Egypt, Israel, and the Ancient Mediterranean World: Studies in Honor of Donald B. Redford (Probleme der Agyptologie)

EGYPT, ISRAEL, AND THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN WORLD

PROBLEME .. DER AGYPTOLOGIE HER1\USGEGEBEN VON

WOLFGANG SCHENKEL UND

ANTONIO LOPRIENO ZWANZIGSTER BAND

EGYPT, ISRAEL, AND THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN WORLD Studies in Honor if Donald B. Re4ford

EDITED BY

GARY N. KNOPPERS

AND

ANTOINE HIRSCH

BRILL LEIDEN· BOSTON 2004

This book is printed on acid-free paper On the cover: Detail of an offering scene, Temple of Hatshepsut, Deir el Bahari. (Courtesy of Dr.Jadwiga Lipinska, photograph by G.Johnson)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Egypt, Israel, and the ancient Mediterranean world: studies in honor of Donald B. Redford / edited by Gary N. Knoppers and Antoine Hirsch. p. cm. ~ (Probleme der Agyptologie, ISSN 0169-9601 ; 20. Bd.) Includes index. ISBN 90-04-13844-7 (alk. paper) 1. Egypt~History~ To 332 B.C. 2. Palestine~History~To 70 A.D. 3. Egypt-Relations-Middle East. 4. Middle East-Relations~Egypt. I. Redford, Donald B. II. Knoppers, Gary N., 1956- III. Hirsch, Antoine. Iv. Series. DT83.E33 2004 930' .09822--dc22 2004043506

ISSN 0 \69-960 \ ISBN 9004 13844 7 © Copyright 2004 by Koninklyke Brill NV, Ieiden, The Netherlands/ R. van der Molen All rights reserved. Jvo part qf this publicatirJt/ ma;y be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrievalsystfml, or transmitted in any.fimn or ~Y a'9-' means, electronic, medumiwl, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permissionfrom the publisher. Authorization to phot{)copy items for internal or pmonlll use is granted by Brill provided thllt the appropriate foes are paid direct!J to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, U5A. Fees are suiject to change. PRINTED IN TI-lE NETHERLANDS

CONTENTS Introduction Gary N. Knoppers PART ONE EGYPTOLOGY The Tombs of the Pyramid Builders-The Tomb of the Artisan Petety and His Curse Zahi Hawass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

Egypt's Old Kingdom 'Empire' (?): A Case Study Focusing on South Sinai Sarah Parcak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

Archaeometry at Mendes: 1990-2002 Larry A. Pavlish . . . . . . . . . .

61

'East is East and West is West': A Note on Coffin Decoration at Asyut Edward Bleiberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

113

Aspects of Egyptian Foreign Policy in the 18th Dynasty in Western Asia and Nubia James K. Hoffmeier. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

121

Double Entendre in the Stela of Suty and Hor Steven Blake Shubert . . . . . . . . . . .

143

V\'hat Wenamun Could Have Bought: The Value of his Stolen Goods Ronald J. Leprohon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

167

Theological Responses to Amarna Jan Assmann . . . . . . . . . .

179

Dead as a Duck: A Royal Offering Scene? Earl L. Ertman . . . . . . . . . . . . .

193

Some Thoughts on Ritual Banquets at the Court of Akhenaten and in the Ancient Near East Lyn Green . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

203

VI

CONTENTS

Hatiay, Scribe du Temple d'Aton a Memphis Alain Zivie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

223

The Topsy-Turvy World Diane Flores . . . . .

233

A Grafitto of Amen-Re in Luxor Temple Restored by the High Priest Menkheperre Peter J. Brand. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

257

A Preliminary Reconstruction of the Temple and Settlement at Tell Tebilla (East Delta) Gregory Mumford . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

267

Two Images of Deified Ptolemies in the Temple Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak Richard A. Fazzini . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

287

A Wooden Stela in the Royal Ontario Museum N. B. Millet . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

303

PART TWO ISRAELITES, CANAANITES, AND EGYPTIANS IN THE LEVANT New Kingdom Egyptian-Style and Egyptian Pottery in Canaan: Implications for Egyptian Rule in Canaan during the 19th and Early 20th Dynasties Ann E. Killebrew. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

309

Some Notes on Biblical and Egyptian Theology John Strange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

345

The Conception of Ham and His Sons in the Table of Nations (Gen 10:6-20) A. Malamat--Jerusalem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

359

The Joseph Story~~Some Basic Observations John Van Seters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

361

lfzq, 11Jd, Qfh Lib: The Hardening of Pharaoh's Heart in Exodus 4: 1-15:21 Seen Negatively in the Bible but Favorably in Egyptian Sources Nili Shupak. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

389

CONTENTS

VII

Judaeans (and Phoenicians) in Egypt in the Late Seventh to Sixth Centuries B.C. John S. Holladay, Jr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

405

Ezra's Reform and Bilateral Citizenship in Athens and the Mediterranean World Baruch Halpern. . . . . . . . .

439

Appendix: Intermarriage by family

453

Egypt and Phoenicia in the Persian Period: Partners in Trade and Rebellion John ,~. Betlyon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

455

"A traveler from an antique land": Sources, Context, and Dissemination of the Hagiography of Mary the Egyptian Paul B. Harvey Jr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

479

Donald Bruce Redford---Bibliography Prepared by Susan Redford

SO 1

Index of Authors . . . . . . . . . . .

51 7

INTRODUCTION Gary N. Knoppers It is a delight to witness the publication of a Festschrift to honor Donald Bruce Redford in advance of his seventieth birthday. This volume of essays on topics related to Don's interests in Egyptian history, Israelite history, and the contacts between Egypt and the rest of the ancient Mediterranean world during the later periods (New Kingdom onward) is a token of our gratitude to Don for all of his many contributions to our respective fields. I As a true generalist, Don represents a rare and vanishing breed in Egyptological and ancient Near Eastern studies. His intellectual interests are not limited to a single discipline, nor is his scholarship confined to work on a single civilization. Don's training is historical, philological, epigraphic, and archaeological in nature. In keeping with his wide-ranging education, Don's publications have had a substantial impact in the fields of Egyptology, ancient Near Eastern history, archaeology, and biblical studies. 771e Career qf Donald B. Redford Before introducing the individual contributions of colleagues and former students to this collection, it seems appropriate to devote some space to honor the public career of the man to ,,,thorn this volume is dedicated. Don received his B.A., "M.A., and Ph.D. from the University of Toronto. During the course of his training, Don also profited from his graduate studies at Brown University and from his work with Friedl Needler at the Royal Ontario "Museum. His dissertation, written under the direction of R.A. Caminos of Brown University and Ronald Williams of the University of Toronto, dealt with the chronology of the 18th Dynasty. This collection of seven studies was later published by the University of Toronto Press (1967) under the I In editing this volume, I want to acknowledge the helpful assistance of three graduate students in the History department at Penn State: Deirdre Fulton, Matthew Adams, and Eugene Shaw-Colyer.

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title, History and Chronology if the Egyptian Eighteenth Dynasty.2 For over three decades (1965 to 1997) Don taught in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Toronto. Since 1997 Don has taught in the Department of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies at the Pennsylvania State University. . While at the University of Toronto, Don directed a steady stream ofPh.D.s in Egyptology. Many of these students hold important positions at North American universities (e.g., the University of Toronto, Trinity University, Chicago House, the University of Chicago) and museums (e.g., the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the Brooklyn Museum of Art, the Royal Ontario Museum). We are delighted that some of these former and current students were able to write essays for this .Festschrift and that one of these students is the work's co-editor. Since coming to Penn State seven years ago, Don has continued to attract a first-rate student clientele. A dedicated and versatile teacher, Don has volunteered to teach entry level courses, experimental courses, interdisciplinary thesis supervision, independent studies, graduate courses, language courses, and honors courses. He created a curriculum in Egyptology where practically none existed prior to his arrival. A number of our present ancient history graduate students and undergraduate majors in Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies have come to Penn State to study with Don. In addition to exerting a positive influence on his students and colleagues, Don has exerted a positive influence on his field. Over the course of the past few decades, Don has developed a highly unified and productive research program in the areas of ancient history and archaeology. During this period, Don has become one of the most academically acclaimed and distinguished scholars of ancient Egypt in the world. He has won numerous academic awards and has been elected to a series of prestigious societal posts. He has been a trustee for the American Schools of Oriental Research, a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, a member of the board of governors for the Society for Mediterranean Studies, a member of the Near Eastern Seminar at Columbia University, a winner of Canada Council Killam awards, an editor of the Journal if the Society for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities, a president of the Toronto Oriental Club, a winner of major Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Grants, and a president 2 For details on Don Redford's publications, see the chapter by Susan Redford in this volume.

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3

of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities. But it is through research and publication, rather than through awards and editorships, that Don has had his greatest influence on the field. I will begin by mentioning some ofDon's work in epigraphy and archaeology and then move on to discuss some of his influential publications in ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian history. Don began his archaeological field training during the mid-1960s in the British School's Jerusalem excavations headed by Dame Kathleen Kenyon. Since then he has been involved in a variety of projects. He served as a director of the joint SUNY Binghamton/Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities to the Temple of Osiris expedition in Luxor from 1970 to 1972. From 1972 onward, Don directed the Akhenaten Temple Prqject, co-sponsored by the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Toronto. In 1998 the base for this project was moved to the Pennsylvania State University. During the 1970s Don became involved in an assortment of additional ventures. In 1975 he was appointed as the director of the East Karnak expedition in Luxor, Egypt, co-sponsored by the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Toronto. From 1977 through 1985 Don was the epigrapher for the Tell el-Maskhuta excavations sponsored by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Tel Megiddo is another site at which Don has worked. He served as an epigrapher in the excavations at Megiddo cosponsored by Tel Aviv University and Penn State University in 1994. Participation in archaeological excavations is not an end in itself, but plays a larger role reconstructing the ancient past and in training future generations of Egyptologists. Don's leadership in running summer field schools in Egypt has afforded generations of students an opportunity to study and experience firsthand one of the world's richest ancient cultures. Given Don's keen interest in matters archaeological, it is no accident that many of the essays in this volume address the material remains from ancient Egypt. In Egypt, no less than in the Levant, official publication of the archaeological work carried out is extremely important. Excavation reports constitute the most important public record of archaeological campaigns for posterity. Because field directors run such operations, their direct involvement in publishing the finds is critical to the success of the excavations. One of Don's achievements has bcen to bring the work of his archaeological teams to official publication soon aftcr the completion of their work in the field. TIle AkJlenaten Temple Prqject, L TIle

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Initial Discoveries was published in 1977, while the second installment of this series, The Akhenaten Temple Prqject, II: Rwd-Mnw and Inscriptions, appeared in 1988. Both the third installment, The Akhenaten Temple Prqject, III: The Excavation if Kom el-Ahmar and Environs, and the fourth, The Akhenaten Temple Prqject, IV: The Tomb if Re'a (T T 201), were published in 1994. In recent decades Don has continued his research in the Luxor area by becoming the co-director of the Theban Tomb Survey. This work--of which Susan Redford is co-director~will continue for some years to come. Since moving to the hills of central Pennsylvania, Don has also established an Egyptian field school at Penn State. 3 This field school operates in alternating years at Tel Mendes and Tel Kedwa in the Delta region of Lower Egypt. Redford's forthcoming (edited) book, The Excavations at A1endes 1. The Royal Necropolis and the T emenos Walls, draws on the first years of his excavations at Tel Mendes to elucidate a tumultuous period in Egyptian history. In addition to providing a much-needed material analysis of this urban site~its public structures, inscriptions, and tombs~-this book provides pioneering insight into the destruction of the city by Persian forces in 343 BeE. A second edited volume, The Excavations at Mendes II: The Old Kingdom Temple, detailing the results of the more recent excavations, is nearly complete. The expert analysis of material remains and the reconstruction of their relation to literary remains is one impressive accomplishment of Professor Redford's work, but another is his research control over Egyptian history in its various phases. In other words, Redford is not only an excellent archaeologist but also an accomplished historian. Reviewers of his books have pointed to his mastery over his subject matter, his rigorous methodology, and his ability to tackle major historical problems as consistent traits of his scholarship. Space constraints do not allow the author to discuss each of the twelve books and approximately eighty articles written by Don. In what follows, I would like to mention a selection of his books. Don's versatility becomes quickly apparent, when one considers two of his works. In his A Stuqy if the Biblical Story if Joseph (1970), Don employs the tools of source criticism, form criticism, and redaction criticism to explore the original

3 The unstinting efforts of Professor Wilma Stem, the (then) Associate Head of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies, should be mentioned in this context. She attended to the many details of moving this project from conception to reality in the university approval process.

