Shifting Boundaries of ''Nativity'' and ''Modernity'' in South Asian Women's Clothes

Dialectical Anthropology(2005)29:85 121 3-z DOI I 0.I 007/s10624-005-417

@ Springer2005

Shifting Boundariesof 66Nativity"and "Modernity" in South Asian Women's Clothes VINAY BAHL Integrated Studies, Pennsylvania College o./ Technology, Williantsport, PA, USA ( E-mail: vbahl@,pct.edu ) Abstract. In the last two decadesthe postmodernist (POMO) scholarshave popularized the concepts of subjectivity, authenticity, modernity, and nativity in academia while rejecting the role of larger structural, institutional and historical fbrces (referred as meta-narrative) in understanding social and cultural issues. This essay challenges POMO scholar's approach by focusing on the case of South Asian women's personal experiencesand choices (subjectivity) historically with their every day clothes (everyday culture),both nationally and trans-nationally.This essayhighlightsthe role of various local, historical, social, economic, political, colonial, and international forces that contributed in creatingparticular dresscode and style (socialreproductionofcustoms) for women of different social groups in South Asia in different historical times. With this approach it was possibleto eliminate the binary conceptsof nativity/modernity,progressive/primitive,developed/undevelopedetc., and treat all societiesin the world with the same yardstick, while at the same time acknowlcdging the unequal relationship between the colonizers and colonized. This essay is also an attempt to suggest how everyday cultural issuescan be historically explaincd in an inclusive manner without sacrificing the role of human agency, (human creativity, human capabilities, actions, and subjectivity), the role of imagination (creativity), the role of structural and institutional forces (meta-narrative), and the role of cultural forces (religion, nationalism, customs, and others), and cultural experiencesin everyday life. At the same time everyday cultural issues are contextualized historically (time and space locally and globally), politically, culturally, and economicallyas well.

lntroduction It is not easy to define a "modern (as "progressive")" or a "native (as "backward")" dress becausesame "native" style of dress can be the most visiblesymbol of defiance,as in the caseof lran feminists,AfricanAmerican Muslim women, as well as of conformity, as in the case of Afghan women under Taliban rule. In many societiesparticular style of attire is usedsometimesas a socialcontrol mechanismand sometimesas a ploy to change social norms. Besidesthe political and social usesof women's dress,how a person usesher/his dress,and in what context, is equally important.' For example,one generallyfinds that men's formal dressin most contemporary societiesis Westernized.But it is not nec-

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essarilythe samefor woman's formal dress.What does this mean?Are "promen being conformists to western fashion or, are they being to conformists being gressive"*ltttin their own society?Are women wearing "native" culture or resistingthe pressureof Westernculture by so-called"traditional" dress?Do women wear "traditional" dress bepolitics causeof personalchoice or, as a consequenceof larger global gender social to ascribed (oildiplomacy and relatedwars), or sirnplydue on to the t^tr.prevailingidea of beauty and style,as well as, to hold 1.ote, so-callednative "tradition"?F o r e x a m p l e , s o m e l n d i a n r e l i g i o u s d o c u m e n t s'caste/class' provideaclear stipulation for women to wear clothes according to their and marital status. One Sanskrit manual, titled The Guide to Religious Statusand Dulies of Women,which was written between600 and 400 statedthat marriedwonen (and BCE and latercompiledin 1720-1780,3 wear a bodice. Women of the not widows) of higher status should middle strata should wear no bodice but should cover their breastswith the looseend of the sari. Women of lower statusshoulclleavethe breast uncovered.As Hardgrove maintains,in Kerala the rules of breastcloth lbr women were consideredas a mark of respectto the Llppercaste.But under the influenceoI Christian missionarieslower casteNadar women attempted to wear breast cloth and this led to a.major controversyin Travancore in the first half of the lgth century.aRestrictionsalso affected the choices of different women's clothes in different areas in particular historical time. Similarly, the conversion to lslam was metaphorically referred to as "wearing a shirt". For the lower castesthe conversion to lslam marked'-in fact, an end to the semi-nakedness imposed by casterestrictions.) Theseexamplesshow that pattern of clothing also signi[y a variety of social and poliiical ideas hierarchy,seclusionand respect,a relationgenship betweendressand social order in tenns of power, authority' South a Pannikar, K.N. issue this der, status,and class.6Explaining Asian historian, points out that the body cloth relationshipin lndia as in other cultures, was contingent upon the "prohibition and commandments" internal to the culture. ln support of his argument, he explainshow the interaction of internal and externalviews were taking place during the British times. Pannikar's explanationsare uset-ulin understandingthe processof interaction betweeninternal and external views, but it omits many important unresolvedissues' For example, do people choose to follow certain ways of wearing clothes becausethey iimply accepttheir gender,caste roles, and resist any external force to change it? Do people reproducetheir daily lives

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through their choicesof clothes, rituals, and related norms which are necessaryto deal with their lives at that point in time, and do they keep on adjusting their choicesof clothes as the pressuresof life situations grow or diminish, both internally and externally? To what extent are people "free" to make choicesof their life styles and clothes?Simply highlighting differencesand how people use them or impose them for controlling the social status,is not sufficient.Nobody is free to choose their individual clothes becausesuch freedom is restrictedby: (a) the economic condition of the society, (b) the colonial/non-colonial/neocolonial statusof the society,the economicpurchasingpower of people, (c) control over personalchoice,(d) variety of alternativeclothing style available(and availability of technology),(e) the existenceof the notion of conspicuousconsumption, (0 the ability to experiencesatisfaction from one's choice. In postcolonial times dress as a symbol of establishingso-called "authenticity", identity, and freedom is getting more complicated.This trend is a product of another global historical process- which is also created through the interactions betweensocieties- that is changing the organization of work and labor globally leading to the large scale migration of both labor and capital. Such a large-scalemobility of people has complicated the meaning of identity, subjectivity' and has also increased the importance of the role of larger forces in shaping individualidentitiesand freedomof choices.For example,the daily task of choosing a dress to fit into a society one has adopted is itself a tedious,oppressive,and even frightening one for an immigrant Indian woman. Dress,including hair style - both aspectsof the material culture of every societyin every historical time - arousesstrong feelings,some intensely pleasant and others very disagreeable.Unfortunately, they are also the most important elementin making a first impressionwhich is why it is very frightening. Moreover, dress gives contradictory messagesdepending on the gender, age, nationality, ethnicity, and class of the audience. For example,Indian males find an lndian female in Western attire as less accessiblethan the one in the "lndian" style attire. Whereas Indian females, wearing Western dress assume that females wearing lndian dressesmust be very conservativein their outlook (also called desi home grown-narrow minded - and penjilbhenji - sister - as not "sexy"). Obviously, one cannot win the appreciationof both Indian males and femalesat the same time, and this does not include the third problem of getting accepted in the American (or any other) society. This means Indian women within America have to perform a juggling act to please

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t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f p e o p l e : l n d i a n m a l e s- ' t n d i a n f elndian m a l e s- - yoro u nger any peer group (because group, older group, in-tu*', and group of gtoup judg? Y.o*tn :tl^t1.:ge society - women ,tt tu"h ogt juggle those For all.lndian wolrlan to differently)and Americun ,Jcie1y. often exhausting,if she has not conflicting o.*anor^is Jifficutt'and adopted society' -lmpletely "assimilated" in the ;i;Jy who wear lndian style dress The confusion of those lndian women age and regional groups.of lndian meaning various things to various complicatedby the confusion that women - within ttt. JSR is further about the definition of an prevails within ttre tndian subcontineni or so' within Indian society' "authentic" lndian 0""' tn the last decade t h e m e a n i n g o r , o . " u r l e d . . a u t h e n t i c ' ' l n d i a n d r e s s h a s aktuneezl l s o d r a shas tically callecl sttlt|ur changed. no, .*u-iit,l"t "gionur.Otttt of the regionalethnic clothes everl acquireda national Jtuiu' untt 'iost of more fashLnable in 'the designing when ethnic stylesare becoming it lnterestingly' by young Indian girlst8 solv,urkameez- are abandoned on local identity, authentic is happening at a ti-rnewhen the-focui This North lnclian dressis considethnicity, and so on, f'u' increased' whereas'other regionztldressesare ered as "progressivtl' onO modern' For instance,Mundu tmd vesti, a south seenas..backward,;or-.:;xotic,,. r-elegatedto a women' Indian regional dress for young .has leen .backward'Statusandsttlwtl.rktun.eez-Northwesternregionaldress"progressivean! m1dern". But has becometne raJion of the so-called atthesametimestllv,ttktuneezistreatedasless..progressive''thanblue jeans or westerndresses' W h i l e N o r t h e r n d r e s s e s a r e n r o v e d t o t h e S t a t u s o f b e i n g . . and progreselite is pushingthe conceptof.indigenism sive", the lndian.i*o*O *ni"n are also different for the "authenticity" through ethnic dresses' popular Mass media especiallyTV and elite within the acadJmicworld. the important ways to the imaging of cinema have also contribr'rtedin that takes up elementslrom diverse new "indig.nir-'",;n-indigenism them as "local", ';tp;.ifr."rin rraditions and presents and continuaily cnungi;g has ..authentic,' uno The internationalization of markets new it demands the formation of played an importani 'ott in this as i d e n t i t i e s , w h i c h h a s r e s u l t e d i n t h e r e i n v e n t i o n o fconsumerism a l l t h e l o c a l disr e s s e s lnterestingly'new according to the nt* "on'u-erism' ..traditional" or "ethnic" clothes, which are presentedin the i".and ethnic gui tt "i is mass production of "traditional" mass_produ".o. ,.indlganourn.rr" a commonplace. Thus a neoclothes has made to multinationals while the struggle nationalism is ueing cr.it.d for opposite two ..mod.rr,, ;;i..;;gressive,' is also increasingwith look

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widely styles:denim jeans, the American style, and salwar kameez' also worn in Islamiccountries. a lt is interesting to note how in India these dresseshave acquired ..progreisive" even when they represent opposite values' lt status of thesetwo seemsthat there is a hierarchical "progressive" status between than dresses:a woman wearingjeans is consideredto be more outgoing more considered is kameez salwar the one with salwar kameez. But ..progressive"than sari and other regional lndian dresses.Besidesthis idea of hierarchical status of denim jeans and salwar kameez,the basic whereas keepingIndian women in "traditional" dressesis quite intact. create a which pressures other many in the LSA., Indian women face ethworkplace' of constant need for balancing contradictory demands degeographically nic, regional,and nationalldentities. Thus, it seems defined fined r-egionalistidentities are closely linked to^geographically realities ground These time.e present the markets,and relatedvaluesof lndian cannot be ignored while understandingthe pressureson the and India in women (for expressingsubjectivity and being creative) It lndian women ln the us to selecta dress and a mode of fashion. choice of means these women's creativitiesare expressedonly in the and designs contemporary dress they prefer to wear from available religion. and region, stylesbasedon their class,caste,profession,status, some They can use their creativity only in very minimal ways by_using color accessories,putting a patch here or there or find some different combinations. .,progressive"label: blue jeans and salwar kamcez competing for the "progressive The prevailing idea about the image of Western dressas ago with and modern,' is not new, as this processstarted a long time and the colonial rule. Today in lndia, as well as in the US, regional ..native" dressesur" raap as exotic or as costumes,tnmeaning "backwarcl" or, fit for theater or museum only, In spite of thesehierarchical and images of different dressesmost of the lndian women abroad "native" within India choose to wear distinctly contemporary lndian adopted styles,when most of the women in the world have long since lndian young the it is lndia, ilestern styles of clothes. Generally, in skirts, style woman wht prefers to wear, or can afford to wear Western "progressive" image blue jeans and long boots to establishtheir more of while distancingfr6m women wearing lndian style clothes. ln spite people lndian the clothes, Western a large number of women wearing

