776, a provision in the Pennsylvania Bill of Rights allowed for exemptions from military service resulting from conscientious objection to “bearing arms.” In 1789, James Madison included a similar exemption in his original proposal for the Bill of Rights. At one time, membership in a so-called peace church (often Mennonite or Quaker) determined one’s eligibility for the status, but over the years, eligibility rules loosened somewhat in recognition of the great variety of religious beliefs practiced in the United States. In 1948, Congress amended the Selective Service Act, including the section on conscientious objector status. By the 1960s, at the height of America’s involvement in the Vietnam War, the military draft was a source of controversy and debate. In this case, Elliott A. Welsh was convicted of refusing to submit to induction into the armed forces despite his claim for conscientious objector status under § 6(j) of the Universal Military Training and Service Act. That provision exempts from military service persons who because of “religious training and belief” are conscientiously opposed to war in any form, that term being defined in the Act as “belief in a relation to a Supreme Being involving duties superior to those arising from any human relation” but not including “essentially political, sociological, or philosophical views or a merely personal code.” In his exemption application, Welsh stated that he could not affirm or deny belief in a “Supreme Being,” and struck the words “my religious training and” from the form. He affirmed that he

WELSH V. UNITED STATES held deep conscientious scruples against participating in wars. He characterized his beliefs as having been formed “by reading in the fields of history and sociology.” The court of appeals, while noting that Welsh’s beliefs were “held with the strength of more traditional religious convictions,” concluded that those beliefs were not sufficiently “religious” to meet the requirements of § 6(j), and affirmed the conviction. On appeal, Welsh contended that the Act violated the Establishment Clause, and that his conviction should be set aside based on the ruling in United States v. Seeger (U.S. 1965), which held that the test of religious belief under § 6(j) is whether it is a sincere and meaningful belief occupying in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled by the God of those admittedly qualified for the exemption. The Supreme Court agreed. Justice Hugo Black, joined by Justices William O. Douglas, William J. Brennan, and Thurgood Marshall, concluded that this case was controlled by Seeger, to which it is factually similar. Under Seeger, § 6(j) is not limited to those whose opposition to war is based on by orthodox or conventional religious beliefs. A draft registrant’s conscientious objection to all war is “religious” within the meaning of § 6(j) if this opposition is based on the registrant’s moral, ethical, or religious beliefs about what is right and wrong and these beliefs are held with the strength of traditional religious convictions. In view of the broad scope of the word “religious,” a registrant’s characterization of his or her beliefs as “nonreligious” is not a reliable guide to those administering the exemption. The Court found that the language of § 6(j) cannot be construed (as it was in Seeger and as it is in the prevailing opinion) to exempt from military service all individuals who in good faith oppose all war, it being clear from both the legislative history and textual analysis of that provision that Congress used the words “because of religious training and belief” to limit religion to its theistic sense, and to confine it to formal, organized worship or shared beliefs by a recognizable and cohesive group. The Court also found that § 6(j) violated the Establishment Clause by exempting those whose conscientious objection claims are founded on a theistic belief, while not exempting those whose claims are based on a secular belief. To comply with that clause, an exemption must be “neutral” and include those whose belief is based on a purely moral, ethical, or philosophical source. One of the implications of the Welsh decision is that it is one those Supreme Court cases in which religious freedom was increasingly seen as including freedom of conscience, whether articulated religiously or not. For the United States to have failed to expand the protections of religious liberty in this manner would have meant maintaining the privilege of religious over nonreligion, thus violating the Establishment Clause.

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WEST VIRGINIA STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION V. BARNETTE

WEST VIRGINIA STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION V. BARNETTE (U.S. 1943) This case involved a statute mandating salute of the U.S. flag by students attending public schools. In January 1942, the West Virginia state board of education issued a rule that required all children in the public schools to salute the flag and pledge allegiance by extending the right arm, palm upward, and declaring, “I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America and to the Republic for which it stands; one Nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” Children who refused to comply with the law were considered insubordinate and were expelled from school. Their absence thereby became “unlawful,” which in turn subjected them and their parents or guardians to criminal sanctions. The statute denied readmission unless the student complied. In issuing this rule, the state board relied on Minersville School District v. Gobitis (U.S. 1940). Jehovah’s Witnesses brought a class action lawsuit in federal district court to enjoin the enforcement of the regulation as a violation of the students’ rights to free exercise of their religious beliefs protected by the First Amendment. The three judge district court unanimously held that the state’s rule was unconstitutional. The state appealed the to the U.S. Supreme Court. In deciding this case, the Supreme Court, by a six to three vote, overruled a three-year-old precedent established in Gobitis, which ruled that required students at public schools to salute the flag did not violate their free exercise of religion. In Gobitis, Justice Felix Frankfurter, writing for all but one member of the Court, argued that religious freedom had to be balanced against the state’s rational interest in national unity, and argued that the Court was no more qualified to perform this balancing act than was the school board. The Gobitis decision surprised the public and was widely criticized. Even the American Legion supported making flag observance voluntary. In Barnette, the plaintiff argued that the requirement of reciting the pledge violated the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment because as Jehovah’s Witnesses, his children could not say the pledge without violating the religious prohibition against idolatry, i.e.,worshipping a graven image. Members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses argued that the law unconstitutionally infringed on the separation of church and state guaranteed by the First Amendment. The Court’s majority opinion issued on flag day, written by Justice Robert Jackson, however, stated that the most fundamental question at stake was free expression, and that religious freedom was a secondary issue. Justice Jackson wrote that: “If there is any fixed star in the constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty can prescribe what shall be orthodox, in politics, nationalism, or religion, or other matters of opinion, or force citizens to confess by word or their faith therein.”

WIDMAR V. VINCENT The court believed that the action of the local authorities in compelling the flag salute and pledge transcended constitutional limitations on their power and invaded the sphere of intellect and spirit that the First Amendment reserves from all official control. Therefore the Court overruled Gobitis and affirmed the court order restraining the West Virginia regulations. The free exercise of religion issue was given more weight in concurrences by Justices William O. Douglas, Hugo Black, and Frank Murphy, who argued that the state could only interfere with religious freedom for reasons that were “imperative” or “necessary.” The Supreme Court found that the Fourteenth Amendment protects against state action, including state action that violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments, and struck down the law. In dissent, Justice Felix Frankfurter argued that the West Virginia statute did not require accepting particular religious dogma, but simply intended to pursue the secular goal of good citizenship, which according to Frankfurter, falls well within the police powers of the state. He argued further that the state could legitimately seek to inculcate patriotism through a compulsory Pledge of Allegiance. Justice Frankfurter, though deeply conscious of his own minority status as a Jew, distinguished between the wisdom and the constitutionality of legislation and argued for judicial restraint and deference to local school boards as to whether flag salutes did or did not promote patriotism.

WIDMAR V. VINCENT (U.S. 1981) The University of Missouri in Kansas City had a policy of allowing voluntary registered student organizations to meet on its facilities and conduct their activities. The university, however, also prohibited religious meetings in its facilities. Cornerstone, a group of evangelical students from several denominations, regularly conducted meetings at university facilities from 1973 through 1977. The university denied permission in 1977, citing the exclusionary policy. Members of the student group sued, asserting that this policy of exclusion had violated their free exercise and free speech rights. The university countered, claiming that it had a compelling interest in maintaining the “strict separation of church and state” as both the First Amendment and state constitution required. In this case the U.S. Supreme Court held in an eight to one decision that a state-supported school’s policy of allowing religious groups to use its facilities does not violate the Establishment Clause, provided the policy is truly neutral as between religious and nonreligious groups. The case involved a state university that prohibited the use of its facilities for purposes of worship by student-run religious groups, but allowed all nonreligious student groups to use them. After

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finding this policy unconstitutional on free speech grounds, the Court rejected the university’s claim that an equal-access policy would violate the Establishment Clause, by advancing religion. The university had cited the policy of the state constitution, which called for a stricter separation of church and state than the federal constitution. It was precisely the fact that the facilities were also available to nonreligious groups that distinguished the situation in Widmar from the use of school facilities for religious purposes in McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948). Here, equal access would not “confer any imprimatur of state approval on religious acts or practices,” and the advancement of religion would not be the “primary effect” of such a policy. The court, thus, concluded that the Establishment Clause would not be violated by the university’s “open forum” or “equal access” policy permitting student use for both religious and nonreligious purposes. Justice Louis Powell wrote “since the forum was open to a broad class of both religious and non religious speakers, that any benefit to religion was purely incidental.” The majority in Widmar, did not consider the issue of whether it would have decided differently if there were evidence that religious groups would dominate the use of facilities under an open-access scheme. Arguably, such dominance would cause the scheme to clash with the requirement that the state not pursue policies the “primary effect” of which is to advance religion. Widmar became important as an equality case forbidding the state from treating religious speech, including religious worship, than secular speech. In 1985, Congress enacted the Equal Access Act (EAA), which extended the Widmar holding to secondary schools receiving federal aid. Some of the statute’s provisions, such as the requirement that a school official be present in a “nonparticipatory capacity” and that nonschool personnel may or may not direct or attend such meetings were deemed as perhaps raising constitutional issues. Originally intended to apply only to student religious groups, the EAA makes it unlawful for any secondary school receiving federal funds to “deny equal access or a fair opportunity to, or discriminate against, any students who wish to conduct a meeting within that limited open forum on the basis of religious, political, philosophical, or other content of the speech at such meetings.” The constitutionality of the EAA was upheld in Board of Education of Westside Community Schools v. Mergens (U.S. 1990).

WISCONSIN V. YODER (U.S. 1972) In this decision the U.S. Supreme Court held that adherents of traditional religious groups that provide an alternative way of life for members cannot be required to send children to school beyond the eighth grade. This case involved

WISCONSIN V. YODER members of the Old Order Amish and Conservative Amish Mennonite Church, a German pietist denomination, in Green County Wisconsin, who were convicted of violating a Wisconsin statute requiring all children to attend school until they were 16 years old. The Amish parents had removed their children from the public schools after the eighth grade, preferring to train their them in an informal, vocational manner. They claimed that public education was dangerous to their way of life and a threat to their children’s salvation and their own, because they believed that integration into the Amish religious community could only be accomplished by vocational training in the farm and in the home. Yoder reaffirmed the principle that the Free Exercise Clause, at times, constitutionally requires an exemption from general law. Chief Justice Warren Burger, who wrote the majority opinion, recognized the First Amendment claim of the Amish that they were entitled to an exemption from the general school attendance law. Unlike previous cases, the burden on the religious practices of the Amish was severe and inescapable: “[T]he Wisconsin law affirmatively compels them, under threat of criminal sanction, to perform acts undeniably at odds with fundamental tenets of their religious belief.” This was the kind of objective danger the Free Exercise Clause was designed to prevent. The Amish must either abandon their beliefs and suffer assimilation or leave Wisconsin. Although acknowledging the Establishment Clause danger of creating “an exception from a general obligation of citizenship on religious grounds,” Chief Justice Burger concluded that an exception was required in Yoder. Yoder set forth a standard of review that may be interpreted as employing the compelling state interest or strict scrutiny analysis. In fact, however, the Yoder decision spoke more obliquely: “[O]nly those interests of the highest order and those not otherwise served can overbalance legitimate claims to the free exercise of religion.” The state’s asserted interest in developing educated citizens capable of participating in democratic society and in preparing self-reliant and self-sufficient individuals did not justify the burdens on the Amish. The chief justice stressed the success of the Amish in developing productive and law-abiding members of society. The possibility that Amish children might someday be ill-equipped to enter the larger world as a result of exempting them from the Wisconsin law was deemed to be speculative. Nor was there any evidence that recognizing the primary right of the parents to make decisions on their children’s education would jeopardize the health and safety of the children or impose any significant social burden. Burger’s opinion set forth three criteria against which the claims of the Amish and similar claims in the future should be weighed: (1) the sincerity of religious beliefs; (2) the fundamental nature of the outlawed beliefs to the religion; and (3) the adequacy of the substitute measures that the religion proposed to achieve the goals of the law.

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Byron White, in his concurring opinion, expressed concern that some Amish children “may wish to become nuclear physicists, ballet dancers, computer programmers, or historians, and for these occupations, formal training will be necessary.” White decided, however, in this case, “although the question is close,” the state had not demonstrated “that Amish children who leave school in the eighth grade will be intellectually stultified or unable to acquire new academic skills later.” Justice William O. Douglas, in his dissent, argued that the majority had given more consideration to the views of the Amish parents than to the interests of their children, which should have been paramount. Douglas wrote, that “the parents, absent dissent, normally speak for the entire family; the education of the child is a matter on which the child will often have decided views. Although Yoder was decided in favor of parents’ rights to free exercise of religion under the First Amendment, Justice Douglas added that the Court had “treated the religious interest of the child as a factor in the analysis” but should have sought actively the children’s own religious views, rather than assuming them to be identical to the parents. One significant aspect of the Yoder case was that it established the principle that under some circumstances otherwise illegal actions as well as beliefs are entitled to protection of the Free Exercise Clause. The Amish were declared a special class, defined by religion, exempt from some laws applying to everybody else. The right to free exercise, then, as long as vital interests of the state were not affected, could endow a particular religious group with some unique privileges. The Court, however, proved to be extremely reluctant to extent this ruling to other religions, and no other religion received such a broad exemption as the Old Order Amish. Further, the invocation of strict scrutiny does not necessarily mean that an exemption from a general law will always be constitutionally required. At times, the state is able to prove that a compelling justification for denying such an exemption exists. Despite Yoder, the Amish do not have a permanent exemption from general laws. In United States v. Lee (U.S. 1982), the Court upheld the federal government against the refusal, based on free exercise grounds, of an Amish employer to provide Social Security coverage for his employees. The Yoder test became part of what became known as the Sherbert-Yoder analysis for examining government actions that allegedly violated the Free Exercise Clause. The Sherbert-Yoder precedent was broken by the Supreme Court in Employment Division v. Smith (U.S. 1990). In that case, the Supreme Court held that the Constitution does not require a religiously based exemption from laws of general applicability (a law governing the conduct of all persons). Thus, Yoder is one instance in which the Court required the government to grant an exemption from a law of general applicability to persons who would not comply with the law due to their religious beliefs.

WITTERS V. WASHINGTON DEPARTMENT OF SERVICES FOR THE BLIND

WITTERS V. WASHINGTON DEPARTMENT OF SERVICES FOR THE BLIND (U.S. 1986) Suffering from progressive blindness, Larry Witters sought state financial assistance under the Washington state vocational rehabilitation statute to attend Inland School of the Bible, a private Christian college in Spokane, Washington, to prepare himself for a career as a minister, missionary, or youth director. The Washington State Commission for the Blind, a government agency, administered a program that provided financial aid to visually handicapped persons seeking education or training for careers so that they could be self-supporting. Nevertheless, the state denied Witters aid, citing the Washington State constitution’s prohibition of public aid to religion (Wash. Const. Art I, § 11 and Art IX, § 4). Witters sued to obtain the financial aid. The Washington State Supreme Court upheld the denial, holding that using state money to support religious education violated the Establishment Clause. The state supreme court explained that providing aid to Witters would advance religion as its primary effect and thus violate the second prong of the Lemon test (from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971). The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously reversed. Writing the opinion of the Court, Justice Thurgood Marshall emphasized that the program of funding was neutral and nondiscriminatory. He said it would be inappropriate to view the funds ultimately flowing to the Bible college in this case as the result of state action to aid religion. Justice Marshall stressed that vocational assistance to the blind clearly has a secular purpose, namely to help those persons become productive members of society. On the issue of whether Witter’s use of the money had the primary effect of advancing religion, the court said it did not. Marshall noted that the financial assistance “is paid directly to the student who transmits it to the educational institution of his or her choice. Any aid provided under Washington’s program that ultimately flows to religious institutions does so only as a result of the genuinely independent and private choices of aid recipients.” Marshall further emphasized that the program “is in no way skewed toward religion” and “creates no financial incentive for students to undertake sectarian education.” Finally, Marshall stressed that nothing indicated any significant proportion of state money provided under the program would flow to religious institutions if Witters’s claim was granted. That last reason was not dispositive for a majority of justices, five of whom joined concurring opinions that noted the applicability of Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983) to Witters. In Mueller, the Court had upheld general tax deductions for certain school expenses, despite the fact that more than 90 percent of these tax benefits went to those who sent their children to religious schools. Justice Marshall did not cite Mueller in his opinion because he had written a strong dissent against it.

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WOLMAN V. WALTER

WOLMAN V. WALTER (U.S. 1977) In a complicated statutory program, Ohio attempted to aid private schools, which were primarily Catholic schools. This program consisted of six types of aid for all nonpublic elementary and secondary schools: (1) a secular text book program like the ones approved in prior cases; (2) the provision of funds to distribute and score standardized educational tests; (3) diagnostic services with state personnel testing the individual children for specified health and educational problems; (4) therapeutic services for health and educational disabilities provided by state personnel at sites outside of the parochial school; (5) loans to students of instructional materials and equipment; and (6) funds for commercial transportation, or the use of state school buses for field trips. The program was challenged on the grounds that such aid violated the Establishment Clause. The U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Ohio found the statute constitutional. The plaintiffs—strict separationist organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union, American Humanist Association, the Unitarian Universalist Association, Americans United for Separation of Church and State, and the Coalition for Public Education and Religious Liberty—appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. The complicated Supreme Court holding in this case has criticized for “splitting hairs,” and for being amorphous, and contradictory. The U.S. Supreme Court held that the program was constitutional, with the exception of those portions providing instructional materials and equipment, and field trip services, because the latter could be used for inculcating religious doctrines. The loan of instructional materials to the private schools, rather than to individual students, is excessive state aid to the advancement of religion and is unconstitutional. The state support of nonpublic school field trips is a benefit to sectarian education, rather than to individual students, and is therefore unconstitutional state aid to sectarian education. Also, the state surveillance of field trips that would be required to ensure their secular nature would result in unconstitutional church-state entanglement. The rulings on these provisions were consistent with earlier cases, and basic tests remained the same, but the Court seriously fragmented in Wolman. The Court continued to adhere to the three part from Lemon v. Kurtzman (U.S. 1971), although fewer justices had wanted to apply that test in the school aid area. The Wolman opinion by Justice Blackmun was a majority opinion in part and a plurality opinion in part. The opinion applied the Lemon test in a straightforward manner and the results are best understood in the terms of this opinion. The textbook program was upheld by a vote of six to three on the basis of Mueller v. Allen (U.S. 1983). The court rejected the plaintiff’s argument that the vagueness about lending books or “book substitutes” invited sectarian abuse and thus violated the Establishment Clause. The court, thus upheld Board of Education v. Allen (U.S. 1968), which allowed state provision of books to nonpublic schools.

WORKPLACE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT The testing and scoring provisions, by a six-to-three vote, was upheld because, unlike Levitt v. Committee for Public Education (U.S. 1973), these were standard educational tests prepared by state employees and designed to ensure that private school students are, in fact, being properly educated. Justice Blackmun, therefore concluded, that there is no avenue for using the tests for religious teaching, and therefore, no requirement of state supervision that might give rise to excessive church-state entanglement, and thus no direct aid to religion. The diagnostic services were upheld by a vote of eight to one, as there was an important secular goal of caring for children and there was no possible religious effect. The therapeutic services were upheld by a vote of seven to two, as the removal of the services from the school eliminated the danger of religious permeation of the program. The instructional materials program was held invalid, by a six- to-three vote, on precisely the same basis as was the similar program in Meek v. Pittenger (U.S. 1975). The provision of transportation aid was held invalid, by a five-to-four vote, on an aid-to-the-religious-enterprise concept very similar to the Meek rationale. The reason for the differing votes in Wolman was that the justices were evenly split between three positions. Chief Justice Warren Burger and Justices Byron White and William Rehnquist would allow the state to help the education of all children so long as there was no clear aid to religion. Justices Potter Stewart, Harry Blackmun, and Lewis Powell believed that an independent application of the three-part test would allow the state to promote secular education without impermissibly fostering religion. Justices William Brennan, Thurgood Marshall, and John Paul Stevens were committed to the position that the First Amendment was designed to prohibit any aid to religion, although only Justice Brennan could follow this position when voting on the diagnostic services. Concurring and dissenting in Wolman, he argued that the line between governmental and religious activities “should not differentiate between direct and indirect subsidies” or between various types of instructional materials. “A State subsidy of sectarian schools is invalid regardless of the form it takes . . . for all [forms give aid to the school’s educational mission, which at heart is religious.” The line, Stevens, lamented, had become “blurred, indistinct, and variable.”

WORKPLACE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT Religious employees in the United States are often forced to make a difficult choice between practicing their faiths and keeping their jobs. After the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) was declared unconstitutional, many religiousbased organizations have sought legislation that would both survive a constitutional challenge and increase accommodations of religious beliefs,

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especially in places like the workforce. In order to protect people of all beliefs from religious discrimination, the Workplace Religious Freedom Act (WRFA) was first introduced in 1994, in order to require employers to make reasonable accommodation for an employee’s religious observance, provided that this would not impose an undue hardship on the employer. Protecting more than just religious dress or holiday observance, WRFA would also provide accommodation for religious belief. So a Catholic legal secretary could be reassigned from a death penalty prosecution, or Muslim workers who want to schedule their work breaks to coincide with ritual prayers could do so. These types of negotiations are a normal occurrence in the workplace. They are, however, at the discretion of the employer, who is not obligation to comply with the worker’s request. WRFA supporters argue that the legislation only safeguards protections that already exist. As originally enacted, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act required employers to make reasonable accommodations for the religious observances of employees unless doing so would impose an “undue hardship” on a business. Since the mid-1980s, courts have interpreted set that standard at a fairly low threshold, making it easy for an employer to be found in compliance. Rather than attempting to change the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause as the RFRA did, the WRFA has a very different approach. The bill proposes to amend Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to incorporate religious accommodations into the workplace. Except for small businesses and those employers for which this would be an undue hardship, the WRFA would require that an employer accommodate religious practices related to clothing or holidays. Various versions of WRFA would replace the current definition of undue hardship, require the costs of accommodation to be quantified by a nonexhaustive list of factors, and provides that an accommodation must actually remove the conflict. In addition, the WRFA requires that an employee demonstrate an ability to “perform the essential functions” of the employment position as a prerequisite to receiving any accommodation. Several of the WRFA’s definitions resemble language utilized in the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). Though then existing law had a similar provision, the courts have interpreted the law so narrowly that it provides little restraint on an employer’s ability to refuse such an accommodation. If enacted, the WRFA would eliminate the conflict between their jobs and their faith that many employees face. For instance, an employee may need to leave work early on Fridays due to religious obligations. If the employee is willing to work late without overtime earlier in the week to make up for the hours missed on Friday, the WRFA would require the employer to grant such accommodation unless this would present an “undue hardship” for the employer (similar to the standard in statutes such as the Americans with Disabilities Act). “Undue hardship” is defined in the bill as a situation that imposes “significant difficulty or expense” upon the employer, taking into account

WORKPLACE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT both the number of employees seeking accommodation and the employer’s operating costs and size. The WRFA also provides protection to employers in that they are not required to provide an accommodation that will result in an employee’s inability perform the essential functions of his or her job. Senators John Kerry (D-MA) and Dan Coats (R-IN) introduced the WRFA in the Senate in July 1997, and Representative Bill Goodling (R-Pa) introduced the House’s version of the bill in November 1997. The bill was not enacted. Senators Kerry and Sen. Sam Brownbeck (R-KS) introduced WRFA in September 1999. While there has been a bipartisan effort to introduce various versions of WRFA from 1994 through 2007, some members of Congress have also sought to amend Title VII in order to provide greater accommodation for the religious concerns of employees. The fact that no version of WRFA has passed out of committee or subcommittee over 15 years, suggesting that “some congressional support for the Court’s approach.” Several religious organizations have voiced support for the legislation, including supporters from Christian, Jewish, Muslim, and Sikh groups. This coalition of nearly 50 religious organizations represented a wide range of religious belief, from the conservative Southern Baptist Convention and Family Research Council to the liberal National Council of Churches and American Jewish Committee. The WRFA has been heavily criticized. One criticism suggested that the WRFA, given its similarities to the ADA, actually treats religious observance like a disability. Opponents of the WRFA have focused primarily upon the effects that accommodating employees with religious needs would have upon third parties. Third parties might consist of fellow coworkers or individuals who interact with or receive services from employees with religious needs. These concerns have arisen within the context of defining the term “perform the essential functions,” modifying the standard of an undue hardship as a “significant difficulty or expense,” and requiring that an employee’s accommodation “remove the conflict.” Specifically, opponents maintain that the WRFA would: (1) enable courts to find Title VII violations in cases where the religious employee was denied relief under current law; (2) diminish the rights of minorities; and (3) deny women access to reproductive healthcare. Additionally, there is a contentious issue as to whether the WRFA complies with the Establishment Clause. Employers oppose the WRFA since it imposes upon them a stricter standard for accommodating religious employees. Currently, the primary opposition to WRFA, however, comes not from conservative business interests, but from liberal advocacy organizations. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), believe that the WRFA would “sanction activities by employees prohibited under current law.” These criticisms focus upon the phrase “religious observance or practice,” which may grant employees the right to force their beliefs upon others. Referencing the ways in which courts currently handle Title VII religious discrimination cases, opponents

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of the WRFA maintain that the bill, by modifying twenty-five years of caselaw, provides no guarantee that the courts would “reverse the outcomes of the types of cases . . . in which an employee was denied a claim to use his or her religious exercise in a way that would harm critical personal or civil rights.” The ACLU has instead proposed a narrowly drafted version of the WRFA that would prohibit courts from reaching different outcomes in most Title VII accommodation cases while simultaneously subjecting employers to a heightened standard for specific types of accommodations. Incorporated within the belief that the WRFA would motivate courts to permit claims denied under current law is the contention that third party individuals’ personal and civil rights would be adversely affected. In particular, the ACLU expresses concerns that homosexuals, as well as religious and racial minorities, would encounter increased discrimination. Abortion rights organizations express concerns that the WRFA would allow nurses and pharmacists to refuse on religious grounds to perform such tasks as assisting with abortion procedures or filling birth control prescriptions. The bill, however, states that it would not provide an accommodation for religious beliefs that precluded employees from fulfilling the “essential functions” of their jobs. In this respect, WRFA codifies the current policy of the American Pharmacists Association, which states that pharmacists may, for reasons of conscience, refuse to fill certain prescriptions only if another pharmacist is available to take over the order. Gay rights groups have expressed concerns that Conservative Christians who are opposed to homosexuality may use WRFA to claim protection for harassing gay colleagues. The Ninth Circuit ruled on such a case involving a Hewlett Packard employee, and it determined that religious accommodation was not an entitlement to harass gay co-workers or make them uncomfortable. WRFA proponents argue that nothing in the legislation would allow religious employees to ignore existing harassment or hostile work environment laws. Proponents of the WRFA maintain that the proposed statute would survive constitutional scrutiny because it merely clarifies provisions in Title VII and neither prescribes absolute religious accommodation nor imposes a given religious practice upon employers and employees. WRFA affirms an employer’s obligation to reasonably accommodate a religious employee unless doing so would cause significant difficulty or expense. The proposed legislation would encourage greater participation between employers and employees in determining how to achieve a reasonable accommodation that removes the conflict between employment requirements and the employee’s religious observance or practice. Further, its proponents assert, the WRFA would strike an appropriate balance between protecting religious liberty and reconciling faith within the workplace and serves to restore the original intent of Title VII protections for religious employees. As workplace religious diversity increases, and concerns over discrimination continue

WORKPLACE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ACT to permeate American society since September 11, 2001, there is valid concern that statutory and judicial protections are necessary to preserve religious freedom in the American workplace. Despite its laudable objectives, the WRFA has encountered opposition questioning its constitutionality and highlighting the potential adverse effects the bill might impose upon third parties. The concerns raised by organizations opposed to the WRFA are based on a theory that the bill would enable courts to depart from commonsense reasoning and precedent in order to reinterpret Title VII religious accommodation law. In each case advanced to justify opposition to the WRFA, the plaintiff failed to prevail under a Title VII religious accommodation claim.

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Z ZOBREST V. CATALINA FOOTHILLS SCHOOL DISTRICT (U.S. 1993) The parents of a hearing impaired child transferred from a public high school to a parochial high school. They requested the school district provide him with a sign language interpreter for his classes in the parochial school, claiming that this related service should continue at the new school under the federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). IDEA specifically provided that school districts must provide sign language interpreters for deaf students at both public and private schools. The school district was willing to provide the service regardless of whether it was required under IDEA, but declined to do so, asserting that to do so would violate the Establishment Clause. When the school district refused to provide a deaf child with a interpreter for classes at a Catholic high school, the parents brought suit against the school district in the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona, alleging that IDEA and the Free Exercise Clause required the school district to provide the interpreter and that this provision did not violate IDEA and the Establishment Clause. This constitutional issue focused on whether it would violate the Establishment Clause for the Arizona school district of Catalina Foothills to provide a deaf high school student who attended a religious school with a state-funded signing interpreter. The District Court ruled that a sign language interpreter provided at the public expense would serve as a “conduit for religious inculcation” and therefore promote the religious development of the student. The Court found that resulting entanglement of church and state would make the provision of this service unconstitutional. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the District Court ruling. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled five to four that the Establishment Clause does not forbids a public school from providing a sign language interpreter for a deaf student at a religious school under the IDEA program, because it was the student, not the religious school, that would benefit from the state support. Thus, state funding would not be a “direct subsidy” to the school and would not violate the

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Establishment Clause. Writing for the court, Chief Justice William Rehnquist said, “We have consistently held that Government programs that neutrally provide benefits to a broad class of citizens defined without reference to religion are not readily subject to an Establishment Clause challenge just because sectarian institutions may also receive an attenuated financial benefit.” As a result, the school district was required to provide an interpreter to the student. The decision represented the first time that the U.S. Supreme Court had approved the use of a public employee to aid instruction at a religious elementary or secondary school. The court based its narrow decision on the neutrality principle, and avoided applying the Lemon test. The majority held that providing an interpreter resulted from the decision of the student’s parents and was not a state decision. Therefore, it did not unconstitutionally entangle the government with religion. By allowing parents to choose a school of their choice, the government ensures that a paid sign language interpreter will be provided only as a consequence of the individual decision of the parents. Because the IDEA creates no financial incentives for parents to choose private schools, an interpreter’s presence cannot be attributed to state decisionmaking. In this case, the state did not give direct aid to private schools. Justices Byron White, Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, and Clarence Thomas joined the majority opinion. Justice Harry Blackmun issued a dissenting opinion that was joined by Justice David Souter. Blackmun wrote that the “interpreter’s every gesture would be infused with religious significance.” Thus, the provision of the interpreter “necessarily entails governmental participation in the school’s inculcation of religion.” Justice Blackmun added, “When government dispenses public funds to individuals who enjoy them to finance private choices . . . it is difficult to argue that government is actually endorsing religion.” Justices John Stevens and Sandra Day O’Connor dissented on the grounds that the case could have been decided without considering the religious clauses. Chief Justice Rehnquist explained that only First Amendment questions were asserted in the Court of Appeals, so the prudential rule of avoiding constitutional questions has no application. Under the neutrality principle, the Zobrest case was one of six cases the court hear between 1986 and 2008 in which the court allowed government programs to assist students at religious schools, while at the same time invalidating none. Zobrest is one of the cases used to establish the rule that government may confer benefits to eligible individuals with respect to education, health care, and social service programs who in term exercise personal choice in selecting where to use the benefit to obtain program services, whether from a public or private organization, including a religious organization.

ZONING

ZONE OF PERMISSIBLE ACCOMMODATION Harvard Professor Lawrence Tribe suggests that the Supreme Court’s cases recognize a “zone of permissible accommodation,” a zone that the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment creates out of the Establishment Clause for permissible accommodation of religious interests. Thus, the government may “accommodate its institutions and programs to the religious interests of the people.” Under this view, if any governmental action is “arguably compelled” by the Free Exercise Clause, then that action is not forbidden by the Establishment Clause. Thus wherever action might violate the Free Exercise Clause and a contrary action might violate the Establishment Clause, it will always be safe for the government to elect the course in which the threat is to the Establishment Clause. In other words, as Tribe wrote, “[t]he free exercise principle should be dominant in any conflict with the anti-establishment principle.” In several U.S. Supreme Court decisions, it was commonly assumed that there is zone of permissible accommodation, which is understood to be the “breathing space” between the two religion clauses. [Abington School District v. Schempp (U.S. 1963)(Justice Goldberg concurring opinion); Edwards v. Aguillard (U.S. 1987) (Justice Scalia’s opinion)] As a result of statutory accommodation of religious associations and constitutional claims for mandatory exceptions are found in every area of American law, from zoning, taxes, and licensing requirements to antidiscrimination law and employment law. Tax exemption is an example of a Zone of Permissible Accommodation. A tax exemption is a form of passive preferential treatment that does not breach the zone of permissible accommodation, in part, because it does not actually remove funds from the state budget for religious organizations. It simply does not ask churches to contribute to the state budget. Critics of this theory charge that freedom of religion is jeopardized by giving the Establishment Clause priority. This is because it weakens the autonomy of religious institutions as well as other meditative associations, thus resulting in a condition that “wherever government goes, religion must retreat.”

ZONING Zoning refers to the setting aside of certain sections of land within city limits for specific uses. Through zoning, the state fulfilled its interest in promoting orderly land development. The zoning regulations pertain to the land and the buildings and structures on the land. This function falls within the police power of the state to promote order, safety, health, morals, and general welfare. The U.S. Supreme

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Court has allowed local governments to use zoning to protect public interests. The Court first held zoning laws constitutional in Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. (U.S. 1926). Issues involving zoning restrictions on religious properties and activities have arisen in recent years, as municipalities have increasingly sought to limit or regulate church property as a legitimate exercise of police power through the authority vested in them by state zoning enabling acts. Churches and other religious uses present a complex zoning problem because, while they are believed to contribute to the public welfare and are protected by the First Amendment right to the free exercise of religion, they also might, especially if they are broadly defined, harm a residential neighborhood by creating extra traffic, noise, and litter, and by shifting the property tax burden to other landowners. The power of a municipality to limit the use of property for religious use does not necessarily violate the Free Exercise Clause because, while this clause guarantees unrestrained freedom to believe, it does not imply unlimited freedom to act. Because every use of church property, whether as a place of worship, a meeting place, or a recreation facility, is a form of religious conduct, rather than belief, the conduct may still be regulated. Although a city may exercise its police power to determine zoning restrictions, it may not do so arbitrarily. To regulate religious activities, the municipality must overcome the presumption of a religious organization’s First Amendment right of free exercise. The ordinance must be reasonable and achieve a legitimate end relating to health, safety, morals, or public welfare. Not only does the First Amendment protect religious groups from arbitrary zoning restrictions; the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires state action to be procedurally fair. The municipality may not exert unfair application of zoning ordinances against a religious organization. Ordinances that totally exclude churches or other religious uses from a municipality have been consistently invalidated. Most courts also invalidate ordinances that totally excluding such uses from certain (usually residential) districts. Thus, zoning ordinances typically list churches and religious uses, among those uses permitted in residential district, either absolutely or as a special exception if they meet specified requirements. Because zoning ordinances may limit land use to residences, the permissible extent of zoning regulation of church buildings is controversial. Several courts have held zoning regulations that exclude churches violate constitutional provisions on religious liberty. For the reasons mentioned above, zoning ordinances were declared unconstitutional in City of Sherman v. Simms (Tex. 1944); Lake Drive Baptist Church v. Village of Bayside Board of Trustees (Wis. 1961); Church of Christ v. Metropolitan Board of Zoning Appeals (Ind. App. Ct. 1978). Cases upholding the zoning ordinance against a church or a religious organization include: Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. City of Porterville (Cal.

ZONING 1949) and Miami Beach United Lutheran Church of the Epiphany v. City of Miami Beach (Fla. 1955). Generally, most courts have held that churches, by their nature, conform with the purposes of zoning because they promote public morals and the general welfare. The courts have especially scrutinized attempts to exclude churches from residential areas. Churches have, thus, been included within residential districts, although required to conform to building requirements. Although zoning authorities might attempt to introduce exclusions under the need to protect against the hazards of traffic congestion that might threaten the reasonable welfare of a residential neighborhood, but the courts most often strike down such ordinances. Increasingly, some courts have upheld zoning determinations excluding churches from residential areas. Recent decisions have been more deferential to land use regulations, and move away from the traditional deference accorded to church property. The reason for this may include the changing perception of the value of churches in communities. In some cases, residents may oppose the construction of churches because of concerns that they contribute to congested traffic, bring a large number of children into the area, and contribute additional noise to the community. In Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses, Inc. v. City of Lakewood (6th Cir. 1983), the court upheld a zoning ordinance that restricted the construction of religious structures that comprised only 10 percent of the total land area of the city. Land use regulation and its effect on religion is controversial in contemporary America, as exemplified by the contentious litigation in this area. Religion and land use conflicts are occurring throughout the United States, involving both mainstream and nontraditional churches. For example, 10 percent of the Presbyterian churches that applied for permits or zoning variances from government authorities between 1992 and 1997 reported “significant conflict” with city/county staff, neighbors, commission members, or others. The U.S. Supreme Court has never adjudicated a controversy involving municipal zoning of religious uses and structures. The court mentioned land use laws only in dicta in the Boerne case, where Justice Kennedy seemed to assume that zoning laws are generally applicable, facially neutral, and constitutional under the Smith case. Justice Kennedy wrote that: When the exercise of religion has been burdened in an incidental way by a law of general application, it does not follow that the persons affected have been burdened any more than other citizens, let alone burdened because of their religious beliefs.” Justice Kennedy’s assumption of general applicability was criticized because zoning laws have many mechanisms for exceptions, special considerations, variances, and hardship considerations, and special permits are among the many discretionary mechanism in order provide flexibility in areas subject o constant pressures for change.

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The only Supreme Court land use case that has arose in the context of church control of uses in its surroundings was Larkin v. Grendel’s Den (U.S. 1982), in which a restaurant challenged the constitutionality of a Massachusetts statute expressly granting schools and churches the right to veto grants of liquor licenses to establishments within a 500 foot radius of a church or school. The Massachusetts Alcoholic Beverage Control Commission denied the license solely on the grounds of the church’s objection. Since zoning is a legislative function, the Supreme Court found that this statute provided an impermissible delegation of governmental power to a church, in violation of the Establishment Clause. The power to object was considered to have a primary effect of advancing religion, because the churches veto of liquor applicants could be exercise at its discretion without standards to ensure a religiously neutral exercise of power. Although, the state statute had a secular purpose (protecting churches and schools from disturbances associated with liquor establishments, this purpose could be accomplished in other ways, such as express prohibitions on liquor establishments within a reasonable distance of churches and schools. Also, the state’s delegation of government power to churches caused an unacceptable level of entanglement between church and state. Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in 1993. It stated that, “Governments should not substantially burden religious exercise” without a “compelling interest.” One of the first religious leaders to invoke the RFRA in a land-use dispute was Patrick F. Flores, Archbishop of San Antonio. In 1993 the city of Boerne, Texas, had rejected a request for an addition to St. Peter the Apostle Roman Catholic Church because the expansion would radically change the exterior of the Spanish Mission-style building, which is the centerpiece of the city’s mile-long downtown historic district. Flores argued that the RFRA exempted St. Peter’s from landmark designation; the city argued that the RFRA was unconstitutional because Congress had infringed on the long-settled authority of the courts to protect religious freedom. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed with the city and in June 1997 declared the RFRA unconstitutional. Despite the Boerne holding, planning and zoning commissions do not have a clear advantage in land-use conflicts. Three states—Connecticut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts—have enacted their own versions of the RFRA, and many other states began considering similar bills. State court decisions on zoning and religious organizations have varied widely. The Washington Supreme Court has ruled in favor of churches objecting to designations as historic landmarks. The court held that the rule designating a church as a landmark under a city ordinance and placing specific controls on the church’s ability to alter the structure’s exterior violated the church’s free exercise rights under both the federal and state constitutions. First Covenant Church v. City of Seattle (Wash. 1990, vacated U.S. 1990). In contrast, New York state courts

ZONING have consistently upheld the regulators. [Ethical Culture v. Spatt (N.Y. 1980); St. Bartholomew’s Church v. City of New York (2d Cir. 1990)] Religious rights advocates have sought the enactment of “RFRA II,” which would ask zoning decision-makers to equate religious institutions with other places where large numbers of people assemble, like movie theaters and community centers. They hope to prohibit cities from denying access of churches to areas where they allow commercial enterprises. Prior to the U.S. Supreme Court declaring the RFRA unconstitutional, several courts have ruled on the issue of whether the zoning regulations violated their rights to free exercise of religion. The following courts found that the zoning law had in fact violated their rights under RFRA: Brown v. Borough of Maheffey (3d Cir. 1994) (regarding borough’s action in deliberately erecting fence and locking gate between public park and property church uses for revival meetings); Western Presbyterian Church v. Board of Zoning Adjustment (D. D.C. 1994, motion dismissed on other grounds) (on church’s program for feeding homeless). The courts that found that the plaintiff religious groups’ rights to free exercise of religion were not substantially burdened and that defendants established that their zoning regulations were justified by compelling government interests using the least restrictive means under RFRA, include: Thirty v. Carlson (10th Cir. 1996)(suit brought by Quakers and Native Americans challenging proposed highway project because it would have required removal of a stillborn’s daughter’s grave and prevented prayer services at site). Future zoning controversies may arise when petitions come from nontraditional religious groups, from congregations wanting to build very large churches, or from established churches that want to expand their missions by feeding the homeless or establishing day care centers. In September of 2000, President Clinton signed into law, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 (RLUIPA). RLUIPA was Congress’ attempt to define the standard by which local land use decisions should be judged. This statute was a scaled back version of the proposed Religious Liberty Protect Act of 1999, and was narrowly drawn to withstand Supreme Court scrutiny. Rather than covering all types of religious exercise, this legislation was limited to religious land use, and to religious exercise by institutionalized persons, such as those confined to prisons and mental health institutions; areas in which Congress heard allegations of discrimination. To remedy this alleged discrimination, RLUIPA was composed of two sections. The first section governed religious land use. The second protected the religious exercise of institutionalized persons. RLUIPA’s “ land use provision provides that “[n]o government shall impose or implement a land use regulation in a manner that imposes a substantial burden on . . . religious exercise,” unless the government can demonstrate that the burden: “(A) is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and (B) is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest.” “Religious

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exercise,” is defined as including “[t]he use, building, or conversion of real property for the purpose of religious exercise . . . .” While RLUIPA maintains RFRA’s strict scrutiny test, Congress took several precautions to ensure that RLUIPA would not be declared unconstitutional like RFRA was. First, RLUIPA is much narrower in scope than RFRA, applying only to government actions regarding land use decisions and institutionalized persons. Second, RLUIPA only applies to substantial burdens that (A) are imposed by programs that receive federal funds; (B) affect interstate commerce, foreign commerce, or commerce with the Indian tribes; or (C) are “imposed in the implementation of a land use regulation . . . under which a government makes . . . individualized assessments of the proposed uses for the property involved.” The “individualized assessment” provision of RLUIPA covers local zoning and decision making. This is an area, where according to Senators Edward Kennedy (D-MA) and Orrin Hatch (R-UT), there has been widespread discrimination against churches as compared to secular places of assembly, and discrimination against small and less well-known denominations, as compared to larger and more familiar ones. While RLUIPA is narrower in scope than RFRA, it provides religious assemblies strong protections against land use regulations that burden individuals’ free exercise of religion. Indeed, the first lawsuit under RLUIPA was filed just three minutes after President Clinton signed RLUIPA into law on September 22, 2000, and, since then, RLUIPA has resulted in more land use challenges than were brought under RFRA. Also since RLUIPA was enacted, there has been an increase in the number of megachurches throughout the United States that provide significant accessory uses as part of their sites. The traffic generation, accessory uses, and other impacts have led some communities to attempt to regulate the placement and site standards for religious institutions. RLUIPA limits the ability of local governments to regulate religious uses. Local governments may regulate the impacts of religious uses, but other similar uses should also be treated in the same manner.

ZORACH V. CLAUSEN (U.S. 1952) In this case, the U.S. Supreme Court, in an opinion written by Justice William O. Douglas, upheld a New York state statute permitting released-time programs that permitted public school students, on the written requests of their parents, to leave school premises during regular school hours so they could attend religious centers for religious instruction or devotional exercises. The instructors for these programs were paid from private funds in facilities managed by participating religious societies. The same statute made school attendance compulsory. Students not

ZORACH V. CLAUSEN released from school could stay in the classrooms, and the churches reported to the schools the names of children released from public schools who failed to report for religious instruction. The program involved neither religious instruction in public schools nor the expenditure of public funds. New York’s highest court (the New York Court of Appeals) sustained the statute and the regulations thereunder permitting absence of students from the public schools for religious observance and education, against the claim that the program violated the Federal Constitution. The U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the New York holding, finding that the released-time program did not violate the First Amendment, made applicable to the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. Thus, the court “distinguished” or differentiated, this case from McCollum v. Board of Education (U.S. 1948), in which the Supreme Court ruled that public schools could not allow religious teachers to offer religious instruction within school buildings. The Court found that the New York statute had neither inhibited the free exercise of religion nor made a law “respecting an establishment of religion” within the meaning of the First Amendment. The Court also found that there was no evidence that the system involved the use of coercion to force public school students to attend religious classes. Justice Douglas eloquently stressed the importance of accommodating the religious needs of public school students, when he emphasized the following three points: 1) Americans are religious and have spiritual needs, and American institutions presuppose a Supreme Being; 2) A suitable way of acknowledging these facts is represented by the policy of freedom of religion, which encourages a beneficial variety of faiths and shows no partiality to any; and 3) the policy must not be implemented to the point where freedom becomes confined with a callous indifference or to, in other words, to the point where the state no longer emphasizes the dependency our institutions on a supreme being or the religious needs of Americans. The three justices who had written in favor of the result in McCollum dissented in Zorach. Justice Hugo Black protested that his opinion in McCollum had not emphasized the location of the religious instruction. He contended, as did Justices Felix Frankfurter and Robert Jackson, that New York, like Illinois, had impermissibly placed the coercive force of the public school laws behind religion instruction, receiving attendance reports for those released and treating as truants students who had failed to go to religious instruction. Zorach is notable for its apparent shift from the controversial result in McCollum, and for its highly “accomdationist” general language written by Justice Douglas. Justice Douglas analogized the permission to attend religious instruction to individual requests by parents to excuse children for religious holidays and or religious events. Justice Douglas treated this program as a form of state cooperation with parental wishes. Douglas did not deny the argument, stressed the dissenters, that the program does not simply excuse all students from school, but required that students not

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attending religious instruction stay in school. Nor did he deny that a student who failed to go to religious instruction would be regarded as a truant, a fact that made the program essentially indistinguishable from that which was prohibited by McCollum. In subsequent cases, Zorach was used to advocate permissible accommodation to religion. This was ironic because Justice Douglas later adopted a strictly separationist position and disavowed the result that his language in Zorach supports. In Agostini v. Felton (U.S. 1997), the Supreme Court overturned its previous decision in Aguilar v. Felton (U.S. 1985), and held that they would no longer presume that public school teachers inculcate religion simply because they happen to be in a sectarian environment. Thus, the decision in Agostini may have created a friendlier environment for such programs as school vouchers.

Religion and the Law: Primary Documents

Table of Contents Introduction ....................................................................................627

U.S. HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS Colonial Charters .............................................................................629 Virginia Charter* ...........................................................................629 Mayflower Compact ........................................................................630 Massachusetts Bay Colony Charter .......................................................631 State Constitutions ...........................................................................632 Virginia Declaration of Rights .............................................................632 Pennsylvania Constitution* ...............................................................633 Connecticut Constitution* ................................................................635 Rhode Island Constitution* ...............................................................636 Declaration of Independence* .............................................................637 Bills and Legislation ..........................................................................639 Maryland Toleration Act ..................................................................639 Thomas Jefferson’s Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom ............................643 U.S. Federal Constitution ..................................................................645 Preamble .....................................................................................645 Attestation by Oath or Affirmation ......................................................646 No Religious Test for Public Office, Article VI .........................................646 First and Fourteenth Amendments .......................................................646

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Treaty of Tripoli, Article XI ................................................................647 Blaine Amendment ...........................................................................648

U.S. FEDERAL STATUTES Equal Access Act (summary) ..............................................................649 Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (summary) ...............................649 International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 (summary) .............................649 Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2649 (summary) ..........649

UNITED NATIONS DOCUMENTS Universal Declaration of Human Rights .................................................651 Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination on Religion or Belief ........................................................................657 Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic Religious and Linguistic Minorities ..................................................................661

HISTORICAL COMMENTARY John Winthrop, A Modell of Christian Charity ...........................................665 Roger Williams, The Bloody Tenet of Persecution* .......................................670 Dutch West India Company, Flushing Remonstrance ...................................672 William Penn, The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience* ...............................674 Benjamin Franklin, Toleration .............................................................678 Thomas Paine, Common Sense* ...........................................................682 Red Jacket, Speech to the Iroquois Six Nations ............................................683 Thomas Kennedy, Speech Seeking Equal Rights for the Jews of Maryland ...............686 Justice Joseph Story, Commentaries on the U.S. Constitution* .........................687 Francis Lieber, Civil Liberty and Self-Government ........................................688

CONTEMPORARY COMMENTARY Dwight Eisenhower, Speech on Back to God Program ....................................691 John F. Kennedy, Speech at Greater Houston Ministerial Association ...................693 Martin Luther King, Letter from Birmingham City Jail ...................................698 Martin Luther King, I Have a Dream .....................................................703 Patrick Buchanan, Speech at the 1992 Republican National Convention ................707 George W. Bush, Inaugural Address .......................................................713 John F. Kerry, Speech on Faith and Values at Pepperdine University* ...................719 Barack Obama, Call to Renewal Keynote Address ........................................725 Mitt Romney, Speech on Faith in America ................................................735 Hillary Rodham Clinton, Speech on Faith at Baptist Convention* ......................741 * indicates excerpts

Introduction to Primary Documents This section provides 43 key documents intended to help researchers understand the relationship between religion and the law in the United States, a relationship that is long and layered. The documents reprinted here are from a variety of origins and based on a variety of purposes. Some constitute the law, others interpret the law, and still others provide the context in which the law developed. There are also some that illustrate how religion and the law were viewed vis-a`-vis each other. Arranged in five major categories—Historical Documents, Federal Statutes, United Nations Documents, Commentary, both Historical and Contemporary—these Documents provide discourse that enunciated the law, interpreted the law, or influenced the development of the law. A variety of viewpoints are represented. These landmark documents represent this country’s evolving relationship between religion and the law. They include colonial charters, early state constitutions, religious language in the Declaration of Independence, early bills and legislation calling for religious freedom, U.S. Constitution language prohibiting religious tests to hold office, religion clauses in the U.S. Bill of Rights, UN documents guaranteeing freedom of religion, and early commentary by leading legal scholars of the time. This section ends with speeches and inaugural addresses of modern-day politicians, making the case that religion and the law, still, do not lie peacefully side by side, and probably never will. Most of the 43 documents are reprinted in their entirety or, if unusually long, excerpted. Each document is accompanied by an explanatory introduction, providing historical context. Suggestions for Further Reading are included at the end of this Encyclopedia. This selection of Primary Documents is designed to encourage students, scholars and researchers to reach their own conclusions on the topic by examining and analyzing the variety of content and viewpoints, either contained in these documents, or based on them.

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U.S. HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS COLONIAL CHARTERS The First Charter of Virginia: April 10, 1606 Colonial charters were based on charters of the leading trading companies. For example, when early English explorers brought back favorable reports from the New World, the Virginia Company was formed and modeled after the East India Company. In 1606 King James of England granted the first colonial charter to the Virginia Company. The following year, in 1607, Jamestown was founded with 120 people. In 1609, a second charter was granted to the Virginia Company, and a third in 1611-12, each allowing more independence. The following is a section of the 1606 Charter.

James, by the grace of God [King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith], etc. Whereas our loving and well disposed subjects, Sir Thomas Gates and . . . others of our loving subjects, have been humble sutors unto us, that wee woulde vouchsafe unto them our licence to make habitacion, plantacion and to deduce a colonie of sondrie of our people into that parte of America commonly called Virginia, and other parts and territories in America either appartaining unto us, or which are not nowe actuallie possessed by anie Christian prince or people, scituate, lying and being all along the sea coastes between fower and thirtie degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctiall line, and five and fortie degrees of the same latitude, and in the maine lande betweene the same fower and thirtie and five and fourtie degrees, and the ilandes thereunto adjacente or within one hundred miles of the coaste thereof; **** Wee, greately commending, and graciously accepting of theire desires to the furtherance of soe noble a worke, which may, by the providence of Almightie God, hereafter tende to the glorie of His Divine Majestie, in propagating of Christian religion to suche people as yet live in darkenesse and miserable ignorance of the true knoweledge and worshippe of God, and may in tyme bring the infidels and savages living in those parts, to humane civilitie, and to a setled and quiet govermente: doe, by theise our lettres patents, graciously accepte of, and agree to, theire humble and well intended desires; **** In witness whereof, we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents; Witness Ourself at Westminster, the tenth Day of April in the fourth Year of our Reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the nine and thirtieth. LUKIN Per breve de privato Sigillo.

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RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Mayflower Compact: 1620

The Mayflower Compact is a written agreement composed by a consensus of the new settlers arriving at New Plymouth in November of 1620. They traveled across the ocean on the Mayflower, and anchored in what is now Provincetown Harbor near Cape Cod, Massachusetts. The Mayflower Compact was drawn up with fair and equal laws, for the general good of the settlement and with the will of the majority. The Mayflower’s passengers knew that the New World’s earlier settlers failed, due to a lack of government. They hashed out the content and eventually composed the Compact for the sake of their own survival. All 41 adult males on the Mayflower signed the Compact. Being the first written laws for the new land, the Compact determined authority within the settlement and was observed as such until 1691. This established that the colony (mostly persecuted Separatists), was to be free of English law. It was devised to set up a government from within themselves and was written by those to be governed.

IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. We, whose names are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and Advancement of the Christian Faith, and the Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the first Colony in the northern Parts of Virginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil Body Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions, and Officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which we promise all due Submission and Obedience. IN WITNESS whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names at Cape-Cod the eleventh of November, in the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno Domini; 1620.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS The Charter of Massachusetts Bay: 1629 Because of the prominence and influence of Massachusetts Bay upon New England, this charter is considered by many as the model and most famous example of New England royal charters. The major difference between this and previous charters is the status of freemen. Up to this point in New England, only the leaders could be a recipient of a charter patent or land grant. Here, freemen (a former slave, freed either individually or as a group) were given membership. This charter created a commercial company managed by a governor and 18 assistants chosen by investors, with quarterly meetings open to the investors. The Puritans (early settlers who opposed many traditions of the Church of England) would create political institutions from the business charter. They transferred governance of the company to the colony, commercial assistants became colonial magistrates, and stockholders became freemen.

And further, That the said Governour and Companye, and their Successors, maie have forever one comon Seale, to be used in all Causes and Occasions of the said Company, and the same Seale may alter, chaunge, breake, and newe make, from tyme to tyme, at their pleasures. **** And, Wee doe of our further Grace, certen Knowledg and meere Motion, give and graunte to the saide Governor and Company, and their Successors, That it shall and maie be lawfull, to and for the Governor or Deputie Governor, and such of the Assistants and Freemen of the said Company for the Tyme being as shalbe assembled in any of their generall Courts aforesaide, or in any other Courtes to be specially sumoned and assembled for that Purpose, or the greater Parte of them (whereof the Governor or Deputie Governor, and six of the Assistants to be alwaies seaven) from tyme to tyme, to make, ordeine, and establishe all Manner of wholesome and reasonable Orders, Lawes, Statutes, and Ordinances, Directions, and Instructions, not contrairie to the Lawes of this our Realme of England . . . and for the directing, ruling, and disposeing of all other Matters and Thinges, whereby our said People, Inhabitants there, may be soe religiously, peaceablie, and civilly governed, as their good Life and orderlie Conversation, maie wynn and incite the Natives of Country, to the Knowledg and Obedience of the onlie true God and Savior of Mankinde, and the Christian Fayth, which in our Royall Intention, and the Adventurers free Profession, is the principall Ende of this Plantation. **** In witness whereof, Wee have caused theis our Letters to be made Patents. WITNESS ourself, at Westminster, the fourth day of March, in the fourth Yeare of our Raigne. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo, WOLSELEY.

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STATE CONSTITUTIONS Virginia Declaration of Rights: June 12, 1776 George Mason, signer of the Declaration of Independence, and participant in the Constitutional Convention, drafted this bill of rights. It was passed in the Virginia Constitutional Convention on June 12, 1776, with slight changes. Virginia’s Declaration of Rights was relied on by Thomas Jefferson for the opening paragraphs of the Declaration of Independence. It was widely copied by the other colonies and became the basis of the Bill of Rights. Virginia was one of two states (along with Rhode Island) to offer complete religious freedom to its citizens.

A declaration of rights made by the representatives of the good people of Virginia, assembled in full and free convention; which rights do pertain to them and their posterity, as the basis and foundation of government. **** XV. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence of fundamental principles. XVI. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Pennsylvania Constitution: September 28, 1776 In 1776 Pennsylvania enacted its first state constitution in direct response to the Declaration of Independence and the instructions of the Second Continental Congress to the colonies to reject British rule. Dedicated to the idea of placing authority in the hands of the people, and specifying a broad range of rights, this state constitution proved to be controversial. Congress issued two resolutions in May 1776 calling for the colonies to reject British rule and establish governments based on the authority of the people. With the signing of the Declaration of Independence two months later, the American Revolution had begun. Pennsylvania had refused to join the rebellion, and Congress hoped to win its support. Instead, revolutionaries in Pennsylvania quickly held public meetings and devoted themselves to electing representatives to a Constitutional Convention. The noted American statesman and philosopher Benjamin Franklin was instrumental in organizing and leading the endeavor. The Constitution of Pennsylvania was debated and revised for four months before being approved on September 28, 1776. Although five other states also adopted constitutions during this time, the Pennsylvania document was unique. It bore the mark of the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a critic of representative government who viewed it as a necessary evil. Thus, under the Pennsylvania Constitution, government would aspire to the democratic ideal of maximum participation by citizens while simultaneously ensuring fair, just, and legal representation by politicians. The rights granted by the Pennsylvania Constitution were among the most liberal in the United States at that time. The right to vote was based on a minimal property interest, given to free men above the age of twenty-one who had resided in the state for one year and had paid public taxes, as well as to the sons of freeholders. The constitution defended the free exercise of religion, stating that no “man who acknowledges the being of a God, [may] be justly deprived or abridged of any civil right as a citizen” regardless of his “religious sentiments or peculiar mode of religious worship.” Other significant liberties included the right to buy one’s release from military service, not to be taxed without the consent of lawmakers, and to receive liberal due process in court. This constitution, which was not submitted to Pennsylvanians for ratification, exempts the “conscientiously scrupulous” from bearing arms. While requiring legislators to make a prescribed statement of faith, it then prohibited any “further” religious test for other office holders. Because this oath admitted Roman Catholics to full rights in elected offices, it is somewhat more liberal than most states at the time. Franklin, who presided at this constitutional convention, was opposed to any religious test, and saw this last provision as a compromise. Had this rather broad language not been approved, a much narrower version might have been introduced. In contrast to the broad language of the oath, the test had a narrow application, as it applied only to the legislature. Jewish citizens objected to the requirement that one acknowledge the New Testament as divine scripture. In 1783, they successfully petitioned to have the phrase removed. The following are provisions of the Pennsylvania Constitution pertaining to religion.

**** We the representatives of the freemen of Pennsylvania, in general convention met, for the express purpose of framing such a government, confessing the goodness of the great Governor of the universe (who alone knows to what degree of earthly happiness mankind may attain, by perfecting the arts of government) in permitting the people of this State, by common consent, and without violence, deliberately to form for themselves such just rules as they shall think best, for

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governing their future society; and being fully convinced, that it is our indispensable duty to establish such original principles of government, as will best promote the general happiness of the people of this State and their posterity, and provide for future class, sect or denomination of men whatever, do, by virtue of the authority vested in us by our constituents, ordain, declare, and establish, the following Declaration of Rights and Frame of Government. A Declaration of the Rights of the Inhabitants of the State of Pennsylvania.

**** II. That all men have a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences and understanding: And that no man ought or of right can be compelled to attend any religious worship, or erect or support any place of worship, or maintain any ministry, contrary to, or against, his own free will and consent: Nor can any man, who acknowledges the being of a God, be justly deprived or abridged of any civil right as a citizen, on account of his religious sentiments or peculiar mode of religious worship: And that no authority can or ought to be vested in, or assumed by any power whatever, that shall in any case interfere with, or in any manner control, the right of conscience in the free exercise of religious worship. **** VIII. That every member of society hath a right to be protected in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property, and therefore is bound to contribute his proportion towards the expence of that protection, and yield his personal service when necessary, or an equivalent thereto: But no part of a man’s property can be justly taken from him, or applied to public uses, without his own consent, or that of his legal representatives: Nor can any man who is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, be justly compelled thereto, if he will pay such equivalent, nor are the people bound by any laws, but such as they have in like manner assented to, for their common good. **** X. And each member [of the house of representatives], before he takes his seat, shall make and subscribe the following declaration, viz: “I do believe in one God, the creator and governor of the universe, the rewarder of the good and the punisher of the wicked. And I do acknowledge the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given by Divine inspiration.” And no further or other religious test shall ever hereafter be required of any civil officer or magistrate in this State.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Connecticut Constitution:1818 Following the American Revolution and into the early the Nineteenth century, opposition to the established church increased and states began to disestablish their state churches. Connecticut disestablished the Congregational church after the election of Governor Oliver Wolcott in 1817. During the administration of this liberal governor, the state legislature began to modify existing laws restricting religious freedom, and to enact new laws expanding the rights of non-established churches. These changes culminated in the constitutional convention of 1818, which produced a constitution and bill of rights guaranteeing the free exercise of religious beliefs, while refusing to give legal sanction to any Christian sect or mode of worship; relevant sections appear below.

PREAMBLE. The people of Connecticut, acknowledging with gratitude the good providence of God, in having permitted them to enjoy a free government, do, in order more effectually to define, secure, and perpetuate the liberties, rights, and privileges which they have derived from their ancestors, hereby, after a careful consideration and revision, ordain and establish the following constitution and form of civil government: ARTICLE I. DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. That the great and essential principles of liberty and free government may be recognized and established, we declare: **** Sec. 3. The exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination, shall forever be free to all persons in this State, provided that the right hereby declared and established shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or to justify practices inconsistent with the peace and safety of the State. Sec. 4. No preference shall be given by law to any Christian sect or mode of worship. Sec. 5. Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. Sec. 6. No law shall ever be passed to curtail or restrain the liberty of speech or of the press. **** Sec. 16. The citizens have a right, in a peaceable manner, to assemble for their common good, and to apply to those invested with the powers of government for redress of grievances, or other proper purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance.

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Below are the constitutional provisions of the Rhode Island Constitution of 1842, pertaining to religion. Superseding the charter of 1663, the Rhode Island Constitution was ratified on November 23, 1842. This document reiterates that “a principal object of our venerated ancestors. . .was, as they expressed it, to hold forth a lively experiment that a flourishing civil state may stand and be best maintained with full liberty in religious concernments.” Rhode Island is regarded as the home of American religious freedom. Its religious liberties provisions were unparalleled in the 17th century. Rhode Island is still governed under this constitution. The religion clauses remain unchanged to this day.

Sec. 3. Whereas Almighty God hath created the mind free, and all attempts to influence it by temporal punishment, or burdens, or by civil incapacitations, tend to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness; and whereas a principal object of our venerated ancestors, in their migration to this country and their settlement of this State, was, as they expressed it, to hold forth a lively experiment that a flourishing civil state may stand and be best maintained with full liberty in religious concernments; we therefore declare, that no man shall be compelled to frequent or to support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever, except in fulfilment of his own voluntary contract; nor enforced, restrained, molested, or burdened in his body or goods; nor disqualified from holding any office; nor otherwise suffer on account of his religious belief; and that every man shall be free to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, and to profess, and by argument to maintain, his opinion in matters of religion; and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect his civil capacity. **** Sec. 21. The citizens have a right, in a peaceable manner, to assemble for their common good, and to apply to those invested with the powers of government, for redress of grievances, or for other purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance. ****

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: JULY 4, 1776 There is no simple consensus about how religion influenced the philosophical and intellectual ideals of the American Revolution. Historians, in fact, disagree about the significance of religion. The American revolutionaries framed their resistance to England primarily in terms of philosophical principles of natural rights. Despite the fact that the idea of natural rights does not appear in the Bible, many Americans understood the philosophical arguments for revolution to be supported by their religious beliefs. Some historians see religion playing a major role in the American Revolution by offering a moral sanction for opposition to the British—an assurance to the average American that revolution was justified in the sight of God. The Declaration of Independence itself contains four references to a higher power: • The American people are said to assume the “separate and equal station which the Laws of Nature and Nature’s God entitle them” • Certain unalienable rights are said to be “endowed” by the “Creator” • The signers of the Declaration appeal to the “Supreme Judge of the world” for the rectitude of their intentions • The Declaration concludes “with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence.” To the signers of the Declaration, the “Supreme Judge of the world” supported the American cause for independence. The following are excerpts of the Declaration of Independence relating to religion:

Introductory Paragraph: When in the course of human Events, it becomes necessary for one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent Respect to the Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the Separation. We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness . . . : Closing Paragraph:

We, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political Connection between them and the State of Great-Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contracting Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the

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Protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS BILLS AND LEGISLATION The Maryland Toleration Act: 1649 The Maryland Toleration Act did not bring complete religious freedom, as is often assumed, and as the document clearly indicates. Nor did it come into effect because of a profound humanistic conviction of Lord Baltimore, the Maryland proprietor. The Act was a pragmatic solution to a serious problem. The Catholics in originally Catholic Maryland had become a minority of the population, although still powerful politically. They were in great danger of being oppressed by the Protestant majority. The Toleration Act, it was believed, was a way of providing protection for Catholics while at the same time representing a show of loyalty to the English government, which in 1649 and for a dozen years thereafter, was firmly under the control of the English Puritans. Nonetheless, the document did provide modest (although temporary) protection for Catholic Marylanders and set a precedent to which others could refer. Despite Baltimore’s Catholic background and his desire to use Maryland as a refuge for Catholics persecuted elsewhere, the Catholic Church never became the established church. In the eighteenth century, the Church of England was the established church in Maryland. The Maryland Toleration Act forbade public and private discrimination on the basis of religion and limitation of individuals’ free exercise of religion. The Act protected all who professed belief in Jesus Christ. The Act, however, also prescribed the death penalty and property forfeitures for those who blasphemed or cursed God or denied the Incarnation, and lesser penalties for those who uttered religious profanity or epithets or profaned the Sabbath.