INTRODUCTION

5

Israelite historical setting for this weU-knmVll tale. If Don's skills in biblical studies are apparent in his A Study qf the Biblical Story qfJoseph, his acute skills in historical investigation are apparent in his AkJzenaten, the Heretic King (1984). In this work, Don draws on a variety of kinds of evidence (art, inscriptions, archaeological remains) to draw an incisive portrait of this most enigmatic Egyptian king and his fascinating reign. Don's Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books (1986), which has not received the attention it deserves, manifests a combination of historical and literary interests. This work explores the nature and range of sources employed in ancient Egyptian historiography. Although Don has published in both biblical and Egyptological studies, he does not view Canaanite, Israelite, and Egyptian societies as parallel universes, untainted by contacts with each other. Two of his works merit discussion in this context. The first is a work co-edited by John Wevers, entitled Studies on the Ancient Palestinian World (1972), while the second is his more famous Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (1992). Both of these works illumine the complex Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Persian period connections among a variety of societies in the ancient Mediterranean world. In the context of this introduction, it may be useful to call attention to some ofDon's more recent publications and scholarly projects. The O>ifOrd Encyclopedia oj' Ancient Egypt, VOLL 1-3 (2001) of which Don was editor-in-chief, represents a major interdisciplinary attempt to synthesize what has been learned about the ancient past through art history, archaeology, historical geography, anthropology, and epigraphy for a broader scholarly audience. Seven years in the making and unprecedented in its scope, this highly successful work has been greeted with much critical acclaim, including the Dartmouth award, the highest award a reference work can receive in the United States. Oxford University Press has also recently published a volume edited by Don on ancient Egyptian religion, The Ancient Gods Speak: A Guide to Egyptian Religion Oargely culled from the O~ford EncycloJ)edia qfAncient Egypt). Two new scholarly monographs are forthcoming. His From Slave to Pharaoh: TIe Nubian Experience qf Ancient Egypt (The Johns Hopkins University Press) addresses a neglected, but highly complex and important aspect of ancient Egyptian social and diplomatic history. This work, covering tl1e relations between Egypt and Nubia from the Old Kingdom to 593 BCE and beyond, is nearing publication. His Ciry qf the Ram-Man: TIe Story qf Ancient Mendes draws heavily upon ongoing excavations to reconstruct the history of this one-time Egyptian capital city and its

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diplomatic and commercial relations with other sites in the ancient Mediterranean world. Yet another project recently completed (and published) is a fresh translation, edition, and analysis of the annals of one of Egypt's most famous monarchs, 7he Wars in Syria and Palestine qf7hutmosis III (CHANE 16; Leiden: Brill, 2003). Don's research productivity thus continues unabated. We wish him as much success in these current projects as he has enjoyed with past projects over the course of the past four decades. 7he Essays in this Volume Given the intercultural nature of Don Redford's research program, it seems appropriate that the chapters in this Festschrift are focused on Egyptian history (especially the New Kingdom onward), archaeology, Israelite history, biblical studies, and the contacts between Egypt and other societies in the ancient Mediterranean world.

Egyptology In his contribution, "The Tombs of the Pyramid Builders: The Tomb of the Artisan Petety (PUz) and His Curse," Zahi Hawass, Director of the Ministry of Culture, Supreme Council of Antiquities in Egypt, publishes some of the intriguing results of his excavations, begun in 1990, of the upper cemetery in Giza. Hawass argues that the tombs contain the burials of workmen who moved the stones in the construction of the pyramids. The author's work focuses on one particularly interesting burial, the tomb of Petety, evincing three distinct architectural phases: an unfinished rock-cut burial chamber and large funerary chapel, a small mastaba faced with limestone, and a court with nine burial shafts. A study of the tomb's pottery indicates that the tomb should be dated to the 4th or 5th Dynasties of the Old Kingdom period. The sepulcher's excavation is important in a number of respects and adds significantly to the information previously available about the religious customs, burial practices, and economic status of artisans during this era. The article by Sarah Parcak of Cambridge University also deals with the Old Kingdom period, but Parcak is interested in larger historical questions. Her contribution entitled "Egypt's Old Kingdom 'Empire' (?): A Case Study Focusing on South Sinai" revisits the scholarly debate about whether Old Kingdom Egypt constituted an empire by drawing

INTRODUCTION

7

upon recent theories of empire building (Hobson, Mommsen, Schumpeter, Hobsbawm, et al.), historical and pictoral records, and the results of recent excavations in the South Sinai. Parcak argues that one can assert the existence of an Old Kingdom ideological and economic empire. Such an imperial domain was conceptualized and portrayed in royal iconography and sculpture as Pharaoh's domination of foreign lands and realized through Egypt's military expeditions abroad to populated, neighboring, foreign regions (in Sinai and elsewhere) to retrieve various economic resources, subdue local resistance, and expand trade. Parcak's paper focuses on the Old Kingdom exploitation of the South Sinai and its inhabitants as part of an economic empire that extended beyond the cultural boundaries of Egypt. The extensive and informative essay by Larry Pavlish, "Archaeometry at Mendes: 1990-2002," deals with a variety of periods at Tel Mendes, located in the northeastern Nile Delta, approximately 144 kilometers north of Cairo. Pavlish, who works at the Archaeometry Laboratory, IsoTrace Radiocarbon Facility of the University of Toronto, argues that Mendes is simultaneously one of the bestpreserved and one of the most-threatened sites in the Nile Delta. Pavlish's intensive research involves geoarchaeology (coring programs, geomorphological studies), archaeobotany (field samplings, flotation procedures, analyses of slag distributions), and geophysical surveys (employing remote sensing techniques) at each of the regions and sub-regions that make up the northern Korn of Tel el Rub'a. The results of his research support the view that the northern portions of Mendes are older than its southern sections. Among his suggestions is the theory that human occupation at the site was centered on a series of relic levees that sequentially moved to the south over a 5,000 year time-span. Section profile analyses show that the area was abandoned on at least nyo occasions fiJr periods probably not in excess of a century. The later abandonment predates the building of the great sand mound, while the earlier one may have occurred between 500 and 1,000 years earlier. The coring program indicates that the Hill of Bones (Korn el Adhem) was an applique on the outer harbor landscape and that it was constructed at about the same time as the Temple of Amasis (that is, around 530 B.C.). Attending to the relationship between text and archaeological context, a major point emphasized in the teachings and writings of Don Redford, is carefully applied in the essay of Edward Bleiberg of the Brooklyn Museum of Art. His work, "'East is East and West is

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West': A Note on Coffin Decoration at Asyut," engages a series of enigmatic features of the back panel of a richly-decorated and inscribed Middle Kingdom coffin from Asyut dating to either late Dynasty 11 or early Dynasty 12. Bleiberg observes that standard coffins and Asyut coffins both demonstrate clear associations with the sky, the earth, and the compass points. Nevertheless, the scribe in this case wrote the name of the falcon god Horus-Sopdu, Lord of the East, in place of the expected falcon god Ha, Lord of the West, on this panel that was otherwise decorated as if it were the back (west or right) side of a coffin. Bleiberg argues that the key to understanding this and other puzzling features of the coffin's decoration resides in the recognition of the geographical location of Asyut (south of the river) and of the particular layout of its associated cemetery (farther south, in the mountains, facing the river). Since the entrance to the tombs at Asyut would be from the north and not from the east (as in the Memphis necropolis), the course of the sun from east to west would not be from the front to the back of the tomb (as in the Memphis necropolis). Although they were probably aware of Memphite traditions, the scribes at Asyut adjusted the inscriptions and decorations on locally-made coffins to accommodate the local situation. In the history of the modern study of ancient Egypt's relations with the Levant, one of the most fascinating and difficult areas of study has been the Hyksos era, the beginning of the New Kingdom, and the concomitant Middle Bronze-Late Bronze Age transition in Canaan. In his essay, "Aspects of Egyptian Foreign Policy in the 18th Dynasty in Western Asia and Nubia," James Hoffmeier of Trinity International University argues that Egypt's shifting diplomatic and military ventures in Western Asia can best be analyzed by comparing and contrasting them with Egypt's ventures in Nubia. Hoffmeier traces a pattern of aggressive Egyptian foreign interventions in Nubia. Troops, impressive fortifications, and a direct administrative presence were employed to protect Egypt's vital economic interests. In contrast, Egyptian foreign policy in the Levant from the time of Ahmose to Harshest followed earlier Middle Kingdom models. The Kadesh rebellion prompted Tuthmosis III to adopt a more aggressive policy, involving regular shows of military force, tighter control over local princes, the establishment of diplomatic treaties, and the creation of marriage alliances as needed. The failures of Amarna period diplomacy led to a further tightening of control through the establishment of Late Bronze Age

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II "residencies." In other words, the Egyptian leadership may have attempted over the course of time to implement a foreign policy in Western Asia more akin to their well-established foreign policy in Nubia. In the detailed and nuanced study of Steven Blake Shubert of the University of Toronto, "Double E.ntendre in the Stela of Suty and Hor," the author provides a new study of this 18th Dynasty stela (BM 826) known to Egyptologists since the nineteenth century. This artifact is well-known, because it contains material generally considered to anticipate (in concepts, phraseology, and imagery) the Great Hymn to the Aten. Shubert proposes to investigate the import of the solar hymns in the larger context of the stela. He argues that the relationship between Suty and Hor is the central organizing principle of the stela, "which represents two men who wished to be remembered for eternity together as two halves of a greater whole." The article takes issue with the common supposition that Suty and Hor were necessarily twin brothers. The author argues that the use of ambiguous . Iogy (e.g., .In, "equ, a l " " two, ""b rot·her, "" twIn, . ""half.- b rot.}ler, " termmo "nephew," "uncle") suggests a form of kinship that was deliberately left undefined. In Shubert's analysis, the different iconographic and literary elements of the stela, although intentionally arranged to present a duality of natures, affirm that this duality is ultimately a unity. In "What Wenamun Could Have Bought: The Value of His Stolen Goods," Ronald Leprohon of the University of Toronto takes issue with the recent assertion that Wenamun's stolen goods were of little value. Leprohon investigates what worth the precious golden and silver goods might have had at the time in which the story was written. One means to calculate their value is to convert the gold and silver into other commodities of the time, such as cereals, wages, meat, and wood. In each case, vVenamun's stolen goods turn out to be of enormous value. This raises a larger interpretive issue. Considering that the ancient Egyptian audience would also know the approximate worth of the pilfered goods, the entire incident takes on a larger significance. \Yenamun's tremendous loss at the beginning of the story creates a dramatic tension that informs the rest of the tale. Over the past decades, Don Redford andJan Assmann (of the University of Heidelberg) have shared a tremendous interest in the reign and reforms of Akhenaten in the New Kingdom period. Both have written extensively on this fascinating and important time in Egyptian

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history. In his chapter, "Theological Responses to Amarna," Assmann explores two main issues in New Kingdom historical discourse. The first deals with the Ba theology of Amun, which interprets the cosmos as the "body of a hidden god who animates it from within." The second issue involves the kind of personal piety that interprets not only cosmic life, but also individual life, including history and destiny, "as emanating from god's will who in this aspect acts as judge and saviour."