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or "backward" vallles to these in general do assign "progressive" dresses. T h e s e v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i z a t i o.'traditional" n s o f l n d i a n w o m e n ' s d r e product s s e s a c cof ompa..pro!;.rri".- ;. status are a ttrelr nied with such hierarchicalstatusupon unorft., historicai p,J"t", which bestows t h o s e w o m e n " c h o o s i n g " t o w e a r w e s t e r n o r l n d i a n c l o t h e sin 'Thus'the of.certain colors and styles cre.ui:..,i". choice or *."aring clothes the same it"tf acceptable'comfortable' and at --ouing ative ways cun muke ont upward'- is not simply an individual time, appear to U" : though I do not deny the role of the psychologicut 'pty"^tt"i"gf.al ptttnJ-tt"t or another style at conditionsof a personin choosingone in the historicalti.res thesewomen I gi".n oie point in time. lt isiooted style' and fonls.rr according learn to chooseclothesof particular colors' t o h o w t h e y a r e p f u " t O i n s o c i e t y - t h e i r r o l e s ' t h e i r s o c iwotnen a l s t a t it-t us'and The location of these their age and location ih.y .onll. f.om. societyisalso,intu'n,inRuenceobytheinteractionofpeoplewithother c u l t u r e s a n d s o c i e t i e s ' c o l o n i a l o r n o n . c o l o n i a l s t a t u s o f t has e swell o c i as ety.For of popular films-in tndia' example,the role oi tt'tfV, the role from the export quota of the availability of ,,rrpiu, clothes discarded important impact in creating a new Western style clothes''ut'o nuut an and the concept of beauty' condition lo, .f'ung., in *omen's clothes by tons of used.clothesin-rported The fashion t..nor?r. also influenced the US - in various Third World from the West as '"gt cast offs trorn loosenedthe standardof decencyfor countriesi,rctualnfindia, that has more acceptablein their claily women,sclothes,;r^d.;g;esrern styles I2 lives. influences'many Indian womell At the same time, in spite of these a r e s t i l l c h o o s i n g t o k e e p t h e i r d i s t i n c t l n d i a n s t y l e ' e s p e c i a l l y these theethnic women. How can we explain Inclian the^elite bt promoted styles and broader Oi*tn'ions of subjectivity'crealivity' variouscontra<Jict'o.y wolnen are Indian number of historical forces wittrln which a large simplv as lt.cannot b" wearing particular-;ititt of clothes? :i{:Td there are various social and hisdifferencesbetween*o-.n,, choices; toricalforcesthatarecreatingdifferentpressuresfordifferentgroupof Indianwomenbasedoncaste,class'age'region'.religion'typeofwork' andmanyothersociallocations'Tounderstandthisquestionwithits fullimplicatlon,o*needstolookftrrtheratthelonghistoryofthe subcontinen.u.*.rr,anditsinteractionwithothersocieties,tolindout howvariouslndianwomen'sclothes-..traditional,'andnon-traditional - evolved over the centuries?

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Moreover, what is an Indian traditional dress?This is important to point out becausethe way we understand India today is a recently constructed entity and there was no such concept before the arrival of the British. ls there any one such traditional dress or was it created deliberately for other purposes?How are traditions formed and expressed through different styles of clothes? What forces contribute to these cultural changes manifesting in women's clothes for different classesand castes?These questions are also closely connected with the issues relating to a large number of Indian women who are settled abroad and are struggling to maintain their distinct stylesof clothes also referredas "ethnic" clothes.Thesewomen, living in the UK and the US, are not only maintaining their Indian style clothes but are also helping in the promotion of an "ethnic clothes" industry. At the same time, many younger women born in thesecountriesare looking for an "authentic" (imaginary) Indian identity through newly manufactured ..ethnic" styles,also called"ethnic chic". Interestingly,not long ago the same lndian women living abroad used to resentwearing "traditional" Indian dresses.l3

Changing attire of South Asian women since antiquity Three simultaneousprocessesinfluenced the changes in the Indian women's clothing throughout the long history of the Indian subcontinent. Major cultural diffusion in clothes as well as in other cultural fields took place mostly when Indian society faced an intrusion by invasionor colonization.At the sametime it is important to notice that the change in clothing was always an adaptation to new styles.This meansthat peopledid not just throw away their earlier styles(customs) under new circumstances.They tried to make senseof their new circumstances,new social,political, cultural, and economicneedsand then adapted to those needsas and when they felt it necessaryor useful to their daily existence.ln that sense,the changesin clothing was a three way process in which the human capacity for ingenuity was most important along with the choices and actions of people in any given circumstances.But all these actions and choices were mostly made within two set of circumstanceswhich were created by (l) people to people interaction within a society for fulfilling daily human needs; (Z; iociety's interaction with other societieseither by trade, or foreign invasion or colonialism.In other words:

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needs'changing social (a) Clothing changedby the changing social institutionsandchangingcustomswithinthelndiansocietyin people' ih, p.o".rt of social interaction of of' and interaction with' (b) Clothes ung.d ;nJe' tht influence "t forced by invasion' or by other societie"swhen it was either of a noble or a local trade and commerce,or by the initiative king. (c)cloi-heschangedbythecreativityofindividuals:tailors,women clothing styles and of upper clzrss,village women creating include customs' market embroidery for various reasonswhich through clothing forces, n..plng tlzt" und "caste"14distinction styles,religiou-sinfluencesand entrepreneurship'

the lndian society Changesdue to people'sinteraction within I n t h e a b s e n c e o f d e t a i l e d i n f o r r n a t i o n a b o u t t h e c o n t e x t i r rand which gender in the Mohenjodaro clothes were designated for each I suggest the following' These Harappa (app' 3250-u c n) societiei' a long period of time in the highly urban societiesdeveloped over p r o c e s s o f p e o p l e i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h o n e a n o t h e r w h i l e i r r l f i l l i nltg tis h eini r b a s i c social reproduction. human needsincluaing tn.L survival and their own societiesas well as this processof social Interaction within were flourishing during the their interaction with ott,.. ,o,i.ties' which sametimeperiodinthemiddleeastAsiaandNorthAfrica ,tlratthey customs (and craft of making created various .o"ial institutions and of wearing specific.Ynes 31 clothes for clothes) including tt',. "u'to* various artifacts from Harappa each gender.lnformation derived from andMohenjodaro'no*'thatwomenduringthistimeworeclosefittirrg s a r i a b o v e t h e k n e e , a n d t h e w i d t h o f t h e . f r o n t p o r t i o n owaist f t h i swith s r l l .ai w a s lt wzrstied to the much lessthan that of the back portion.r5 were in vogue though some hisgirdle. lt also seemsthat sewn clothes lndia with Muslim rulersonly'r6 torians claim that sewnclothescame to E x t i n c t i o n o f t h e s e t w o e a r l i e r s o c i e t i e s S e e m s t o b e s o c o m parea letethat who migrated to the szlme they had no interactionwith the Aryans a long time. Aryans learned to later on and lived'un ugruriun rife ior with local. people and fulfill their daily humair needs by interacting findingwaystosurviveintheirnewsurroun.ling'.lnthisprocessof interactiontheyimbibedfromlocalculturesaswellascreatedtheirown newsocialinstitutionsandsocialcustoms'rituals,andtaboosaccording

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to their daily needsof that time. Over a period of time, Aryans using their creativity while interacting with nature and other people were able to improve tethniques of agricultural production, which in turn created large agricultural surplus(about 3000B.C.E.).This large surpluswealth foi the formation of new social differentiation within "."-ut.J"onditions the Aryan society. These social differentiations were also reflected in different people'sclothing styles' Pandey'sstudy suggeststhat women of the upper strata wore three garments vlsa (garment), arlivasa (over garment), and nivi (a piece of Jloth tucked round the waist like dhoti), and it was also worn by men. Prutidhi a garment covered the breastsmade of one or two strips of cloth worn by brides at the time of marriage. The author claims that during guddilist times (600 B.c.E.) upper class women wore silk in appropriate seasonsas sarus(lion cloth) and sheets.But heavy clothes were worn in winter.'' Berween 6th century B.C.E. to the third century B.C.E. cloth industry was highly developedin lndia due to the growth of commerce and subsequentgrowth of large towns. But the growth of commerce also led to further socialdivisionsof societybasedon "class/caste"'The social groups that controlled the social and economic resourcesfelt the need to prolect their authority over labor and labor supply which led to the rigidity of "class/caste"division. Probably that was also the reason that d-uringthis time period garments of different kinds were prescribed to be worn by different sectionsof society. Female household wore a kunthuka(tunic) and a sari.The tlhotiswere worn in different stylesand individual creativity was reflected in various forms of sari draping around the body. In this period, not surprisingly, shoes and sandals formed an important part of dress.It continued in the Maurya period (3ZS 232 g.C.f.) and did not change much under foreign rulers After the Mauryan rule, the Sarvahanand Sungas(184-105B.C.E.).18 central authority declinedand urban centersstarteddecayingleadingto the formation of a closed economy and the rise of self-sufficientregional productionunits. Larer during 335-530 A.C.E. (Gupta Period) lndian society was becomingprosperousleading to the creation of many regional cultural units, distinct languages,and literature, while at the same time, it witnessedthe emergenieof a "feudal" structurein labor relations'This formation of a "feudal" structure made iati system (also known as "caste system") further rigid which is why the "class/caste"distinction in clothesis clearerin the Gupta period' More information about dress and ornaments is also available ior this time period.re lt seemslower