An Act Concerning Religion

Forasmuch as in a well governed and Christian Common Weath matters concerning Religion and the honor of God ought in the first place to bee taken, into serious consideracion and endeavoured to bee settled, Be it therefore ordered I and enacted by the Right Honourable Cecilius Lord Baron of Baltemore absolute Lord and Proprietary of this Province with the advise and consent of this Generall Assembly: That whatsoever person or persons within this Province and the Islands thereunto belonging shall from henceforth blaspheme God, that is Curse him, or deny our Saviour Jesus Chnst to bee the sonne of God, or shall deny the holy Trinity the father sonne and holy Ghost, or the Godhead of any of the said Three persons of the Trinity or the Unity of the Godhead, or shall use or utter any reproachfull Speeches, words or language concerning the said Holy Trinity, or any of the said three persons thereof, shalbe punished with death and confiscation or forfeiture of all his or her lands and goods to the Lord Proprietary and his heires. And bee it also Enacted by the Authority and with the advise and assent aforesaid, That whatsoever person or persons shall from henceforth use or utter any reproachfull words or Speeches concerning the blessed Virgin Mary the Mother of our Saviour or the holy Apostles or Evangelists or any of them shall in such case for the first offence forfeit to the said Lord Proprietary and his heirs Lords and

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Proprietaries of this Province the summe of five pound Sterling or the value thereof to be Levyed on the goods and chattells of every such person soe offending, but in case such Offender or Offenders, shall not then have goods and chattells sufficient for the satisfyeing of such forfeiture, or that the same bee not otherwise speedily satisfyed that then such Offender or Offenders shalbe publiquely whipt and bee imprisoned during the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary or the Lieutenant or cheife Governor of this Province for the time being. And that every such Offender or Offenders for every second offence shall forfeit tenne pound sterling or the value thereof to bee levyed as aforesaid, or in case such offender or Offenders shall not then have goods and chattells within this Province sufficient for that purpose then to bee publiquely and severely whipt and imprisoned as before is expressed. And that every person or persons before mentioned offending herein the third time, shall for such third Offence forfeit all his lands and Goods and bee for ever banished and expelled out of this Province. And be it also further Enacted by the same authority advise and assent that whatsoever person or persons shall from henceforth uppon any occasion of Offence or otherwise in a reproachful manner or Way declare call or denominate any person or persons whatsoever inhabiting, residing, traffiqueing, trading or comerceing within this Province or within any the Ports, Harbors, Creeks or Havens to the same belonging an heritick, Scismatick, Idolator, puritan, Independant, Prespiterian popish prest, Jesuite, Jesuited papist, Lutheran, Calvenist, Anabaptist, Brownist, Antinomian, Barrowist, Roundhead, Separatist, or any other name or terme in a reproachfull manner relating to matter of Religion shall for every such Offence forfeit and loose the somme of tenne shillings sterling or the value thereof to bee levyed on the goods and chattells of every such Offender and Offenders, the one half thereof to be forfeited and paid unto the person and persons of whom such reproachfull words are or shalbe spoken or uttered, and the other half thereof to the Lord Proprietary and his heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province. But if such person or persons who shall at any time utter or speake any such reproachfull words or Language shall not have Goods or Chattells sufficient and overt within this Province to bee taken to satisfie the penalty aforesaid or that the same bee not otherwise speedily satisfyed, that then the person or persons soe offending shalbe publickly whipt, and shall suffer imprisonment without baile or maineprise [bail] untill hee, shee or they respectively shall satisfy the party soe offended or greived by such reproachfull Language by asking him or her respectively forgivenes publiquely for such his Offence before the Magistrate of cheife Officer or Officers of the Towne or place where such Offence shalbe given. And be it further likewise Enacted by the Authority and consent aforesaid That every person and persons within this Province that shall at any time hereafter prophane the Sabbath or Lords day called Sunday by frequent swearing,

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS drunkennes or by any uncivill or disorderly recreacion, or by working on that day when absolute necessity doth not require it shall for every such first offence forfeit 2s 6d sterling or the value thereof, and for the second offence 5s sterling or the value thereof, and for the third offence and soe for every time he shall offend in like manner afterwards l0s sterling or the value thereof. And in case such offender and offenders shall not have sufficient goods or chattells within this Province to satisfy any of the said Penalties respectively hereby imposed for prophaning the Sabbath or Lords day called Sunday as aforesaid, That in Every such case the partie soe offending shall for the first and second offence in that kinde be imprisoned till hee or shee shall publickly in open Court before the cheife Commander Judge or Magistrate, of that County Towne or precinct where such offence shalbe committed acknowledg the Scandall and offence he hath in that respect given against God and the good and civill Governement of this Province, And for the third offence and for every time after shall also bee publickly whipt. And whereas the inforceing of the conscience in matters of Religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous Consequence in those commonwealthes where it hath been practised, And for the more quiett and peaceable governement of this Province, and the better to preserve mutuall Love and amity amongst the Inhabitants thereof, Be it Therefore also by the Lord Proprietary with the advise and consent of this Assembly Ordeyned and enacted (except as in this present Act is before Declared and sett forth) that noe person or persons whatsoever within this Province, or the Islands, Ports, Harbors, Creekes, or havens thereunto belonging professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waies troubled, Molested or discountenanced for or in respect of his or her religion nor in the free exercise thereof within this Province or the Islands thereunto belonging nor any way compelled to the beleife or exercise of any other Religion against his or her consent, soe as they be not unfaithfull to the Lord Proprietary, or molest or conspire against the civill Governement established or to bee established in this Province under him or his heires. And that all and every person and persons that shall presume Contrary to this Act and the true intent and meaning thereof direct!y or indirectly either in person or estate willfully to wrong disturbe trouble or molest any person whatsoever within this Province professing to beleive in Jesus Christ for or in respect of his or her religion or the free exercise thereof within this Province other than is provided for in this Act that such person or persons soe offending, shalbe compelled to pay trebble damages to the party soe wronged or molested, and for every such offence shall also forfeit 20s sterling in money or the value thereof, half thereof for the use of the Lord Proprietary, and his heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, and the other half for the use of the party soe wronged or molested as aforesaid, Or if the partie soe offending as aforesaid shall refuse or bee unable to recompense the party soe wronged, or to satisfy such fyne or forfeiture, then such Offender shalbe severely punished by publick whipping and imprisonment during the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary, or

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his Lieutenant or cheife Governor of this Province for the tyme being without baile or maineprise. And bee it further alsoe Enacted by the authority and consent aforesaid That the Sheriff or other Officer or Officers from time to time to bee appointed and authorized for that purpose, of the County Towne or precinct where every particular offence in this present Act conteyned shall happen at any time to bee committed and whereupon there is hereby a forfeiture fyne or penalty imposed shall from time to time distraine and seise the goods and estate of every such person soe offending as aforesaid against this present Act or any part thereof, and sell the same or any part thereof for the full satisfaccion of such forfeiture, fine, or penalty as aforesaid, Restoring unto the partie soe offending the Remainder or overplus of the said goods or estate after such satisfaccion soe made as aforesaid.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Draft Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom: 1779 For Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), separation of church and state was a necessary reform of the religious “tyranny” whereby a religion received state endorsement, and those not of that religion were denied rights, and even punished. Following the Revolution, Jefferson played a leading role in establishing freedom of religion in Virginia. Previously the Anglican Church had tax support. As he wrote in his Notes on the State of Virginia, a law was in effect in Virginia that “if a person brought up a Christian denies the being of a God, or the Trinity . . . he is punishable on the first offense by incapacity to hold any office . . . on the second by a disability to sue, to take any gift or legacy . . . and by three year’ imprisonment.” Prospective officer-holders were required to swear that they did not believe in the central Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation. From 1784 to 1786, Jefferson and James Madison worked together to oppose Patrick Henry’s attempts to again assess taxes in Virginia to support churches. Instead, in 1786, the Virginia General Assembly passed Jefferson’s Bill for Religious Freedom, which he had first submitted in 1779 and was one of only three accomplishments he put in his own epitaph. Jefferson wrote the following draft declaring “the natural rights of mankind” in 1777. He proposed his draft as a bill to the Virginia Legislature in 1779. Thomas Jefferson and James Madison promoted the bill for for religious freedom for years before Virginia legislature finally passed it. After an impassioned speech by James Madison, and after some amendments, it became law on January 16, 1786. At the time, the Anglican Church was officially recognized as the state religion. The law disestablished that denomination.

SECTION I.

Well aware that the opinions and belief of men depend not on their own will, but follow involuntarily the evidence proposed to their minds; that Almighty God hath created the mind free, and manifested his supreme will that free it shall remain by making it altogether insusceptible of restraint; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments, or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the holy author of our religion, who being lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it by coercions on either, as was in his Almighty power to do, but to extend it by its influence on reason alone; that the impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, who, being themselves but fallible and uninspired men, have assumed dominion over the faith of others, setting up their own opinions and modes of thinking as the only true and infallible, and as such endeavoring to impose them on others, hath established and maintained false religions over the greatest part of the world and through all time: That to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves and abhors, is sinful and tyrannical; that even the forcing him to support this or that teacher of his own religious persuasion, is depriving him of the comfortable liberty of giving his contributions to the particular pastor whose morals he would make his pattern, and whose powers he feels most persuasive to righteousness; and is withdrawing from the ministry those temporary rewards, which proceeding from an approbation of their personal conduct, are an additional incitement to earnest and unremitting labours for the instruction of mankind; that our civil rights have no dependance on our religious

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opinions, any more than our opinions in physics or geometry; that therefore the proscribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence by laying upon him an incapacity of being called to offices of trust and emolument, unless he profess or renounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving him injuriously of those privileges and advantages to which, in common with his fellow citizens, he has a natural right; that it tends also to corrupt the principles of that very religion it is meant to encourage, by bribing, with a monopoly of worldly honours and emoluments, those who will externally profess and conform to it; that though indeed these are criminal who do not withstand such temptation, yet neither are those innocent who lay the bait in their way; that the opinions of men are not the object of civil government, nor under its jurisdiction; that to suffer the civil magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles on supposition of their ill tendency is a dangerous falacy, which at once destroys all religious liberty, because he being of course judge of that tendency will make his opinions the rule of judgment, and approve or condemn the sentiments of others only as they shall square with or differ from his own; that it is time enough for the rightful purposes of civil government for its officers to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace and good order; and finally, that truth is great and will prevail if left to herself; that she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate; errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them. SECTION II.

WE the General Assembly of Virginia do enact that no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer, on account of his religious opinions or belief; but that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities. SECTION III.

AND though we well know that this Assembly, elected by the people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to restrain the acts of succeeding Assemblies, constituted with powers equal to our own, and that therefore to declare this act irrevocable would be of no effect in law; yet we are free to declare, and do declare, that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind, and that if any act shall be hereafter passed to repeal the present or to narrow its operation, such act will be an infringement of natural right.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION: 1787 The Constitution is the fundamental law of the nation, which contains the legal rules constituting the government’s institutions and delineating their authoritiy. These institutions are often divided into three branches: the legistlature, which enacts new laws in the form of legislation; the judiciary, which applies laws to resolve particular disputes and may in the process develop them in new ways; and the executive, which is responsible for enforcing the law, and carrying on the administration of government. The United States Constitution was adopted by the Constitutional Convention on September 17, 1787 and became effective when ratified by the ninth state, New Hampshire, on June 21, 1788. First Amendment to the United States Constitutionhich the First Congress approved on September 25, 1789, became effective on December 15, 1791, when ratified by the tenth state, Virginia. Article VI of the Constitution allows public officials to affirm, rather than swear, their support of the Constitution, a passage aimed at accommodating the Quaker minority, who were forbidden by their religious beliefs to swear oaths. As well as providing for the exercise of State power within the legal system, the Constitution may explicitly limit this power, particularly in relation to the individual. This is most clear where the Constitution contains a set of fundamental invidual rights that the State is required to respect. In the United States, many of these fundamental rights are articulated in the Bill of Rights. The First Amendment contains the two “Religion Clauses” (i.e., the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause), which became the foundation of constitutional law relating to much of the American law of church and state. The Fourteenth Amendment is one of the post civil war amendments, intended to protect the rights of former slaves. It includes the Due Process Clause, and Equal Protection Clause. As enacted by its framers, the Amendment introduced the concept of incorporation of all relevant federal rights against the states. While not fully implemented, the doctrine of incorporation has been used to ensure that through the Due process and privileges and Immunities Clause, the application of most of the rights protected in the Bill of Rights to the states. The Amendment was enacted to restrict the power of the states. What liberties could the states not abridge? Beginning in the 1920s, the U.S. Supreme Court answered that the First Amendment rights were to protected from state governments as well as from the federal government, and in Cantwell v. Connecticut (U.S. 1940), the court applied for the first time one of the religion clauses when it overturned the conviction of a Jehovah’s Witness who failed to comply with a Connecticut statute requiring him to obtain a license to engage in religious solicitation. This, the court said, was an unconstitutional restriction of his religious liberty. It is doubtful that the framers intended for the religion clauses to be applied to the states by way of the Fourteenth Amendment. In 1876, Congress had considered and rejected a constitutional amendment (the Blaine Act), which would have directly applied the religion clauses to the statute. No one had suggested at that time that the Fourteenth Amendment had already done this.

The Preamble to the United States Constitution We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

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RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Attestation by Oath or Affirmation

Attestation by Senators During Impeachment Trials

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. U.S. Const., art. I, § 3. Attestation by President

Before he enters on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” U.S. Const., art. II, § 1. Attestation by State and Federal Legislators, Executive Officials, and Judicial Officers

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution . . . U.S. Const., art. VI. No Religious Test for Public Office: Article VI The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States. U.S. Const., art. VI. First and Fourteenth Amendments Amendment 1: Freedom of speech, religion, press, petition and assembly (1791)

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Amendment 14: Citizenship Rights (1868)

. . . No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. U.S. Const., amend. XIV, § 1.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS TREATY OF TRIPOLI, ARTICLE XI, 1787 The Treaty of Tripoli usually refers to the first treaty concluded between the United States of America and Tripoli, otherwise known in English as the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United States of America and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary. The treaty was signed at Tripoli on November 4, 1796 and at Algiers (for a third-party witness) on January 3, 1797, finally receiving ratification from the U.S. Senate on June 7, 1797 and signed by President John Adams on June 10, 1797. Soon after the formation of the United States, piracy on the Mediterranean Sea and Atlantic Ocean from the nations of the Barbary Coast prompted the U.S. to form a series of so-called “peace treaties,” collectively known as the Barbary Treaties. Individual treaties were negotiated with Morocco (1786), Algeria (1795), Tripoli (1797) and Tunis (1797), all of them more than once. The first treaty is cited as historical evidence in the contemporary controversy over whether there was religious intent by the founders of the United States government. Article XI of the first treaty has been interpreted as an official denial of a Christian basis for the U.S. government. Unlike governments of the past, the American founders established a government formally separated from religion. The establishment of a secular government did not require a reflection to themselves about its origin; they knew this as an unspoken given. However, as the U.S. entered into international affairs, few foreign nations understood American intentions. For this reason, an insight from this little known but legal document written in the late 1700s explicitly reveals the secular nature of the United States to a foreign nation. Although the Christian exclusionary wording in the Treaty of Tripoli only lasted for eight years and no longer has legal status, separationists argue that it clearly represented the beliefs and intentions at the beginning of the U.S. government.

Article XI:

As the government of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion as it has in itself no character of enmity [hatred] against the laws, religion or tranquility of Musselmen [Muslims] and as the said States [America] have never entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.

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BLAINE AMENDMENT: 1875 The Blaine Amendment of 1875 was a Congressional effort to add a sixteenth amendment to the Constitution. The main purpose of the proposal was to prohibit the states from giving financial aid to schools run by churches. Passed overwhelmingly by the House of Representatives, the Blaine Amendment narrowly failed to secure the necessary two-thirds vote in the Senate. Some historians view the Blaine Amendment as as a Republican attempt to exploit anti-Catholic prejudice in a forthcoming presidential election year (1876) . The Blaine Amendment also gave rise to constitutional issues, that is, specificially the Reconstruction-era debate over church and state as well as upon the relationship between the First Amendment Religion Clauses (the language of which the Blaine initiative incorporated), and the recently ratified Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause. The Blaine Amendment also raised issues about the government’s proper role in shaping children’s character as maturing American citizens.

No State shall make any law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; and no money raised by taxation in any State for the support of public schools, or derived from any public fund therefor, nor any public lands devoted thereto, shall ever be under the control of any religious sect; nor shall any money so raised or lands so devoted be divided between religious sects or denominations.

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U.S. FEDERAL STATUTES Equal Access Act The Equal Access Act is a federal statute enacted by Congress in 1984, which prohibits discrimination against student religious groups in public secondary schools, i.e., grades 7-12. Subsequently, this law was extended to elementary schools. Critics of the extension to elementary schools, argue that because young children are not able to differentiate between an activity that is simply at the school and an activity that is actually sponsored by the school. The Equal Access Act provides that if a school receives federal aid and has a “limited open forum,” or at least one student-led non-curriculum club that meets outside of class time, it must allow other such clubs to be organized, and must give them equal access to meeting spaces and school publications. Exceptions can be made for groups that “materially and substantially interfere with the orderly conduct of educational activities within the school,” and schools may technically “opt out” of the requirements of the statute by prohibiting all non-curriculum clubs.

Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) is a federal statute enacted in 1993 in order to protect individual rights against government action that substantially burden a person’s free exercise of their religion. The bill was introduced by Representatives Howard McKeon of California and Dean Gallo of New Jersey on March 11, 1993. The law reinstated the Sherbert test, mandating that strict scrutiny be used when determining if the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, guaranteeing religious freedom, has been violated. In using this test, the court must first determine whether the person has a claim involving a sincere religious belief, and whether the government action is a substantial burden on the person’s ability to act on that belief; if these two elements are established, then the government must prove that it is acting in furtherance of a compelling state interest, and that it has pursued that interest in the manner least restrictive, or least burdensome, to religion. In the 1997, the United States Supreme Court had held the RFRA to be unconstitutional, as applied to state and local governments, in City of Boerne v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997).

International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 was enacted to promote religious freedom as a foreign policy of the United States, and to advocate on the behalf of the individuals viewed as suffering religious persecution in foreign countries. The Act was signed into law by President Bill Clinton on October 27, 1998. The statute created three entities to monitor religious persecution: • An Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom within the Department of State, • A bipartisan United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, and • A Special Adviser on International Religious Freedom within the National Security Council. Although the original bill imposed mandatory sanctions on the countries that engage in religious persecution, the amended version of this statute provides the president a waiver provision if he believes that it would further the goal of the bill or promote the interests of U.S. national security not to impose measures on a designated country.

Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 The land use provisions of the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 protect individuals, houses of worship, and other religious institutions from discrimination in zoning and landmarking laws

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In passing this law, Congress found that the right to assemble for worship is at the very core of the free exercise of religion. Religious assemblies cannot function without a physical space adequate to their needs and consistent with their theological requirements. The right to build, buy, or rent such a space is an indispensable adjunct of the core First Amendment right to assemble for religious purposes. Religious assemblies, especially, new, small, or unfamiliar ones, may be illegally discriminated against on the face of zoning codes and also in the highly individualized and discretionary processes of land use regulation. Zoning codes and landmarking laws may illegally exclude religious assemblies in places where they permit theaters, meeting halls, and other places where large groups of people assemble for secular purposes. Or the zoning codes or landmarking laws may permit religious assemblies only with individualized permission from the zoning board or landmarking commission, and zoning boards or landmarking commission may use that authority in illegally discriminatory ways. To address these concerns, RLUIPA prohibits zoning and landmarking laws that substantially burden the religious exercise of churches or other religious assemblies or institutions absent the least restrictive means of furthering a compelling governmental interest. This prohibition applies in any situation where: (i) the state or local government entity imposing the substantial burden receives federal funding; (ii) the substantial burden affects, or removal of the substantial burden would affect, interstate commerce; or (iii) the substantial burden arises from the state or local government’s formal or informal procedures for making individualized assessments of a property’s uses. In addition, RLUIPA prohibits zoning and landmarking laws that: (1) treat churches or other religious assemblies or institutions on less than equal terms with nonreligious institutions; (2) discriminate against any assemblies or institutions on the basis of religion or religious denomination; (3) totally exclude religious assemblies from a jurisdiction; or (4) unreasonably limit religious assemblies, institutions, or structures within a jurisdiction.

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UNITED NATIONS DOCUMENTS INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS ON RELIGION AND THE LAW Since the formation of the United Nations in 1945, development of human rights treaty regimes have represented major milestones in international law. The principal function of the UN is to secure and maintain peace. The UN Commission on Human Rights, was formed in 1946. Its early tasks included the drafting of an international Bill of rights. Initially, the UNCHR presented the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (the UNDHR) as a common standard of achievement for all nations, rather than a legal document. The UNDHRL includes extensive range of rights, such as Article 18, which specifically deals with religious rights. Although the UNDHR is not legally enforceable, its influence has been considerable. Since its adoption, the UNDHR has greatly influenced governments throughout the world, and has made people every where conscious of the rights and freedoms to which they are entitled, inspiring all human beings to have these rights recognized and respected.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR) PREAMBLE

Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations, Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co-operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge,

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RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Now, therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS

as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction. Article 1.

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2.

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3.

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4.

No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5.

No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6.

Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Article 7.

All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8.

Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law. Article 9.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile. Article 10.

Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him. Article 11.

(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence. (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed. Article 12.

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks. Article 13.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country. Article 14.

(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.

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(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 15.

(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality. Article 16.

(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution. (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses. (3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State. Article 17.

(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property. Article 18.

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. Article 19.

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Article 20.

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association. Article 21.

(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country. (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures. Article 22.

Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality. Article 23.

(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment. (2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work. (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection. (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests. Article 24.

Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay. Article 25.

(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection. Article 26.

(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory.

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Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. Article 27.

(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits. (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author. Article 28.

Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. Article 29.

(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible. (2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society. (3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 30.

Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief: November 25, 1981 The Declaration elaborates upon the meaning of the principles of nondiscrimination and equality before the law, as applied to the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and belief. It aims at promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship for all religions or beliefs, whether it theistic, nontheistic, and atheistic. The General Assembly, Considering that one of the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations is that of the dignity and equality inherent in all human beings, and that all Member States have pledged themselves to take joint and separate action in cooperation with the Organization to promote and encourage universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights proclaim the principles of nondiscrimination and equality before the law and the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief, Considering that the disregard and infringement of human rights and fundamental freedoms, in particular of the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or whatever belief, have brought, directly or indirectly, wars and great suffering to mankind, especially where they serve as a means of foreign interference in the internal affairs of other States and amount to kindling hatred between peoples and nations, Considering that religion or belief, for anyone who professes either, is one of the fundamental elements in his conception of life and that freedom of religion or belief should be fully respected and guaranteed, Considering that it is essential to promote understanding, tolerance and respect in matters relating to freedom of religion and belief and to ensure that the use of religion or belief for ends inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations, other relevant instruments of the United Nations and the purposes and principles of the present Declaration is inadmissible, Convinced that freedom of religion and belief should also contribute to the attainment of the goals of world peace, social justice and friendship among peoples and to the elimination of ideologies or practices of colonialism and racial discrimination,

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Noting with satisfaction the adoption of several, and the coming into force of some, conventions, under the aegis of the United Nations and of the specialized agencies, for the elimination of various forms of discrimination, Concerned by manifestations of intolerance and by the existence of discrimination in matters of religion or belief still in evidence in some areas of the world, Resolved to adopt all necessary measures for the speedy elimination of such intolerance in all its forms and manifestations and to prevent and combat discrimination on the ground of religion or belief, Proclaims this Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief: Article 1

1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have a religion or whatever belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching. 2. No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have a religion or belief of his choice. 3. Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. Article 2

1. No one shall be subject to discrimination by any State, institution, group of persons, or person on grounds of religion or other beliefs. 2. For the purposes of the present Declaration, the expression “intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief” means any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on religion or belief and having as its purpose or as its effect nullification or impairment of the recognition, enjoyment or exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms on an equal basis. Article 3

Discrimination between human beings on grounds of religion or belief constitutes an affront to human dignity and a disavowal of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and shall be condemned as a violation of the human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and enunciated in detail in the International Covenants on Human Rights, and as an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations between nations.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Article 4

1. All States shall take effective measures to prevent and eliminate discrimination on the grounds of religion or belief in the recognition, exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms in all fields of civil, economic, political, social and cultural life. 2. All States shall make all efforts to enact or rescind legislation where necessary to prohibit any such discrimination, and to take all appropriate measures to combat intolerance on the grounds of religion or other beliefs in this matter. Article 5

1. The parents or, as the case may be, the legal guardians of the child have the right to organize the life within the family in accordance with their religion or belief and bearing in mind the moral education in which they believe the child should be brought up. 2. Every child shall enjoy the right to have access to education in the matter of religion or belief in accordance with the wishes of his parents or, as the case may be, legal guardians, and shall not be compelled to receive teaching on religion or belief against the wishes of his parents or legal guardians, the best interests of the child being the guiding principle. 3. The child shall be protected from any form of discrimination on the ground of religion or belief. He shall be brought up in a spirit of understanding, tolerance, friendship among peoples, peace and universal brotherhood, respect for freedom of religion or belief of others, and in full consciousness that his energy and talents should be devoted to the service of his fellow men. 4. In the case of a child who is not under the care either of his parents or of legal guardians, due account shall be taken of their expressed wishes or of any other proof of their wishes in the matter of religion or belief, the best interests of the child being the guiding principle. 5. Practices of a religion or beliefs in which a child is brought up must not be injurious to his physical or mental health or to his full development, taking into account article 1, paragraph 3, of the present Declaration. Article 6

In accordance with article 1 of the present Declaration, and subject to the provisions of article 1, paragraph 3, the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief shall include, inter alia, the following freedoms: (a) To worship or assemble in connexion with a religion or belief, and to establish and maintain places for these purposes; (b) To establish and maintain appropriate charitable or humanitarian institutions;

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(c) To make, acquire and use to an adequate extent the necessary articles and materials related to the rites or customs of a religion or belief; (d) To write, issue and disseminate relevant publications in these areas; (e) To teach a religion or belief in places suitable for these purposes; (f) To solicit and receive voluntary financial and other contributions from individuals and institutions; (g) To train, appoint, elect or designate by succession appropriate leaders called for by the requirements and standards of any religion or belief; (h) To observe days of rest and to celebrate holidays and ceremonies in accordance with the precepts of one’s religion or belief; (i) To establish and maintain communications with individuals and communities in matters of religion and belief at the national and international levels. Article 7

The rights and freedoms set forth in the present Declaration shall be accorded in national legislation in such a manner that everyone shall be able to avail himself of such rights and freedoms in practice. Article 8

Nothing in the present Declaration shall be construed as restricting or derogating from any right defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenants on Human Rights.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities: December 18, 1992 The General Assembly,

Reaffirming that one of the basic aims of the United Nations, as proclaimed in the Charter, is to promote and encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, Reaffirming faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, Desiring to promote the realization of the principles contained in the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as other relevant international instruments that have been adopted at the universal or regional level and those concluded between individual States Members of the United Nations, Inspired by the provisions of article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights concerning the rights of persons belonging to ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, Considering that the promotion and protection of the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities contribute to the political and social stability of States in which they live, Emphasizing that the constant promotion and realization of the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, as an integral part of the development of society as a whole and within a democratic framework based on the rule of law, would contribute to the strengthening of friendship and cooperation among peoples and States, Considering that the United Nations has an important role to play regarding the protection of minorities, Bearing in mind the work done so far within the United Nations system, in particular by the Commission on Human Rights, the Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities and the bodies established pursuant to the International Covenants on Human Rights and other relevant international human rights instruments in promoting and protecting the

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rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, Taking into account the important work which is done by intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations in protecting minorities and in promoting and protecting the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, Recognizing the need to ensure even more effective implementation of international human rights instruments with regard to the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, Proclaims this Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities: Article 1

1. States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity. 2. States shall adopt appropriate legislative and other measures to achieve those ends. Article 2

1. Persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities (hereinafter referred to as persons belonging to minorities) have the right to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, and to use their own language, in private and in public, freely and without interference or any form of discrimination. 2. Persons belonging to minorities have the right to participate effectively in cultural, religious, social, economic and public life. 3. Persons belonging to minorities have the right to participate effectively in decisions on the national and, where appropriate, regional level concerning the minority to which they belong or the regions in which they live, in a manner not incompatible with national legislation. 4. Persons belonging to minorities have the right to establish and maintain their own associations. 5. Persons belonging to minorities have the right to establish and maintain, without any discrimination, free and peaceful contacts with other members of their group and with persons belonging to other minorities, as well as contacts across frontiers with citizens of other States to whom they are related by national or ethnic, religious or linguistic ties.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Article 3

1. Persons belonging to minorities may exercise their rights, including those set forth in the present Declaration, individually as well as in community with other members of their group, without any discrimination. 2. No disadvantage shall result for any person belonging to a minority as the consequence of the exercise or non-exercise of the rights set forth in the present Declaration. Article 4

1. States shall take measures where required to ensure that persons belonging to minorities may exercise fully and effectively all their human rights and fundamental freedoms without any discrimination and in full equality before the law. 2. States shall take measures to create favourable conditions to enable persons belonging to minorities to express their characteristics and to develop their culture, language, religion, traditions and customs, except where specific practices are in violation of national law and contrary to international standards. 3. States should take appropriate measures so that, wherever possible, persons belonging to minorities may have adequate opportunities to learn their mother tongue or to have instruction in their mother tongue. 4. States should, where appropriate, take measures in the field of education, in order to encourage knowledge of the history, traditions, language and culture of the minorities existing within their territory. Persons belonging to minorities should have adequate opportunities to gain knowledge of the society as a whole. 5. States should consider appropriate measures so that persons belonging to minorities may participate fully in the economic progress and development in their country. Article 5

1. National policies and programmes shall be planned and implemented with due regard for the legitimate interests of persons belonging to minorities. 2. Programmes of cooperation and assistance among States should be planned and implemented with due regard for the legitimate interests of persons belonging to minorities. Article 6

States should cooperate on questions relating to persons belonging to minorities, inter alia, exchanging information and experiences, in order to promote mutual understanding and confidence.

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Article 7

States should cooperate in order to promote respect for the rights set forth in the present Declaration. Article 8

1. Nothing in the present Declaration shall prevent the fulfilment of international obligations of States in relation to persons belonging to minorities. In particular, States shall fulfil in good faith the obligations and commitments they have assumed under international treaties and agreements to which they are parties. 2. The exercise of the rights set forth in the present Declaration shall not prejudice the enjoyment by all persons of universally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms. 3. Measures taken by States to ensure the effective enjoyment of the rights set forth in the present Declaration shall not prima facie be considered contrary to the principle of equality contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 4. Nothing in the present Declaration may be construed as permitting any activity contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, including sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of States. Article 9

The specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system shall contribute to the full realization of the rights and principles set forth in the present Declaration, within their respective fields of competence.

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARY A MODELL OF CHRISTIAN CHARITY John Winthrop for the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 1630 John Winthrop (1588-1649) was governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony—a group of entrepreneurs who left Europe in search of trade opportunities in the New World. Like most members of the Colony, Winthrop was a Puritan. This group claimed that the Church of England was corrupted by selfish leaders and petty squabbles. In contrast, Puritans envisioned an idealized community in which all citizens would focus their lives on the word of God. Ironically, the Puritans’ almost single-minded pursuit of a perfected society based on biblical teachings resulted in impressive success in secular affairs. This success is often explained by the so-called “Puritan Work Ethic”—the ability to sacrifice personal ambitions for larger goals. Puritans also believed that they could be a blessed people—chosen by God to set an example for others. As a corollary, they preached that God’s wrath would fall swiftly upon a people who strayed from His divine path. In this case, Puritan society must be unified—public life and all its manifestations must act as a single individual seeking God. This religious approach is quite different than the one described by Thomas More in his 1516 work’s Utopia, marked by its religious tolerance. John Winthrop wrote his Model of Christian Charity—while on board the Arbella with members of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, as they sailed toward the New World. He described the struggle of Puritans and their “errand into the wilderness.” Winthrop sought to answer the question of how a group of outcasts who have a habit of quarreling with authority construct a strong society without fighting amongst themselves. There were three paradoxes illustrated by Winthrop’s sermon dealing with the need to sustain Puritan public life: (1) a body politic must maintain difference among its members to ensure community, (2) worldly activities such as the acquisition of money can serve spiritual ends, and (3) stable public life depends upon some exterior threat to its existence.

A MODELL HEREOF

God Almightie in his most holy and wise providence hath soe disposed of the Condicion of mankinde, as in all times some must be rich, some poore, some highe and eminent in power and dignitie others meane and in subjeccion. THE REASON HEREOF

1. Reason: First, to hold conformity with the rest of his workes being delighted to shewe forthe the glory of his wisdome in the variety and differance of the Creatures and the glory of his power in ordering all these differences for the preservacion and good of the whole; and the glory of his greatnes that as it is the glory of princes to have many officers, soe this great King will have many Stewards, counting himselfe more honoured in dispenceing his gifts to man by man, than if tree did it by his owne immediate hand. 2. Reason: Secondly, That he might have the more occasion to manifest the worke of his Spirit: first, upon the wicked in moderateing and restraineing them: soe that the riche and mighty should not eate upp the poore, nor the poore and dispised rise upp against their superiours and shake off thiere yoake; secondly in the

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regenerate in exerciseing his graces in them, as in the greate ones, their love, mercy, gentlenes, temperance, etc., in the poore and inferiour sorte, theire faithe, patience, obedience, etc. 3. Reason: Thirdly, That every man might have need of other, and from hence they might be all knit more nearly together in the Bond of brotherly affeccion: from hence it appeares plainely that noe man is made more honourable than another or more wealthy etc., out of any perticuler and singuler respect to himselfe but for the glory of his Creator and the Common good of the Creature, Man, Therefore God still reserves the propperty of these gifts to himselfe as Ezek: 16.17. he there calls wealthe his gold and his silver, etc. Prov: 3.9 he claimes theire service as his due, honour the Lord with thy riches, etc. All men being thus (by divine providence) ranked into two sortes, riche and poore; under the first, are comprehended all such as are able to live comfortably by theire owne meanes duely improved; and all others are poore according to the former distribution. There are two rules whereby wee are to walke one towards another: JUSTICE and MERCY. These are allwayes distinguished in theire Act and in theire object, yet may they both concurre in the same Subject in eache respect; as sometimes there may be an occasion of shewing mercy to a rich man, in some sudden danger of distresse, and allsoe doeing of meere Justice to a poor man in regard of some perticuler contract, etc. There is likewise a double Lawe by which wee are regulated in our conversacion one towardes another: in both the former respects, the lawe of nature and the lawe of grace, or the morrall lawe or the lawe of the gospel!, to omit the rule of Justice as not propperly belonging to this purpose otherwise than it may fall into consideraction in some perticuler Cases: By the first of these lawes man as he was enabled soe withall [is] commanded to love his neighbour as himselfe. Upon this ground stands all the precepts of the morrall lawe, which concernes our dealings with men. To apply this to the works of mercy this lawe requires two things: first, that every man afford his help to another in every want or distress. Secondly, That hee performe this out of the same affeccion which makes him careful! of his owne good according to that of our Saviour, Math: [7.12] Whatsoever ye would that men should doe to you. This was practiced by Abraham and Lott in entertaineing the Angells and the old man of Gibea. The Lawe of Grace or the Gospell hath some differance from the former as in these respects: first, the lawe of nature was given to man in the estate of innocency; this of the gospell in the estate of regeneracy. Secondly, the former propounds one man to another, as the same fleshe and Image of god; this as a brother in Christ allsoe, and in the Communion of the same spirit and soe teacheth us to put a diflference betweene Christians and others. Doe good to all, especially to the household of faith; upon this ground the Israelites were to putt a difference betweene the brethren of such as were strangers though not of the Canaanites. Thirdly, the Lawe of nature could give noe rules for dealing with

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS enemies, for all are to be considered as friends in the estate of innocency, but the Gospell commands love to an enemy. Proofe: If thine Enemie hunger feede him; Love your Enemies, doe good to them that hate you Math: 5.44. This Lawe of the Gospell propoundes likewise a difference of seasons and occasions. There is a tyme when a Christian must sell all and give to the poore, as they did in the Apostles times. There is a tyme allsoe when a Christian (though they give not all yet) must give beyond theire ability, as they of Macedonia. Cor: 2.6. Likewise community of perills calls for extraordinary liberallity and soe cloth Community in some special! service for the Churche. Lastly, when there is noe other meanes whereby our Christian brother may be relieved in this distresse, wee must help him beyond our ability, rather than tempt God, in putting him upon help by miraculous or extraordinary meanest. It rests now to make some application of this discourse by the present designe which gave the occasion of writeing of in Herein are four things to be propounded: first, the persons; secondly, the worke; thirdly, the end; fourthly, the meanest 1. For the persons, wee are a Company professing our selves fellow members of Christ, in which respect onely though wee were absent from eache other many miles, and had our imploymentes as farre distant, yet wee ought to account our selves knits together by this bond of love, and live in the exercise of it, if wee would have comforte of our being in Christ. This was notorious in the practice of the Christians in former times, as is testified of the Waldenses from the mouth of one of the adversaries Aeneas Sylvius, mutuo [solent amare] pene antequam norint. They use to love any of theire own religion even before they were acquainted with them. 2. For the worke wee have in hand, it is by a mutuall consent through a special overruleing providence, and a more than an ordinary approbation of the Churches of Christ to seeke out a place of Cohabitation and Consorteshipp under a due forme of Government both civill and ecclesiastical!. In such cases as this the care of the publique must oversway all private respects, by which not onely conscience, but meare Civill pollicy cloth binde us; for it is a true rule that perticuler estates cannott subsist in the ruine of the publique. 3. The end is to improve our lives, to doe more service to the Lord, the comforte and encrease of the body of Christ whereof wee are members, that our selves and posterity may be the better preserved from the Common corrupcions of this evill world, to serve the Lord and worke out our Salvacion under the power and purity of his holy Ordinances.

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4. For the meanes whereby this must bee effected, they are twofold, a Conformity with the worke and end wee aime at; these wee see are extraordinary, therefore wee must not content our selves with usuall ordinary meanest Whatsoever wee did or ought to have done when wee lived in England, the same must wee doe and more allsoe where wee goe: That which the most in theire Churches mainteine as a truthe in profession onely, wee must bring into familiar and constant practice, as in this duty of love wee must love brotherly without dissimulation, wee must love one another with a pure hearse fervently, wee must beare one anothers burthens, wee must not looke onely on our owne things but allsoe on the things of our brethren, neither must wee think that the lord will beare with such faileings at our hands as tree clothe from those among whome wee have lived. Thus stands the cause betweene God and us. Wee are entered into Covenant with him for this worke, wee have taken out a Commission the Lord hath given us leave to draw our owne Articles, wee have professed to enterprise these Accions upon these and these ends, wee have hereupon besought him of favour and blessing: Now if the Lord shall please to heare us, and bring us in peace to the place wee desire. Then hath tree ratified this Covenant and sealed our Commission [and] will expect a strickt performance of the Articles contained in it, but if wee shall neglect the observacion of these Articles which are the ends wee have propounded, and dissembling with our God, shall fall to embrace this present world and prosecute our carnall intencions seekeing grease things for our selves and our posterity, the Lord will surely breake out in wrathe against us, be revenged of such a perjured people and make us knowe the price of the breache of such a Covenant. Now the onely way to avoyde this shipwracke and to provide for our posterity is to followe the Counsell of Micah, to doe Justly, to love mercy, to walke humbly with our God. For this end, wee must be knit together in this worke as one man, wee must entertaine each other in brotherly Affeccion, wee must be willing to abridge our selves of our superfiuities, for the supply of others necessities, wee must uphold a familiar Commerce together in all meeknes, gentlenes, patience and liberallity, wee must delight in each other, make others Condicions our owne, rejoyce together, mourne together, labour and suffer together, allwayes haveing before our eyes our Commission and Community in the worke, our Community as members of the same body, soe shall wee keepe the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace, the Lord will be our God and delight to dwell among us as his owne people and will command a blessing upon us in all our wayes, soe that wee shall see much more of his wisdome, power, goodnes and truthe than formerly wee have beene acquainted with. Wee shall finde that the God of Israell is among us, when ten of us shall be able to resist a thousand of our enemies, when hee shall make us a prayse and glory, that men shall say of succeeding plantacions: the lord make it like that of New England: for wee must Consider that wee shall be as a Citty upon a Hill, the eies of all people are uppon us; soe that if wee shall deale falsely with

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS our god in this worke wee have undertaken and soe cause him to withdrawe his present help from us, wee shall shame the faces of many of gods worthy servants, and cause theire prayers to be turned into Cursses upon us till wee be consumed out of the good land whither wee are goeing: And to shut upp this discourse with that exhortacion of Moses, that faithful! servant of the Lord in his last farewell to Israell, Deut. 30. Beloved there is now sett before us life, and good, deathe and evill in that wee are Commaunded this day to love the Lord our God, and to love one another, to walke in his wayes and to keepe his Commaundements and his Ordinance, and his lawes, and the Articles of our Covenant with him that wee may live and be multiplied, and that the Lord our God may blesse us in the land whither we goe to possesse it: But if our hearses shall turne away soe that wee will not obey, but shall be seduced and worship . . . other Gods, our pleasures, and proffitts, and serve them; it is propounded unto us this day, wee shall surely perishe out of the good Land whither wee passe over this vast Sea to possesse it; Therefore lett us choose life, that wee, and our Seede, may live; by obeyeing his voyce, and cleaveing to him, for hee is our life, and our prosperity.

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THE BLOODY TENET OF PERSECUTION Roger Williams, 1644 Roger Williams (1604–1683) was a pioneer in the concepts of freedom of conscience and separation of church and state. He was born in London, the son of a tailor and nephew of a mayor of London. He was educated at Pembroke College, Cambridge, where he had studied theology, became Puritan, and was ordained a minister of the Church of England. He emigrated to Massachusetts in December 1630. Three years later, he became a separatist and left for Boston, where he arrived in December 1630. He preached in Salem and engaged in doctrinal battles with John Cotton, which were published as pamphlets. In 1635, he was banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony due to his Baptist views and advocacy of the rights of Indians. He moved south, where he purchased land from the Indians and founded the town of Providence. He was President of Rhode Island from 1654 to 1658. Williams’s belief in religious tolerance led Rhode Island to become the first colony to offer religious freedom. Understanding that religious “persecution for the cause of conscience” was counterproductive, Williams called for liberty not only for Christians but also for Jews, Turks, “anti-Christians,” and pagans. While in London in the 1640s, Williams published his most often cited text, The Bloody Tenet of Persecution, perhaps more often cited for its title than for its compelling prose. Below is a sample of Williams’s arguments opposing persecution against conscience.

FIRST, that the blood of so many hundred thousand souls of Protestants and Papists, spilt in the wars of present and former ages, for their respective consciences, is not required nor accepted by Jesus Christ the Prince of Peace. Secondly, pregnant scriptures and arguments are throughout the work proposed against the doctrine of persecution for causes of conscience. Thirdly, satisfactory answers are given to scriptures, and objections produced by Mr. Calvin, Beza, Mr. Cotton, and the ministers of the New English churches and others former and later, tending to prove the doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience. Fourthly, the doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience is proved guilty of all the blood of the souls crying for vengeance under the altar. Fifthly, all civil states with their officers of justice in their respective constitutions and administrations are proved essentially civil, and therefore not judges, governors, or defenders of the spiritual or Christian state and worship. Sixthly, it is the will and command of God that (since the coming of his Son the Lord Jesus) a permission of the most paganish, Jewish, Turkish, or antichristian consciences and worships, be granted to all men in all nations and countries and they are only to be fought against with that sword which is only (in soul matters) able to conquer, to wit the sword of God s Spirit the Word of God. Seventhly, the state of the Land of Israel, the kings and people thereof in peace and war, is proved figurative and ceremonial, and no pattern nor president for any kingdom or civil state in the world to follow.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Eighthly, God requireth not a uniformity of religion to be enacted and enforced in any civil state; which enforced uniformity (sooner or later) is the greatest occasion of civil war, ravishing of conscience, persecution of Christ Jesus in his servants, and of the hypocrisy and destruction of millions of souls. Ninthly, in holding an enforced uniformity of religion in a civil state, we must necessarily disclaim our desires and hopes of the Jew’s conversion to Christ. Tenthly, an enforced uniformity of religion throughout a nation or civil state, confounds the civil and religious, denies the principles of Christianity and civility, and that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh. Eleventhly, the permission of other consciences and worships than a state professeth only can (according to God) procure a firm and lasting peace (good assurance being taken according to the wisdom of the civil state for uniformity of civil obedience from all sorts). Twelfthly, lastly, true civility and Christianity may both flourish in a state or kingdom, notwithstanding the permission of divers and contrary consciences, either of Jew or Gentile.

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REMONSTRANCE OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF FLUSHING Colonial Governor Peter Stuyvesant’s arrest of Quakers in Flushing, Long Island, angered the people of Flushing and nearby towns. Flushing’s Charter of 1645 declared that all setters were “to have and enjoy liberty of conscience, according to the custom and manner of Holland, without molestation or disturbance.” The governor’s actions clearly violated the law. On December 27, 1657, 31 Dutch men and one Englishman drew up a protest addressed to Stuyvesant. Six of the 31 were illiterate and only able to make a mark on the document. They were courageous individuals, willing to face their mercurial governor’s wrath; indeed, the sheriff was arrested, Stuyvesant later jailed the town clerk and suspended two Justices of the Peace from Office. The townspeople managed to get news of their persecution to the Dutch West India Company in Holland, whose directors ordered Sutyvesant to cease and desist his persecution of the Quakers. This order is reprinted below.

To Governor Stuyvesant December 27, 1657 Right Honorable, You have been pleased to send up unto us a certain prohibition or command that we should not receive or entertain any of those people called Quakers because they are supposed to be by some, seducers of the people. For our part we cannot condemn them in this case, neither can we stretch out our hands against them, to punish, banish or persecute them for out of Christ God is a consuming fire, and it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God. We desire therefore in this case not to judge least we be judged, neither to condemn least we be condemned, but rather let every man stand and fall to his own Master. Wee are bounde by the Law to Doe good unto all men, especially to those of the household of faith. And though for the present we seem to be unsensible of the law and the Law giver, yet when death and the Law assault us, if we have our advocate to seeke, who shall plead for us in this case of conscience betwixt God and our own souls; the powers of this world can neither attack us, neither excuse us, for if God justifye who can condemn and if God condemn there is none can justify. And for those jealousies and suspicions which some have of them, that they are destructive unto Magistracy and Minssereye, that can not bee, for the magistrate hath the sword in his hand and the minister hath the sword in his hand, as witnesse those two great examples which all magistrates and ministers are to follow, Moses and Christ, whom God raised up maintained and defended against all the enemies both of flesh and spirit; and therefore that which is of God will stand, and that which is of man will come to nothing. And as the Lord hath taught Moses or the civil power to give an outward liberty in the state by the law written in his heart designed for the good of all, and can truly judge who is good, who is civil, who is true and who is false, and can pass definite sentence of life or death against that man which rises up against the fundamental law of the States

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS General; soe he hath made his ministers a savor of life unto life, and a savor of death unto death. The law of love, peace and liberty in the states extending to Jews, Turks, and Egyptians, as they are considered the sonnes of Adam, which is the glory of the outward state of Holland, soe love, peace and liberty, extending to all in Christ Jesus, condemns hatred, war and bondage. And because our Saviour saith it is impossible but that offenses will come, but woe unto him by whom they cometh, our desire is not to offend one of his little ones, in whatsoever form, name or title he appears in, whether Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist or Quaker, but shall be glad to see anything of God in any of them, desiring to doe unto all men as we desire all men should doe unto us, which is the true law both of Church and State; for our Savior saith this is the law and the prophets. Therefore, if any of these said persons come in love unto us, wee cannot in conscience lay violent hands upon them, but give them free egresse and regresse unto our Town, and houses, as God shall persuade our consciences. And in this we are true subjects both of Church and State, for we are bounde by the law of God and man to doe good unto all men and evil to noe man. And this is according to the patent and charter of our Towne, given unto us in the name of the States General, which we are not willing to infringe, and violate, but shall houlde to our patent and shall remaine, your humble subjects, the inhabitants of Vlishing. Written this 27th day of December, in the year 1657, by mee Edward Hart, Clericus

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THE GREAT CASE OF LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE William Penn, 1670 William Penn (1644-1718), regarded as the best known Quaker who ever lived, was born in London. George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends or Quakers, converted him from Anglicanism. Penn was sent to Newgate Prison for his beliefs. He spent two years in confinement and wrote extensively on religious freedom. This essay, printed below, was written during one of his imprisonments. Penn holds a major place in the history of the struggle for religious freedom. About one-half of Penn’s fifty tracts written as a Quaker were “connected . . . with his crusades for liberty of conscience” and that of these, one-half are “of primary importance.” Penn argues that “liberty of conscience” is not “a mere Liberty of Mind” but a liberty to “exercise” religion. He contends civil restraint and persecution of religion carries an “evident claim of [civil] Infallibility” and “enthrones Man as king of conscience King Charles II owed Penn‘s father a large debt, and decided to repay it by giving the family a grant of territory in North America, called Pennsilvania in honor of William’s father, an admiral. In 1682, Penn arrived in America and established one of the most civilly liberal colonies. He returned to England to work for the persecuted Quakers. In 1686, through his influence, all persons imprisoned on account of their religious beliefs were released. In The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience (1670), “the most systematic and compendious” of his tracts on liberty of conscience, was written three years after he had become a Quaker and, although begun in Ireland, was completed shortly after the beginning of his six-month incarceration in Newgate prison. In the preface Penn asserted that external coercion cannot “convince the understanding of the poorest ideot [sic]” and lamented that those who “have defended a separation from the Papacy, should now become such earnest persecutors for it,” thus failing to realize that enactment of laws that encourage persecution “is but a knotting whipchord to lash their own posterity, whom they can never promise to be conformed to a national religion.” Finding an analogy between persecution in England and Athens’s treatment of Socrates, he warned that, “if England should persist in ignoring the sufferings of its persecuted, the God who destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah would “hasten to make desolate this wanton land, and not leave a hiding-place for the oppressor.” Penn defined “liberty of conscience” as the “free and uninterrupted exercise of our consciences in that way of worship we are most clearly persuaded God requires us to serve him in . . . , which being matter of Faith, we sin if we omit; and they cannot do less that shall endeavour it.” Hence for Penn liberty of conscience involved not only freedom respecting doctrines to be affirmed, but also and especially freedom in the manner of worship. Excerpts from this document follow.

******** THE great case of Liberty of Conscience, so often debated and defended (however dissatisfactorily to such as have so little conscience as to persecute for it) is once more brought to public view, by a late Act against Dissenters, and Bill, or an additional one, that we all hoped the wisdom of our rulers had long since laid aside, as what was fitter to be passed into an act of perpetual oblivion. The kingdoms are alarmed at this procedure, and thousands greatly at a stand, wondering what should be the meaning of such hasty resolutions, that seem as fatal as they were unexpected. Some ask what wrong they have done? Others, what peace they have broken? And all, what plots they have formed to prejudice

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS the present government, or occasions given to hatch new jealousies of them and their proceedings? being not conscious to themselves of guilt in any such respect. For mine own part, I publickly confess myself to be a very hearty Dissenter from the established worship of these nations, as believing Protestants to have much degenerated from their first principles, and as owning the poor despised Quakers, in life and doctrine, to have espoused the cause of God, and to be the undoubted followers of Jesus Christ, in his most holy strait, and narrow way that leads to the eternal rest. In all which I know no treason, nor any principle that would urge me to a thought injurious to the civil peace. If any be defective in this particular, it is equal both individuals and whole societies should answer for their own defaults; but we are clear. **** The terms explained, and the question stated. First, By Liberty of Conscience, we understand not only a mere Liberty of the Mind, in believing or disbelieving this or that principle or doctrine; but ’the exercise of ourselves in a visible way of worship, upon our believing it to be indispensably required at ’our hands, that if we neglect it for fear or favor of any mortal man, we sin, and incur ’divine wrath.’ Yet we would be so understood to extend and justify the lawfulness of our so meeting to worship God, as not to contrive, or abet any contrivance destructive of the government and laws of the land, tending to matters of an external nature, directly or indirectly; but so far only as it may refer to religious matters, and a life to come, and consequently wholly independent of the secular affairs of this, wherein we are supposed to transgress. Secondly, By imposition, restraint, and persecution, we do not only mean the strict requiring of us to believe this to be true, or that to be false; and upon refusal, to incur the penalties enacted in such cases; but by those terms we mean thus much, ’any coercive let or hindrance to us, from meeting together to perform those religious exercises which are according to our faith and persuasion.’ The question stated. For proof of the aforesaid terms thus given, we singly state the question thus; Whether imposition, restraint, and persecution, upon persons for exercising such a liberty of conscience as is before expressed, and so circumstantiated, be not to impeach the honour of God, the meekness of the Christian religion, the authority of Scripture, the privilege of nature, the principles of common reason, the wellbeing of government, and apprehensions of the greatest personages of former and latter ages? First, Then we say, that Imposition, Restraint, and Persecution, for matters relating to conscience, directly invade the divine prerogative, and divest the

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Almighty of a due, proper to none besides himself. And this we prove by these five particulars: First, if we do allow the honour of our creation due to God only, and that no other besides himself has endowed us with those excellent gifts of Understanding, Reason, Judgment, and Faith, and consequently that he only is the object, as well as the author, both of our Faith, Worship, and Service; then whosoever shall interpose their authority to enact faith and worship in a way that seems not to us congruous with what he has discovered to us to be faith and worship (whose alone property it is to do it) or to restrain us from what we are persuaded is our indispensible duty, they evidently usurp this authority, and invade his incommunicable right of government over conscience: ‘For the Inspiration of the Almighty gives understanding: And Faith is the gift of God,’ says the divine writ. Secondly, Such magisterial determinations carry an evident claim to that Infallibility, which Protestants have been hitherto so jealous of owning, that, to avoid the Papists, they have denied it to all but God himself. Either they have forsook their old plea; or if not, we desire to know when, and where, they were invested with that divine excellency; and whether Imposition, Restraint, and Persecution, Were ever deemed by God the fruits of his Spirit. However, that itself was not sufficient; for unless it appear as well to us that they have it, as to them who have it, we cannot believe it upon any convincing evidence, but by Tradition only; an anti-protestant way of believing. Thirdly, It enthrones Man as king over conscience, the alone just claim and privilege of his Creator; whose thoughts are not as mens thoughts, but has reserved to himself that empire from all the Caesars on earth: For if men, in reference to souls and bodies, things appertaining to this and the other world, shall be subject to their fellow-creatures, what follows, but that Caesar (however he got it) has all, God’s share, and his own too? And being Lord of both, both are Caesar’s, and not God’s. Fourthly, It defeats God’s work of Grace, and the invisible operation of his eternal Spirit, (which can alone beget faith, and is only to be obeyed, in and about religion and worship) and attributes mens conformity to outward force and corporal punishments. A faith subject to as many revolutions as the powers that enact it. Fifthly and lastly, Such persons assume the judgment of the great tribunal unto themselves; for to whomsoever men are imposedly or restrictively subject and accountable in matters of faith, worship and conscience; in them alone must the power of judgment reside: But it is equally true that God shall judge all by Jesus Christ; and that no man is so accountable to his fellow-creatures, as to be imposed upon, restrained, or persecuted for any matter of conscience whatever.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Thus, and in any more particulars, are men accustomed to intrench upon Divine Property, to gratify particular interests in the world; and (at best) through a misguided apprehension to imagine ‘they do God good service,’ that where they cannot give faith, they will use force; which kind of sacrifice is nothing less unreasonable than the other is abominable: God will not give his honour to another; and to him only, that searches the heart and tries the reins, it is our duty to ascribe the gifts of Understanding and Faith, without which none can please God.

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TOLERATION IN OLD AND NEW ENGLAND Benjamin Franklin, 1772 Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790) was one of the Founding Fathers of the United States of America. He was a leading author and printer, satirist, political theorist, politician, scientist, inventor, civic activist, statesman, and diplomat. As an early proponent of colonial unity and a political writer and activist he, more than anyone, invented the idea of an American nation. Franklin is credited as being foundational to the roots of American values and character, a combination of the practical and democratic Puritan values of thrift, hard work, education, community spirit, self-governing institutions, and opposition to authoritarianism both political and religious, with the scientific and tolerant values of the Enlightenment. Franklin was considered one of the most accomplished Americans of his age and most influential in inventing the type of society America would become. Generally speaking, Franklin was a moderate in his views on religion. Most scholars consider Franklin a confirmed Deist, in contrast to more militant Deists such as Thomas Paine. Franklin sat on the committee that drafted the Declaration, attended the Constitutional Convention and was the oldest signer of both. Of the founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin was less religious than Washington or Jefferson, not believing in the divinity of Christ. Like the other principal founding fathers, Franklin was suspicious of European style government because government was seen as corrupting religion. One argument was that Ministers, who were paid by the government, didn’t have the motivation to be responsive to their parishes, or their parishioners. Franklin expressed his strong separationist beliefs in a letter he wrote to Richard Prince, on October 9, 1790: “When a religion is good, I conceive it will support itself; and when it does not support itself, and God does not take care to support it so that its professors are obliged to call for help of the civil power, ‘tis a sign, I apprehend, of its being a bad one.”

To the PRINTER of the LONDON PACKET. SIR, I understand from the public papers, that in the debates on the bill for relieving the Dissenters in the point of subscription to the Church Articles, sundry reflections were thrown out against that people, importing, “that they themselves are of a persecuting intolerant spirit, for that when they had here the superiority they persecuted the church, and still persecute it in America, where they compel its members to pay taxes for maintaining the Presbyterian or independent worship, and at the same time refuse them a toleration in the full exercise of their religion by the administrations of a bishop.” If we look back into history for the character of present sects in Christianity, we shall find few that have not in their turns been persecutors, and complainers of persecution. The primitive Christians thought persecution extremely wrong in the Pagans, but practised it on one another. The first Protestants of the Church of England, blamed persecution in the Roman church, but practised it against the Puritans: these found it wrong in the Bishops, but fell into the same practice themselves both here and in New England. To account for this we should remember, that the doctrine of toleration was not then known, or had not prevailed in the world. Persecution was therefore not so much the fault of the sect as of the times. It was not in those days deemed wrong in itself. The general

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS opinion was only, that those who are in error ought not to persecute the truth: But the possessors of truth were in the right to persecute error, in order to destroy it. Thus every sect believing itself possessed of all truth, and that every tenet differing from theirs was error, conceived that when the power was in their hands, persecution was a duty required of them by that God whom they supposed to be offended with heresy.—By degrees more moderate and more modest sentiments have taken place in the Christian world; and among Protestants particularly all disclaim persecution, none vindicate it, and few practise it. We should then cease to reproach each other with what was done by our ancestors, but judge of the present character of sects or churches by their present conduct only. Now to determine on the justice of this charge against the present dissenters, particularly those in America, let us consider the following facts. They went from England to establish a new country for themselves, at their own expence, where they might enjoy the free exercise of religion in their own way. When they had purchased the territory of the natives, they granted the lands out in townships, requiring for it neither purchase-money nor quit-rent, but this condition only to be complied with, that the freeholders should for ever support a gospel minister (meaning probably one of the then governing sects) and a free-school within the township. Thus, what is commonly called Presbyterianism became the established religion of that country. All went on well in this way while the same religious opinions were general, the support of minister and school being raised by a proportionate tax on the lands. But in process of time, some becoming Quakers, some Baptists, and, of late years some returning to the Church of England (through the laudable endeavours and a proper application of their funds by the society for propagating the gospel) objections were made to the payment of a tax appropriated to the support of a church they disapproved and had forsaken. The civil magistrates, however, continued for a time to collect and apply the tax according to the original laws which remained in force; and they did it the more freely, as thinking it just and equitable that the holders of lands should pay what was contracted to be paid when they were granted, as the only consideration for the grant, and what had been considered by all subsequent purchasers as a perpetual incumbrance on the estate, bought therefore at a proportionably cheaper rate; a payment which it was thought no honest man ought to avoid under the pretence of his having changed his religious persuasion. And this I suppose is one of the best grounds of demanding tythes of dissenters now in England. But the practice being clamoured against by the episcopalians as persecution, the legislature of the Province of the Massachusets-Bay, near thirty years since, passed an act for their relief, requiring indeed the tax to be paid as usual, but directing that the several sums levied from members of the Church of England, should be paid over to the Minister of that Church, with whom such members usually attended divine worship, which Minister had power given him to receive and on occasion to recover the same by law.

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It seems that legislature considered the end of the tax was, to secure and improve the morals of the people, and promote their happiness, by supporting among them the public worship of God and the preaching of the gospel; that where particular people fancied a particular mode, that mode might probably therefore be of most use to those people; and that if the good was done, it was not so material in what mode or by whom it was done. The consideration that their brethren the dissenters in England were still compelled to pay tythes to the clergy of the Church, had not weight enough with the legislature to prevent this moderate act, which still continues in full force, and I hope no uncharitable conduct of the church toward the dissenters will ever provoke them to repeal it. With regard to a bishop, I know not upon what ground the dissenters, either here or in America, are charged with refusing the benefit of such an officer to the church in that country. Here they seem to have naturally no concern in the affair. There they have no power to prevent it, if government should think fit to send one. They would probably dislike, indeed, to see an order of men established among them, from whose persecutions their fathers fled into that wilderness, and whose future domination they may possibly fear, not knowing that their natures are changed. But the non-appointment of bishops for America seems to arise from another quarter. The same wisdom of government, probably, that prevents the sitting of convocations, and forbids, by noli prosequi’s, the persecution of Dissenters for non-subscription, avoids establishing bishops where the minds of people are not yet prepared to receive them cordially, lest the public peace should be endangered. And now let us see how this persecution-account stands between the parties. In New-England, where the legislative bodies are almost to a man Dissenters from the Church of England, 1. There is no test to prevent Churchmen holding offices. 2. The sons of Churchmen have the full benefit of the Universities. 3. The taxes for support of public worship, when paid by Churchmen, are given to the Episcopal minister. In Old England, 1. Dissenters are excluded from all offices of profit and honour. 2. The benefits of education in the Universities are appropriated to the sons of Churchmen. 3. The clergy of the Dissenters receive none of the tythes paid by their people, who must be at the additional charge of maintaining their own separate worship. – But it is said, the Dissenters of America oppose the introduction of a Bishop.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS In fact, it is not alone the Dissenters there that give the opposition (if not encouraging must be termed opposing) but the laity in general dislike the project, and some even of the clergy. The inhabitants of Virginia are almost all Episcopalians. The Church is fully established there, and the Council and General Assembly are perhaps to a man its members, yet when lately at a meeting of the clergy, a resolution was taken to apply for a Bishop, against which several however protested; the assembly of the province at their next meeting, expressed their disapprobation of the thing in the strongest manner, by unanimously ordering the thanks of the house to the protesters: for many of the American laity of the church think it some advantage, whether their own young men come to England for ordination, and improve themselves at the same time by conversation with the learned here, or the congregations are supplied by Englishmen, who have had the benefit of education in English universities, and are ordained before they come abroad. They do not therefore see the necessity of a Bishop merely for ordination, and confirmation is among them deemed a ceremony of no very great importance, since few seek it in England where Bishops are in plenty. These sentiments prevail with many churchmen there, not to promote a design, which they think must sooner or later saddle them with great expences to support it. As to the Dissenters, their minds might probably be more conciliated to the measure, if the Bishops here should, in their wisdom and goodness, think fit to set their sacred character in a more friendly light, by dropping their opposition to the Dissenters application for relief in subscription, and declaring their willingness that Dissenters should be capable of offices, enjoy the benefit of education in the universities, and the privilege of appropriating their tythes to the support of their own clergy. In all these points of toleration, they appear far behind the present Dissenters of NewEngland, and it may seem to some a step below the dignity of Bishops, to follow the example of such inferiors. I do not, however, despair of their doing it some time or other, since nothing of the kind is too hard for true christian humility. I am, Sir, your’s, &c. A New-England-Man. The London Packet, June 3, 1772

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COMMON SENSE Thomas Paine, 1776 Thomas Paine, (1737–1809), was a pamphleteer, revolutionary, radical, liberal and intellectual. Born in Great Britain, he migrated to the American colonies just in time to take part in the American Revolution, mainly as the author of the powerful, widely read pamphlet, Common Sense (1776), advocating independence for the American Colonies from the Kingdom of Great Britain and of The American Crisis, supporting the Revolution. Thomas Paine inspired the American Revolution with a prose that spoke directly to the people. Common Sense was devoured and debated by Americans in taverns, reading clubs, parlors and street corners. The American Crisis, Number 1, the first in a series of essays meant to boost morale and exhort the revolution, has perhaps the most famous opening sentence in American literature: “These are the times that try men’s souls.” A Deist, Thomas Paine was generally extreme in his opinions about revealed religion, even to the point that his otherwise radical, Deistic colleagues thought that he sometimes went too far He specifically charged religion with being sustained by those in power to further their interests in opposition to the freedoms of the common individual. Paine’s general impression of religion is summed up by this statement from The Age of Reason: “All national institutions of churches, whether Jewish, Christian or Turkish, appear to me no other than human inventions, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit.” It was his professed opinion that the wickedness and cruelties afflicting the world all had their origin in revealed religion. The following paragraph is from Common Sense.