In his essay, "Dead as a Duck: A Royal Offering Scene?," Erl Ertman of the University of Akron studies in detail a fragment of a limestone relief, which Ertman dates to the Amarna period. Based on a comparative analysis, Ertman argues that this neglected relief, a talatat block containing a dead duck and parts of other birds, was part of a larger royal offering scene. The author believes that the relief stems in all likelihood from Akhetaten. The Amarna period is also the subject ofLyn Green's contribution, "Some Thoughts on Ritual Banquets at the Court of Akhenaten and in the Ancient Near East." Green (of the Royal Ontario Museum) explores the different uses to which ritual and ceremonial meals were put in the ancient Mediterranean world, pointing out that the social implications of similar actions could vary radically depending on the context. The Amarna period is highly unusual both for its explicit representations of the royal family eating and drinking and for its representations of the royal family dining in the company of subordinates. Green's interest in such activities is tied to the documented use of reversion offerings in royal banquets in other ancient societies. The authorized consumption of food offerings made to the deities by specified personnel was one way in which power relationships were institutionalized. In this case, the redistribution of offerings may have involved offerings from the altars of the Aten as well as those from the tables of that other god worshiped at Akhetaten: the king. If so, the double role of the king as intermediary for the Aten and as provider for his subjects would be institutionally ratified. Just as the Aten could be accessed through the king, so the god rewarded his subjects through his "son's" (re)distribution of temple largesse. At the beginning of his essay, Alain Zivie ofle Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) in Paris and la mission archeologique fran<;:aise du Bubasteion (MAFB) at Saqqara quotes Redford's dictum that "One must constantly return to the original sources, stereo typic inscriptions and the archaeological remains of Akhenaten's period,

INTRODUCTION

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in order to avoid distortion."+ The point is very germane to the nature of Zivie's own investigation, "Hatiay, scribe du temple d'Aton a Memphis," which draws on the most recent results (2001) of the ongoing excavations carried out by the French archaeological mission at Saqqara. Zivie argues that the material evidence relating to this scribe from the temple treasury should be associated with the temple at Memphis and be dated to the second half of Dynasty 18. The author calls attention to the many traditional modes of representation relating to Hatiay and his wife. The resilience of established funerary motifs is striking in the context of the infamous era in which the scribe lived. The type of artifactual evidence cited by Zivie strongly militates against making sweeping generalizations about the linear evolution of Egyptian religion during the Amarna period. Returning to the zoological themes touched on by Erl Ertman, Diane Victoria Flores of the Boston Museum of Fine Art explores "The Topsy-Turvy World" of animal images in Ramesside period illustrated ostraca and papyri. Her survey of images generally termed "satirical" demonstrates that these images fall into a number of categories. Most depict animals engaged in activities familiar from tomb and temple walls. Some of these involve role reversals between natural predators and their prey. Others portray animals behaving as humans do. A few, finding no parallels in the official art, depict animals in odd situations or behaving contrary to their natures, not necessarily mimicking humans. The study of Flores suggests that satirical social commentary does not appear to have been the original impulse behind most of these images. Many reflect a more benign sense of humor, while others, beyond the disconcerting presence of the animal actors, are not intrinsically humorous. The frequently repeated themes depicted on the majority of extant ostraca and papyri indicate that the images were based on particular stories. She concludes that these recurring images and their stock characters may be viewed as pictorial evidence for a textually unrecorded cycle of tales popular at the time. A number of Egyptological essays in this volume deal with the late periods of Egyptian history. Peter Brand of the University of Memphis explores the phenomenon of creating ex voto graffiti as objects of popular devotion at the behest of the clergy of Amen-Re during the Third

4 Donald B. Redford, AkJu:naten, the Heretic Ktng (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984) 4.

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Intermediate and Late Periods. The questions Brand addresses in his contribution, "A Grafitto of Amen-Re in Luxor Temple Restored by the High Priest Menkheperre," are as follows. Why was the ithyphallic icon accompanying the grafitto of Amen-Re veiled? What was the original function and date of the icon? Why was the work restored by the High Priest Menkheperre, and why did he add his renewal text? \rV as the re-cut icon related to any other reliefs at Luxor? Brand addresses these matters by focusing on the confluence of popular and official piety at Karnak and Luxor during the post-imperial age. The contribution of Gregory Mumford of the University of Toronto publishes the results of his recent archaeological excavations at Tell Tebilla, 12 kilometers north of Mendes along the Mendesian branch of the Nile. Mumford's article, entitled "Reconstructing the Temple at Tell Tebilla and settlement (East Delta)," explores the significance of the recovery of some 362 stone ex situ limestone and granite pieces, most of which originated from a temple. Mumford relates these material remains to the material remains from other sites, as well as to the historical sources. He argues that it is now possible to locate and reconstruct the sanctuary at T ebilla, based upon the range of types of architectural pieces, the fittings, and other types of evidence. The 1908 discovery of a prenomen (best equated with Sheshonq I) on one block, the subsequent discoveries of statuary (citing a mayor of Mendes) by the Egyptian Antiquities Association and the Supreme Council of Antiquities, and textual evidence stemming from the Third Intermediate to the Ptolemaic periods, allow the temple at Ro-nefer (= Tebilla) to be dated to some time after the New Kingdom period. The nature of the architectural styles of the blocks suggest mostly pre-Ptolemaic remains, while the evidence of quarry marks on granite and limestone pieces suggests that the edifice was dismantled during the Roman and later periods. The essay of Richard Fazzini of the Brooklyn Museum of Art is entitled, "Two Images of Deified Ptolemies in the Temple Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak." With this contribution, Fazzini presents the first ofIicial publication of two images he excavated in his archaeological work at Karnak. One relief depicts a deified Arsinoe II, while the other depicts Ptolemy VI presenting an offering to two of his deceased ancestors. While acknowledging the contributions of earlier scholars to the analysis of these types of reliefs, Fazzini presents his own hypothesis about the larger significance of these artifacts. The Ptolemaic period is also the subject of the essay written by

INTRODUCTION

13

Nick Millet of the Royal Ontario Museum. His work deals with the bottom half of an intriguing painted wooden stela dating to the Ptolemaic period. Millet's article, entitled, "A Wooden Stela in The Royal Ontario Museum," includes a translation of the inscriptions commemorating a many-titled Theban priest---Nes-pauty-tawy (I espotu/)--who is elsewhere unattested (from other monuments).

Israelites, Cflnaanites, and ~gyptians in the Levant The fluctuating relations between Canaan and Egypt in antiquity represent one of Don Redford's major research interests. In her chapter, Ann Killebrew of the Pennsylvania State University explores mostly unpublished material evidence from ancient Canaan that has a bearing on Egyptian economic influences during the Late Bronze Age. As she observes in her "New Kingdom Egyptian-Style Pottery in Canaan: Implications for Egyptian Rule in Canaan during the 19th and Early 20th Dynasties," there is plenty of textual evidence depicting Egyptian domination of this region during the early New Kingdom period. In spite of these written remains, scholars have differed on how to account for the complexity of the material remains relating to the same period. Proposals range from the direct rule model to the elite emulation model. Killebrew's work provides a very detailed analysis of the Egyptian-style pottery and imported Egyptian pottery (e.g., kitchen wares, storage containers, multipurpose domestic containers, production and industrial vessels) stemming from sites in ancient Canaan dating to the thirteenth and twelfth centuries BCE. On the basis of this material evidence, she argues that it is possible to speak of a targeted Egyptian administrative and military presence at several key sites. Killebrew proposes that Egyptian officials present at these sites promoted and supervised Egyptian imperial interests by keeping order, collecting tribute, and ensuring the loyalty of the local Canaanite elite. The interactions between the Israelites and the tremendous civilization that lay to their south is the subject of a variety of essays in this book. John Strange of the University of Copenhagen offers a series of well-considered observations about one of Redford's consistent research interests-the impact of Egyptian thought upon a number of biblical writers. In his work, "Some Notes on Biblical and Egyptian Theology," Strange surveys earlier claims about such influences in wisdom literature, royal hymns, psalms, and administrative texts, but his specific interest is Egyptian influences on the composition of

14

GARY N. KNOPPERS

the stories in the Primeval Cycle of Genesis 1-11. In line with this approach, he argues that the most profound Egyptian influence upon biblical writers (and subsequently onJewi<;h and Christian theologians) lay in the realm of creation theology. As one example, the author points to a series of "striking similarities" between the Priestly creation story of Gen 1: 1-2:4a and Memphite conceptions of the world and of creation. In his short essay, "The Conceptualization of Ham and His Sons in the Table of Nations (Gen 10:6-20)," Avraham Malamat of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, revisits a topic earlier explored by Don Redford in his Egypt, Canaan, and hrael in Ancient Times, namely the genealogy of the post-diluvian nations found in Genesis. Of particular interest to the author is the historical and literary contextualization of the four direct offspring of Ham, who appear in two pairs: Cush and Egypt, Put. and Canaan. Malamat compares the written configuration of these descendants of Ham in Genesis with the pictoral depiction of four groups of different peoples on the wall of the mortuary temple of Seti I at Thebes Valley. One of Don Redford's earliest books (1970) dealt with one of the most famous of all biblical stories, the tale of Joseph and his brothers in Egypt (A Study qf the Biblical Story ifJoseph). In his contribution, "The Joseph Story---Some Basic Observations," John Van Seters of the University of North Carolina carefully engages a number of Redford's arguments about the origins and literary contextualization of this long narrative. Following a detailed discussion of the many issues at stake, Van Seters agrees with Redford in viewing this work as an originally separate story that was edited and incorporated into the book of Genesis at a fairly late stage. Unlike Redford, Van Seters thinks that the editor of this tale from Genesis was none other than 'j ," the Yahwistic writer whom Van Seters dates to the sixth century BeE.