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(resemblingmodern classpeople wore only one garment'. the Kanclnrlra came maxij worn by women mostly came down to the feet" Kurpusuku' This was from Central Asia, was worn by both men and women' in chinese brought to India by lJzgarTurks and Hunas who had settled Lr svusthuttu. worn: were Th..e kinds of trousers Turkistan beforehand.tO of circumferences pair of trouserssticking to the calveswith a narrow like the rnodern ih. lo*., opening, pingu was a loose pair of trousers also called sotula and calves, the to up srtlwar and covered the legs as the regarded be can lt ardhoruka (similar to modern underwear). up to only legs the Indianisedform of sunsthctnaor pinga, but it covered the kneesand not uP to the heels''' Duringthistimetheimagesofgoddessesinthetempleshowedno perrlitted to garment lor the upper part o? their bodies.Nuns were not also not were They i"ear suri either in froni or behind like housewives. gannents lower allowed to wear a girdle. Other women wore upper and wor-rndround generttlly was garment upper and sometimesa tunic. The garn-Ient stitched a wore also the left arm.22 Upper class women These liirpusuku' a with lranchukctthat was foose and long compared Women women also wore many types of iunics of different lengths.23 garments'The sari was worn as a sarong did not generallywear upper -protruding from at the rear' as it is worn by or a tlhotiwith one end a manner that some males in 20th century lndia' The sariwas worn in which are navel the navel and the three wrinkles of skin above the did not cover regardedas a mark of beautymight not be covered,and it which circumference wide a with peiticoat the heelsand the anklets.The chtm4ttr'ktt.24 called coveredonly the upper half oi the thigh was

Changesdue to people'sinteraction with other societics Withthecomingofforeignrulers,ln
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major changein the dresswas in the designsof caps.2sIn the south of lndia the dress was similar as in the north, except that upper class women wore turbans. It seemsunder the rule of Sakaswomen beganto wear tunics as well, and more sewn clothescame into use,especiallyby During this time, with greater charioteers,soldiers,and by foreigners.26 division of labor and specialization of work and craft in society, the class distinction in dress also started becoming more defined. For example, during the Kushana period (25 A.C.E.-150 A.C.E'), muslin was made and exported to Rome while Chinesesilk and Indian varieties in silk were worn by the rich. But monk women or forest women wore clothes made of hemp. Kushanas who came from the North-West borders of tndia influencedmainly the culture of upper strata' By this time shoeswere not consideredimpure. Women of the upper classalso changedthe style of wearing dhoti by placing one end of the sari on the shoulder in the opposite direction, thus distinguishingtheir style from the one worn by a common woman. They also startedwearing different sleevesand lengths of tunics with varied colors. The classdivision of color worn by different women was also becoming clear at this time. Rich women wore red, the cowherd generallywore blue, and women also paid due attention to matching colors. Rich women wore silken clothesfor the eventspertaining to entertainmentor amusement.2T Pandey,a South Asian scholar,suggeststhat the foreign influenceof Kushan period on dresswas Indianisedby the Gupta period. Similarly, lndians adopted from Saka, Iranian, and Chinesethesecaps,coats,and trousers.Kushanas came from a cold region and their garments were thick and heavy. But the clothes in the Gupta period were getting lighter. Women incorporatedthe blousein their attire as earlier they did not use any upper garment.28But other clothesremainedthe same.For example;dhoti, sari, chaflar,and pugri were worn entirely by draping and tucking, (tucking was done in an amazingnumber of ways showing the abundanceof creativeideas)and their manufacturerequiredneither tailoring nor stitching.2e Under the Muslim rule (977 1526 A.C.E.) the state started intervening in all aspectsof people'slives and broke the village isolation' A new market mechanismwas developedto transfer wealth from villagesto the state.This new processincreasedthe social stratificationleading to the pauperisationof lower classpeople.This new economycreatednew players in the village economy: money changers,usurers,traders, and gave more power to zamindar (landlords).The "caste system" started corroding. The ruling classand membersof the royal familiesall owned large orchards, plantations, or cash crop and karkharzas(factories). It is

epelu seA\lI s€ alsnbepeulpo^oJdsseJpslql lng'n8un eql oug {Je^ € Jo pLreurn4 Jo eceld ur o8un egl prp ,(11en1ue.te :o.;,,{ltsseceueql qll.ry\,{e,a,re 'asnolq lq8ll 'pa^eelslJoqs e'nlnlDlls 'uJo,\\ se,n Je^o uJoA\lsJg se,l,rlI 'punor? eql Surqcnol '(q paltos e olnr !qt)^t)N eqt Jo pue oql spre,^Aol oq )ou plnoc sueq nrunl'[d eql ]€ql Jeuuelu E qsns uI Ieleu oql ^\oleq 'esool pue lsle,^Aoql tB pel].snrun[[d ept'r'r luo4 uI pedurp ,t1e,tr1ce:11e 'mprc11 oJoi\\ uetuol\ peels Jleql uI pue uoIqsP,J Jo lno luew sDuuDtnq8 'uetuo.{\ 31II0 JoJ uolqseJ 3q1 otuecoq ulc pn JISeN Jo eIuI] eql lv 'Jouoqs pue JelqAIIslueu:e8 eda;c;o selluetu pue IIIS eug Jo sn8uP oseql IIr?Jepual ol etuu reno eldoad pellsdtuocelslullc uelpul oql 'sroplnoqsoql ssorceSunq ,{1uorelel lnq qclq,t '3uo1spre,(eerqt eltueu tq8tl peeq eql :eno pederp lsJg le s€,44 e'nntltlnp € se,^ slql J3^O'sroplnoqs3ql uro{ ?ur?ueqsderls 3uo1o'u1 are^\ Iseq pue luo{ eq1'm8un oql ,,ltoleqluo{ uI 1r\ol fq aceld ur lde>1 'slsesrqaql Je^oclou plp 'senealsou peq Dun4 eqJ-'{Jeq Jn3se^\ pue eql plrl?tuo{ re^\ol etll ?uue,toJ Dt'tml€ puB se^eolsJIeq qll^\ slseeJq 'srueq eql le lq8rl ,{re,roJe,t qJIq,\\ seuelfd aqt iano rn*un ?u111glq8rl ^\oulsnJ uI solpeltrlllsnw eqt Jo ssarp,{Feeoql go ualel eq plnoc se,4A ,{eqt e.ro;eqpaqotl}sun pue uo 1nd uaeq peq seurelfd aqt rat;e s8el aql punoJ u^\esoq ol p€q sellltuoJlxeeql ]Rql lq8u os tueqt Jeo,\\ol uoIqsP'J .esoolpeureuer ,{poq aqt lnq 'sellltueJlxoaql oql eureseq1r .f11enpe:g 'JeleJ 'sol{ue te le3r1 s?a1 eql pue ^\oJJeu aueceq sweq eql qclq/( 'seruef,{d uelsJad esool eql punor pouelsP.JpuE peJeqle? ore,ryr 'sufiy pue"snwnftd pecnpoJlul SUIISnIN 'epr^\ uIISnIAI ueulo^\ eJo^\ 'slseaJq 'luerudolalep oJotu e slueesqolq/!\ lueoal 'Ipqr eIIIun 'so^aelseqi q8noJql eql ot acueurtuo.tderel n8un eql s1tIJBaql SurssedXq uo lnd se,t luauue? oql pu€ so^eolsql8uel-Jleq '{ceq pue soqcul aeJql Jo o'^Al peuelsP.J aq} le o^\t ol peqtPllu sll^\ u 'slseoJqeql 3ul1}Uselceldecer Jo uroq € qll^\ :eqlaSol u,tes oJo/y\t{3!q,\\ 'lueutruo:d ,{lecrecs eJe/!\ slseeJq o,^Alp?q quoN oql Jo mgun eq1 'pero^oJ alrq,^A os slseeJqaql ueo^uaq pellou{ pue luo{ oql o1 ]Pq] pueq oplln e qlnos oql Jo tloll) 0t{1uI Iceq eql uor3 passedsu/!\qlolr Jo'tloq) sEu, Aoul se,A lI qlnos aql uI lnq otu€3eq,(eq1relul :pelerluoro.ulp ,r{1ro51eql ur nrSun pa11ec s€^\ 13ql uorl:od reddn eql JO^o3ol lueureS 'ereqlt,(:e,ta suIIsnIAI 'tq paldope E Jeo,^ ol pesn le;eue? uI uotuo16 'sleolJ s?1r\lI Jole.I 'sqeJv olllo eq] JoJ sueqJnl pouolqseJIIoA\ pue Jrunt 's:esno;] ponlo^e pue oJnllnt epluess€Speldope le8ueg Jo unoc e11 eptseqqv eqt ueq^\ sacue^pee{etu ol peu€ls ssaJpteql s1se33ns eluospeprno:dseq JeJeqStulleH Inpqv ,.'pte8a: srql uI uoIleLuJoJuI pue ssuls3ut1n;oql JoJ slueuqsllleqtueoleJoqele ,,r'setl1e,{or seqlolc u^\es Jo ,(1eue,te 13ql lxeluoc slqt uI qtrm Burs.rJluepe1.re1s .IHVS