January 10, 1776 As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of every government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which government hath to do therewith. Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with; and he will be at once delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be a diversity of religious opinions among us: it affords a larger field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS SPEECH TO THE IROQUOIS SIX NATIONS Red Jacket, 1805 From the earliest days of Anglo-American settlement, colonialists attempted to convert Indians to Christianity. In 1805, several Native American chiefs and warriors met at Buffalo Grove in New York at the request of a member of the Boston Missionary Society. The Seneca chief, Red Jacket, spoke. Although it had no bearing on the drafting of the First Amendment, the speech describes early religious persecution of Native Americans in America.

FRIEND AND BROTHER: it was the will of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this day. He orders all things and has given us a fine day for our council. He has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us. Our eyes are opened, that we see clearly; our ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly the words you have spoken. For all these favors we thank the Great Spirit; and him only. Brother: this council fire was kindled by you. It was at your request that we came together at this time. We have listened with attention to what you have said. You requested us to speak our minds freely. This gives us great joy; for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak what we think. All have heard your voice, and all speak to you now as one man. Our minds are agreed. Brother: you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from home, and we do not wish to detain you. But we will first look back a little, and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard from the white people. Brother: listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great island. Their seats extended from the rising to the setting sun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of Indians. He had created the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He has made the bear and the beaver. Their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered them over the country, and taught us how to take them. He had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this He had done for his red children, because He loved them. If we had some disputes about our hunting ground, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood. But an evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed the great water and landed on this island. Their numbers were small. They found friends and not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them; granted their request; and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return. The white people, brother, had now found our country. Tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us. Yet we did not fear them. We took them to be friends.

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They called us brothers. We believed them, and gave them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased. They wanted more land; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong liquor amongst us. It was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands. Brother: our seats were once large, and yours were small. You have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. Brother: continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and, if we do not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy hereafter. You say that you are right, and we are lost. How do we know this to be true? We understand that your religion is written in a book. If it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the Great Spirit given to us, and not only to us, but why did He not give to our forefathers, the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? We only know what you tell us about it. How shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people? Brother: you say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit. If there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about it? Why not all agreed, as you can all read the book? Brother: we do not understand these things. We are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. We also have a religion, which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down to us, their children. We worship in that way. It teaches us to be thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each other, and to be united. We never quarrel about religion. Brother: the Great Spirit has made us all, but He has made a great difference between his white and red children. He has given us different complexions and different customs. To you He has given the arts. To these He has not opened our eyes. We know these things to be true. Since He has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that He has given us a different religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied. Brother: we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you. We only want to enjoy our own. Brother: you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your meetings, and saw you collect money from the meeting. I cannot tell what this money was intended for,

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS but suppose that it was for your minister, and if we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us. Brother: we are told that you have been preaching to the white people in this place. These people are our neighbors. We are acquainted with them. We will wait a little while, and see what effect your preaching has upon them. If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat Indians, we will then consider again of what you have said. Brother: you have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at present. As we are going to part, we will come and take you by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you safe to your friends.

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SEEKING EQUAL RIGHTS FOR THE JEWS OF MARYLAND Thomas Kennedy, 1818 Thomas Kennedy (1776–1832) was first elected to the House of Delegates in 1817, representing Hagerstown, Maryland. From the very beginning of his legislative career, he demonstrated an interest in social issues and was, in 1818, placed on a committee to consider removing the “political disability of the Jews.” Perhaps because Jews were so small a group in Maryland, or perhaps because other states looked upon Jews as good citizens, or perhaps because the blatant prejudice offended many citizens, the battle for Jewish rights now received strong support from other states. Newspaper editorials called upon Maryland to redeem itself. The influential Niles’ Register wrote: “Surely, the day of such things has passed away and it is abusive of common sense, to talk about republicanism, while we refuse liberty of conscience in matters so important as those which have relation to what a man owes his Creator.” The pressure had its effect, and Maryland gave full political and religious rights to Jews in 1826. By the Civil War, only North Carolina and New Hampshire still restricted Jewish rights, and those disabilities disappeared in 1868 and 1877 respectively.

And, if I am asked why I take so much interest in favour of the passage of this Bill—to this I would simply answer, because I consider it my DUTY to do so. There are no Jews in the county from which I come, nor have I the slightest acquaintance with any Jews in the world. It was not at their request; it was not even known to any of them, that the subject would be brought forward at this time. . . . There is only one opponent that I fear at this time, and that is PREJUDICE—our prejudices, Mr. Speaker, are dear to us, we all know and feel the force of our political prejudices, but our religious prejudices are still more strong, still more dear; they cling to us through life, and scarcely leave us on the bed of death, and it is not the prejudice of a generation, of an age or a century, that we have now to encounter. No, it is the prejudice which has passed from father to son, for almost eighteen hundred years. . . .

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS COMMENTARIES ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES Joseph Story, 1833 Joseph Story (1779-1845) was born in Marblehead, Massachusetts. He graduated second in his class at Harvard College and established a successful private law practice in Salem. Story began his public life serving in the Massachusetts legislature and in the U.S. House of Representatives, before President James Madison nominated him for the U.S. Supreme Court in 1811. Story had a major role in the establishment of Harvard Law School. He was appointed professor of law at Harvard in 1829 and wrote a series of Commentaries which went through nine editions and were published in several languages. Story was an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1811–1845, and considered the most important legal commentator of his day. In 1833, while serving as the Dane Professor of Law at Harvard University, he published his Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States, which included a short section on religious liberty. In the beginning of this section Story argued for the importance of religious faith for good government: “Probably at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, and of the amendment to it, now under consideration [i.e., the First Amendment], the general, if not the universal sentiment in America was, that Christianity ought to receive encouragement from the state, so far as was not incompatible with the private rights of conscience, and the freedom of religious worship.” [p. 593] Story believed that the state could not impose religion on its citizens. Neither should the state favor one faith over another, and in Massachusetts he worked to deny privileged status to the Congregationalists. He was a strong proponent of religious toleration at a time when Massachusetts still had a state church. This belief, Story articulates as follows in his Commentaries: “It was under a solemn consciousness of the dangers from ecclesiastical ambition, the bigotry of spiritual pride, and the intolerance of sects, thus exemplified in our domestic, as well as in foreign annals, that it was deemed advisable to exclude from the national government all power to act upon the subject. The situation, too, of the different states equally proclaimed the policy, as well as the necessity of such exclusion. In some of the states Episcopalians constituted the predominant sect; in other Presbyterians; in others, Congregationalists; in other, Quakers; in others again, there was close numerical rivalry among contending sects. It was impossible, that there should not arise perpetual strife and perpetual jealousy on the subject of ecclesiastical ascendancy, if the national government were left free to create a religious establishment. The only security was in extirpating the power. But this alone would have been an imperfect security, if it has not been followed up by a declaration of the right of the free exercise of religion, and a prohibition (as we have seen) of all religious tests. Thus, the whole power over the subject of religion is left exclusively to the state governments, to be acted upon according to their own sense of justice, and the state constitutions; and the Catholic and Protestant, the Calvinist and the Armenian, the Jew and the Infidel, may sit down at the common table of the national councils, without any inquisition into their faith, or mode of worship.” [p. 596-597] Story, however, also believed—and it was a central part of New England conservative ideology—that states should “foster and encourage the Christian religion generally, as a matter of sound policy as well of revealed truth. Story, like Edmund Burke and Lyman Beecher, believed that religion was the foundation of a stable and moral society. Story’s position on this issue is perhaps most clearly stated in his letter to Rev. Jasper Adams in which he wrote, “My own private judgment has long been (and every day’s experience more and more confirms me in it) that government cannot exist without an alliance with Religion to some extent, and that Christianity is indispensible to the true interests and solid foundation of all government.”

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CIVIL LIBERTY AND SELF-GOVERNMENT Francis Lieber, 1859 Born into a once-prosperous business family in Berlin, Franz (later Francis) Lieber (1800–1872) witnessed Napoleon’s entry into Berlin in 1807. From 1835-1856 he occupied the chair in history and political economy at South Carolina College, then the chair in history and political science at Columbia College from 1857-1865, and finally the chair in constitutional history and public law at Columbia Law School from 1865–1872. During the Civil War, he drafted the first code of militry conduct for use in land warfare, which was later incorporated into the Hague and Geneva Conventions Lieber’s work covers a wide range of fields. His contributions to penology, international law, and higher education have been acknowledged in the standard histories of those fields. Lieber’s work, On Civil Liberty and Self-Government , published in 1853, was his major political science treatise.Lieber opened this work with words. “Our age, marked by restless activity in almost all departments of knowledge, and by struggles and aspirations before the unknown, is stamped by no characteristic more deeply than by a desire to establish or extend freedom in the political societies of mankind.” Lieber surveyed the prospect of defining and extending human rights and civil liberty in 1853, describing it as a period of “marked struggle in the progress of civilization” resembling the Reformation in its scope and violence. He invited his readers to accept the task of diffusing civil liberty as the mission assigned their generation. “The love of civil liberty is so leading a motive in our times, that no man who does not understand what civil liberty is, has acquired that self-knowledge without which we do not know where we stand, and are supernumeraries or instinctive followers, rather than conscious, working members of our race, in our day and generation.”

Liberty of Conscience—Property—Supremacy of the Law

Liberty of conscience, or, as it ought to be called more properly, the liberty of worship, is one of the primordial rights of man, and no system of liberty can be considered comprehensive which does not include guarantees for the free exercise of this right. It belongs to American liberty to separate entirely the institution which has for its object the support and diffusion of religion from the political government. We have seen already what our constitution says on this point. All state constitutions have similar provisions. They prohibit government from founding or endowing churches, and from demanding a religious qualification for any office or the exercise of any right. They are not hostile to religion, for we see that all the state governments direct or allow the Bible to be read in the public schools; but they adhere strictly to these two points: No worship shall be interfered with, either directly by persecution, or indirectly by disqualifying members of certain sects, or by favoring one sect above the others; and no church shall be declared the church of the state, or “established church;” nor shall the people be taxed by government to support the clergy of all the churches, as is the case in France. In England there is an established church, and religious qualifications are required for certain offices and places, at least in an indirect way. A member of parliament cannot take his seat without taking a certain oath “upon the faith of a Christian;” which, of course, excludes Jews. There is no doubt, however, that this

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS disqualification will soon be removed.1 Whether it will be done or not, we are nevertheless authorized to say that liberty of conscience forms one of the elements of Anglican liberty. It has not yet arrived at full maturity in some portions of the Anglican race, but we can discern it in the whole race, in whose modern history we find religious toleration at an earlier date than in that of any other large portion of mankind. Venice, and some minor states, found the economical and commercial benefit of toleration at an early period, but England was the earliest country of any magnitude where toleration, which precedes real religious liberty, was established While Louis XIV. of France, called the Great,” dragonnaded” the Protestants on no other ground than that they would not become Catholics, a greater king, William III., declared, in England, that “conscience is God’s province.” The Catholics were long treated with severity in England, but it was more on a political ground, because the pope supported for a long time the opponents to the ruling dynasty, than on purely religious grounds. There is a new religious zeal manifesting itself in all branches of the Christian church. The Catholic church seems to be animated by a renewed spirit of activity, not dissimilar to that which inspired it in the seventeenth century by which it regained much of the ground lost by the Reformation, and which has been so well described by Mr. Ranke. The Protestants are not idle; they study, preach, and act with great zeal. May Providence grant that the Anglican tribe, and all the members of the civilized race, may more and more distinctly act upon the principle of religious liberty, and not swerve from it, even under the most galling circumstances. Calamitous consequences, of which very few may have any conception at this moment, might easily follow. As to that unhappy and most remarkable sect called the Mormons, who have sprung up and consolidated themselves within our country, and who doubtless may become troublesome when sufficiently numerous to call on us for admission into the Union, I take it that the political trouble they may give cannot arise from religious grounds. Whether they have fallen back into Buddhism, making their god a perfectible being, with parts and local dwelling, cannot become a direct political question, however it may indirectly affect society in all its parts. The potent questions which will offer great difficulty will be, whether a Mormon state, with its “theo-democratic” government, as they term it, can be called a republic, in the sense in which our constitution guarantees it to every member of the Union. It will then, probably for the first time in history, become necessary legally to define what a republic is. The other difficulty will arise out of the question which every honest man will put to himself, Can we admit as a state a society of men who deny the very first principle, not of our common law, not of Christian politics, not of modern progress, but of our whole western civilization, as contradistinguished from oriental life—of that whole civilization in which we have our being, and which is the precious joint product of Christianity and antiquity—who disavow monogamy?

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No one will now deny that the English parliament followed too tardily the advice of those great statesmen who urged long ago to abolish test oaths and other religious impediments; but to judge impartially, we must not forget that the removal of disqualifications in countries enjoying a high degree of liberty is more difficult than in despotic countries, where all beneath the despot live in one waste equality. Liberty implies the enjoyment of important rights and high privileges. To share them freely with others who until then have not enjoyed them appears like losing part of them. It is a universal psychologic law. Neither religion nor color constitutes half the difference in many Asiatic states, which they establish in many free countries. It must likewise be remembered that liberty implies power, the authority of acting; consequently, an admission to equality in a free country implies admission to power, and it is this which frequently creates, justly or unjustly, the difficulty of perfect religious equality in certain states of society. The end, however, which is to be reached, and toward which all liberty and political civilization tends, is perfect liberty of conscience.

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CONTEMPORARY COMMENTARY Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1953–1955 President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1894–1972) incorporated into his presidency a good deal of civil religion to rally the American people behind nonsectarian spiritual values, the he believed in promoting such values as thrift, courage, hard work, and patriotism. “Our government makes no sense unless it is founded on deeply felt religious faith—and I don’t care what [religion] it is,” Ike said. Although his piety was decidedly Christian, Eisenhower belonged to no formal church, but he became the first president to attend a preinaugural church service at Rev. Edward Elson’s National Presbyterian Church. A month later, he joined that church. At his inauguration, Eisenhower took the oath of office on two open bibles and recited a personally composed prayer. Eisenhower began cabinet meetings with a silent prayer and promoted the national day of prayer that Congress established in 1952. In 1953, he became the first president to attend the weekly Christian prayer breakfast held at the Capitol, saying, “Prayer is just simply a necessity.” In remarks for the American Legion “Back to God” Program, February 1, 1953, Eisenhower recorded the following:

“MY GRATEFUL THANKS go out to each of you for your prayers, because your prayers for divine guidance on my behalf are the greatest gift you could possibly bring to me. As your prayers come from your hearts, so there comes from mine a very earnest one–that all of us by our combined dedication and devotion may merit the great blessings that The Almighty has brought to this land of ours. We think often of these blessings in terms of material values-of broad acres, our great factories–all of those things which make a life a more convenient and finer thing in the material sense. But when we think about the matter very deeply, we know that the blessings that we are really thankful for are a different type. They are what our forefathers called our rights-our human rights–the right to worship as we please, to speak and to think, and to earn, and to save. Those are the rights that we must strive so mightily to merit. One reason that we cherish these rights so sincerely is because they are God-given. They belong to the people who have been created in His image. Now this means as a very special and second reason for cherishing these rights, that they belong to the lowliest amongst us as well as to the mightiest and the highest. That is the genius of our democracy. It is the very basis of the cause for which so many of our fellow citizens have died. Today we are especially inspired in our resolution to defend those rights by the memory of the four Chaplains who met death-bravely, quietly, even tranquilly–in the sinking of the Dorchester. They gave their lives without complaint, so that their fellow citizens could live.

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As we think of their sacrifice, and that of our heroic fellow citizens serving in Korea, we are inspired to take up our own burdens more cheerfully; we are moved to show by greater courage, by patience and mutual understanding–by better citizenship–that we are worthy members of this great American family of free, God-fearing people.” In remarks broadcast from the White House as part of the American Legion “Back to God” Program, February 7, 1954, Eisenhower stated:

“As a former soldier, I am delighted that our veterans are sponsoring a movement to increase our awareness of God in our daily lives. In battle, they learned a great truth-that there are no atheists in the foxholes. They know that in time of test and trial, we instinctively turn to God for new courage . . . Whatever our individual church, whatever our personal creed, our common faith in God is a common bond among us.” At the next year’s “Back to God” Program, February 20, 1955, Eisenhower stated:

“Without God, there could be no American form of Government, nor an American way of life. Recognition of the Supreme Being is the first—the most basic—expression of Americanism.”

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS John F. Kennedy, 1960 Religion became a divisive issue during the presidential campaign of 1960. Senator John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) (D-Mass.) was campaigning to be the nation’s first Catholic president and invited to speak at a convention of Baptist ministers in Houston, Texas. Not everyone was pleased with his address. Many non-Catholics remained unpersuaded that a Catholic could be president without divided loyalties and many Catholics thought he conceded too much in his profession of belief in an “absolute” separation of church and state. Whatever its political or theological merits, the speech was widely as being an important milestone in American Catholic history.

September 12, 1960—Rice Hotel, Houston, Texas ANNOUNCER: From Houston’s Rice Hotel, Senator John Kennedy is about to address a special meeting of the Greater Houston Ministerial Association to which he has been invited. During this telecast, Senator Kennedy will participate in an informal question and answer period. The telecast of this meeting is sponsored by the Kennedy-Johnson Texas Campaign Committee, and is being seen throughout Texas on a special 22-station network. The audience you are seeing is composed of clergymen of the Houston area who have been invited by the association. Rev. Herbert Meza will introduce the Democratic presidential candidate. . . Reverend Herbert Meza, vice president of the association, and our program chairman. MR.MEZA: This program this evening does not constitute an endorsement of either the speaker or the party which he represents. The program has been motivated by the religious issues in this campaign, issues that are not modern. There are some who insist that nothing has changed within the Roman Catholic Church and there are others who insist that nothing should change. The problem is not to deny the religious issue or to brand as intolerant those who raise it. The problem is to place it in proper perspective and to determine where the candidate stands in relationship to that perspective. The extremists on both sides have tended to dominate the debate. Contrary to common propaganda, the South is not a hotbed of religious or racial intolerance. There are many honest minds that are raising honest questions. Many Catholics differ with us on many questions that are relevant to the welfare of our country. The fact that the Senator is with us is to concede that a religious issue does exist. It is because that there are many serious minds decently raising questions that we have invited the speaker of the evening, and it is for that same reason that we have allowed this meeting to be broadcast to that end. I should like to introduce, at this time, the Senator from Massachusetts and the candidate for President of the United States, Senator John F. Kennedy.

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Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I’m grateful for your generous invitation to speak my views. While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida—the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power—the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms—an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space. These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues—for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers. But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured—perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again—not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me—but what kind of America I believe in. I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute— where no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishoners for whom to vote— where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference—and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him. I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish— where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source—where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials—and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all. For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew—or a Quaker—or a Unitarian—or a Baptist. It was Virginia’s harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson’s statute of religious freedom. Today I may be the victim- -but tomorrow it may be you—until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril. Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end— where all men and all churches are treated as equal—where every man has the

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice—where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind—and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood. That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe—a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office. I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment’s guarantees of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so—and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test—even by indirection—for it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it. I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated to none—who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him—and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation. This is the kind of America I believe in—and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we may have a “divided loyalty,” that we did “not believe in liberty,” or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the “freedoms for which our forefathers died.” And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died—when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches—when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom—and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty and Bailey and Carey—but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For there was no religious test at the Alamo. I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition—to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress—on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools (which I have attended myself)—instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually

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in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed churchstate separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic. I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts—why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France—and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle. But let me stress again that these are my views—for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party’s candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters—and the church does not speak for me. Whatever issue may come before me as President—on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject—I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise. But if the time should ever come—and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible—when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same. But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith—nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election. If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people. But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency—practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can “solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution . . . so help me God.

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Through religious rhetoric and appeals to the religious background of many Americans, Martin Luther King Jr. (1929–1968) was able to persuade many to support the civil rights movement and engage in nonviolent protest of segregation. King was one of the founding members of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference which was established in 1957. He began to articulate his social philosophy, which combined elements of the Christian philosophies of Mohandas Gandhi, Reinhardt Niebuhr, and Henry David Thoreau. King sought to use Christian-based philosophy as the basis of his non-violent message. King continually used religion in his speeches, allowing him to reach out to many Americans. It also established his ability to convince people to protest nonviolently. His methods helped establish the influence of religion on the civil rights struggle during King’s leadership within that movement.

Letter From Birmingham City Jail April 16, 1963 Birmingham, Alabama My Dear Fellow Clergymen, While confined here in the Birmingham City Jail, I came across your recent statement calling our present activities “unwise and untimely.” Seldom, if ever, do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas . . . But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I would like to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms. I think I should give the reason for my being in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the argument of “outsiders coming in.” I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every Southern state with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some 85 affiliate organizations all across the South . . . Several months ago our local affiliate here in Birmingham invited us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented. In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: 1) collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive; 2) negotiation; 3) self-purification; and 4) direct action. We have gone through all of these steps in Birmingham. . . Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of police brutality is known in every section of the country. Its unjust treatment of Negroes in the courts is a notorious reality. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any city in this nation. These are the hard, brutal, and unbelievable facts. On the basis of these conditions Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the political leaders consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Then came the opportunity last September to talk with some of the leaders of the economic community. In these negotiating sessions certain promises were made by the merchants—such as the promise to remove the humiliating racial signs from the stores. On the basis of these promises Reverend Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed to call a moratorium on any type of demonstrations. As the weeks and months unfolded we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. The signs remained. As in so many experiences in the past, we were confronted with blasted hopes, and the dark shadow of a deep disappointment settled upon us. So we had no alternative except that of preparing for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and national community. We were not unmindful of the difficulties involved. So we decided to go through the process of self-purification. We started having workshops on nonviolence and repeatedly asked ourselves the questions, “are you able to accept the blows without retaliating?” “Are you able to endure the ordeals of jail?” You may well ask, “Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches, etc.? Isn’t negotiation a better path?” You are exactly right in your call for negotiation. Indeed, this is the purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and establish such creative tension that a community that has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without legal and nonviolent pressure. History is the long and tragic story of the fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and give up their unjust posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups are more immoral than individuals. We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly I have never yet engaged in a direct action movement that was “well timed,” according to the timetable of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word “Wait!” It rings in the ear of every Negro with a piercing familiarity. This “wait” has almost always meant “never.” It has been a tranquilizing Thalidomide, relieving the emotional stress for a moment, only to give birth to an ill-formed infant of frustration. We must come to see with the distinguished jurist of yesterday that “justice too long delayed is justice denied.” We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and Godgiven rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward the gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. I guess it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say wait. But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at

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will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize, and even kill your black brothers and sisters with impunity; when you see the vast majority of your 20 million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six-year-old daughter why she can’t go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see the tears welling up in her little eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see the depressing clouds of inferiority begin to form in her little mental sky, and see her begin to distort her little personality by unconsciously developing a bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five-year-old son who is asking in agonizing pathos: “Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?”; when you take a cross country drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading “white” men and “colored”; when your first name becomes “nigger” and your middle name becomes “boy” (however old you are) and your last name becomes “John,” and when your wife and mother are never given the respected title of “Mrs.”; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tip-toe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of “nobodiness”—then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into an abyss of injustice where they experience the bleakness of corroding despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the last few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negroe’s great stumbling block in the stride toward freedom is not the White citizens’ “Councilor” or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate who is more devoted to “order” than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says “I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I can’t agree with your methods of direst action”; who paternistically feels that he can set the timetable for another man’s freedom; who lives by the myth of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait until a “more convenient season.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection. You spoke of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS extremist. I started thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency made up of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, have been so completely drained of self-respect and a sense of “somebodiness” that they have adjusted to segregation, and a few Negroes in the middle class who, because of a degree of academic and economic security, and at points they profit from segregation, have unconsciously become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred and comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up over the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad’s Muslim movement. This movement is nourished by the contemporary frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination. It is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man in an incurable “devil.” The Negro has many pent-up resentments and latent frustrations. He has to get them out. So let him march sometime; let him have his prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; understand why he must have sit-ins and freedom rides. If his repressed emotions do not come out in these nonviolent ways, they will come out in ominous expressions of violence. This is not a threat; it is a fact of history. So I have not said to my people, “Get rid of your discontent.” But I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled through the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. In spite of my shattered dreams of the past, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership in the community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, serve as the channel through which our just grievances could get to the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed. I have heard numerous religious leaders of the South call upon their worshippers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers say follow this decree because integration is morally right and the Negro is your brother. In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churches stand on the sideline and merely mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard so many ministers say, “Those are social issues with which the Gospel has no real concern,” and I have watched so many churches commit themselves to a completely other-worldly religion which made a strange distinction between body and soul, the sacred and the secular. I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil rights leader, but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother. Let us all hope

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that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear-drenched communities and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all of their scintillating beauty. Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood,

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Martin Luther King Jr., 1963 Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

I Have a Dream Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check—a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God’s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship

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rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.”

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor’s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.” And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

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Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Patrick Buchanan, 1992 Conservative commentator and politician Patrick Buchanan (1938– ) began his career with the St. Louis Democrat, serving as the newspaper’s editorial writer and assistant editorial editor. In 1966, Richard Nixon hired Buchanan as assistant and speechwriter in preparation for his upcoming run for the 1968 Republican presidential nomination. After Nixon’s victory in November 1968 over Democrat Hubert Humphrey, Buchanan became special assistant to the president. He wrote speeches for Nixon and for Vice President Spiro Agnew, and planned strategies for the president’s successful 1972 reelection campaign, after which he was named special consultant to Nixon. Much of Buchanan’s attention during the following two years was diverted to the Watergate crisis. After Nixon’s resignation in August 1974, Buchanan worked for several months in Gerald Ford’s administration. In 1975, he began working as a syndicated political columnist, television and radio commentator, and lecturer. His outspoken style and conservative viewpoint earned him a reputation as one of America’s leading spokesmen for conservative political and social ideologies. In 1985, Buchanan began serving as director of communications at the beginning of President Ronald Reagan’s second term. After two years, he resumed his writing and broadcasting work. A steadfast critic of Reagan’s successor, George Bush, Buchanan announced his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination in 1992, when Bush ran for reelection. He won 37 percent of the vote in the New Hampshire primary, but that was the high point of his electoral support. In the summer of 1992, after his supporters threatened a revolt, he was granted the opportunity to address the Republican national convention. A staunch opponent of abortion, feminism, and gay rights, Buchanan also chastised fellow Republicans for moving too far to the middle of the ideological spectrum and called for a return to traditional conservative policies.

Patrick Buchanan’s Speech, Delivered at the 1992 Republican National Convention in Houston, Texas, on 17 August 1992 Well, we took the long way home, but we finally got here. And I want to congratulate President Bush, and remove any doubt about where we stand: The primaries are over, the heart is strong again, and the Buchanan brigades are enlisted–all the way to a great comeback victory in November. Like many of you last month, I watched that giant masquerade ball at Madison Square Garden–where 20,000 radicals and liberals came dressed up as moderates and centrists–in the greatest single exhibition of cross-dressing in American political history. One by one, the prophets of doom appeared at the podium. The Reagan decade, they moaned, was a terrible time in America; and the only way to prevent even worse times, they said, is to entrust our nation’s fate and future to the party that gave us McGovern, Mondale, Carter and Michael Dukakis. No way, my friends. The American people are not going to buy back into the failed liberalism of the 1960s and ’70s–no matter how slick the package in 1992. The malcontents of Madison Square Garden notwithstanding, the 1980s were not terrible years. They were great years. You know it. I know it. And the only people

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who don’t know it are the carping critics who sat on the sidelines of history, jeering at ine of the great statesmen of modern time. Out of Jimmy Carter’s days of malaise, Ronald Reagan crafted the longest peacetime recovery in U.S. history–3 million new businesses created, and 20 million new jobs. Under the Reagan Doctrine, one by one, the communist dominos began to fall. First, Grenada was liberated, by U.S. troops. Then, the Red Army was run out of Afghanistan, by U.S. weapons. In Nicaragua, the Marxist regime was forced to hold free elections–by Ronald Reagan’s contra army–and the communists were thrown out of power. Have they forgotten? It was under our party that the Berlin Wall came down, and Europe was reunited. It was under our party that the Soviet Empire collapsed, and the captive nations broke free. It is said that each president will be recalled by posterity–with but a single sentence. George Washington was the father of our country. Abraham Lincoln preserved the Union. And Ronald Reagan won the Cold War. And it is time my old colleagues, the columnists and commentators, looking down on us tonight from their anchor booths and sky boxes, gave Ronald Reagan the credit he deserves–for leading America to victory in the Cold War. Most of all, Ronald Reagan made us proud to be Americans again. We never felt better about our country; and we never stood taller in the eyes of the world. But we are here, not only to celebrate, but to nominate. And an American president has many, many roles. He is our first diplomat, the architect of American foreign policy. And which of these two men is more qualified for that role? George Bush has been UN ambassador, CIA director, envoy to China. As vice president, he co-authored the policies that won the Cold War. As president, George Bush presided over the liberation of Eastern Europe and the termination of the Warsaw Pact. And Mr. Clinton? Well, Bill Clinton couldn’t find 150 words to discuss foreign policy in an acceptance speech that lasted an hour. As was said of an earlier Democratic candidate, Bill Clinton’s foreign policy experience is pretty much confined to having had breakfast once at the Intl. House of Pancakes. The presidency is also America’s bully pulpit, what Mr Truman called, “preeminently a place of moral leadership.” George Bush is a defender of right-tolife, and lifelong champion of the Judeo-Christian values and beliefs upon which this nation was built. Mr Clinton, however, has a different agenda.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS At its top is unrestricted abortion on demand. When the Irish-Catholic governor of Pennsylvania, Robert Casey, asked to say a few words on behalf of the 25 million unborn children destroyed since Roe v Wade, he was told there was no place for him at the podium of Bill Clinton’s convention, no room at the inn. Yet a militant leader of the homosexual rights movement could rise at that convention and exult: “Bill Clinton and Al Gore represent the most pro-lesbian and pro-gay ticket in history.” And so they do. Bill Clinton supports school choice–but only for state-run schools. Parents who send their children to Christian schools, or Catholic schools, need not apply. Elect me, and you get two for the price of one, Mr Clinton says of his lawyerspouse. And what does Hillary believe? Well, Hillary believes that 12-year-olds should have a right to sue their parents, and she has compared marriage as an institution to slavery–and life on an Indian reservation. Well, speak for yourself, Hillary. Friends, this is radical feminism. The agenda Clinton & Clinton would impose on America–abortion on demand, a litmus test for the Supreme Court, homosexual rights, discrimination against religious schools, women in combat–that’s change, all right. But it is not the kind of change America wants. It is not the kind of change America needs. And it is not the kind of change we can tolerate in a nation that we still call God’s country. A president is also commander in chief, the man we empower to send sons and brothers, fathers and friends, to war. George Bush was 17 when they bombed Pearl Harbor. He left his high school class, walked down to the recruiting office, and signed up to become the youngest fighter pilot in the Pacific war. And Mr Clinton? When Bill Clinton’s turn came in Vietnam, he sat up in a dormitory in Oxford, England, and figured out how to dodge the draft. Which of these two men has won the moral authority to call on Americans to put their lives at risk? I suggest, respectfully, it is the patriot and war hero, Navy Lieutenant J. G. George Herbert Walker Bush. My friends, this campaign is about philosophy, and it is about character; and George Bush wins on both counts–going away; and it is time all of us came home and stood beside him. As running mate, Mr Clinton chose Albert Gore. And just how moderate is Prince Albert? Well, according to the Taxpayers Union, Al Gore beat out Teddy Kennedy, two straight years, for the title of biggest spender in the Senate. And Teddy Kennedy isn’t moderate about anything.

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In New York, Mr Gore made a startling declaration. Henceforth, he said, the “central organizing principle” of all governments must be: the environment. Wrong, Albert! The central organizing principle of this republic is freedom. And from the ancient forests of Oregon, to the Inland Empire of California, America’s great middle class has got to start standing up to the environmental extremists who put insects, rats and birds ahead of families, workers and jobs. One year ago, my friends, I could not have dreamt I would be here. I was then still just one of many panelists on what President Bush calls “those crazy Sunday talk shows.” But I disagreed with the president; and so we challenged the president in the Republican primaries and fought as best we could. From February to June, he won 33 primaries. I can’t recall exactly how many we won. But tonight I want to talk to the 3 million Americans who voted for me. I will never forget you, nor the great honor you have done me. But I do believe, deep in my heart, that the right place for us to be now–in this presidential campaign–is right beside George Bush. The party is our home; this party is where we belong. And don’t let anyone tell you any different. Yes, we disagreed with President Bush, but we stand with him for freedom to choice religious schools, and we stand with him against the amoral idea that gay and lesbian couples should have the same standing in law as married men and women. We stand with President Bush for right-to-life, and for voluntary prayer in the public schools, and against putting American women in combat. And we stand with President Bush in favor of the right of small towns and communities to control the raw sewage of pornography that pollutes our popular culture. We stand with President Bush in favor of federal judges who interpret the law as written, and against Supreme Court justices who think they have a mandate to rewrite our Constitution. My friends, this election is about much more than who gets what. It is about who we are. It is about what we believe. It is about what we stand for as Americans. There is a religious war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as was the Cold War itself. And in that struggle for the soul of America, Clinton & Clinton are on the other side, and George Bush is on our side. And so, we have to come home, and stand beside him.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS My friends, in those 6 months, from Concord to California, I came to know our country better than ever before in my life, and I collected memories that will be with me always. There was that day long ride through the great state of Georgia in a bus Vice President Bush himself had used in 1988–a bus they called Asphalt One. The ride ended with a 9:00 PM speech in front of a magnificent southern mansion, in a town called Fitzgerald. There were the workers at the James River Paper Mill, in the frozen North Country of New Hampshire–hard, tough men, one of whom was silent, until I shook his hand. Then he looked up in my eyes and said, “Save our jobs!” There was the legal secretary at the Manchester airport on Christmas Day who told me she was going to vote for me, then broke down crying, saying, “I’ve lost my job, I don’t have any money; they’ve going to take away my daughter. What am I going to do?” My friends, even in tough times, these people are with us. They don’t read Adam Smith or Edmund Burke, but they came from the same schoolyards and playgrounds and towns as we did. They share our beliefs and convictions, our hopes and our dreams. They are the conservatives of the heart. They are our people. And we need to reconnect with them. We need to let them know we know they’re hurting. They don’t expect miracles, but they need to know we care. There were the people of Hayfork, the tiny town high up in California’s Trinity Alps, a town that is now under a sentence of death because a federal judge has set aside 9 million acres for the habitat of the spotted owl–forgetting about the habitat of the men and women who live and work in Hay fork. And there were the brave people of Koreatown who took the worst of the LA riots, but still live the family values we treasure, and who still believe deeply in the American dream. Friends, in those wonderful 25 weeks, the saddest days were the days of the bloody riot in LA, the worst in our history. But even out of that awful tragedy can come a message of hope. Hours after the violence ended I visited the Army compound in south LA, where an officer of the 18th Cavalry, that had come to rescue the city, introduced me to two of his troopers. They could not have been 20 years old. He told them to recount their story. They had come into LA late on the 2nd day, and they walked up a dark street, where the mob had looted and burned every building but one, a convalescent home for the aged. The mob was heading in, to ransack and loot the apartments of the terrified old men and women. When the troopers arrived, M-16s at the ready,

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the mob threatened and cursed, but the mob retreated. It had met the one thing that could stop it: force, rooted in justice, backed by courage. Greater love than this hath no man than that he lay down his life for his friend. Here were 19-year-old boys ready to lay down their lives to stop a mob from molesting old people they did not even know. And as they took back the streets of LA, block by block, so we must take back our cities, and take back our culture, and take back our country.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS George W. Bush, 2001 George W. Bush (1946– ) is the oldest of six children of George Herbert Walker Bush, who served as 41st president of the United States (1989–93), and Barbara Pierce Bush. Shortly after his 40th birthday, Bush gave up drinking alcohol. “I realized,” he later explained, “that alcohol was beginning to crowd out my energies and could crowd, eventually, my affections for other people.” His decision was partly the result of a self-described spiritual awakening and a strengthening of his Christian faith that began the previous year after a conversation with the Reverend Billy Graham, a Bush family friend. In 1994 Bush challenged Democratic incumbent Ann Richards for the governorship of Texas. It was a hard-fought race in which Bush received the support of some prominent Democratic and Hispanic politicians. Bush won the election 53 percent to 46 percent, the first person ever to be elected a state governor whose father was a U.S. president. As governor, Bush increased state spending on elementary and secondary education and made the salaries and promotions of teachers and administrators contingent on their students’ performance on standardized tests. Fulfilling a campaign promise to toughen the state’s juvenile justice system, his administration increased the number of crimes for which juveniles could be sentenced to adult prisons following custody in juvenile detention and lowered to 14 the age at which children could be tried as adults. Fulfilling another campaign pledge, Bush signed into law several measures aimed at tort reform, including one that imposed new limits on punitive damages and another that narrowed the legal definition of “gross negligence.” With his reelection in 1998, Bush became the first Texas governor to win consecutive four-year terms. Bush formally announced his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination in 2000 on June 12, 1999. He described his political philosophy as “compassionate conservatism,” a doctrine that combined traditional Republican economic and social policies with concern for the underprivileged. He quickly gathered the endorsement of a large number of Republican officeholders and raised more money than any other Republican or Democratic candidate. As the general election campaign in 2000 continued, the gap in the polls between Bush and Gore narrowed to the closest in any election in the previous 40 years. On election day the presidency hinged on the 25 electoral votes of Florida, where Bush led Gore by fewer than 1,000 popular votes after a mandatory statewide machine recount. For five weeks the election remained unresolved as Florida state courts and federal courts heard numerous legal challenges by both campaigns. Eventually the Florida Supreme Court decided (4–3) to order a statewide manual recount of the approximately 45,000 “undervotes”. The Bush campaign quickly filed an appeal with the U.S. Supreme Court, asking it to delay the recounts until it could hear the case; a stay was issued by the court on December 9. Three days later, concluding (7–2) that a fair statewide recount could not be performed in time to meet the December 18 deadline for certifying the state’s electors, the court issued a controversial 5–4 decision to reverse the Florida Supreme Court’s recount order, effectively awarding the presidency to Bush. By winning Florida, Bush narrowly won the electoral vote over Gore by 271 to 266—only 1 more than the required 270. After Gore conceded defeat, Bush struck a conciliatory tone, promising to reach out to Democrats and declaring that “I was not elected to serve one party but to serve one nation. Whether you voted for me or not, I will do my best to serve your interests.” With his inauguration, Bush became only the second son of a president to assume the nation’s highest office; the other was John Quincy Adams (1825–29), the son of John Adams (1797–1801). Bush was also the first Republican president to enjoy a majority in both houses of Congress since Dwight D. Eisenhower in the 1950s. George W. Bush was among the most openly religious presidents in U.S. history. A daily Bible reader, he often talks about how Jesus changed his heart. He spoke, publicly and privately, of hearing God’s call to run for the presidency and of praying for God’s help since he came into office. Bush has said many times that he is a Christian, believes in the power of prayer and considers himself a “lowly sinner.”

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In his 1999 campaign autobiography, “A Charge to Keep,” which helped introduce him to a national audience, he fondly recalled serving as a teenage altar boy at his parents’ Episcopal church in Houston. But as a young oilman in Midland, Tex., he joined a Presbyterian congregation. When he and Laura Bush married in 1977, he switched to her denomination, the United Methodist Church. Though he was always somewhat religious, Bush said that a turning point came in a private talk with the Rev. Billy Graham in 1985. Graham’s words planted the “mustard seed in my soul” that eventually led to a decision to “recommit my heart to Jesus Christ.” In addition to being a Bush family friend, Graham is a widely admired Baptist evangelist who has counseled many presidents, and his frequently cited role in Bush’s journey of faith adds to its ecumenical air. Aides said that Bush does not discuss the content of his own faith, either publicly or with his staff. Though religion was far from a taboo subject in the Bush White House, where many workers gather for Bible study during their Thursday lunch hour, Bush rarely, if ever, participated in such discussions. Informed sources have written that Bush believes in a personal god who answers prayers. He believes that truth is found in all religions and that all people who pray pray to the same God. He believes that prayer and faith can allow one to improve one’s own life and save one, not just in the theological sense but in this world. And he’s told us that he does not ask God to tell him what to do, but asks God for wisdom and judgment and calm. If you said to him, ‘Does God want you to invade Iraq?’ he’d say, ’I don’t know.’ He’d say, ’I asked for the best wisdom I could have to make that decision.”’

President George W. Bush’s Inaugural Address: January 20, 2001 President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace. I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America’s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow. We have a place, all of us, in a long story–a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story–a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course. Through much of the last century, America’s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel. While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity. I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image. And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward. America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American. Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation’s promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

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America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations. Together, we will reclaim America’s schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives. We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans. We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors. The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth. America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation’s promise. And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor’s touch or a pastor’s prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side. America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well. In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times. What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character. Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it. After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation’s grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

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We are not this story’s author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life. This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm. God bless you all, and God bless America.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS John F. Kerry, 2006 United States Senator John Kerry (1943– ) was born in Denver, Colorado. The son of a career foreign service officer, Kerry was raised in the Catholic faith and spent much of his childhood abroad. After graduating from Yale University, he served in Vietnam and was a recipient of the Silver Star, Bronze Star with Combat V (for valor) and three Purple Hearts. Upon his return, Kerry co-founded Vietnam Veterans of America and became a spokesperson for Vietnam Veterans Against the War. After graduating from Boston College Law School, Kerry worked for a District Attorney’s office in Massachusetts and in private practice. In 1982, he won his first statewide political office and became Massachusetts Lieutenant Governor. He was elected to the United States Senate two years later, and was re-elected in 1990, 1996 and 2002. While serving in the Senate, Kerry has earned a reputation as centrist liberal. He supported free trade, expansive U.S. foreign and military policy, investment in education, environmental protection and growth of the high tech New Economy. He has also continued his work on behalf of Vietnam veterans, leading a Senate committee to ensure that there are no POWs left in that country. In 2004, Kerry won the Democratic nomination for president, with much of his campaign platform criticizing the Bush administration’s foreign policy, particularly in its conduct of the Iraq war. He lost to George W. Bush in the general election. Senator John Kerry (D-Mass.) is Catholic and a former altar boy. He attends Mass regularly and describes himself as a “believing and practicing Catholic.” Senator Kerry defended the place of religious discussion in American political life even as the 2004 Democratic presidential nominee decried the “unitary assertion of rectitude by certain Christian figures” and the “exploitation of religion” he said played a role in his loss to President Bush, who garnered disproportionate support from the most devout voters. Kerry’s Catholic faith at times was an issue in his presidential campaign, said it was “fair game” to expect candidates to discuss theology, and said he should have done so more prominently in 2004. He added that, “The presidency is largely about character. . . . It has to be influenced by your value system and beliefs.” In 2004, Kerry came under fire from four Catholic bishops, who sought to deny him Holy Communion because he supported abortion rights. The denial of communion to a Catholic eminent politician would be unprecedented. Experts cite such action as forbidden by Catholic canon law, except in extreme cases that do not apply to Kerry. Communion is a central tenant of Catholicism, meant to recognize Jesus’ last supper. Other Catholic politicians have faced similar reactions from church leaders. Kerry challenged the bishops who contested his position on abortion, but acknowledged he could have been more forceful in asserting the complexity of his background in approaching the subject. “For John F. Kennedy, the challenge was to prove he wasn’t too Catholic to be president,” Kerry said. “Mine was to prove I was Catholic enough.” Since Kennedy’s election, Kerry said, the religion has changed. “The Catholicism I grew up with is quite different than the Catholicism we have today,” Kerry said, citing both the changes brought by the Vatican II conference and the rise of evangelical Catholicism in the United States. He also said people have become more comfortable talking openly about their faith—even in New England, where politicians would rarely discuss their personal experience of religion.

Senator John Kerry addressed issues of faith and values at Pepperdine University: Sept. 18, 2006 Thank you. It’s wonderful to be here. For some time, I have looked forward to this opportunity to come here to talk about my faith, and the role of faith in public life. And I’m very grateful to Pepperdine—an institution explicitly founded to shine

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the light of God’s truth through the service of its graduates—for giving me this opportunity. There will always be those bent on corrupting our political discourse, particularly where religion is involved. But I learned how important it is to make certain people have a deeper understanding of the values that shape me and the faith that sustains me. Despite this New Englanders’ past reticence of talking publicly about my faith, I learned that if I didn’t fill in the picture myself, others would draw the caricature for me. I will never let that happen again—and neither should you, because no matter your party, your ideology, or your faith, we are all done a disservice when the debate is reduced to ugly and untrue caricatures. I was born, baptized, and raised a Catholic. Needless to say, my first and formative sense of religion came from my parents, Richard and Rosemary. My mother was a Protestant but went out of her way to see that I learned my catechism, attended Church, and prepared for First Communion. Both my parents taught me early on that we are all put on this earth for something greater than ourselves. Later, I was an altar boy at my Church. My parents taught me my faith and they taught me to live by it. I went to a high school called St. Paul’s, an Episcopal school where we attended chapel every morning and twice on Sundays in addition to the Catholic service in town which a group of us would go to. I studied religious studies and as you would imagine at a school called St. Paul’s, became more than familiar with St. Paul’s letters to just about everybody. The Catholic church that I grew up with didn’t focus on scripture the way we do today. The Mass was in Latin. But with the Second Vatican Council, that changed. Now, revised prayers for the Sacraments and other parts of the liturgy use Biblical language almost entirely. It elevates both our practice and our understanding of our faith. And despite our continued historical and theological differences, it has helped to emphasize what unites Christian churches rather than what divides them. The long and short of it is that today we are far more “Bible”— focused and knowledgeable based on several clear principles, chief among them the centrality of Jesus. I confronted my own mortality head-on during the Vietnam War, where faith was as much a part of my daily life as the battle itself. But I have to say that in retrospect my relationship with God was a dependent one—a “God—get me through this and I’ll be good”—relationship. As I became disillusioned with the war, my faith was also put to the test. For me, war was a difficult place for faith to grow. Some of my closest friends were killed. I saw things that disturb me to this day. Theologians often talk about “the problem of evil,” the difficulty of explaining why terrible and senseless events are part of God’s plan. In combat, you

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS confront the problem of evil in an up-front and personal way that is hard for others to fully understand. So, yes, I prayed hard while I was in Vietnam and I made it back, but the experience, the “problem of evil,” took some time to reconcile. When I returned stateside, I went through a period of alienation. I was inspired by the Christian moral witness of people like Martin Luther King, Jr. in the civil rights movement, Reverend William Sloane Coffin in the peace movement and other voices of Christian conscience. But still I was searching—somewhat spiritually adrift, unsure of my relationship with God and the Church. Within the Catholic Church, we talk about being born Catholic—but as in any faith community, there’s a moment when you first consciously choose whether to fully participate in your heritage, or look elsewhere. For me that came a number of years later after the war. For twelve years I wandered in the wilderness, went through a divorce and struggled with questions about my direction. Then suddenly and movingly, I had a revelation about the connection between the work I was doing as a public servant and my formative teachings. Indeed, the scriptures provided a firmer guide about values applied to life—many of the things you are wrestling with now today. I remember how difficult it was to be your age—so many decisions to work out, such a tangle of choices and possibilities, whose consequences seem unknowable— and yet life-shaping. For you here at Pepperdine, it’s a time when you’re exploring your commitment to God, embarking on a journey to figure out how to lead a good life, how to translate your values—who you love, what you are passionate about, how you worship—how you translate that into the daily fabric of your existence. One of my favorite passages from scripture, a familiar story from the Gospel According to Mark 10:35-45, sheds a lot of light for me on how to translate my faith into action. The Apostles James and John ask their teacher Jesus if they can sit, one at his right hand and one at his left hand, and bask in his glory. They want to be seen as first among the disciples. And Jesus tells them, while they can drink from his cup and share in the baptism, the special position they want isn’t his to grant—it’s only for those who are up to the task. When the other ten disciples heard about James and John’s request, they were angry. And so Jesus gathered them all together and said to them, “You know that among the Gentiles those whom they recognize as their rulers lord it over them. But it is not so among you; but whoever wishes to be first among you must be servant of all. For the Son of Man came not to be served but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.”

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This is the third time Jesus’ disciples have misunderstood the nature of their discipleship in the Gospel of Mark. And I suppose you could say that James and John are trying to become the first political appointees in the New Testament— trying to get special favors for their proximity to power. But Jesus responds with an essential lesson. He contrasts greatness in the Kingdom of God with Roman political power. While greatness in the Roman Empire is based on brute force—lording it over those less fortunate for the worst possible reason—simply because you can, greatness in the Kingdom of God is based on humble service, on being servant to all.” Those lines in Mark had a profound impact on me: “The Son of Man came not to be served but to serve.” Well, I consider public leadership to be a form of Christian service and an expression of my faith. I believe the most important teaching of the Gospels is that it is not enough just to say one believes in Jesus. Believing in Jesus requires action—it requires a bona fide effort—commitment to live in the example of Jesus and nowhere in my judgment is the expectation of service more clearly stated than in Matthew 25:34: “For I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me, I was naked and you gave me clothing, I was sick and you took care of me, I was in prison and you visited me.” So it is important for me to share with you how we might move from the example of Jesus as a servant into addressing the pressing needs of our time. The Catholic Bishops in their 2004 election guide provided great spiritual wisdom and guidance as they set forth a series of questions about expectations in public life. I think they are questions any Christian needs to wrestle with: 1. After September 11, how can we build not only a safer world, but a better world—more just, more secure, more peaceful, more respectful of human life and dignity? 2. How will we protect the weakest in our midst—innocent unborn children? How will our nation resist what Pope John Paul II calls a “culture of death”? How can we keep our nation from turning to violence to solve some of its most difficult problems—abortion to deal with difficult pregnancies; the death penalty to combat crime; euthanasia and assisted suicide to deal with the burdens of age, illness, and disability; and war to address international disputes? 3. How will we address the tragic fact that more than 30,000 children die every day as a result of hunger, international debt, and lack of development around the world, as well as the fact that the younger you are, the more likely you are to be poor here in the richest nation on earth?

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS 4. How can our nation help parents raise their children with respect for life, sound moral values, a sense of hope, and an ethic of stewardship and responsibility? How can our society defend the central institution of marriage and better support families in their moral roles and responsibilities, offering them real choices and financial resources to obtain quality education and decent housing? 5. How will we address the growing number of families and individuals without affordable and accessible health care? How can health care better protect human life and respect human dignity? 6. How will our society combat continuing prejudice, overcome hostility toward immigrants and refugees, and heal the wounds of racism, religious bigotry, and other forms of discrimination? 7. How will our nation pursue the values of justice and peace in a world where injustice is common, desperate poverty widespread, and peace is too often overwhelmed by violence? 8. What are the responsibilities and limitations of families, community organizations, markets, and government? How can these elements of society work together to overcome poverty, pursue the common good, care for creations, and overcome injustice? 9. When should our nation use, or avoid the use of, military force—for what purpose, under what authority, and at what human cost? 10. How can we join with other nations to lead the world to greater respect for human life and dignity, religious freedom and democracy, economic justice and care for God’s creation? I believe these questions can be gathered around four issues where people of faith from every background can work together with other people of good will towards public policies that contribute to the common good. 1) The first and perhaps most obvious common challenge is to take practical steps to address global issues of poverty, disease, and despair. **** 2) A second common challenge arises from the deep concern virtually all people of faith are enjoined to maintain toward sustaining and protecting God’s first creation. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians 10:20 says, “The earth is the Lord’s, and everything on it.” The Prophet Isaiah (66:2) says, “has not my hand made all these things, and so they came into being?” **** 3) A third area where we can find common ground is on one of the most emotional cultural issues of all: abortion. Obviously the issue of abortion has been enormously divisive, but there is also no denying there is common ground. There are 1.3 million abortions each year in America.

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**** 4) The fourth and final example of where people of faith should accept a common challenge is perhaps the most difficult and essential of all: rekindling a faith-based debate on the issues of war and peace. All our different faiths, whatever their philosophical differences, have a universal sense of values, ethics, and moral truths that honor and respect the dignity of all human beings. They all agree on a form of the Golden Rule and the Supreme importance of charity and compassion. **** I lay out these four great challenges—fighting poverty and disease, taking care of the earth, reducing abortions, and fighting only just wars—as godly tasks on which we can transcend the culture wars and reach common ground. And for all the anger and fear so often expressed about the intersection of politics and religion, I believe that a vision of public service based upon serving rather than being served is ultimately a vision of hope and not despair. The Scripture says, again and again, “be not afraid.” God is not through with humanity. Shame on us if we use our faith to divide and alienate people from one another or if we draft God into partisan service. Shame on us if we sow fear for our own advantage. As God gives us the ability to see, let us take up the tasks associated with loving our neighbors as ourselves. We can take up God’s work as our own. The call of Jesus, and of every great religious leader, to everyone is one of service to all and not the pursuit of power. Each of us needs to do our best to answer that call, and help each other hear it in a common spirit of obedience, humility and love.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Barack H. Obama Jr., 2006 Barack Obama (1961– ) is the first African American to become the presidential nominee for a U. S. major political party and the first African American to be elected President of the U.S. Obama has spoken often about the importance of religion in public life. But like many political leaders wary of offending potential backers, he has been less revealing about what he believes—about God, about prayer, about the connection between salvation and personal responsibility. In some respects, his reticence is understandable. Obama’s religious biography is unconventional and politically problematic. Born to a Christian-turned-secular mother and a Muslim-turned-atheist African father, Obama grew up living all across the world with plenty of spiritual influences, but without any particular religion. He is now a Christian, having been baptized in the early 1990s at Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago. Obama’s community organizer days helped clarify his sense of faith and social action as intertwined. “It’s hard for me to imagine being true to my faith—and not thinking beyond myself, and not thinking about what’s good for other people, and not acting in a moral and ethical way,” he says. When these ideas merged with his more emotional search for belonging, he was able to arrive at the foot of the cross. He “felt God’s spirit beckoning me,” he writes in Audacity. “I submitted myself to His will, and dedicated myself to discovering His truth.” Obama says that he prays every day, typically for “forgiveness for my sins and flaws, which are many, the protection of my family, and that I’m carrying out God’s will, not in a grandiose way, but simply that there is an alignment between my actions and what he would want.” He sometimes reads his Bible in the evenings, a ritual that “takes me out of the immediacy of my day and gives me a point of reflection.”

Barack Obama—U.S. Senator from Illinois, ‘Call to Renewal’ Keynote Address June 28, 2006, Washington, D.C. Good morning. I appreciate the opportunity to speak here at the Call to Renewal’s Building a Covenant for a New America conference. I’ve had the opportunity to take a look at your Covenant for a New America. It is filled with outstanding policies and prescriptions for much of what ails this country. So I’d like to congratulate you all on the thoughtful presentations you’ve given so far about poverty and justice in America, and for putting fire under the feet of the political leadership here in Washington. But today I’d like to talk about the connection between religion and politics and perhaps offer some thoughts about how we can sort through some of the often bitter arguments that we’ve been seeing over the last several years. I do so because, as you all know, we can affirm the importance of poverty in the Bible; and we can raise up and pass out this Covenant for a New America. We can talk to the press, and we can discuss the religious call to address poverty and environmental stewardship all we want, but it won’t have an impact unless we tackle head-on the mutual suspicion that sometimes exists between religious America and secular America. I want to give you an example that I think illustrates this fact. As some of you know, during the 2004 U.S. Senate General Election I ran against a gentleman

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named Alan Keyes. Mr. Keyes is well-versed in the Jerry Falwell-Pat Robertson style of rhetoric that often labels progressives as both immoral and godless. Indeed, Mr. Keyes announced towards the end of the campaign that, “Jesus Christ would not vote for Barack Obama. Christ would not vote for Barack Obama because Barack Obama has behaved in a way that it is inconceivable for Christ to have behaved.” Jesus Christ would not vote for Barack Obama. Now, I was urged by some of my liberal supporters not to take this statement seriously, to essentially ignore it. To them, Mr. Keyes was an extremist, and his arguments not worth entertaining. And since at the time, I was up 40 points in the polls, it probably wasn’t a bad piece of strategic advice. But what they didn’t understand, however, was that I had to take Mr. Keyes seriously, for he claimed to speak for my religion, and my God. He claimed knowledge of certain truths. Mr. Obama says he’s a Christian, he was saying, and yet he supports a lifestyle that the Bible calls an abomination. Mr. Obama says he’s a Christian, but supports the destruction of innocent and sacred life. And so what would my supporters have me say? How should I respond? Should I say that a literalist reading of the Bible was folly? Should I say that Mr. Keyes, who is a Roman Catholic, should ignore the teachings of the Pope? Unwilling to go there, I answered with what has come to be the typically liberal response in such debates—namely, I said that we live in a pluralistic society, that I can’t impose my own religious views on another, that I was running to be the U.S. Senator of Illinois and not the Minister of Illinois. But Mr. Keyes’s implicit accusation that I was not a true Christian nagged at me, and I was also aware that my answer did not adequately address the role my faith has in guiding my own values and my own beliefs. Now, my dilemma was by no means unique. In a way, it reflected the broader debate we’ve been having in this country for the last thirty years over the role of religion in politics. For some time now, there has been plenty of talk among pundits and pollsters that the political divide in this country has fallen sharply along religious lines. Indeed, the single biggest “gap” in party affiliation among white Americans today is not between men and women, or those who reside in so-called Red States and those who reside in Blue, but between those who attend church regularly and those who don’t.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Conservative leaders have been all too happy to exploit this gap, consistently reminding evangelical Christians that Democrats disrespect their values and dislike their Church, while suggesting to the rest of the country that religious Americans care only about issues like abortion and gay marriage; school prayer and intelligent design. Democrats, for the most part, have taken the bait. At best, we may try to avoid the conversation about religious values altogether, fearful of offending anyone and claiming that—regardless of our personal beliefs—constitutional principles tie our hands. At worst, there are some liberals who dismiss religion in the public square as inherently irrational or intolerant, insisting on a caricature of religious Americans that paints them as fanatical, or thinking that the very word “Christian” describes one’s political opponents, not people of faith. Now, such strategies of avoidance may work for progressives when our opponent is Alan Keyes. But over the long haul, I think we make a mistake when we fail to acknowledge the power of faith in people’s lives—in the lives of the American people—and I think it’s time that we join a serious debate about how to reconcile faith with our modern, pluralistic democracy. And if we’re going to do that then we first need to understand that Americans are a religious people. 90 percent of us believe in God, 70 percent affiliate themselves with an organized religion, 38 percent call themselves committed Christians, and substantially more people in America believe in angels than they do in evolution. This religious tendency is not simply the result of successful marketing by skilled preachers or the draw of popular mega-churches. In fact, it speaks to a hunger that’s deeper than that—a hunger that goes beyond any particular issue or cause. Each day, it seems, thousands of Americans are going about their daily rounds— dropping off the kids at school, driving to the office, flying to a business meeting, shopping at the mall, trying to stay on their diets—and they’re coming to the realization that something is missing. They are deciding that their work, their possessions, their diversions, their sheer busyness, is not enough. They want a sense of purpose, a narrative arc to their lives. They’re looking to relieve a chronic loneliness, a feeling supported by a recent study that shows Americans have fewer close friends and confidants than ever before. And so they need an assurance that somebody out there cares about them, is listening to them—that they are not just destined to travel down that long highway towards nothingness. And I speak with some experience on this matter. I was not raised in a particularly religious household, as undoubtedly many in the audience were. My father, who returned to Kenya when I was just two, was born Muslim but as an adult became an atheist. My mother, whose parents were non-practicing Baptists and

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Methodists, was probably one of the most spiritual and kindest people I’ve ever known, but grew up with a healthy skepticism of organized religion herself. As a consequence, so did I. It wasn’t until after college, when I went to Chicago to work as a community organizer for a group of Christian churches, that I confronted my own spiritual dilemma. I was working with churches, and the Christians who I worked with recognized themselves in me. They saw that I knew their Book and that I shared their values and sang their songs. But they sensed that a part of me that remained removed, detached, that I was an observer in their midst. And in time, I came to realize that something was missing as well—that without a vessel for my beliefs, without a commitment to a particular community of faith, at some level I would always remain apart, and alone. And if it weren’t for the particular attributes of the historically black church, I may have accepted this fate. But as the months passed in Chicago, I found myself drawn—not just to work with the church, but to be in the church. For one thing, I believed and still believe in the power of the African American religious tradition to spur social change, a power made real by some of the leaders here today. Because of its past, the black church understands in an intimate way the Biblical call to feed the hungry and cloth the naked and challenge powers and principalities. And in its historical struggles for freedom and the rights of man, I was able to see faith as more than just a comfort to the weary or a hedge against death, but rather as an active, palpable agent in the world. As a source of hope. And perhaps it was out of this intimate knowledge of hardship—the grounding of faith in struggle—that the church offered me a second insight, one that I think is important to emphasize today. Faith doesn’t mean that you don’t have doubts. You need to come to church in the first place precisely because you are first of this world, not apart from it. You need to embrace Christ precisely because you have sins to wash away—because you are human and need an ally in this difficult journey. It was because of these newfound understandings that I was finally able to walk down the aisle of Trinity United Church of Christ on 95th Street in the Southside of Chicago one day and affirm my Christian faith. It came about as a choice, and not an epiphany. I didn’t fall out in church. The questions I had didn’t magically disappear. But kneeling beneath that cross on the South Side, I felt that I heard God’s spirit beckoning me. I submitted myself to His will, and dedicated myself to discovering His truth.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS That’s a path that has been shared by millions upon millions of Americans— evangelicals, Catholics, Protestants, Jews and Muslims alike; some since birth, others at certain turning points in their lives. It is not something they set apart from the rest of their beliefs and values. In fact, it is often what drives their beliefs and their values. And that is why that, if we truly hope to speak to people where they’re at—to communicate our hopes and values in a way that’s relevant to their own—then as progressives, we cannot abandon the field of religious discourse. Because when we ignore the debate about what it means to be a good Christian or Muslim or Jew; when we discuss religion only in the negative sense of where or how it should not be practiced, rather than in the positive sense of what it tells us about our obligations towards one another; when we shy away from religious venues and religious broadcasts because we assume that we will be unwelcome— others will fill the vacuum, those with the most insular views of faith, or those who cynically use religion to justify partisan ends. In other words, if we don’t reach out to evangelical Christians and other religious Americans and tell them what we stand for, then the Jerry Falwells and Pat Robertsons and Alan Keyeses will continue to hold sway. More fundamentally, the discomfort of some progressives with any hint of religion has often prevented us from effectively addressing issues in moral terms. Some of the problem here is rhetorical—if we scrub language of all religious content, we forfeit the imagery and terminology through which millions of Americans understand both their personal morality and social justice. Imagine Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address without reference to “the judgments of the Lord.” Or King’s I Have a Dream speech without references to “all of God’s children.” Their summoning of a higher truth helped inspire what had seemed impossible, and move the nation to embrace a common destiny. Our failure as progressives to tap into the moral underpinnings of the nation is not just rhetorical, though. Our fear of getting “preachy” may also lead us to discount the role that values and culture play in some of our most urgent social problems. After all, the problems of poverty and racism, the uninsured and the unemployed, are not simply technical problems in search of the perfect ten point plan. They are rooted in both societal indifference and individual callousness—in the imperfections of man. Solving these problems will require changes in government policy, but it will also require changes in hearts and a change in minds. I believe in keeping guns out of our inner cities, and that our leaders must say so in the face of the gun manufacturers’ lobby—but I also believe that when a gang-banger shoots indiscriminately into a crowd because he feels somebody disrespected him, we’ve

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got a moral problem. There’s a hole in that young man’s heart—a hole that the government alone cannot fix. I believe in vigorous enforcement of our non-discrimination laws. But I also believe that a transformation of conscience and a genuine commitment to diversity on the part of the nation’s CEOs could bring about quicker results than a battalion of lawyers. They have more lawyers than us anyway. I think that we should put more of our tax dollars into educating poor girls and boys. I think that the work that Marian Wright Edelman has done all her life is absolutely how we should prioritize our resources in the wealthiest nation on earth. I also think that we should give them the information about contraception that can prevent unwanted pregnancies, lower abortion rates, and help assure that that every child is loved and cherished. But, you know, my Bible tells me that if we train a child in the way he should go, when he is old he will not turn from it. So I think faith and guidance can help fortify a young woman’s sense of self, a young man’s sense of responsibility, and a sense of reverence that all young people should have for the act of sexual intimacy. I am not suggesting that every progressive suddenly latch on to religious terminology—that can be dangerous. Nothing is more transparent than inauthentic expressions of faith. As Jim has mentioned, some politicians come and clap—off rhythm—to the choir. We don’t need that. In fact, because I do not believe that religious people have a monopoly on morality, I would rather have someone who is grounded in morality and ethics, and who is also secular, affirm their morality and ethics and values without pretending that they’re something they’re not. They don’t need to do that. None of us need to do that. But what I am suggesting is this—secularists are wrong when they ask believers to leave their religion at the door before entering into the public square. Frederick Douglas, Abraham Lincoln, Williams Jennings Bryant, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King—indeed, the majority of great reformers in American history—were not only motivated by faith, but repeatedly used religious language to argue for their cause. So to say that men and women should not inject their “personal morality” into public policy debates is a practical absurdity. Our law is by definition a codification of morality, much of it grounded in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Moreover, if we progressives shed some of these biases, we might recognize some overlapping values that both religious and secular people share when it comes to the moral and material direction of our country. We might recognize that the call to sacrifice on behalf of the next generation, the need to think in terms of “thou” and not just “I,” resonates in religious congregations all across the country. And

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS we might realize that we have the ability to reach out to the evangelical community and engage millions of religious Americans in the larger project of American renewal. Some of this is already beginning to happen. Pastors, friends of mine like Rick Warren and T.D. Jakes are wielding their enormous influences to confront AIDS, Third World debt relief, and the genocide in Darfur. Religious thinkers and activists like our good friend Jim Wallis and Tony Campolo are lifting up the Biblical injunction to help the poor as a means of mobilizing Christians against budget cuts to social programs and growing inequality. And by the way, we need Christians on Capitol Hill, Jews on Capitol Hill and Muslims on Capitol Hill talking about the estate tax. When you’ve got an estate tax debate that proposes a trillion dollars being taken out of social programs to go to a handful of folks who don’t need and weren’t even asking for it, you know that we need an injection of morality in our political debate. Across the country, individual churches like my own and your own are sponsoring day care programs, building senior centers, helping ex-offenders reclaim their lives, and rebuilding our gulf coast in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. So the question is, how do we build on these still-tentative partnerships between religious and secular people of good will? It’s going to take more work, a lot more work than we’ve done so far. The tensions and the suspicions on each side of the religious divide will have to be squarely addressed. And each side will need to accept some ground rules for collaboration. While I’ve already laid out some of the work that progressive leaders need to do, I want to talk a little bit about what conservative leaders need to do—some truths they need to acknowledge. For one, they need to understand the critical role that the separation of church and state has played in preserving not only our democracy, but the robustness of our religious practice. Folks tend to forget that during our founding, it wasn’t the atheists or the civil libertarians who were the most effective champions of the First Amendment. It was the persecuted minorities, it was Baptists like John Leland who didn’t want the established churches to impose their views on folks who were getting happy out in the fields and teaching the scripture to slaves. It was the forbearers of the evangelicals who were the most adamant about not mingling government with religious, because they did not want state-sponsored religion hindering their ability to practice their faith as they understood it. Moreover, given the increasing diversity of America’s population, the dangers of sectarianism have never been greater. Whatever we once were, we are no longer just a Christian nation; we are also a Jewish nation, a Muslim nation, a Buddhist nation, a Hindu nation, and a nation of nonbelievers.