The story of the Exodus is the most famous and influential of all biblical stories relating to ancient Egypt. In her contribution to this book, Nili Shupak of the University of Haifa examines an old crux-the hardening of Pharaoh's heart-from a fresh perspective, pointing out that most of those expressions pertaining to hardness of heart in Egyptian (e.g., "strong heart", "heavy heart", "heart of stone") carry positive connotations. Her essay entitled, "lfzq, Kbd, Qfh lib: The Hardening of Pharaoh's Heart--Seen Negatively in the Bible (Exodus 4: 1-15:21), but Favorably in Egyptian Sources,"

INTRODUCTION

15

argues that the biblical authors were familiar with the positive nuances of the earlier idioms, borrowing from the language and imagery of the ancient Egyptians. Nevertheless, the biblical writers deliberately subverted the meaning of such expressions within their own stories about the plagues and the exodus. In the modern study of ancient Israelite history, the Babylonian exile has received much attention (rightly or wrongly) as a major turning point in the development of Israelite religion. Far less attention has been given to the movement (not necessarily exiles) of Israelites and Judaeans to the south. The essay by John S. Holladay, Jr. of the University of Toronto attempts to rectify this imbalance. As both biblical writings and the archives from Elephantine attest, some Israelites took up residence in Egypt during the end of the Iron II (or, if you will, during the Iron III) period. Approaching his subject matter from the perspective of material finds, Holladay discusses the import of specific decanter types made of native Egyptian and Judaean day sources that have been found at a number of sites in the Nile delta. The fact that other characteristically Judean pottery types and southern Palestine ware-forms are not attested in these locations presents a challenge for archaeological interpretation. In his essay, "Judaeans (and Phoenicians) in Egypt in the Late Seventh to Sixtll Centuries B.C.," the writer studies inscribed Judaean examples and their distribution in J udaean archaeological settings. He argues that these vessels are "wine-decanters, the personal property of heads of familes, and therefore archaeological 'markers' ... of a resident Judaean trading and refugee diaspora." Holladay proposes that these highly-stylized jugs were connected with family rituals (e.g., Sabbath meals) and served to maintain religious belie(" and practices, uniting the communities and ensuring their long-term survival in a foreign environment. The author also contends that these expatriate traders resided in the context of other "foreign" diasporas. In the present setting, the dominant trading diaspora would be Phoenician in character. One of the major challenges facing scholars dealing with the written materials stemming from Persian period Judah is relating those remains to larger social and political developments in the Achaemenid empire. In his essay, "Ezra's Reform and Bilateral Citizenship in Athens and the Mediterranean World," Baruch Halpern of the Pennsylvania State University takes up this challenge by advancing a new approach to the interdictions against intermarriage found in the book of Ezra. Halpern

16

GARY N. KNOPPERS

compares the actions undertaken by the elders in Jerusalem with the citizenship reforms undertaken in fIfth-century Athens. Halpern affnms a Persian imperial interest in local communities maintaining or reviving their legal traditions, but contends that cross-cultural study with the situation in Athens offers a more complete and satisfying explanation for the restrictive initiatives spearheaded by Ezra and Nehemiah. In the legislation at Athens, having both an Athenian mother and an Athenian father becomes a prerequisite for citizenship. Halpern argues that the reforms implemented in Ezra's time presuppose that by the fifth century BCE, a new system of genealogical reckoning had been introduced in Yehud, one that allowed for inheritance by wives. In the case of both Athens and Jerusalem, Halpern ties the restrictions on citizenship to controlling and enhancing wealth within a limited community. The Persian period is also the subject of the essay by John Betlyon of the Pennsylvania State University. His contribution, "Egypt and Phoenicia in the Persian Period: Partners in Trade and Rebellion," surveys the history of relations between the city states in the eastern Mediterranean seaboard with the kingdom of Egypt, paying special attention to Phoenician and Egyptian contacts during the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. Perhaps because this was an era of enormous rivalries between the Persian and Greek worlds, the many contacts between the Phoenician city-states and the Achaemenid authorities have received a great deal of scholarly study. In this context, the connections between the Phoenicians and the Egyptians have not received the attention they deserve. Betlyon argues that similar economic and political interests made the Egyptians and Phoenicians natural allies against the Achaemenid rulers during this tumultuous period. The rise of the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman empires did not mark tl1e end of the substantial legacy that Egypt bequeathed to other ancient societies. One of Don Redford's intellectual interests is the complex development of Egypt in the late antique era and the influence of Egyptian religious movements on the history of early Christianity. In his essay, "'A traveler from an antique land': Sources, Context, and Dissemination of the Hagiography of Mary the Egyptian," Paul Harvey of the Pennsylvania State University explores the role played by a mythical woman in the eastern Mediterranean ascetic landscape. Portrayed as embracing a penitent life in the Judean desert, Mary the Egyptian became a very popular saint in the middle ages. Recent feminist scholarship has renewed modern interest in the various uses of

INTRODUCTION

17

her story. Harvey's incisive treatment of this legend includes a discussion of its antecedent traditions, as well as a previously unrecognized source and Semitic motif that contributed to the formation of this extraordinary tale. He concludes by proposing a specific ecclesiastical Sitz-im-leben for the redaction of the tradition into its primary Greek (written) form. The volume concludes with an up-to-date bibliography of Don Redford's writings by Susan Redford of the Pennsylvania State University. Organized by year of publication, this comprehensive tabulation of Don's publications ends with a list of the honoree's forthcoming works.

EGYPTOLOGY

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS-THE TOMB OF THE ARTISAN PETETY AND HIS CURSEl Zahi Hawass

Introduction The tomb of the artisan Petery is located m the Upper Cemetery containing the tombs of the pyramid builders at Giza. This cemetery is located southeast of the Great Sphinx and south of the stone wall known as the heit-el ghorab or "wall of the crow." The excavations in this area began in 1990 when the Lower Cemetery, which consists of the burials of the workmen who moved the stones in the construction of the pyramids, was discovered. At this time, the Upper Cemetery with the tombs of the artisans was also excavated. The tombs of the Lower Cemetery were built of mud brick and incorporated various materials left over from the building of the pyramids, such as pieces of limestone, granite, and basalt. The tombs in the Lower Cemetery were also constructed in a variety of shapes including beehive, step pyramid, and in the form of the primeval mound. Another type of tomb is the mastaba with a limestone false door, which has no inscriptions (fig. 1).2 The Upper Cemetery contains tombs built of mud brick and limestone and were discovered with many statues and inscriptions. The tomb of Petety is one of these tombs (pI. 1). 3 The Upper CemI I met Donald Redford at the beginning of my career in Cairo on many occasiems, when he was the director of the Akhenaten Temple project. In 1982, while I wa~ a student at the University of Pennsylvania, I went to Toronto to give a lecture on my excavation at Kom Abou Bellou in the Delta. I f(mnd Donald Redford to be a very impressive scholar and one of the most active in excavating and publishing. His recent work at the site of Mendes in the Delta in addition to his excavations at Karnak, which he directed for many years, demonstrate his abilities in excavation techniques and conservation. He sometimes visits me at my office at the Giza pyramids. It is to Donald Redford that I dedicate this article. 2 There are a number of a~sistants and colleagues who participated in the excavation, such as Mansour Boraik, Mamdouh Taha, Amani Abdoll El Hamied, and Nagvva Hussini. Also, I would like to thank Heide Saleh for her work with us as a volunteer in the summer of 2000 and 2001, Veronique Verniel, and the late photographer Husaballa EI-Ticb. 3 See Z. Hawass, "The 'Workmen's Community at Giza," Haus und Palast im allen

22

ZAHI HAWASS

etery with the artisans' tombs is unusual due to the different types of tombs. The statues even have different features from the statues of the nobles and officials of the Old Kingdom.4 The study and analysis of the excavated bones and skeletons from the Upper Cemetery also proved very interesting. We found that the backbones of the men and women showed stress due to carrying heavy objects. One skull had undergone brain surgery, yet he lived two more years after the surgery. A study of the skeletons showed that the ancient Egyptians even had emergency medical treatment for the workmen because we found evidence of broken bones that must have been set in wooden splints. An ancient Egyptian physician had also amputated the leg of a workman, who lived for 14 more years after the surgery.5 The tomb of Petefy is built of mud brick and limestone and is in a relatively good state of preservation. 6 The tomb appears to have been built in three phases. The first phase of construction included an unfinished rock-cut burial chamber and a relatively large funerary chapel consisting of six courts. In the second phase of construction, the tomb owner added a small mastaba faced with limestone onto the tomb at the northwest corner. Finally, in the third building phase, an additional court was constructed that included nine burial shafts. This court is located on the front or easternmost section of the tomb. The

Agppten: Irltemational Symposium, Cairo, April 8-11, 1992, ed. Manfred Bietak (Denkschriften der Gesamtakadcmie 14; Vienna: VerIag der ()sterreichischen Akademie der Wisscnschaften, 1996) 53-67. Z. Hawass and M. Lehner, "Pyramid Builders," Archaeologll , January-February, 1997, 31-43. 4 Z. Hawass, "A Group of Unique Statues Discovered at Giza, I: Statues of the Overseers of the Pyramid Builders," Kunst des Alten Reiches: ~mposium im Deutschen Archiiologischen Institut K"airo am 29. und 30. Oktoher 1991 (Sonderschrift, Deutsches Archaologisches Institute, Abteilung Kairo 7; Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1995) 91-95; idem, "1\ Group of Unique Statues Discovered at Giza, II: An Unfinished Reserve Head and a Statuette of an Overseer," in lGtlHt des Alten Reiches, 97-1 () I ; idem, "A Group of Unique Statues Discovered at Giza, III: The Statues of lnty-Sdw, Tomb GSE 1915," Les crjlbes de datation sl!ylistiques a {'ancien empire, cd. Nicolas Grima! (BdE 120; Cairo: Institut fran<;ais d'archeologi.e orientale, 1998), 187-208. 5 Azza Sarry EI Din, Moshera Erfan, and Zahi Hawass, "A Study of tubular canaldimension in ancient Egyptian from the Old Kingdom," Egppt Joumal of Alwtmn;y 22/1, 1999; Azza Sarry E1 Din, Comparative StUdJl of Skeletal Malerialfrom Giza Old Kingdom with Sudanese Nubia (Cairo University, Institute of Africa Research and Studies, 1995). li Due to the £I'agile nature of this type of mud brick, a team of conservators reconstructed most of the tomb's mud-brick walls and mud-brick burial super-structures by applying an additional layer of mud plaster to the original stmcturcs.

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

23

overall architecture of the tomb is unique within this cemetery. In addition, it is the only tomb in this cemetery with a "threat formula" inscribed on either side of the entrance into the tomb. 7 General DescrijJtion Petety's tomb (C.S.E. 1923) is approximately 3.66 meters south of tomb C.S.E. 1922.B The entire tomb measures 13.65 meters long and 9.90 meters wide. Although the main burial chamber is rock-cut, the remainder of the tomb is mostly built of mud brick with several walls constructed oflimestone and mud plaster. In general, the walls of the funerary chapel decrease in height h'om west to east (fig. 2). \'Vhen Petefy commissioned the construction of his tomb, he began first by building the funerary chapel and then by carving the rock-cut burial chamber in what is now the westernmost section of his tomb. However, due to the poor quality of the stone, he abandoned the construction of the burial chamber and left it unfinished. Instead, he decided to build an additional small mastaba that was annexed to the northwestern corner of his tomb. This mastaba measures 6.75 meters long and 5.40 meters wide. The fa<;ade of this small mastaba is constructed of large, finely-cut limestone blocks and gypsum mortar. The fac;ade consists of seven courses of limestone that reach a height of 2.40 meters. A false door is carved on the east side of the mastaba. When they began to cut the burial shaft in this mastaba, they discovered, once again, that the rock was of poor quality and not suitable for a burial shaft. The construction of this burial shaft was halted, and left unfinished. The tomb owner seems to have been determined to build his burial chamber in this mastaba, since there is evidence that he unsuccessfully attempted to cut yet another burial shaft to the south of the first burial shaft. This second burial shaft was also left unfinished and Petety abandoned this mastaba vvithout using any of the burial shafts. Petety added a court that contained nine burial shafts onto the easternmost side of his tomb. Some of the superstructures of the burial shafts were constructed of mud brick, while others were built with

It lies within the excavation grid coordinates of L33-p36. George Andrew Reisner, The Development of the E"gyjJtian Tomb down to the Accession qf Cheaps (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936) 363(1: 7

H

24

ZAHI HAWASS

limestone chips. Four of the superstructures have clearly defmed niches constructed on their east fa<;ades, while other niches were more difficult to detect. We excavated all nine burial shafts this season to study the method of burial and to identify those buried within the shafts.