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,{la,rtlereduocoql o1rorrednsse seqlol3peqclrls pepre8erserlrueJnpulH petecnpe ,{ueu ,{rntuec qt6l etel oqt fq ter{t Eursrrdrns tou sr U puB A\ou 8uqoo1 alqrrr suolle;eue8 er'qseu JoJ rueql urelureru plnoc ,(aqt l?r{l fu.,\\ e qcns ur suorsecco lerceds JoJ uJo,r eJe^\ qJrq,r seqlolc enrsuedxeJreql Jo oJuJ {ool aldoed ssulc reddn ',{rlsnpur qlolo uerpul 3ur,(p eql Jo oceJuJ 'peseeJcepuos srq}Jo sserproJ alset eq] '(elpul ur poqsrlqetse,{lredord se,trelnr qsrtrrg ueq,r) ,(ur1ny41 eql JeU€ lnq 'seqlolJ peJeproJque plo8 ,{ueru Jeollr ol pesn elrle eql '(elpul ur uorsuedxeslr pue qsrlrJg uorleJlsrurupe eql lsureSe se1e1s,(leculrd oql oroJsq Jo oruelsrsorperrrJeue) tggl 3o,{ur1n141 rpql scpatourl?roqs tulleH '8urqto1cfreeq pue {crqt ot perregerda:an sluauue8 f-rre pue tq?rl unoc qlog oql ur,(pepurg 'poJonoJunsorpoq JreqlJo lsor eql o^Belpue lerluossosr leql\ Jenocol Surqtolcluercgns ,{1uoero,Lraldoed rood ',{:lunoc urJe,r e Sureq erpul '(..sser3o:d,,;o u8rs e se poJoprsuoJ JerlJea'soqlolc peqclrls)suorqseJplo Jroql Surprec -srp (..sseupJe,rlJeq,.go u8rs e peJeprsuocJerlJee'saqlolc peqclrlsun) Suueen IJDSol Surqclr,uspegels ueruo,r rurlsnl4l er.uos'lxoluoc stqt u1 'K-ttsnpulqlolc uerpul eql Jo uorlcllJlsepeql ot Surpeel,{"ro1srq crruou -oca ur srsrJcr?peluasa:de:s.teuurdspue sJoAeeA\ s.?rpul;o3 e8euorled 1e,(orjo pua eqt pue ,(rnluec qt6l eq] Suunp spooS ueedorng 3o uorlerlauedaql oql ur qlolr Jo :alrodxo lseleer8eql ,{lureueJ ,c'plJo,^A pue sJeJnpo:d eql euo se,t\ erpul ',t:nlueJ qlll elel uI lseleer8 Jo 'snl€ls pelplal pue spJe,reJ lprJeleruSurnerqcero3 erut8ereluuellns pue 1eq8n4 oql ropun snlels sseycreddn ureluretuol peou oql peq osle ,{eql 'eurocurelqesodsrpppq oq^\ eldoadsselcreddn Jo Jequnu e3;e1e eq tsntu eJeql leql olecrpursaqlolo3o sed,(1lueJe.UrpesoqlJo ,(lrrelndod eq1 ,r',{lr:elndod ur paure8sJrunl pue 'seqor 'sJesnoJl.;o sed,(1snorJen uoq,^Asporred ('a'J'V tgLt 9291) leq8n1a1pue ('A'C'y gzgt LL6) oleulJnseql Suunp papuudxo,(lteer8'lenalrroq'oren erpuJ lenerpeu-erd ur olqelrp^p seqlolc paqJlrlsgo e8ue: pollrull ,(1orrl1e:eduoo aql 'soqlolc JIo-lsec s.ra,{o1due Jroql Jeo^\ plno,,lt feql esnuceq sessoJlsrtupue srelspruJreqlse Surqlolcaopur{ atuesoql oJolrrspreu.sarpelpue slele^ 's1u€nJes 'sJegenb s.ueruon eql ur sJeA\€JpJelel\ pue leuos-tedeql 'sosserlsruees 'sluopuolur:adnsoql JoJ Jelrurs sel\ eseoeql pu€ Surqlolc elrtcurlsrppue lurcedspeq IIe sreSuossoru eqt pue 'sJeI€leJeJ'uetuqclerrr aq1 '1e:edde ,{ep,{:ene Jreql euuceq osle sseJp Ieuorledncco rreql 'sJuu^JesJooplno pue Joopur JoJ s" sB ,tleleredas ed,tl lue^Jas IIoA\ ;o qceeJoJssarpe eq ol pesne;aqt ('E'J'v saur11eq3nry u1 lgLlj(,g1) qsrlrrg ,{q euo ,(q euo zr'sesnolqpue slelcef e1,{1s pepesrednseJe,r sluoture8 eseql IIe (lone,roH 'ouny esool e fq pecelde: fllenluazre se^\ lr 'oJeq Ual eJeA\stuJe oql ecurs,{llercedsepuu lerJeleu L6

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scanty dhoti. While in religious contexts, they saw them as defiling; in secularcontexts they saw them as proof of educational advancement and sophistication.This is when clothes assumedthe status of "progressive" and "backward", denoting not only class but the idea of ;'progress" which accompaniedstitching rather than just wrapping eventhough wrapping clothesartisticallyin differentways itself is an art and creative form, Stitching clothes entails the skill of cutting and fabricating a cloth and decorating with embroidery and other embellishments.lt also allowed further creation of a more social distinction betweenthe female body and the male body while_sexualizinglemale dressand making the femalemore of a sex object." It would be useful to find out why the objectificationof the female body becanlemore important during this Period.

Changesdue to people'sinteraction with colonial forces During the final yearsof the Mughal political system,after 1740,the first English broad-clothesand cotton goods were beginningto be irnported were into India. During this time. new regionalconsumeraristocracies establishingthemselvesnotably in Lucknow, Bengal, and Hyderabad. The elaborate patterns of consumption that emerged in these sub Mughal courts proved to be an excellentmed_iumthrough which European clothes could become valued articles.38Clothes were used as a political displaybecauseEnglishbroadcloth was associatedwith military pto*.tr and was considereda specialtyfor being imported in stylesand fabrics.3eMoreover, thesestyleswere associatedwith tailored garments that were consideredas "progressive" and sophisticatedduring that time. Thus, European stylesof clothes, which were introduced principally by European traders, missionaries,and colonial administrators, gained importance.European dressdiffered from most forms of lndian dressin the way it was cut, stitched,and shapedto the contours of body. Gender differenceswere also strongly demarcatedin European dress, with women's skirts and dressesgiving them a distinctiveand exaggeratedly curvaceousoutline in relation to the more linear forms of men's dress.ao Under the British rule the processof change, and related conflicts and compromisesin the Indian women's dresscodes,was very different than any other time in lndian history. For example, Mughal rulers actively insisted on the adoption of Mughal styles by all officials in government employment and forced many Indian elites into Mughal

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dressin the public sphere.But the British did not try to force their own garb upon Indians.al On the contrary, they actively sought to discourage what they called "meaninglessimitation". Tarlo, a South Asian anthropologist,claims that the British sought to reinforce their separatenessfrom the Indian population by rigorously adhering to British standardsof dressand by encouraginglndians to dressin an "oriental manner". British tried to control and discouragethe Anglicization of lndian dressand ridiculed what they considered"inappropriate dressing" .o' But British were not very successfulin their efforts because imported machine-wovencloth from abroad was easily available' SinceBritish rulers were not very successfulin stoppinglndians from looking more like "English men", they increasedtheir efforts in controlling the clothing style and code of conduct for the British Civil Servants.The new socialvaluesand codesofconduct were basedon the assumption that the British were "superior beings" and Indians were "inferiors". Therefore, British civil servant should not wear Indian clothes in order to justify their "civilizing" presencein India.a3It is important to note that before the enforcementof new social values of "superior/inferior", many British travelersadopted Indian clothes and customs when they mingled with Indians, sometimesmarrying Indian women. As the British consolidatedtheir political dominancein India in the early lgth century, the wearing of Indian stylesamong the British officersbecameincreasinglyunacceptable.In the lSth century, England, as a measureof protection against competition from lndian cottons, forbade everyoneto wear calico in that country. ln 1830legislationwas introduced banning employees of the East India Company from wearing Indian dressat public functions.aaThose who de-Europ-eanized through long residence in lndia were called white bubut.ot El*in informed that peoplehave sometimessarcasticallyspoken of the spread of Christianity amongst the heathenas being made a matter of "trousers". Interestingly,conversionto lslam at other times was considereda matter of "wearing a shirt". Tarlo suggeststhat British rulers wanted to "civilize" Indian dress but did not wish to make it completely"European". British feared too much integrationof the Indian elite when they noticed that lndians were increasinglylooking like "Europeans". In this processof "civilizing" lndia the role of the Christian missionarieshad been very important. For example, under the influence of Christian missionariesthe lower "caste" Nadar women attempted to wear breast cloth that led to a major controversy in Travancore in the first half of the 19th century. Members of the upper "caste" viewed the attempt of lower "caste"

Jo el,{ts e peqsrlqelse,{peerle puq ^eqt puB eluoq eqt oprslno peUolt\ 'r;rs 'uetuom ,{1ueJs pue e eJoA\ oq,m Surroqel ;ood salnlrlsord fpo pepnlsas ouoqllH 'oJrlueqJn uJopow o1 polrns-lle,r lou se,{\srql "(larcos pue pe1e8e;8esu ur elenbepe pue olqeuoJruoJ sel\ opoc sseJpe qcns e) npnry qlr/r\ poro^oc ollq,/$,'(1,,rteqs B so^losuoqt ,{eqt esnoq eqt Jo ',{poq pulloJe paddu:,r,r qlolJ ullsn111 eql lno lu3/y\feql ueq,,ntng lue:ed 't.tDS -sueJl-ruos posn uotuol\ rle8ueg e1l1e enrsuedxa LtE B JBO,I\ ol lnq 'rerlreg 'o{rle so^rlelJosuoJpue sJar.uJoJeJ npurH ?uoue qloq spJe,ruo s0z6l eql uro{ eleqepesuelurJosJelletuouecoq sanssr0s0ql'eJoJereql 'luese:d eq plno,r seleru peluloJun Jeqlo pue qsrlrJg qJIqA\ 'uorl le -cunJ le uorledrcrlred.rreqlpue uorlpcnpes.ueruon\sselcalpprur l€rcos ',(llluopl rle8uegJo enssroql slrelueosle ,{l11uepr IeuorteuJo relleu oql 'ueLuo,r uerpul sselo olpprw reddn Ieuorleu go ruelqo:d u eueceq 'Jea,4ol 'snql ',(ltun :o3 fyyutcadse leq,/\{ 1ect1t1od Jo osuosu lnoqe Surrq plnoo ssoJpur?rpulJo uorlrugepeJe luql 1sa33nsol su€lpul lsJg oql Jo ouo su,4(a;o8u1 qteuerpurqe6Jo reqtorq eqt) e:o3e1 qtelq e:pur1fol 'sseJp s.ueuo^\ uerpul ecueuodur eql pozrluoJsJopeollr?uorlpu Jo eurosluorua^otulsrleuorlr?u oql 3o lueudole^ep pup ecue8rerua eql ql!/v\ luaue^our lsrlBuoll8uaql qll,n uorlJBJalurs,o;doadol onp saSuuq3 'peoJq€ pouo^\ pue lue^\ Jelel oq^\ uatuo,{\uerpul ,{uerufq eperu sp,lAsseJpuJelsa,uSuuea,nJo ecroqoJelrurs e 'JolBIlno 'Ioollllo Jreqlur uJoporupue se peldecce lurod l1eqsJ sV ,,elrsser3ord,, eq pup sart:ed lercgo ol Suro8 pue sqol pred 11e,m Surlla8 'srone4 Sururu8roJ sralnr qsrlrrg qtr,tr SurlceJelurJoJ InJesnl! punoJ ,{aq1se ssa:p..ueedoJnE,,aleydruoceqt tdopu ol esoqcuetu uerpul ..a1sec/sse1c,, :eddn erurl srql ,{q 'ra,ramoH,o',t}rluaprleuorlpu p oleeJcol JepJo ul sserps.ueruo^\uerpul elerrdorddeue SurpugJo lxeluoc eql ur s0Z6l oql ur rerlrpepu€ sruuelSur,(e1d JoJJeeA\plnoqs ,{eqtteqm Suru:ecuocsgg6y oql ur esoJr?lpql elpqop e ur pelucrpurse,r sserp selfls ..ueedoJng,, ldope ol ..eclrelcnleJ,,s.ueuo/y\ uerpuJ sselc :eddn er'ruJoJu€rpul ,rau u meql 8ur,tr8 pue ado:ng tuor; spuorl lsol€l eql SurleJod;ocur ,(qe:aqt 'su8rseppup 'sroloJ 'scuqe.gur uorqseJ ueado;ng pe,rolloJ eql paureto:,teq1 'ssetpSurlsrxoJroql o1 slelcef pue lnq /.,rrs'o^rlcurlsrp 'sluocrlled'sesnolq'seoqs qcns pappe ise serJossecce fluo ueuo,r,ru€rpul sselc :eddn 'sseJpuerpul Jreql ol sorJossocce ueedorng Surppe ere,,r,r ueruo,\\..elspc,.:eddn 'qlolc lseaJqs.ue{uon\..elsuo,,:eddn elulrtur ol par:1,(lruerlsrJqJJo ecuenuureql Japun uo{.uo,r\ sselsJe^\olelrqrvr'snq1 'snlels Jreql Jo lueure8uu3urue se qlolc lseoJq qcns 8ur:ee^\ uotuo^\ .IHVg