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And even if we did have only Christians in our midst, if we expelled every nonChristian from the United States of America, whose Christianity would we teach in the schools? Would we go with James Dobson’s, or Al Sharpton’s? Which passages of Scripture should guide our public policy? Should we go with Leviticus, which suggests slavery is ok and that eating shellfish is abomination? How about Deuteronomy, which suggests stoning your child if he strays from the faith? Or should we just stick to the Sermon on the Mount—a passage that is so radical that it’s doubtful that our own Defense Department would survive its application? So before we get carried away, let’s read our bibles. Folks haven’t been reading their bibles. This brings me to my second point. Democracy demands that the religiously motivated translate their concerns into universal, rather than religion-specific, values. It requires that their proposals be subject to argument, and amenable to reason. I may be opposed to abortion for religious reasons, but if I seek to pass a law banning the practice, I cannot simply point to the teachings of my church or evoke God’s will. I have to explain why abortion violates some principle that is accessible to people of all faiths, including those with no faith at all. Now this is going to be difficult for some who believe in the inerrancy of the Bible, as many evangelicals do. But in a pluralistic democracy, we have no choice. Politics depends on our ability to persuade each other of common aims based on a common reality. It involves the compromise, the art of what’s possible. At some fundamental level, religion does not allow for compromise. It’s the art of the impossible. If God has spoken, then followers are expected to live up to God’s edicts, regardless of the consequences. To base one’s life on such uncompromising commitments may be sublime, but to base our policy making on such commitments would be a dangerous thing. And if you doubt that, let me give you an example. We all know the story of Abraham and Isaac. Abraham is ordered by God to offer up his only son, and without argument, he takes Isaac to the mountaintop, binds him to an altar, and raises his knife, prepared to act as God has commanded. Of course, in the end God sends down an angel to intercede at the very last minute, and Abraham passes God’s test of devotion. But it’s fair to say that if any of us leaving this church saw Abraham on a roof of a building raising his knife, we would, at the very least, call the police and expect the Department of Children and Family Services to take Isaac away from Abraham. We would do so because we do not hear what Abraham hears, do not see what Abraham sees, true as those experiences may be. So the best we can do is act in accordance with those things that we all see, and that we all hear, be it common laws or basic reason.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Finally, any reconciliation between faith and democratic pluralism requires some sense of proportion. This goes for both sides. Even those who claim the Bible’s inerrancy make distinctions between Scriptural edicts, sensing that some passages—the Ten Commandments, say, or a belief in Christ’s divinity—are central to Christian faith, while others are more culturally specific and may be modified to accommodate modern life. The American people intuitively understand this, which is why the majority of Catholics practice birth control and some of those opposed to gay marriage nevertheless are opposed to a Constitutional amendment to ban it. Religious leadership need not accept such wisdom in counseling their flocks, but they should recognize this wisdom in their politics. But a sense of proportion should also guide those who police the boundaries between church and state. Not every mention of God in public is a breach to the wall of separation—context matters. It is doubtful that children reciting the Pledge of Allegiance feel oppressed or brainwashed as a consequence of muttering the phrase “under God.” I didn’t. Having voluntary student prayer groups use school property to meet should not be a threat, any more than its use by the High School Republicans should threaten Democrats. And one can envision certain faith-based programs—targeting ex-offenders or substance abusers—that offer a uniquely powerful way of solving problems. So we all have some work to do here. But I am hopeful that we can bridge the gaps that exist and overcome the prejudices each of us bring to this debate. And I have faith that millions of believing Americans want that to happen. No matter how religious they may or may not be, people are tired of seeing faith used as a tool of attack. They don’t want faith used to belittle or to divide. They’re tired of hearing folks deliver more screed than sermon. Because in the end, that’s not how they think about faith in their own lives. So let me end with just one other interaction I had during my campaign. A few days after I won the Democratic nomination in my U.S. Senate race, I received an email from a doctor at the University of Chicago Medical School that said the following: “Congratulations on your overwhelming and inspiring primary win. I was happy to vote for you, and I will tell you that I am seriously considering voting for you in the general election. I write to express my concerns that may, in the end, prevent me from supporting you.” The doctor described himself as a Christian who understood his commitments to be “totalizing.” His faith led him to a strong opposition to abortion and gay marriage, although he said that his faith also led him to question the idolatry of

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the free market and quick resort to militarism that seemed to characterize much of the Republican agenda. But the reason the doctor was considering not voting for me was not simply my position on abortion. Rather, he had read an entry that my campaign had posted on my website, which suggested that I would fight “right-wing ideologues who want to take away a woman’s right to choose.” The doctor went on to write: “I sense that you have a strong sense of justice. . . and I also sense that you are a fair minded person with a high regard for reason . . . Whatever your convictions, if you truly believe that those who oppose abortion are all ideologues driven by perverse desires to inflict suffering on women, then you, in my judgment, are not fair-minded . . . . You know that we enter times that are fraught with possibilities for good and for harm, times when we are struggling to make sense of a common polity in the context of plurality, when we are unsure of what grounds we have for making any claims that involve others . . . I do not ask at this point that you oppose abortion, only that you speak about this issue in fair-minded words.” Fair-minded words. So I looked at my website and found the offending words. In fairness to them, my staff had written them using standard Democratic boilerplate language to summarize my pro-choice position during the Democratic primary, at a time when some of my opponents were questioning my commitment to protect Roe v. Wade. Re-reading the doctor’s letter, though, I felt a pang of shame. It is people like him who are looking for a deeper, fuller conversation about religion in this country. They may not change their positions, but they are willing to listen and learn from those who are willing to speak in fair-minded words. Those who know of the central and awesome place that God holds in the lives of so many, and who refuse to treat faith as simply another political issue with which to score points. So I wrote back to the doctor, and I thanked him for his advice. The next day, I circulated the email to my staff and changed the language on my website to state in clear but simple terms my pro-choice position. And that night, before I went to bed, I said a prayer of my own—a prayer that I might extend the same presumption of good faith to others that the doctor had extended to me. ****

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Mitt Romney, 2007 Politician and businessman, Willard (“Mitt”) Romney (1947– ) was born in Detroit, Michigan. He received his undergraduate degree from Brigham Young University in 1971, attended Harvard Law School and Harvard Business School and received a J.D. and M.B.A. in 1975. Mitt Romney began his career at the management consulting firm Bain & Company before founding the investment firm Bain Capital in 1984. In 1994, he ran for the U.S. Senate in Massachusetts but was defeated by longtime incumbent Edward Kennedy. In 1999, Romney became well known nationally when he became president of the Salt Lake Organizing Committee. He helped rescue the 2002 Winter Olympics from its financial and ethical problems, which led to a successful Salt Lake City Olympic Games in 2002. Mitt Romney ran for and won the governorship of Massachusetts in 2003. After serving one term, he declined to seek reelection and announced his bid for U.S. president in 2008. Romney is a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, also known as the Mormon Church. His affiliation with the Mormon Church created unease among evangelical Protestants, whose lack of support dashed the hopes of this Republican Presidential hopeful.

Mitt Romney’s “Faith in America” Speech: November 6, 2007 Thank you, Mr. President for your kind introduction. It is an honor to be here today. This is an inspiring place because of you and the first lady and because of the film that’s exhibited across the way in the presidential library. For those who have not seen it, it shows the president as a young pilot, shot down during the Second World War, being rescued from his life raft by the crew of an American submarine. It’s a moving reminder that when America has faced challenge and peril, Americans rise to the occasion, willing to risk their very lives to defend freedom and preserve our nation. We’re in your debt, Mr. President. Thank you very, very much. Mr. President, your generation rose to the occasion, first to defeat fascism and then to vanquish the Soviet Union. You left us, your children, a free and strong America. It is why we call yours the greatest generation. It’s now my generation’s turn. How we respond to today’s challenges will define our generation. And it will determine what kind of America we will leave our children, and theirs. America faces a new generation of challenges. Radical violent Islam seeks to destroy us. An emerging China endeavors to surpass our economic leadership. And we’re troubled at home by government overspending, overuse of foreign oil, and the breakdown of the family. Over the last year, we’ve embarked on a national debate on how best to preserve American leadership. Today, I wish to address a topic which I believe is fundamental to America’s greatness: our religious liberty. I’ll also offer perspectives on how my own faith would inform my presidency, if I were elected. There are some who may feel that religion is not a matter to be seriously considered in the context of the weighty threats that face us. If so, they are at odds

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with the nation’s founders, for they, when our nation faced its greatest peril, sought the blessings of the Creator. And further, they discovered the essential connection between the survival of a free land and the protection of religious freedom. In John Adams’ words: “We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion. . . . Our Constitution,” he said, “was made for a moral and religious people.” Freedom requires religion just as religion requires freedom. Freedom opens the windows of the soul so that man can discover his most profound beliefs and commune with God. Freedom and religion endure together, or perish alone. Given our grand tradition of religious tolerance and liberty, some wonder whether there are any questions regarding an aspiring candidate’s religion that are appropriate. I believe there are. And I’ll answer them today. Almost 50 years ago another candidate from Massachusetts explained that he was an American running for president, not a Catholic running for president. Like him, I am an American running for president. I do not define my candidacy by my religion. A person should not be elected because of his faith nor should he be rejected because of his faith. Let me assure you that no authorities of my church, or of any other church for that matter, will ever exert influence on presidential decisions. Their authority is theirs, within the province of church affairs, and it ends where the affairs of the nation begin. As governor, I tried to do the right as best I knew it, serving the law and answering to the Constitution. I did not confuse the particular teachings of my church with the obligations of the office and of the Constitution—and of course, I would not do so as president. I will put no doctrine of any church above the plain duties of the office and the sovereign authority of the law. As a young man, Lincoln described what he called America’s “political religion”— the commitment to defend the rule of law and the Constitution. When I place my hand on the Bible and take the oath of office, that oath becomes my highest promise to God. If I am fortunate to become your president, I will serve no one religion, no one group, no one cause and no one interest. A president must serve only the common cause of the people of the United States. There are some for whom these commitments are not enough. They would prefer it if I would simply distance myself from my religion, say that it’s more a tradition than my personal conviction, or disavow one or another of its precepts. That I will not do. I believe in my Mormon faith and I endeavor to live by it. My faith is the faith of my fathers. I will be true to them and to my beliefs.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Some believe that such a confession of my faith will sink my candidacy. If they are right, so be it. But I think they underestimate the American people. Americans do not respect respecters—excuse me—believers of convenience. Americans tire of those who would jettison their beliefs, even to gain the world. There is one fundamental question about which I often am asked. What do I believe about Jesus Christ? I believe that Jesus Christ is the son of God and the savior of mankind. My church’s beliefs about Christ may not all be the same as those of other faiths. Each religion has its own unique doctrines and history. These are not bases for criticism but rather a test of our tolerance. Religious tolerance would be a shallow principle indeed if it were reserved only for faiths with which we agree. There are some who would have a presidential candidate describe and explain his church’s distinctive doctrines. To do so would enable the very religious test the founders prohibited in the Constitution. No candidate should become the spokesman for his faith. For if he becomes president he will need the prayers of the people of all faiths. I believe that every faith I have encountered draws its adherents closer to God. And in every faith I have come to know, there are features I wish were in my own: I love the profound ceremony of the Catholic Mass, the approachability of God in the prayers of the evangelicals, the tenderness of spirit among the Pentecostals, the confident independence of the Lutherans, the ancient traditions of the Jews, unchanged through the ages, and the commitment to frequent prayer of the Muslims. As I travel across the country and see our towns and cities, I am always moved by the many houses of worship with their steeples, all pointing to heaven, reminding us of the source of life’s blessings. It’s important to recognize that while differences in theology exist between the churches in America, we share a common creed of moral convictions. And where the affairs of our nation are concerned, it’s usually a sound rule to focus on the latter, on the great moral principles that urge us all on a common course. Whether it was the cause of abolition, or civil rights, or the right to life itself, no movement of conscience can succeed in America that cannot speak to the convictions of religious people. We separate church and state affairs in this country, and for good reason. No religion should dictate to the state nor should the state interfere with the free practice of religion. But in recent years, the notion of the separation of church and state has been taken by some well beyond its original meaning. They seek to remove from the public domain any acknowledgment of God. Religion is seen as merely a private affair with no place in public life. It’s as if they are intent on establishing a new religion in America—the religion of secularism. They are wrong.

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The founders proscribed the establishment of a state religion, but they did not countenance the elimination of religion from the public square. We are a nation “under God” and in God, we do indeed trust. We should acknowledge the Creator as did the Founders in ceremony and word. He should remain on our currency, in our pledge, in the teaching of our history, and during the holiday season, nativity scenes and menorahs should be welcome in our public places. Our greatness would not long endure without judges who respect the foundation of faith upon which our constitution rests. I will take care to separate the affairs of government from any religion, but I will not separate us from ’the God who gave us liberty.’ Nor would I separate us from our religious heritage. Perhaps the most important question to ask a person of faith who seeks a political office, is this: Does he share these American values—the equality of human kind, the obligation to serve one another and a steadfast commitment to liberty? They are not unique to any one denomination. They belong to the great moral inheritance we hold in common. They’re the firm ground on which Americans of different faiths meet and stand as a nation, united. We believe that every single human being is a child of God—we’re all part of the human family. The conviction of the inherent and inalienable worth of every life is still the most revolutionary political proposition ever advanced. John Adams put it that we are “thrown into the world all equal and alike.” The consequence of our common humanity is our responsibility to one another, to our fellow Americans foremost, but also to every child of God. It’s an obligation which is fulfilled by Americans every day, here and across the globe, without regard to creed or race or nationality. Americans acknowledge that liberty is a gift of God, not an indulgence of government. No people in the—No people in the history of the world have sacrificed as much for liberty. The lives of hundreds of thousands of America’s sons and daughters were laid down during the last century to preserve freedom, for us and for freedom loving people throughout the world. America took nothing from that century’s terrible wars—no land from Germany or Japan or Korea, no treasure, no oath of fealty. America’s resolve in the defense of liberty has been tested time and again. It has not been found wanting, nor must it ever be. America must never falter in holding high the banner of freedom. These American values, this great moral heritage, is shared and lived in my religion as it is in yours. I was taught in my home to honor God and love my neighbor. I saw my father march with Martin Luther King. I saw my parents provide compassionate care to others, in personal ways to people nearby, and in just as consequential ways in leading national volunteer movements. I am moved

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS by the Lord’s words: “For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat. I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink. I was a stranger, and ye took me in. Naked, and ye clothed me.” My faith is grounded on these truths. You can witness them in Ann and my marriage and in our family. We’re a long way from perfect and we have surely stumbled along the way, but our aspirations, our values, are the self-same as those from the other faiths that stand upon this common foundation. And these convictions will indeed inform my presidency. Today’s generations of Americans have always known religious liberty. Perhaps we forget the long and arduous path our nation’s forebears took to achieve it. They came here from England to seek freedom of religion. But upon finding it for themselves, they at first denied it to others. Because of their diverse beliefs, Ann Hutchinson was exiled from Massachusetts Bay, Roger Williams founded Rhode Island, and two centuries later, Brigham Young set out for the West. Americans were unable to accommodate their commitment to their own faith with an appreciation for the convictions of others to different faiths. In this, they were very much like those of the European nations they had left. It was in Philadelphia that our founding fathers defined a revolutionary vision of liberty, grounded on self evident truths about the equality of all, and the inalienable rights with which each is endowed by his Creator. We cherish these sacred rights, and secure them in our Constitutional order. Foremost do we protect religious liberty, not as a matter of policy but as a matter of right. There will be no established church, and we are guaranteed the free exercise of our religion. I’m not sure that we fully appreciate the profound implications of our tradition of religious liberty. I’ve visited many of the magnificent cathedrals in Europe. They are so inspired, so grand and so empty. Raised up over generations, long ago, so many of the cathedrals now stand as the postcard backdrop to societies just too busy or too ’enlightened’ to venture inside and kneel in prayer. The establishment of state religions in Europe did no favor to Europe’s churches. And though you will find many people of strong faith there, the churches themselves seem to be withering away. Infinitely worse is the other extreme, the creed of conversion by conquest: violent jihad, murder as martyrdom, killing Christians, Jews, and Muslims with equal indifference. These radical Islamists do their preaching not by reason or example, but in the coercion of minds and the shedding of blood. We face no greater danger today than theocratic tyranny, and the boundless suffering these states and groups could inflict if given the chance.

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The diversity of our cultural expression, and the vibrancy of our religious dialogue, has kept America in the forefront of civilized nations even as others regard religious freedom as something to be destroyed. In such a world, we can be deeply thankful that we live in a land where reason and religion are friends and allies in the cause of liberty, joined against the evils and dangers of the day. And you can be—You can be certain of this: Any believer in religious freedom, any person who has knelt in prayer to the Almighty, has a friend and ally in me. And so it is for hundreds of millions of our countrymen: We do not insist on a single strain of religion—rather, we welcome our nation’s symphony of faith. Recall the early days of the first Continental Congress in Philadelphia, during the fall of 1774. With Boston occupied by British troops, there were rumors of imminent hostilities and fears of an impending war. In this time of peril, someone suggested that they pray. But there were objections. “They were too divided in religious sentiment,” what with Episcopalians and Quakers, Anabaptists and Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Catholics. Then Sam Adams rose, and said he would hear a prayer from anyone of piety and good character, as long as they were a patriot. And so together they prayed, and together they fought, and together, by the grace of God, they founded this great nation. And in that spirit, let us give thanks to the divine “author of liberty.” And together, let us pray that this land may always be blessed, “with freedom’s holy light.” God bless this great land, the United States of America.

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Hillary Rodham Clinton, 2008 Secretary of State, Senator, lawyer, former First Lady. Hillary Diane Rodham (1947– ) was born in Chicago, Illinois. She became active in young Republican groups and campaigned for Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater in 1964. She was inspired to public service by a speech by the Reverend Martin Luther King, and became a Democrat in 1968. Clinton attended Wellesley College and was Senior Class president before she graduated in 1969. She attended Yale Law School, where she met future husband and U.S. President, Bill Clinton. In early 2007, Hillary Clinton announced her plans to attempt another first—the first female president of the United States. During the 2008 Democratic Primaries, Senator Clinton conceded the nomination when it became apparent that nominee Barack Obama held a majority of the delegate vote. She will serve as Secretary of State under President Barack Obama. Exit polls during the presidential primaries ion 2008 indicated that Clinton did well with religious Democrats and church attendees, along with white and Hispanic Catholics and Protestants. Many Americans, however, had developed an image of Mrs. Clinton as a very secular politician. This is despite Mrs. Clinton profession of a strong faith, which she wrote about in two books. She has attended Methodist churches for most of her life. Clinton acknowledged that the power of her faith sustained her during former President Bill Clinton’s infidelity. “I am very grateful that I had a grounding in faith that gave me the courage and the strength to do what I thought was right . . . am not sure I would have gotten through it without my faith.” Much of Clinton’s faith is reflected in her sense of social responsibility, and her commitment to improving the world through social action.

Hillary Clinton’s Speech on Faith, Delivered to a Baptist Convention, Atlanta Georgia, January 31, 2008 Good afternoon. This is, as every day is, the day that the lord hath made so let us rejoice and be glad in it. It is a great honor for me to be here with all of you today. I want to thank Dr. Shaw for his leadership; I want to thank Reverend Thurston for his, as well. Dr. T. DeWitt Smith Jr. for his stewardship and leadership and Dr. P.T Robertson. These four leaders, bringing people together today, deserve our appreciation and our prayers. It is a challenging but necessary endeavor. I should begin by acknowledging that my husband is a Baptist and I have learned during our marriage from sitting around the kitchen table that Baptists have quite the tradition of disagreement. Bill and I have been talking and debating since we first met over thirty-five years ago. Sometimes the decibel level can rise, depending on the passion of the moment, but as you know, that is how we learn— by exploring our differences. By coming to understand that what we share is so much bigger than what separates us. That is how we come to a place of unity and that is what you are doing here, this week. I understand that this is only the second time that the four conventions have come together as one. You are here guided in the spirit of hope by the one who is faithful to us in all things. As we gather today I am reminded of the scripture from Hebrews, which tells us, “Let us hold unswervingly to the hope we profess, for he who comes is faithful and let us consider how we may serve one another on towards love and good deeds. Let

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us not give up meeting together—as some are in the habit of doing—but let us encourage one another and all the more as you see the day approaching.” I grew up in a different faith tradition, as a Methodist. I know there is at least one bishop from my tradition here who came to show solidarity. I appreciate that. Much like all of you, I was taught from a very early age that my faith carried with it certain obligations. It was my youth minister who took us to see Dr. King preach about our responsibility to our fellow citizens. It was that famous sermon, staying awake though the revolution. It transformed my life as it did so many others who had the great honor to hear directly from Dr. King the calling to be more than on our own, any of us could be. I have been a praying person, luckily, my entire life. I’m often asked whether or not I am. I am quick to tell people that I was raised by parents who were prayerful and by a church that guided me but had I not been a praying person, one week in the White House would’ve turned me into a praying person. Everyday I try to act on the lessons of my faith, to reach that higher place. Yet, so often, like all of us, I fall short. But each new day, I keep striving and praying to work harder, to correct my imperfections, to improve on the day before and on the day before that. That’s what I’ve tried to do in my personal life but also in every aspect of my public life. That’s how I try to go about the work of breaking barriers and expanding opportunities. Work that I, myself have benefited from throughout my life. That is how I practice my faith. I’m living by the scripture that says we are all members of God’s household. That we are called, not asked, not urged, not requested, nor ordered, but called to love one another as Jesus has loved us. Now, I’m not talking about love that comes easy. I’m not talking about the greeting card kind of love. I’m talking about the kind of love that is hard. The deeper, more powerful love in Corinthians that bears all things, believes all things, hopes all things, endures all things. I’m talking about the kind of love that we have seen in action. The love that fills the heart of my friend, Congressman John Lewis, a man that lead the march in Selma that ended with tear gas, hoses and the crack of the nightstick against his skull as he knelt down to pray. As he knelt down the pray, that nightstick came up and down on a praying man’s head. That was just one of the many times John was attacked on his journey for justice. But those of us know John Lewis know that he doesn’t harbor hate in any fiber of his being. That’s the kind of love I’m talking about. I’m talking about the love that fills the heart of President Nelson Mandela. I’ve had the honor of getting to know him over the years and I attended his inauguration. I will never forget how he stood up on that stage and said how proud he was to welcome all of the dignitaries in attendance, but there were three people he especially wanted to welcome. Then he asked three of his jailers from Robin

RELIGION AND THE LAW: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS Island to stand. After twenty-seven years in prison at hard labor, he invited them to share that day. He later told me that, “I knew if I didn’t leave my bitterness and hatred behind, I’d still be in prison.” That’s the kind of love I’m talking about. **** Scripture tells us we cannot just be ‘hearers’ of the word we must be ‘doers’. We are told that faith without works is dead. I have lived long enough by now to know that works without faith is just too hard. If you cannot dip into that righteous stream and replenish your soul, it is overwhelming, isn’t it. As I look at the work yet to be finished, I believe we are all called upon to be both hearers and doers. We are called to face the inaction, to deliver real solutions to the real problems that our people are facing. That is the affirmation of our love. I often taught a Sunday School class when I was in Arkansas, and we talked and talked a lot about loving ones neighbor as oneself. I was struck by how absolutely brilliant Jesus was. We really can’t love someone if we don’t love ourselves, can we. If we don’t believe in and have respect for this great gift we have been given, it’s hard to reach out and love someone, a neighbor, a friend. Then of course to be called upon to love ones enemy seems totally unrealistic in the world we live in. It’s hard enough getting through the day. But it is what we are called to do. We have to put that calling into action, not only in our individual lives but throughout our society. **** Will all of this be easy? Of course not. Will we get it done all at once? No, but we will make our greatest efforts, just as all of you have done. That is at the heart of what brings you together—your work every day on the front lines of our communities addressing some of our most difficult challenges: poverty and hunger, HIV/AIDS and disease, disaster relief and so much more. It is a role that your churches have played throughout our nation’s history. Our churches have served as a bedrock of our community, a refuge in times of need, the heart of our great movement for justice. You cannot have the right kind of change without justice. Change happens whether we want it or not—that is a part of life. What we must be committed to is change with justice, change that makes a difference in the lives of every single American. We know that we have a lot of work to do but I come before you with the hope that this great nation that we love, that has given all of us so much, whose struggles, trials and tribulations over the centuries have both broken hearts and inspired us, that we will once again begin acting like Americans. There isn’t anything our nation can’t do to heal up the wounds that have been inflicted, make it possible for each and every person to again feel he or she counts. We can do this. We can lift up the spirits of those most in need. And our country deserves a president who rolls up his or her sleeves and joins you as a partner in that work.

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That is what I wish to do, to work with you to spur not just each other but all Americans towards love and good deeds and to renew the promise of this great nation. Thank you and God bless America.

Chronology of Religion and the Law in the United States, 1776–2009

1776 July 4

The Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence of the thirteen states of America.

1786 January 16

The Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom was enacted by the general assembly of the state. It grants freedom of religion to all, ends formal support to an established church, and forbids government infringement of religion. This landmark document, written by Thomas Jefferson in 1779, was a forerunner of the religious clauses of the First Amendment.

1787 September 17

The federal convention adopted the U.S. Constitution, prohibiting religious tests to determine eligibility for federal office, and sent it to the thirteen American states for ratification.

1788 June 21

Nine of the thirteen states ratified the U.S. Constitution.

1789 March 4

The U.S. Constitution took effect as the fundamental law of the United States.

June 8

James Madison proposed his original version of twelve constitutional amendments, known as the Bill of Rights. The current First Amendment is the third of the original twelve.

September 24

Congress approved the current language of the religion clauses of the First Amendment, which was sent as part of the Bill of Rights for the states to ratify. The two religion clauses are the Establishment Clause,

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CHRONOLOGY which prohibits any law “respecting an establishment of religion” and the Free Exercise Clause, which protects the “free exercise” of religion.

1790 August

President George Washington sent a letter to the Newport Jewish Congregation that expressed his views on religious freedom and condemned religious bigotry.

1791 November 3

The Bill of Rights, including the First Amendment, became effective.

1802 January 1

Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to the Danbury Baptist Association, wrote that the purpose of the First Amendment was to erect a “wall of separation” between church and state; this language became important in church and state jurisprudence, because it evidenced Jefferson’s belief that the First Amendment called for a strict separation of church and state.

1810 Congress enacted a statute creating a national postal system with Sunday mail delivery and Sunday post office hours. Objections from those who wanted to maintain Sunday as a holy day led to the eventual end (in 1912) of Sunday mail delivery for most of the United States.

1811 February 28

James Madison discussed his broad interpretation of the Establishment Clause in his veto of a bill that would have granted land for a church in Salem, Mississippi.

1813 July 23

President James Madison issued a proclamation making the second Thursday of September a national day of public humiliation and prayer. Madison later wrote in the “Detached Memorandum” in 1820 that he believed this practice was an improper interjection of religion in the business of government.

1833 February 16

The U.S. Supreme Court held, in Barron v. Mayor of Baltimore, that the Bill of Rights protected the rights of individuals only against the federal,

CHRONOLOGY not state, government. The religion clauses, thus, could not be used to challenge any action of state government impacting religion.

1833 Through an amendment to its constitution, Massachusetts became the last state to disestablish its official church (Congregational), thus ending the practice of tax-supported churches in the states.

1838 March

The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court upheld the conviction of newspaper editor Abner Kneeland under the state’s blasphemy statute, for offenses such as denying Jesus’ virgin birth and resurrection, and referring to clergymen as hypocrites.

1862 July 2

The Morrill Act, directed against the Mormon practice of polygamy, is enacted, allowing the federal government to prosecute bigamy in the federal territories.

1866 June 13

The U.S. Congress proposed the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which was intended to protect the civil rights of individuals against state government actions.

1868 July 9

The states ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, and it became effective. During the twentieth century, the U.S. Supreme Court used the Fourteenth Amendment to apply the First Amendment religion clauses to decide cases between individuals and actions of state governments.

1879 January 6

In Reynolds v. United States, the first case to apply the religion clauses of the First Amendment, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a conviction under the federal polygamy law and the Mormon practice of polygamy in the Utah Territory. The court distinguished between religious belief which is always protected, and action based on religion, which is sometimes protected (belief/action dichotomy).

1882 March 22

Congress passed the Edmunds Act, outlawing polygamy. This statute specifically targeted the Mormon Church.

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1890 May 19

In Late Corporation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the seizure of LDS Church property under a statute authorizing the seizure of property belonging to any organization that supports polygamy.

September 25

Wilford Woodruff, President of the LDS Church, issued the Woodruff Manifesto which renounced the practice of polygamy. The church formally adopted the manifesto on October 6, 1890.

1899 December 4

In Bradfield v. Roberts, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously held that a contract was constitutional between the District of Columbia and a Catholic hospital, in which the District would fund the construction of a building at the hospital. The court held that the Establishment Clause was not violated, because the case was simply a “secular corporation being managed by people who hold to the doctrines of the Catholic Church.”

1907 Kansas became the first state to require public school students to salute the flag.

1908 May 18

In Quick Bear v. Leupp, the U.S. Supreme Court approved a contract between the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Bureau of Catholic Missions for the education of American Indians on Sioux reservations, holding that the Establishment Clause had not been violated.

1910 The Illinois Supreme Court forbade Bible reading in public schools, holding that using the King James Bible discriminated against Catholic children. Catholic children could be excused, but the court held that this exclusion stigmatized the children, and was not permissible.

1914 June 22

In St. Benedict Order v. Steinhauser, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that property belonging to a deceased member of the religious order belongs to the order after his death. The court found this because, under the order’s constitution, members’ earnings and acquisitions would go into the common fund and, except as required for the maintenance of the members, should be used to conduct the charitable works of the Order.

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1918 January 7

In Arver v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the exemptions from the draft provided in the Military Service Act for members of the clergy, theological students, and members of pacifist religious sects comply with both the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses.

1919 January 16

The Eighteenth Amendment (the “prohibition amendment”) forbidding the manufacture and possession of alcohol is ratified, and went into effect in 1920.

1923 Oklahoma enacted the first state statute prohibiting the teaching of Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution. Many Christian fundamentalists supported anti-evolution statutes, believing that evolution contradicts the Genesis account of creation.

1925 June 1

In Pierce v. Society of Sisters, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Oregon statute prohibiting students to be educated at non-public schools unreasonably interfered with the liberty of parents to direct the education of children under their control, and was therefore unconstitutional. The court also said that the state had no power to standardize its children by forcing them to accept instructions from public teachers only.

1927 July

The so-called “Scopes Monkey Trial” occurred in Dayton, Tennessee. Famed attorney Clarence Darrow represented high school biology teacher John Scopes, who was charged with violating a Tennessee statute prohibiting the teaching of evolution in public schools. Although John Scopes was found guilty and fined $100, the conviction was overturned on a technicality.

1929 May 27

In U.S. v. Schwimmer, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the denial of naturalized citizenship to a woman who, based on her pacifist beliefs as a Quaker, said: “I would not take up arms personally in defense of the country.” The majority viewed this refusal as a violation of a “fundamental principle of the constitution,” namely the duty of citizens by force of arms to defend our government. The minority, however,

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1931 May 25

In U.S. v. MacIntosh, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that applicants for naturalization must agree under oath to accept the requirements as specified by the statute in order to qualify for citizenship. The court, thus, upheld the denial of the applicant’s naturalization application, because he conditioned his agreement to fight only if he believed such defense was in the best interest of humanity and morally right.

1934 December 3

In Hamilton v. Regents of California, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the free exercise claims of students who were expelled from a state university for refusing to participate in the required classes in military instruction on religious grounds.

1938 March 28

In Lovell v. City of Griffin a Jehovah’s Witness was arrested for passing out religious literature on the street in violation of a city ordinance that required a permit signed by the city manager. The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that the city ordinance was an unconstitutional violation of freedom of the press.

1939 November 22

In Schneider v. Irvington, New Jersey, the U.S. Supreme Court held unconstitutional a city ordinance that prohibited the distribution of leaflets on public property. The court recognized the city’s interest in reducing litter and keeping its streets clean, but stated that this was not sufficiently compelling to prohibit a person rightfully on a public street from handing out literature to those willing to receive it.

1940 May 20

In Cantwell v. Connecticut the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the conviction of Jehovah’s Witnesses for disturbing the peace. The court ruled that the free exercise of religion could not be infringed on by the state governments, the first time the U.S. Supreme Court used the doctrine of selective incorporation to apply the First Amendment’s free exercise of religion clause against a state government.

June 3

In Minersville School District v. Gobitis, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a West Virginia statute requiring Jehovah’s Witness students to salute the flag in public schools, despite their religious objections, did

CHRONOLOGY not violate the free exercise of religion, and upheld the expulsion of the Jehovah’s Witness students.

1943 March 8

In Jamison v. State of Texas, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the conviction of a Jehovah’s Witness charged with violating a city handbill ordinance. The court ruled that the ordinance was an unconstitutional violation of freedom of the press and of religion clauses of the First Amendment, reasoning that although the state may prohibit the use of the streets for the distribution of purely commercial leaflets, it may not prohibit the distribution of handbills in the pursuit of a clearly religious activity.

May 3

In Murdock v. Pennsylvania, (1943), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that requiring a license tax imposed by a city ordinance requiring licensing of door-to-door solicitation was an unconstitutional violation of the Free Exercise Clause.

June 14

In West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, (overruling Gobitis, above), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a West Virginia statute requiring mandatory recital of the pledge of allegiance and flag salutes in public schools, as a violation of the Establishment Clause.

1944 April 24

In United States v. Ballard, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the truth or falsity of the Defendants alleged religious experience could not be examined, but the court also held that the Defendants were guilty of mail fraud if they themselves did not believe what they represented. Justice Jackson observed in his minority opinion, however, that it “would be an impossible task for juries to separate fancied [religious] experience from real ones, dreams from happenings, and hallucinations from true clairvoyance.”

1945 June 11

The U.S. Supreme Court, in In re Summers, upheld Illinois denial of admission to the bar of a federally certified conscientious objector. By a 5-to-4 vote, the Court rejected the claim of the applicant who was disqualified solely because of his religious objections against military service. Justice Black, in dissent, said that a state statute requiring all lawyers to take an oath to uphold the state constitution, which allows the drafting of conscientious objectors, violates Art. VI, cl. 3.

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1946 January 2

In Chatwin v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed convictions of the 68-year-old leader of the polygamist FLDS church, charged with kidnapping a 15-year-old girl he impregnated, on grounds of insufficient evidence that her taking was involuntary.

March 12

In Cleveland v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that polygamists violated the Mann Act, which prohibits the transportation in interstate commerce of any woman or girl for the purpose of prostitution or debauchery, or for any other immoral purpose.

1947 February 10

In Everson v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld that the state of New Jersey could reimburse parents for the cost of transportation of students to private religious schools. The provision of bus service was not a direct subsidy, but a peripheral or incidental benefit, similar to providing school fire and police protection. The court ruled that the aid went to students or their parents, not directly to the school. In Everson, the Supreme Court for the first time announced that the Establishment Clause also applies to the states.

1948 March 8

In the case of Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court prohibited the use of public school buildings for “release time” religious instruction. McCollum was the first of several cases that prohibited school-sponsored religious expression.

1952 May 26

In Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the New York Education Law forbidding the commercial showing of any movie without a license and authorizing denial of a license on the Board of Regents of the State University of New York’s conclusion that a film is “sacrilegious.” The ruling was based on freedom of speech and of the press under the First Amendment. In Zorach v. Clausen, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a “release time” program held off of public school grounds, a program in which a public school dismisses students in order to attend religion classes away from the public schools.

1953 March 3

In Fowler v. Rhode Island, a unanimous U.S. Supreme Court invalidated the conviction of a Jehovah’s Witness sentenced under a municipal ordinance that, as construed and applied, prohibited him from preaching

CHRONOLOGY at a public park, although other religious groups could freely hold religious services there. The court found that this ordinance violated the Religious Clauses which prohibit preference.

1954 June 14

Congress added the phrase “under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance partly to distinguish the United States from the officially atheistic Soviet Union during the Cold War.

1956 In the midst of the Cold War, Congress adopted “In God We Trust” as the official motto of the United States.

1960 December 8

Madalyn Murray (later O’Hair) filed a lawsuit in Baltimore to end required Bible readings and recitations of the Lord’s Prayer in public schools.

1961 May 29

In McGowan v. Maryland, the U.S. Supreme Court found that the Sunday Closing “blue” Law, in which the state set aside Sunday as a day of rest, did not violate the Establishment Clause. The Supreme Court held that while the original purpose may have been religious, there became secular reasons supporting the practice, such as to give employees a uniform day of rest.

June 19

In Torcaso v. Watkins, the U.S. Supreme Court found that the Maryland test for public office that required belief in God was unconstitutional because it violated an applicant’s freedom of religion.

May 29

In Braunfeld v. Brown, the Supreme Court rejected a free exercise claim against Pennsylvania’s Sunday Closing law, by Abraham Braunfeld, an orthodox Jew, who closed his store on Saturday, the day of his Sabbath, and wished to be open on Sunday.

1962 April 6

The Maryland Court of Appeals ruled 4-3 against Madalyn Murray (later O’Hair) in her case to prohibit required Bible readings and recitations of the Lord’s Prayer in public school.

June 25

In Engel v. Vitale, the Supreme Court ruled that state-created prayer in public school is unconstitutional. This case involved a nondenominational school prayer written by the New York State Board of Regents and held that the Establishment Clause prohibited state officials

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CHRONOLOGY from composing an official state prayer to be recited in the public schools, even if the prayer is denominationally neutral and pupils who wish to do so may remain silent or be excused. Justice Black, writing for the Court, said that it is “no part of the business of government to compose official prayers.”

1963 June 17

In Abington School District v. Schempp, the U.S. Supreme Court again declared that organized prayer in public schools violated the Establishment Clause. Schempp prohibited both the school-sponsored recitation of the Lord’s prayer and school-sponsored Bible reading in public schools, which began classes every day at Abington Township.

June 17

It was ruled in Sherbert v. Verner that a Seventh-day Adventist who refused to work on her day of religious observance may not be denied unemployment compensation. This case held that rules that infringe on religious principles are constitutional only if the infringement cased by the rules is needed to advance a compelling state interest.

1964 June 1

In Chamberlin et al. v. Dade County Public Instruction Board, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that devotional Bible reading and reciting prayers in Florida public schools are unconstitutional.

July 2

Congress passes Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbidding religious discrimination. This measure protects religious belief and religious practice outside the workplace, but only religious belief inside the workplace, which, a later amendment stated, is protected only if an employer can do so without undue hardship.

1965 March 8

In United States v. Seeger, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that, the test of religious belief within the meaning of the conscientious objector exemption is whether it is a sincere and meaningful belief occupying in the life of its possessor, a place parallel to that filled by the God of those admittedly qualified for the exemption.

1968 April 11

The Indian Bill of Rights extended the Bill of Rights to Native Americans, but exempted tribes from the Establishment Clause. The tribes, thus, retained their traditional right to establish religion if they chose to do so.

November 12

In Epperson v. Arkansas, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that a state statute making it unlawful for a teacher in any state-

CHRONOLOGY supported school or university to teach or to use a textbook that teaches evolution violates the Establishment Clause.

1970 May 14

In Walz v. Tax Commission, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld tax exemptions for churches, stating that the practice is supported by history and public policy. Tax exemptions must be given to all bona fide (legitimate) churches in order for the policy to comply with the Equal Protection Clause.

1971 June 28

In Lemon v. Kurtzman, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Pennsylvania statutes authorizing payment of salary supplements by the state to public school teachers who taught secular topics in religious schools violated the Establishment Clause, because the statute required state officials to become involved with religious school procedures and oversight, resulting in an excessive entanglement between government and religion. Justice Burger, writing for the Court, articulated the three prong Lemon test to determine whether the state’s action was constitutional under the Establishment Clause; if so, the law 1) must have a secular purpose; 2) must neither advance or inhibit religion as its primary effect, and 3) must not create an excessive entanglement for the government with religion.

1972 March 20

In Cruz v. Beto, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Texas violated a Buddhist prisoner’s Free Exercise rights by denying him a reasonable opportunity to pursue his Buddhist faith comparable to that offered other prisoners adhering to other religious faiths. This case marked the beginning of an era in which the courts were more willing to protect the religious rights of prisoners.

May 15

The U.S. Supreme Court, in Wisconsin v. Yoder, allowed Amish families to remove their children from public schools. Yoder also further developed the “compelling interest test.”

1973 January 22

The U.S. Supreme Court, in the landmark case Roe v. Wade, declared unconstitutional a Texas state statute restricting abortions and recognizing a right to abortion under certain circumstances. Through cases such as Griswold v. Connecticut (U.S. 1962) and Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court developed a body of jurisprudence that the Constitution protects a person’s to privacy, particularly in issues pertaining to children and procreation.

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1978 April 19

In McDaniel v. Paty, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Tennessee constitutional provision prohibiting all members of the clergy from public office violates a person’s free exercise rights because it conditions his right to the free exercise of his religion on waiving the right to seek office.

August 11

Congress enacted the American Indian Religious Freedom Act, which sought to compel the federal government to respect the religious rights of Native Americans, but the U.S. Supreme Court largely ignored it.

1980 November 17

In Stone v. Graham, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that a Kentucky statute requiring the posting of a copy of the Ten Commandments, purchased with private contributions, on the wall of each public school classroom in the state, had no secular legislative purpose, and therefore was in violation of the Establishment Clause.

1982 The U.S. House of Representatives attempted a failed attempt to enact an amendment allowing school prayers. June 14

In the United States v. Lee, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the imposition of social security taxes is not unconstitutional to those who object on religious grounds.

1983 July 5

In Marsh v. Chambers, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Nebraska’s employment of a legislative chaplain did not violate the Establishment Clause.

June 29

In Mueller v. Allen, the U.S. Supreme Court allowed parents to take tax deductions for expenses in both public and private schools, the first decision upholding such a tax code provision.

1984 March 5

In Lynch v. Donnelly, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Annual Christmas display in a park owned by a nonprofit organization did not violate the Establishment Clause.

August 11

Congress enacted the Equal Access Act, which ordered schools to allow equal access to all groups of students who seek to meet. Thus, schools were not permitted to prohibit student groups purely on religious grounds.

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1985 June 4

In Wallace v. Jaffree, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Alabama Statute authorizing a moment of silence in all public schools “for meditation or voluntary prayer” was an unconstitutional violation of the Establishment Clause. In her concurring opinion, Justice O’Connor suggested the “endorsement test” to clarify the Lemon test, i.e., the Establishment Clause is violated if government intends its action to endorse or disapprove of a religion, or if a reasonable observer would perceive the government’s action as such an endorsement or disapproval.

1986 March 25

The U.S. Supreme Court, in Goldman v. Weinberger, held that the Secretary of Defense may enforce military dress code regulations that would forbid observant Jews from wearing their yarmulkes while in uniform.

June 11

In Bowen v. Roy, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Free Exercise Clause does not compel the government to accommodate a religiously based objection to the statutory requirements that a Social Security number be provided by an applicant seeking to receive certain welfare benefits.

1987 June 19

In Edwards v. Aguillard, the U.S. Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of Louisiana’s Balanced Treatment Act for Creation Science in Public School Act, which required that evolution and creation science be taught equally, if either is taught at all. The court ruled that the statute violated the Establishment Clause because it lacked a clear secular purpose.

November 30

The U.S. Supreme Court allowed, in Lyng v. Northwest Indian CPA, that a road be built through sacred Indian lands, acknowledging that the road would in fact harm their religious practice.

1988 Congress enacts legislation ordering the secretary of defense to ignore the Goldman decision (see 1986, above) and to allow some religious exceptions to military dress codes.

1989 January 9

In Dodge v. Salvation Army, a Mississippi district court ruled that religious organizations receiving federal, state, and local government funding may not discriminate against people whose religion they object

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CHRONOLOGY to, in the provision of government funded services. Here, the court found in favor of a pagan and against the Defendant, the Salvation Army.

July 3

In Allegheny County v. ACLU, the plaintiffs sought to permanently enjoin the county from displaying a nativity, and the city from displaying a menorah, on the grounds that they violated the Establishment Clause.

October 31

In Jimmy Swaggart Ministries v. Board of Equalization of California, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously held that California’s imposition of a sales tax on the sale of religious materials did not unconstitutionally interfere with a religious practice and did not violate either the Free Exercise Clause or the Establishment Clause.

1990 April 17

In Employment Division v. Smith, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed decisions such as Sherbert v. Verner (1963) and Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972), and held that only a rational relationship is needed between a state interest and a law before the state can burden the free exercise of religion if the law is neutral in terms of religion. The court further held the Free Exercise Clause never relieves an individual of the obligation to comply with a valid and neutral law of general applicability.

June 4

Using the Lemon test, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Board of Education of the Westside Community Schools v. Mergens, upheld the constitutionality of the federal Equal Access Act, which was enacted to provide equal access to public school facilities for religious groups and clubs. The court held that although there was some involvement of school officials in the Mergens case, this did not rise to be the prohibited “entanglement” with religion, nor was it an endorsement of any particular religion.

1992 June 24

A divided U.S. Supreme Court, in Lee v. Weisman, held that clergy-led prayer at public school graduation ceremonies violated the Establishment Clause, even when the prayer is non-denominational, and done on behalf of school authorities. Justice Kennedy, in the majority opinion, wrote that the public atmosphere created an improper coercion on students, which amounted to proselytizing.

November 4

In Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously invalidated city ordinances outlawing animal sacrifices, ruling that the ban violated the Free Exercise Clause. The Santeria sect conducted animal sacrifices to celebrate births, marriages, and deaths.

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1993 June 7

In Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches School District, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a school district could not deny access to school facilities to a church group that wanted to present a film on child rearing. As the film was only shown to the church group after school hours, the court held that any benefit to the group was merely “incidental.”

June 18

In Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the Establishment Clause was not violated when a California school district provided a sign language interpreter for a deaf high school student. The court held that there was no violation when the parochial school received only an “attenuated financial benefit” from the educational programs that provided benefits neutrally without reference to the student’s religious affiliation.

November 18

Congress enacted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in order to reverse Employment Division v. Smith (1990) and restore the compelling state interest test used in the Sherbert (1963) and Yoder (1972) decisions. The statute was intended to protect the free exercise of religion, not to protect against the establishment of religion by the government. The act was challenged on the grounds that Congress had improperly usurped the role of the courts.

1995 March 31

The ACLU sued Alabama Judge Roy Moore, charging that his display of the Ten Commandments, and his practice of initiating courtroom proceedings with a prayer, violated the First Amendment.

June 29

The U.S. Supreme Court, in Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of University of Virginia (1995) held that a state university that used student funds to support campus clubs and organizations may not withhold funds from a religious group to publish their Christian magazine.

August

The U.S. Department of Education issued guidelines on the extent to which religious activity could be allowed in public schools. These guidelines allow student prayer and Bible readings that are not disruptive.

November

Representative Ernest Istook (R-OK) introduced a constitutional amendment that would allow organized school prayer in public schools. Supporters were The Christian Coalition and other conservative Christian groups; opponents were those Christian groups who stressed strict church-state separation.

December 15

In Doe v. Duncanville Independent School District, the courts ruled that the singing of traditional choir music in school was not an endorsement of religion and therefore could continue. This case was filed by a student

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CHRONOLOGY who objected to both the school’s basketball team’s practice of praying at games, pep rallies, etc. and to the choir’s singing of religious hymns. The school halted prayers at pep rallies, but not other religious practices, leading to the lawsuit.

1996 The Wisconsin State legislature expanded Milwaukee’s voucher program, in which parents of school-age children could use government vouchers to pay for school tuition, to include private and parochial schools. The practice was challenged as a violation of the Establishment Clause.

1997 The U.S. House of Representatives voted 224–203 in favor of a bill allowing voluntary school prayer, falling short of the required two thirds majority. March 5

The U.S. House of Representatives voted 295-125 to support Judge Roy Moore, a local judge in Alabama who refused to remove a Ten Commandments plaque from his courtroom.

June 23

The U.S. Supreme Court in Agostini v. Felton overturned its 1985 ruling in Aguilar v. Felton that held that remedial education funded by federal aid under Title I could not take place in parochial school buildings.

1998 June 18

In Jackson v. Basson, the Wisconsin Supreme Court declares the voucher Milwaukee Parental Choice Program to be constitutional.

1999 February 7

Judy Poag (D) proposed a bill in the Georgia legislature requiring public school districts to display the Ten Commandments.

March

Eight legislators in New Hampshire sponsored a bill to allow individual school districts to have students recite the Christian Lord’s prayer in school.

May 3

In Combs v. Central Texas Annual, the court ruled that a church could not be sued for gender discrimination after a female pastor was terminated.

December 20

In Baker v. Vermont, the Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the State Constitution entitled same-sex couples to the same benefits as heterosexual couples.

CHRONOLOGY

2000 March 31

The Kentucky General Assembly enacted a Joint Resolution requiring public schools to include lessons on Christian influences on America and calling for the display of the Ten Commandments in schools and on State Capitol grounds.

April

The Vermont Legislature enacted a law allowing gay and lesbian couples the right to join in civil unions.

June 19

In Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the school district’s policy of permitting student-led prayer at football games violated the Establishment Clause.

June 28

The U.S. Supreme Court permitted, in Mitchell v. Helms, state and federal school aid programs to provide material and equipment to parochial schools.

September 22

President Bill Clinton signed the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) into law. RLUIPA provides prisoners a powerful tool for challenging prison regulations that burden their religious freedom.

December 13

The 7th Circuit Court of Appeals, in Elkhart v. Books, ruled that a Fraternal Order of Eagles Ten Commandments monument at an Indiana city hall was unconstitutional. Using the Lemon test, the Seventh Circuit determined that the monument did not have a secular purpose.

2001 January 29

President George W. Bush created the White House Office of Faith Based Initiatives, which was intended to help religiously-affiliated organizations obtain federal financial support, and to expand charitable choice through all federally funded social welfare programs.

May 29

In Elkhart v. Books, the U.S. Supreme Court let stand a 7th Circuit Court ruling that found that a Fraternal Order of Eagles Ten Commandments monument on the lawn of an Indiana city hall violated the Establishment Clause.

June 11

The U.S. Supreme Court, in Good News Club v. Milford Central School, ruled that a public elementary school denying after-school access to its facility for student Bible Club meetings, violated the Equal Access Act.

June 28

In Williams v. Lara, the Texas Supreme Court decided that an “all fundamentalist” prison section was unconstitutional, even though the prisoners volunteered to be there, because other religions were excluded.

July 27

In O’Bannon v. Indiana Civil Liberties Union, the 7th Circuit ruled that a monument on state capitol grounds that included the Ten Commandments, Bill of Rights, and Preamble to the Indiana

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CHRONOLOGY Constitution was unconstitutional reasoning that, because the texts were on different sides of the monument, a reasonable observer could neither analytically connect the texts nor realize that the texts were intended to display society’s legal development and history. The court also held that even if a reasonable viewer analytically connected the texts, he or she might conclude that the government was endorsing religion because the monument included the Ten Commandments.

July 31

Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore unveiled a four-foot-tall, 5,000-pound granite display of the Ten Commandments, installed in the rotunda of the Alabama Judicial Building.

October 30

Three lawyers filed a lawsuit to remove Justice Moore’s Ten Commandments (see above), asserting that the monument “constitutes an impermissible endorsement of religion by the state.”

2002 A Rhode Island court ruled that the Free Exercise Clause did not protect the state’s Catholic Archdiocese, who objected to providing documents to plaintiffs who were suing the Archdiocese over sexual abuse by priests. March 14

In Newdow v. U.S. Congress, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that inclusion of the phrase “under God” in the pledge of allegiance violated the Establishment Clause.

June 17

The 6th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled, in Watchtower Society v. Village of Stratton, that it is permissible for local municipalities to require that door-to-door solicitors be required to obtain a permit. The Jehovah’s Witnesses challenged the regulation in the Village of Stratton, Ohio.

June 27

In Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, the U.S. Supreme Court found no Establishment Clause violation by a Cleveland Ohio voucher plan that gave families a state-paid voucher that could be used to pay tuition at private religious schools. Supporters argued that public funds were supporting children and parents, not the private schools. Opponents argued that vouchers might be unconstitutional under some state constitutions with more exacting antiestablishment provisions than the federal constitution.

November 18

U.S. District Judge Myron Thompson ordered the removal of Roy Moore’s Ten Commandments monument (see 2001, above), finding that it violated the Establishment Clause, writing “the . . . monument viewed alone or in the context of its history, placement, and location, has the primary effect of endorsing religion.”

CHRONOLOGY

2003 February 27

U. S. Rep. Lucas (R-OK) introduced a resolution to amend the U. S. Constitution, asserting that it is not “an establishment of religion for teachers in public school to recite, or to lead willing students in the recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance when it contains the phrase ‘under God.’”

March 4

The U. S. Senate voted 94-0 that it “strongly” disapproved of the 9th Circuit Court decision in Newdow v. U.S. Congress (see 2002, above).

March 20

The U.S. House of Representatives voted 400-7 to condemn the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals decision not to reconsider its ruling in Newdow v. U.S. Congress (see 2002 above).

July 1

The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously rejected an appeal from Roy Moore, to maintain his Ten Commandments monument in the rotunda of the Alabama Judicial Building. The court reasoned that if it was allowed, “Every government building could be topped with a cross, or a menorah, or a statue of Buddha, depending upon the views of the officials with authority over the premises.”

November 13

The Alabama Court of the Judiciary removed Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore from office after his refusal to follow U.S. District Judge Myron Thompson’s court order to remove a Ten Commandments monument from the rotunda of the Alabama Judicial Building.

2004 February 17

According to a CNN study spanning 52 years, children made more than 11,000 allegations of sexual abuse by 4,450 Catholic priests. This constitutes 4 percent of the 110,000 priests who served during the years covered by the study.

February 25

In Locke v. Davey, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the State of Washington’s Promise Scholarship program, which awarded state money to academically gifted students, provided that the scholarship was not used to pursue a degree in theology. The court found that this prohibition violated neither the Establishment Clause nor the Free Exercise Clause.

April 13

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted a UN resolution condemning the defamation of religion.

2005 May 31

In a lawsuit filed by a prisoner, Cutter et al. v. Wilkinson, Director, Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction, et al., the U.S. Supreme Court ruled unanimously that RLUIPA was constitutional and a lawful accommodation of religion, and that RLUIPA complies with the

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CHRONOLOGY Establishment Clause because it does not discriminate between particular religions.

June 25

The U.S. Supreme Court held, in Van Orden v. Perry, that the Ten Commandments monument on the state capitol grounds did not violate the Establishment Clause.

2007 February

The U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the plaintiff’s appeal in Skoros v. City of New York, involving religious symbols in public holiday displays. School rules allow Jewish menorahs, Muslim stars and crescents, and Christmas trees in multi-religious holiday displays, but not nativity scenes.

March 8

The California Supreme Court ruled that religious schools may issue tax exempt bonds.

June 25

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled, in Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc., et al., that taxpayers do not have the right to sue to prohibit faith-based initiatives.

September

The ACLU challenged “See You at the Pole” student-directed prayer activities in a Tennessee school district.

December 6

Republican Presidential candidate Mitt Romney gave his “Faith in America” Speech, in which he said his Latter Day Saints Church membership will not dictate his decisions if he were elected.

2008 August 10

In Turner v. City Council of Fredericksburg, the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals said that a council member may not invoke the name of “Jesus Christ” in his prayers to open council meetings, adding that not all prayers are prohibited; only those that “advance a particular religion.”

September

A Separationist group, invoking the Establishment Clause, sued to prevent a land swap, in which Washington D.C. would give a former homeless shelter to Central Union Mission, a non-denominational Christian ministry.

September 18

Rep. Jerold Nadler (D-NY) introduced a bill to allow residents of condominiums and cooperatives to post religious displays on their homes.

September 28

Pulpit Freedom Sunday, when Conservative preachers urged their congregations to support John McCain over Barack Obama for president.

CHRONOLOGY October

Bush Administration lawyers ask the U.S. Supreme Court to hear a 9th Circuit case in which the VFW placed a cross on the Mojave National Preserve as a memorial to fallen service members in 1934.

November 4

California voters approve Proposition 8, making same-sex marriage illegal.

November 12

The U.S. Supreme Court agrees to hear the case of Pleasant Grove v. Summum, in which the Summum religious sect sued the city in order to place their monument next to an existing Ten Commandments monument in a city park.

December 16

A Muslim woman in Georgia was arrested for contempt of court for refusing to remove her hijab, a headscarf mandated by her religion.

December 18

The U.S. military reversed a policy of giving preferential access to some religious organizations to provide literature to new recruits. The Illinois Supreme Court remands Morr-Fitz v. Blagojevich to the lower court without deciding on the state regulation addressing pharmacists who seek to deny providing contraceptives to women on religious grounds.

December 2008– A group of avowed atheists file a lawsuit to prevent Barack Obama from January 2009 saying “so help me God” as part of the presidential oath of office. President Obama took the oath, including the phrase.