Architectural Phase I The first phase of construction included the unfinished rock-cut burial chamber and the funerary chapel. Three thick walls surround the funerary chapel, which is divided into six courts. Five funerary stelae are preserved in situ within the various courts of this funerary chapel.

Main Entrance The main entrance to the tomb lies on the north and is located 2.80 meters west of the east wall of the tomb (pI. 2). This entrance is about 1.00 meter wide. The east side measures 88 centimeters high and 58 centimeters thick, while the west side of the entrance measures 1.24 meters high and 65 centimeters thick. Two large rectangular slabs of limestone form the threshold of this entrance.

Court 1 The main entrance leads to a small, open court measuring 2.62 meters long and 2.20 meters wide. The east wall of this court measures 48 centimeters high and 94 centimeters wide. A small panel decorates the exterior of this east wall, measuring 48 centimeters wide and 56 centimeters deep.

Court 2 Immediately to the west of the main entrance, a second entrance leads to the second court. This entrance measures 98 centimeters high and 1.15 meters wide (pI. 3). The north wall of this entrance is 46 centimeters thick, while the south wall is 47 centimeters thick. The south wall of the entrance measures 96 centimeters high and 2.15 meters long. Both the northern and southern walls of this entrance are covered with white plaster with a pinkish color. In the middle of the floor of the entrance, we found a circular piece oflimestone with a hole carved in it. This may be a door socket on which a wooden door

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

25

was secured. If that is the case, then this door socket is somewhat rare and quite a remarkable flnd as it was used in a private context. As one continues through the entrance to the west of the door socket, two long rectangular limestone blocks outline a pathway on the north and south sides. The northern block measures 19 centimeters high and 80 centimeters long. The function of these two blocks is unclear. Perhaps, they served as bases for stelae or functioned as a drainage system. Immediately to the north of this second entrance is a squareshaped "well" that was possibly used to store charcoal. This is based upon charcoal remains found inside the well. The walls of this well are built of mud brick. The south wall of this well is also the north wall of the second entrance. This north wall measures 1.52 meters high and 74 centimeters thick. The east wall of the well measures 92 centimeters high and 74 centimeters thick, while the west wall measures 1.22 meters high and 1.13 meters thick. The east wall consists of at least four courses of limestone blocks. The well itself measures 1.16 meters long and 94 centimeters wide. At a depth of 2.00 meters, the interior walls of the well are covered with white plaster. To the west of the well, the north wall in the second court of the tomb has a deep recess. Within this recess, there is a large, rectangular limestone block secured in the ground. A large quantity of charcoal was found surrounding this block. Perhaps, the charcoal was used in burning incense or in the presentation of offerings to the deceased. The limestone block is placed 65 centimeters above the ground in the second court and is situated 98 centimeters east of the western wall. It measures 24 centimeters high, 15 centimeters wide and 9 centimeters thick. The limestone block is covered with white plaster. To the west of this limestone block stands an unusual structure built out of mud brick and mud plaster. A niche is constructed on top of this structure. \Vithin this niche, an anthropoid statuette made of unbaked clay was recovered (pI. 4). Only the upper half of this statuette is preserved. The statuette measures 7.5 centimeters high and 5.0 centimeters wide. Its head alone is 2.5 centimeters high. The head of this statuette resembles that of a monkey, and its right hand is crossed over his chest (pI. 5). It seems that this statuette served a magical or apotropaic function to ward off any unwanted visitors who might enter and disturb the tomb. If this is, indeed, an apotropaic statuette, then it is the flrst of its kind to be discovered in the cemetery. In addition, the structure that housed this statuette is of an unusual and unique type. As previously mentioned, this second entrance leads to a second

26

ZAHI HAWASS

open court that measures 2.63 meters long (north to south) and 2.15 meters wide (east to west). The floor of this court is paved with limestone blocks. The heights of the interior walls vary in this court. For example, the north wall is 1.50 meters high; the east wall is 1.22 meters high; the south wall is 85 centimeters high; and the west wall is 2.00 meters high. Three of these walls are made of mud brick and covered with white plaster. Only the west wall of this court is constructed of limestone blocks. A short, mud-brick wall with a single niche in its center marks the southern edge of this court. A portion of the interior east wall of this court extends 77 centimeters towards the west. This protrusion in the southeastern section of the second court forms the third entrance of the tomb. Court 3

The third entrance of the tomb measures 45 centimeters wide. A semi-oval limestone object that measures up to 74 centimeters long, 70 centimeters wide, and 29 centimeters deep is located in the floor of this entrance. This object may be a door socket, but it could also be some type of basin because it has quite large dimensions. This entrance leads to the third open court that measures 1.85 meters (north to south) and 2.12 meters (east to west). The east wall of this court stands 1.00 meter high and has a thickness of 65 centimeters. This east wall is made of mud brick and its interior face is covered with white plaster. The south wall of this court is also built of mud brick, but its Imver section is constructed of limestone chips and mud mortar. The size of the mud bricks in this wall is noteworthy. For example, one brick measures approximately 40 centimeters long. The height of this south wall varies; it reaches a ma.ximum height of 1.75 meters and a minimum height of 1.00 meters. The south wall of this court is 1.00 meter thick. One remarkable feature of this south wall in the third court is a funerary stela (stela 1), which is carved in raised relief. Only the lower section of this stela remains; the upper portion is missing. Stela 1 measures 1.72 meters high, 1.03 meters wide, and 16 centimeters thick. Traces of relief depict Pete£y holding a staff In front of the tomb owner, his wife is represented standing and on the same scale. The children of PeteD' are depicted on a smaller scale in between the tomb owner and his wife (fig. 3). In the westernmost section of court three, two limestone blocks were uncovered. Each block measures 22 centimeters high, 1.02 meters wide, and 1.55 meters long. To the

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

27

west of these blocks is the fourth entrance that leads to the fourth and largest court.

Gourt 4 A door socket marks the fourth entrance. This door socket measures 29 centimeters long, 22 centimeters wide and 10 centimeters deep. It is a dual door socket that was probably used to secure two wooden doors that opened into the interior of the tomb. Fragments of wood were recovered from this area. Two rectangular limestone stelae were placed in this fourth entrance on either side of the door socket. These stelae are decorated in raised relief The southern stela (stela 2) measures 1.86 meters high, 65 centimeters wide and 15 centimeters deep. Stela 2 is divided into two main registers. On the upper register, Pete!) is depicted bald. He wears a short kilt and holds a long staff in his right hand. The uppermost portion of his face is badly damaged (pI. 6). On the lower register, Petety is dressed in a short kilt and stands holding the blP sign in his left hand. In his right hand, he holds a tall stafl: He wears a broad collar and a wig, which is typical of the Fourth Dynasty (fig. 4, pI. 7). Two of Pete!)'s sons are shown on a smaller scale in front of him. Both sons are depicted standing and wear short kilts with their hands across their chests. Above the depiction of the hvo sons, the artist has inscribed the name and title of the tomb owner in raised relief: rb-nsw smsw ngs s~g nfrw ptti mswfMsy-m-~r Nfr-~rJnb, "King's acquaintance, the eldest inspector of the small ones, of good reputation, Petety, his children Mesy-em-her and Nefer-her-ankh." The relief is in a good state of preservation. Traces of red paint are still present on the P of the tomb owner and there are remains of black paint on his wig. 'fhe northern stela (stela 3) measures 52 centimeters high, 63 centimeters wide, and 14 centimeters deep. Its upper portion is no longer preserved and only the bottom register has survived. It is possible that this stela was unfinished. The bottom register depicts three men wearing short kilts and carrying offerings. The first offering bearer carries a ram, the second carries a small gazelle, and the third holds two butchered geese in each hanel. I1gt-~r or "gifts" is inscribed in front of the three men in raised relief: The hieroglyvhs 11, w, and a seated figure are placed between the second and third oflering bearers (fig. 5, pI. 8).

28

ZAHI HAWASS

The fourth court includes two rectangular wings to the north and south of the main pathway through the tomb. The northern wing measures 2.82 meters long and 1.65 meters wide. The interior east wall measures 2.00 meters high; its interior north wall measures 2.45 meters high; and the interior west wall of the north wing measures 2.64 meters high. The southern limit of this northern wing is marked by the presence of a possible superstructure belonging to the burial shaft. This mud-brick superstructure has a niche carved on its east fa<;ade. In the southwestern section of the northern wing directly to the north of this possible burial superstructure, a round piece oflimestone with a square carved in it was unearthed. This piece of limestone has a diameter of 67 centimeters. The sides of the square measure 36 centimeters long. The square is carved 23 centimeters deep into the round limestone block. The exact function of this feature is unclear, but perhaps it was a base used to hold a wooden column that could have supported a wooden roof. This room may have been used for purification purposes. The southern wing of the fourth court measures 2.10 meters long and 1.20 meters wide. The south wall is 80 centimeters thick. Its height varies from a maximum of 2.66 meters to a minimum of 2.22 meters. The east wall is 2.20 meters high and has a thickness of 83 centimeters. All the interior walls and floor of this court are plastered. A rectangular, limestone purification basin is placed directly in front of the south wall of this wing. This uninscribed basin measures 72 centimeters long, 43 centimeters wide, and 16.5 centimeters deep. Court 5

A fifth entrance leads to the innermost or westernmost court of the tomb. This entrance is located immediately in front of the unfinished rock-cut burial chamber. It measures 1.15 meters high and also has a limestone door socket. Two decorated limestone stelae flank either side of this entrance. The southern stela belongs to Petery, while the northern stela belongs to his wife. The lower register of each stela contains the "threat" inscription that is a warning to anyone who plans on disturbing or damaging the tomb. The southern limestone stela (stela 4) is dedicated to Petery. It is rectangular-shaped and measures 1.95 meters high, 75 centimeters wide, and 25 centimeters deep. The upper register of the stela is executed in raised relief. It portrays the

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

29

tomb owner facing east and wearing an oflicial garment. He holds a long staff in his right hand and the brp sign in his left hand. One of his sons is shown standing on a smaller scale in fi-ont. His son has one hand across his chest and the other hangs down at his side. The son's name is inscribed above him as Mn-nyJnb or Min-ney-ankh. A second son stands between Petety's legs. He holds the legs of his father with both hands. His name is also inscribed above him as s3f smsw Sn-wr, which means "his eldest son, Sen-wer" (fig. 6). The bottom register of stela 4 is executed in sunk relief and contains the so-called "threat formula." This section of the stela is divided into one horizontal row of hieroglyphs at the top with six vertical rows below. The northern limestone stela (stela 5) is dedicated to Petety's wife. It is rectangular-shaped and measures 2.24 meters high, 55 centimeters wide, and 14 centimeters deep. This stela is also divided into two registers. The upper register depicts Petety~~ wife facing east in raised relief. She wears a tight-fitting dress, a choker and broad collar, and a wig. Her left hand is placed across her chest, and her right arm hangs down at her side. A female figure holds a mirror in her left hand and what appears to be a basket in her right hand. Perhaps, this small figure is one of her daughters or servants. The titles of Petety's wife are inscribed above her head in raised relief However, the inscription is incomplete: mrt Nt ~mt n!r lfwt-lfr nbt nht Nsy-lfr, "Beloved of Neith, the priestess of Hathor, the mistress of the sycamore tree, Nesy-Her" (fig. 7, pI. 9). The "threat formula" is inscribed in sunk relief on the bottom register of her stela with a single horizontal row and six vertical rows of hieroglyphs. The "threat formula" of Petety's wife is distinguished from her husband's by adding as possible aggressors to those who trespass the tomb, "the snake and the scorpion," instead of the lion. The "TIlreat

~FomLUla"

The inscription qf the Tomb Owner rm! nb ~m-n!r lfwt-lfr bnw ~(w). f?9 ('~t(y).sn m nw irt(y).sn bt 1m dwt jn n!r ndf wi mJ.sn ink im3bw n nb. f nn sp fry.f bt dwt r rml nb 9

Perhaps the name of a musical instrument.