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clothing for their work. The issue of clothing middle class Bengali women thus becameimportant becausenow they were also participating in the public life outside their homes. Therefore, the effort was to create a dress for middle class Bengali women that would distinguish them from prostitutes and laboring women, at the same time that dress would not resemble European male attire, while it would help in maintaining the Indian national unity.48 The solution to this complex issue of national identity through women's clothes was found by adapting the Victorian dress - high necked,long sleeveblouse,petticoat,and long chemiseintact - and then disguisingit by draping the sari material over it. It means that middle classwomen's clothing now neededadditional three to four yards more cloth for the blouse and petticoat which reinforced the classstatus of middle classwomen. Peasantand tribal women could ill afford the extra fabric as they continued to wear the thick cotton snri shorter in length and narrower in breadth, as they always had. From this time on the modest suri-clad middle class women, symbol of "Hindu lndian national identity", becamethe everyday face of "tradition" and now thesewomen could be presentedin public. Women got further confirmation of their modern sari style from the temples where goddesses were now wrapped in modern sari style instead of earlier scanty clothing.ae Thus, through the construction of a national dress for lndian women, and later promotion of khadi (hand spun cloth), the Indian upper class men were able to create a "social movement" against the Westernizationof Indian society.Upper classIndian men even allowed some elite family (including rural elite) women to join Indian politics (with khadi saris, a national symbol) under the force of nationalist movement. But a large proportion of the female village population remained either in the cheaper, finer mill-cloth they had recently adopted or, in other forms of regional dress.s0

Changesdue to people'sinteractionwith'modernization',and global cultural forces Soon after India's independence,the Indian politicians once again changed their position on the issue of clothes. Nehru, the first Prime Minister, by choosing to wear Sherwanipyjuma, tried to create a distance from dhoti of Hindu peasantsas well as from the Western suit.sl Khadi also lost its national imase but it remained in use onlv for

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important political occasion.lndian women's dressalso lost its earlier poiitical oppositional role. Women's sari now acquired the status of iepresenting"authentic" lndian clothing and its aesthetic"traditions". But politiciins choseto put lndia itself on the path of Westernrnodelof industrializationand "modernization".s2This path of "modernization" soon led to many attitude changesamong the urban middle classand they quickly choseto switch their affiliation back to mill cloth insteadof khafli. Many young Indian women also adopted European styles,such as skirts. blouses and later trousers and denim jeans. Many women (mostly city working women) while keeping the "traditiop" of .scriintact startedadopting syntheticfabrics.And rnany of them also switched to wearing salwar kumeez becauseof their functional usefulnessand inexpensiveupkeep as well as a so-called,"progressive" image.s3The "modernization" of India helped the developmentof the film industry which promoted westernimages,fashions,and stylesthrough Hindi film stars. During the 1960sand 70s, as the US irnmigrant policies changed towards opening its borders to Asians, many educated lndian elites started having a close associationwith the US and the west where a social-political movement (the civil rights movement) was already emerging.Within this context a sectionof American peoplealso started appreciating Indian tradition and its cultural heritage. The Beatle, C.org. Harrison, becamea discipleof sitar maestro Ravi Shankar and helped to createWestern interest in lndian sitar. The lndian educated elite felt stimulated by this newly found pride in the "native" Indian clothes and heritagewhich in turn led to the creation of a new Indian ..ethnic chic" (young women who wear "ethnic" style clothes). The creation of the lndian "ethnic chic" was very timely as Indian elite women were searchingfor ways to distinguish themselveslrom commonly worn syntheticclothes.This new "ethnic chic" not only distinguishedherself from the common person, but she also now becamea lvoice" against Western aesthetics,for now personalchoice of ethnic clothes was consideredas representingan anti-modern, anti Western approach to dress. A similar development took place in the field of "iiassical" music and in the revival of yoga.sa Along with the influence of western social movementsduring the in clothesof 1970s,another processalso influencedthe tastes/aesthetics lndian educatedelite and the public at large at that time. During the 1970s,the import of secondhand discardedwesternclothes(due to the over consumption of world resourcesby the westernworld) shippedas "rags" startedmaking way into the daily life of many lower classurban

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people. At the same time, many rejectedmanufactured clothes (created in tnOiatt sweatshopsstyled for the westernworld) also becameavailable to common Indian people in the big cities. The availability of western style clothes to common person created two situations: people became more "tolerant" of lndian women wearing skirts and long kuftans in per' their daily lives.In order to differentiatethemselvesfrom common ,on *.uring discarded (and second hand) western clothes, the Indian "'progressive" elite and ginOi film starsstartedto depart from a so-called dress'" westernimage and returned to the village women's Thus the elite educatedminority redefinedits position in clothesand tastesby adopting ethnic dress and adopting village dress which' for most of the century, has been associatei *ith u low social sphere's6 Thus for the elite women village dress,worn in a new context or urban life, was a statementof "high" fashion. But for the real village women' who were and are wearing their routine village dress, the stigma of "backward and illiterate" remained intact. Tarlo has pointed out that this move to the village woman's dress was not based on the same philosophicalprinciple as Gandhi's return to khudi during colonial rule' th. Uori" priniiple of ethnic chic is similar to other commercialventures which are based on the extraction of the aestheticand marketable elementsof peasantand tribal lndia, and marketing them back as an "authentic" representationfor personalor commercial use. Festival of lndia, in Apna utsav (our festival) and in numerous staging of folk dancesnow so popular in lndia's major cities, are some examplesof such commercializationof village life. Thus elite lndian women's choice of "ethnic" clothes cannot be strictly calledanti-modernor anti-west'Tarlo has noted that the fashion showsin lndia (specificallyin Hauz Khas, New Delhi) indicate that the "ethnic" clotheswere to be viewedas designerfashion garmentsand not "Ethnic as traditional handicraft or even as genuine peasantclothes. chic" is, therelbre, not only a means of differentiation from other lncliansand from the West, but also a means of identificationwith an ':global elite" who sharecommon tastes.sT increasinglycosmopolitan The elite lndian women's clothes changed becausethey were in a position to make choicesand becauseof their ability to createone image one day but be able to abandon it the next day, if required. This new trend offers the potential for transforming "identities" rather than trying to establishan "identity" definitively.lt also goes hand in hand with individualism,i.e., to expresson"', ..lf through fashion.s8Diana Crane has also pointed out a similar trend emergingat the sametime in the West.seOne wonders if the simultaneousemergenceof similar

'elpul uI eql Jo trns pJeKeulu I€tlrolslq oql ue^g Jels eleluoJJleql JoJ oJrlle oleJod:ocse s/"rrs{lls u8rsepo1 rau8tsepposeqqleq e pouolss[u -uoc eleq '1oe1sut Surleepsuotlerod;oc Ieuolleulllnru u 'sJollus eql ',(1r1e1rdsoq leluotueJocJo tuJoJlun aqt puo,(eq uelet Sureq st 1t eceld 'suoloqce :eddn {Jo,4 oql ut llstltl raqloue ql1m q13uer1speute8 seq 'eut1 elrl€saql 1e pue ur tseel le 'puerl slql Z00Z,(g 11e?ur1oo1,{sse1c 'uutpul 'antsnlcxe'1uu8e1e ',(xes'luuotlLIoAuoJun eq uec ueluol\ e q3lq,,rt 'sfe,tt ,r,reu ,(q sueau lselpl eql Jo euo sI trrs eql qll/y\ uollelue1lllJedxg 'ezISuI Sut8ueqcsI JIaslI 3o ,(lerru,tB uI pell Suraqpue IUJoJsll 3ut:a11e tfis or4tpue '(seseceuos ut) peprucslpSutaq st esnolq oql re:ueurol\ fpuerl 'sselc :addn etuos JoJ deur ctlo:e ue se 8ut8:aue sl ,JrJ' oql ure?eecuo s0661eql uI leIJBIu uelpul oql Jo uoIluzIIeJeqIIaql qlIA\ tng lo{JBtu roqul Jo arnlJnJls JBJoIpuu 1uqo138ul8uuqr aq} puu ol anp sa8uuq3 ollBzlleJaqllqlJlt uollJuJalutsoaJdoad ':elndodun Suttuoceq flprdur su,r i,/,7r'oql leIJPtu Joqel IeuJoJ oql uI uatuo^\ Jo Jequnu 'uoltezlleqolSpue uoIlezIIsJeqII Sursea;cureqt Jo lxeluoJ ,l,reueql uJ Surpuedxaeql ul ecJoJJoqBIoql Jo seJ.rofeql JepunJolcesectnJeso3.re1 eJoLuse '..Jeon\-uu,,qll,^A tuo{ uetuo,l.r Sururofpaupls ssulJelpptluJe,^Aol entleuJollsJeqlo 'BIpuI 3uo1earurl ll?ql lu SutSreruepeuets osle se1,{1s pue seq]olcesoq,{eldoed ut plos e:e ,(:1a,,r,ref urqlr^\ ]11[J'sel:allpByerceds eql Sn oql ut ,{13ut1se ,(q pelea.rcse,tr ..JPe,^A-ue,. pepurm ,{11ecr1sr1:u -ro.lr.rl-e'sosseJp,.ctuqle.,poJnpoJdsseru uto{ so^lasruaqlqstn8ullslp '(8urluted ot 'anriiredxe,{re,t pue lglno ue eJuo ,t1uo uro,rnsI qclq,,lr aql pue Sutluted e^Isnlcxe oqt Jo l:ed saruoceqsseJpoql Jo JeJeo,{A pulloJ uetuoll e sp pesn sI ssoJp e) ,.tea,tr-11P,, lerceds JoJ sr?Aul?J uolltnpo:d sseruoql ot uollceeJu1 ,o'uotlduns olrle'sesseJp..cruqle,,Jo -uoc relndod e:out JoJ alqelle^e ,(ppeer seqlols ..cluqlo,,3o secrlde: apel.rl ourqceu qll,,!\ ,(qcreretq lelsos eql u,^AoppeoJds uotqse4 ueq,tt pazrurrurruse^\ ssoJp..Jluqle,,3o ,{lrntsnlcxoslql s0861 aql ,{q 1ng '3utnt1Jteqt ulee ol JapJouI seeJuueqln Jo ..olqo3luqlo,, JoJ{Jo^\ ,{:apto:qua ut su8tsappue suJelludsnot.tu,tSutlee:c,(lluelsuoc eJBoq,r souo eql are ,(eql uaq,l,ruene onelfls pue soqlol, rreql e?ueqc ol sarlrurluoddo pue socloqo ,{ueru se o^€t{ louuec u€tuo,tr a8ellrn JIeql ,(lI^ISnlsxe JIOqIpue ,{1t1enpI^Ipul uourruoclrlg 'sactoqcoJotuqll,4A 'sse:p e8e11l^ sluetuelo sse;dxaupJ ellle upqJn uelpul oql Jo ue(uo^\ Jo Sur8uer-tea:,{g leurr1oql Jo secJoJJItuouoce1eqol?eql Jo uollslsoJluetu e ,{eqt eJu Jo eJuoplJulooolotu oJu lse16 oql pue elpuJ qloq uI spuaJl .IHVB