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Table of Cases

Abdel-Masieh v. United States, 73 F.3d 579 (5th Cir. 1996) Abington School District v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, 431 U.S. 209 (1977) Abortion Rights Mobilization v. United States Catholic Conference, 495 U.S. 918 (1990) ACLU v. McCreary County, Kentucky, 354 F.3d 438 (6th Cir. 2003), aff’d, 543 U.S. 924 (2005) ACLU v. Schundler, 931 F.Supp. 1180 (D.NJ 1995); 104 F.3d 1435 (3rd Cir. 1997), cert. denied, 520 U.S. 1265 (1997) ACLU Nebraska Foundation v. City of Plattsmouth, 419 F.3d 772 (8th Cir. 2005) ACLU of Georgia v. Rabun County Chamber of Commerce, Inc., 698 F.2d 1098 (11th Cir. 1983) ACLU of Ohio Foundation, Inc. v. Ashbrook, 211 F.Supp. 873 (N.D. Ohio 2002) Adair v. England, 183 F.Supp. 2d 31 (D.D.C. 2002) Adams v. State, 88 A.2d 556 (Md. 1952) Adland v. Russ, 307 F.3d 471 (6th Cir. 2002) Adler v. Duval County School Board, 250 F.3d 1330 (11th Cir. 2001) Africa v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 662 F.2d 1025 (3rd Cir. 1981) Agostini et al. v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203 (1997) Agudas Chasidei Chabad of U.S. v. Gouray, 650 F.Supp. 1463 (E.D.N.Y. 1987) Aguilar v. Felton, 473 U.S. 402 (1985) Airport Commissioners of Los Angeles v. Jews for Jesus, 482 U.S. 569 (1987) Alabama Freethought Association v. Moore, 893 F.Supp. 1522 (N.D. Ala. 1995) Alberts v. Devine, 479 N.E.2d 113 (Mass. 1985), cert. denied, sub. nom. Carroll v. Alberts, 474 U.S. 1013 (1985) Alfonso v. Fernandez, 606 N.Y.S.2d 259 (N.Y. App. Div. 1993) Allegheny County v. American Civil Liberties Union, Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573 (1989) Allen v. Wright, 468 U.S. 737 (1984) Allendale Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses v. Grossman, 152 A.2d 569 (N.J. 1959) Amato v. Greenquist, 679 N.E.2d 446 (Ill. App. 1997) American Life League v. Reno, 47 F.3d 642 (4th Cir. 1997) Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. Blanton, 433 F.Supp. 97 (M.D.Tenn.), summ. aff’d, 434 U.S. 803 (1977) Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. City of Grand Rapids, 980 F.2d 1538 (6th Cir. 1992) Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. Kent County, 293 N.W.2d 723 (Mich. App. 1980) Americans United for Separation of Church and State v. Prison Fellowship Ministries, 509 F.3d 406 (8th Cir. 2007) Anderson v. Salt Lake City Corporation, 475 F.2d 29, cert. denied, 414 (10th Cir. 1973) Ansonia Board of Education v. Philbrook, 479 U.S. 60 (1986) Appeal of Mount Shepherd Methodist Camp, 462 S.E.2d 229 (N.C. App. Ct. 1995) Appeal of Unity School of Christianity, 4 B.T.A. 61 (1926) Application of the President and Director of Georgetown College, 331 F.2d 1000 (D.C. Cir. 1964), cert. denied, 377 U.S. 978 (1964) Aronow v. United States, 432 F.2d 242 (9th Cir. 1970) Arver v. United States, 245 U.S. 366 (1918) Avitzur v. Avitzur, 446 N.E.2d 136 (N.Y. App. 1983)

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Badoni v. Higginson, 638 F.2d 172 (10th Cir. 1980) Baehr v. Lewin, 852 P.2d 44 (Haw. 1993) Baehr v. Miike, 910 P.2d 112 (Haw. 1996) Baker v. Fales, 16 Mass. 488 (1820) Baker v. Vermont, 744 A.2d. 864 (Vt. 1999) Banks v. Medical University of South Carolina, 444 S.E.2d 519 (S.C. 1994) Barron v. Mayor of Baltimore, 32 (7 Pet.) U.S. 243 (1833) Bastanipour v. INS, 980 F.2d 1129 (7th Cir. 1992) Battaglia v. Battaglia, 172 N.Y.S.2d 362 (Sup. Ct. 1958) Battles v. Anne Arundel County Board of Education, 904 F.Supp. 471 (D.Md. 1995) Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986) Bear v. Reformed Mennonite Church, 341 A.2d 105 (Pa.1975) Beard v. Banks, 548 U.S. 521 (2006) Beck v. McElrath, 548 F. Supp. 1161 (M.D. Tenn. 1982) Bellotti v. Baird, 443 U.S. 622 (1979) Bender v. Williamsport Area School District, 475 U.S. 534 (1986) Berger v. Rensselaer Central School Corp., 766 F.Supp.696 (N.D. Ind. 1991), rev’d, 982 F.2d 1160 (7th Cir. 1993) Bianchi v. South Park Presbyterian Church, 8 A.2d 567 (N.J. 1939) Bjorkman v. Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, 759 S.W.2d 583 (Ky. 1988) Black v. Snyder, 471 N.W.2d 715 (Minn. App. 1991) Block v. Rutherford, 468 U.S. 576 (1984) Board of Airport Commissioners of Los Angeles v. Jews for Jesus, 482 U.S. 569 (1987) Board of Education of Kiryas Joel School District v. Grumet, 512 U.S. 687 (1994) Board of Education of Westside Community Schools v. Mergens, 496 U.S. 226 (1990) Board of Education v. Minor, 23 Ohio St. 211 (1872) Board of Education v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236 (1968) Board of Trustees of Scarsdale v. McCreary, 471 U.S. 83 (1985) Bob Jones University v. United States, 461 U.S. 60 (1983) Boerne, City of v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997) Bonjour v. Bonjour, 592 P.2d 1233 (Alaska 1979) Bonnichsen, et al v. U.S., 357 F. 3rd 962 (9th Cir. 2004) Bouldin v. Alexander, 82 U.S. (15 Wall.) 131 (1872) Bourgeois v. Landrum, 396 So. 1275 (La. 1981) Bowen v. Kendrick, 487 U.S. 589 (1988) Bowen v. Roy, 476 U.S. 693 (1986) Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986) Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640 (2000) Bradfield v. Roberts, 175 U.S. 291 (1899) Braunfeld v. Brown, 366 U.S. 599 (1961) Brause v. Bureau of Vital Statistics, 1998 WL 88743 (Alaska Sup. 1998) Brillhart v. Scheier, 758 P.2d 219 (KS 1988) Bronson v. Swensen, 394 F. Supp.2d 1329 (D. Utah 2005) Bronx Household of Faith v. Board of Education, 331 F.3d 342, 345 (2d. 11 Cir. 2003) Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee County, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) Bronx Household of Faith v. Community School District No. 10, 127 F.3rd 207 (2nd Cir. 1997) Bronx Household of Faith v. Board of Education for the City of NY (Bronx Household II), 331 F.3rd 342 (2nd Cir. 2003) Brown v. Borough of Maheffey, 35 F.3d 846 (3rd Cir. 1994) Bruce v. Central M.E. Church, 110 NW 951 (Mich. 1907) Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson, 343 U.S. 495 (1952) Bush v. Holmes, 919 So. 392 (Fla. 2006) California Teachers Association v. Riles, 632 P.2d 953 (Cal. 1981)

TABLE OF CASES Cambodian Buddhist Society of Connecticut, Inc. v. Planning and Zoning Commission of the Town of Newtown, 941 A.2d 868 (Conn. 2008) Cannon v. United States, 116 U.S. 55 (1885) Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940) Capitol Square Review and Advisory Board v. Pinette, 515 U.S. 753 (1995) Carey v. Population Services International, 431 U.S. 678 (1977) Casey v. Planned Parenthood, 505 U.S. 833 (1992) Catholic Charities of Sacramento, Inc. v. the Superior Court, 85 P.3rd 67 (Cal. 2004) Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Albany v. Serio, 859 N.E.2d 459 (N.Y. 2006), aff’d, 808 N.Y.S. 2d 447 (App. Div. 2006) Chamberlin et al. v. Dade County Board of Public Instruction, 377 U.S. 402 (1964) Chandler v. James, 958 F.Supp. 1550 (M.D. Ala. 1997); aff’d, 180 F.3d 1254 (11th Cir. 1999) Chaplinsky v. State of New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568 (1942) Chatwin v. United States, 326 U.S. 455 (1946) Chaudhuri v. Tennessee, 886 F.Supp. 1374 (M.D. Tenn. 1995), 130 F.2d 232 (6th Cir. 1997) Christian Echoes National Ministry v. U.S., 470 F.2d 849, cert. denied, 404 U.S. 561 (1972) Chu v. INS, 875 F.2d 777 (9th Cir. 1989), overruled by Pablo v. INS, 72 F.3d 110 (9th Cir. 1995) Church of Christ v. Metropolitan Board of Zoning Appeals, 371 N.E.2d 1331 (Ind. Ct. App. 1978) Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints v. United States, 136 U.S. 1 (1890) Church of Latter-day Saints v. Amos, 483 U.S. 327 (1987) Church of the Holy Faith v. State Tax Commission, 48 P.2d 777 (N.M. 1935) Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States, 143 U.S. 457 (1892) Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, 508 U.S. 520 (1993) Church of the Redeemer v. Axtell, 41 N.J.L. 117 (N.J. Super. 1879) Circle Schools v. Pappert, 381 F.3rd 172 (3rd Cir. 2004) Citizens for Parental Rights v. San Mateo County Bd. of Education, 124 Cal. Rptr. 68 (Cal. Ct. App. 1975) City Council of Charleston v. Benjamin, 49 Am. Dec. 608 (1846) City of Boerne v. Flores, See Boerne, City of v. Flores City of Elkhart v. Books, 532 U.S. 1058 (2001) City of Sherman v. Simms, 183 S.W.2d 415 (Tex. 1944) Cleveland v. United States, 329 U.S. 14 (1946) Cochran v. Louisiana State Board of Education, 281 U.S. 370 (1930) Cole v. Richardson, 405 U.S. 676 (1972) Coles v. Cleveland Board of Education, 171 F.3d 369 (6th Cir. 1999) Combs v. Central Texas Annual Conference of the United Methodist Church, 173 F.3d 343 (5th Cir. 1999) Committee for Public Education and Liberty v. Regan, 444 U.S. 646 (1980) Committee for Public Education and Religious Liberty v. Nyquist, 413 U.S. 756 (1973) Committee for Voluntary Prayer v. Wimberly, 704 A.2d 1199 (D.C. 1997) Commonwealth v. Cottam, 616 A.2d. 988 (Pa. Super. 1992), app. denied, 636 A.2d 632 (Pa.1993) Commonwealth v. Herr, 78 A. 68 (Pa. 1910) Commonwealth v. Kneeland, 20 Pick. Mass. (206), 220 (Mass. 1838) Commonwealth v. Twitchell, 617 N.E.2d 609 (1919) Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses, Inc. v. City of Lakewood, 699 F.2d 303 (6th Cir. 1983) Cooper v. Eugene School District No. 4 J, 723 P.2d 298 (Ore. 1986) Cornerstone Bible Church v. City of Hastings, 948 F.2d 464 (8th Cir. 1991) Cornwell v. State Bd. of Educ., 314 F.Supp.340 (D. Md. 1969) Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. City of Porterville, 203 P.2d 823 (Cal. 1949), 338 U.S. 805 (1949) Corporation of the Presiding Bishop v. Amos, 483 U.S. 327 (1987) Cox v. New Hampshire, 312 U.S. 569 (1941) Crowder v. Southern Baptist Convention, 828 F.2d 718 (11th Cir. 1987) Cruz v. Beto, 405 U.S. 319 (1972) Cruzan v. Missouri Dept. of Health, 497 U.S. 261 (1990) CSEA v. Sequoia Union High School District, 136 Cal. Rptr 594 (Cal. App. 1977) Curtis v. School Comm. of Falmouth, 652 N.E.2d 580 (Mass. 1995)

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TABLE OF CASES

Cushman v. Lane, 277 S.W.2d 72 (Ark. 1955) Cutter v. Wilkinson, 544 U.S. 709 (U.S. 2005) Daniel v. Waters, 515 F.2d 485 (6th Cir. 1975) Dausch v. Ryske, 52 F.3d 1425 (7th Cir. 1994) Davey v. Locke, 299 F.3d 748 2002 (9th Cir. 2002) Davis v. Beason, 133 U.S. 333 (1890) Davis v. Page, 385 F.Supp. 395 (D.N.H. 1974) Davis v. United States, 495 U.S. 472 (1990) Deeper Life Christian Fellowship v. Board of Education, 852 F.2d 676 (2nd Cir. 1988) Dettmer v. Landon, 617 F.Supp. 592 (E.D. Va. 1985), aff’d, 799 F.2d 929 (4th Cir. 1986), cert. denied sub nom., Dettmer v. Murray, 483 U.S. 1007 (1987) Differderfer v. Central Baptist Church, 404 U.S. 412 (1972) Dodge v. Salvation Army, 48 Empl. Prac. Dec. (CCH) 38,619 (1989) Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973) Doe v. Duncanville Independent School District, 994 F.2d 160 (5th Cir. 1996) Doe v. Holy See, 434 F. Supp.2d 925 (D.Ore. 2006) Doe v. Human, 725 F.Supp.1503 (W.D. Ark. 1989), aff’d, 923 F.2d 857 (8th Cir. 1990) Doe v. Norton, No. 04CV02089 (D.D.C. 2004) Doe v. Porter, 188 F. Supp.2d 904 (E.D. Tenn. 2002), 370 F.3d 558 (6th Cir. 2004) Doe v. Redeemer Lutheran Church, 531 N.W.2d 897 (Minn. App. 1995) Doe v. School Board of Ouachita Parish, 274 F.3d 289 (5th Cir. 2001) Doe v. Tangipahoa Parish School Board, 494 F.3rd 494 (5th Cir. 2006) Does 1-9 v. CompCare, 763 P.2d 1237 (Wash. App. 1988) Doremus v. Board of Education, 249 U.S. 429 (1952) Dougherty v. Kentucky Alcoholic Beverage Control Board, 130 S.W.2d 756 (Ky. 1939) Droz v. Commissioner, 48 F.3d 1120 (9th Cir. 1995) Earley v. DiCenso, 403 U.S. 602 (1971) Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co., 500 U.S. 614 (1991) Edwards v. Aguillard, 482 U.S. 578 (1987) Edwards v. South Carolina, 372 U.S. 229 (1963) EEOC v. Mississippi College, 451 F.Supp.564 (S.D. Miss. 1978), vac. and rem., 453 U.S. 912 EEOC v. Reads, Inc., 759 F. Supp. 1150 (E.D. Penn. 1991) EEOC v. Townley Eng. & Mfg. Co., 859 F.2d 610 (9th Cir. 1988), cert. denied, 489 U.S. 1077 (1989) Ehlers-Renzi v. Connelly School of the Holy Child, 224 F.3d 283 (4th Cir. 2000) Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 479 (1972) Elewski v. City of Syracuse, 123 F.3d 51 (2nd Cir. 1997), cert. denied, 523 U.S. 1004 (1998) Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1 (U.S. 2004) Employment Division of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990) Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962) Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968) Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc., 472 U.S. 703 (1985) Ethical Culture v. Spatt, 415 N.E.2d 922 (N.Y. 1980) Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926) Eugene Sand and Gravel v. City of Eugene, 276 Ore. 1007 (Ore. 1976) Everson v. Board of Education, 330 U.S. 1 (1947) Ex Parte Garland, 71 U.S. 333 (1866) F. G. v. MacDonell, 696 A.2d 697 (N.J. 1997) Feldstein v. Christian Science Monitor, 555 F.Supp.974 (D. Mass. 1983) Finnemore v. Bangor Hydro-Electric Co., 645 A.2d 15 (Me. 1994) First Baptist Church of Glen Este v. Ohio, 591 F.Supp. 676 (S.D. Ohio 1983) First Covenant Church v. City of Seattle, 840 P.2d 174 (Wash. 1992) Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83 (1968) Fleischfresser v. Directors of School District, 200 15 F.3d 680 (7th Cir. 1994) Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, U.S. 87 (1810)

TABLE OF CASES Flores v. the City of Boerne, 73 F.3d 1352 (5th Cir. 1996), rev’d, City of Boerne v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997) Florey v. Sioux Falls School District, 619 F.2d 1311 (8th Cir. 1980), cert. denied, 449 U.S. 987 (1980) Follett v. Town of McCormick, SC, 321 U.S. 573 (1944) Fordham University v. Brown, 856 F.Supp.684 (D.D.C. 1994) Fosmire v. Nicoleau, 75 N.Y.2d 218, 551 N.Y.S.2d 876, 551 N.E.2d 77 (1990) Foster v. Harding, 426 P.2d 355 (Okla. 1967) Foster v. Roman Catholic Diocese, 70 A.2d 230 (Vt. 1950) Founding Church of Scientology v. United States, 409 F.2d 1146 (D.C. Cir. 1969), cert. denied, 396 U.S. 963 (1969) Fowler v. Bailey, 844 P.2d 141 (Okla. 1992) Fowler v. Rhode Island, 345 U.S. 67 (1953) Fox v. City of Los Angeles, 587 P.2d 663 (Cal. 1978) Fraternal Order of Police v. Newark, 170 F 359 (3rd Cir. 1999) Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security, 489 U.S. 829 (1989) Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc. v. Colorado, 898 P.2d 1013 (Colo. 1995), cert. denied, 516 U.S. 1111 (1996) Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc. v. McCallum, 179 F.Supp. 2d 950 (W.D. Wis. 2002), aff’d, 324 F.3d 880 (7th Cir. 2003) Freethought Society v. Chester County, 334 F.3d 247 (3rd Cir. 2003) Frisby v. Schultz, 487 U.S. 474 (1988) Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238 (1972) Gaines v. Anderson, 421 F. Supp. 337 (D.C. Mass. 1976) Gallagher v. Crown Kosher Supermarket of Massachusetts, Inc., 366 U.S. 617 (1961) Gay Rights Coalition of the Georgetown University Law Center v. Georgetown University, 536 A.2d 1 (D.C. 1987) Geiger v. Simpson Methodist Episcopal Church, 219 NW 463 (Minn. 1928) Genas v. Dept of Correctional Services, 75 F.3d 825 (2d Cir. 1996) Georgia v. McCollum, 505 U.S. 42 (1992) Giacommuci v. Southeast Delco School District, 40 Pa. D&C 4th 171 (1998) Giacommuci v. Southeast Delco School District, 742 A.2d 1165 (Pa. 1999) Gillette v. United States, 401 U.S. 437 (1971) Gipson v. Brown, 706 S.W.2d 369 (Ark. 1986) Girouard v. United States, 328 U.S. 61 (1946) Gitlow v. New York, 268 U.S. 652 (1925) Glassroth v. Moore, 275 F.Supp. 1347 (M.D. Ala. 2003), aff’d, 335 F.3d 1282 (11th Cir. 2003), cert. denied, Moore v. Glassroth, 540 U.S. 1000 (2003) Goldman v. Weinberger, 475 U.S. 503 (1986) Goldsboro Christian Schools v. United States, 436 F. Supp. 1314 (E.D.N.C. 1977), aff’d, 644 F.2d 879 (4th Cir. 1981), cert. granted, 454 U.S. 892 (1981) Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao Do Vegetal, 546 U.S. 418 (2006) Gonzalez v. Roman Catholic Archbishop of Manila, 280 U.S. 1 (1929) Good News/Good Sports Club v. School District of the City of Ladue, 28 F.3rd 1501 (8th Cir. 1994) Good News Club v. Milford Central School, 553 U.S. 98 (2001) Goodridge v. Dept. of Public Health, 798 N.E. 941 (Mass. 2003) Gorman v. Swaggart, 524 So. 2d 915 (La. App. 1988) Gould v. Gould, 342 N.W.2d 426 (Wis. 1984) Grand Rapids School District v. Ball, 473 U.S. 373 (1985) Grech v. Wainwright, 492 F.2d 747 (5th Cir. 1974) Green v. French, 143 F.3d 865 (4th Cir. 1998) Green v. Miller, 80-1 U.S. Tax Cas. (CCH) P. 9401 (D.Col. 1980) Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153 (1976) Gregoire v. Centennial School District, 907 F.2d 1366 (3rd Cir. 1990) Gregory v. City of Chicago, 394 U.S. 111 (1969) Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) Guinn v. Church of Christ, 775 P.2d 766 (Okla. 1989)

771

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TABLE OF CASES

Guyer v. School Board of Alahua County, 513 U.S. 1044 (1994) Hague v. Congress of Industrial Organizations, 307 U.S. 496 (1939) Hamilton v. Regents of the University of California, 293 U.S. 245 (1934) Hamling v. United States, 418 U.S. 87 (1974) Hansen v. Ann Arbor Public Schools, 293 F. Supp.2d 780 (E.D. Mich. 2003) Harris v. McRae, 448 U.S. 297 (1980) Harvey v. Cobb County, 811 F.Supp.669 (N.D. Ga. 1993) Hauser v. YMCA of Rahway, 219 A.2d 532 (N.J. Super. 1966) Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260 (1988) Hedges v. Wauconda Community United School District, 9 F3d 1295 (7th Cir. 1993) Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness, 452 U.S. 640 (1981) Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation, 127 S.Ct. 2553 (2007) Herdahl v. Pontotoc County School District, 933 F.Supp. 582 (ND Miss. 1996) Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 490 U.S. 680 (1989) Hibbs v. Winn, 542 U.S. 88 (2004) Hoapili v. United States, 395 F.2d 656 (9th Cir. 1968) Hobbie v. Unemployment Appeals Commission, 480 U.S. 136 (1987) Hobolth v. Greenway, 218 N.W.2d 98 (Mich. App. 1974) Holloman v. Harland, 370 F.2d 1252 (11th Cir. 2004) Holmes v. Silver Cross Hospital, 340 F.Supp.125 (D.C. Ill. 1972) Holy Spirit Association v. Molko, 252 Cal. Rptr. 122 (Cal. 1988) Hordern v. Salvation Army, 92 NE 626 (N.Y. App.1910) Honohan v. Holt, 244 N.E.2d 537 (Ohio 1968) Hopkins v. Hamden Board of Education, 289 A.2d 914 (Conn. 1971) Hsu v. Roslyn Union Free School District # 3, 85 F.3d 839 (2nd Cir. 1996) Hunt v. McNair, 413 U.S. 734 (1973) Hurston v. Henderson, 2001 WL 65202 (EEOC) Hysong v. Gallitzin School District, 30 A. 482 (Pa. 1894) Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 203 (1948) In re Adoption of “E,” 279 A.2d 785 (N.J. 1971) In re Brown, 689 N.E.2d 697 (Ill. App. 1997) In re Chen, Int. Dec. 3104 (BIA 1989) In re Diagostino, 347 B.R. 116 (Bank. N.D. NY, 2006) In re Green, 73 Bankr. 893 (Bankr. M.D. 1987) In re Green, 292 A.2d 387 (Penn. 1972) In re H., Int. Dec. 3276 (BNA 1996), 1996 WL 291910 In re Jenison, 120 N.W.2d 515 (Minn. 1963), vac. oth. grds, 375 U.S. 14 (1963) In re Marriage of McKeever, 453 NE2d 1153 (Ill. 1983) In re Milton, 505 N.E.2d 255 (Ohio 1987) In re Navarro, 83 Bankr. 348 (Bankr. E.D. Pa. 1988) In re Sampson, 278 N.Y.S.2d 686 (NY 1972) In re Solmani, Int. Dec. No. A-26219652 (BIA 1989) In re Summers, 325 U.S. 561 (1945) In re Whitney’s Estate, 11 P.2d 1107 (Cal. App. 1932) In re Worley, 377 S.E.2d 270 (N.C. App. 1989) Indianapolis Elks Building Corp. v. State Board of Tax Commissioners, 251 N.E.2d 673 (Ind. App. 1969) Ingebretsen v. Jackson Public School District, 88 F.3d 274 (5th Cir. 1996) INS v. Stevic, 467 U.S. 407 (1984) Institute in Basic Life Principles v. Watersmeet Township, 569 N.W.2d 163 (Mich. App. 1997) International Society for Krishna Consciousness v. Lee, 505 U.S. 672 (1992) Isaacs v. Board of Education of Howard County, Maryland, 40 F.Supp. 2d 335 (D. Md. 1999) Jackson v. Benson, 578 N.W.2d 602 (Wis. 1998), cert. denied, 525 997 (1998) Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11 (1905) Jamison v. State of Texas, 318 U.S. 413 (1943)

TABLE OF CASES Jane Street Seafood Corp. v. New York State Liquor Authority, 46 Misc. 2d 402 (N.Y. 1980) J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B., 511 U.S. 127 (1994) Jehovah’s Witnesses v. King County Hospital, 278 F.Supp.488 (W.D. Wash. 1967), aff’d, 390 U.S. 598 (1968) Jimmy Swaggart Ministries v. Board of Equalization, 294 U.S. 378 (1990) Johnson v. Robison, 415 U.S. 361 (1974) Jones v. City of Opelika, 316 U.S. 584 (1942) Jones v. Clear Creek Independent School District, 977 F.2d 963 (5th Cir. 1992), cert. denied, 508 U.S. 967 (1993) Jones v. North Carolina Prisoners’ Union, 433 U.S. 119 (1977) Jones v. Trane, 591 N.Y.S.2d 927 (1992) Jones v. Wolf, 443 U.S. 595 (1979) Karcher v. May, 484 U.S. 72 (1987) Katcoff v. Marsh, 755 F.2d 223 (2d Cir. 1984) Katz v. Superior Court, 141 Cal. Rptr. 234 (Cal. App. 1977) Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral, 344 U.S. 94 (1952) Killinger v. Samford University, 113 F.3d 196 (11th Cir. 1997) Kirkley v. Maryland, 381 F.Supp.327 (D.Md. 1974) Kosten v. Family Management, Inc (N.D. Ill. 1997) (7th Cir. 1998) Kotterman v. Killian, 972 P.2d 606 (Ariz. 1999) Kreisner v. City of San Diego, 1 F.3rd 775 (9th Cir. 1993) Kreshik v. St. Nicholas Cathedral, 363 U.S. 190 (1960) Kunz v. New York, 340 U.S. 290 (1951) L.W. v. Knox County Board of Education, 2006 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 76354 (E.D. Tenn. Sep. 6, 2006) Lake Drive Baptist Church v. Village of Bayside Board of Trustees, 108 N.W.2d 288 (Wis. 1961) Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District, 508 U.S. 384 (1993) Lanner v. Wimmer, 662 F.2d 1349 (10th Cir. 1981) Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc., 459 U.S. 116 (1982) LaRocca v. Gold, 662 F.2d 1144 (2nd Cir. 1981) LaRocca v. Lane, 338 N.E.2d 606 (NY 1975) Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228 (1982) Late Corporation for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter day Saints v. United States, 136 U.S. 1 (1890) Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003) Leary v. United States, 395 U.S. 6 (1969) Le Boon v. Lancaster Jewish Community Center, 503 F.3d 217 (3rd Cir. 2007), cert. denied, 128 S.Ct. 2053 (2008) Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992) Leete v. Pilgrim Congregational Society, 14 Mo. App. 590 (Mo. 1884) Leggett v. Macon Baptist Association, 205 S.E.2d 197 (Ga. 1974) Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971) Leonard v. Robinson, 477 F.3d 347 (7th Cir. 2006) Levitt v. Committee for Public Education, 413 U.S. 472 (1973) Levitsky v. Levitsky, 190 A.2d 621 (Md.1963) Lewis v. Harris, 908 A.2d 196 (N.J. 2006) Limon v. Kansas, 122 P.3d 22 (Kan. 2005) Lindenmuller v. People, Supp. 1861, 548 (N.Y. 1861) Lipp v. Morris, 579 F.2d 834 (3rd Cir. 1978) Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905) Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712 (2004) Lofton v. Secretary of Florida Department of Children and Families, 358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004) Lovell v. City of Griffin, Georgia, 303 U.S. 444 (1938) Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967) Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668 (1984) Lynch v. Spilman, 62 Cal. Rptr. 12 (Cal. 1967) Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association, 485 U.S. 439 (1988)

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MacDonald v. Chicago Park District, 976 F.Supp.1125 (N.D. Ill. 1997); preliminary injunction vacated, 132 F.3d. 355 (7th Cir. 1997) Madsen v. Erwin, 481 N.E.2d 1160 (Mass. 1985) Maher v. Roe, 432 U.S. 464 (1977) Malnak v. Yogi, 592 F.2d 197 (3rd Cir. 1979) Mandel v. Hodges, 127 Cal. Rptr. 244 (1976) Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783 (1983) Marsh v. State of Alabama, 326 U.S. 501 (1946) Martin v. City of Struthers, 319 U.S. 141 (1943) Martin v. Industrial Accident Commission, 304 P.2d 828 (Cal. 1956) Maryland and Virginia Eldership of the Churches of God v. Church of God, 396 U.S. 367 (1970) May v. Cooperman, 780 F.2d 240 (3rd Cir. 1985) McCartney v. Austin, 293 N.Y.S.2d 188 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1968); aff’d, 298 N.Y.S.2d 26 (N.Y. 3rd Dept. 1969) McCreary County v. ACLU of Kentucky, 545 U.S. 844 (2005) McClure v. Salvation Army, 460 F.2d 553 (5th Cir. 1972), cert. denied, 409 U.S. 896 (1972) McCollum (Illinois ex rel. McCollum) v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 203 (1948) McDaniel v. Paty, 435 U.S. 618 (1978) McGowan v. Maryland, 366 U.S. 420 (1961) McLean v. Arkansas Board of Education, 529 F.Supp.1255 (E.D. Ark. 1982) McNair v. Worldwide Church of God, 242 Cal. Rptr. 823 (Cal. App. 1987) McQuenney v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago, 159 N.E.2d 43 (Ill. 1959) Medeiros v. Kiyosaki, 478 P.2d 314 (Haw. 1970) Meek v. Pittenger, 421 U.S. 349 (1975) Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923) Meyer v. Oklahoma City, 409 U.S. 980 (1972) Miami Beach United Lutheran Church of the Epiphany v. City of Miami Beach, 82 So.2d 880 (Fla. 1955) Michigan v. Bennett, 501 N.W.2d 106 (Mich. 1993); 503 N.W.2d 448 (Mich. 1993) Michigan v. DeJonge, 501 N.W.2d 127 (Mich. 1993) Minersville School District v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940) Minwalla v. INS, 706 F.2d 831 (8th Cir. 1983) Mitchell v. Helms, 530 U.S. 793 (2000) Mitchell v. Pilgrim Holiness Church Corp., 210 F.2d 879 (7th Cir.), cert. denied 347 U.S. 1013 (1954) Mohammed v. May Dept. Stores, 273 F.Supp.2d 531 (D. Del. 2003) Morr-Fitz, Inc. v. Blagojevich, 867 N.E.2d 1164 (Ill App. 2007), 2008 Ill. LEXIS 1829 (Ill. 2008) Morristown Trust Co. v. Town of Morristown, 91 A. 736 (N.J. Ch. 1913) Mozert v. Hawkins County Public Schools (Mozert I), 579 F.Supp.1051 (E.D. Tenn. 1984), rev’d and remanded, 827 F.2d 1058 (6th Cir. 1987) Mozert v. Hawkins County Public Schools (Mozert II), 582 F.Supp.201 (E.D. Tenn. 1984), rev’d, 765 F.2d 75 (6th Cir. 1983) Mueller v. Allen, 463 U.S. 388 (1983) Mulliner v. Evangelischer Diakonniessenverein, 175 NW 699 (Minn. 1920) Murdock v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 319 U.S. 105 (1943) Murphy v. California, 225 U.S. 623 (1912) Murphy v. Ramsey, 114 U.S. 15 (1885) Murray v. Curlett, 179 A.2d 698 (Md. App. 1962), rev’d in, Abington School District v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) Mutual Film Corp. v. Industrial Commission, 236 U.S. 230 (1915) NAACP v. Alabama, 360 U.S. 240 (1959) NLRB v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago, 440 U.S. 490 (1979) Nally v. Grace Community Church, 763 P.2d 948 (1988), cert. denied, 490 U.S. 1007 (1989) National Labor Relations Board v. Catholic Bishop of Chicago, 440 U.S. 490 (1979) Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697 (1931) Needham Pastoral Counseling Center, Inc. v. Board of Appeals of Needham, 560 N.E.2d 121 (Mass. 1990) Negre v. Larsen, 402 U.S. 934 (1971)

TABLE OF CASES New Jersey v. Shelton College, 514 F. Supp. 506 (D.N.J. 1981), aff’d, 654 F.2d (3rd Cir. 1981) New York v. Cathedral Academy, 434 U.S. 125 (1977) New York State Club Association v. New York City, 487 U.S. 1 (1988) Newdow v. U.S. Congress, 313 F.3rd 500 (9th Cir. 2002) Newdow v. U.S. Congress, 328 F.3d 466 (9th Cir. 2003) Newmark v. Williams, 588 A.2d 1108 (Del. 1991) Niemotko v. Maryland, 340 U.S. 268 (1951) Norwood v. Harrison, 413 U.S. 455 (1973) Norwood Hospital v. Munoz, 564 N.E.2d 1017 (Mass. 1991) O’Bannon v. Indiana Civil Liberties Union, 534 U.S. 1162 (2002) O’Hair v. Blumenthal, 462 F.Supp. 19 (W.D. Tex. 1978) O’Leary v. Social Security Board, 153 F.2d 704 (3rd Cir. 1946) O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz, 482 U.S. 342 (1987) Ohio Civil Rights Commission v. Dayton Christian Schools, Inc., 477 U.S. 619 (1986) Olsen v. State of Iowa, 649 F.Supp.14 (S.D. Iowa 1986) O’Moore v. Driscoll, 135 Cal. App. 770, 28 P.2d 438 (Cal. 1943) O’Neil v. Schuckardt, 733 P.2d 693 (Idaho 1986) Order of St. Benedict v. Steinhauser, 234 U.S. 640 (1914) Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319 (1937) Palmer v. Board of Education, 603 F.2d 1271 (7th Cir. 1979) Panarella v. Birenbaum, 327 N.Y.S.2d 755 (N.Y. 1971) Parker v. Hurley, 514 F.3d 87 (1st Cir. 2008) Paul v. Watchtower Bible & Tract Soc., 819 F.2d 875 (9th Cir. 1987), cert. denied, 484 U.S. 926 (1987) Peck v. Upshur County Board of Education, 155 F.3d 274 (4th Cir. 1998) Pell v. Procunier, 417 U.S. 817 (1974) People ex rel. Ring v. Board of Education, 92 NE 251 (Ill. 1908) People ex rel. Wallace v. Labrenz, 104 N.E.2d 769 (Ill. 1952) People v. Byrne, 163 N.Y.S. (N.Y. 1917) People v. Dailey, 345 P. 558 (Cal. App. 1958) People v. DeJonge, 486 N.W.2d 670 (Mich. 1992); after remand, 501 N.W.2d 104 (Mich. 1997) People v. Drucker, 418 N.Y.S.2d 744 (NY Crim. 1979) People v. Rodriguez, 46 N.Y.2d 1084 (NY 1979) People v. Ruggles, 5 Am. Dec. 335 (NY 1811) People v. Sanger, 118 NE 637 (NY 1918) People v. Umerska, 289 N.W.2d 858 (Mich. App. 1980) People v. Velarde, 616 P.2d 104 (Col. 1980) People v. Vogelgesang, 116 N.E. 977 (N.Y. App. 1917) People ex rel. Wallace v. Labrenz, 104 N.E.2d 769 (Ill. 1952) Permoli v. Municipality No. 1 of the City of New Orleans, 44 U.S. (3 Howard) 589 (1845) Perricone v. New Jersey, 181 A.2d 751(N.J. 1962), cert. denied, 371 U.S. 890 (1962) Perry Education Association v. Perry Local Educators’ Association, 460 U.S. 37 (1983) Petition of the Board of Foreign Missions of Augustana Synods, 22 N.W.2d 642 (Minn. 1946) Peyote Way Church of God, Inc. v. Smith, 556 F.Supp. 632 (N.D. Tex. 1983) Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925) Pinsker v. Joint School District # 28J, 554 F.Supp.1049 (D.Col. 1983), aff’d, 735 F.2d. 388 (10th Cir. 1984) Planned Parenthood of Central Missouri v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52 (1976) Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, 947 F.2d 682 (3rd Cir. 1991), aff’d in part, rev’d in part and remanded, 505 U.S. 833 (1992) Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497 (1961) Poelker v. Doe, 432 U.S. 519 (1977) Police Department of Chicago v. Moseley, 408 U.S. 92 (1972) Pope v. East Brunswick Board of Education, 12 F.3d 1244 (3rd Cir. 1993) Potter v. Murray City, 760 F.2d 1065 (11th Cir. 1985) Poulos v. New Hampshire, 345 U.S. 395 (1953)

775

776

TABLE OF CASES

Powell v. Columbia Presbyterian Medical Center, 267 N.Y.S.2d 450 (1965) Powers v. Ohio, 499 U.S. 400 (1991) Presbyterian Church v. Mary Elizabeth Blue Hill Presbyterian Church, 393 U.S. 440 (1969) Presbyterian Homes v. Division of Tax Appeals, 261 A.2d 143 (N.J. 1970) Presiding Bishop v. City of Porterville, 203 P.2d 823 (Cal. 1949) Prince v. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158 (1944) Procunier v. Martinez, 416 U.S. 396 (1974) Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek, 259 U.S. 530 (1922) Public Health Trust v. Wons, 541 So.2d 96 (Fla. 1989) Quaring v. Peterson, 728 F.2d 1121 (8th Cir. 1984) Quick Bear v. Leupp, 210 U.S. 50 (1908) RAV v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377 (1992) Raleigh Fitkin-Paul Morgan Memorial Hospital v. Anderson, 201 A.2d 537 (N.J. 1964), cert. denied 377 U.S. 985 (1964) Rayburn v. General Conference of Seventh Day Adventists, 772 F.2d 1164 (4th Cir. 1985), cert. denied, 478 U.S. 1020 (U.S. 1986) Reid v. Kraft General Foods, Inc., 67 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 1367 (E.D. Penn. 1995) Retirement Ranch, Inc. v. Curry County Valuation Protest Board, 546 P.2d 119 (N.M. 1976) Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145 (1879) Roberts v. Ravenwood Church of Wicca, 292 S.E.2d 657 (Ga. 1982) Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609 (1984) Robertson v. Bullions, 11 N.Y. 243 (1854) Robinson v. DiCenso, 401 U.S. 931 (1971) Rodriguez v. City of Chicago, 156 F.3d 771 (7th Cir. 1998) Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) Roemer v. Maryland Board of Public Works, 426 U.S. 736 (1976) Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996) Romney v. United States, 136 U.S. 1 (1890) Roppolo v. Moore, 644 So.2d 206 (La. App. 1994) Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia, 515 U.S. 819 (1995) S.E.L. v. J.W.W., 541 N.Y.S.2d 675 (N.Y. 1989) Saint Bartholomew’s Church v. City of New York, 914 F.2d 348 (2nd Cir. 1990) Saint Cyprian’s Chapel, Inc. v. Fraternity of the Apostles of Jesus and Mary, 1985 WL 2877 (E.D. Pa. 1985), aff’d, 800 F.2d 1138 (3rd Cir. 1986), cert. denied, 479 U.S. 916 (1996) St. Martin Evangelical Lutheran Church v. South Dakota, 451 U.S. 772 (1981) Sanders, et al. v. Casa Baptist Church, 134 F.3d 331 (5th Cir. 1998) Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290 (2000) Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital, 105 N.E. 92 (N.Y. 1914) Schneider v. Irvington, New Jersey, 308 U.S. 147 (1939) School District of the City of Grand Rapids v. Ball, 465 U.S. 1064 (1985) Scopes v. State, 154 U.S. 105 (1927) Scopes v. Tennessee, 289 S.W. 363 (Tenn. 1925) Scott v. Ross 140 F.3d 1275 (9th Cir. 1998), cert. denied, 526 U.S. 1033 (1999) Selman v. Cobb County Sch. Dist., 390 F. Supp.2d 1286 (N.D. Ga. 2005), vac. and remanded, 449 F.3rd 1320 (11th Cir. 2006) Sequoyah v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 620 F.2d 1159 (6th Cir. 1980), cert. denied, 449 U.S. 953 (1980) Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevich, 426 U.S. 696 (1976) Shenandoah Valley National Bank v. Taylor, 63 2d 786 (Va. 1951) Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963) Sherman v. Community Consolidated School District 21, 980 F.2d 437 (7th Cir. 1992) Shover v. State, 10 Ark. 259 (1850) Simmons-Harris v. Goff, 711 N.E.2d 203 (Ohio 1999) Simpson v. Chesterfield County, 404 F.3rd 276 (4th Cir. 2005) Sloan v. Lemon, 413 U.S. 825 (1973)

TABLE OF CASES Smith v. Board of Governors of the University of North Carolina, 429 F.Supp. 871 (W.D.N.C. 1977) Smith v. Board of School Commissioners, 827 F.2d 684 (11th Cir. 1987) Snyder v. Evangelical Orthodox Church, 264 Cal. Rptr. 640 (Cal. App. 1989) Snyder v. Massachusetts, 291 U.S. 97 (1934) Snyder v. Murray City Corp., 159 F.3d 1227 (10th Cir. 1996) Solesbee v. Balkcom, 339 U.S. 926 (1950) Spacco v. Bridgewater School Department, 739 F. Supp. 30 (D.C. Mass 1990) Staley v. Harris Co., 332 F. Supp.2d 1030 (S.D. Tex. 2004), 461 F.3rd 504 (5th Cir. 2006) Stamford Hospital v. Vega, 674 A.2d 821 (Conn. 1996) Standhardt v. Superior Court, 77 P.3d 451 (Ariz. App. 2003) State ex rel. Douglas v. Faith Baptist Church, 301 N.W.2d 571 (Neb. 1981) State v. American Civil Liberties Union of Alabama, 1998 WL 21985 (Ala. Jan. 23, 1998) State v. Barnett, 445 P.2d 124 (Ore. 1968) State v. Chandler, 2 Del. (2 Harr.) 553 (1837) State v. Davis, 504 N.W.2d 767 (Minn. 1993), cert. denied, 511 U.S. 1115 (1994) State v. Everly, 146 S.E.2d 705 (WV 1966) State v. Mauro, 716 P.2d 393 (Ariz. 1986) State v. Melin, 428 N.W.2d 227 (N.D. 1988) State v. Mockus, 113 A. 39 (Me. 1921) State v. Pendleton, 435 S.E.2d 100 (N.C. App. 1993), rev’d, 451 S.E.2d 274 (N.C. 1994) State v. Perricone, 181 A.2d 751 (N.J. 1962) State v. Plowman, 838 P.2d 558 (Ore. 1992) State v. Schmidt, 505 N.E.2d 627 (Ohio 1987) State v. Shaver, 294 N.W.2d 883 (N.D. 1980) State v. Weiss, 31 A.2d 848 (N.J. Sup. 1943) State v. West, 263 A.2d 602 (Md. App. 1970) State v. Whisner, 351 N.E.2d 750 (Ohio 1976) State v. Willson, 13 S.C.L. (McCord) 393 (S.C. 1823) Stone v. Graham, 449 U.S. 39 (1980) Strock v. Pressnell, 527 N.E.2d 1235 (Ohio 1988) Terhune v. Trustees of Methodist Episcopal Church, 100 A. 342 (N.J. 1917) Terrett v. Taylor, 13 U.S. 43 (1815) Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock, 489 U.S. 1 (1989) Thirty v. Carlson, 78 F.3d 1491 (10th Cir. 1996) Thomas v. Review Board, 450 U.S. 707 (1981) Thornton v. Caldor, 472 U.S. 703 (1985) Tiano v. Dillard Department Stores, 139 F.3rd 679 (9th Cir. 1998) Tichenor v. Roman Catholic Church, 869 F.Supp.429 (E.D. La. 1993) Tilton v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 672 (1971) Tony and Susan Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor, 471 U.S. 290 (1985) Torcaso v. Watkins, 367 U.S. 488 (1961) Trans World Airlines v. Hardison, 432 U.S. 63 (1977) Truax v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33 (1915) Turner v. City Council of Fredericksburg, 534 F.3d 352 (4th Cir. 2008), cert. denied, 77 U.S.L.W. 3396 (2009) Turner v. Habersham County, 290 F.Supp.2d 1362 (N.D. Ga. 2003) Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78 (1987) United States v. Ballard, 322 U.S. 78 (1944) United States v. Barnes, 604 F.2d 121 (2nd Cir. 1979) United States v. Bland, 283 U.S. 636 (1931) United States v. Board of Education for the School District of Philadelphia, 50 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) (E.D. Pa. 1989), aff’d, 911 F.2d 882 (3rd Cir. 1990) United States v. Boyll, 774 F.Supp. 1133 (D.NM. 1991) United States v. Cullen, 454 F.2d 386 (7th Cir. 1971) United States v. George, 239 F.Supp. 752 (D.C. Conn. 1965)

777

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TABLE OF CASES

United States v. Grace, 461 U.S. 171 (1983) United States v. Greene, 892 F.2d 453 (6th Cir. 1989) United States v. Hillyard, 52 F.Supp. 612 (E.D. Wash. 1943) United States v. Jones, 109 U.S. 513 (1883) United States v. Jones, 162 F.2d 72 (2nd Cir. 1947) United States v. Kauten, 133 F.2d 703 (2nd Cir. 1943) United States v. Lauing, 221 F.2d 425 (7th Cir. 1955) United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252 (1982) United States v. Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transit Authority, Civ. 04-07699 (filed, Sep. 16, 2004, C.D. Cal. 2004) United States v. MacIntosh, 238 U.S. 605 (1931) United States v. Malinowski, 347 F.Supp. 347 (E.D. Pa. 1972), aff’d, 472 F.2d 850 (3rd Cir.1973), cert. denied, 411 U.S. 970 (1970) United States v. Miles, 2 Utah 19 (Utah Terr. 1877) United States v. New York Metropolitan Transit Authority, Civ. 04-4237 (filed, Sep. 30, 2004, E.D. N.Y. 2004) United States v. One Package, 86 F.2d 737 (S.D.N.Y. 1936) United States v. Perdue, 469 F.2d 1195 (9th Cir. 1970) United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163 (1965) U.S. v. Schwimmer, 279 U.S. 644 (1929) United States Catholic Conference v. Abortion Rights Mobilization, Inc., 487 U.S. 72 (1988) Updegraph v. Commonwealth, 11 Serg. & Rawle 394 (Pa. 1824) Vacco v. Quill, 521 U.S. 793 (1997) Valent v. New Jersey State Board of Education, 274 A.2d 832 (N.J. 1971) Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, 454 U.S. 464 (1982) Van Orden v. Perry, 351 F.3d 173 (5th Cir. 2003), aff’d, 545 U.S. 677 (U.S. 2005) Ventimiglia v. Sycamore View Church of Christ, 1988 WL 119288 (Tenn. App. 1988) Vermillion v. Women’s College, 88 SE 649 (S.C. 1916) Vidal v. Girard’s Executors, 43 U.S. (2 How.) 127 (1844) Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003) Vonnegut v. Baun, 188 N.E. 677 (Ind. 1934) Wallace v. Jaffree, 472 U.S. 38 (1985) Walter v. West Virginia Board of Education, 610 F. Supp. 1169 (S.D.W.Va.1985) Walz v. Tax Commission of the City of New York, 397 U.S. 664 (1970) Washington v. Glucksburg, 521 U.S. 702 (1997) Washington Ethical Society v. District of Columbia, 249 F.2d 127 (D.C. Cir. 1957) Wasy v. State, 138 N.E.2d 1 (Ind. 1955) Watchtower Bible and Tract Society v. Village of Stratton, 240 F.3d 553 (6th Cir. 2001), rev’d and remanded, 536 U.S. 150 (2002) Watson v. Jones, 80 U.S. 679 (1872) Webb v. City of Philadelphia, 2007 U.S. Dist. Lexis 46872 (E.D. Pa. June 12, 2007) Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 492 U.S. 490 (1989) Welsh v. United States, 398 U.S. 333 (1970) Werth v. Taylor, 475 N.W.2d 426 (Mich. App. 1991) West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943) West Virginia v. Everly, See State v. Everly Western Presbyterian Church v. Board of Zoning Adjustment, 862 F.Supp. 538 (D.D.C. 1994) White v. White, 2 ch. 41 (English C.A. 1893) Widmar v. Vincent, 454 U.S. 263 (1981) Wiley v. Pless Security, Inc., 2006 U.S. Dist. Lexis 50894 (N.D. Ga. July 12, 2006) Williams v. Lara, 52 S.W.2d 171 (Tex. 2001) Wilson v. Block, 708 F.2d 735 (D.C. Cir. 1983), cert. denied, 464 U.S. 956 (1983) Wilson v. U.S.W. Communications, 58 F.3d 1337 (8th Cir. 1995) Winn v. Killian, 307 F.3d 1011 (9th Cir. 2002) Winters v. Miller, 446 F.2d 65 (2nd Cir. 1971)

TABLE OF CASES Wisconsin v. Mitchell, 508 U.S. 476 (1993) Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972) Witmayer v. Witmayer, 467 A.2d 371 (Pa. Super. Ct. 1983) Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind, 474 U.S. 481 (1986) Wollersheim v. Church of Scientology, 260 Cal. Rptr. 331 (2nd Dist. 1989) Wolman v. Walter, 433 U.S. 229 (1977) Wood v. Benedictine Society, 530 So.2d 801 (Ala. 1988) Word of Faith Outreach Center Church, Inc. v. Morales, 787 F.Supp. 689 (W.D. Tex. 1992), rev’d oth. grds., 986 F.2d 962 (5th Cir. 1993) Wright v. DeWitt School District, 385 S.W.2d 644 (Ark. 1965) Wright v. Houston Independent School District, 366 F.Supp.1208 (SD Tex. 1972), aff’d, 486 F.2d 137 (5th Cir. 1973), cert. denied,417 U.S. 969 (1974) Wright v. Miller, 480 F. Supp. 790 (D.D.C. 1979) Wynne v. Town of Great Falls, 376 F.3rd 292 (4th Cir. 2004) Yakima First Baptist Homes v. Gray, 510 P.2d 243 (Wash. 1973) Yarbrough v. United States, 230 F.2d 56 (4th Cir. 1956) Youkhanna v. INS, 749 F.2d 360 (6th Cir. 1984) Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639 (2002) Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District, 509 U.S. 1 (1993) Zorach v. Clausen, 343 U.S. 306 (1952) Zucht v. King, 260 U.S. 174 (1922) Zummo v. Zummo, 574 A.2d 1130 (Pa. 1990)

779

Table of Statutes

Adolescent Family Life Act of 1981, 95 Stat. 578 (1981), 42 U.S.C. § 300 et seq. Age Discrimination Act of 1975, 89 Stat. 728 (1975), 42 U.S.C. 6101 Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, 81 Stat. 602 (1967), 29 U.S.C. 621 et seq. Air Travel. Discrimination on the Basis of Religion Prohibited, 49 U.S. U.S.C. § 40127 Alien Registration Act of 1940, 54 Stat. 670 (1940) Aliens, Deportation of. Exception in the Case of Likely Religious Persecution, 8 U.S.C. § 1231 (3) American Indian Religious Freedom Act Amendments of 1994, 108 Stat. 3125 (1994), 42 Stat. U.S.C. 1996 American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978, 92 Stat. 469 (1978), 42 U.S.C. § 1996, 1996a American Indians—Constitutional Rights, 25 U.S.C. § 1302 Anti-Arson Act of 1982, 96 Stat. 1319 (1982), 18 U.S.C. §§ 841 note, 844 Asylum, 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b) Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005 (Bankruptcy Abuse and Consumer Protection Act of 2005), 119 Stat. 32 (2005), 11 U.S.C. §§ 101, et seq. Born Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002, 116 Stat. 926 (2002), 1 U.S.C. § 8 California Missions Preservation Act, 118 Stat. 2372 (2004) Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, 42 U.S.C. §§ 601–615, 42 U.S.C. §§ 5101-5105 Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998, 112 Stat. 2681(1998), 15 U.S.C. §§ 6501 to 6506 Church Arson Prevention Act of 1996, 18 U.S.C.A. § 241 note, § 247; 28 U.S.C. 534 note; 42 § 10602 Church Audit Procedures Act (CAPA), 26 U.S.C. § 7611; 98 Stat. 1034 (1994); 100 Stat. 2962 (1986); 101 Stat. 1330-470 (1987); 102 Stat. 3593 (1988); 103 Stat. 2425 (1989); 110 Stat. 1890 (1996); 112 Stat. 705 (1998) Civil Rights Act of 1964, 78 Stat. 241 (1964), 42 U.S.C §§ 1971, 1975a to 1975d, 2000a to 2000h-6; Title IV, Title VI, Title VII

781

782

TABLE OF STATUTES

Coinage Act of 1873, 17 Stat. 424 (1873) Communications Act of 1934, 48 Stat. 1064 (1934), 47 U.S.C. 151 et seq. Communications Decency Act of 1998, U.S.C.A. § 609 note; 110 Stat. 133 18 § 1462, 1462 note, 1465, 2422; 47 U.S.C. §§ 223, 223 note, 230, 303, 303 notes, 330, 531, 532, 559 to 561 notes, 609 note Community Services Block Grant Programs, 112 Stat. 2728, 42 U.S.C. § 9858 (1) Comstock Act of 1873, 17 Stat. 599 (1873), 18 U.S.C. § 1461 Controlled Substances Act, 84 Stat. 1242 (1970), 21 U.S.C. 801, et seq. Defense of Marriage Act, 110 Stat. 2419 2728 (1996), 28 U.S.C. 1738C District of Columbia School Choice Incentive Act of 2003, 118 Stat. 126 (2004) Draft Act of 1864, 13 Stat. 6 (1864) Edmunds Act of 1882, 22 Stat. 30 (1882); amended 1887, repealed 1909 Edmunds-Tucker Act of 1887, 24 Stat. 635 (1887), 48 U.S.C. § 1480a Education Amendments of 1972, 86 Stat. 235 (1972), 42 U.S.C. 1681, et seq. Elementary and Secondary School Act of 1965, 79 Stat. 27 (1965), 20 §§ 236 to 244, 331 to 332b, et seq. Equal Access Act of 1984, 98 Stat. 1302 (1984), 20 U.S.C. §§ 4071, note, 4072 to 4074 Equal Credit Opportunity Act, 88 Stat. 1521 (1974), 15 U.S.C. 1691, et seq. Fair Housing Act of 1968, 82 Stat. 81 (1981), 42 U.S.C. § 3601 et seq. Fair Housing Act. Religious Organization Exemption, 42 U.S.C. § 3607 Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, 52 Stat. 1060 (1938), 29 U.S.C. § 201 et seq. Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970, 84 Stat. 1504 (1970), 33 U.S.C. § 763c; 42 U.S.C. § 201 note, § 211a, § 212 Federal Assisted Suicide Funding Restriction Act of 1997, 111 Stat. 23 (1997), 42 U.S.C. 14401-08 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), 92 Stat. 1783 (1978), 50 U.S.C. § 1801, et seq. Foreign Policy of the United States as Including Freedom of Religion, 22 U.S.C. § 2755 Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act of 1994, 108 Stat. 694 (1994), 18 U.S.C. § 241, 248, 248 note Hate Crimes, 18 U.S.C. § 245 Hate Crimes Sentencing Enhancement Act of 1994, 28 U.S. § 994 note

TABLE OF STATUTES Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963, 77 Stat. 363 (1963), 20 U.S.C. 701, et seq. “In God We Trust”, 69 Stat. 290 (1955), 36 U.S.C. § 5112(b)(2) Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1990, 20 U.S.C. § 1400 et seq. Internal Revenue Code, Tax Exempt Organizations, 26 U.S.C. §§ 170, 501c(3), 508, and 6033 International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, 112 Stat. 2787 (1998), 22 U.S.C. § 6402 Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2007 (proposed legislation), H.R. 1592, 110th Cong. (2007) Military Selective Service Act of 1967, 81 Stat. 100 (1967), 50 U.S.C. App. § 451 to 470, 1001 to 1017 Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862, 12 Stat. 503 (1862), 7 U.S.C. 301 National Currency, 31 U.S.C. § 5112, 5114 National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 169 National Motto of the United States (“In God We Trust”), 36 U.S. § 302 Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), 104 Stat. 3048 (1990); 25 U.S.C.A. §§ 3001-3013 No Child Left Behind Act, 115 Stat. 1425 (2002), 20 U.S.C. § 6301 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (Welfare Reform Act), 110 Stat. 2105 (1996); 42 U.S.C. § 1305 Pledge of Allegiance, 4 U.S.C. § 4 Pledge of Allegiance. Congressional Reffirmance to the Phrase, “One Nation Under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance, 116 Stat 2057 (2002), 4 U.S.C. § 4 Privacy Act of 1974, 88 Stat. 1896 (1974), 5 U.S.C. § 552a Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, 107 Stat. 1488 (1993), 5 U.S.C. § 504; 42 U.S.C. 1988, 2000bb to 2000bb–4 (1993–1997) Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000, 114 Stat. 803 (2000), 42 U.S.C. § 2000 cc-1 to 2000cc-5) Religious Liberty and Charitable Donation Protection Act of 1998, 112 Stat. 517 (1998), 11 U.S.C. 101 note, 544, 546, 548, 707, 1325 Religious Liberty Protection Act (1999) (proposed legislation), H.R. 1691, 106th Cong. (1999) Religious Refugee Status, 8 U.S. 1157 § 207 Religious Workers Act of 2000, 114 Stat. 1787 (2000); 8 U.S.C. § 1101 Revenue Act of 1894, 28 Stat. 509 (1894)

783

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TABLE OF STATUTES

Selective Draft Act of 1917, 40 Stat. 76 (1917) Selective Service Act, Conscientious Objector Provision, 50 U.S.C. §§ 451-471(a); 50 U.S.C. App. § 456(j) Selective Service Act of 1940, 54 Stat. 885 (1940), 50 U.S.C. App. § 460 Selective Service Act of 1948, 62 Stat. 604 (1948), 50 U.S.C. App. § 451 to 470, 1001 to 1017 Social Security Act of 1935, 49 Stat. 620 (1935), 42 U.S.C. § 301 et seq. Tax Injunction Act, 62 Stat. 932 (1948), 28 U.S.C. § 1341 Unborn Victims of Violence Act of 2004 (Laci and Conner’s Law), 118 Stat. 568 (2004); 10 § 919a, 18 U.S.C. § 1841 Universal Military Training and Service Act of 1951, 65 Stat. 75 (1951), 50 U.S.C. App. § 460(b)(3) USA Patriot Act, 115 Stat. 272 (2001) Veteran’s Readjustment Benefits Act of 1966, 80 Stat. 1368 (1966) 38 U.S.C. § 101 Workplace Religious Freedom Act (proposed legislation), H.R. 1691, 106th Cong. (1999)

For Further Reading Articles begin below. Books begin on page 809.

ARTICLES Abraham, Henry J. “Religion, Medicine, and the State: Reflections on Some Contemporary Issues.” Journal of Church and State 22 (Autumn 1980): 423–436. —–“The Status of the First Amendment’s Religion Clauses: Some Reflections on Lines and Limits.” Journal of Church and State 22 (Spring 1980): 215–231. Abreu, Veronica C. “Muddled Original Understandings of the Establishment Clause: A Comparative Critique of Philip Hamburger’s and Noah Feldman’s Historical Arguments.” Quinnipiac Law Review 23 (2004): 615–626. Adams, Andrew A. “Cleveland, School Choice, and ‘Laws Respecting an Establishment of Religion.’ ” Texas Review of Law & Politics 2 (Fall 1997): 165-206. Adams, Arlin M., and Charles J. Emmerich. “A Heritage of Religious Liberty.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 137 (May 1989): 1559–1671. Adams, Arlin M., and Sarah Barringer Gordon. “The Doctrine of Accommodation in the Jurisprudence of the Religion Clauses.” DePaul Law Review 37 (Spring 1988): 317–345. Adams, Arlin M., and William R. Hanlon. “Jones v. Wolf: Church Autonomy and the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 128 (June 1980): 409–426. Ahlstrom, Sydney E. “Religion, Revolution and the Rise of Modern Nationalism: Reflections on the American Experience.” Church History 44 (December 1975): 492–504. —–“The Traumatic Years: American Religion and Culture in the ‘60s and ‘70s.” Theology Today 36 (1980): 504–522. —–“Aid to Parochial Schools: A Free Exercise Perspective.” Santa Clara Law Review 21 (Spring 1983): 587–605. Aka, Philip C. “Assessing the Constitutionality of President George W. Bush’s Faith-Based Initiatives.” Journal of Law in Society 9 (Winter 2008): 53-110. Akins, Nancy. “New Direction in Sacred Land Claims.” Natural Resources Journal 29 (Spring 1989): 593–605. Case note on Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association. Albert, Richard. “American Separationism and Liberal Democracy: The Establishment Clause in Historical and Comparative Perspective.” Marquette Law Review 88 (Summer 2005): 867-925. Alexander, Klint. “The Road to Vouchers: The Supreme Court’s Compliance and the Crumbling of the Wall of Separation Between Church and State in American Education.” Kentucky Law Journal 92 (Winter 2003/2004): 439-482. Alley, Robert S. “Public Education and the Public Good,” in “Symposium: How Much God in the Schools?” William and Mary Bill of Rights Journal 4 (Summer 1995): 277. Amar, Akhil Reed. “The Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment.” Yale Law Journal 100 (March 1991):1131–1210. Anastaplo, George. “Church and State: Explorations.” Loyola University of Chicago Law Journal 19 (Fall 1987): 61–193. Andersen, David M. “Political Silence at Church: The Empty Threat of Removing Tax-Exempt Status for Insubstantial Attempts to Influence Legislation.” Brigham Young University Law Review 2006 (Winter 2006): 115-174.

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FOR FURTHER READING

Andres, Greg D. “Private School Voucher Remedies in Education Cases.” University of Chicago Law Review 62 (Spring 1995): 795–823. Anthony, Dick, and Thomas Robbins. “Negligence, Coercion, and the Protection of Religious Belief.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Summer 1995): 509–536. Araujo, Robert J., S. J. “Christian Social Thought and American Public Policy: A Dialogue Between the Laity and the American State.” Journal of Church and State 35 (Autumn 1993): 751–780. Are, D. Gareth. “Beyond Mergens: Balancing a Student’s Free Speech Right Against the Establishment Clause in Public High School Equal Access Cases.” William and Mary Law Review 32 (Fall 1990): 127–160. Arons, Stephen. “The Separation of School and State: Pierce Reconsidered.” Harvard Educational Review 46(1976):76. Atkinson, Rob. “Theories of the Federal Income Tax Exemption for Charities: Thesis, Antithesis, and Synthesis.” Stetson Law Review 27 (Fall 1997): 395. Ayres, T. D. “Widmar v. Vincent: The Beginning of the End of the Establishment Clause.” Journal of College and University Law 8 (Fall 1981): 511–517. Baer, Richard A., Jr. “The Supreme Court’s Discriminatory Use of the Term ‘Sectarian.’ ” The Journal of Law and Politics 6 (Spring 1990): 449–468. Baker, Brent. “The Special Immigrant Exception For Religious Ministers: An Establishment Clause Analysis.” Boston College Third World Law Journal 7 (Winter 1987): 97–108. Balitzer, Alfred. “Some Thoughts About Civil Religion.” Journal of Church and State 16 (Winter 1974): 31–50. Ball, William Bentley. “The Fault is Not in the Laws.” Report from the Capital 45 (June 1990): 7. Barfield, Daniel A. “Note, Better to Give Than to Receive: Should Nonprofit Corporations and Charities Pay Punitive Damages?” Valparaiso University Law Review 29 (Summer 1995): 1193–1250. Barker, Melinda. “From Everson to Zelman: the Advent of “True Private Choice” and the Erosion of the Wall Between Church and State.” Santa Clara Law Review 44 (Spring 2004): 529-559. Basil, Robert J. “Note, Clergy Malpractice: Taking Spiritual Counseling Conflicts Beyond Intentional Tort Analysis.” Rutgers Law Journal (Winter 1988): 419–450. Bauer, Janine G. “The Constitutionality of Student Fees for Political Student Groups in the Campus Public Forum: Galda v. Bloustein and the Right to Associate.” Rutgers Law Journal 15 (September 1983): 135–184. Becker, William H. “Creationism: New Dimensions of the Religion Democracy Relation.” Journal of Church and State 27 (Spring 1985): 315–333. Bedig, Laurel A. “The Supreme Court Narrows an Employer’s Duty to Accommodate an Employee’s Religious Practices Under Title VII.” Brooklyn Law Review 53 (Spring 1987): 245–269. Bellah, Robert N. “Civil Religion in America.” Daedalus 96 (Winter 1967): 1–21. Benjamin, Walter W. “Separation of Church and State: Myth and Reality.” Journal of Church and State 1 (Winter 1969): 93–110. Bennet, L. Leslie, Jr., and David E. Sumler. “Ethical Policymaking in Higher Education: State Regulation of Religious Colleges in Maryland.” Journal of Church and State 35 (Summer 1993): 547–557. Beredy, George Z. F. “Values, Education and the Law.” Mississippi Law Journal 48 (Summer 1977): 585–619. Bereiter, Carl. “Schools Without Education.” Harvard Education Review 42 (1972): 391. Berg, Thomas C. “What Hath Congress Wrought? An Interpretative Guide to the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.” Villanova Law Review 39 (1994) 1-70. —–“The Voluntary Principle and Church Autonomy, Then and Now.” Brigham Young University Law Review (2004) 1593-1616. —–“Minority Religions and the Religion Clauses.” Washington University Law Quarterly 82 (Fall 2004): 919-1000. Berger, Raoul. “Standing to Sue in Public Actions: Is It a Constitutional Requirement?” Yale Law Journal 78 (April 1969): 816–840. Berman, Harold J. “Religious Freedom and the Challenge of the Modem State.” Emory Law Journal 65 (Winter 1990): 149–164. Bernardin, Joseph Cardinal. “The Role of the Religious Leader in the Development of Public Policy” DePaul Law Review 34 (Fall 1984): 3–21.

FOR FURTHER READING Bertonneau, Brian. “Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc.: Defining Sabbath Rights in the Workplace.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 15 (Spring 1988): 513–532. Beschle, Donald L. “The Conservative as Liberal: The Religion Clauses, Liberal Neutrality, and the Approach of Justice O’Connor.” Notre Dame Law Review 62 (Spring 1987): 151–191. “Catechism or Imagination: Is Justice Scalia’s Judicial Style Typically Catholic?” Villanova Law Review 37 (October 1992): 1329–1359. Best, James. “Lynch v. Donnelly: The Rebirth of the Supreme Court’s Attitude Towards the Establishment Clause.” Southern University Law Review 12 (Fall 1987): 97–105. BeVier, Lillian R. “The Free Exercise Clause: A View from the Public Forum.” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1987): 963–974. Bird, Wendell R., and George K. Rahdert. “The Exemption of Nonprofit Organizations from Federal Income Taxation.” Yale Law Journal 87 (January 1978): 515–570. Bird, Wendell R., and Thomas O. Koutouc. “Exempt Religious Organizations Have Strict Limits.” Taxation for Accountants 48 (April 1992): 207–215. Birkby, Robert. “The Supreme Court and the Bible Belt: Tennessee Reaction to the Schempp Decision.” Midwest Journal of Political Science 10 (August 1966): 304–319. Bittker, Boris I. “Churches, Taxes, and the Constitution.” Yale Law Journal 78 (1969): 1285. Bjorklun, Eugene C. “The Rites of Spring: Prayers at High School Graduation.” Educational Law Report 61 (August 30, 1990):1–9. —–“Commentary, Condom Distribution in the Public Schools: Is Parental Consent Required?” Educational Law Reporter 91 (1994): 11. Blischak, Matthew P. “O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz: The State of Prisoners’ Religious Free Exercise Rights.” American University Law Review 37 (Winter, 1988): 453–486. Block, Sharon I. “Note, The Establishment Clause in Public Schools: A Model for Future Analysis.” Georgetown Law Journal 79 (October 1990): 121–140. Bloostein, Marc J. “The ‘Core’-’Periphery’ Dichotomy in First Amendment Free Exercise Clause Doctrine: Goldman v. Weinberger, Bowen v. Roy, and O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz.” Cornell Law Review 72 (May 1987): 827–855. Bohner, Robert J., Jr. “Religious Property Disputes and Intrinsically Religious Evidence: Towards a Narrow Application of the Neutral Principles Approach.” Villanova Law Review 35 (September 1990): 949–981. Bland, James M. “Constitutional Legitimacy and the Culture Wars: Rules of Law of Dictatorship of a Shifting Supreme Court Majority?” Cumberland Law Review 36 (2005/2006): 245. Boles, Donald E. “Religion and the Public Schools in Judicial Review.” Journal of Church and State 26 (Winter 1984): 55–71. —–“Church and State and the Burger Court: Recent Developments Affecting Parochial Schools.” Journal of Church and State 18 (Winter 1976): 21–38. Bolton, S. Charles, and Cal Ledbetter, Jr. “Compulsory Bible Reading in Arkansas and the Culture of Southern Fundamentalism.” Social Science Quarterly 64 (September 1983): 670–676. Boothby, Lee, and R.W. Nixon. “Religious Accommodation: An Often Delicate Task.” The Notre Dame Lawyer 57 (June 1982): 797–808. Boston, Rob. “The Day ‘Sherbert’ Melted.” Church and State 43 (June 1990): 4–6. Bowden, Henry Warner. “A Historian’s Response to the Concept of American Civil Religion.” Journal of Church and State 17 (Autumn 1975): 495–505. Bradley, Gerald V. “Dogmatomachy—A ‘Privatization’ Theory of the Religion Clause Cases.” Saint Louis University Law Journal 30 (March 1986): 275–330. —–“The No Religious Test Clause and the Constitution of Religious Liberty: A Machine That Has Gone of Itself.” Case Western Law Review 37 (Summer 1987): 674–747. —–“Church Autonomy in the Constitutional Order: The End of Church and State.” Louisiana Law Review 49 (May 1989): 1057–1087. —–“Beguiled: Free Exercise Exemptions and the Siren Song of Liberalism.” Hofstra Law Review 20 (Winter 1991): 245–319. Braveman, Daan. “The Establishment Clause and the Course of Religious Neutrality.” Maryland Law Review 45 (Spring 1986): 352–386.

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Brown, Bruce P. “The Establishment Clause Jurisprudence of Chief Justice Warren Burger.” Oklahoma Law Review 45 (Spring 1992): 33–56. Butler, Charles L. “International Law and Religion: Federal Funding to Faith-Based Organizations: Unconstitutional Wherever the Spirit Moves Them.” Willamette Journal of International Law & Dispute Resolution 13 (2005): 27-62. Byers, David E. “Title VII and Sectarian Institutions of Higher Education: Congress Shall Make No Law Prohibiting Free Exercise of Religion.” Cumberland Law Review 14 (Summer 1984): 597–641. Cain, Aaron. “Faith-Based Initiative Proponents Beware: The Key in Zelman is Not Just Neutrality, but Private Choice.” Pepperdine Law Review 31 (May 2004): 979-1016. Calabresi, Steven G., and Kevin H. Rhodes. “The Structural Constitution: Unitary Executive, Plural Judiciary.” Harvard Law Review 105 (April 1992): 1153–1216. Calo, Zachary. ”The Indispensible Basis of Democracy”: American Catholicism, the Church-State Debate, and the Soul of American Liberalism, 1920-1929.” Virginia Law Review 91 (June 2005): 1037-1073. Campbell, James M. “Newdow Calls for a New Day in Establishment Clause Jurisprudence: Justice Thomas’s “Actual Legal Coercion” Standard Provides the Necessary Renovation.” Akron Law Review 39 (Spring 2006): 541-592. Carmella, Angela C. “Houses of Worship and Religious Liberty: Constitutional Limits to Landmark Preservation and Architectural Review.” Villanova Law Review 36 (April 1991): 401–515. “State Constitutional Protection of Religious Exercise: An Emerging Post-Smith Jurisprudence.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1993 (Winter 1993): 275–325. Carpenter, James G. “State Regulation of Religious Schools.” Journal of Law and Education 14 (April 1985): 229–249. Carroll, Anne Berrill. “Religion, Politics, and the IRS: Defining the Limits of Tax Law Controls on Political Expression by Churches.” Marquette Law Review 76 (Fall 1992): 217–263. Carroll, William A. “The Constitution, the Supreme Court, and Religion.” American Political Science Review 61 (September 1967): 657–674. Carter, Stephen L. “Evolutionism, Creationism, and Treating Religion as a Hobby.” Duke Law Journal 1987 (December 1987): 977–996. —–“The Religiously Devout Judge.” Notre Dame Law Review 64 (Winter 1989): 932–944. —–“Comment: The Resurrection of Religious Freedom?” Harvard Law Review 107 (November 1993): 118–142. Casad, Robert C. “Note, Compulsory High School Attendance and the Old Order Amish: A Commentary on State v. Garber.” University of Kansas Law Review 16 (April 1968): 423–436. Case, David W. “Resolving the Conflict Between Chapter 13 of the Bankruptcy Code and the Free Exercise Clause—In Re Green: A Step in the Wrong Direction.” Mississippi Law Journal 57 (April 1987): 163–184. Casino, Bruce J. “‘I Know It When I See It’: Mail-Order Ministry Tax Fraud and the Problem of a Constitutionally Acceptable Definition of Religion.” American Criminal Law Review 25 (Summer 1987): 113–164. Cavanaugh, William T., Jr. “The United States Military Chaplaincy Program: Another Seam in the Fabric of Our Society?” Notre Dame Law Review 59 (1983): 181–223. Chadsey, Mark J. “State Aid to Religious Schools: From Everson to Zelman A Critical Review.” Santa Clara Law Review 44 (Summer 2004): 699-762. —–“Thomas Jefferson and the Establishment Clause.” Akron Law Review 40 (Fall 2007): 623-646. Charlow, Robin. “The Elusive Meaning of Religious Equality.” Washington University Law Quarterly 83 (December 2005): 1529-1566. Chase, Jonathan B. “Litigating a Nativity Scene Case.” St. Louis University Law Journal 24 (September 1980): 237–271. Choper, Jesse H. “Religion in the Public Schools: A Proposed Constitutional Standard.” Minnesota Law Review 47 (January 1963): 329–416. —–“The Religion Clauses of the First Amendment: Reconciling the Conflict.” University of Pittsburgh Law Review 41 (Summer 1980): 673–701. —–“Defining ‘Religion’ in the First Amendment.” University of Illinois Law Review 1982 (Summer 1982): 579–613.