30

ZAHI HAWASS

ir f bt r(j) ~r.s in ms~ db m3y wnmfsn lO (pl.lO)

Translation

As for any person, any prophet of Hathor, any musician who strikes(?). Who shall enter this (tomb) and shall do any evil thing inside, it is the god who will protect me from them because I am one rewarded of his master and I have never made an evil thing against any man. If he does something against me regarding it, it is the crocodile, the hippopotamus, the lion who shall eat them (=him).ll

The Inscription

if Petery 's

Wifo

rml nb l2 Irt(y).sn bt nb(t) dwt r nw ("~t(y).sn 1m ngwl3 (?) r.sn m mw IJf3w r.sn ~r t3 db r.sn m nw drwt l4 r.sn ~r t3 (pl. II)

Translation As for any person, male or female, who shall do any evil thing against this (tomb) and who shall enter therein this: A crocodile shall be against him in the water; a snake shall be against him upon land; a hippopotamus shall be against him in the water, and a scorpion shall be against him upon land. The fifth court lies beyond the fifth entrance. It is a small court that measures 2.72 meters high and 1.58 meters wide. A semi-oval 10 Another possible translation, "and I have never made any evil against any man, even if he did somethix;g against me regarding it," A. Roccati, La litterature historique sous l:1ncien Ernpire ngyptien (Litteratures anciennes du Proche-Orient, II; Paris: Les Editions du Cerf; 1982). See also Katarina Nordh, "Aspects of Ancient Egyptian Curses and Blessings: Conceptual Background and Transmission," Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Boreas (Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 26, 1996). II See Scott l'vlorchauser, 7heat-Formulae in Ancient Egypt: A Stucfy qf the History, Structure and Use qfThreats and Curses in Ancient Egypt (Baltimore: HaJgo, 1991). 12 rml nb is better than snb; see Henry G. Fischer, "Redundant Determinatives ill the Old Kingdom," in Ancient Egypt in the i\4etropolitan MUSI'UTIl }ou17lall-1 I (1968-1976) (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1977) 88-89, n. 42. 13 ngw = crocodile, new word instead of ms~; the crocodile is only a determinative here. II grw Ig3rt; WB V, 526-527; for writing as grt, see It'B fl, 598; Morchauser, Threat- Fonnulae.

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

31

door socket lies in the southeastern corner of the fifth court. This door socket measures 62 centimeters long, 46 centimeters wide, and 10 centimeters deep. The hole in the middle of the door socket (where the door was secured) measures 13 centimeters in diameter. The north wall of this court is 2.66 meters high; the east wall measures 2.40 meters high; and the south wall measures 2.72 meters high. The west wall in this court has an opening into a rock-cut burial chamber that will be discussed below. At the four corners of this court, there are square niches carved 2.20 meters from the ground. Three circular courses of mud brick were discovered inside this court. It is possible that these courses once formed a pyramidal structure that topped this part of the tomb.

Rock- Cut Burial Chamber The entrance to the rock-cut burial chamber is located in the west wall of the fifth court. The entrance is placed 1.10 meters above the ground. This rock-cut entrance measures 1.04 meters high, 87 centimeters wide, and 1.06 meters thick. The unfinished rock-cut chamber measures 2.05 meters long and 1.96 meters wide. The ceiling of this rock-cut chamber reaches a height of 2.07 meters. There is a thick layer of charcoal on the ceiling. It is possible that this room was intended to be the main burial chamber of the serdab of the tomb, but its construction was left unfinished due to the poor quality of the natural rock.

Architectural Phase II When Pete!)! left the rock-cut burial chamber unfinished, he commissioned the building of a small mastaba faced with limestone on the western corner of the tomb's north wall. This mastaba has a single un inscribed false door and two burial shafts. However, both of these burial shafts were also left unfinished and not used fc)r burial. The east fa<;ade of this mastaba consists of seven courses oflimestone blocks. The mastaba measures 2.40 meters high, 4.25 meters wide, and 5.40 meters long. The false door is placed 3.13 meters south of the north wall of the mastaba. It measures 1.85 meters high and 57 centimeters wide. Fragments of pottery were found beneath the false door. The northern burial shaft of this mastaba lies 30 centimeters south of its north wall. The opening of the shaft measures 1.60 meters long

32

ZAHI HAWASS

and 1.50 meters wide. The first 1.20 meters of the shaft are lined with mud brick, and the shaft continues further to a depth of 5.30 meters. This burial shaft was abandoned without cutting a burial chamber. The southern burial shaft lies 1.10 meters south of the northern burial shaft. The opening of the shaft measures 95 centimeters long and 93 centimeters wide. The first 60 centimeters of the shaft are constructed of mud brick and the shaft continues to a depth of 4. 70 meters. Unlike the northern shaft, this shaft includes a burial chamber that measures 90 centimeters high, 1.00 meter wide, and 1.20 meters long. Nevertheless, this burial chamber was also left unfinished and not used due to the poor quality of the natural rock.

Architectural Phase III The tomb owner added an open court to the eastern edge of the tomb. This court included nine burial shafts. Upon excavation of some of the superstructures that directly adjoin the tomb's easternmost wall, we realized that the court with burials was added on later to the eastern limit of the tomb. Excavations revealed a layer of plaster, implying that after the tomb owner finished the construction of the east wall of his tomb, he covered it with a layer of plaster. The burial court was later added onto it.

Court 6 The burial court (court 6) measures 5.64 meters long and 3.06 meters wide. This court does not have a uniform shape. A secondary entrance to the burial court is located in the south wall of the tomb. This entrance measures 58 centimeters high, 1.85 meters wide, and 36 centimeters thick. The burial court includes a small recessed section in its southwest corner. Perhaps, this recess is a separate room. The recessed area is covered with white plaster and measures 1.71 meters long and 1.68 meters wide. In the west wall of this recessed area, there is a niche that measures 1.96 meters high, 58 centimeters wide, and 1.27 meters long. The function of this area of the burial court is still unclear. The main features of this court are the nine burial shafts mentioned above. Each burial shaft is covered with a rectangular superstructure.

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

33

Burial Sluifl J Burial shaft 1 is located directly to the south of the second entrance to the tomb. Its rectangular superstructure is constructed of mud brick and limestone chips. It is covered with a layer of tafla and did not have a niche. The superstructure measures 35 centimeters high, 60 centimeters wide, and 80 centimeters long. This burial was excavated to a depth of 1.12 meters when we reached the natural rock. However, we did not find a burial. The fill consisted of mud bricks and several large chips of limestone. A red-slip ware rim was also found in the ftll.

Burial Shqft 2 Burial shaft 2 is located 40 centimeters to the west of burial shaft 1. It adjoins the wall of the tomb second entrance on the north, and it also adjoins the super-structure of burial shaft 3 on the south. The superstructure of burial shaft 2 is constructed of mud brick and tqfla. It measures 48 centimeters high, 54 centimeters wide, and 90 centimeters long. This superstructure includes two niches on its east fa<;ade. These niches symbolize the false doors that allow the exit and entrance of the deceased's soul. The northern niche measures 23 centimeters high, 15 centimeters wide, and 10 centimeters deep. The southern niche is placed 14 centimeters from the northern niche and it measures 14 centimeters high, 18 centimeters wide, and 15 centimeters deep. Upon excavation of this shaft, the first 20 centimeters were lined with two courses of mud brick. We excavated to a level of 1.12 meters below the ground and did not fmd a burial. The fill of this shaft also contained very large pieces of limestone rather than fine sand. Numerous pieces of charcoal, three pottery sherds and one small fragment of human bone were also recovered from the fill.

Burial Shqft 3 Burial shaft 3 is situated immediately to the south of burial shaft 2. The mud-brick superstructure measures 60 centimeters high, 1.22 meters wide, and 1.30 meters long. There are two niches on its east fa<;ade. The northern niche is located 30 centimeters from the southern niche. The southern niche measures 55 centimeters high, 10 centimeters wide, and 14 centimeters deep. There are traces of white plaster on the southern niche. As we excavated the superstructure of this burial, we immediately noticed traces of plaster on the burial shaft's

34

ZAHI HAWASS

west wall that used to cover the exterior of the former easternmost wall of the tomb. This plaster consists of gypsum with particles of pottery, giving it a pinkish tint. The fill that we extracted from this shaft included: twelve beer jar rims, two beer jar bases, eight beer jar sherds, two red-slip ware rims from bowls, twenty red-slip ware sherds from bowls, a few pieces of charcoal, two tiny grains of copper, a small chip of wood (possibly from the coffin), and two fragments of human bones (part of the lower jaw with two molars and a section of the lower jaw with an incisor). After digging for 75 centimeters, we reached the cranium of the skeleton and continued to excavate the entire body to a depth of 96 centimeters. The skeleton measures 65 centimeters long and 36 centimeters wide. Due to the square shape of the skeleton's eye sockets, it is possible that this is a male. From his complete set of teeth, we can deduce that he was an adult. This skeleton was placed in the traditional fetal position with his head to the north and facing east.

Burial Shcift 4 Adjoining the east wall of the tomb, Burial shaft 4 is located 1.09 meters east of burial shaft 3. Constructed of mud brick, limestone chips, and pottery sherds, burial shaft 4 measures 79 centimeters long, 78 centimeters wide, and 40 centimeters deep. Like the fill of burial shafts 1 and 2, the fill of this shaft included large pieces of limestone. The cranium of the deceased began to appear after excavating to a depth of 61 centimeters, and we continued to dig to a depth of 75 centimeters. The skeleton measures 80 centimeters long and 50 centimeters wide. It is the skeleton of an adult buried in fetal position, but the deceased is buried in an unusual direction. The head is to the east instead of the north and faces south rather than east. Upon discovery, the skull was already broken in two places and the face was crushed. It is possible that this damage occurred at the time of burial, since we had to remove rather large pieces of limestone from the fill. These limestone pieces covered the body. The fill of this burial included: eight sherds from beer jars, four red-slip ware sherds, one beer jar rim, two sherds from bread moulds, one fragment of a lid, one red-slip ware rim, and one fragment of a human bone.

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

35

Burial Shqfi 5

Burial shaft 5 is located 1.03 meters west of the east wall of the tomb. Its south side adjoins burial shaft 6. This shaft is built of mud brick, limestone chips, and tqfla mortar. The superstructure measures 52 centimeters high, 80 centimeters wide, and 1.20 meters long. It has two niches on its east face. The northern niche measures 25 centimeters in height, 15 centimeters wide, and 14 centimeters deep. The southern niche is located 45 centimeters from the northern niche. The southern niche measures 22 centimeters high, 20 centimeters wide, and 10 centimeters deep. After digging for a mere 30 centimeters, we reached the cranium of the skeleton. We continued to excavate the skeleton to a depth of 46 centimeters. This burial is noteworthy for a number of reasons. First, a large section of the wooden coffin remains. The coffin measures 18 centimeters high, 30 centimeters wide, and 58 centimeters long. The walls of the coffin are 2 centimeters thick. Second, the skeleton, which measures 53 centimeters long and 27.5 centimeters wide, was buried in an unusual manner. The head was placed to the north, but the deceased faced west and not east. Finally, the size of the skeleton raises a few questions. The head is large with a full set of teeth, but the body is relatively small in comparison to the head. The excessively small size of the bones of the body is especially apparent in the pelvis, scapula, and arms. Perhaps, this is a dwarf or the burial of someone with a disability. There is also an unusual patch in the cranium that may point to some type of surgery involving trephination caused by a brain tumor. We are awaiting the results of the study by an osteologist who will help clarify the nature of this skeleton. The fill of burial shaft 5 included twenty-one pottery sherds, six rims, aIle base, one piece of charcoal, one grain of copper, and two fragments of human bone. Burial Shq/t 6

The superstructure of burial shaft 6 is the largest among all the burials in this tomb. Located 1.00 meter to the west of the secondary entrance, burial shaft 5 adjoins burial shaft 6 on the north and the south wall of the tomb adjoins it OIl the south. The superstructure is built of mud brick and covered with layer of t'!fia. It measures 83 centimeters high, 94 centimeters wide, and 2.07 meters long. We excavated the burial shaft 6 to 1.80 meters below ground level, yet this shaft was empty.