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Indian epicsis making a come back with multifarious pleatson one side and the tuck-in on the back, a representationof how oppositescomplement each other similar to the ChineseYin Yang symbols.This was to indicate both the male and female aspectsof a person's body as depicted in lndian philosophy and navel as the sourceof life and creativity. After decadesof puritanical cover up, the sari is again increasingly being draped with the navel showing.And the ancientmale female symbolismis biing re-interpretedin dozensof new sari tying methods.6a Indian designersdescribe these new .sarlsas the fusion music, because the upwardly mobile urban women found the ethnic alluring, but felt that it restrictedtheir mobility at work. Their new need for "lookism" (a phenomenon about individual statement and choice in their self presentation)without sacrificingfunctional mobility for urban women, created a new sari which is different in length and size, dependingon who wearsit. Relativeto draping style the New Age sari can be made to look like a divided skirt, flowing trousers, or even and ankle-length dress.Thus the sari once again has becomea functional, heady mix of sex appeal, feminine mystery, elegance,individuality and adaptability. As one designerstated,"Sap is the garment of the past with limitless possibilitiesfor the future."(') There is a lot of resistanceto Westerninfluenceas well and the search once again for'authentic' (lndian Flite) lndian dress,which is both nonWestern and fashionable,is on.uuBut Indian women have not abandoned native styles on a mass scale; they have successfullyadapted lndian outfits such as suln,arkumeez(a North lndian regionaldress)to the whims of contemporary fashion.6TDenim jeans are a product from America and thereforeare not consideredas having colonial implications. Thus, it has becomemore popular in provincial towns and cities than in cosmopolitan ones. Whereas,in the cosmopolitan areas elite women are showing their anti-colonial attitude by adopting village dressesor exclusive"art-wear". So, anti-colonialismhas acquired different meaning and expressionin clothing in different localitiesand in different classes. The openingof trade barriersin the 1990sencourageda new wave of "international spirit", and an increasedemphasison things foreign including clothes.By 1996PrincessDiana choseto wear salwar kameez to a charity ball in London which was consideredas the arrival of kurta By the year 2003 "kurta" is availablein all on the internationalscene.68 fashionableshops in Paris, New York and London as well as low cost marts. Now the focus is on how lndia should best make its mark in the world. At the sametime Indian designersare digging into the museums

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s.alwarkaof Mughal times to find more "native" styles for making are *rer.6e- An increasing number of lndian and Pakistani designers of working to keep some-ofthe old cuts and stylesalive.The popularity century the of end the at India in groups salwario*rn, with all the age can make is also due to the availability of various cuts of the outfit that go out to they most lndian women with bottle figureslook elegantwhile of lndia. work in the servicesector that is expandingin all the regions and MTV of era in the "lookism" of with the increasedawareness surprising not it is industry), Bollywood (anothername for Bombay film (their number that most of the women who work outside their homes processof has been increasingsince the 1990sas is the globalization "tradiinternational division of labor) in lnclia are trying to combine tional" dresswith flexibility. This situation allows them to appropriate going to two both western and native stylesat the same time, without lndian extremesand destabilizingthe establishednorms of "native" inative" Indian women's dress has already dress. The definition of as sochangedfundamentallyevenwhen somepeoplelabelthesedresses that (2001) suggests calleJ "authentic" lndian dresses.A recent report fashions most of the Nonresident lndians use Bollywood style and "authentic" Indian' for their choice of clothes believing them to be thinner and more taller, using lronically, Bollywood is increasingly in western style skin fair caucasian looking girls with blue eyes and gut one model's complaint was that companieswere looking clothes.T0 the eyes for "authentic" lndian looking model with dark circlesaround "authentic" Indian define to how and darker complexion.One wonders, prevail would definition dress or "authentic" tndian looks and whose within the fashion industry, and among the massesin India and abroad? "subjective Can we understandthesequestionsby raising the issueof choices" only?

changes due to neo-imperialism,migration and people'sinteraction adoptedsociety:crisisinsubjectivity,identityandauthenticity

with

does The searchfor "authentic" Indian clothes and exclusivefashion when not stop at the borders of lndia. In fact, it becomesmore intense of new Indian women migrate to the US or to the UK. ln the wake borders, national of opening international division of labor, and In the new increasingnumbers of Indian people are settling abroad. of environmentsof adopted societieslndian women face various types pressuresto choose their attire. These pressuresare from the lndian

SHIFTINC BOUNDARIESOF NATIVITY AND MODERNITY

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"community" to which they belong, as well as from the American or Westernsocial,cultural and economicforces.Thus, Indian women have to find their style of clothes within the context of traditions of two different (in many ways culturally opposite) societies.As mentioned earlier, within lndia the concept of "progressive" and "traditional" dressis daily becomingmore confusing.Fashion within the US is tilted towards masculinityand is a product of people'sinteractionwithin their own internal/externalsocial, political and cultural history. In order to understand the American pressureon Indian women attire, a brief history of the evolution of clothing styleswithin the American societyis in order.

Changing clothing styles within the US society ln the US men's clothing style startedchangingin the late l8th century with the advent of the industrial revolution and the emergenceof the middle class. Manliness - as culturally defined , itself came to be associatedwith sober dress and since then male dress has remained largely unchangedeven when in the 90s, as it was during the 1960s, many younger American men started wearing long hair and jewelry piercing nose, ears and other parts of body. But female dress has undergone frequent and often dramatic changes.These changes are reflectedin accentuatingbreastsat one moment, the waist at another and the legs at another time. In the mid-l9th century, reforming women's dresswas a huge issue. In l85l Amelia Bloomer advocatedwomen's trousers as comfortable and practical which imitated Turkish trousers or harem pants. These pants could not becomepopular becausepants were consideredstrictly male attire (sign of power) and there were laws against wearing male clothing. Women, who dared to wear the new costume (meaning acquiring power), were arrested and many of them were sent to jail becausewomen were not supposed to expresspower. But all that changed by the end of the l9th century when the safety bicycle was introduced.And pants for women becamemore common when women startedworking in munitions factoriesduring the first and secondworld wars. The first half of the 20th century (until the 1930s)witnessedthe developmentof sports and casualwear-largelyfor the leisuredand the elite of Europe and the United States.But in the 1950scasual sports wear becameassociatedwith the young peopleof all classes.During the

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SecondWorldWar,womenjoinedthearmedforceswhichallowedthem live in female commuto enjoy wearing uniforms, and in many cases dresseshad wide' padded nities. From 1939 fashion in women's with the military shoulders and pinched-in waists that were comparable lookofthewaryears.IntheUnitedStatestheuniformsofthearmed women and to give a smart ior."t were designedspecificallyto appeal to modified military look. ln the appearance;they prov'ided a giamorousty dictated that skirts and US and Britain tfro.iug.t fnd restriciions fashions, therefore, combined clothes in general*"r. ,[i*py. war time and austerity to produce a style hints of pre-war Paris with -ilitutit. Uottt s.^y and elegant'7r that was slightly masculineyet also, at its test, expansion of bo.hemianisn-r After the Second world war, however, the and the developmentof and its marketing via films and other media' workingclass,rebelliousyouthstyles'contributedtoadifferentviewof dressandadornment'Thesenewalternativestyleshadnothingtodo lnstead, they exwith what was considerednatural or comfortable. trouserswere seenas a pressedallegiancesand socialattitudes'ln 1969' working people were problem for women. But within two years' many T-shirts' The long hair and wearing torn jeans, gy* 'hot', and bia-less by the hippies and the droopy clothes for both sexeswere popularized emerging..unisex,,styleofclothingwasconsideredaserotic.Theerotic ..unisex', *u, us,o"iuted with general social re.bellionand the charge of distinction betweengender sexualradicalismof that time; it threatened used "unisex" as a differences.It was later in the 1970sthat feminism and/or sexualcommodification'72 denial of difl-erence of all fashion has continued into the 1980s' masculinization the But of women as.much or even Fashion has promoted a hard tough image are worn with thick black more than tor merr. For example,-miniskirts to be^the sign of tights and a leather jacket, *ft1"1.are supposed ..freedom,,und.uen..ugg,..sion''.Thesenewtrendshavefurthermade women have to decide' it harder to "look fashionable" becausenow whichfashiontheywanttoexpressasitistheeraof..lookism''.Even whenpeopleclaimthatinttretggos..itishardtolookdeviantthese women'sexperiences'73 days", the sameis not true in the caseof lndian in the era South Asian women'sattire in North America of multiculturalism are well aware of the For example, lndians living in New Jersey men who are attacking "dotbuster" gungt tu ftate griup of white young

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Indian women for wearing a red dot on their forehead) who shook the Indian immigrant community in 1987 with their violent acts condemning Indians and specificallytargeting Indian women's 'onative" dresses.There is a rnounting demand for assimilation(in other words, look like and package like "white" people) in North America. The problem is not simply a question of switching to the western style of dress.on the one hand, Indian women's attire is closely related to the norms set by the immigrant Indian "community" which is very patriarchal and expects women to maintain the image of a so-called "traditional" India. on the other hand, the demandsof the work place and the problem of social acceptancein the North American society require a western outfit. The problem for Indian women in America is exacerbatedbecausethe differencebetweenIndian and western dressis very wide in hem lines as well as in the definition as to what constitutes decentattire for married women and for different age groups in different work environment. Since the ties with the home country are generally strong, the immigrant Indian women are also under the pressureof people back home (including parents and in-laws) to maintain Indian femininity in the US. Another aspectto this problem is the dichotomy createdin the minds of Indian women living in the US about "traditional" (primitive) verses "progressive"(western) dress.It seemsthat Indian immigrant women can choose only either one or the other. Some people have chosen to wear "American" clothing for the workplace and "Indian,' clothing at home,juggling betweentwo (or more) identitieseveryday,or struggling with the idea of "to be or not to be", sincesome do not find it easy to chooseeither of theselabels. Today, North American society seemsto be promoting conformity more than differentiationeven when American society claims to have achieveddiversity and "multiculturalism". Therefore,blending into the mainstreammelting pot often meansrenouncingin clearly public ways, one's subjectivity and culture and as far as possible,in colors (aesthetics)and dressas well. To date, the prevailing argumentsin support of "multiculturalism" have been articulated in terms of "identity and difference".But the discussionsbased on the issuesof ..identity,, and "differences among social groups" have further reinforced the differences among the communities on racial and ethnic lines without achievingcritical multiculturalism.Ta Most of the Indian immigrant women do not think and recognize the "problem" of subjectivity in choosing their dress in the same way proposed in this essay,The issue discussedhere is how Indian