FOR FURTHER READING —–“The Free Exercise Clause: A Structural Overview and an Appraisal of Recent Developments.” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1986): 943–961. —–“The Establishment Clause and Aid to Parochial Schools—An Update.” California Law Review 75 (January 1987): 5–14. —–“Separation of Church and State: ‘New’ Directions by the ‘New’ Supreme Court.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Spring 1992): 363–375. Chopko, Mark. “Ascending Liability of Religious Entities for the Actions of Others.” American Journal of Trial Advocacy 17 (Fall 1993): 289–350. Clark, Elias. “Charitable Trusts and the Fourteenth Amendment and the Will of Stephen Girard,” Yale Law Journal 66 (June 1957): 979–1015. Clark, J. Morris. “Guidelines for the Free Exercise Clause.” Harvard Law Review 83 (December 1969): 327–365. Clements, Ben. “Defining ‘Religion’ in the First Amendment: A Functional Approach.” Cornell Law Review 74 (March 1989): 532–558. Cline, Christopher P. “Pursuing Native American Rights in International Law Venues: A Jus Cogens Strategy After Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association.” Hastings Law Journal 42 (January 1991): 591–633. Clune, William H. “Educational Adequacy: A Theory and Its Remedies.” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 28 (Spring 1995): 481–491. Cohen, Cynthia Price. “Introductory Note: United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.” International Legal Materials 28 (November 1989): 1448–1476. Cohn, Werner, “When the Constitution Fails on Church and State: Two Case Studies.” Camden Rutgers Journal of Law and Religion 6 (2004): 2. Collins, Camala. “No More Religious Protection: The Impact of Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protection Association.” Washington University Journal of Urban and Contemporary Law 38 (Summer 1990): 369–384. Conkin, Paul. “The Church Establishment in North Carolina, 1765–1776.” North Carolina Historical Review 32 (1955): 1. Conkle, Daniel. “Toward a General Theory of the Establishment Clause.” Northwestern University Law Review 82 (Summer 1988): 1113–1194. Connolly, John W. III. “Mueller v. Allen: A New Standard of Scrutiny Applied to Tax Deductions for Educational Expenses.” Duke Law Journal 1994 (November 1994): 983–1001. Connor, M. Colleen. “The Constitutionality of Religious Symbols on Government Property: A Suggested Approach.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Spring 1995): 385–411. —–“The Constitutional Dimensions of Student-Initiated Religious Activity in Public High Schools.” Yale Law Journal 92 (December 1982): 499–519. “Constitutional Law—Legislative Prayer and the Establishment Clause: An Exception to the Traditional Analysis—Marsh v. Chambers.” Creighton Law Review 17 (1983/1984): 157–185. “Constitutional Law—The Clash Between the Free Exercise of Religion and the Military’s Uniform Regulations—Goldman v. Secretary of Defense.” Temple Law Quarterly 58 (Spring 1985): 195–219. Cook, Theresa. “The Peyote Case: A Return to Reynolds.” Denver University Law Review 68 (Winter 1991): 91–103. Cooper, Charles L. “Stare Decisis: Precedent and Principle in Constitutional Adjudication.” Cornell Law Review 73 (January 1988): 401–410. Copilevitz, Errol. “The Historical Role of the First Amendment in Charitable Appeals.” Stetson Law Review 27 (Fall 1997): 457–472. Cord, Robert L., and Howard Ball. “Church-State Separation: Restoring the ‘No Preference’ Doctrine of the First Amendment.’ Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 9 (Winter 1986): 129–172. —–“The Separation of Church and State: A Debate.” Utah Law Review 1987 (Fall 1987): 895–925. Cordes, Mark W. “Where To Pray? Religious Zoning and the First Amendment.” University of Kansas Law Review 35 (Summer 1987): 697–762. Cornelius, William J. “Church and State: The Mandate of the Establishment Clause: Wall of Separation or Benign Neutrality?” St. Mary’s Law Journal 16 (Winter 1984): 1–39.

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Corwin, Edward S. “The Supreme Court as National School Board.” Law and Contemporary Problems 14 (Winter 1949): 3–22. Cote, Denise. “Establishment Clause Analysis of Legislative and Administrative Aid to Religion.” Columbia Law Review 74 (October 1974): 1175–1202. Cover, Robert. “Foreward: Nomos and Narrative.” Harvard Law Review 97 (November 1983): 4–68. Crabb, Kelly C. “Religious Symbols, American Traditions and the Constitution.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1984 (Fall 1984): 509–562. Crane, Linda R. “Family Values and the Supreme Court.” Connecticut Law Review 25 (Winter 1993): 427–469. Crockenberg, Vincent A. “An Argument for the Constitutionality of Direct Aid to Religious Schools.” Journal of Law and Education 13 (January 1984): 1–18. Croney, Vance M. “Secondary Right: Protection of the Free Exercise Clause Reduced by Oregon v. Smith.” Willamette Law Review 27 (Winter 1991): 173–196. Crumpler, M. Greg. “Constitutional Law—Legislative Chaplaincy Program Held Not to Violate the Establishment of Religion Clause—Marsh v. Chambers.” Campbell Law Review 6 (Spring 1984): 143–161. Cummings, Zachary. “Prophetic Speech and the Internal Revenue Code: Analyzing I.R.C. § 501 (C)93) in Light of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.” Regent University Law Review 20 (Fall 2007): 151173. Cuomo, Mario. “Religious Belief and Public Morality: A Catholic Governor’s perspective, Address at the University of Notre Dame (Sept. 13, 1994).” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy 13 (Fall 1984): 755–756. Curriden, Mark. “Defenders of the Faith.” ABA Journal 80 (December 1994): 86. Curry, David P. “The Constitution in the Supreme Court: Civil Rights and Liberties, 1930–1941.” Duke Law Journal 1987 (November 1987): 800–830. —–“The Constitution in the Supreme Court: The Preferred-Position Debate, 1941–1946.” Catholic University Law Review 37 (Fall 1987): 39–71. Curry, Patricia E. “James Madison and the Burger Court: Converging Views of Church-State Separation.” Indiana Law Journal 56 (Summer 1981): 615–636. —–“Daily Moments of Silence in Public Schools: A Constitutional Analysis.” New York University Law Review 58 (May 1983): 364–408. Dane, Perry. “Religious Exemptions Under the Free Exercise Clause: A Model of Competing Authorities.” Yale Law Journal 90 (December 1980): 350–378. Dankanich, Michael D. “Constitutional Law—State May Ban Religious Solicitation in Public Sports Complex, Since Complex Is Not A Public Forum—International Society For Krishna Consciousness, Inc. v. New Jersey Sports & Exposition Authority, 691 F.2D 155 (3d Cir. 1982).” Temple Law Review 57 (1984): 119–133. Danzig, Richard. “How Questions Begot Answers in Felix Frankfurter’s First Flag Salute Opinion.” Supreme Court Review 1977 (1977): 257–274. —–“Justice Frankfurter’s Opinions in the Flag Salute Cases: Blending Logic and Psychologic in Constitutional Decisionmaking.” Stanford Law Review 36 (February 1984): 675–723. Darling, Webster. “Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education: The Struggle to Balance Constitutional Interests in the Public School Curricula.” Arkansas Law Review 42 (Spring 1989): 519–548. Davis, Derek H. “Editorial: Rebuilding the Wall: Thoughts on Religion and the Supreme Court Under the Clinton Administration.” Journal of Church and State 35 (Winter 1993): 7–17. —–“Editorial: Religious Pluralism and the Quest for Unity in American Life.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Spring 1994): 245–259. —–“Editorial: Religious Dimensions of the Declaration of Independence: Fact and Fiction.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Summer 1994): 469–482. —–“Editorial: Religion and the American Revolution.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Autumn 1994): 709–724. —–“Editorial: Assessing the Proposed Religious Equality Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Summer 1995): 493–508. —–“Editorial: A Commentary on the Proposed ‘Religious Equality/Liberties’ Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 38 (Winter 1996): 5–23.

FOR FURTHER READING de Andrade, David. “The Equal Access Act: The Establishment Clause v. The Free Exercise and Free Speech Clauses.” New York Law School Law Review 33 (Fall 1988): 447–468. Dean, James J. “Ceremonial Invocations at Public High School Events and the Establishment Clause.” Florida State University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989): 1000–1031. DeForest, Mark. “The Use and Scope of Extrinsic Evidence in Evaluating Establishment Clause Cases in Light of the Lemon Test’s Secular Purpose Requirement.” Regent University Law Review 20 (2007/2008): 201255. Delgado, Richard. “Religious Totalism: Gentle and Ungentle Persuasion Under the First Amendment.” Southern California Law Review 51 (November 1977): 1–98. —–“The Inward Turn in Outsider Jurisprudence.” William and Mary Law Review 31 (Spring 1993): 741–768. Dellinger, Walter. “The Sound of Silence: An Epistle on Prayer and the Constitution.” Yale Law Journal 95 (July 1986): 1631–1646. Denbeaux, Mark P. “The First Word of the First Amendment.” Northwestern University Law Review 80 (Spring 1986): 1156–1220. Detroy, Kevin M. “A Coherent Standard, If You Please: The Supreme Court’s Failure to Adhere to a Consistent Standard in Establishment Clause Cases and Why a Revision of Justice O’Connor’s Endorsement Test may be Just What Is Needed.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 33 (Spring 2006): 571. —–“Developments in the Law—Privileged Communications—I.V. Medical and Counseling Privileges.” Harvard Law Review 98 (May 1985): 1530–1563. Deverich, Carolyn. “Comment: Establishment Clause Jurisprudence and the Free Exercise Dilemma: A Structural Unitary-Accommodationist Argument for the Constitutionality of God in the Public Square.” Brigham Young University Law Review (Winter 2006): 211-262 Devins, Neal, and Charles O. Galvin. “State Regulation of Christian Schools.” Journal of Legislation 10 (Summer 1983): 351–381. —– “A Tax Policy Analysis of Bob Jones University v. United States.” Vanderbilt Law Review 36 (November 1983): 1353–1382. —–“Religious Symbols and the Establishment Clause.” Journal of Church and State 27 (Winter 1985): 19–46. Dobosh, William J. “Coercion in the Ranks: The Establishment Clause Implications of Chaplain-Led Prayers at Mandatory Army Events.” Wisconsin Law Review (November, December 2006): 1493-1562. Dodge, Joseph M. II. “The Free Exercise of Religion: A Sociological Approach.” Michigan Law Review 67 (February 1969): 679–728. —– “Does the Wall Still Stand?: Separation of Church and State in the United States.” Baylor Law Review 37 (Summer 1985): 755–775. Donahue, Mary Jo. “Note, First Amendment Rights in the Military Context: What Deference Is Due?” Creighton Law Review 20 (Fall 1986): 85–110. Douglas, William O. “Stare Decisis.” Columbia Law Review 49 (June 1949): 735–758. Dow, David R. “Toward a Theory of the Establishment Clause.” University of Missouri-Kansas City Law Review 56 (Spring 1988): 491–513. Doyle, Denis. “A Den of Inequity: Private Schools Reconsidered.” American Education 18 (1982): 11–18. Drakeman, Donald L. “Antidisestablishmentarianism: The Latest (and Longest) Word from the Supreme Court in Marsh v. Chambers.” Cardozo Law Review 5 (Fall 1983): 153–181. —–“Religion and the Republic: James Madison and the First Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 25 (Autumn 1983): 427–445. Dreisbach, Daniel L. “Thomas Jefferson and Bills Number 82–86 of the Revision of the Laws of Virginia, 1776–1786: New Light on the Jeffersonian Model of Church-State Relations.” North Carolina Law Review 69 (November 1990): 159–211. Drennan, William A. “Religion and the Republic: James Madison and the First Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 25 (Autumn, 1983): 427–445. —–“Prayer in the Schools: Is New Jersey’s Moment of Silence Constitutional?” Rutgers Law Review 35 (Winter 1983): 341–359. —–“Note, For Whom Will the Bell Toll” St. Louis University Law Journal 29 (March 1985): 561–596. Driggs, Kenneth David. “The Mormon Church-State Confrontation in Nineteenth-Century America.” Journal of Church and State 30 (Autumn 1988): 273–289.

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Drinan, Robert F., S.J. “State and Federal Aid to Parochial Schools.” Journal of Church and State 7 (Winter 1965): 67–77. Drinan, Robert F., S.J. and Jennifer I. Huffman. “Religious Freedom and the Oregon v. Smith and Hialeah Cases.” Journal of Church and State 35 (Winter 1993): 19–35. Drucker, Margo R. “Bowen v. Kendrick: Establishing Chastity at the Expense of Constitutional Prophylactics.” New York University Law Review (November 1989): 1165–1210. Duncan, Kyle. “Subsidiarity and Religious Establishments in the United States Constitution.” Villanova Law Review 52 (February 2007): 67-134. —–“Bringing Scalia’s Decalogue Dissent Down From the Mountain.” Utah Law Review (Spring 2007): 287344. Dunsford, John E. “Prayer in the Well: Some Heretical Reflections on the Establishment Syndrome.” Utah Law Review 1984 (Winter 1984): 1–44. Durham, W. Cole, Jr. “Religious Liberty and the Call of Conscience.” DePaul Law Review 42 (Fall 1992): 71–88. Durrant, Matthew B. “Accrediting Church-Related Schools: A First Amendment Analysis.” Journal of Law and Education 14 (April 1985): 147–179. Durso, Keith E. “The Voluntary School Prayer Debate: A Separationist Perspective.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Winter 1994): 79–96. Dwyer, James G. “Parent’s Religion and Children’s Welfare: Debunking the Doctrine of Parents’ Rights.” California Law Review 82 (December 1994): 1371. Edwards, John Evan. “Democracy and Delegation of Legislative Authority: Bob Jones University v. United States.” Boston College Law Review 26 (May 1985): 745–778. Eisgruber, Christopher L. “Madison’s Wager: Religious Liberty in the Constitutional Order.” Northwestern University Law Review 89 (Winter 1995): 347–410. Eisgruber, Christopher L., and Lawrence G. Sager. “The Vulnerability of Conscience: The Constitutional Basis for Protecting Religious Conduct.” University of Chicago Law Review 61 (Fall 1994): 1245–1316. Elifson, Kirk, and C. Kirk Hadaway. “Prayer in Public Schools: When Church and State Collide.” Public Opinion Quarterly 49 (Fall 1985): 317–329. Ericsson, Samuel E. “Clergy Malpractice: Constitutional and Political Issues.” The Center for Law and Religious Freedom (May 1981): 1–32. Esbeck, Carl H. “The Establishment Clause and Liquor Sales: The Supreme Court Rushes in Where Angels Fear to Tread—Larkin v. Grendel’s Den.” Washington Law Review 59 (1983–1984): 87–101. —–“Establishment Clause Limits on Governmental Interference With Religious Organizations.” Washington and Lee Law Review 41 (Spring 1984): 347–420. —–“Toward a General Theory of Church-State Relations and the First Amendment.” Public Law Forum 4 (Spring 1985): 325–354. —–“Religion and a Neutral State: Imperative or Impossibility?” Cumberland Law Review 15 (Winter 1985): 67–88. —–“Five Views of Church-State Relations in Contemporary American Thought.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1986 (Spring 1986): 371–404. —–“Tort Claims Against Churches and Ecclesiastical Officers: The First Amendment Considerations.” West Virginia Law Review 89 (Fall 1986): 1–114. —–“The Lemon Test: Should It Be Retained, Reformulated or Rejected?” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy 4 (Fall-Winter 1990): 513–548. —–“Government Regulation of Religiously Based Social Services: The First Amendment Considerations.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 19 (Winter 1992): 343–412. —–“A Restatement of the Supreme Court’s Law of Religious Freedom: Coherence, Conflict, or Chaos?” Notre Dame Law Review 70 (January 1995): 581–650. —–“Dissent and Disestablishment: The Church-State Settlement in the Early American Republic.” Brigham Young University Law Review (Fall 2004): 1385-1592. —–“When Accommodations for Religion Violate the Establishment Clause: Regularizing the Supreme Court’s Analysis.” West Virginia Law Review 110 (Fall 2007); 359-401. Evans, Bette Novit. “Evolution and Creationism in the Public Schools.” Journal of Contemporary Law 9 (1983): 81–126.

FOR FURTHER READING —–“Contradictory Demands on the First Amendment Religion Clauses: Having It Both Ways.” Journal of Church and State 30 (Autumn 1988): 463–481. Evans, Daniel. “Note, Another Brick in the Wall: Denominational Preferences and Strict Scrutiny Under the Establishment Clause.” Nebraska Law Review 62 (Spring 1983): 359–383. Fallon, Richard H., Jr. “Two Senses of Autonomy.” Stanford Law Review 46 (April 1994): 875–905. Fava, Eileen M. “Desegregation and Parental Choice In Public Schooling: A Legal Analysis of Controlled Choice Student Assignment Plans.” Boston College Third World Law Journal 11 (Winter 1991): 83–105. Feder, Benjamin D. “And a Child Shall Lead Them: Justice O’Connor, The Principle of Religious Liberty and Its Practical Application.” Pace Law Review 8 (Spring 1988): 249–302. Feigenson, Neal R. “Political Standing and Governmental Endorsement of Religion: An Alternative to Current Establishment Clause Doctrine.” DePaul Law Review 40 (Fall 1990): 53–114. Fellman, David. “Religion, the State, and the Public University.” Journal of Church and State 26 (Winter 1984): 73–90. Felsen, David. “Developments in Approaches to Establishment Clause Analysis: Consistency for the Future.” American University Law Review 38 (Winter 1989): 395–428. Fielder, David A. “Serving God or Caesar: Constitutional Limits on the Regulation of Religious Employers.” Missouri Law Review 51 (Summer 1986): 779–791. Fisher, Barry A. “Comment on the Free Exercise Clause: A Structural Overview and an Appraisal of Recent Developments.” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1987): 975–984. Fisher, Louis A. “The Curious Belief in Judicial Supremacy.” Suffolk Law Review 25 (Spring 1991): 85–116.Flowers, Ronald B. “The Supreme Court’s Three Tests of the Establishment Clause.” Religion in Life 45 (Spring 1976): 41–52. —–“The Supreme Court’s Interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause.” Religion in Life 49 (Fall 1980): 322–335. —–“Withholding Medical Care for Religious Reasons.” Journal of Religion and Health 23 (Winter 1984): 268–282. —–“Can Churches Discipline Members and Win in Court?” Journal of Church and State 27 (Autumn 1985): 483–498. —–“Government Accommodation of Religious-Based Conscientious Objection.” Seton Hall Law Review 24 (Spring 1994): 695–735. Fordham, Jefferson B. “The Implications of the Supreme Court Decisions Dealing with Religious Practices in the Public Schools.” Journal of Church and State 6 (Winter 1964): 44–60. Fox, Richard P. “Conscientious Objection to War: The Background and a Current Appraisal.” Cleveland State Law Review 31 (Winter 1982): 77–106. Freed, Mayer G., and Daniel D. Polsby. “Race, Public Policy, and Bob Jones University.” Supreme Court Review (1983): 1–31. Freeman, Brian A. “The Supreme Court and First Amendment Rights of Students in the Public School Classroom: A Proposed Model of Analysis.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 12 (September 1984): 1–70. Freeman, George C. III. “The Misguided Search for the Constitutional Definition of ‘Religion.’ ” Georgetown Law Journal 71 (August 1983): 1519–1665. Freund, Paul A. “Public Aid to Parochial Schools.” Harvard Law Review 82 (June 1969): 1680–1692. Friedland, Jerod A. “Constitutional Issues in Revoking Religious Tax Exemptions: Church of Scientology of California v. Commissioner.” University of Florida Law Review 37 (Tax 1985): 565–589. Frohlich, David. “Note, Will Courts Make Change for a Large Denomination? Problems of Interpretation in an Agency Analysis in Which a Religious denomination is Involved in an Ascending Liability Tort Case.” Iowa Law Review 72 (July 1987): 1377–1399. Funston, C. Eric. “Comment, Made Out of Whole Cloth? A Constitutional Analysis of the Clergy Malpractice Concept.” California Western Law Review 19 (Summer 1983): 507–544. Gaffney, Edward M., Jr. “Political Divisiveness Along Religious Lines: Entanglement of the Court in Sloppy History and Bad Public Policy.” St. Louis University Law Journal 24 (September 1980): 205–236. —–“Biblical Religion and American Politics: Some Historical and Theological Reflections.” Journal of Law and Religion. 1 (Summer 1983): 171–186.

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Galanter, Marc. “Religious Freedoms in the United States: A Turning Point?” Wisconsin Law Review 1966 (Spring 1966): 217–296. Galligan, Michael William. “Judicial Resolution of Intrachurch Disputes.” Columbia Law Review 83 (December 1983): 2007–2038. Galloway, Russell W. “Basic Free Exercise Clause Analysis.” Santa Clara Law Review 29 (Fall 1989): 865–878. Garnett, Richard W. “Church, State, and the Practice of Love.” Villanova Law Review 52 (May 2007): 281307. —– “Religion and Morality in the Public Square: Religion and Group Rights: Are Churches (Just) like the Boy Scouts?” St. John’s Journal of Legal Commentary 22 (Fall 2007): 515-553. Garrett, James Leo. “The ‘Free Exercise’ Clause of the First Amendment: Retrospect and Prospect.” Journal of Church and State 17 (Autumn 1975): 393–398. Garrett,W. Barry. “IRS Proposal Scored.” Church and State 29 (June 1976): 10–11. Garry, Patrick M. “The Institutional Side of Religious Liberty: A New Model of the Establishment Clause.” Utah Law Review (Fall 2004): 1155-1189. —–“The Myth of Separation: America’s Historical Experience with Church and State.” Hofstra Law Review 33 (Winter 2004): 475-500. —–“A Congressional Attempt to Alleviate the Uncertainty of the Court’s Establishment Clause Jurisprudence: The Expression of Religion Act.” Cumberland Law Review 37 (2006): 1-24. —– “Liberty from On High: The Growing Reliance on a Centralized Judiciary to Protect Individual Liberty.” Kentucky Law Journal 95 (Winter 2007): 385-427. Garvey, John H. “Free Exercise and the Values of Religious Liberty.” Connecticut Law Review 14 (1981): 193–221. —–“Freedom and Equality in the Religion Clauses.” Supreme Court Review 1981 (1981): 193–221. —–“Churches and the Free Exercise of Religion.” Notre Dome Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy 4 (Fall/Winter 1990): 567–589. Gaustad, Edwin Scott. “A Disestablished Society: Origins of the First Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 11 (Autumn 1969): 409–426. Gavin, Charles O., and Neal Devins. “A Tax Policy Analysis of Bob Jones University v. United States.” Vanderbilt Law Review 36 (November 1983): 1353–1382. Gay, John. “Note, Bowen v. K: Establishing a New Relationship Between Church and State.” American University Law Review 38 (Spring 1989): 953–992. Gedicks, Frederick M. “Motivation, Rationality, and Secular Purpose in Establishment Clause Review.” Arizona State Law Journal 1985 (Summer 1985): 677–726. —–“Public Life and Hostility to Religion.” Virginia Law Review 78 (April 1992): 671–696. Gedicks, Frederick M., and Robert Hendrix. “Democracy, Autonomy, and Values: Some Thoughts on Religion and Law in Modern America.” Southern California Law Review 60 (September 1987): 1579–1619. Gerardi, Donald F. “Zephaniah Swift and Connecticut’s Standing Order: Skepticism, Conservatism, and Religious Liberty in the Early Republic.” New England Quarterly 67 (1994): 234. Gershon, Richard. “Tax-Exempt Entities: Achieving and Maintaining Special Status Under the Watchful Eye of the Internal Revenue Service.” Cumberland Law Review 16 (Spring 1986): 301–327. Gey, Steven G. “Why is Religion Special?: Reconsidering the Accommodation of Religion Under the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment.” University of Pittsburgh Law Review 52 (Fall 1990): 75–187. —–”Reconciling the Supreme Court’s Four Establishment Clauses.” University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 8 (August 2006): 725-796. —–“Vestiges of the Establishment Clause.” First Amendment Law Review 5 (Fall 2006): 1-57. —–“Rewriting the Establishment Clause for One Nation Under (A) God.” Tulsa Law Review 41 (Summer 2006): 737-772. —–“Life After the Establishment Clause.” West Virginia Law Review 110(Fall 2007): 1-50. Geyer, Thomas E. “Free Exercise Jurisprudence: A Comment on the Heightened Threshold and the Proposal of the ‘Burden Plus’ Standard.” Ohio State Law Journal 50 (October 1989): 1035–1057. Giannelial, Donald A. “Religious Liberty, Nonestablishment, and Doctrinal Development. Part 1. The Religious Liberty Guarantee.” Harvard Law Review 80 (May 1967): 1381–1431.

FOR FURTHER READING —–“Lemon and Tilton: The Bitter and Sweet of Church-State Entanglement.” Supreme Court Review 147 (1971): 147–200. Glendon, Mary Ann, and Raul Yanes. “Structural Free Exercise.” Michigan Law Review 90 (December 1991): 477–550. Goff, J. Edward. “Constitutional Law—First Amendment—A State Statute that Permits a Tax Deduction for Public as Well as Non-Public School Tuition and Related Expenses Does Not Violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment—Muellff v. Allen.” Villanova Law Review 29 (April 1984): 505–534. Goodwin, Glenn. “Would Caesar Tax God? The Constitutionality of Governmental Taxation of Churches.” Drake Law Review 35 (1986): 383–404. Gordon, James D. III. “Free Exercise on the Mountaintop.” California Law Review 79 (January 1991): 91–116. Gordon, Sarah B. “Indian Religious Freedom and Governmental Development of Public Lands.” Yale Law Journal 94 (May 1985): 1447–1471. —–“Free Religion and ‘Captive’ Schools: Protestants, Catholics, and Education, 1945-1965.” DePaul Law Review 56 (Summer 2007): 1177-1220. Gottlieb, Stephen E. “Compelling Governmental Interests: An Essential but Unanalyzed Term in Constitutional Adjudication.” Boston University Law Review 68 (November 1988): 917–978. —–“Compelling Governmental Interests and Constitutional Discourse.” Albany Law Review 55 (Spring 1992): 549–560. —–“The Paradox of Balancing Significant Interests.” Hastings Law Journal 45 (April 1994): 825–866. Gould, Diane Brazen. “Government Neutrality and Separation of Church and State: Tuition Tax Credits.” Harvard Law Review 92 (January 1979): 696–717. —–“The First Amendment and the American Indian Religious Freedom Act: An Approach to Protecting Native American Religion.” Iowa Law Review 71 (March 1986): 869–891. Govert, Gary R. “Something There Is That Doesn’t Love a Wall: Reflections on the History of North Carolina’s Religious Test for Public Office.” North Carolina Law Review 64 (June 1986): 1071–1098. Grabiner, Judith V., and Peter D. Miller. “Effects of the Scopes Trial.” Science 185 (September 6, 1974): 832. Graham, David. “Balancing the Free Religious Exercise Right Against Governmental Interests.” Hamline Law Review 9 (July 1986): 649–699. Graham, John Remington. “A Restatement of the Intended Meaning of the Establishment Clause in Relation to Education and Religion.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1981 (Spring 1981): 333–359. Grant, Harriet. “Note, The Disappearing Wall.” North Carolina Law Review 63 (April 1985): 782–93. Green, Steven K. “The Misnomer of Equality Under the Equal Access Act.” Vermont Law Review 14 (Winter 1990): 369–400. —–“Evangelicals and the Becker Amendment: A Lesson in Church-State Moderation.” Journal of Church and State 33 (Summer 1991): 541–567. —–“The Blaine Amendment Reconsidered.” American Journal of Legal History 36 (Summer 1992): 38–73. —–“The Legal Argument Against Private School Choice.” University of Cincinnati Law Review 62 (Summer 1993): 37–73. —–”Religious Clause Federalism: State Flexibility Over Religious Matters and the “One-Way Ratchet.” Emory Law Journal 56 (Winter 2006): 108-124. —– “A Spacious Conception”: Separationism as an Idea.” Oregon Law Review 85 (Summer 2006): 443-480. Greenawalt, Kent. “All or Nothing at All: The Defeat of Selective Conscientious Objection.” Supreme Court Review 1971 (1971): 31. —–“Religion as a Concept in Constitutional Law.” California Law Review 72 (September 1984): 753–816. —–“The Role of Religion in a Liberal Democracy: Dilemmas and Possible Resolutions.” Journal of Church and State 35 (Summer 1993): 503–519. —–“The Use of Religious Convictions by Legislators and Judges.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Summer 1994): 541–555. —–“The Participation of Religious Groups in Political Advocacy.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Winter 1994): 143–160. Greene, Abner S. “The Political Balance of the Religion Clauses.” Yale Law Journal 102 (May 1993): 1611–1644.

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Griggs, Walter S., Jr. “The Selective Conscientious Objector: A Vietnam Legacy.” Journal of Church and State 21 (Winter 1979): 91–107. Grossman, Thomas E. “Constitutionality of Student-Initiated Religious Meetings on Public School Grounds.” University of Cincinnati Law Review 50 (Fall 1981): 740–785. Hafen, Bruce C. “Hazelwood School District and the Role of First Amendment Institutions.” Duke Law Journal 1988 (September 1988): 685–705. Hall, Timothy L. “Note, The Sacred and the Profane: A First Amendment Definition of Religion.” Texas Law Review 61 (August 1982): 139–173. Halstead, Ellen M. “After Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, School Voucher Programs Can Exclude Religious Schools.” Syracuse Law Journal 54 (February 2004): 147-192. —–“Religion, Equality, and Difference.” Temple Law Review 65 (Spring 1992): 1–89. Hamburger, Philip A. “A Constitutional Right of Religious Exemption: An Historical Perspective.” George Washington Law Review 60 (April 1992): 915–948. Hamilton, Marci. “The Religious Freedom Restoration Act: Letting the Fox Into the Henhouse Under Cover of Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.” Cardozo Law Review 16 (December 1994): 357–398. Hamilton, Marci. “The First Amendment Lost and Found: The Establishment Clause During the 2004 Term: Big Cases, Little Movement.” Cato Supreme Court Review (2005-2006): 159. Hammett, Harold D. “Separation of Church and State: By One Wall or Two?” Journal of Church and State 7 (Spring 1965): 190–206. Hammond, Phillip E., and Eric M. Mazur. “Church, State and the Dilemma of Conscience.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Summer 1995): 555–571. Hancock, Ralph C. “Religion and the Limits of Limited Government.” Review of Politics 50 (Fall 1988): 682–703. Hanrahan, E. M. “Constitutionality of Legislation Denying Tax-Exempt Status to Racially Discriminatory Schools.” The Catholic Lawyer 28 (Spring 1983): 137–143. Hansmann, Henry. “The Rationale for Exempting Nonprofit Organizations from Corporate Income Taxation.” Yale Law Journal 91 (November 1981): 54–100. Harkins, James C. “Of Textbooks and Tenets: Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education and the Free Exercise of Religion.” American Review 37 (Spring 1988): 985–1012. Harpaz, Leora. “Justice Jackson’s Flag Salute Legacy: The Supreme Court Struggles to Protect Intellectual Individualism.” Texas Law Review 64 (February 1986): 817–914. Harris, David J. “Respect for the Living and Respect for the Dead: Return of Indian and Other Native American Burial Remains.” Washington University Journal of Urban & Contemporary Law 39 (Spring 1991): 195–224. Hayes, B. Douglas. “Secular Humanism in Public School Textbooks: Thou Shalt Have No Other God (Except Thyself.)” Notre Dame Law Review 63 (Summer 1988): 358–379. Head, Neil W. “Property-Neutral Principles Approach in Interchurch Property Disputes—Presbytery of Beaver-Butter of the United Presbyterian Church in the United States v. Middlesex Presbyterian Church.” Temple Law Review 59 (Summer 1986): 789–806. Heady, Brian D. “Constitutional Law: What Offends a Theist Does Not Offend the Establishment Clause.” San Diego Law Review 25 (Fall 1988): 153–174. —–“First Americans and the First Amendment: American Indians Battle for Religious Freedom.” Southern Illinois University Law Journal 13 (Summer 1989): 945–974. Healy, Peggy. “Note, A Form-Over Effect Standard for the Free Exercise Clause.” Loyola University of Chicago Law Journal (Fall 1988): 171–196. Heise, Michael. “State Constitutions, Education Finance, and Legal Impact: An Empirical Analysis.” University of Cincinnati Law Review 63 (Summer 1995): 1735–1765. Hess, Danielle A. “The Undoing of Mandatory Free Exercise Accommodation—Employment Division, Department of Human Resources v. Smith.” Washington Law Review 66 (April 1991): 587–603. Hill, Alexander D., and Chi-Dooh Li. “A Current Church-State Battleground: Requiring Clergy to Report Child Abuse.” Journal of Church and State 32 (Autumn 1990): 795–811. —–“Religious Speech in Public Schools: A Case Study in Contradictions.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Summer 1995): 623–640.

FOR FURTHER READING Hilton, Jim. “Note, Local Autonomy, Educational Equity, and Choice: A Criticism of a Proposal to Reform America’s Educational System.” Boston University Law Review 72 (November 1992): 973–989. Hitchcock, James. “The Supreme Court and Religion: Historical Overview and Future Prognosis” St. Louis University Law Journal 24 (September 1980): 183–204. Hodson, Trevor. “The Religious Employer Exemption Under Title VII: Should a Church Define its Own Activities?” Brigham Young University Law Review 1994 (Summer 1994): 571–599. Hogue, William M. “The Civil Disability of Ministers of Religion in State Constitutions.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Spring 1994): 329–355. Holland, Robert A. “A Theory of Establishment Clause Adjudication: Individualism, Social Contract, and the Significance of Coercion in Identifying Threats to Religious Liberty.” California Law Review 80 (December 1992): 1595–1694. Hopkins, Steven. “Comment, Is God a Preferred Creditor? Tithing as an Avoidable Transfer in Chapter 7 Bankruptcies.” University of Chicago Law Review 62 (Summer 1995): 1139–1160. Horn, Carl III “Secularism and Pluralism in Public Education.” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 7 (Winter 1984): 177–183. Horner, Timothy, and Hugh M. Makens. “Securities Regulation of Fundraising Activities of Religious and Other Nonprofit Organizations” Stetson Law Review 27 (Fall 1997): 473–528. Hostetter, John A. “The Amish and the Law: A Religious Minority and Its Legal Encounters.” Washington and Lee Law Review 41 (Winter 1984): 33–47. Howarth, Don, and William D. Connell. “Student Rights to Organize and Meet for Religious Purposes in the University Context.” Valparaiso Law Review 16 (Fall 1981): 103–143. Hughes, Richard W. “Indian Law.” New Mexico Law Review 18 (Winter 1988): 403–467. Hughson, Thomas, S. J. “From James Madison to William Lee Miller: John Courtney and Baptist Theory of the First Amendment.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Winter 1995): 15–37. Hyde, Henry, “Keeping God in the Closet: Some Thoughts on the Exorcism of Religious Values from Public Life, Address at Notre Dame (September 24, 1984).” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics and Public Policy 1 (Fall 1984): 33–51. Idleman, Scott C. “The Religious Freedom Restoration Act: Pushing the Limits of Legislative Power.” Texas Law Review 73 (December 1994): 247–334. Ignani, Joseph A. “Explaining and Predicting Supreme Court Decision Making: The Burger Court’s Establishment Clause Decisions.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Spring 1994): 301–327. Ingber, Stanley. “Religion or Ideology: A Needed Clarification of the Religion Clauses.” Stanford Law Review 41 (January 1989): 233–333. Ivers, Gregg. “Organized Religion and the Supreme Court.” Journal of Church and State 32 (Autumn 1990): 775–793. Jamars, Steven D. “This Article Has No Footnotes: An Essay on RFRA and the Limits of Logic in the Law.” Stetson Law Review 27 (Fall 1997): 559–587. Johnson, Phillip E. “Concepts and Compromise in First Amendment Religious Doctrine.” California Law Review 72 (September 1984): 817–846. Jones, Harry W. “The Constitutional Status of Public Funds for Church-Related Schools.” Journal of Church and State 6 (Winter 1964): 61–73. Jones, Richard H. “Judicial Intervention in Disputes Over the Use of Church Property.” Harvard Law Review 75 (1962): 1142–1186. —–“Accommodationist and Separationist Ideas in Supreme Court Establishment Decisions.” Journal of Church and State 28 (Spring 1986): 193–223. Juster, Sara A. “Note, Free Exercise—Or the Lack Thereof?” Creighton Law Review 24 (December 1990): 239–265. Kaselonis, Raymond, Jr. “Everson and the “Wall of Separation Between Church and State”: The Supreme Court’s Flawed Interpretation of Jefferson’s Letter to the Danbury Baptists.” Regent University Law Review 17 (Fall 2004): 101-124. Kannar, George. “The Constitutional Catechism of Antonin Scalia.” Yale Law Journal 99 (April 1990): 1297–1357. Kaplan, Julie B. “Military Mirrors on the Wall: Nonestablishment and the Military Chaplaincy.” Yale Law Journal 95 (May 1986): 1210–1236.

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Katz, Wilber, and Harold P. Southertand. “Religious Pluralism and the Supreme Court.” Daedalus 96 (Winter 1967): 180–192. Kauper, Paul G. “Note, Church Autonomy and the First Amendment: The Presbyterian Church Case.” 1969 The Supreme Court Review (1969): 347–378. —–“Everson v. Board of Education: A Product of the Judicial Will.” Arizona Law Review 15 (1973): 307–326. Kauper, Paul G., and Stephen C. Ellis. “Religious Corporations and the Law.” Michigan Law Review 71 (1973): 1499–1576. Kelley, Dean M. “A Primer for Pastors: What to Do When the FBI Knocks.” Christianity and Crisis 37 (May 2, 1977): 86–92. Kemper, Keith. “Freedom of Religion vs. Public School Reading Curriculum.” University of Puget Sound Law Review (Spring 1989): 405–449. Kerley, John E. “Constitutional Law—Christian Science Malpractice—Illinois Appellate Court Commands: Thou Shalt Not Interfere with Faith Healers.” Southern Illinois University Law Journal 13 (Winter 1989): 411–427. Killitea, Alfred G. “Privileging Conscientious Dissent: Another Look at Sherbert v. Verner.” Journal of Church and State 16 (Spring 1974): 194–216. Kirby, James C., Jr. “Everson to Meek and Roemer: From Separation to Detente in Church-State Relations.’ North Carolina Law Review 55 (April 1977): 563–575. Kliever, Lonnie D. “Academic Freedom and Church-Affiliated Universities” Texas Law Review 66 (June 1988): 1477–1480. Klinkhamer, Marie Carolyn. “The Blaine Amendment of 1875: Private Motives for Political Action.” Catholic Historical Review 42 (1955): 15. Knicely, James J. “’First Principles’ and the Misplacement of the ‘Wall of Separation’: Too Late in the Day for a Cure.” Drake Law Review 52 (Winter 2004): 171-234. Knight, Barbara B. “Religion in Prison: Balancing the Free Exercise, No Establishment, and Equal Protection Clauses.” Journal of Church and State 26 (Autumn 1984): 437–454. Knight, Catherine M. “Comment, Must God Regulate Religious Corporations? A Proposal for Reform of the Religious Corporations Provisions of the Revised Model Nonprofit Corporation Act. “ Emory Law Journal 42 (Spring 1993): 721–746. Kurland, Philip B. “Of Church and State and the Supreme Court.” University of Chicago Law Review 29 (Autumn 1961): 1–96. —–“The Irrelevance of the Constitution: The Religion Clauses of the First Amendment and the Supreme Court.” Villanova Law Review 24 (November 1978): 3–27. —–“The Religion Clauses and the Burger Court.” Catholic University Law Review 34 (Fall 1984): 1–19. —–“The Origins of the Religion Clauses of the Constitution.” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1986): 839–862. Kushner, James A. “Toward the Central Meaning of Religious Liberty: Non-Sunday Sabbatarians and the Sunday Closing Cases Revisited.” Southwestern Law Journal 35 (June 1981): 557–584. Kuznicki, Joseph M. “Section 170, Tax Expenditures, and the First Amendment: The Failure of Charitable Religious Contributions for the Return of a Religious Benefit.” Temple Law Review 61 (Summer 1988): 443–487. Lam, Eddie. “Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith: The Limits of the Free Exercise Clause.” Thurgood Marshall Law Review 16 (Spring 1991): 377–397. Lambert, Frank. “God—and a Religious President . . . Or Jefferson and No God”: Campaigning for a VoterImposed Religious Test in 1800” Journal of Church and State 39 (Autumn 1997): 769. Lardner, Lynford A. “How Far Does the Constitution Separate Church and State?” American Political Science Review 45 (March 1951): 110–132. Latham, Bill. “Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State: Taxpayer Standing and the Establishment Clause.” Baylor Law Review 34 (Fall 1982): 748–762. Lavi, Terri Jane. “Free Exercise Challenges to Public School Curricula: Are States Creating Enclaves of Totalitarianism Through Compulsory Reading Requirements?” George Washington Law Review 57 (December 1988): 301–327. Lawless, James J., Jr. “Roy v. Cohen: Social Security Number and the Free Exercise Clause.” American University Law Review 36 (Fall 1986): 217–242.

FOR FURTHER READING Laycock, Douglas. “The Religious Freedom Restoration Act.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1993 (1993): 221–258. —–“Free Exercise and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.” Fordham Law Review 62 (February 1994): 883–904. —–“RFRA, Congress, and the Ratchet.” Montana Law Review 56 (Winter 1995): 145–170. Laycock, Douglas, and Oliver S. Thomas. “Interpreting the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.” Texas Law Review 73 (December 1994): 209–245. Laycock, Douglas, and Susan E. Waelbroeck. “A Survey of Religious Liberty in the United States.” Ohio State Law Journal 47 (1986): 409–451. —–“‘Nonpreferential’ Aid to Religion: A False Claim About Original Intent” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1986): 875–923. —–“Academic Freedom and the Free Exercise of Religion.” Texas Law Review 66 (June 1988): 1455–1475. —–“Peyote, Wine and the First Amendment.” The Christian Century 106 (October 4, 1989): 876–880. —–“Text, Intent, and the Religion Clauses.” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy 4 (Fall/Winter 1990): 683–697. —–“Formal, Substantive, and Disaggregated Neutrality Toward Religion.” DePaul Law Review 39 (Summer 1990): 993–1018. —–“‘Noncoercive’ Support for Religion: Another False Claim About the Establishment Clause.” Valparaiso University Law Review 26 (Fall 1991): 37–69. —–“The Remnants of Free Exercise.” The Supreme Court Review 1991 (1991): 1–68. Leavy, Edward N. and Eric A. Raps. “The Judicial Double Standard for State Aid to Church-Affiliated Educational Institutions.” Journal of Church and State 21 (Spring 1979): 209–222. Lee, Rex E. “The Legal Relationship of Conscience to Religion: Refusals to Bear Arms.” University of Chicago Law Review 38 (Spring 1971): 583–611. —–“The Religion Clauses: Problems and Prospects.” Brigham Young University Law Review (Spring 1986): 337–347. Leitch, David G. “The Myth of Religious Neutrality by Separation in Education.” Virginia Law Review 71 (February 1985): 127–172. Leventhal, David. “The Free Exercise Clause Gets a Costly Workout in Employment Division, Department of Human Resources v. Smith.” Pepperdine Law Review 18 (December 1990): 163–212. Levinson, Sanford. “The Confrontation of Religious Faith and Civil Religion: Catholics Becoming Justices.” DePaul Law Review 39 (Summer 1990): 1047–1081. Levit, Nancy. “Creationism, Evolution and the First Amendment: The Limits of Constitutionally Permissible Scientific Inquiry.” Journal of Law and Education 14 (April 1985): 211–227. Levy, Tracey. “Comment, Rediscovering Rights: State Courts Reconsider the free Exercise Clauses of Their Own Constitutions in the Wake of Employment Division v. Smith.” Temple Law Review 67 (Fall 1994): 1017–1050. Linder, Robert D. “Civil Religion in Historical Perspective: The Reality That Underlies the Concept.” Journal of Church and State 17 (Autumn 1975): 399–421. Lines, Patricia M. “The Entanglement Prong of the Establishment Clause and the Needy Child in the Private School: Is Distributive Justice Possible?” Journal of Law and Education 17 (Winter 1988): 1–33. Linford, Orma. “The Mormons and the Law: the Polygamy Cases.” Utah Law Review 9 (1964–1965): 308. Little, David. “Thomas Jefferson’s Religious Views and Their Influence on the Supreme Court’s Interpretation of the First Amendment.” Catholic University Law Review 26 (Fall 1976): 57–72. Little, Sandra Morgan. “Counsel By Clergy: Is It Privileged?” Family Advocate 10 (Summer 1987): 24–27. Lively, Donald E. “The Establishment Clause: Lost Soul of the First Amendment.” Ohio State Law Journal (June 1989): 681–699. Loewy, Arnold H. “School Prayer, Neutrality, and the Open Forum: Why We Don’t Need a Constitutional Amendment.” North Carolina Law Review 61 (October 1982): 141–156. Long, Leonard J. “Religious Exercise as Credit Risk.” Bankruptcy Developments Journal 10 (Fall-Spring 1992/93): 119–170. Louisell, David W., and John H. Jackson. “Religion, Theology and Public Higher Education.” California Law Review 50 (December 1962): 751–799.

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Lovin, Robin W. “Rethinking the History of Church and State: The Believer and the Powers that Are.” California Law Review 76 (October 1988): 1185–1198. Lowry, Bruce E., Jr. “The New Discrimination in America: In Defense of the Religious Equality Amendment.” St. Louis University Public Law Review 16(1996): 205. Lupu, Ira C. “Free Exercise Exemption and Religious Institutions: The Case of Employment Discrimination.” Boston University Law Review 67 (May 1987): 391–442. —–“Home Education, Religious Liberty, and the Separation of Powers.” Boston University Law Review 67 (November 1987): 971–990. —–“Where Rights Begin: The Problem of Burdens on the Free Exercise of Religion.” Harvard Law Review 102 (March 1989): 933–990. —–“Reconstructing the Establishment Clause: The Case Against Discretionary Accommodation of Religion.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 140 (December 1991): 555–612. Lupu, Ira C. and Robert W. Tuttle, “Federalism and Faith.” Emory Law Journal 56 (Winter 2006): 19-195. Maddigan, Michael M. “The Establishment Clause, Civil Religion and the Public Church.” California Law Review 81 (January 1993): 293–349. Magan, Virginia C. “Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith: Does the Constitutionally Compelled Free Exercise Exemption Have a Prayer? Pacific Law Journal 22 (July 1991): 1415–1453. Manion, Maureen D. “Parental Religious Freedom, the Rights of Children and the Role of the State.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Winter 1992): 77–92. Mansfield, John H. “The Religion Clauses of the First Amendment and the Philosophy of the Constitution.” California Law Review 72 (September 1984): 847–907. Marin, Kenneth. “Marsh v. Chambers: The Supreme Court Takes a New Look at the Establishment Clause.” Pepperdine Law Review 11 (March 1984): 591–611. —–“The Supreme Court Alters the State of Free Exercise Doctrine.” American University Law Review 40 (Summer 1991): 1431–1476. Marshall, Brent E. “The Unseen Regulator: The Role of Characterization in First Amendment Free Exercise Cases.” Notre Dame Law Review 59 (Summer 1984): 978–1004. Marshall, William P. “In Defense of Smith and Free Exercise Dilemma: Free Exercise as Expression.” Minnesota Law Review 67 (1983): 545–594. —–“Solving the Free Exercise Dilemma: Free Exercise as Expression.” Minnesota Law Review 67 (Fall 1983): 545–594. —–“‘We Know It When We See It’: The Supreme Court and Establishment.” Southern California Law Review 59 (March 1986): 495–550. —–“The Case Against the Constitutionally Compelled Free Exercise Exemption.” Case Western Reserve Law Review 40 (Spring 1990): 357–412. Marshall, William P. and Douglas C. Blomgren. “Regulating Religious Organizations Under the Establishment Clause.” Ohio State Law Journal 47 (Spring 1986): 293–331. Martin, Aric. “Comment, Chapter 13 and the Tithe: Is God a Creditor?” Ohio State Law Journal 56 (February 1995): 307–328. Martin, Christina. “Student-Initiated Religious Expression after Mergens and Weisman.” University of Chicago Law Review 61 (Fall 1994): 1565–1595. Marty, Martin E. “On a Medial Moraine: Religious Dimensions of American Constitutionalism.” Emory Law Journal 39 (Winter 1990): 9–20. Mauney, Constance. “Religion and First Amendment Protections: An Analysis of Justice Black’s Constitutional Interpretation.” Pepperdine Law Review 10 (January 1983): 377–420. Mawdsley, Alice S. “Has Wisconsin v. Yoder Been Reversed? Analysis of Employment Division v. Smith 63 (December 1990): 11–22. Mawdsley, Ralph D., and Alice L. Mawdsley. “Religious Freedom and Public Schools: Analysis of Important Policy Areas.” West’s Education Law Reporter 47(1988): 15–43. McBride, James. “Capital Punishment as the Unconstitutional Establishment of Religion: A Guardian Reading of the Death Penalty.” Journal of Church and State 37 (Spring 1995): 263–287. McCaffrey, C. Grace. “Note, Clergy Malpractice—A Threat to Both Liberty and Life.” Pace Law Review II (Fall 1990): 137–166.

FOR FURTHER READING McCarthy, Martha M. “Student Religious Expression: Mixed Messages from the Supreme Court.” West’s Education Law Reporter 64 (1991): 1–13. —–“The Law in Providing Education: Religious Influences in Public Schools: The Winding Path Toward Accommodation.” Saint Louis University Public Law Review 23 (Winter 2004): 565-596. McClamorack, David H. “The First Amendment and Public Funding of Religiously Controlled or Affiliated Higher Education.” Journal of College and University Law 17 (Winter 1991): 381–428. McConnell, Michael W. “Accommodation of Religion.” Supreme Court Review 1985 (1985): 1–59. —–“Neutrality Under the Religion Clauses.” Northwestern University Law Review 81 (Fall 1986): 146–167. —–“The Religion Clauses of the First Amendment: Where Is the Supreme Court Heading?” Catholic Lawyer 32 (Summer 1988): 187–202. —–“The Origins and Historical Understanding of Free Exercise of Religion.” Harvard Law Review 103 (May 1990): 1410–1517. —–“Religious Freedom: A Surprising Pattern. An Analysis of the Court’s Religious Freedom Decisions of the Last Decade” Quarterly—Christian Legal Society (Spring 1990): 4–8. —–“Free Exercise Revisionism and the Smith Decision.” The University of Chicago Law Review 57 (Fall 1990): 1109–1153. —–“A Response to Professor Marshall.” University of Chicago Law Review 58 (Winter 1991): 329–332. —–“Religious Freedom at a Crossroads.” University of Chicago Law Review 59 (Winter 1992): 115–194. McConnell, Michael W., and Richard A. Posner, “An Economic Approach to Issues of Religious Freedom.” University of Chicago Law Review 1 (Winter 1989): 1–60. McCoy, Thomas R., and Gary A. Kurtz. “A Unifying Theory for the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment.” Vanderbilt Law Review 39 (March 1986): 249–274. Meiklejohn, Donald. “Religion in the Burger Court: The Heritage of Mr. Justice Black.” Indiana Law Review 10 (1977): 645–674. Merel, Gail. “The Protection of Individual Choice: A Consistent Understanding of Religion Under the First Amendment.” University of Chicago Law Review 45 (Summer 1978): 805–843. Mermann, Debra Ann. “Free Exercise: A ‘Hollow Promise’ for the Native American in Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith.” Mercer Law Review 42 (Summer 1991): 1597–1622. Merrit, Deborah Jones, and Daniel C. “The Future of Religious Pluralism: Justice O’Connor and the Establishment Clause.” Arizona State Law Journal 39(Fall 2007): 895-948. Michaelsen, Robert S. “Is the Miner’s Canary Silent? Implications of the Supreme Court’s Denial of American Indian Free Exercise of Religion Claims.” Journal of Law and Religion 6 (1988): 97–114. Middleton, Michael A. “Challenging Discriminatory Guesswork: Does Impact Analysis Apply?” Oklahoma Law Review 42 (Summer 1989): 187–241. Miles, Judith C. “Beyond Bob Jones: Toward the Elimination of Governmental Subsidy of Discrimination by Religious Institutions.” Harvard Women’s Law Journal 8 (Spring 1985): 31–58. —–“Military Ban on Yarmulkes: Goldman v. Weinberger.” Harvard Law Review 100 (November 1986): 163–172. Miller, Nicholas P., and Nathan Sheers. “Religious Free Exercise under State Constitutions.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Spring 1992): 303–323. Mills, Samuel A. “Parochiaid and the Abortion Decisions: Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan, Jr. versus the U.S. Catholic Hierarchy.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Autumn 1992): 751–773. Mirsky, Yehudah. “Civil Religion and the Establishment Clause.” Yale Law Journal 95 (May 1986): 1237–1257. Mitchell, Mary Harter. “Must Clergy Tell? Child Abuse Reporting Requirements Versus the Clergy Privilege and Free Exercise of Religion.” Minnesota Law Review 71 (February 1987): 723–825. —–“Secularism in Public Education: The Constitutional Issues.” Boston University Law Review 67 (July 1987): 603–746. Modak-Truman, Mark C. “Beyond Theocracy and Secularism (Part I): Toward a New Paradigm for and Religion.” Mississippi College Law Review (Fall 2007) 159-233. Moen, Matthew C. “School Prayer and the Politics of Lifestyle Concern.” Social Science Quarterly 65 (December 1984): 1065–1071.

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Moens, Gabriel A. “The Menace of Neutrality in Religion.” Brigham Young University Law Review (Spring 2004): 535-574. Monopoli, Paula A. “Allocating the Costs of Parental Free Exercise: Striking a New Balance Between Sincere Religious Belief and a Child’s Right to Medical Treatment.” Pepperdine Law Review 18 (January 1991): 319–352. Monsma, Stephen V. “Justice Potter Stewart on Church and State.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Summer 1994): 557–576. Moody, Lizabeth A. “The Who, What, and How of the Revised Model Nonprofit Corporation Act.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 16 (Winter 1989): 251–283. Moore, Juliana S. “The Edwards Decision: The End of Creationism in Our Public Schools?” Akron Law Review 21 (Fall 1987): 255–267. Morgan, John. “Values Clarification and Religious Neutrality in the Public Schools: The Smith v. Board of School Commissioner Constitutional Challenge.” Houston Law Review (October 1988): 1137–1177. Morken, Paul J. “Church Discipline and Civil Tort Claims: Should Ecclesiastical Tribunals Be Immune?” Idaho Law Review 28 (Winter 1992): 93–165. Mott, Kenneth F. “The Supreme Court and the Establishment Clause: From Separation to Accommodation and Beyond.” Journal of Law and Education 14 (April 1985): 111–145. —–“Mueller v. Allen: The Continued Weakening of the Separation Between Church and State.” New England Law Review 19 (1983/1984): 459–485. —–“Mueller v. Allen: Tuition Tax Relief and the Original Intent.” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 7 (Fall 1984): 551–179. Munoz, Vincent Phillip. “The Original Meaning of the Establishment Clause and the Impossibility of Its Incorporation.” University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 8 (August 2006): 585- 639. Neal, Patrick. “Religion Within the Limits of Liberalism Alone?” Journal of Church and State 39 (Autumn 1997): 697–722. Nelson, John Stuart. “Native American Religious Freedom and the Peyote Sacrament: The Precarious Balance Between State Interests and the Free Exercise Clause.” Arizona Law Review 31 (Spring 1989): 423–446. Newhouse, Emily D. “I Pledge Allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America: One Nation Under No God.” Texas Tech Law Review 35 (Winter 2004): 383-409. Noonan, John T., Jr. “The Constitution’s Protection of Individual Rights: The Real Role of the Religion Clauses.” University of Pittsburgh Law Review 49 (Spring 1988): 717–722. Noone, Michael F. “Rendering Unto Caesar: Legal Responses to Religious Nonconformity in the Armed Forces.” St. Mary’s Law Journal 18 (Spring 1987): 1233–1294. Nordin, Virginia Davis, and William Lloyd Turner. “Tax Exempt Status of Private Schools: Wright, Green, and Bob Jones.’ West’s Education Law Reporter 35 (1986): 329–349. Note. “Adjudicating What Yoder Left Unresolved: Religious Rights for Minors After Danforth and Carey.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 126 (May 1978): 1135–1170. Note. “Judicial Intervention in Disputes Over the Use of Church Property.” Harvard Law Review 75 (1962): 1142. Note. “Lynch v. Donnelly: Our Christmas Will Be Merry Still.” Mercer Law Review 36 (Fall 1984): 409–420. Note. “McLean v. Arkansas Board of Education: Finding the Science in ‘Creation Science.’ ” Northwestern University Law Review 77 (October 1982): 374–402. Note. “Reinterpreting the Religion Clauses: Constitutional Construction and Conceptions of the Self.” Harvard Law Review 97 (April 1984): 1468–1486. Note. “Toward a Constitutional Definition of Religion.” Harvard Law Review 91 (March 1978): 1056–1089. Note. “The Unconstitutionality of State Statutes Authorizing Moments of Silence in the Public Schools.” Harvard Law Review 96 (June 1983): 1874–1893. Nowak, John E. “The Supreme Court, the Religion Clauses and the Nationalization of Education.” Northwestern University Law Review 70 (January-February 1976): 883–909. Nuger, Kenneth P. “The Religion of Secular Humanism in Public Schools: Smith v. Board of School Commissioners.” West’s Education Law Reporter 38 (1987): 871–879. Oaks, Dallin H. “Separation, Accommodation and the Future of Church and State.” DePaul Law Review 35 (Fall 1985): 1–22.

FOR FURTHER READING O’Brien, Rev. Raymond. “Clergy, Sex, and the American Way.” Pepperdine Law Review 31 (January 2004): 363-476. O’Connor, Sandra Day. “Conference on Compelling Governmental Interests: The Mystery of Constitutional Analysis.” Albany Law Review 55 (Spring 1992): 535–547. O’Hara, Julie U. “State Aid to Sectarian Higher Education.” Journal of Law and Education 14 (April 1985): 181–209. Okamoto, Duane E. “Religious Discrimination and the Title VII Exemption for Religious Organizations: A Basic Values Analysis for the Proper Allocation of Conflicting Rights.” Southern California Law Review 60 (July 1987): 1375–1427. Olree, Andy G. “James Madison and Legislative Chaplains.” Northwestern University Law Review 102 (Winter 2008): 145-221. O’Reilly, James M., and Joann Strasser. “Clergy Sexual Misconduct: Confronting the Difficult Constitutional and Institutional Liability Issues.” St. Thomas Law Review 7 (Fall 1994): 31–73. Page, Ellen Adair. “The Scope of the Free Exercise Clause: Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association.” North Carolina Law Review 68 (January 1990): 410–422. Patric, Gordon. “The Impact of a Court Decision: Aftermath of the McCollum Case.” Journal of Public Law 6 (Fall 1967): 455–465. Paulsen, Michael S. “Religion, Equality, and the Constitution: An Equal Protection Approach to Establishment Clause Adjudication.” Notre Dame Law Review 61 (1986): 311–371. Paviischek, Keith J. “John Courtney Murray, Civil Religion, and the Problem of Political Neutrality.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Autumn 1992): 729–750. Pavis, John J. “Compulsory Medical Treatment and Religious Freedom: Whose Law Shall Prevail?” University of San Francisco Law Review 10 (Summer 1975): 1–15. Pawa, Matt. “When the Supreme Court Restricts Constitutional Rights, Can Congress Save Us? An Examination of Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 141 (December 1992): 1029–1101. Pearlman, Kenneth. “Zoning and the Location of Religious Establishments.” Catholic Lawyer 31 (1988): 314–345. Pepper, Stephen L. “Reynolds, Yoder & Beyond: Alternatives for the Free Exercise Clause.” Utah Law Review 1981 (Spring 1981): 309–378. —–“The Case of the Human Sacrifice: in the Supreme Court of the New States: Spring 2382: State v. Williams.” Arizona Law Review 23 (Summer 1981): 897–934. —–“The Conundrum of the Free Exercise Clause: Some Reflections on Recent Cases.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 9 (1982): 265–303. —–“Taking the Free Exercise Clause Seriously.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1986 (Spring 1986): 299–336. Peterson, Walfred H. “The Thwarted Opportunity for Judicial Activism in Church-State Relations: Separation and Accommodation in Precarious Balance.” Journal of Church and State 22 (Autumn 1980): 437–458. Pfeffer, Leo. “Freedom and/or Separation: The Constitutional Dilemma of the First Amendment.” Minnesota Law Review 64 (March 1980): 561–584. —–“Workers’ Sabbath, Religious Belief and Employment.” Civil Liberties Review 4 (November-December 1977): 52–56. —–“The Deity in American Constitutional History.” Journal of Church and State 23 (Spring 1981): 215–239. Pybas, Kevin. “Two Concepts of Liberalism in Establishment Clause Jurisprudence.” Cumberland Law Review 36 (Winter 2005): 205-244. Phenix, Philip H. “Religion in Public Education: Principles and Issues.” Journal of Church and State 14 (Autumn 1979): 415–430. Piele, Philip K., and Stephen M. Pitt. “The Use of School Facilities by Student Groups for Religious Activities.” Journal of Legal Education 13 (April 1984): 197–207. Pochop, Sandra Ashton. “Note, Religious Peyotism and the ‘Purposeful’ Erosion of Free Exercise Protections.” South Dakota Law Review 36 (Summer 1991): 358–381. Polifka, John C. “Use of the Lemon Test in the Review of Public School Curricular Decisions Concerning ‘Secular Humanism’ Under the Establishment Clause.” South Dakota Law Review 33 (1987–1988): 112–130.

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—–“Political Entanglement as an Independent Test of Constitutionality Under the Establishment Clause.” Fordham Law Review 52 (May 1984): 1209–1241. Pollak, Louis H. “Public Prayers in Public Schools.” Harvard Law Review 77 (November 1963): 62–78. Porth, William C., and Robert P. George. “Trimming the Ivy: A Bicentennial Re-Examination of the Establishment Clause.” West Virginia Law Review 90 (Fall 1987): 109–170. Posner, Ethan M. “Public Prayer and the Constitution.” Michigan Law Review 86 (May 1988): 1294–1301. Post, Robert C. “Cultural Heterogeneity and Law: Pornography, Blasphemy, and the First Amendment.” California Law Review 76 (March 1988): 297–335. Prather, Jerome Park. “Tax Exemption of American Churches and Other Nonprofits: One Election Cycle After Branch Ministries v. Rossotti.” Kentucky Law Journal 94 (Fall 2005): 139-160. Prevost, Robert. “Clergy Malpractice After Oregon v. Smith.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Spring 1992): 279–301. Price, Donald R., and Mark C. Rahdert, “Distributing the First Fruits: Statutory and Constitutional Implications of Tithing in Bankruptcy.” University of California Law Review 26 (Summer 1993): 853–934. Pritchard, J. Brett. “Conduct and Belief in the Free Exercise Clause: Developments and Deviations in Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association.” Cornell Law Review 76 (November 1990): 268–296. —–“Protecting Religious Exercise: The First Amendment and Legislative Responses to Religious Vandalism.” Harvard Law Review 97 (December 1983): 547–563. —–“Public School Prayer and the First Amendment: Reconciling Constitutional Claims.” Duquesne Law Review 22 (Winter 1984): 465–478. Pushaw, Robert J. “Labor Relations Board Regulation of Parochial Schools: A Practical Free Exercise Accommodation.” Yale Law Journal 97 (November 1987): 135–155. Rains, Rebecca. “Can Religious Practice Be Given Meaningful Protection after Employment Division v. Smith?” University of Colorado Law Review 62 (1991): 687–710. Ratz, Lucy V. “Caesar, God and Mammon: Business and the Religion Clauses.” Gonzaga Law Review 22 (June 1987): 327–364. Raucher, Alan. “Sunday Business and the Decline of Sunday Closing Laws: A Historical Overview.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Winter 1994): 13–33. Rawlings, Tom C. “Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith: The Supreme Court Deserts the Free Exercise Clause.” Georgia Law Review 25 (Winter 1991): 567–593. Redlich, Norman. “Separation of Church and State: The Burger Court’s Tortuous Journey.” Notre Dame Law Review 60 (Fall 1985): 1094–1149. “Reinterpreting the Religion Clauses: Constitutional Construction and Conceptions of the Self.” Harvard Law Review 97 (April 1984): 1468–1486. “Religion and the Law.” Hastings Law Journal 29 (July 1978): (entire issue devoted to this topic). “Religion and the State.” Harvard Law Review 100 (May 1987): 1607–1781. “Religious Expression in the Public School Forum: The High School Student’s Right to Free Speech.” Georgia Law Journal 72 (October 1983): 135–160. “Religious Liberty in the Public High School: Bible Study Clubs.” The John Marshall Law Review 17 (Summer 1981): 933–967. “Rethinking the Incorporation of the Establishment Clause: A Federalist View.” Harvard Law Review 105 (May 1992): 1700–1719. Reutter, E. Edmund, Jr. “Unclear Signals On Free Exercise Clause: Bowen v. Roy.” West’s Education Law Reporter 37 (1987): 1–10. Rice, Mark G. “The Constitutionality of the Equal Access Act: Board of Westside Community School District v. Mergens.” Educational Law Report 64 (1991): 609–621. Rice, Terry. “Re-Evaluating the Balance Between Zoning Regulations and Religious and Educational Uses.” Pace Law Review 81 (Winter 1988): 1–61. Richardson, James T. “Cult/Brainwashing Cases and Freedom of Religion.” Journal of Church and State 33 (Winter 1991): 55–74. Richardson, James T., and John Dewitt. “Christian Science Spiritual Healing, the Law, and Public Opinion.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Summer 1992); 549–561.