36

ZAHI HAWASS

The fill included one long cylindrical green faience bead, two rims, two pottery sherds, and numerous pieces of charcoal. A large, circular piece of limestone was recovered from the northernmost corner of the burial. It was found at ground level measuring 58 centimeters in diameter. It may originally have been a column base that the tomb owner decided to reuse in the fill of this burial.

Burial Shrift 7 Burial shaft 7 is located 27 centimeters to the south of burial shaft 3 and 55 centimeters west of burial shaft 5. It is constmcted of mud brick and covered with a layer of tajla, which is faced with a layer of white plaster. The superstmcture measures 60 centimeters high, 54 centimeters wide, and 1.42 meters long. Its east fa<;ade has two niches. The northern niche measures 45 centimeters high, 14 centimeters wide, and 14 centimeters deep. The southern niche is so crudely carved that it is difficult to ascertain its measurements. After only 40 centimeters of digging, the top of the cranium appeared. We excavated this burial to a total depth of 54 centimeters. The skeleton was that of a child; it measures 45 centimeters long and 25 centimeters wide. The body was in the fetal position with the head to the north. The skeleton was found face down, but it probably was originally facing east and displaced over time. The skull was shattered and many of the bones were in fragments. This damage was probably the result of the large limestone blocks that were thrown in on top of it as fill. The objects found in the flll included nine bread mould sherds, two beer jar rims, thirty-six beer jar sherds, three small pieces of charcoal, and two fragments of human bones.

Burial Shrift 8 Burial shaft 8, located 41 centimeters south of burial shaft 7, is constmcted of mud brick and tajla. A layer of plaster covers its east side. The superstmcture measures 50 centimeters high, 1.00 meter wide, and 1.25 meters long. At a depth of 46 centimeters, the well-preserved cranium of an adult skeleton was uncovered. The skeleton measures 80 centimeters long and 43 centimeters wide. The body was found in fetal position with the head to the north and facing east in the conventional manner. The upper 20 centimeters of the burial shaft were lined with two courses of mud brick, and the shaft continued to a depth of 79 centimeters. The fill included: three beer jar sherds, one

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

37

beer jar rim, one piece of charcoal, and one piece of wood.

Burial Shqft 9 Burial shaft 9 is located 66 centimeters to the west of burial shaft 8. It is constructed of mud brick and teifla. The superstructure measures 50 centimeters high, 90 centimeters wide, and 83 centimeters long. It has two niches on its east side. The northern niche measures 40 centimeters high, 15 centimeters wide, and 10 centimeters deep. It has traces of white plaster. The southern niche is located 15 centimeters from the northern one. The southern niche measures 14 centimeters high, 12 centimeters wide, and 10 centimeters deep. A small court made of mud brick is located in front of the superstructure. The fill from this shaft included at least eleven large mud bricks, each measuring approximately 12 centimeters high, 20 centimeters wide, and 34 centimeters long. Once the fIll was removed, we noticed a small opening in the west wall of the shaft. This opening led to a small burial chamber with the skeleton of a child in fetal position, whose lower incisors had not yet sprouted. The top of the cranium appeared at a depth of 40 centimeters from ground level, and the burial shaft itself continued to a depth of 48 centimeters. The skeleton measures 38 centimeters long and 26 centimeters "vide. The skeleton was badly damaged and poorly preserved. It was buried in an unusual position with the head to the east and facing south. Azza Sarry EI Din has studied the four skeletons excavated from this tomb. A report on the bones of the four individuals from tomb number G.S.E. 1923 follows.

Skel£tons 17ze first skeleton (Tomb G.s.E. 1923, shaft 8)

Most of the bones are in good condition and the skull is intact. Sex: As shown from the bones of the skull and the pelvis, the skeleton is probably a male. - Age: Symphysis pubis and auricular surface metamorphosis shows that the age at death was about 25 to 30 years. - Pathology: He was suffering from slight arthritis in the backbone as we noticed moderate osteophytes on the anterior surface of the bodies of the third, fourth, and fifth lumber vertebrae. Also, there are some signs of arthritis in the bones of the feet (the right and left calcaneous), which means that he started working at a young

38

ZAHI HAWASS

age. With regard to the teeth, we noticed severe attrition in all the teeth. Also, the upper anterior incisors were extracted. There is a preapical abscess under the lower left first molar, most probably caused by the severe attrition, which is a common feature of the workmen.

The second skeleton (Tomb C.S.E. 1923, shqft 4) The bones of this individual are not in good condition. The skull is broken. The bones of the upper arms and parts of the pelvic bones are mIssmg. - Sex: This is a female skeleton as evident from the remaining bones of the skull, pelvis and also from the long bones. Age: The age at death, evident from the auricular metamorphosis, is about 40 to 45 years. Pathology: Cervical vertebrae (the vertebrae of the neck) show signs of macroporosis in the bodies of the vertebrae. This could be attributed to the age of the individual as it is a normal degenerative feature at this age. There is a healed, simple fracture in the lower one third of the shaft of the right ulna (the bone of the lower arm). All the teeth show severe attrition. There is a periapical abcess under the lower right canine and premortum extraction of the lower left second and third molars.

The third skeleton (Tomb C.S.E. 1923, shafl 7) -

This is the skeleton of a child about 6 to 8 months old as evident from the crowns of the decideous teeth. Most of the bones are present, but the skull is broken. No signs of pathology could be observed.

The fourth skeleton (Tomb C.S.E. 1923, shqft 9) -- This is also the skeleton of a child about 7 to 9 months old as the upper and lower decideous incisors just reach the occlusal level. All the bones are present but broken. No signs of pathology could be observed. 15

15 Azza Sarry El Din is an assistant professor at the National Research Center and is in charge of the lab that conducts the bone analysis at Giza.

THE TOMBS OF THE PYRAMID BUILDERS

39

Conclusion

The Old Kingdom tomb of Petety is very interesting because it has three architectural phases. The first phase is the unfinished rock-cut burial chamber and the large funerary chapel. The second phase includes the construction of the small mastaba faced with limestone, while the third phase consists of the addition of the court with nine burial shafts. The limestone stelae dedicated to Petety and his wife with the "threat formulae" along with the discovery of the statuette in the niche suggest that it was important to Petety to protect his tomb from theft and destruction. The tomb of Petety is one of the most complex in the Upper Cemetery and it is surprising that all the burials were done in a seemingly rushed and haphazard manner. The fill that was thrown in on top of the bodies usually consisted of large pieces of limestone, which frequently damaged the skeletons at the time of burial. Prior to the addition of the fill, the skeletons had been buried with much care. However, the study of the bones does show that one of the skeletons belonged to Petety who died at the age of 25 to 30 years old. Petety's wife was older than him by about 10 years. A study of the pottery suggests that the tomb should be dated to Dynasty 4 or 5 of the Old Kingdom Period. The tomb of Pe/ety adds significant information to our knowledge of the pyramid builders, especially their burial practices, religious beliefs, and economic status.

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE' (?): A CASE STUDY FOCUSING ON SOUTH SINAIl Sarah Parcak Diverse disciplines have debated the exact nature and even the existence of "empires" in various ancient and modem cultures, while Egyptologists have applied such theoretical discourse primarily to the Middle and New Kingdoms.2 However, an assessment of whether Egypt's Old Kingdom had an empire has received insufficient consideration given Egypt's Old Kingdom territorial and economic expansion beyond its cultural boundaries to Nubia, the Western Oases, Eastern Desert, and Sinai. Although case studies will be drawn from other regions and periods, Egypt's exploitation of South Sinai in the Old Kingdom provides a particularly good example for this study. For instance, Wadi Maghara in South Sinai has rock texts and depictions showing several Old Kingdom pharaohs smiting the local Men~u, reflecting the presence of state-sponsored mining expeditions accompanied by military forces in a non-Egyptian locality inhabited by foreign semi-nomadic populations. The economic and military expressions of Egypt's Old Kingdom empire are conceptualized and portrayed in royal iconography and sculpture as Pharaoh's domination of foreign lands. This translated into reality through Egypt's military expeditions to populated aqjacent, foreign regions, in Sinai and elsewhere, to retrieve various economic resources, such as metals, minerals, stone, lumber, crops, livestock, finished products and captives. The assimilation of modem imperial studies into Egyptological theoretical frameworks for imperialism, and the supporting evidence from the contemporary J I would like to thank Professor Redford for all of his encouragement, and especially for giving me my first opportunity to excavate in Egypt at Mendes. This paper is an expanded version of a talk given at the American Research Center in Egypt's annual meeting in Berkeley, California, April 28th-30th, 2000. I should like to thank Gregory Mumford and Larry Paviish and for their comments and editorial suggestions, and Harvey Weiss for his initial suggestion of this research topic. Any errors contained within this text are purely my own. 2 There are a number of papers that have dealt with the study of empire and imperialism in ancient Egypt (e.g., Kemp 1978, 1997; Frandsen 1979; Redford 1981; Weinstein 1981; Murnane 1983; Adams 1984; S. T. Smith 1991; 1993; 1995; 1997; Morkot 200 I).