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other. Dress is tightly associatedwith the ideas of self identity and self presentation. How can Indian immigrant women in the US balance the demands of dress codes without going through a basic transformation of their own identity or becoming a victim of racism. or, perhaps they becomemore ambiguousin regard to their identities.The pressureof a daily eight hour identity change somehow is perceived as non-problematic, as if our senseof identity or cultural affiliation or "subjectivity" takes leave of us for eight hours and comes back intact when we reach home. It may be pointed out that there is nothing exceptional with this balancingact becauseimmigrant peoplehave to surviveand they try to make the best of any situation. But in the context of "multiculturalism" and the opposing demand to assimilate,the struggle over "native" dressesbecomes important. Most Christian countries have adopted Western dressesboth for working men and women. Indian male dress was westernizeda long time ago and men did not go through the same processof adopting the Westerndresscodesas Indian women have had to do. In that sense,it remains mainly an Indian (both Hindu and Muslim) women's problem.

Labeling ethnic and exotic attire (as "not progressive") lndian women are told, and they believethat Western dress is "progressive";therefore, changing from Indian attire to Western attire is acceptable.Ethnic garmentsare seenas exotic, des-functional.good for theatersand museums,marriage parties or fancy dressprograms only. Thus the living cultr-rreof lndia slowly discardsits culture and assimiBut this process latesthe dominant white culture to get Americanized.Te does not changethe racial attitude of American societytowards lndian immigrants. African-Americans were systematicallystripped of their cultural memory and today they are Americanized.But they are constantly trying to reasserttheir identitiesby wearing African dresses,or other African symbols and artifacts and also searchingfor African-ness within the "white" culture in the areasof language,food, music, fashion, etc. But nothing makes them feel better than the "white" dominant culture, Indians who are labeled as a "model minority" refuse to accept that Western culture is largely based on racism and that nothing changes their subordinate status in this country. They easily fall into the trap that if they work hard they will be amply rewarded. Moreover, the

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recent Indian immigrants are not all professionals,as skilled, as educated as the Indian people who were allowed to enter the US in the 60s and 70s. Most of thesepeople, both males and females,have to work harder to rnake ends meet. With the restructuringof the North American economy it has become difficult to find jobs in the US. In these contexts,when the resourcesare diminishing, Indians have to compete with other racial groups to obtain jobs. It will not be long before an increasingnumber of Indians will find it easierto shed their "Indianness" to fit into the market and hencebe more socially acceptable.It is easier to shed a garment if it means avoiding poverty and marginalization. Therefore, a major change would be in the outfit of the Indian women sincethis is the most visible sign of standing out. So far, Indian women who can maintain their scns at the workplace are very few and someof them are guided by strong nationalistfeelings. For example,one woman said that shewanted to make the point that if Western women could maintain their style of dresswhile they lived in India, why couldn't she maintain her dress in the US.80Most of the women I talked to about this subjectfelt that dressis an individual choice and they did not complain about socialpressures. But they all agreedthat when they were getting ready for the job market they were consciousof the problem. This fact was further confirmed by the female audience during the presentationof this paper. They knew that the employersare generallymen who do not feel comfortable interviewing women with nativeattiresand nativenames.Thereis a study calledName Gamewhich explainsthat certain namesbring better associationsthan others,which in turn influencethe behavior and attitude of the people towards those nameseven if they had had no experiencewith the actual people.Intuiting theseconsequences and eagerto assimilatequickly, many Asians and lndians adopt American names to make it easier for American peopleto addressthem, rather than giving Americansan opportunity to learn about their cultures.

Pressurefrom the Indian patriarchcal "community" within North America The Indian "community" in the US insiststhat the first rule (along with adopting an American name) for being successfulin US society is to wear businesssuits for a job interview. Most of the Indian women I spoke to did not seethis as a problem but as a normal demand of their life situation.8rPeople forget that changing from one code of dressto

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with another does not come easily, when dress is closely connected not have does cultural identity. The problem is complicated if a woman proper knowledge of the new culture and can becomea laughing stock if in the she wears the "wrong" clothes. Again, one can find a difference come they family of type the experiencesof women, depending upon generation' group, their from, what work they are involved in, their age or a and their solidarity with the lndian "community" in the US, "community" back in lndia. But the problem remainsthat the choiceis "white" either to as;imilate completely on the terms of the dominant "lndian-ness". just and cling to saris culture, while facing ,ucirm, or conservativepatriarchal Indian the by controlled being means This ..community" und remaining a target for Americans who perceive lndian women as exotic and "primitive"' "model ln this, the construction of a "national identity" of the woman lndian minority" assumesdominance.ln such a processit is the "comwho becomesa context of conflict and control within the Indian munity". As noted earlier,most lndian women have not yet recognized to this as a major problem, and they are choosingvariousmixed methods born and fulfill the demands made on them. The younger Indians brought up in the US seemsto be easilyand completelyAmericanized, be and probably assumethat all those who are not Americanizedmust if their embarrassed feel "primitive" and conservative.These children o[ motherswear lndian dresses.Therefore,for them thereis no question in coping with the balancingact. They somehowdo not seeany difliculty the being-A-..icanized in their tastes,dress,and daily life, and meeting "lndian-ness". But maintain "community" to demands of the lndian when they need to decideon their marriagepartnersmany studiesshow that thesechildren are confusedabout their identity. Some of them are rushing back to ln<Jia to find their roots demanding lndian style marriages,marital partners,and Indian attires'82

South Asian women'sexperiencesin Britain It is important to note that Asian girls who grew up in Britain in the felt earlier days of immigration also hated to dress like lndians and embarrassedby the wide Punjabi trousers. So they chose to become British on the streetsand Asian at home. But in the early 1980sall that changed, at least for the Westernizedmiddle classesin Britain' The were activities of the National Front and attacks on Black people who often specificallyAsian - thrust Asian youth into action.83Galvanized

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by the murder of Gurdeep Singh Chaggar in South Hall many campaigning groups developed such as, Anti-Racist demonstrations,the Anti-Nazi League,Rock against Racism. Soon afterwards,local Asian designersand clothes boutiques was set up which aimed for an EastWest synthesis.Their clothing was readily acceptedbecauseit was felt that it did not involve a choicebetweentwo differentculturessincethese designswere created to minimize the conflicts. At the same time, their clothesmirrored their confidencein presentingthemselveson their own terms as WesternizedAsian women. The cultural experienceof the Indian people in Britain can give us useful cues in understandingIndian *o-.n', experiencesin the United States.8a In the US multiculturalism is promoted as "non-conflictual" (no conflict betweencultures or betweendominant and minority culture). But this approach does not addresshow conflicts are createdwithin a cultural group. For example,most of the Indian women living in the US are pressured to wear uniform masculinizedWestern attire for the workplace and to wear sari at home to maintain patriarchal traditions. Nevertheless,the stressesof changing identitiesare not acknowledged by them or by the generalpublic. lndian women believethat they are free to choose their attire to express their subjectivity while they are dealing with simultaneousdemands with opposite cultural values. And as one scholar has pointed out "Indian-ness", including wearing sari, is an important requirement for receiving any help from the irnmigrant Indian "community" in the US. ln fact, the Westernization of dress and family values are also seen as part of the increasing problen-rof dornesticviolencewithin the Indian "community". Thus the lndian "community" within the US refusesto blame the patriarchal structure of lndian society,western racism and the new international division of labor under the force of neo-imperialismand so-called globalization.lnsteadit demands!.!at lndian women adhereto "Indianness" to resolvefamily problems.o' The history of the changing forms of South Asian women's clothes within India and within the US allows us to reassertour main point: South Asian women's clothes are not part of established"authentic" Indian culture but are constructed in the process of the historical developmentof lndian society.It means that any style of dressis not inherently either "traditional" or "modern", but is a product of the historical processwithin which theselabelsare assigned.ln the context of such a historical process,many social relations are redefinedespecially gender roles. In the immigrant Indian community what Indian women wear is often the site of unresolvedcultural conflict.

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Notes t

R. Barnes and J.B Eicher (eds), Dressancl Gender, Making ancl Meaning (providence, Rl/Oxford: Berg, t992): 202-207 ' In my own experiences while growing up in India, I found it always useful to cling to the traditional ways of wearing clothes, choosing muted colori to avoid male attention or any other social accusation,and always trying to look unattractive and invisible.This was specificallyimportant to convince my parents for letting me go on with my education beyond lOth grade. On similar lines Rubinstein has pointed our that women in the New York city are trying to elude the street thieves, robbers and muggers by defensivedressing. "These women no longer carry handbags, as they are afraid to draw unwanted attention, a young career woman with long blond hair will tuck every last strand under a beret before leaving home in the morning. She takes the beret off only when she reaches her office building. Fear of sexual harassmenr rs often a reason for choosing attire that enablesthe individual to be .,invisible,'. Some female graduate students seeking to escape undesired attention wear shabby jeans and oversizedwork shirts, and their facesare half covered by unkempt stringy hair..' R. Rubinstein, Dress Codes: Meaning antl Messages in American Culture (Boulder, Co: westview Press, 1995): 253. Also see u. Eco, ..How culture Conditions the colors we See" in M. Blonsky, (ed.), on sign^r(Baltimore:John Hopkins Univcrsitv Press,1986). To understanddifferent meaning of clothesin the US culturc seealso A. Hollancler, seeing Through clotlres (New york: viking, l97g). F'or discussion abour verl and Is_ lamic culture see Abu odeh, Lama "post colonial Feminism and the veil: Thinking the Differences"Feminist Revien'(a3)(Spring, 1993):26-37; A.M. Karam ..vciling, unveiling and Meaning of 'the veil" challenging Static Symbolism.. Tltontyyis. Mythmaking From Past to presenr 3 (2), (1996): 219-236. For rhe conremporary trend towards a reversal to puritanical culture in the US see ..An oDen Lettcr to John Ashcroft-Spirit of Justice" by c.B. valentine. She read rhis letter as 2002 vear's celebrationof the Muse, Cabrillo College.USA. For discussionon how women's so-calledfreedom to choose their dress. slogan has been used as one of the justification (belated)for war in Afghanistan, see M.B pratr "women and oil" in www. Answer.org. Bystydzienskialso pointed out that conservative women who are surrounding Bush administrationhave captured a popular and mainstreamfeminist commitment for purpose of war-making. J. Bystydzienski,.connecting Humanist Sociology and Feminism: Recognizingour clotai Hunranity and its Local Diversity" in Humanity and sociery 2s(2) (2001). For discussion on rmperialism and politics of beauty see also K. peiss "Educating the eye of the beholder_ American cosmetics Abroad" Daedalus(2) (Fall, 2002). peiss explains how selling beauty became entangled with a set of ideological positions that supported the larger political and economic goals of the United States in the world. Freedom, democracy and modernity were signified by an image of artificially enhanced female beauty, youth and glamour. She writes that earlier images of beauty were tied to national identities. But when American firms began to cultivate foreign markets for their beauty products they made American product as symbolizing opportunity and freedom. In Asia and Africa using imported cosmeticsmeans woman's growing distance from patriarchal families and local traditions. By linking aesthltic ideals and beauty rituals to the "American way" it has made cold creamsand lipstick and skin