FOR FURTHER READING Riggs, Robert E. “Judicial Doublethink and the Establishment Clause: The Fallacy of Establishment by Inhibition.” Valparaiso University Law Review 18 (Winter 1984): 285–330. Ripple, Kenneth F. “The Entanglement Test of the Religion Clauses—A Ten Year Assessment.” UCLA Law Review 27 (August 1980): 1195–1239. Ross, William G. “The Need for an Exclusive and Uniform Application of ‘Neutral Principles’ in the Adjudication of Church Property Disputes.” St. Louis University Law Journal 32 (Winter 1987): 263–316. Rostain, Tanina. “Note, Permissible Accommodations of Religion: Reconsidering the New York Get Statute.” Yale Law Journal 96 (April 1987): 1147–1171. Rotstein, Andrew. “Good Faith? Religious-Secular Parallelism and the Establishment Clause.” Columbia Law Review 93 (November 1993): 1763–1806. Rotz, Brenda J. “Note, The Christmas Cross.” Chicago-Kent Law Review 63 (Spring 1987): 369–389. Rouse, Kelly Beers. “Clergy Malpractice Claims: A New Problem for Religious Organizations.” North Kentucky Law Review 16 (Winter 1989): 383–396. Ruegger, MaryAnn Schlegel. “An Audience for the Amish: A Communication-Based Approach to the Development of Law.” Indiana Law Journal 66 (Summer 1991): 801–823. Rugg, Janet V., and Andria A. Simone. “The Free Exercise Clause: Inexplicable Departure from the Strict Scrutiny Standard.” St. John’s Journal of Legal Commentary 6 (Spring 1990): 117–141. Salomone, Rosemary C. “From Widmar to Mergens: The Winding Road of First Amendment Analysis.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 18 (Winter 1991): 295–323. Schachner, Elliot M. “Religion and the Public Treasury After Taxation with Representation of Washington, Mueller, and Bob Jones.” Utah Law Review 1984 (May 1984): 275–312. Schaeffer, Sherri. “Note, Creation Science and Evolution—The Fall of Balanced Treatment Acts in the Public Schools.” San Diego Law Review (September-October 1988): 829–855. Scharffs, Brett G. “The Autonomy of Church and State,” Brigham Young University Law Review (2004): 1217-1348. Sciarrino, Alfred J. “‘Free Exercise’ Footsteps in the Defamation Forest: Are ‘New Religions’ Lost?” The American Journal of Trial Advocacy 7 (Summer 1984) 517–565. —–“United States v. Sun Myung Moon: Precedent for Tax Fraud Prosecution of Local Pastors?” Southern Illinois University Law Journal 1984 (Summer 1984): 237–281. Schimmel, David. “Religious Freedom and the Public School Curriculum: An Analysis of Mozert and Hawkins.” West’s Education Law Reporter 42 (1988): 1047–1057. Schmid, Peter D. “Religion, Secular Humanism and the First Amendment.” Southern Illinois University Law Journal 13 (Winter 1989): 357–393. Schwartz, Jordan G. “Note, Toward a Constitutional Definition of Religion.” Harvard Law Review 91 (March 1978): 1056–1089. Senn, Stephen. “The Prosecution of Religious Fraud.” Florida State University Law Review 17 (Winter 1990): 325–352. Serritella, James A. “Tangling With Entanglement: Toward a Constitutional Evaluation of Church-State Contacts” Law and Contemporary Problems 44 (Spring 1981): 143–167. Shaffer, Thomas L. “Erastian and Sectarian Arguments in Religiously Affiliated American Law Schools in Symposium on Civic and Legal Education.” Stanford Law Review 45 (July 1993): 1859–1879. Shapiro, Robert N. “‘Mind Control’ or Intensity of Faith: The Constitutional Protection of Religious Beliefs.” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 13 (Summer 1978): 751–797. —–“Of Robots, Persons, and the Protection of Religious Beliefs.” Southern California Law Review 56 (Spring 1983): 1277–1318. Sheffer, Martin S. “The Free Exercise of Religion and Selective Conscientious Objection: A Judicial Response to a Moral Problem.” Capital University Law Review 9 (1979): 7–29. —–“The U. S. Supreme Court and the Free Exercise Clause: Are Standards of Adjudication Possible?” Journal of Church and State 23 (Autumn 1981): 533–549. Sherry, Suzanna. “Lee v. Weisman: Paradox Redux.” Supreme Court Review 1992 (1992): 123–153. Shiffrin, Steven H. “The Pluralistic Foundations of the Religious Clauses.” Cornell Law Review 90 (November 2004): 9-95. Shobe, Kiply S. “Public Education in Shreds: Religious Challenges to Curricular Decisions.” Indiana Law Journal 64 (Winter 1988): 111–153.

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Shoop, Kelly S. “If You Are a Good Christian You Have No Business Voting for This Candidate: Church Sponsored Political Activity in Federal Elections.” Washington University Law Review 83 (December 2005): 1927-1951. Shortt, Bruce Nevin. “The Establishment Clause and Religion-Based Categories: Taking Entanglement Seriously.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 10 (Fall 1982): 145–185. Silbiger, Sara L. “Heaven Can Wait: Judicial Interpretation of Title VII’s Religious Accommodation Requirement Since Trans World Airlines v. Hardison.” Fordham Law Review 5 (March 1985): 839–861. Silverman, Debra. “Note, Defining the Limits of Free Exercise: The Religion Clause Defenses in United States v. Moon.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 12 (Spring 1985): 515–528. Simon, Harry. “Rebuilding the Wall Between Church and State: Public Sponsorship of Religious Displays Under the Federal and California Constitutions.” Hastings Law Journal 37 (January 1986): 499–534. Simon, Karla W. “The Tax Exempt Status of Racially Discriminatory Religious Schools” Tax Law Review 36 (Summer 1981): 477–516. Simonetti, Louis F., Jr. “The Constitutionality of State Labor Relations Board Jurisdiction over Parochial Schools: Catholic High School Association v. Culvert.” Catholic Lawyer 30 (Spring 1986): 162–176. Simson, Gary J. “The Establishment Clause in the Supreme Court: Rethinking the Court’s Approach.” Cornell Law Review 72 (July 1987): 905–935. Singleton, Marvin K. “Colonial Virginia as First Amendment Matrix: Henry, Madison, and the Establishment Clause.” Journal of Church and State 8 (Autumn 1966): 344–364. Sirico, Louis J., Jr. “Church Property Disputes: Churches as Secular and Alien Institutions.” Fordham Law Review 55 (December 1986): 335–362. —–“The Secular Contribution of Religion to the Political Process: The First Amendment and School Aid.” Missouri Law Review 50 (Spring 1985): 321–376. Sisk, Gregory, Michael Heise, and Andrew P. Morriss, “Searching for the Soul of Judicial Decisionmaking: An Empirical Study of Religious Freedom Decisions.” Ohio State Law Journal 65 (2004): 491. Slack, Reed D. “The Mormon Belief of an Inspired Constitution.” Journal of Church and State 36 (Winter 1994): 35–56. Slye, Terry L. “Rendering Unto Caesar: Defining ‘Religion’ for Purposes of Administering Religion-Based Tax Exemptions.” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 6 (Summer 1983): 219–294. Smart, James M. “Widmar v. Vincent and the Purposes of the Establishment Clause.” Journal of College and University Law 9 (Fall 1982): 469–483. Smith, Jennifer. “Morse Code, DaVinci Code, Tax Code and. . .Churches: an Historical and Constitutional Analysis of Why Section 501(C)(3) Does Not Apply to Churches.” Journal of Law & Politics 23(Winter 2007): 41-48. Smith, Joanna S. “The Inherent Irony in the Courtroom – Thou Shalt Do As I Say, Not as I Do: ACLU v. Ashbrook.” Thomas Cooley Law Review 22 (January 2005): 55-93. Smith, Michael C. “The Pastor on the Witness Stand: Toward a Religious Privilege in the Courts.” Catholic Lawyer 29 (Winter 1984): 1–21. Smith, Michael E. “The Special Place of Religion in the Constitution.” 1983 The Supreme Court Review (1983): 83–123. Smith, Michael R. “Emerging Consequences of Financing Private Colleges with Public Funds.” Valparaiso University Law Review 9 (Summer 1973): 561–610. Smith, Norman B. “Constitutional Rights of Students, Their Families, and Teachers in the Public Schools.” Campbell Law Review 10 (Summer 1988): 353–409. Smith, Rodney K. “Getting Off on the Wrong Foot and Back On Again: A Reexamination of the History of the Framing of the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment and a Critique of the Reynolds and Everson Decisions.” Wake Forest Law Review 20 (Fall 1984): 569–642. Smith, Steven D. “Symbols, Perceptions, and Doctrinal Illusions: Establishment Neutrality and the ‘No Endorsement’ Test.” Michigan Law Review 86 (November 1987): 266–332. —–“Separation and the ‘Secular’: Reconstructing the Disestablihment Decision.” Texas Law Review 67 (April 1989): 955–1031. Smith, W. F. “Some Observations on the Establishment Clause.” Pepperdine Law Review 11 (March 1984). 457–471.

FOR FURTHER READING Spiro, Daniel A. “The Creation of a Free Marketplace of Religious Ideas: Revisiting the Establishment Clause After the Alabama Secular Humanism Decision.” Alabama Law Review 39 (Fall 1987): 1–71. Stacy, Tom. “Death, Privacy, and the Free Exercise of Religion.” Cornell Law Review 77 (March 1992): 490–595. Starr, Kenneth W. “The Establishment Clause.” Oklahoma Law Review 41 (Fall, 1988): 477–487. Steffey, Matthew S. “Redefining the Modern Constraints of the Establihsment Clause: Separable Principles of Equality, Subsidy, Endorsements, and Church Autonomy” in “Symposium, Redefining the Modern Constraints of the Establishment Clause.” Marquette Law Review 75 (Summer 1992): 903–974. Steinberg, David E. “Church Control of a Municipality: Establishing a First Amendment Institutional Suit.” Stanford Law Review 38 (May 1986): 1363–1409. —–“Religious Exemptions as Affirmative Action.” Emory Law Journal 40 (Winter 1991): 77–139. Stern, Nat. “State Action, Establishment Clause, and Defamation: Blueprints for Civil Liberties in the Rehnquist Court.” University of Cincinnati Law Review 57 (Spring 1989): 1175–1242. Stevens, John V., Sr., and John G. Tulio. “Casenote United States v. Lee, A Second Look.” Journal of Church and State 26 (Autumn 1984): 455–472. Stone, Geoffrey R. “In Opposition to the School Prayer Amendment.” University of Chicago Law Review 50 (Spring 1983): 823–848. Strossen, Nadine. “‘Secular Humanism’ and ‘Scientific Creationism’: Proposed Standards for Reviewing Curricular Decisions Affecting Students’ Religious Freedom.” Ohio State Law Journal 47 (Spring 1986): 333–407. Sullivan, Dwight H. “The Congressional Response to Goldman v. Weinberger.” Military Law Review 121 (Summer 1988): 125–152. Sullivan, Kathleen. “Religion and Liberal Democracy” University of Chicago Law Review 59 (Winter 1992): 195–223. Swift, Joel H. “To Insure Domestic Tranquility: The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment.” Hofstra Law Review (Winter 1988): 301–327. Tager, Evan M. “The Supreme Court, Effect Inquiry, and Aid to Parochial Education.” Stanford Law Review 37 (November 1984): 219–251. Tarr, G. Alan. “Church and State in the States.” Washington Law Review 64 (January 1989): 73–110. Taylor, Timothy B. “Redemption Song: An Update on the Rastafarians and the Free Exercise Clause” Whittier Law Review 9 (Winter 1988): 663–682. Terrar, Edward. “Was There a Separation Between Church and State in Mid-17th-Century England and Colonial Maryland?” Journal of Church and State 35 (Winter 1993): 61–82. —–“Their Life Is in the Blood: Jehovah’s Witnesses, Blood Transfusions, and the Courts.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 10 (Spring 1983): 281–304. Tillotson, David B. “Free Exercise in the 1980s: A Rollback of Protection.” University of San Francisco Law Review 24 (Spring 1990): 505–540. Tipton, Steven M. “Republic and Liberal State: The Place of Religion in an Ambiguous Policy.” Emory Law Journal 39 (Winter 1990): 191–202. Torres, Maximilian B. “Free Exercise of Religion.” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 14 (Winter 1991): 282–292. Treinan, David. “Religion in the Public Schools.” Northern Kentucky Law Review 9 (1982): 229–263. Tribe, Laurence H. “Revising the Rule of Law.” New York University Law Review (June 1989): 726–731. Tushnet, Mark V. “The Constitution of Religion.” Connecticut Law Review 18 (Summer 1986): 701–738. —–“Reflections on the Role of Purpose in the Jurisprudence of the Religion Clauses.” William and Mary Law Review 27 (1986): 997–1009. —–“The Emerging Principle of Accommodation of Religion (Dubitante)” Georgetown Law Journal 76 (June 1988): 1691–1714. —–“The Rhetoric of Free Exercise Discourse.” Brigham Young University Law Review 1993 (Winter 1993): 117–140. Underwood, Julie K., and W. W. Sparkman. “School Finance Litigation: A New Wave of Reform” Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 14 (Spring 1991): 517–544. Unmack, Fred. “Equality Under the First Amendment: Protecting Native American Religious Practices on Public Lands.” Public Land Law Review 8 (1987): 165–176.

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Valauri, John T. “The Concept of Neutrality in Establishment Clause Doctrine.” University of Pittsburgh Law Review 48 (Fall 1986): 83–151. Van Alstyne, William W. “Constitutional Separation of Church and State: The Quest for a Coherent Position.” American Political Science Review 57 (December 1963): 865–882. —–“Trends in the Supreme Court: Mr. Jefferson’s Crumbling Wall—A Comment on Lynch v. Donnelly.” Duke Law Journal 1984 (September 1984): 770–787. —–“What Is ‘An Establishment of Religion’?” North Carolina Law Review 65 (June 1987): 909–916. Van Meter-Drew, Linn. “Stein v. Plainwell Community Schools -The American Civil Religion and the Establishment Clause.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 15 (Spring 1988): 533–547. Van Patten, Jonathan. “In the End Is the Beginning: An Inquiry into the Meaning of the Religion Clauses.” St. Louis University Law Journal 27 (Fall 1983): 1–93. Vanden Berge, Douglas P. “The Establishment Clause: Historical Analysis and Current Application to Public Education.” Williamette Law Review 24 (Spring 1988): 503–524. Veltri, Stephen. “Nativism and Nonpreferentialism: A Historical Critique of the Current Church and State Theme” University of Dayton Law Review 13 (Winter 1988): 229–265. Venable, Giovan Harbour. “Courts Examine Congregationalism.” Stanford Law Review 41 (February 1989): 719–749. Walker, Robert S. “What Constitutes a Religious Use for Zoning Purposes?” The Catholic Lawyer 27 (Spring 1982): 129–183. —–“Wallace v. Jaffree: The Lemon Test Sweetened.” Houston Law Review 22 (October 1985): 1273–1292. Ward, Scott J. ‘Reconceptualizing Establishment Clause Cases as Free Exercise Class Action.” Yale Law Journal 98 (June 1989): 1739–1759. Washington, James M. “The Crisis in the Sanctity of Conscience in American Jurisprudence,” DePaul Law Review 42 (Fall 1992): 11–60. Way, Frank, and Barbara J. Burt. “Religious Marginality and the Free Exercise Clause.” American Political Science Review 77 (September 1983): 652–665. Weber, T. J. “Constitutional Law—Establishment Clause Supreme Court Upholds Direct Noncategorical Grants to Church-Affiliated Colleges.” Fordham Law Review 45 (March 1977): 979–992. Weiss, Jonathon. “Privilege, Posture and Protection: Religion in the Law.” Yale Law Journal 73 (March 1964): 593–623. Wellons, Gregory D. “Note, The Melting of Sherbert Means a Chilling Effect on Religion.” University of San Francisco Law Review 26 (Fall 1991): 149–173. West, Ellis. “The Case Against a Right to Religion-Based Exemptions.” Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy 4 (Fall/Winter 1990): 591–638. Whitehead, John W. “Accommodation and Equal Treatment of Religion: Federal Funding of Religious Affiliated Child Care Facilities.” Harvard Journal on Legislation 26 (Summer 1989): 573–590. —–“Avoiding Religious Apartheid: Affording Equal Treatment for Student-Initiated Religious Expression in Public Schools.” Pepperdine Law Review 16 (1989): 229–258. —–“Tax Exemption for Religious Organizations: A Historical and Constitutional Analysis” Cumberland Law Review 22 (1992): 521–594 Wickham, Douglas A. “Prisoner’s Rights.” Georgia Law Review 74 (February 1986): 973–997. Williams, David C., and Susan H. Williams. “Volitionism and Religious Liberty.” Cornell Law Review 76 (1991): 769–926. Williams, J. D. “The Separation of Church and State in Mormon Theory and Practice.” Journal of Church and State 9 (Spring 1967): 238–262. Williams, Kendra. “Congress Giveth, and the Courts Taketh Away: Is Restitutionary Recoupment of Federal Funds a Proper Remedy When Taxpayers Allege that an Expired Statute Violated the Establishment Clause?” Pepperdine Law Review 35 (May 2008): 1029-1087. Wilson, John K. “Religion Under the State Constitutions, 1776–1800.” Journal of Church and State 32 (Autumn 1990): 753–773. Witte, John, Jr. “Tax Exemption of Church Property: Historical Anomaly or Valid Constitutional Practice?” Southern California Law Review 64 (January 1991): 363–415. —–“The Theology and Politics of the First Amendment Religion Clauses: A Bicentennial Essay.” Emory Law Journal 40 (Spring 1991): 489–507.

FOR FURTHER READING Wolman, Benson A. “Separation Anxiety: Free Exercise Versus Equal Protection.” Ohio State Law Journal 47 (Spring 1986): 453–474. Wood, James E., Jr. “Church-State Relations in the United States Since 1940.” Affirmation 2 (Fall 1989): 37–69. —–“Abridging the Free Exercise Clause.” Journal of Church and State 32 (Autumn 1990): 741–752. —–“Editorial: Ceremonial Prayers at Public School Graduations: Lee. v. Weisman.” Journal of Church and State 34 (Winter 1992): 7–14. Worthing, Sharon L. “The Internal Revenue Service as a Monitor of Church Institutions: The Excessive Entanglement Problem.” Fordham Law Review 45 (March 1977): 929–948. —–“‘Religion’ and ‘Religious Institutions’ Under the First Amendment.” Pepperdine Law Review 7 (Winter 1980): 313–353. —–“The State and the Church School: The Conflict Over Social Policy.” Journal of Church and State 26 (Winter 1984): 91–104. Yarbrough, Tinsley E. “Church, State, and the Rehnquist Court: A Brief for Lemon.” Journal of Church and State 38 (Winter 1996): 59–85. Yellin, Jacob C. “The History and Current Status of the Clergy-Penitent Privilege” Santa Clara Law Review 23 (Winter 1983): 95–156. Yerby, Winton E., III. “Toward Religious Neutrality in the Public School Curriculum.” University of Chicago Law Review 56 (Spring 1989): 899–934. Young, L. Benjamin, Jr. “Justice Scalia’s History and Tradition: The Chief Nightmare in Professor Tribe’s Anxiety Closet” Virginia Law Review 78 (March 1992): 581–622. Young, David J., and Steven W. Tigges. “Discovery and Use of Church Records by Civil Authorities.” Catholic Lawyer 30 (Autumn 1986): 198–217. —–“Into the Religious Thicket—Constitutional Limits on Civil Court Jurisdiction over Ecclesiastical Disputes.” Ohio State Law Journal 47 (Spring 1986): 475–499. Zamora, Omar. “Discriminatory Religious Services: The Exception to Practices Prohibited by Civil Rights Statutes.” American Journal of Trial Advocacy 10 (Summer 1986): 141–156. Zerangue, Clare. “Sabbath Observance and the Workplace: Religion Clause Analysis and Title VII’s Reasonable Accommodation Rule.” Louisiana Law Review 46 (July 1986): 1265–1288. Ziegler, Carol L., and Nancy M. Lederman. “Essay, School Vouchers: Are Urban Students Surrendering Rights for Choice?” Fordham Urban Law Journal 19 (Spring 1992): 813–831. “Zoning Ordinances Affecting Churches: A Proposal for Expanded Free Exercise Protection.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 132 (June 1984): 1113–1162. Zuckert, Michael P. “Completing the Constitution: The Fourteenth Amendment and Constitutional Rights.” Publius 22 (Spring 1992): 69–91. Zwicker, Laura. “The Politics of Toleration: The Establishment Clause and the Act of Toleration Examined.” Indiana Law Journal 66 (Summer 1991): 773–799. BOOKS Aaron, Henry J., Thomas E. Mann, and Timothy Taylor. Values and Public Policy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1994. Abraham, Henry J. Justices and Presidents: A Political History of Appointments to the Supreme Court. 2d ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. —–The Judicial Process: An Introductory Analysis of the Courts of the United States, England, and France. 5th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. —–Freedom and the Court: Civil Rights and Liberties in the United States. 5th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. Ackerman, Bruce. Social Justice in the Liberal State. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980. Adams, Arlin M., and Charles J. Emmerich. A Nation Dedicated to Religious Liberty: The Constitutional Heritage of the Religion Clauses. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990. Adams, James L. The Growing Church Lobby in Washington. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1970. Ahlstrom, Sidney E. A Religious History of the American People. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1973. Albanese, Catherine L. Sons of the Fathers: The Civil Religion of the American Revolution. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1976.

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Alfs, Matthew. The Evocative Religion of Jehovah’s Witnesses. Minneapolis, MN: Old Theology Book House, 1991. Alley, Robert S. School Prayer: The Court, the Congress, and the First Amendment. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1994. —–Without a Prayer: Religious Expressions in Public Schools. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996. Alley, Robert S., ed. So Help Me God: Religion and the Presidency, Wilson to Nixon. Richmond, VA: John Knox Press, 1972. —–The Supreme Court on Church and State. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. —–James Madison on Religious Liberty. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1989. Allitt, Patrick. Catholic Intellectuals and Conservative Politics in America: 1950–1985. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993. Allport, Gordon W. The Individual and His Religion. New York: Macmillan, 1962. American Association of School Administrators. Religion in the Public Schools. New York: Harper & Row, 1964. Antieau, Chester J., Arthur T. Downey and Edward C. Roberts. Freedom from Federal Establishment. Milwaukee, WI: Bruce Publishing, 1964. Arnold, O. Carroll. Religious Freedom on Trial. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1978. Arrington, Leonard J., and Davis Britton. The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter Day Saints. New York: Knopf, 1979. Askew, Thomas A., and Peter W. Spellman. The Churches and the American Experience: Ideals and Institutions. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1984. Atkins, Stanley, and Theodore McConnell, eds. Churches on the Wrong Road. Lake Bluff, IL: Gateway Editions, 1986. Auerbach, Jerold S. Rabbis and Lawyers: The Journey from Torah to Constitution. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1993. Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967. Baker, John W., ed. Taxation and the Free Exercise of Religion: Papers and Proceedings of the Sixteenth Religious Liberty Conference. (Washington, DC, October 3–5, 1977) Washington, DC: Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs, 1978. Balk, Alfred. The Religion Business. Richmond, VA: John Knox Press, 1968. Ball, William Bentley. “Religious Liberty in Our Time: What Has the Supreme Court Said?” In Freedom of Religion Clauses of the First Amendment: What Do They Mean Today? Pennsylvania Catholic Conference, 23–24. Erie, PA: Pennsylvania Catholic Conference, 1990. Ball, William Bentley, ed. In Search of a National Morality: A Manifesto for Evangelicals and Catholics. Grand Rapids, MA: Ignatius Press, 1992. Barker, Lucius J., and Twiley W. Barker, Jr., eds. Civil Liberties and the Constitution: Cases and Commentaries. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1970. Barker, Sir Ernest. Church, State and Education. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1957. Barr, David L., and Nicholas Piediscalzi, eds. The Bible in American Education: From Source Book to Textbook. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982. Barrett, Patricia. Religious Liberty and the American Presidency: Study in Church-State Relations. New York: Herder and Herder, 1963. Barron, Bruce. Heaven on Earth? The Social and Political Agendas of Dominion Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1992. Barth, Karl. Community, State, and Church. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1960. Bates, Stephen. Battleground: One Mother’s Crusade, the Religious Right, and the Struggle for Control of Our Classrooms. New York: Poseidon Press, 1993. Beach, Bert B. Bright Candle of Courage. Boise, ID: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1989. Beaman, Lori G., Defining Harm: Religious Freedom and The Limits Of The Law. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2008. Becker, Theodore L., and Malcolm M. Feeley. The Impact of Supreme Court Decisions. New York: Oxford University Press, 1973.

FOR FURTHER READING Beggs, David W., III., and R. Bruce McQuigg, eds. America’s Schools and Churches, Partners in Conflict. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1965. Bell, Sadie. The Church, the State, and Education in Virginia. New York: Arno Press, 1969. Bellah, Robert N. The Broken Covenant. American Civil Religion in Time of Trial. New York: Seabury Press, 1975. Bellah, Robert N., and Phillip E. Hammond. Varieties of Civil Religion. New York: Harper & Row, 1980. Bems, Walter. The First Amendment and the Future of American Democracy. New York: Basic Books, 1976. Benavides, Gustavo, and M. W. Daly, eds. Religion and Political Power. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989. Benson, Peter L., and Dorothy L. Williams. Religion on Capitol Hill: Myths and Realities. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1982. Berger, Peter L. The Noise of Solemn Assemblies: Christian Commitment and the Religious Establishment in America. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1961. Berman, Harold J. The Interaction of Law and Religion. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1974. —–Faith and Order. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1993. Berra, Tim M. Evolution and the Myth of Creationism: A Basic Guide to the Facts in the Evolution Debate. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1990. Beth, Loren P. The American Theory of Church and State. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 1958. Blackwell, Victor V. O’er the Ramparts They Watched. New York: Carlton Press, 1976. Blakely, William, ed. American State Papers and Related Documents on Freedom of Religion. 4th rev. ed. Washington, DC: Published for the Religious Liberty Association by the Review and Herald, 1949. Blanchard, Paul. Religion and the Schools: The Great Controversy. Boston: Beacon Press, 1963. Blau, Joseph L. Cornerstones of Religious Freedom in America. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1964. Blum, Virgil C. Freedom in Education: Federal Aid for All Children. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965. Boles, Donald E. The Bible, Religion, and the Public Schools. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1961, 1964. —–The Two Swords: Commentaries and Cases in Religion and Education. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1967. Borden, Morten. Jews, Turks, and Infidel. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. Boyd, Julian P., ed. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson. 20 vols. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1950–. Bradley, Gerard V. Church-State Relationships in America. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987. Bradley, Martha Sontagg. Kidnapped From that Land: The Government Raids on the Short Creek Polygamists. Salt Lake City, UT: The University of Utah Press, 1993. Brady, Joseph H. Confusion Twice Confounded: The First Amendment and the Supreme Court. South Orange, NJ: Seton Hall University Press, 1954. Brauer, Jerald C., ed. The Lively Experiment Continued. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987. Brauer, Jerald C., Sidney E. Mead and Robert N. Bellah. Religion in the American Revolution. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976. Breslauer, S. Daniel. Judaism and Civil Religion. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1993. Brickman, William, and Stanley Lehrer, eds. Religion, Government, and Education. New York: Society for the Advancement of Education, 1961. Brock, Peter. Pacifism in the United States: From the Colonial Era to the First World War. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968. Bromley, David G., and Anson Shupe, eds. And Strange Gods: The Great American Cult Scare. Boston: Beacon Press, 1982. —–New Christian Politics. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1984. Bromley, David G., and James T. Richardson, eds. The Brainwashing/Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal, and Historical Perspectives. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1983. Brown, Nicholas C., ed. The Study of Religion in the Public Schools: An Appraisal. Washington, DC: American Council on Education, 1958. Brown, Robert McAfee. Saying Yes and Saying No: On Rendering to God and Caesar. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986. —–Liberation Theology: An Introductory Guide. New York: Paulist Press, 1993. Bruce, Steve. The Rise and Fall of the New Christian Right: Conservative Protestant Politics in America, 1978–1988. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.

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Bryk, Anthony S., Valerie E. Lee and Peter B. Holland. Catholic Schools and the Common Good. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 1992. Bryson, Joseph, and Samuel H. Houston, Jr. The Supreme Court and Public Funds for Religious Schools: The Burger Years, 1969–1986. Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 1990. Burstein, Abraham. Law Concerning Religion in the United States. 2d ed. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana, 1966. —–Religion, Cults, and the Law. Rev. 2d ed. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana, 1980. Butts, R. Freeman. The American Tradition in Religion and Education. Boston: Beacon Press, 1950. Buzzard, Lynn R. Schools: They Haven’t Got a Prayer. Elgin, IL.: David C. Cook, 1982. —–With Liberty and Justice: A Look at Civil Law and the Christian. Wheaton, IL: Victor Books, 1984. Buzzard, Lynn R., and Samuel Ericsson. The Battle for Religious Liberty. Elgin, IL: David C. Cook, 1982. Buzzard, Lynn R., ed. Freedom and Faith: The Impact of Law on Religious Liberty. Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1982. Byrnes, Lawrence. Religion and Public Education. New York: Harper & Row, 1975. Byrnes, Timothy, and Mary C. Segers, eds. The Catholic Church and the Politics of Abortion. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992. Cady, Linell E. Religion, Theology and American Public Life. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993. Callahan, Daniel, ed. Federal Aid and Catholic Schools. Baltimore, MD: Helicon Press, 1964. Capps, Walter H. The New Religious Right: Piety, Patriotism, and Politics. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1990. Carey, George W., and James V. Shall, eds. Essays on Christianity and Political Philosophy. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1984. Carmody, Denise Lardner, and John Tully Carmody. The Republic of Many Mansions: Foundations of American Religious Thought. New York: Paragon House, 1990. Carper, James C., and Thomas C. Hunt, eds. Religious Schooling in America. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press, 1984. Carter, Lief. An Introduction to Constitutional Interpretation: Cases in Law and Religion. New York: Longman, 1991. Carter, Paul A. Politics, Religion and Rockets. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press, 1991. Carter, Stephen L. The Culture of Disbelief. How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion. New York: Basic Books, 1993. Castelli, Jim. A Plea for Common Sense: Resolving the Clash Between Religion and Politics. San Francsico: Harper and Row, 1988. Catterall, James S. Tuition Tax Credits: Fact and Fiction. Bloomington, IN: Phi Delta Kappa Education Foundation, 1983. Chambers, Robert R. Political Theory and Societal Ethics. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992. Chapman, Audrey R. Faith, Power, and Politics: Political Ministry and Transformation in Mainline Churches. New York: Pilgrim Press, 1991. Cherry, Conrad, ed. God’s New Israel: Religious Interpretations of American Destiny. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1971. Chidester, David. Patterns of Power: Religion and Politics in American Culture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1988. Chubb, John E., and Terry M. Moe. Politics, Markets, and America’s Schools. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1990. Church, Robert L., and Michael W. Sedlak. Education in the United States: An Interpretive History. New York: Free Press, 1976. Clark, Henry B., II., ed. Freedom of Religion in America: Historical Roots, Philosophical Concepts, and Contemporary Problems. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1982. Clark, Stephen R. L. God’s World and the Great Awakening. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1991. Clayton, A. Stafford. Religion and Schooling: A Comparative Study. Waltham, MA: Blaisdell, 1969. Cobb, Sanford H. The Rise of Religious Liberty in America. New York: Macmillan, 1902. Cogdell, Gaston D. What Price Parochiaid? Washington, DC: Americans United for Separation of Church and State, 1970.

FOR FURTHER READING Cogley, John, ed. Religion in America: Original Essays on Religion in a Free Society. New York: Meridian Books, 1958. Cohen, Richard. Sunday in the Sixties. New York: Public Affairs Committee, 1962. Colombo, Furio. God in America: Religion and Politics in the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 1984. Colombo, John D., and Mark A. Hall. The Charitable Tax Exemption. Boulder: Westview Press, 1995. Conway, Flo, and Jim Siegelman. Holy Terror: The Fundamentalist War on America’s Freedom in Religion, Politics, and Our Private Lives. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1982. Cookston, Peter, Jr. School Choice: The Struggle for the Soul of American Education. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994. Coons, John E., and Stephen D. Sugarman. Education by Choice: The Case for Family Control. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1978. Cord, Robert L. Separation of Church and State: Historical Fact and Current Fiction. New York: Lambeth Press, 1982. Cornell, Julian. The Conscientious Objector and the Law. New York: John Day, 1943. Costanzo, Joseph T., S.J. This Nation Under God: Church, State and Schools in America. New York: Herder and Herder, 1964. Couser, Richard B. Ministry and the American Legal System: A Guide for Clergy, Lay Workers, and Congregations. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress/Augsburg Press, 1993. Cousins, Norman, ed. ‘In God We Trust’: The Religious Beliefs and Ideas of the American Founding Fathers. New York: Harper & Row, 1958. —–The Republic of Reason: The Personal Philosophies of the Founding Fathers. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988. Coutin, Susan Bibler. The Culture of Protest: Religious Activism and the U.S. Sanctuary Movement. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993. Cox, Archibald. The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976. Craig, Robert H. Religion and Radical Politics: An Alternative Christian Tradition in the United States. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. Cromartie, Michael, ed. No Longer Exiles: The Religious New Right in American Politics. Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1992. Curry, Thomas J. The First Freedoms: Church and State in America to the Passage of the First Amendment. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Dalcho, F. History of the Episcopal Church in South Carolina. Charleston, SC: N.p., 1820. Daum, Annette. Assault on the Bill of Rights. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1982. Davis, Derek. Original Intent: Chief Justice Rehnquist and the Course of American Church-State Relations. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991. Dawson, Joseph M. America’s Way in Church, State, and Society. New York: Macmillan, 1953. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States of America. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2003. Dewey, John. “My Pedagogic Creed.” In My Pedagogic Creed by Professor John Dewey and the Demands of Sociology Upon Pedagogy. Chicago: E. L. Kellogg, c 1897. Reprinted Washington, DC: Progressive Education Association, 1929. —–Theory of the Moral Life. New York: Holt, Rinhart, & Winston, c. 1960. Dierenfield, R. H. Religion in American Public Schools. Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1962. Doerr, Edd, and Albert J. Menendez. Church Schools and Public Money. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991. Dolbeare, Kenneth M., and Philip E. Hammond. The School Prayer Decisions: From Court Policy to Local Practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Dorsen, Norman, ed. Religion, the Courts, and Public Policy. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. —–The Rights of Americans: What They Are and What They Should Be. New York: Pantheon, 1971. Douglas, William O. The Bible and the Schools. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1966. Drakeman, Donald L. Church-State Constitutional Issues: Making Sense of the Establishment Clause. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.

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Drazin, Israel, and Cecil B. Currey. For God and Country: The History of a Constitutional Challenge to the Army Chaplaincy. New York: KTAV, 1995. Dreisbach, Daniel L. Real Threat and Mere Shadow: Religious Liberty and the First Amendment. Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1987. Dreisbach, Daniel L., ed. Religion and Politics in the Early Republic: Jasper Adams and the Church-State Debate. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, c. 1936. Drinan, Robert F., S.J. Religion, the Courts, and Public Policy. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. —–God and Caesar on the Potomac. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1986. —–Can God and Caesar Coexist?: Balancing Religious Freedom And International Law. New Haven, CT, .2004. D’Souza, Dinesh, The Enemy At Home: The Cultural Left And Its Responsibility For 9/11. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 2007. Duker, Sam. The Public Schools and Religion: The Legal Context. New York: Harper & Row, 1966. Dunn, Charles W., ed. American Political Theology: Historical Perspectives and Theoretical Analysis. New York: Praeger, 1984. —–Religion in American Politics. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1988. Dunn, Gerald T. Justice Joseph Story and the Rise of the Supreme Court. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1970. —–Hugo Black and the Judicial Revolution. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1977. Dutile, Fernand N., and Edward McGlynn Gaffney, Jr. State and Campus: State Regulation of Religiously Affiliated Higher Education. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984. —–Stories from the American Soul: A Reader in Ethics and American Policy for the 1990s. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1990. Dworkin, Ronald. Life’s Dominion. New York: Knopf, 1993. Eastland, Terry, ed. Religious Liberty in the Supreme Court: The Cases That Define the Debate over Church and State. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995. Ebersole, Luke Eugene. Church Lobbying in the Nation’s Capital. New York: Macmillan, 1951. Edel, Wilbur. Defenders of the Faith: Religion and Politics from the Pilgrim Fathers to Ronald Reagan. New York: Praeger, 1987. Edwards, Newton. The Courts and the Public Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Eidsmore, John. Christian Legal Advisor. Milford, MI: Mott Media, 1984. —–Christianity and the Constitution: The Faith of Our Founding Fathers. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker House, 1987. Eisgruber, Christopher L. and Lawrence G Sager. Religious Freedom and the Constitution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007. Elliot, Jonathan, ed. The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution. 2d ed. 5 vols. Philadelphia: J. P. Lippincott Company, 1891. Ellis, John Tracy. Catholics in Colonial America. Baltimore, MD: Helicon, 1965. Ellison, Tamara. Religion and the Public Schools: Guidelines for a Growing and Changing Phenomenon for K-12. New York: Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, 1992. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Essays: Second Series. Reprinted in The Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson; —–Essays: Second Series, vol. 3. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1984. Engel, David E. Religion in Public Education. New York: Paulist Press, 1974. Epstein, Richard A. Bargaining with the State. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993. Erickson, Donald A., ed. Public Controls for Nonpublic Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969. Ervin, Sam J., Jr. Preserving the Constitution. Charlottesville, VA: The Michie Co., 1985. Esposito, John L. The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Evans, J. Edward. Freedom of Religion. Minneapolis, MN: Lemer Publications, 1990. Fackre, Gabriel. The Religious Right and Christian Faith. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1982. Farber, Daniel A., and Suzanna Sherry. A History of the American Constitution. St. Paul, MN: West, 1990. Farrand, Max. Records of the Federal Convention. Rev. ed. 3 vols. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966. Feldman, Egal. Dual Destinies: The Jewish Encounter with Protestant America. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1990. Feliman, David. Religion in American Public Law. Boston: Boston University Press, 1974. Fenwick, Lynda Beck. Should the Children Pray?: A Historical, Judicial, and Political Examination of Public School Prayer. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 1989.

FOR FURTHER READING Ferguson, Thomas P. Catholic and American: The Political Theology of John Courtney Murray. Kansas City, MO: Sheed and Ward, 1993. Fetzer, Joel. Selective Prosecution of Religiously Motivated Offenders in America: Scrutinizing the Myth of Neutrality. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1989. Finke, Roger, and Rodney Starke. The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992. Finn, James D., ed. A Conflict of Loyalties: The Case for Selective Conscientious Objection. New York: Pegasus, 1968. Fisher, Louis. American Constitutional Law. 2d ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995. Fisher, Wallace E. Politics, Poker, and Piety: A Perspective on Cultural Religion in America. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1972. Fishman, James, and Stephen Schwartz. Nonprofit Organizations: Cases and Materials. Westbury, NY: Foundation, 1995. Flowers, Ronald B. Religion in Strange Times: The 1960s and 1970s. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1984. —–That Godless Court?: Supreme Court Decisions on Church-State Relationships. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1995. Forcinelli, Joseph. The Democratization of Religion in America: A Commonwealth of Religious Freedom by Design. Lewiston, ME: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. Ford, Paul L., ed. The Works of Thomas Jefferson. New York, London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904–1905. Forell, George W., and William H. Lazareth. God’s Call to Public Responsibility. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1978. Fowler, Robert Booth. A New Engagement: Evangelical Political Thought, 1966–1976. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1982. —–Religion and Politics in America. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1986. Frankel, Marvin E. Faith and Freedom. New York: Hill and Wang, 1994. Freund, Paul A., and Robert Utich. Religion and the Public Schools. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965. Friedman, Murray. The Utopian Dilemma: American Judaism and Public Policy. Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1985. Frommer, Arthur, ed. The Bible and the Public Schools. New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1963. Frost, J. William. A Perfect Freedom: Religious Liberty in Pennsylvania. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1990. Gaffney, Edward McGlynn, Jr. Private Schools and the Public Good: Policy Alternatives for the Eighties. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981. Gaffney, Edward McGlynn, Jr., and Philip C. Sorensen. Ascending Liability in Religious and Other Nonprofit Organizations. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1984. Gaffney, Edward McGlynn, Jr., and Philip R. Motts. Government and Campus: Federal Regulation of Religiously Affiliated Higher Education. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982. Garvey, John H., Jr. What Are Freedoms For? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996. Gaustad, Edwin Scott. Religious Issues in American History. New York: Harper & Row, 1968. —–Dissent in American Religion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973. —–Faith of Our Fathers: Religion and the New Nation. San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1987. —–Liberty of Conscience: Roger Williams in America. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995. Gedicks, Federick Mark. The Rhetoric of Church and State: A Critical Analysis of Religion Clause Jurisprudence. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995. Gedicks, Federick Mark, and Roger Hendrix. Choosing the Dream: The Future of Religion in American Public Life. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991. Geisler, Norman L., A. F. Brooke II and Mark J. Keough. The Creator in the Courtroom: “Scopes II.” Milford, MI: Mott Media, 1982. Gellhorn, Walter, and R. Kent Greenawalt. The Sectarian College and the Public Press. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana, 1970. Giannelia, Donald A., ed. Religion and the Public Order, No. 5. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1969. Gibson, William. Church, State, and Society. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992.

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FOR FURTHER READING

Gilkey, Langdon. Creationism on Trial: Evolution and God at Little Rock. Minneapolis, MN: Winston Press, 1985. Ginsberg, Benjamin. The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Goldberg, George. Reconsecrating America. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984. Goldwin, Robert A., and Art Kaufman, eds. How Does the Constitution Protect Religious Freedom? Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1988. Gordis, Robert. Religion and the Schools. New York: Fund for the Republic, 1959. Grant, Daniel R. The Christian and Politics. Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1968. Green, John C., James L. Guth, Corwin E. Smidt and Lyman Kellstedt. Religion and the Culture Wars: Dispatches from the Front. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1966. Greenawalt, Kent. Conflicts of Law and Morality. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. —–Religious Convictions and Political Choice. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. —–Does God Belong In Public Schools? Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005. Greene, Evarts B. Religion and the State: The Making and Testing of an American Tradition. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1959. Greene, M. Louise. The Development of Religious Liberty in Connecticut. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1905. Reprinted New York: DaCapo Press, Inc., 1970. Griffin, Leslie, ed. Religion and Politics in the American Milieu. Notre Dame, IN: Review of Politics, 1989. Griffith, Carol Friedley. Christianity and Politics: Catholic and Protestant Perspectives. Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1981. Griffiths, William E. Religion, the Courts, and the Public Schools: A Century of Litigation. Cincinnati, OH: W. H. Anderson, 1966. Groh, John E. Facilitators of the Free Exercise of Religion: Air Force Chaplains, 1981–1990. Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Chaplains, USAF, 1991. Guinness, Os. The American Hour: A Time of Reckoning and the Once and Future Role of Faith. New York: The Free Press, 1993. Haddon, Jeffrey K., and Anson Shupe, eds. Prophetic Religions and Politics: Religion and the Political Order. New York: Paragon House Publishers, 1986. Hamilton, Alexander. The Federalist, No. 78. Edited by Clinton Rossiter. New York: New American Library, 1961. Hamilton, Marci. God vs.the Gavel: Religion and the Rule of Law. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Hamilton, Otto Templar. The Courts and the Curriculum. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis: Columbia University, 1927. Hammar, Richard R. Pastor, Church, and Law. 2d ed. Matthews, NC: Christian Ministry Resources, 1991. Hammond, Phillip E. Religion and Personal Autonomy: The Third Disestablishment in America. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1992. Handy, Robert T. A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities. 2d ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1984. —–Undermined Establishment: Church-State Relations in America, 1880–1920. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991. Hanley, Their Rights and Liberties. Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1959. Hansen, Klaus J. Mormonism and the American Experience. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. Hardy, B. Carmon. Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1992. Harper, Fowler V. Justice Rutledge and the Bright Constellation. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965. Hart, Stephen. What Does the Lord Require: How American Christians Think About Justice. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Hayes, Carlton J. H. Nationalism: A Religion. New York: Macmillan, 1960. Healey, Robert M. Jefferson on Religion in Public Education. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1962. Hefley, James C., and Edward E. Plowman. Christians and the Corridors of Power. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1975. Henig, Jeffrey R. Rethinking School Choice: Limits of the Market Metaphor. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993.

FOR FURTHER READING Herberg, Will. Protestant, Catholic, Jew: An Essay in American Religious Sociology. Rev. ed. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1960. Hertzke, Allen D. Representing God in Washington: The Role of Religious Lobbies in the American Polity. Knoxville, TN: The University of Tennessee Press, 1988. —–Echoes of Discontent: Jesse Jackson, Pat Robertson, and the Resurgence of Populism. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993. Heslep, Robert D. Thomas Jefferson and Education. New York: Random House, 1969. Hessel, Dieter, ed. The Church’s Public Role: Retrospect and Prospect. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1993. Hoekema, Anthony A. The Four Major Cults: Christian Science, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Mormonism, Seventh-Day Adventists. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1963. Hoffer, Peter Charles. The Law’s Conscience: Equitable Constitutionalism in America. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990. Hogan, John C. The Schools, the Courts, and the Public Interest. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1985. Honeywell, Roy J. The Educational Work of Thomas Jefferson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963. Hook, Sidney. Religion in a Free Society. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1967. Hopkins, Bruce R. The Law of Tax-Exempt Organizations. 6th ed. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1992. Hostetler, John A. Amish Society. Rev. ed. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1968. Howard, A. E. Dick. State Aid to Private Higher Education. Charlottesville, VA: The Michie Co., 1977. Howe, Mark DeWolfe, ed. Cases of Church and State in the United States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952. —–The Garden and the Wilderness: Religion and the Government in American Constitutional History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965. Hudson, Winthrop S. The Great Tradition of the American Churches. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953. —–Religion in America. New York: Scribner, 1992. Hughson, Thomas, S.J. The Believer as Citizen: John Courtney Murray in a New Context. New York: Paulist Press, 1993. Hunt, Robert P., and Kenneth L. Grasso, eds. John Courtney Murray and the American Civil Conversation. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1992. Hunter, James Davison. Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America. New York: Basic Books, 1991. Hunter, James Davison, and Os Guinness, eds. Articles of Faith, Articles of Peace–The Religious Liberty Clauses and the American Public Philosophy. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1990. Hutcheson, Richard G., Jr. God in the White House–How Religion Has Changed the Modern Presidency. New York: Macmillan, 1989. Isaac, Rhys. The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. Ivers, Gregg. Lowering the Wall: Religion and the Supreme Court in the 1980s. New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1991. —–Redefining the First Freedom: The Supreme Court and the Consolidation of State Power. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992. McGuire, Kevin T, ed. Creating Constitutional Change: Clashes Over Power And Liberty In The Supreme Court. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2004. Jackson, Robert H. The Supreme Court in the American System of Government. New York: Harper & Row, 1955. James, Thomas, and Henry M. Levin, eds. Public Dollars for Private Schools: The Case of Tuition Tax Credits. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983. Jelen, Ted G. The Political Mobilization of Religious Beliefs. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1991. Jelen, Ted G., and Clyde Wilcox. Public Attitudes Toward Church and State. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, c. 1995. Johnson, Alvin W. The Legal Status of Church-State Relationships in the United States with Special Reference to the Public Schools. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1934. Johnson, Alvin W., and Frank H. Yost. Separation of Church and State in the United States. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1948. Johnson, F. Ernest, ed. American Education and Religion: The Problem of Religion in the Schools. New York: Harper and Row, 1952.

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Johnson, James Turner, ed. The Bible in American Law, Politics, and Political Rhetoric. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985. Johnson, Richard M. The Dynamics of Compliance: Supreme Court Decision-Making from a New Perspective. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1967. Jordan, Mark D. Blessing Same-Sex Unions. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005. Jorstad, Erling. Evangelicals in the White House: The Cultural Maturation of Born Again Christianity, 1960–1981. New York: Edwin Mellon Press, 1981. —–The Politics of Moralism: The New Christian Right in American Life. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1981. —–Being Religious in America: The Deepening Crisis Over Public Faith. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1986. Katz, Wilber G. Religion and American Constitutions. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1963. Kelley, Dean M., ed. Government Intervention in Religious Affairs. New York: Pilgrim Press, 1986. Kennedy, John F. “Remarks on Church and State.” In Church and State in American History. 2nd ed. Edited by John F. Wilson and Donald L. Drakeman. Boston: Beacon Press, 1987. Kolbenschlag, Madonna, ed. Between God and Caesar: Priests, Sisters, and Political Office in the United States. New York: Paulist Press, 1985. Kommers, Donald P., and Michael Wahoske, eds. Freedom and Education: Pierce v. Society of Sisters Reconsidered. Notre Dame, IN: Center for Civil Rights, University of Notre Dame Law School, 1978. La Noue, George R., ed. Educational Vouchers: Concepts and Controversies. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University Press, 1972. Lannie, Vincent P. Public Money for Parochial Education. Cleveland, OH: Case Western Reserve University Press, 1968. Larson, Martin, and C. Stanley Lowell. Praise the Lord for Tax Exemption: How the Churches Grow Rich, While the Cities and You Grow Poor. Washington, DC: Robert B. Luce, 1969. —–The Religious Empire: The Growth and Danger of Tax-Exempt Property in the United States. Washington, DC: Robert B. Luce, 1976. Laubach, John H. School Prayers: Congress, the Courts, and the Public. Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1969. Lee, Francis G., ed. All Imaginable Liberty: The Religious Liberty Clauses and the First Amendment. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1995. Levesque, Roger J. R. Not By Faith Alone: Religion, Law, and Adolescence. N.Y.: New York University Press, 2002. Levy, Leonard Williams, ed. Blasphemy in Massachusetts: Freedom of Conscience and the Abner Kneeland Case: A Documentary Record. New York: Da Capo Press, 1973. —–Blasphemy: Verbal Offense Against the Sacred, From Moses to Salman Rushdie. New York: Knopf, 1993. —–The Establishment Clause: Religion and the First Amendment. New York: Macmillan, 1989. Liebman, Robert C., and Robert Wuthnow, eds. The New Christian Right: Mobilization and Legitimation. New York: Aldine, 1983. Lienesch, Michael. Redeeming America: Piety and Politics in the New Christian Right. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Lincoln, C. Eric. The Black Muslims in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1973. Linder, Robert D., and Richard V. Pierard. Politics: A Case for Christian Action. Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1973. Lingley, Charles Ramsdell. The Transition in Virginia from Colony to Commonwealth. New York: AMS Press, 1967. Littell, Franklin Hamlin. The Church and the Body Politic. New York: Seabury Press, 1969. —From State Church to Pluralism: A Protestant Interpretation of Religion in American History. New York: Macmillan, 1971. Loder, JamesE. Religion and the Public Schools. New York: Association Press, 1965. Lovin, Robin W. Religion and American Public Life: Interpretations and Explorations. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1986. Lunceford, Lloyd J. The Religion Clauses of the First Amendment. Baton Rouge, LA: L. J. Lunceford, 1988. Lunger, Harold L. A Citizen Under God. St. Louis: Christian Board of Publication, 1973. Lynn, Barry, Marc D. Stern and Oliver S. Thomas. The Right to Religious Liberty: The Basic ACLU Guide to Religious Rights. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1995.

FOR FURTHER READING Maddox, Robert L. Separation of Church and State: Guarantor of Religious Freedom. New York: Crossroad Books, 1987. Malbin, Michael J. Religion and Politics: The Intentions of the Authors of the First Amendment. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978. Malony, H. Newton, Thomas L. Neeham and Samuel Southard, eds. Clergy Malpractice. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1986. Manwaring, David R. Render Unto Caesar: The Flag Salute Controversy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962. —–Religion, Liberty, and the State. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971. Marnell, William H. The First Amendment: The History of Religious Freedom in America. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964. Marsden, George. The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Nonbelief. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Marty, Martin E. The New Shape of American Religion. New York: Harper & Row, 1959. —–The Pro & Con Book of Religious America: A Bicentennial Argument. Waco, Texas: Word Incorporated, 1975. —–The Public Church: Mainline Evangelical-Catholic. New York: Crossroad Books, 1981. —–Pilgrims in Their Own land: 500 Years of Religion in America. Boston: Little, Brown, 1984. —–Religion and Republic: The American Circumstance. Boston: Beacon Press, 1987. McBrien, Richard P. Caesar’s Coin: Religion and Politics in America. New York: Macmillan, 1987. McCarthy, Martha M. A Delicate Balance: Church, State, and the Schools. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1983. McCarthy, Rockne M., James W. Skillen and William A. Harper. Disestablishment a Second Time: Genuine Pluralism for American Schools. Grand Rapids, MI: Christian University Press, 1982. McClellan, James. Joseph Story and the American Constitution. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971. McCluskey, Neil G. Catholic Viewpoint on Education. Rev. ed Garden City, NY: Image Books, 1962. —–Catholic Education in America. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University Press, 1964. McCollister, John. So Help Me God: The Faith of America’s Presidents. Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 1991. McCollum, Vashti C. One Women’s Fight. Boston: Beacon Press, 1951; Madison, WI: Freedom from Religion Foundation, 1993. McCuen, Gary E. Religion and Politics: Issues in Religious Liberty. Hudson, WI: G. E. McCuen Publications, 1989. McGrath, Joseph H., ed. Church and State in American Law. Milwaukee, WI: Bruce, 1962. McManus, Edgar J. Law and Liberty in Early New England: Criminal Justice and Due Process. Amherst, MA: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1993. McMillan, Richard C. Religion in the Public Schools: An Introduction. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1984. Mead, Sidney E. The Lively Experiment: The Shaping of Christianity in America. New York: Harper & Row, 1963. —–The Nation with the Soul of a Church. New York: Harper & Row, 1975. —–The Old Religion in the Brave New World: Reflections on the Relation Between Christendom and the Republic. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1977. Mechling, Jay, ed. Church, State, and Public Policy: The New Shape of the Church-State Debate. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978. Meixner, Linda L. The Bible in Literature Courses: Successful Lesson Plans. New York: Praeger, 1991. Melton, J. Gordon. The Encyclopedia of American Religions. 2 vols. Wilmington, NC: McGrath, 1978. Menendez, Albert J. Religious Conflict in America: A Bibliographic Guide. New York: Garland, 1984. —–School Prayer and Other Issues in American Public Education: An Annotated Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1984. —–Religion and the U.S. Presidency: A Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1986. —–The December Dilemma: Christmas in American Public Life. Silver Spring, MD: Americans United for Separation of Church and State, 1988. —–Visions of Reality: What Fundamentalist Schools Really Teach. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1993.

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—–Evangelicals at the Ballot Box. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996. Menendez, Albert J., and Edd Doerr, eds. The Great Quotations of Religious Freedom. Long Beach, CA.: Centerline Press, 1991. —–Religion and Public Education: Common Sense and the Law. Long Beach, CA: Centerline Press, 1991. Meyer, Jacob C. Church and State in Massachusetts from 1740 to 1833. Cleveland, OH: Western Reserve University Press, 1930. Michaelson, Robert. Piety in the Public School: Trends and Issues in Relationship between Religion and the Public School in the United States. New York: Macmillan, 1970. Michnik, Adam. The Church and the Left. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Miller, Glenn T. Religious Liberty in America: History and Prospects. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1976. Miller, Perry. Roger Williams: His Contribution to the American Tradition. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1953. Miller, Richard B. Interpretations of Conflict: Ethics, Pacifism, and the Just-War Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. Miller, William L. The First Liberty: Religion and the American Republic. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. Miller, William L., Robert Bellah, Martin Marty, and Arlin Adams. Religion and the Public Good: A Bicentennial Forum. Mercer University Press, 1989. Monti, Daniel J. A Semblance of Justice. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1985. Mooney, Christopher F. Public Virtue: Law and the Social Character of Religion. Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame Press, 1986. Morgan, Edmund S. The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop. New York: HarperCollins, 1958. —–Roger Williams: The Church and the State. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967. Morgan, Richard E. The Politics of Religious Conflict: Church and State in America. New York: Pegasus, 1968. Reprint Washington: University Press of America, 1980. —–The Supreme Court and Religion. New York: Free Press, 1972. Neuhaus, Richard John. The Naked Public Square: Religion and Democracy in America. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984. Newmyer, R. Kent. Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story: Statesman of the Old Republic. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1985. Noll, Mark A. One Nation Under God? Christian Faith and Political Action in America. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988. Noonan, John T., Jr. The Believer and the Powers That Are. New York: Macmillan, 1987. O’Brien, David M. Animal Sacrifice and Religious Freedom: Church Of The Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City Of Hialeah. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2004. O’Brien, F. William, S.J. Justice Reed and the First Amendment: The Religion Clauses. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1958. Office of Legal Policy, United States Department of Justice. Report to the Attorney General: Religious Liberty Under the Free Exercise Clause. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1986. Oleck, Howard L. Nonprofit Corporations, Organizations, and Associations. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1988. O’Neill, James M. Catholicism and American Freedom. New York: Harper, 1952. Panken, Peter M. and Andrea Fitz. A State-By-State Survey Of The Law On Religion In The Workplace. American Law Institute-American Bar Association Committee on Continuing Professional Education, 2001. Parker-Jenkins, Marie, Dimitra Hartas, and Barrie A. Irving. In Good Faith: Schools, Religion, And Public Funding. Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Pub., 2004. Pelikan, Jaroslav Jan. Interpreting the Bible and the Constitution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004. Pennock, J. Roland, and John W. Chapman, eds. Religion, Morality, and the Law. New York: New York University Press, 1988. Perry, Michael. Morality, Politics, and Law. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. Peters, Shawn Francis, The Yoder Case: Religious Freedom, Education, and Parental Rights. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2003. Peterson, Merill, ed. Democracy, Liberty, and Property: The State Constitutional Conventions of the 1820’s. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. Pfeffer, Leo. Church, State, and Freedom. Rev. ed. Boston: Beacon Press, 1967.

FOR FURTHER READING —–Religion, State, and the Burger Court. Buffalo, NY: Promoetheus Books, 1984. Pfeffer, Leo. “The Future of the Bill of Rights: Church-State Relations.” In The Future of Our Liberties: Perspectives on the Bill of Rights. Edited by Stephen C. Halpern, 111–129. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982. Phillips, Harlan. Felix Frankfurter Reminisces. New York: Reynal, 1960. Plunkett, Dudley. Secular and Spiritual Values. London: New York: Routledge, 1990. Power, Edward J. Religion and the Public Schools in Nineteenth-Century America: The Contribution of Orestes A. Brownson. New York: Paulist Press, 1996. Pratt, John Webb. Religion, Politics, and Diversity: The Church-State Theme in New York History. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1967. Prucha, Francis Paul. The Churches and the Indian Schools, 1888–1912. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1979. Ravitch, Diane. The Great School Wars. New York: Basic Books, 1974. Reichley, A. James. Religion in American Public Life. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1985. Religion and the Public Good: A Bicentennial Forum. Foreword by John F. Wilson. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1988. Richardson, James T., ed. Regulating Religion: Case Studies From Around The Globe. Hingham, MA: Kluwer AcademicPlenum Publishers, 2004. Richman, Sheldon. Separating School and State: How to Liberate America’s Families. Fairfax, VA: Future of Freedom Foundation, 1994. Robbins, Thomas, and Roland Robertson, eds. Church-State Relations: Tensions and Transitions. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987. Robbins, Thomas, W. Shepherd, and J. McBride, eds. Cults, Culture, and the Law: Perspectives on New Religious Movements. Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985. Robinson, John A. T. Honest to God. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1963. Rothchild, Jonathan, Matthew Myer Boulton, Kevin Jung eds. Doing Justice To Mercy: Religion, Law, And Criminal Justice. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2007. Ruse, Michael. The Evolution-Creation Struggle. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005. Rutynas, Richard, and John W. Kuehl, eds. Conceived in Conscience: An Analysis of Contemporary Church-State Relations. Norfolk, VA: Donning Company, 1983. Sahliyeh, Emile, ed. Religious Resurgence and Politics in the Contemporary World. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1990. Sampson, William. The Catholic Question in America. New York: Edward Gillespay, 1813. Reprint Ann Arbor, MI: Xerox Microfilms, 1976. Sandeen, Ernest R., ed. The Bible and Social Reform. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982. Sanders, Thomas G. Protestant Concepts of Church and State: Historical Backgrounds and Approaches for the Future. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1964. Sandoz, Ellis. A Government of Laws: Political Theory, Religion, and the American Founding. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990. —–Political Sermons of the American Founding Era. Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Press, 1990. Sanford, Charles B. The Religious Life of Thomas Jefferson. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 1984. Sarat, Austin, Lawrence Douglas, Martha Merrill Umphrey. Law and the Sacred. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007. Savage, David G. Turning Right: The Making of the Rehnquist Supreme Court. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1992. Schwehn, Mark. Exiles from Eden: Religion and the Academic Vocation in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. Semonche, John E. Religion and Constitutional Government in the United States: A Historical Overview with Sources. Carrboro, NC: Signal Books, 1986. Sheldon, Garrett Ward. Religion and Politics: Major Thinkers on the Relation of Church and State. New York: Peter Lang, 1990. Shepherd, William C. To Secure the Blessings of Liberty: American Constitutional Law and the New Religious Movements. New York: Crossroad Books and Scholars Press, 1985.

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FOR FURTHER READING

Sherwood, Carlton. Inquisition: The Persecution and Prosecution of the Reverend Sun Myung Moon. Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 1991. Sibley, Mulford Q. The Obligation to Disobey: Conscience and the Law. New York: Council on Religion and International Affairs, 1970. Sibley, Mulford Q., and Philip E. Jacob. Conscription of Conscience: The American State and the Conscientious Objector, 1940–1947. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1952. Simon, Arthur. Christian Faith and Public Policy: No Grounds for Divorce. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987. Sine, Tom. Cease Fire: Searching for Sanity in America’s Culture Wars. Grand Rapids. MI: Eerdmans, 1995. Sizer, Theodore R., ed. Religion and Public Education. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1967; Lanham, MD.: University Press of America, 1982. Skillen, James W. The Scattered Voice: Christians At Odds in the Public Square. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1990. Smith, Elwyn A. Church and State in Your Community. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1963. —–Religious Liberty in the United States: The Development of Church-State Thought since the Revolutionary Era. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1972. Smith, Elwyn A., ed. The Religion of the Republic. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971, 1980. Smith, Huston. A Seat at the Table: Huston Smith In Conversation With Native Americans On Religious Freedom. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006. Smith, H. Shelton, Robert T. Handy, and Lefferts A. Loetscher. American Christianity: An Historical Interpretation with Representative Documents. 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1960. Smith, Rodney K. Public Prayer and the Constitution: A Case Study in Constitutional Interpretation. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1987. Smith, Steven D. Foreordained Failure: The Quest for a Constitutional Principle of Religious Freedom. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Sorauf, Frank. The Wall of Separation: The Constitutional Politics of Church-State. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976. Spicer, George W. The Supreme Court and Fundamental Freedom. New York: Appleton Century-Crofts, 1959. Stanmeyer, William A. Clear and Present Danger: Church and State in Post-Christian America. Ann Arbor, MI: Servant Books, 1983. Stedman, Murray S. Religion and Politics in America. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1964. Stokes, Anson Phelps. Church and State in the United States. 3 vols. New York: Harper & Bros., 1950. Stokes, Anson Phelps, and Leo Pfeffer. Church and State in the United States. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1964. Stone, Ronald H., ed. Reformed Faith and Politics: Essays Prepared for the Advisory Council on Church and Society of the United Presbyterian Church in the USA and the Council on Theology and Culture of the Presbyterian Church in the USA. Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1983. Storing, Herbert J., ed. The Complete Anti-Federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. Story, Joseph. The Commentaries on the Constitution. Boston: Hilliard, Gray, 1833. Reprint Littleton, CO: F. B. Rothman, 1991. Strickland, Reba Carolyn. Religion and the State in Georgia in the Eighteenth Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 1939. Stroup, Herbert H. The Jehovah’s Witnesses. New York: Columbia University Press, 1945. Strout, Cushing. The New Heavens and the New Earth: Political Religion in America. New York: Harper & Row, 1974. Sullivan, Winnifred Fallers. Paying the Words Extra: Religious Discourse in the Supreme Court of the United States. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994. Swancara, Frank. Obstruction of Justice by Religion. San Diego: Superior Books, 1936. Swanson, Wayne R. The Christ Child Goes to Court. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990. Swartley, Williard M., ed. The Bible and Law. Elkhart, IN: Institute of Mennonite Studies, 1982. Sweet, William W., ed. Religion in Colonial America. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1942. Swisher, Carl Brent. Stephen J. Field: Craftsman of the Law. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1930. Swomley, John M., Jr. Religion, the State, and the Schools. New York. Pegasus, 1968. —–Religious Liberty and the Secular State: The Constitutional Context. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1987.