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bride's clothing, but in India white color is associatedwith widow's clothing. My parents anxious to save us from male attention gave us only white clothes and did not care that our classmateslabeled us as child widows. More recently I find it difficult to wear the following color combinations: orange and navy blue together as it is a Halloween color, blue, red and white for US flag and orange color fof Hindu Fundamentalist. More and more colors are associatedwith various political or religious institutions that makes it difficult to appreciate those colors for their own beauty. This is particularly important as people read meaning into the colors based on their social and political environment and make judgment. Thus the subjective meaning to color and appreciation of color is really not a subjectivething. I read one newspaper article long time back which explained how motor companies prepare consumefs to buy a car of certain color. Motor companieshave to plan l0 years ahead and it is crucial that the color they wish to sell in l0 years time should be already a hot color in the minds of the consunrers.So the questionis: how much the tasteofa color is really subjective? 12 Since the late 1970sIndia has been importing Rags (used clothes so-called)from the USA. One could find piles of them sold in specified areas and even a rickshaw puller could afford to buy western coats or dress with small amount. Since western clothes became available to lowcr strata of society. elite women discarded western styles and switched to shawls or ethnic style coats to distinguish themselves.I also read somewhereabout Zimbabian poor people using imported rags and also a report in the Neu, York Times about the piles of discarded American clothes available to poor Mexican people. r3 A. Bhattacharjee,"The Habit of Ex-nomination: Nation. Women and the Indian Immigrant Bourgeoisie"Public Culture (5) I (1992): l9-aa' lo Fo, o discussionon the concept of "Caste" see my "Terminology, History. and 'Class' Formation or 'Caste' Formation" in The Journal of Historical Sot'iolDebate: ogy 17(213)2004. 15 I.P. Pandey, Drcssorul ornaments in Anciant India (Delhi Bhartiya vidya Prakashan.1988). 16 A.H. Sharar, Lucknov,: The Last Phaseo/'an Oriental Culture (London: Paul Elk Trans. and edited by E.S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain. 1975): M. Chandra, Costumesand Taxtiles, Cosnteticsand CoifJure in Ancient and illediev'al lrdlc (Delhi: Orient Longman, 1973). r7 Pandey, Dress und onnnrents. r8 Ibid. 'o l b i d . .9 . I 1 8 . t o l b i d . .l l l . t' Ibid. 22 lbicr.. l 14. 23 O.P. Joshi, "Continuity and Change in Hindu Women's Drcss" in R. Barnesand , r e s su n d G e n d e r( 1 9 9 1 )l 9 l , 2 1 9 ' J . B . E i c h e r( e d s . ) D 2a Discussionbasedon Ibid. 25 Pandey: Dressand Ornaments 14. 2u Ibid., 15. t7 lbid., 41 90. 28 lbid. 2e E. Tarlo, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India (chicago: University of Chicago Press.1996)28

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30 Ibid. 3f Sharar Lucknoy,; The Last Phase. 32 Ibid. 13 N. Choudhuri, Culture of Vaniry,Bag(Bombay: Jaico, 1976)51. 3o c.A. Bailey, "The origin of Swadeshi(home industry): cloth and Indian Society, 1700-1930" in Arjun Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life o.f rhings: Commodities in C_ul rural PerspecI ive (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, l 995). '" Sherar.Lucknow; The Lust Phase.302. 36 Ibid. 37 Discussion based on Tarlo Clothins Mattcrs. r8 Bailey. The Origitt ol Srrodashi.303. 3o l b i d . . 3 0 5 .3 1 5 .3 1 7 . a0 Tarlo, Ctothing Mauers, and Choudhuri, Culture of Vanity Bag, xi. at Tarlo, 24. ot lbid., 25; Cohn "Cloth, Clothes and Colonialism"; Choudhtri, Culture of Vanitv Bap. o3 E.F. Elwin, Indian Jottings; Front Ten ycars' Experience in and Around poona city (London: John Murry) 1907,43 and Tarlo Clothing Matters. aa B. cohn, "cloth, clothes and colonialism: India in the Nineteenth century" in A. weiner and J. Schneider (eds.), Cloth and Human Experience (washington: SmithsonianInstitute Press.1989)310. a5 Baboo nleans, according to British. superficiallycultivatcd ambitious semi-anglicised, educated and effeminate Bengali man, and was often used to refer to those native clerks who wrote in Enelish. a6 Tarlo: ('lothing Matter.s.ls,ao; ILv, 1920, 1930(euoted in Tarlo). 47 l b i d . , 4 7 ;I L M 1 9 3 3 . a8 Discussion Based on Tarlo Clothing Matters, 59. o' S. Mazumdar, "Women, Culture and Politics: Engenderingthe Hindu Nation,' in South Asio Bullctin (XII) 2 (Fall, 1992). 50 Tarlo, Clothing Mattars,320. 5r lbid.. 322 52 Ibid., 323 t3 Ibict..328. 5a Ravi Shankar'sstlccessin the USA stimulated a new appreciationof classicalmusic in India. within India in the 70s and 80s the craze among the educatedelite women for .rarrsmadc in Bengal, Maharashtra and other regions with specificregional patternsdepictcd in borders and pulluv (loose lar end of sarl that is thrown over the shoulder),was at its height. Many efforts were made to revive the old regional patterns alld weaving n-rethodsto create exclusive .rans for the elites. It also revived an interest in khadi cottage industry. Taking advantageof this new phenomenonmany regional stateemporiums were openedin major cities of India to boost their trade. 55 Tarlo, Clothing Matters, 328. s6 lbid., 325; Inrtio Todat- lll5l90. s7 Tarlo. Clothing Mtrtters. 58 Ibid..327. 5e D. crane, Fashion ancl lts social Agentla; Class, Gender and lclentity in Crothing (Chicago:Chicago University Press.2000). 60 Tarlo, Clothing Matters,327.

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6' Ibid. 328; A. Venkatesh."Gender Identity in the Indian Context: A Socrocultural Construction of the Female Consumer" in JaneenArnold Costa (ed.). GettderIssues and Consumer Behavior (Sage: Thousand Oaks, 1994); R.W. Belk. "Third World Consumer Culture" in E. Kumcu and A.F. Firat (eds.), Marketittg and Dt'r't'lttprttertt; Toward Broader Dimensions(Greenwich CT JAI, 1998). 62 India Today 6130189. 63 Ibid., 2125102. s Ibid. u5 Ibid. 66 Tarlo, Clothing Matters,33l. u7 L. Malwani 'What is Hot" Little India (June, 2001). ot lbid. 6e lbid. 70 lbid. 7' Wilson, Adornedin Dreams (Berkeley:University of California Prc's:.195-) 72 E. Wilson. Adorned in Dreantsl E. Wilson and Lou Taylor. Tltrcruqltritt Looking G/ass(London: BBC Books, l9S9); E. Wilson. "Deviant Dress" in Fentrnt.t!R.'ricrr'35 (Summer. t990); E. Wilson, Elizabeth, (ed.), Chic Thrills: A Fashion Rt'ult'r I Berkeley: California University Prcss, 1992);E. Ewing, Women in Llnifonn (London. Batsford. " 1974);C. Evans and M. Thornton, "Fashion, Representation.Feminrnrtl rn Ft'ntirtist in Dt.course" (summer, "Fragments a Fashionablc' of K. Silverman, l99l); Revictr,38 A.C. Herrman and Abigail J. Stewart (eds.), Tlrcorizing Fentinisnt Purall,'l Trends in (Boulder: Westview Press. 199'lt. tlrc Huntanities and Social St:iences t 3 W i l s o n , . . D e v i a n tD r c s s ' ; H . K u p e r , " C o s t u m e a n d l d e n t i t l " ( ' o n t p , t r t t t t t ' S t u d i e s in Society and Histor!- l5 (1973) 348-367. 7o lbid. ,t Inclia Today l2ll5l87; J. Lessinger,Fronr thc Ganges to the Hudson Bo.ton. Allyn and Bacon, 1995: Haines, W. David and C.A. Mortland. Monilesr I)tsrrrttt's Anrcri' canizing Immigrants and InternationalizittgAnrcrican (Westport: Praegcr. l00lt. tu Sufio-Uddin, 1996 " the Oral History project of South Asia rn th!'grcirter Philadelphia areas" sponsoredby the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies.Philadclphta. 77 Bhattacharjee"The Habit of Ex-communication";S. Hamnted "lrantan Eriles and Strrr/ics Sexual Politics: Issuesof Gender Relations and ldentity" Jounrul ot RL'luqt't' (9) l(1996) 43-72; J.E. Tucker (ed.), Arab women, old Bouildurit't .\L'\ Frattiets (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1993);Parker, Andre*. irlarl Russo. Doris Sommer and Patricia Yaeger (eds.),Nationalismsand Sexualities(\c's York. Routledge,1992). tt D.T. Goldberg, Multiralturalism; A Critical Reader (Blcaksell: \tass. Oxford. t994). 7n This is basedon my interviewswith various Indian women liring rn differ!'nt parts of the USA. I learnt hard way that it was not sufficientto have a Ph.D dcgrceand a book published for getting a job in the USA. When I consulted sonlc slmpathetic white femalesabout job market they mailed a flyer to my home addrcsssuggcstingto get a handout of a businesssuit from a shelterin Philadelphia.Similarll . some wcll establishedIndian femalesin the US academiaalso suggestedthat in ordcr to be successful in the US, I must transform my whole being and be presentablern a nonthreatening way that means I must get short hair, learn to have proper make up and wear a businesssuit. They dismissedas irrelevant the issue of indiridual level of

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