FOR FURTHER READING Tanner, Kathryn. The Politics of God: Christian Theologies, and Social Justice. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1992. Talparar, Morris. The Sociology of Colonial Virginia. 2d rev. ed. New York: Philosophical Library, 1968. Tarr, B. Alan. Judicial Impact and State Supreme Courts. Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1977. Thernstrom, Abigail. School Choice in Massachusetts. Boston: Pioneer Institute for Public Policy Research, 1991. Thiemann, Ronald F. Religion in Public Life: A Dilemma for Democracy. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1996. Thorpe, Francis Newton. The Federal and State Constitutions. 7 vols. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909. Reprint St. Clair Shores, MI: Scholarly Press, 1977. Tiemann, William Harold, and John C. Bush. The Right to Silence: Privileged Clergy Communication and the Law. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1989. Tinder, Glenn. The Political Meaning of Christianity: A Prophetic Stance. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1991. Tinker, George. Missionary Conquest: The Gospel and Native American Cultural Genocide. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Press, 1993. Torpey, William G. Judicial Doctrines of Religious Rights in America. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1948. Tribe, Laurence H. American Constitutional Law. Mineola, NY: The Foundation Press, 1978. —–The Constitutional Protection of Individual Rights: Limits on Government Authority. Mineola, NY: The Foundation Press, 1978. —–God Save This Honorable Court: How the Choice of Supreme Court Justices Shapes Our History. New York: Random House, 1985. —–American Constitutional Law. 2d ed. Mineola, NY: The Foundation Press, 1988. Tribe, Laurence H. “Church and State in the Constitution.” In Government Intervention in Religious Affairs. Edited by Dean M. Kelley, 31–40. New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1982. Trimble, Bruce R. Chief Justice Waite. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1938. Tucker, Henry St. George. Commentaries on the Laws of Virginia. 1837. Tushnet, Mark V. Red, White, and Blue: A Critical Analysis of Constitutional Law. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988. Tussman, Joseph, ed. The Supreme Court on Church and State. New York: Oxford Press, 1962. Twomley, Dale E. Parochiaid and the Courts. Perrier Springs, MI: Andrews University Press, 1981. Underwood, James L. and William Lewis Burke. The Dawn Of Religious Freedom In South Carolina. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2006. Urofsky, Melvin I. Religious Freedom: Rights And Liberties Under The Law. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2002. Utley, Robert M. The Lance and the Shield. New York: Henry Holt, 1993. Vaux, Kenneth L. Ethics and the Gulf War: Religion, Rhetoric, and Righteousness. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992. Veit, Helen, ed. Creating the Bill of Rights: The Documentary Record from the First Federal Congress. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1991. Vetterlil, Richard, and Gary Bryner. In Search of the Republic: Public Virtue and the Roots of American Government. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littlefield, 1987. Viteritti, J. P. The Last Freedom: Religion from the Public School to the Public Square. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007. Wald, Kenneth D. Religion and Politics in the United States. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987. Walter, Erich A., ed. Religion and the State University. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1964. Walters, Kerry S. The American Deists: Voices of Reason and Dissent in the Early Republic. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1992. Ward, Hiley H. Space-Age Sunday. New York: Macmillan, 1960. Watts, Tim J. Church and Court—Settling Religious Disputes with Secular Law. Monticello, IL: Vance Bibliographies, 1988. Webb, George E. The Evolution Controversy in America. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1994. Weber, Paul J., ed. Equal Separation: Understanding the Religion Clauses of the First Amendment. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1990.

823

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FOR FURTHER READING

Weber, Paul J., and Dennis A. Gilbert. Private Churches and Public Money: Church-Government Fiscal Relations. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981. Weeks, Stephen B. Church and State in North Carolina. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1893. Weigel, George, and Robert Royal, eds. A Century of Catholic Social Thought: Essays on “Rerum Novarum” and Nine Other Key Documents. Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1991. Wells, Guy Fred. Parish Education in Colonial Virginia. New York: Arno Press, 1969. Wells, Ronald A., ed. The Wars of America: Christian Views. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1991. Wells, Ronald A., and Thomas A. Askew, eds. Liberty and Law: Reflections on the Constitution in American Life and Thought. Grand Rapids, MI.: Eerdmans, 1987. Wenz, Peter S. Abortion Rights as Religious Freedom. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1992. White, Ronald C., and Albright G. Zimmerman, eds. An Unsettled Arena: Religion and the Bill of Rights. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1990. Whitehead, John W. The Separation Illusion: A Lawyer Examines the First Amendment. Milford, MI: Mott Media, 1977. —–The Rights of Religious Persons in Public Education. Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 1991. —–The Second American Revolution. Elgin, IL: David C. Cook, 1982. Wills, Garry. Under God: Religion and American Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990. Wilson, John F. Public Religion in American Culture. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979. Wilson, John F., ed. Church and State in American History. Boston: D. C. Heath, 1965. —–Church and State in America: A Bibliographical Guide. Vol. 1: The Colonial and Early National Period, 1986; Vol. 2: The Civil War to the Present Day. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1987. Wilson, John F., and Donald L. Drakeman, eds. Church and State in American History: The Burden of Religious Pluralism. 2d ed. Boston: Beacon Press. 1987. Witte, J. Law and Protestantism: the Legal Teachings of the Lutheran Reformation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2002. Witte, J. Religion and the American Constitutional Experiment: Essential Rights and Liberties. Boulder CO: Westview Press, 2000. Wogaman, Philip. Protestant Faith and Religious Liberty. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1967. Wolf, Donald J., S.J. Toward Consensus: Catholic-Protestant Interpretations of Church and State. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968. Wolterstorff, N. JusticeRI,ghts and Wrongs. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008. Wood, James E., Jr. Religion and Politics. Waco, TX: J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies, Baylor University Press, 1983. —–Religion and the State: Essays in Honor of Leo Pfeffer. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 1985. —–The First Freedom: Religion and the Bill of Rights. Waco, TX: J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies, Baylor University, 1990. —–The Role of Religion in the Making of Public Policy. Waco, TX: J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies, Baylor University, 1991. Wood, James E., Jr., ed. Religion, the State, and Education. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 1984. —Ecumenical Perspectives on Church and State: Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. Waco, TX: J. M. Dawson, Institute of Church-State Studies, Baylor University, 1988. Wood, James E., Jr., and Derek Davis, eds. The Role of Government in Monitoring and Regulating Religion in Public Life. Waco, TX: J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies, Baylor University Press, 1993. Wood, James E., Jr., Robert T. Miller, and E. Bruce Thompson, eds. Church and State in Scripture, History, and Constitutional Law. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 1958. Woodford, Howard J., Jr. Mr. Justice Murphy: A Political Biography. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968. Worton, Stanley N. Freedom of Religion. Rochelle Park, NJ: Hayden, 1975. Wunder, John R. “Retained by the People”: A History of American Law and the Bill of Rights. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Wuthnow, Robert. The Restructuring of American Religion. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988. —–The Struggle for America’s Soul. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1989. Yandian, Bob. One Nation Under God: The Rise or Fall of a Nation. Tulsa, OK: Harrison House, 1988.

FOR FURTHER READING Zaretsky, I. I., and M. P. Leone, eds. Religious Movements in Contemporary America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974. Zetterbert, J. Peter, ed. Evolution versus Creationism: The Public Education Controversy. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press, 1983. Zolliman, Carl F. American Church Law. St. Paul, MN: West, 1933.

825

Index ABA. See American Bar Association Abbott, Lyman, 520 Abdel-Rahman, Sheikh Omar, 143 Abernathy, Ralph David, 47 Abetting a suicide, 541 Abington School District v. Schempp (1963), 1–3, 37, 42, 44, 78, 217, 227, 246, 333, 362, 455, 476, 492, 513, 617 Abolition, 3–5 Abortion, 5–10, 215 “Abortion politics,” 10 Abrahamic religions, 349 Absolute rights, 28, 331, 557, 558, 593 Academic freedom, 179, 413 Accommodationist, 13–14 Accommodation of religious belief, 10–13 ACLU. See American Civil Liberties Union ACLU Nebraska Foundation v. City of Plattsmouth (8th Cir. 2005), 14–18 Act of Supremacy (1534), 193 Adams, John, 496, 647 Adair v. England (D.D.C. 2002), 79 Addams, Jane, 25 ADL. See Anti-Defamation League ADL Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents, 28 Adler v. Duval Co. School Bd. (11th Cir. 2001), 517 Adolescent Family Life Act, 62 Adoption, 19–20 Adultery, 20–21 AFDC. See Aid to Families with Dependent Children African American Church. See Black Church African Americans, 3 African Methodist Episcopal (AME), 46 African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ), 46 Africa v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (3rd Cir. 1981), 427 Agnosticism, 346 Agnostics, 218, 432, 551 Aguilar v. Felton (1985), 21–23, 53 Ahmad, Omar, 145 Ahmed, Parvez, 145 AIDS prevention, 142 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 63 AIRFA. See American Indian Religious Freedom Act

Alabama Freethought Association, 550 Alaska, 74, 126, 504 Albright, Madeline, 224 Alcoholic beverages, 170 Alien Registration Act of 1940, 527 Allegheny County v. American Civil Liberties Union (1989), 17, 23–24, 54, 57, 185, 221, 264 Al-Qaeda, 343, 493, 524 AME. See African Methodist Episcopal American Anti-Slavery Society, 5 American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC), 526 American Association of Atheists, 31 American Bar Association (ABA), 366 American Bar Association Committee on Civil Rights, 284 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 7, 15, 24–25, 37, 59, 143, 284, 425, 520 American Civil Rights Movement, 46 American constitutionalism, 459 American Humanist Association, 31 American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA), 351 American Jewish Congress, 429 American-Muslim charities, 345 American Party, 424 American Protestantism, 534 American Red Cross, 92, 254 American Revolution, 88, 100, 176 Americans United for Separation of Church and State, 25–26, 69 AMEZ. See African Methodist Episcopal Zion Amish, 221 exception, 26–27 lifestyle, 431 Amnesty International, 143 Anglican Church, 478 “Anglo-conformity,” 489 Anti-Arson Act (1982), 102 Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862, 337 Anti-Catholic bigotry, 381 Anticommunism, 499 Anticult movement, 157 Anti-Defamation League (ADL), 27–28, 37, 144, 258 Antievolution statute, 520

827

828

INDEX

Anti-polygamy, 111, 389–390, 497 Antislavery agitation, 4 Aquinas, Thomas, 49, 201, 354, 540 Arizona, 12, 148, 338, 390, 391, 508, 509, 526, 615 Arkansas, 191, 192, 211, 259, 336, 380, 542, 582, 593 Aronow v. United States (9th Cir. 1970), 77 Articles of War, 327 Asylum, 28–30 Atheism, 30–31 Atheists, 30 Augustus (Roman emperor), 161 Avitzur v. Avitzur (NY 1983), 166 Awad, Nihad, 145 Baars, Conrad, 124 Badoni v. Higginson (10th Cir. 1980), 351 Baehr v. Lewin (Haw. 1993). See Same-sex marriage Baha´’ı´ Faith, 363 Baker, Robert J., 125 Baker v. Fales (Mass. 1820), 33–34 Balanced Treatment Act, 179 Balancing test, 3 Baldwin, Roger, 25, 133 Bankruptcy, 34–36 Bankruptcy Code, 35 Bankruptcy Reform Act (2005), 565 Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs, 37 Baptists, 4 Baptist university, 486 Barons Baltimore, 319 Barr, Bob, 153, 377 Barron v. Mayor of Baltimore (1833), 159 Batson v. Kentucky (1986), 295 BCNR. See Board for Correction of Naval Records Bear v. Reformed Mennonite Church (Pa. 1975), 106 Beccaria, Cesare, 73, 191 Becker Amendment, 36–40 Becker, Frank J., 37, 38 Beecher, Henry Ward, 520 Belief-conduct dichotomy, 40–42 Bellamy, Francis, 384 Bellotti v. Baird (1979), 10 Bender v. Williamsport Area School District (1986), 414 Benedict XIV (pope), 124 Benedict XVI (pope), 125 Bentham, Jeremy, 73 Berger v. Rensselaer Central School Corp. (N.D. Ind. 1991), 42 Beth Din, 166 Bible and tract societies, 402, 485 Bible camps, 491 Bible distribution at public schools, 42–44 Bible Presbyterian Church, 443

Bible, reading of, 44–45, 219, 476 Bicameralism, 320 Bigamy, 497 Bill of Rights, 22, 34, 45–46, 59, 72, 100, 132, 159, 215 Birth control. See Contraception Birth defects, 7 Bishop of Rome, 498 Black Church, 46–47 Black Hebrew Israelites, 259 Black, Hugo L., 53, 136, 160, 188, 199, 305 Blackmun, Harry A., 24, 62, 136, 221, 552, 559 Black’s Law Dictionary, 376 Blackstone, William, 175, 355 Black supremacists, 259, 260 Blaine Amendment, 48, 648 Blaine, James G., 48 Blake, Eugene Carson, 39 Blanchard, H. H., 191 Blasphemy, 48–51, 68 Blood transfusions, 51–52 Blue Laws. See Sunday closing laws B’nai B’rith, 27 Board for Correction of Naval Records (BCNR), 79 Board of Education v. Allen (1968), 52–53, 95, 101, 198, 246, 304, 554 Board of Education v. Grumet (1994), 53–55 Board of Education v. Mergens (1990), 55–56, 414, 460, 515 Board of Education v. Minor (Ohio 1872), 476 Board of Education of Westside Community School District v. Mergens (1990), 44 Board of Trustees v. McCreary (1985), 56–57 Bob Jones University v. United States (1983), 58, 90, 419, 442, 452 Body of Liberties (1641), 49 Boerne, City of v. Flores (1997), 59–62, 228, 458, 477, 500, 530 Boldly, William, 280 Bonjour v. Bonjour (Alaska 1979), 97 Bonnichsen, Robson, 297 The Book and Slavery Irreconcilable (Bourne), 4 Book of Common Prayer, 49 Book of Genesis, 192 Book of Mormon, 110 Boston Globe (newspaper), 144 Bourne, George, 4 Bowen v. Kendrick (1988), 62–63, 245 Bowen v. Roy (1986), 63 Bowers v. Hardwick (1986), 21 Boy Scouts, 43 Bradfield v. Roberts (1899), 63–64, 197, 205, 560 Bradley, Bill, 154 Brandeis, Louis, 395

INDEX Braunfeld v. Brown (1961), 41, 64–65, 227 Breach of the peace, 72–73 Brennan, William J., 3, 22, 24, 74, 136, 252, 261, 301, 306, 340, 409, 552, 554 Breyer, Stephen G., 183, 528 Bronx Household of Faith v. Board of Education for the City of New York (2003), 65–67 Brown, John, 5 Bryan, William Jennings, 520 Buchanan, Pat, 148, 707–712 Buckley, William F., 499 Buddhism and suicide, 540 Burger, Warren E., 58, 63, 136, 299, 317, 432, 474, 557, 558, 560 Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson (1952), 68 Burton, Harold, 168, 321, 422 Bus fare reimbursement, 95, 204 Bush, George H. W., 148, 516 Bush, George W., 69, 80, 211, 343, 377, 426, 487, 566, 713–718 Bush, Jeb, 277 Butler Act, 520–521 Byrne, Ethel, 139 CAIR. See Council on American-Islamic Relations California Family Law Act, 163 California Missions Foundation, 69 California Missions Preservation Act, 69–70 California Teachers Association v. Riles (Cal. 1981), 101 Calvary Episcopal Church, 436 Calvert, Cecil (Baron Baltimore), 319 Calvert, George, 485 Canady, Charles, 153 CAN. See Cult Awareness Network Cannon v. United States (1885), 337 Canon law, 70–71, 107, 123 Cantwell, Jesse, 71 Cantwell, Newton, 71 Cantwell v. Connecticut (1940), 40, 45, 71–73, 111, 159, 172, 197, 215, 402, 453–454, 562 Capital punishment, 73–75 Capitol Square Review and Advisory Board v. Pinette (1995), 268 Cardinal Bernard Law, 123 Cardozo, Benjamin, 230 Carey v. Population Services International (1977), 141 Carter, Jimmy, 351 Catholic bishops, 500 Catholic Charities of Sacramento, Inc. v. the Superior Court (Cal. 2004), 77 Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Albany v. Serio (NY C.A. 2006), 76–77 Catholic Church, 444

829

Catholic immigrants, 499 Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights, 524 Catholic mass program, 439 Catholic religious orders, 437 Celler, Emmanuel, 37 Cemetery associations, 491 Ceremonial deism, 77–78, 550 CFR. See Code of Federal Regulations Champaign-Urbana (Ill.), 321 Chandler v. James (1997; 1999), 378, 563 Chang, Kevin, 152, 503 Channing, William Ellery, 5 Chaplains, 78–79 Chapuis, John, 71 Charitable choice provision, 79–81 Charitable corporation, 82–84 Charitable deduction, 84–85 Charitable immunity, 85–88 Charitable organizations, 91 Charitable societies, 486 Charitable Solicitations Act, 300 Charitable trust, 88–90 Charity, 91–95 Charles I (king of England), 320 Charter for the Protection of Children and Young People, 124 Charter school, 512 Chase, Salmon P., 277 Chaudhuri v. Tennessee (1995; 1997), 185, 333 Cherokees, 350 Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, 208 Child benefit theory, 95–96, 101, 554 CHILD. See Children’s Healthcare Is a Legal Duty Child custody, 97 Child-rearing principle, 213 Children’s Healthcare Is a Legal Duty (CHILD), 99 Chimes, 569 China, 225 Christian Coalition, 272, 424, 456, 483 Christian conservatives, 517 Christianity, 428 and suicide, 540 Christian Legal Society Briefly, 97 Christian Legal Society (CLS), 97–98 Christian Legal Society Quarterly, 97 Christian Methodist Episcopal (CME), 46 Christian nation, 98 Christian political parties, 424 Christian Science religion, 368 Christian Science theology, 98 Christian Scientist Church, 98–100 Christian Scientists, 99 Christmas tree, 221 Christopher, Warren, 225

830

INDEX

Church-affiliated schools, 304 Church and state, 100–101 Church arson, 102–103 Church Arson Prevention Act (1996), 47 Church autonomy, 103 Church autonomy disputes, 103–108 Church autonomy doctrine, 108–109 Church of Christ, Scientist, 98 Church of England, 100 Church of God In Christ, 46 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 8, 90, 109–112, 151, 336 Church of Latter-day Saints v. Amos (1987), 112–114 Church of Marijuana, 60 Church of Scientology, 263 Church of the Apostolic Faith, 11 Church of the Holy Faith v. State Tax Commission (N.M. 1935), 489 Church of the Holy Trinity v. United States (1892), 98 Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah (1993), 146, 306, 326, 478 Church-owned stations, 436 Church property, 489 Church records, 114–115 Church-run school, 106, 485 Church schools. See Government aid to religious institutions Church-sponsored activities, 560 Church-state legal conflicts, 459 Church tribunals, 105, 116–117 Cicero, 201 Cincinnati school board, 476 Circuit Court for the District of Columbia, 442 Civic religion, 117–118 Civil libertarians, 490 Civil rights, 143, 215 Civil Rights Act (1964), 113, 295 Title II, 445 Title III, 445 Title IV, 58, 445 Title VI, 58 Title VII, 12, 430, 445–446, 447, 448, 469–470, 474 Civil Rights Act (1968), 260 Civil Rights Division, 446, 449 Civil Rights Movement, 7, 47, 424 Civil War, 4, 132 Clark, Thomas C., 2, 68 Clementianae, 71 Clergy, 118 benefit of, 118–119 malpractice, 119–121 sex abuse, 121–127

Cleveland, Grover, 389 Clinton, Bill, 40, 47, 79, 102, 153, 155, 429–430 Clinton, Hillary Rodham, 741–744 CLS. See Christian Legal Society 700 Club (television program), 438 CME. See Christian Methodist Episcopal Cobb County School Board, 555 Cochran v. Louisiana State Board of Education (1931), 95, 198, 554 Coconino National Forest, 351 Code law, 130 Code of Federal Regulations (CFR), 170 Coercion, 147 Coercion test, 550 Collective bargaining agreements and religion, 127–129 Colonial Sunday restrictions, 542 Columbus, Christopher, 384 Commentaries on the Constitution (Cooley), 197 Commerce Clause, 477 Committee for Public Education and Liberty v. Regan (1980), 129–130, 247 Committee for Public Education and Religious Liberty v. Nyquist (1973), 220, 253, 340, 362, 571 Committee for Voluntary Prayer v. Wimberly (D.D.C. 1997), 378 Common law and christianity, 130–131 Common school, 510 Commonwealth v. Kneeland (Mass. 1838), 50 Communications Act (1934), 436 Community Use Policy, 65 Compelling interest test, 228, 241, 242, 263, 303 Compulsory education, 52, 321, 329 Comstock Act, 139 Comstock, Anthony, 139 Concordia Discordantium Canonum, 70 Condom distribution, 141 Congregational Church, 33 Congregationalism, 214 Congregationalist Church, 4 Conjugal cohabitation, 164 Connecticut, 71–73, 100, 495, 586, 591, 620 Connecticut Constitution (1818), 635 Conscientious objection laws, 434 Conscientious objector, 132–138 Conservative Christian groups, 425 Conservative evangelicals, 438 Conspicuous religious clothing, 533 Conspiracy Against Rights, 102 Constantine (Roman emperor), 100 Constitutional Convention, 158 Constitutional development, 4 Constitutionalism, 117 Constructive trust, 86

INDEX Contemporary jurisprudence, 426 Contraception, 139–142 Controlled Substances Act (CSA), 170, 239 Convention on Psychotropic Substances (1971), 240 Cooley, Thomas, 130, 197 Cooper, Janet, 463 Cooper v. Eugene School District No. 4J (Ore. 1986), 463–464 Copeland, Kenneth, 255 Cornerstone Bible Church v. City of Hastings (8th Cir. 1991), 563 Corporation Code (1947), 84 Corporation of Presiding Bishop v. Amos (1987), 331, 449, 482 Corporation sole, 175 Corpus Juris Canonici, 71 Council of Ancyra (A.D. 314), 6 Council of Elvira (A.D. 300), 6 Council of Trent (1563), 71 Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), 142–145, 469, 526 Court of Appeals’ decision, 473 Covenanters, 293 Covenants, 214 Coverdell Education Savings accounts, 513 Creationism, 179 Creationism Act, 180 Creationist bills, 522 Creation Research Society, 521 Creation science, 521 Credit Clause, 503 Crevecoeur, Hector St. John de, 424 Criminal conduct, 145–146 Crosses (Christian symbol), 466 Cross-registration programs, 527 Crowder v. Southern Baptist Convention (11th Cir. 1987), 104 Cruel and unusual punishment, 45, 74 CSA. See Controlled Substances Act CSEA v. Sequoia Union High School District (Cal. 1977), 475 Cullis, Charles, 207 Cult, 146–147 Cult Awareness Network (CAN), 157 Culture wars, 147–148 Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (Hunter), 147 Currency, 37 Curtis v. School Committee of Falmouth (Mass. 1995), 142 Cushman v. Lane (Ark. 1955), 97 Cutter v. Wilkinson (2005), 149–150, 241 Danbury Baptist Association, 196

831

Darrow, Clarence, 520 Darwin, Charles, 519–520 Darwinian evolutionary theory, 179 Davis, Samuel B., 151 Davis v. Beason (1890), 41, 111, 151–152, 427, 485 Day of Atonement, 35 DDOL. See Delaware Department of Labor Deaf student, 98, 204 Decalogue. See Ten Commandments Deceptive Trade Practices Act, 114 Declaration of Independence, 355, 387, 491, 551, 585, 637–638 Decretals of Gratian, 70 Decretals of Gregory IX, 71 Dedham decision (1820), 34 Deeper Life Christian Fellowship v. Board of Education (2nd Cir. 1988), 67 Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), 152–156, 503–504 Deference rule, 117 De Haan, M. R., 437 Deism, 31 Deists, 31 Delaware Department of Labor (DDOL), 469 Deprogramming cases, 156–157 Deuteronomy, 565 Devine, John, 535 Diderot, Denis, 31 Differderfer v. Central Baptist Church (1972), 400 Dilulio, John, 81, 212 Diocese of San Antonio, 500 Diplomatic asylum, 28 Discrimination. See Religious discrimination Disestablishment, 158–159 Dissenters, 62 District of Columbia, 63 Divisiveness doctrine, 159–161 Divorce, 21, 161–167 Docherty, George Macpherson, 385 Doe, John, 16 Doe v. Bolton (1973), 8 DOMA. See Defense of Marriage Act Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003, 525 Doremus, Donald R., 167 Doremus v. Board of Education (1952), 167–168 Dougherty v. Kentucky Alcoholic Beverage Control Board (Ky. 1939), 383 Douglass, Frederick, 5 Douglas, William O., 3, 53, 140, 168, 204, 213, 305, 423, 433, 560 Draft. See Conscientious objector Draft Act (1864), 133 Droz v. Commissioner (9th Cir. 1995), 547 Drugs and religion, 169–172

832

INDEX

Due Process Clause, 9, 155, 167, 172–173, 210, 215, 422, 554 EAA. See Equal Access Act Earley v. DiCenso (1971), 246 Eastern Orthodox Church, 139 Eastern-rite Catholics, 71 Eastland, James, 37 Ecclesiastical corporation, 175–176 Ecclesiastical court, 176–177 Ecclesiastical disputes, 177–178 Ecclesiastical law, 178 Ecclesiastical legislation, 70 ECOA. See Equal Credit Opportunity Act Economic communitarianism, 338 Eddy, Mary Baker, 98 Edmunds Act (1882), 337, 388 Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887), 111, 337, 388, 389 Education. See Government Aid to Private Schools; Government Aid to Religious Institutions; Public School Curriculum Edwards v. Aguillard (1987), 155, 179–181 EEOC. See Equal Employment Opportunity Commission EEOC v. Reads, Inc., (E.D. Penn, 1991), 465 Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, 18 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 182, 385, 691–692 Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972), 141 Electronic Church, 438 Eleemosynary corporations, 175 Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1965), 538 Elementary and Secondary School Act (1965), 21 Elementary education, 305 Eleventh Article of Faith, 112 Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals, 104 Elizabeth I (queen of England), 119, 193 Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow (2004), 181–184, 386 Embree, Elihu, 4 Employment and discrimination issues, 442 Employment antidiscrimination law, 496 Employment Division v. Smith (1990), 42, 59, 97, 103, 109, 111, 145, 146, 170, 184, 227–228, 248, 261, 270, 372, 411, 452, 456–457, 462, 479, 480 Encyclopedia Britannica, 376 Endorsement test, 184–188, 549 Engel v. Vitale (1962), 1, 36, 44, 188–191, 513, 514 English Statute of Charitable Uses, 89 Enlightenment, 191 Entanglement. See Excessive entanglement Epperson v. Arkansas (1968), 180, 191–192 Equal Access Act (EAA), 40, 44, 56, 407, 515, 649 Equal access doctrine, 460

Equal Credit Opportunity Act (ECOA), 446 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), 13, 129, 430, 445, 446, 448, 454 Equality before the law, 262 Equal Protection Clause, 506 An Essay on Crimes and Punishments (Beccaria), 73 Established church, 192–193 Establishment Clause, 1, 2, 13, 17, 21, 23, 40, 44, 60, 69, 80, 98, 100, 187, 193–201, 422–423, 429, 431, 442, 451, 500, 521, 528, 543, 556, 564 Establishment of Religion, 48 Estate of Thornton v. Caldor, Inc. (1985), 11, 542 Eternal law, 201–202 Ethical Culture, 568, 621 European Americans, 5 Evangelical Lutheran, 540 Evangelical Manifesto, 202 Evangelical Protestantism, 438 Evangelicals, 534 Evangelization, 561 Everson ruling, 422–423 Everson v. Board of Education (1947), 45, 48, 52, 95, 160, 172, 190, 194, 198, 203–204, 215, 218, 230, 243, 246, 317, 321, 523, 568, 591, 592, 596 Evidentiary privilege, 115 Excessive entanglement, 204–205 Excise tax, 547 Exclusivism, 488 Fair Housing Act, 446 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), 106, 566 Faith-Based and Community Initiative, 486–487 Faith-based initiatives, 81, 211–212 Faith Cures (Cullis), 207 Faith healing, 207–211 Faith teachers, 208 Falwell, Jerry, 425, 438 Family law, 212–213 Family planning, 140 Family Planning Services and Population Research Act, 140 FCC. See Federal Communications Commission Federal circuit courts, 517 Federal Commission, 436 Federal Communications Commission (FCC), 436, 438 Federal Compassion Capital Fund, 212 Federal Equal Protection Clause, 505 Federalism, 213–215 issue of, 14 Federal Marriage Amendment, 156 Federal minimum wage laws, comply with, 452 Ferguson, Homer, 385 Fernandez, Ferdinand F., 181

INDEX Fetal rights, 216 Field, Stephen J., 151, 337, 498 Fifteenth Amendments, 4, 134 Fifth Circuit, 60, 114, 171, 308, 367, 458, 517, 535–537 Finnis, John, 356 First Amendment, 13, 23, 34, 41, 51, 100, 114, 116, 120, 127, 134 freedom of religion, 422 religion clauses, 217 rights of citizens to express their opinions, 435 U.S. Constitution, 217–222, 645–646 First Baptist Church of Glen Este v. Ohio (S.D. Ohio 1983), 368 Flag salute ceremony, 222–224 Flast v. Cohen (1968), 538, 554 FLDS. See Fundamental Latter-day Saints Flores, Patrick, 59 Flores v. the City of Boerne (1997), 171 Florey v. Sioux Falls School District (8th Cir. 1980), 474 FLSA. See Fair Labor Standards Act Follett v. McCormick (1944), 286 Fordham v. Brown (D.C. 1994), 439 Foreign policy, 224–225 Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA), 126 Fortas, Abe, 53 Fosmire v. Nicoleau (N.Y. 1990), 52 “Foundations of American Law and Government,” 551 Founders, 459 Founding Church of Scientology v. United States (D.C. Cir. 1969, cert. denied), 429 Fourteenth Amendment, 4, 34, 58, 61, 72, 115, 141, 155, 192, 218, 483, 645–646 Frank, Barney, 154 Frankfurter, Felix, 25, 48, 51, 68, 230, 321, 423 Frank, Leo, 27 Franklin, Benjamin, 678–681 Fraternal Order of Police v. City of Newark (3rd Cir. 1999), 468 Fraudulent transfers, 36 Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment Security (1989), 225, 480 Free associations protection, 249 Freedom of expression, 68 legacy of, 23 of religion, 100, 229–230 of speech and religion, 45 Freedom and Responsibility, 99 Freedom from Religion Foundation, Inc. v. McCallum (W.D. Wis. 2002; 7th Cir. 2003), 81

833

Freedom from Religious Persecution Act. See International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 Free Exercise Clause, 1, 3, 14, 27, 40, 55, 59, 64, 120, 152, 226–229, 422, 423, 432, 444, 523, 529 Free exercise of religion. See Free Exercise Clause Free press, 68, 552 Free Speech Clause, 561 Freethought Society v. Chester County (3rd Cir. 2003), 550 Freund, Paul, 39 “Fringe groups,” 578 FSIA. See Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act Fuller, Charles F., 437 Fuller Theological Seminary, 202 Full Faith Clause, 503 Fundamentalism. See Religious fundamentalism Fundamentalists, 390 Fundamental Latter-day Saints (FLDS), 391 Fundamental right, religious freedom as a, 230 Furman v. Georgia (1972), 74 Garner, Tyron, 273 Garrison, William Lloyd, 5 Gary (Ind.), 422 Gauthe, Gilbert, 122 Gay marriage. See Same-sex marriage Gay Rights Movement, 112, 271 General Nonprofit Corporation Law, 83 Geoghan, John, 122 German measles epidemic (1962–1965), 7 Giacommuci v. Southeast Delco School District (Pa. 1999), 378 Gideon Society, 42 Gillette v. United States (1971), 137, 233–235, 287 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 22, 183, 528 Girouard v. United States (1946), 101 Gitlow v. New York (1925), 198 Glorious Revolution (1688), 45 Gobitis, Walter, 329 Goldberg, Arthur J., 3 Goldman, S. Simcha, 235 Goldman v. Weinberger (1986), 235–239, 452, 480 Goldsboro Christian Schools, 58 Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao Do Vegetal (2006), 239–242 Gonzalez v. Roman Catholic Archbishop (1929), 107, 116 Good News Club v. Milford Central School (2001), 66 Goodwin, Alfred T., 181, 183 Gorman v. Swaggart (La. App. 1988), 106 Gould v. Gould (Wis. 1984), 97 Government aid to private schools, 242–244 Government aid to religious institutions, 244–252

834

INDEX

Government displays of religious symbols. See Holiday displays Government grants programs, 440 Government neutrality. See Neutrality standard Grace Community Church, 120 Graduation prayer, 516 Grand Rapids School District v. Ball (1985), 252–254, 528 Grant, Ulysses S., 48 Grassley, Charles, 254 Grassley investigation of televangelists, 254–255 Gratian (monk), 70 Great Britain, 45, 73, 100, 193, 478 Gregg v. Georgia (1976), 74 Gregoire v. Centennial School District (3d Cir. 1990), 42 Gregory IX (pope), 71 Grimke, Angelina, 5 Grimke, Sarah Moore, 5 Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), 21, 148 Grumet, Louis, 54 “Guidelines on Religious Exercise and Religious Expression in the Federal Workplace” (executive order), 429 Guidelines on Religious Expression in Public Schools, 461 Guinn v. Church of Christ (Okla. 1989), 105 Hagin, Kenneth, 208 Hague v. Congress of Industrial Organizations (1939), 404 Hallford, James, 8 Hall, Tony, 80 Hallucinogen, 457 Hallucinogenic drug, 184 Hanukkah, 23, 221 Hanukkah symbol, 264 Hare Krishnas. See Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness (1981) Harlan, John Marshall, 136, 160, 305, 482 Harris County, 535–536 Harrison, Benjamin, 384 Harris v. McRae (1980), 10 Harvey v. Cobb County (1993; 1994), 550 Hasidic sect, 53 Hasidim, Satmar, 54 Hastert, Dennis, 80 Hatch, Orrin, 517 Hate crimes, 102, 257–260 Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 1999 (HCPA), 260 Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier (1988), 405 4-H Club, 43 HCPA. See Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 1999 Headscarves, 449

Head Start. See Faith-based initiatives Health. See Medical treatment Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), 289, 565 HEFA. See Higher Education Facility Act (HEFA) of 1963 Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness (1981), 260–262, 562 Hein v. Freedom from Religion Foundation (2007), 538 Henry III (king of England), 541 Henry IV (king of England), 541 Henry VII (king of England), 119 Henry VIII (king of England), 193, 450 Herdahl v. Pontotoc County School District (N.D. Miss. 1996), 378 Hernandez v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue (1989), 85, 262–263, 285 Heyrick, Elizabeth, 5 Higher Education Facility Act (HEFA) of 1963, 559–560 Hinduism, 92 Historic Landmark Commission, 59 Historic preservation. See California Missions Preservation Act Hobbes, Thomas, 31 Hodge, Charles, 520 Holiday displays, 264–268 Holy Ghost, 351 Holy Land Foundation, 145 Holy Spirit Association v. Molko (Cal. 1988), 106 Home schooling, 268–271 Home School Legal Defense Fund, 59 Homosexuality, 271–275 Honorius III (pope), 71 Hooker, Richard, 540 Horowitz, Michael, 281 House Joint Resolution 78, 456 House Judiciary Committee, 37 HRC. See Human Rights Campaign Hubbard, L. Ron, 519 Hughes, Evan, 95 Human development, 9 Human rights. See Foreign policy Human Rights Campaign (HRC), 275–276 Human Rights Watch, 143 Hume, David, 31 Hunter, James Davison, 147 Hunt v. McNair (1973), 440–441 Hyde Amendment. See Abortion Hysong v. Gallitzin Borough School District (Pa. 1894), 464 IDEA. See Individuals with Disabilities Education Act

INDEX IEEPA. See International Economic Emergency Powers Act of 1977 Illinois ex. rel. McCollum v. Board of Education No. 71 of Champaign Co., Ill. See McCollum v. Board of Education (1948) Immediate Not Gradual Emancipation (Heyrick), 5 Immortal spiritual being, 519 Incorporation Doctrine, 184, 199 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), 96 Ingebretsen v. Jackson Public School District (S.D. 1996), 378 Inglis, Bob, 153 In God We Trust, 277–281, 492 Innocent III (pope), 70 Inquisition, 177 In re Diagostino (Bank. N.D.N.Y. 2006), 565–566 In re Milton (Ohio 1987), 209 Institute in Basic Life Principles v. Watersmeet T.P. (Mich. Ct. App. 1997), 547 Interdistrict public school choice, 511–512 Internal Revenue Service (IRS), 375, 444, 486 Section 501 of, 546, 553 International Economic Emergency Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA), 342 International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, 281, 649 International Society for Krishna Consciouness (ISKON). See Heffron v. International Society for Krishna Consciousness (1981) Intradistrict public school choice, 511 Investor’s Business Daily, 145 Involuntary bankruptcy, 34 IRS. See Internal Revenue Service Isaacs v. Board of Education of Howard County, Maryland (D.MD. 1999), 461–462 Islam and suicide, 540 Islamic fundamentalism, 493 Istook, Ernest, 456, 517 Jaber, Rafeeq, 145 Jackson, Jesse L., 47, 154, 204 Jackson, Robert H., 160, 168, 423 Jacobson v. Massachusetts (1905), 227 Jacoby, Jeff, 145 James I (king of England), 478, 629, 630 Jamison, Ella, 416 Jamison v. Texas (1943), 454 Jefferson nickel, 279 Jefferson, Thomas, 14, 158, 196, 242, 474, 481, 643–644 Jeffs, Warren, 390 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 217, 220, 222, 283–285, 402 Jenison, Laverna, 293

835

Jewish Community Center, 486 Jewish merchant, 542 Jewish teachers, 475 Jian Zemin, 225 “Jihad Watch,” 144 Jimmy Swaggart Ministries v. Board of Equalization (1990), 285–286 Joel, Kiryas, 53 John Paul II (pope), 75, 123, 281, 488 Johnson, Lyndon B., 140 Johnson, Olin D., 37 Johnson v. Robison (1974), 286–288 John XXIII (pope), 123 Jones, Jim, 289 Jonestown, 289 Jones v. Clear Creek Independent School District (5th Cir. 1992), 308, 517 Jones v. Wolf (1979), 104, 114, 288–289 Judaism, 289–291 Judaism and suicide, 540 Judicial appointments and religion, 291–292 Judicial deference and religion, 292 Judicial definitions of religion, 426 Jury service and religion, 292–296 Katcoff v. Marsh (2nd Cir. 1984), 327 Katz v. Superior Court (Cal. 1977), 156 Kauper, Paul, 39 Kedroff v. St. Nicholas Cathedral (1952), 104, 107 Keith, Bill, 179 Keller, Helen, 25 Kelley, Dean M., 39 Kennedy, Anthony, 24, 61, 183, 222, 245, 308 Kennedy, John F., 499, 693–697 Kennedy, Ted, 490 Kennedy, Thomas, 686 Kennewick Man case, 297–298 Kent, James, 130 Kentucky statute, 539 Kerry, John, 499–500, 719–724 Key, Francis Scott, 277 KFUO (“Keep Forward, Upward, Onward”), 436 Khul’, 167 King James Bible, 452 King, Martin Luther Jr., 47, 698–702, 703–706 Kirkley v. Maryland (D. Md. 1974), 408 Klu Klux Klan, 186, 381 Knights of Columbus, 385 Kopf, Richard G., 16 Kotterman v. Killian (Ariz. 1999), 378 Kurland, Philip, 39 Laden, Osama bin, 343, 493 Laissez-faire policy, 487

836

INDEX

Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District (1993), 65, 98, 406 Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000, 395 Larkin v. Grendel’s Den, Inc. (1982), 55, 299–300 LaRocca v. Gold (2nd Cir. 1981), 473 LaRocca, Vincent, 470 LaRocca v. Lane (NY 1975), 470–472 Larson v. Valente (1982), 17, 54, 146, 300–303 Latin Cross, 186 Lawrence, John, 273 Lawrence v. Texas (2003), 273, 396 Laws and Liberties (1672), 49 LDS Church, 111 LEA. See Local educational agency Leave without Pay, 475 Lee, Robert E., 5 Lee v. Weisman (1992), 54, 200, 308, 516 Legal Affairs Department, 27 Legislative power, abuses of, 554 Lemon, Alton, 304 Lemon v. Kurtzman (1971), 21, 24, 54, 95, 130, 155, 160, 179, 192, 199, 204, 220, 243, 246, 285, 303–308, 423, 522, 539, 554 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT), 275, 276 Letters on Slavery (Rankin), 5 Levitt v. Committee for Public Education (1973), 308–309 LGBT. See Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Liberal organizations, 518 The Liberator (newspaper), 5 Liber Sextus, 71 Lichtenberger, Arthur, 39 Lieber, Francis, 688–690 Lieberman, Joseph, 80 Lincoln Tunnel, 143 Little League, 43 Local educational agency (LEA), 512 Lochner v. New York (1905), 382 Locke, John, 346, 481 Lord, John Wessley, 39 Los Angels metropolitan transit Authority, lawsuit against, 449 Lott, Trent, 153 Lovejoy, Elijah P., 5 Lutheran Hour (television program), 437 Lynch v. Donnelly (1984), 17, 42, 221, 309–312, 492 Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association (1988), 312–313, 352, 480 Madison, James, 132, 158, 193, 294, 315, 451, 474, 478–479, 481

Madison’s Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments (1785), 315–317 Madsen v. Erwin (Mass. 1985), 106 Maher v. Roe (1977), 10 Manumission Intelligencier, 4 Manumission Society of Tennessee, 4 Marijuana, 171 Marriage Code, 504 Marshall, Thurgood, 24, 74, 136, 305, 560 Marsh v. Chambers (1983), 79, 306, 317–318 Martin, Luther, 496 Martin v. Industrial Accident Commission (Cal. 1956), 52 Martin v. Struthers (1943), 454 “Martyr Age” (1830s), 5 Maryland Toleration Act (1649), 319, 639–642 Mason, George, 158, 632 Massachusetts, 451 Massachusetts Bay Colonial Charters (1629, 1691), 320, 631 May, Samuel J., 5 McCain, John, 291, 426 McClure v. Salvation Army (5th Cir. 1972), 106 McCollum, Vashti, 321 McCollum v. Board of Education (1948), 320–322 McCreary County v. ACLU (2005), 17, 18, 150, 185–186, 195, 196, 322, 535, 551 McDaniel v. Paty (1978), 101, 118, 322–323, 481 McGowan v. Maryland (1961), 542 McPherson, Aimee Semple, 437 Medical treatment, 324–326 Meek v. Pittenger (1975), 204, 253, 555 Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments (Madison), 316, 479 Mencken, H. L., 521 Methodist Episcopal Church, 4 Methodists, 4 Meyer v. Nebraska (1923), 212 Michigan v. Bennett (Mich. 1993), 270 Military chaplains, 326–328 Military Selective Service Act, 137 Military service, exemptions from. See Conscientious objector Miller, Samuel, 337 Milton, John, 346 Minersville School District v. Gobitis (1940), 222, 329–331, 386 Ministerial exemption, 331 Minority religious tenets, 481 MNCA. See Model Nonprofit Corporations Act Model Nonprofit Corporations Act (MNCA), 365 Mohammed v. May Department Stores (D.Del. 2003), 469 Moment of silence, 332–333

INDEX Moment of silence cases, 333–336 Monkey Trial. See Scopes trial Montgomery County Fire and Rescue Service, 468 Moore, Cynthia, 465 Moore, Roy, 550 Moral Majority (television program), 425, 438 Mormon beliefs, 429 Mormon cases, 336–339 Mormon polygamy, 485 Morrill Act (1862), 388, 497 Mosaic Law, 20, 35, 49 Mosher monument, 534–536 Mouw, Richard, 202 Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education (6th Cir. 1987), 555 Mubara’a, 167 Mueller v. Allen (1983), 96, 339–341 Mueller, Van D., 339 Murdock v. Pennsylvania (1943), 547 Murphy v. Ramsey (1885), 152 Murray v. Curlett (Md. 1962), 1 Muslim charities, 341–346 Muslim veil, 533 Mutual abstinence, 346–348 Mutual Film Corp. v. Industrial Commission (1915), 68 Myers, Stanley, 381 NAACP v. Alabama (1959), 140 NAGPRA. See Native American Grave and Repatriation Act Nally, Kenneth, 119 Nally v. Grace Community Church (Cal. 1988), 106, 119 Narcotics laws and regulations. See Drugs and religion Narcotics trafficking, 344 National Association of Evangelicals, 59, 143 National Baptist Convention of America, 46 National church. See Establishment Clause National Church Arson Task Force (NCATF), 102 National Committee for Federal Legislation for Birth Control, 139 National Council of Churches, 39, 143, 429 National Flag Conference (1923), 385 National Organization for Women (NOW), 7 National Reform Movement, 279 National Religious Broadcasters (NRB), 255, 437, 438 National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), 439 Native American Church, 145, 184, 480 Native American Grave and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), 297 Native American Religions, 349–354

837

Nativity scenes. See Holiday displays Natural law, 202, 354–356 NCATF. See National Church Arson Task Force Nearing, Scott, 25 Needham Pastoral Counseling Center, Inc. v. Board of Appeals of Needham (Mass. 1990), 491 Negligence and religious organizations, 356–362 Negre v. Larsen (1971), 219–220 Neuhaus, Richard J., 417 Neutrality standard, 362–363 New Age concepts, 428 Newdow, Michael, 181, 183, 387 New Jersey Board of Higher Education, 443 New Jersey v. Shelton College (3rd Cir. 1981), 443 New Religious Movement (NRM), 156, 363–364 New York Public Health Law, 141 New York statute, 554 Nickles, Don, 153 Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, 12 Nixon, Richard M., 140 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, 518 Nonpreferentialist. See Accommodationist Nonprofit corporation, 364–368 Nonprofit organization, 548 Nonpublic schools. See Government aid to religious institutions Nonterritorial asylum. See Diplomatic asylum Nontherapeutic abortion, 10 North Carolina, 495 North Dakota, 463 Northwest Ordinance, 14 Norwood v. Harrison (1973), 368–370 Nowinski, Peter A., 181 NOW. See National Organization for Women NRB. See National Religious Broadcasters NRM. See New Religious Movement NTIA. See National Telecommunications and Information Administration Oakman, Charles, 385 Oaths. See Religious oaths Obama, Barack, 291, 426, 725–734 Obama-Hatch Tithing Bill, 566 Observer (newspaper), 5 O’Connor, Sandra Day, 22, 24, 185, 474, 528, 549, 552 O’Hair, Madalyn Murray, 31, 452 Ohio Supreme Court, 476 Old Time Gospel Hour (television program), 438 O’Lone v. Estate of Shabazz (1987), 236, 371–372 On the Origin of Species (Darwin), 519 Operation Push, 47 Oregon Compulsory Education Act, 381, 382 Oregon’s drug laws, 457

838

INDEX

Oregon statute, 463 O’Reilly, Bill, 148 Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 224 Original intent, 372–373 Ottaviani, Alfredo, 123 Overt anti-Catholicism, 499 Pagan religion, 428 Pagans/Wiccans, 375–377 Paine, Thomas, 682 Palin, Sarah, 426 Palko v. Connecticut (1937), 230 Palmer v. Board of Education (7th Cir. 1979), 11 Pan-Islamic Caliphate, 493 Parker, Theodore, 5 Parshall, Craig, 255 Partial-birth abortions, 216 Paul v. Watchtower Bible & Tract Society (1987), 106 Peace of Augsburg, 450 Peck v. Upshur County Board of Education (4th Cir. 1998), 42 Peel, Robert, 99 Penn, William, 674–677 Pennsylvania Constitution (1776), 633–634 Pennsylvania statute, 464 People for the American Way/People for the American Way Foundation (PFAWF), 377–378 People’s Temple Agricultural Project, 289 People v. Drucker (NY Crim. 1979), 473–474 People v. Ruggles (N.Y. 1811), 50 People v. Vogelgesang (N.Y. App. 1917), 209 People v. Woody (Cal. 1964), 170 Permoli v. New Orleans (1845), 159 Petition of the Board of Foreign Missions of Augustana Synods (Minn. 1946), 489 Pew Forum, 426 Pew Research Center for People and the Press, 426 Peyote, 170, 184, 457 Peyote, religious use of. See Employment Division v. Smith (1990) Peyotism, 350 PFAWF. See People for the American Way Foundation Pfeffer, Leo, 39 Pharmacists Conscience Clause, 378–381 Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), 197, 269, 381–383, 500 Pierce, Walter, 381 Pike, Bishop, 37 Pinckney, Charles, 495 Pincus, Gregory, 140 Pius X (pope), 71

Pius XII (pope), 71 Place of worship, 383–384 Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 140 Planned Parenthood of Missouri v. Danforth (1976), 10 Pledge of Allegiance, 77, 384–387 Poe v. Ullman (1961), 21 Poelker v. Doe (1977), 10 Political activism, 181, 425 Political influence on religion, 487 Pollock, James, 278 Polygamy, 337, 388–393, 497 prohibition against, 452 Pope v. East Brunswick Board of Education (3d Cir. 1993), 44 Porter, James, 122 Powell, Lewis F., 305, 335 Powers v. Ohio (1991), 295 Prayer in public schools. See School prayer Presbyterian, 558 Prisoner’s First Amendment rights, restrictions on, 563 Prison Litigation Reform Act, 395 Prisons and prisoners, 393–395 Privacy, 395–398 right of, 9 Prochoice Movement, 7 Prohibition Party, 424 Property tax exemption, 399–401 Proselytizing, 401–403 Prosperity gospel, 403 Protestant Christianity, 452 Protestantism, 404, 534 Protestant Reformation, 121 Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek (1922), 218 Psychedelic drug, 171 PTFP. See Public Telecommunications Facilities Program Public aid to religion. See Government aid to religious institutions Public education. See Public school curriculum Public evangelizing, manner restrictions on, 561 Public forum, 65, 404–407 Public Health Trust v. Wons (Fla. 1989), 52 Public office, 408–410 Public places. See Public forum Public policy, 86 Public schools, 1, 21, 321 curriculum, 410–413 facilities, access of religious groups to, 413–416 religious practices in, 3 Public space and religion, 416–417 Public Telecommunications Facilities Program (PTFP), 439 Public television station, 439

INDEX Quakers, 4, 434 Quick Bear v. Leupp (1908), 197 Rabaut, Louis, 385 Rabbinical Council of America, 166 Racial discrimination, based on religion, 419–421 Rainbow Bridge National Monument, 351 Rainbow Coalition, 47 Rankin, John, 4 Reagan, Ronald, 215, 514 Reardon, Alima Delores, 465 “Reciprocal Beneficiaries” statute, 503 Recreational drug, 170 Red Jacket, 683–685 Reed, Stanley F., 168, 321 Reformation, 178 Registration of religious organizations, 421 Rehnquist, William H., 62, 180, 236, 305, 539, 552 Reid, Priscilla, 11 Reid v. Kraft General Foods, Inc. (E.D. Pa. 1995), 11 Released-time programs, 422–424 Religion advancement of, 90 definition of, 426–429 and politics, 424–426 role in adoption, 20 of secularism, 2 in the workplace guidelines, 429–430 Religion-based employment discrimination, law prohibiting, 494–495 Religion-related problems, 448 Religious accomodationists, 452 Religious belief definition of, 431–433 sincerity and truth of, 433–435 in workplace, 454 Religious broadcasting, 435–439 Religious charities, federal aid to. See Faith-based initiatives Religious civil rights laws, 447 Religious clothing. See Religious garb Religious colleges and universities, 439–443 Religious conservative movement, 424 Religious discrimination, 444–446 in employment, 446–449 Religious Discrimination Guidelines (EEOC), 445 Religious disqualification. See McDaniel v. Paty (1978) Religious Equality Amendment, 40 Religious establishment, 450–452 Religious exemptions, 452–453 Religious expression, 453–455 Religious freedom, 26, 455 Religious Freedom Amendment (1997), 456, 517

839

Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA)(1993), 35, 59, 60, 97, 171, 201, 228, 239, 353, 394, 430, 439, 456–459, 477, 483, 490, 530, 649 Religious fundamentalism, 459–460 Religious fundamentalists, 459 Religious garb, 460–474 Religious holidays, government celebration of, 474–475 Religious institutions, 220 Religious instruction in public schools, 476 Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 (RLUIPA), 149, 201, 477–478, 490, 649–650 Religious liberty, 478–482 Religious Liberty and Charitable Donation Protection Act, 36, 565 Religious Liberty Protection Act (RLPA), 483 Religiously affiliated schools, aid to. See Government Aid to Religious Institutions Religious oaths, 484–485 Religious observances, 475 Religious organization, 485–487 Religious periodicals, exemption for, 552 Religious persecution, 30, 487–488 Religious pluralism, 488–489 Religious property, 489 Religious protection legislation, 489–490 endorsement of, 490 Religious purposes, 490–491 Religious ritual, 170 Religious schools, 200 Religious solicitation, regulation of, 491 Religious speech, 563 Religious symbols and language, 491–493 in public places. See Holiday Displays Religious terrorism, 493–494 Religious tests, 494–497 Republican National Convention, 148 Respondeat superior, doctrine of, 85 Retaliation against suicide attacks, 494 Revenue Act of 1894, 366 Revised Model Nonprofit Corporation Act (RMNCA), 366 Revolutionary War, 88 Reynolds, George, 388 Reynolds v. United States (1879), 40, 111, 429, 452, 497–498 RFRA. See Religious Freedom Restoration Act Rhode Island, 304 Rhode Island Constitution (1842), 636 Richards, H.M.S., 437 RLPA. See Religious Liberty Protection Act

840

INDEX

RLUIPA. See Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act of 2000 RMNCA. See Revised Model Nonprofit Corporation Act Robb, Charles, 154 Robertson, Pat, 281 Robertson, Willis, 37 Roberts, Owen J., 72, 402, 562 Roberts v. Ravenwood Church of Wicca (Ga. 1982), 376 Rodriguez, Anna, 472 Rodriguez v. City of Chicago (7th Cir. 1998), 13 Roemer v. Maryland Board of Public Works (1976), 64, 205 Roe v. Wade (1973), 8, 148, 216 Roman Catholic Church, 4, 10, 69, 104, 498–501 Roman Catholic Georgetown University, 442 Roman Catholicism, 450 Romer v. Evans (1996), 272 Romilly, Samuel, 73 Romney, Mitt, 735–740 Roosevelt, Theodore, 280 Ross, Rick, 157 Rousseau, Jacques, 191 Roy, Stephen J., 63 Rush, Benjamin, 74, 496 Rutherford, Joseph, 283 Rutledge, John, 160, 204, 422 Rutledge, Wiley, 245, 321 Ryan, Leo, 289 Sabbath, 225 Salt Lake City, 550 Same-sex couples, 504–505 Same-sex marriage, 503–509 Sanders v. Casa Baptist Church (5th Cir. 1998), 120 Sanger, Margaret, 139 Santa Claus, 57, 266, 267, 309, 312 Santorum, Rick, 80 Satmar Hasidic community, 53 Scalia, Antonin, 24, 170, 180, 183, 222, 245, 308 Scarsdale Creche Commission, 57 Schiotz, Fredrik, 39 Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital (N.Y. 1914), 324 School choice, 510–513 School curriculum, 192 School prayer, 513–518 Schools. See School prayer School textbooks, 555 School voucher programs, 456 School vouchers. See School choice Science of Dianetics, 429 Scientology, 429, 519

Scopes, John, 520 Scopes trial, 25, 519–523 Scottish Rite Masons, 381 Scott, Orange, 4 SDGT. See Specially Designated Global Terrorist Second Circuit Court of Appeals, 21 Second Vatican Council, 71 Sectarian programs, 439 Secular education, 245 Secular humanism, 428 Secular purpose test, 3 Selective Service Act, 133, 134, 136, 233 Selective Training and Service Act (1940), 133 Self-identification, 547 S.E.L. v. J.W.W. (N.Y. 1989), 97 Separationist, 523–524 Separation of church and state. See “Wall of Separation” metaphor September 11th attacks and religion, 524–527 Sequoyah v. Tennessee Valley Authority (6th Cir. 1980), 351 fltextcolor¢red¢Serbian Eastern Orthodox Diocese v. Milvojevichfltextcolor¢red¢ (1976), 105, 107, 108, 114, 116 Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, 29, 36 Seventh-day Adventist, 41 Seventh-day Adventist Church, 480 Sex education, 413 Sexual orientation. See Homosexuality Shared-time programs, 527–528 Shari’ah, 167 Shaw, Lemuel, 50 Shelton College, 443 Shenandoah Valley National Bank v. Taylor (Va. 1951), 88 Sherbert, Adell H., 528 Sherbert v. Verner (1963), 41, 169, 220, 261, 293, 389, 457, 479–480, 528–530, 557 Sherman v. Community Consolidated School District 21 (7th Cir. 1992), 386 Sikhism, 531 Sikhs, 531–533 Simmons-Harris v. Goff (Ohio 1999), 378 Six Rivers National Forest, 312 Slavery. See Abolition Slavery (Channing), 5 Smith, Alfred, 170 Smith, Joseph, 110 Smoot, Reed, 112 Snyder v. Massachusetts (1934), 230 Social gospel, 533–534 Social Security numbers, 63 Social Security System, 547 Social Security taxes, 262

INDEX Society for the Suppression of Vice, 139 Society of Sisters, 381 Solarz, Stephen, 457 Solesbee v. Balkcom (1950), 230 Souter, David, 22, 55, 183 South Carolina, 542 South Carolina program, 440–441 Southern Baptist Convention, 4, 104 Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT), 342 Sri Guru Granth Sahib, 531 Staley, Kay, 535 Staley v. Harris Co. (5th Cir. 2006), 534–537 Stamford Hospital v. Vega (Conn. 1996), 51 Standing to sue, 537–538 Star of Hope Mission (Christian charity), 534 Starr, Kenneth, 516 State church, 450 State religion, 2 State-sanctioned religion, 450 State v. Chandler (Del. 1837), 50 State v. Mockus (Me. 1921), 50 State v. Perricone (N.J. 1962), 52 State v. Plowman (Ore. 1992), 258 State v. Schmidt (Ohio 1987), 270 State v. Whisner (Ohio 1976), 106 St. Augustine, 201 Stevens, John Paul, 24, 183, 317, 528 Stewart, Potter, 3, 136, 190, 305, 559 Stone, Harlan Fiske, 330 Stone v. Graham (1980), 3, 16, 42, 493, 539, 549 Story, Joseph, 130, 687 St. Peter Catholic Church, 59 St. Raymond, 71 Student benefit theory, 52 Student-initiated religious expression, 455 Student-initiated speech, 563 Stuyvesant, Peter, 672–673 Suarez, Francisco, 202 Subsidies to private schools, 512 Suicide, 539–541 Sunday closing laws, 452, 541–543 Supplemental educational services, 512 Sutherland, George, 41 Swan, Rita, 99 Talaq, 167 Tax exemptions and religion, 545–548 state, 490–491, 551 Tax-exempt organizations, 546, 548 Tax immunity claim, 547 Tax subsidies, 512 Taylor, Charles, 281 Taylor, Jeremy, 540

841

Televangelism. See Religious Broadcasting Temporary restraining order (TRO), 79 Ten Commandments, 3, 15, 16, 18, 20, 60, 77, 78, 548–551 Tennessee Supreme Court, 521 Territorial asylum, 28 Test Clause, 496–497 Texas Monthly, Inc. v. Bullock (1989), 551–553 Textbooks and religion, 553–556 Third Circuit, 55, 387, 465, 486, 550 Third Constitution, 4 Thirteenth Amendments, 4, 58 Thomas, Clarence, 183, 295, 550 Thomas, Eddie C., 432 Thomas, Norman, 25 Thomas v. Review Board (1981), 480, 556–557 Thornton, Donald E., 558 Thornton v. Caldor, (1985), 557–559 Thurmond, Strom, 377 Tiano, Mary, 12 Tiano v. Dillard Department Stores (9th Cir. 1998), 12 Tiedeman, Christopher G., 130 Tilton v. Richardson (1971), 441, 559–561 Time, place, and manner restrictions, 561–564 Tithes/tithing, 564–566 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 424 Toleration Act of 1696, 495 Tony and Susan Alamo Foundation v. Secretary of Labor (1985), 452, 566–567 Torcaso v. Watkins (1961), 323, 408, 484–485, 567–568 Torts and religious organizations, 568–570 Trans World Airlines v. Hardison (1977), 11, 127 TRO. See Temporary restraining order Truax v. Raich (1915), 382 Tuition tax deductions or credits, 570–572 Tuller, Edwin, 39 Turner v. Safley (1987), 371 TV programs, 437–438 Twelfth Article of Faith, 112 Twelve Apostles, 111 UFTA. See Uniform Fraudulent Transfers Act Umatilla tribe, 297 U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, 271, 651–656 Unemployment compensation and religion, 573–574 Unemployment compensation benefits, 556–557 Unenumerated rights, 574–576 Uniform Code of Military Justice, 328 Uniform dress code, 236 Uniform Fraudulent Transfers Act (UFTA), 36 Unincorporated; Progressive National Baptist Convention, 46

842

INDEX

Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, 429 Unitarian Church, 4 United Methodist Church, 540 United Nations Convention and Protocol, 28–29 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), 74 declarations and resolutions on religion, 576–577, 657–660, 661–664 Human Rights Commission, 224 United States-China summit, 225 United States v. Ballard (1944), 433, 577–578 United States v. Board of Education for the School District of Philadelphia (3rd Cir. 1990), 465, 468 United States v. Greene (6th Cir. 1989), 171 United States v. Hillyard (E.D. Wash. 1943), 294 United States v. Lauing (7th Cir. 1955), 138 United States v. Lee (1982), 453, 579–580 United States v. MacIntosh (1931), 41, 427 United States v. Perdue (9th Cir. 1970), 137 United States v. Seeger (1965), 135, 431, 434 United Way, 94 Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001. See USA PATRIOT Act Universal Military Training and Service Act (1951), 134, 431 Updegraph v. Commonwealth (Pa. 1824), 50 USA Incorporated, 46 USA PATRIOT Act, 344, 525 USCCB. See U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB), 123, 500 U.S. Constitution, 645–646 U.S. Supreme Court in City of Boerne v. Flores (1997), 477 Vaccinations, 581–582 Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State (1982), 538 Value wars. See Culture wars Van Orden v. Perry (2005), 18, 195, 551, 583–584 Vega, Nelly E., 51 Vermont marriage statute, 505 Vidal v. Girard’s Executors (1844), 130 Vienna Convention, 28 Vietnam, 220 Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom (1777), 316, 585–586 Voltaire, 31 Voluntary bankruptcy, 35 Voluntary student religious expression, 455

Vouchers, 587–589 Waite, Morrison R., 498 Wallace v. Jaffree (1985), 44, 332, 482, 514, 594–595 “Wall of Separation” metaphor, 591–593 Walz v. Tax Commission (1970), 545, 595–597 War. See Conscientious objector Warfield, Benjamin, 520 War on Terror, 533 Warren, Earl, 64 Washington Ethical Society v. District of Columbia (D.C. Cir. 1957), 429 Washington, George, 14, 327 Washington Post (newspaper), 144 Watkinson, M. R., 278 Watson v. Jones (1872), 104, 105, 107, 116, 597–599 Watts, J. C., 80 Webb, Kimberlie, 467–468 Webb v. City of Philadelphia (E.D.Penn. 2007), 468 Welfare Reform Act of 1996, 599–600 Welsh, Elliott, 136 Welsh v. United States (1970), 136, 427, 482, 600–601 West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette (1943), 602–603 White, Byron R., 136, 305, 559 Widmar v. Vincent (1981), 56, 65, 405, 481, 515, 603–604 Wiggins, Charles, 12 Wiley v. Pless Security Inc. (N.D.Ga. 2006), 466–467 Willett, Don, 212 Williams, Roger, 196, 670–671 Wilson v. U.S.W. Communications (8th Cir. 1995), 11 Winkle, Isaac Van, 381 Winters v. Miller (2d Cir. 1971), 51 Winthrop, John, 665–669 Wisconsin law, 26 Wisconsin v. Mitchell (1993), 259 Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972), 27, 41, 146, 213, 219, 428, 429, 433, 457, 604–606 Witmayer v. Witmayer (Pa. 1983), 97 Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the blind (1986), 607 Wolman v. Walter (1977), 96, 204, 253, 608–609 Women’s Christian Temperance Union, 43 Woodruff, Wilford, 112 Word of Faith Outreach Center, 115 Workforce Investment Act, 487 “Working definition,” 547 Workplace Religious Freedom Act (WRFA), 609–613

INDEX World Trade Center, 143 Worldwide Church of God, 127, 475 WRFA. See Workplace Religious Freedom Act Wright, Frank, 255 Yarmulke, 236, 452 Year of Jubilee, 35 Yeltsin, Boris, 224 Yom Kippur, 294 Young, Brigham, 111, 388 Youth’s Companion, 384

843

Zakat, 341 Zelman v. Simmons-Harris (2002), 306, 500, 588 Zobrest v. Catalina Foothills School District (1993), 54, 96, 98, 204, 243, 251, 363, 615–617 Zone of permissible accommodation, 617 Zoning, 617–622 Zoning ordinances, 562–563 Zorach v. Clausen (1952), 44, 322, 422, 423, 424, 500, 592, 622–624 Zoroastrian faith, 29 Zummo v. Zummo (Pa. 1990), 97

Professor Christopher Anglim is employed at the University of the District of Columbia. His books include: Joined in Common Enterprise (2005 winner of the Andrews Award from the American Association of Law Librarians); The Iraq War (2004); Legislative History of the USA Patriot Act (2002); Survey on Emergency Preparedness Planning (2000); Religion and the Law (1999); and Labor, Employment, and the Law (1997). Dr. Anglim previously held positions at Prairie View A&M University, South Texas College of Law, St. Mary’s University College of Law, and the University of St. Thomas in Houston, Texas. His degrees include MPA, MLS, MA in Public History/Business and BA in History/Political Science. His latest book, History of American Bankruptcy Law, is due to be published shortly. Dr. Anglim lives in a suburb of Baltimore, Maryland.

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I deeply appreciate the assistance and work of my colleagues in the disciplines of government, religion, history, librarianship and law. I would especially like to thank my colleagues, the faculty, staff, and administration at the University of the District of Columbia, in Washington, DC. I would like to thank my family, especially my parents, Richard and Maryann, my siblings John and Kathy, and my extended family for their patience, understanding, and support. I would like further to give a special thank you to Grey House Publishing, especially Jael Powell and Laura Mars-Proietti. Their expertise, encouragement, and insight were essential. Jael’s astute comments were invaluable in the successful completion of this work. Christopher T. Anglim

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