42

SARAH PARCAK

archaeological and textual-pictorial evidence for Egyptian contact with and activity in areas outside the Nile Valley, enable one to assert the existence of an ideological and economic empire in South Sinai during the Old Kingdom. The term "empire," like "imperialism," is a controversial expression, and it is important to provide a provisional definition since empires differ widely in regards to their f()fmation, evolution, scope, duration, and the various ideologies that fuel them (Blanton 1996). A basic definition of empire involves one polity expanding its territory into a neighboring region, whether populated by a state, chiefdom, or non-hierarchical society. Beyond this simple definition, the inherent complexities of individual examples of empires have precluded a general consensus. 3 Although the ancient Egyptians had no word for "empire," they used imagery and terminology in such a way as to make the reliet" and texts self-explanatory (Morkot 2001:227). It is also germane to oudine the basic constituent parts that compose empires in order to convey their common and unique characteristics (Sinopoli 1995:5-6).4 Hobson theorized that economic considerations formed the basis for imperialism, incorporating a search for foreign markets owing to indigenous population growth and competition for local products. Hobsbawm (1987), however, argues that Hobson did not effectively prove that capitalistic interest (i.e., economics) generated public support for commercial and territorial expansion. 5 Instead, he proposed that nationalism formed the key factor in some expressions of imperialism, and can be linked closely with state ideologies. In contrast, Mommsen suggested that in order for ancient cultures to grow economically and politically, they needed to expand beyond their cultural heartland into resource rich areas. This model focuses upon the commercial relations between a dominant and subservient polity, in which the subservient region contains an indigenous population resistant to the influx and developing domination of dIe intrusive 3 Sec S.T. Smith (199.1:8), who emphasizes how it is necessary to look outside Egyptology for models of empire and imperialism. Note also the comments of Sinopoli (1995). 4 Aside from the typical causes of imperialism (social, political and economic) Sinopoli suggests that other factors such as scale, sources of evidence, scale and pace of development and collapse should be examined. 5 See also Owen and Sutclifle (1972), who engage the debate about Marxist versus non-Marxist views of imperialism. Marxists would view imperialism as the highest fonn of capitalism, while nonMarxists claim Marxist theories fail to explain the political, economic, national and intcmational developments linked ,vith imperialism

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

43

culture. In this scenario, when commercial cooperation begins to fail between the two polities, the dominant polity uses its military might to obtain resources from the weaker polity. Sinopoli introduces a different perspective, asserting that the creation, structure, and overall effectiveness of an empire are dependent upon the geographical distance and cultural differences between the conqueror and conquered culture. In her theoretical model she argues that the conquering land imposes its social, political, and economic structure upon the conquered society and she discusses the mechanisms and nature of the imperial demand for resources (Sinopoli 1995:6). In general, the conditions required for the initiation and evolution of an empire include a demonstrated need or desire f()r a natural resource that was not available at home. Once particular foreign resources became necessary for the maintenance of a given complex society, whether as a strategic resource (e.g., copper f()!O weaponry; captives as labor to maintain or increase state, temple, and elite projects and institutions), or as a high status item (e.g., turquoise in jewelry), the state in question would seek additional sources and increased access to known sources. 6 Emerging state polities have been shown to undergo military, colonial or economic expansion, which is illustrated by Egyptian "colonies" in North Sinai and South Palestine in the Naqada III period. Ancient economies relied upon the collection and redispersal of natural resources, which forced them to turn to peripheral regions for supplementary resources when their indigenous resources were either low or depleted. 7 Several Egyptologists, such as Murnane (1983:56), Adams (1984: 36-71) and Smith, have equated the expansion of empires with the

6 A similarity can be seen in the Uruk culture, which dominated areas of Syria, Iran and Anatolia because these areas contained natural resources that could not be found in the home region (Mesopotamia). They created a series of settlements so that trade networks could be established and maintained f()!' the obtaining and transporting goods of stone, timber and mctals. The local elites relied on this trade network lor the support of their status (which could bc similar to the probable employment the Egyptians provided the Asiatics). See Joffe (1994). 7 In the Early Bronze Age, commercial markets expanded externally with an increase in foreign products, materials, and influence appearing in various regions. The elites may have attempted to convince those inhabiting the peripheral lands to give up their surplus of raw goods (hence King Sargon I's military campaigns in 2350 B.C.). Recent excavations at Habubu Kabira show that the Lower lVlesopotamians wanted raw materials (e.g., silver) indigenous to Syro-Anatolia areas, much like Egypt exploited Early Bronze 1 and II Sinai, and later, Nubia (Frank 1993).

44

SARAH PARCAK

needs of their economy. Smith asserted that it was largely economic factors that drove imperialism in Egypt's Middle Kingdom Nubia to exploit the region. 8 The Egyptian Middle Kingdom economy needed to maximize its extraction of mineral resources, especially gold and copper, to support its military and economic infrastructure; in part to ensure access to these and other Nubian resources, Egypt annexed Nubia into Egyptian territory.9 Even in the Old Kingdom, Egypt followed a strong commercial policy (i.e., economic imperialism) in Nubia, dispatching armed caravans through Lower Nubia to trade with and obtain products and slaves from Upper Nubia (Adams 1983:36-71). Although economic factors are closely linked with imperialism, other factors require consideration. As Kemp (1997:127) suggests, fmding ideological factors, especially in Egypt, is central to the question of imperialism. He asks why the ancient Egyptians did not reveal the importance of economic factors instead of concealing them under layers of ideology. In the Egyptian religious perception of its relationship to neighboring lands, kings fulfllied dleir duty to the gods, country and population by repelling invaders and conquering foreign lands; but one cannot ignore the economic benefits obtained through direct access to or control of foreign regions rich in resources. Of note, Egypt did not focus upon resource poor areas unless specific security considerations dictated otherwise, but instead sent most expeditions to areas containing desirable resources, H Smith utilizes the Horvath/Bartel Matrix, in which the dilferences between colonialism (with settlers) and imperialism (no settlers) are emphasized. Middle Kingdom Nubia and New Kingdom Egypt's relationship with the Levant are good examples of "equilibrium imperialism," in which the indigenous culture is maintained and there is only a small presence of the conquering polity. New Kingdom Nubia can be viewed as a form of "acculturation colonialism," in which the indigenous culture is replaced with the colonial culture. South Sinai during the Old Kingdom is a good example of "acculturation colonialism," in which the indigenous economic system is changed to that of the imperial system (Smith 1995:8-9). 9 See Smith (1997:301-7; 1995:187). In New Kingdom Nubia, the administration was Egyptian in the regions of Wawat and Kush, with tombs of the Nubian officials in Egyptian styles. In contrast to its immediate neighboring regions in the Old and Middle Kingdoms Egypt did not extend military control over Byblos in Syria, but maintained such close commercial, social, religious and political ties with Byblos (and towns in Syria such as Ebla), that the local Middle Bronze Age rulers of Byblos portrayed themselves as Egyptian "mayors," carving their names in hieroglyphs within their tombs, depositing royal and private statuary imported from Egypt within their temples, and in general enjoying strong connections with Egypt in an expression of Egyptian cultural and commercial domination (perhaps another expression of imperialism). See Morkot (2001 :230), Redford (1992), and Frandsen (1979: 175-77).

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

45

whether they be livestock and populations or metals and minerals. The "gods" (i.e., the state and priesthoods) were interested in lands that could yield products for themselves and their institutions; the existence of such products in the chaotic world outside Egypt provided an impetus for the King to obtain more products from beyond Egypt's boundaries. 10 Since the Egyptian state dogma portrayed the Pharaoh and the kingship as the guarantor of ma'at ("order") against chaotic elements abroad, it was obligatory for Pharaoh to pacify or subjugate all potential threats within or outside Egypt, whether through actual military action or symbolic imagety portraying Egyptian imperialism. In point of fact, the foreign hostilities that Egypt portrayed as "rebellions" often reflect the defensive action taken by non-Egyptian populations against a technologically superior Egyptian force invading their territory to retrieve the indigenous resources. The appellation "rebellion" and the concept of protecting Egypt's borders also satisfied Egypt's national conscience regarding Egypt's incursions abroad into regions inhabited by non-Egyptians. A" a prelude to invasion, Sheshonq I (Dynasty 22), the Romans, and recent nations, have often cited border skirmishes as a pretext for occupying foreign lands to protect the homeland. I I For example, Old Kingdom pharaohs adopted both the epithets "SmiteI' of Asiatics" and "Smiter of border-dwellers," and used the concept of divine kingship to justify their actions (Ward 1991). In regards to the awareness of the general populace of Egypt concerning the state's ideological portrayal of Egypt's imperialism, Kemp (1978:9) has indicated that enclosure walls concealed most monumental smiting scenes. The genre of the pharaoh and Egypt smiting or dominating foreigners, however, appears in a broad range of venues throughout pharaonic Egypt and Sinai: As images on the public, albeit isolated, rock faces of VVadi Maghara, as large statues of bound prison-

10

s.

T. Smith (1995:189) emphasizes that legitimizing the king and preserving

ma'a! had little to do with day-to-day mining activities. II Many of Egypt's Old Kingdom rulers may have exploited what were in reality minor hostilities as an opportunity to dispatch military expeditions and gain further control over regions containing natural resources. On the other hand, since many ancient and more recent empires have faced continuous rebellions and hostilities by indigenous populations, it is not unlikely that Old Kingdom Egypt did actually face many serious uprisings. The two surviving accounts of expedition leaders being massacred in Nubia along the Red Sea sugg-est that such massacres were not uncommon, at least during the Old Kingdom. For the biography of Pepy-nakht Heqa-ib, which describes his expedition to the Red Sea, see Redford (1973). For Sabni's expedition to Nubia, see W.S. Smith (1971:195).

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ers flanking late Old Kingdom pyramid causeways,12 as trial pieces and images found in the training schools and worhhops of artisans (destined for elite and royal patrons), as images on utilitarian middle to upper class items (e.g., dockets; game boxes; sandals; furniture), images in elite areas (e.g., palace walkways and walls), on cultic items (e.g., palettes and clappers), and in more restricted areas such as on the walls of private tombs and royal and cultic temples. 13 The iconographic portrayal of Egypt and pharaoh dominating and smiting foreign lands and peoples implied that potential and actual enemies did exist and required suqjugation. The attested hostilities of non-Egyptian peoples to Egyptian commercial and military ventures entering Lower Nubia, the Eastern Desert, Libya, Sinai, and Palestine indicates that not only did the neighboring populations not welcome Egypt's presence, but that the Egyptian incursions were likely removing both valuable profits from trade and local subsistence and personnel resources from these regions. It is possible that either the rising costs of trading with foreign lands or the attraction of bypassing foreign middlemen initiated Egypt's increasing incursions abroad in the Old Kingdom. The existence and cost-effectiveness of desirable resources within or accessible through neighboring regions formed the primary, underlying reason for Egypt (and modem empires) to extend their influence abroad. The fact that Egypt did not leave permanent occupation forces abroad underscores the reality that these neighboring regions represented economic resource areas from which Egypt extracted materials, livestock, and captives according to need rather than representing territories requiring year-round security, annexation, and colonization. Although the nationalistic and religious iconographical portrayal of a ruler saving Egypt from its enemies and "chaos" (which appears in late Pre dynastic times) appeared and grew alongside Egypt's requirements and desire to accumulate more foreign resource, shown in official texts and depictions showing the Pharaoh dominating both Egypt and surrounding nations and peoples, it is more logical that an economic impetus remained the primary, underlying cause for imperialism rather than simply a show of force

12 Such as the hound prisoners who flanked the causeway of Pepi II's pyramid (Hill 1999:363-65). 13 See fig. 29, clappers (p. 29), Narmer Palette (pp. 40-41), and a statue of Khasekhem with the numbers of defeated enemies (47, 209) on its base (p. 44) in Tiradritti (1999).

EGYIY("S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

47

and prestige. These represent merely the trappings and side-benefits of successful foreign ventures. Such policies of direct intervention and exploitation of resources would have found support from the direct beneficiaries in Egypt, namely the king, royal family members, the nobility, high oflicials, and temple estates and personnel, who profited fiom the minerals such a<; turquoise, metals, including copper and gold, and other foreign materials, items, and personnel obtained for utilitarian and ornamental uses. Other segments of the population benefited indirectly, and included craftsmen and laborers who found increasing employment in royal and elite workshops and patronage for their products. In turn such wealth was re-dispersed further to the poorest segments of the populations through payments in provisions and other items. Throughout the Old Kingdom, the rising costs for royal projects, including royal mortuary complexes and estates, cultic structures and landholdings, irrigation projects, and the increa<;ing redistribution to the elite of wealtl1 and high status items, such as statues, stele, furniture, jewelry and other luxury items, created an ever-growing dependency upon foreign materials and products. Many of these resources either occurred in insufficient amounts in Egypt's aqjacent eastern desert hills or lay further abroad in Nubia or South Sinai, both regions of which lay outside the Nile flood plain and represent non-Egyptian territories inhabited by often hostile Bedouin tribes (Aufrere 1991 :459). 14 Only the state, however, retained sufficient manpower and economic resources to dispatch the necessary military escorts, personnel, and equipment to procure them. In addition to the obvious economic benefits, the state's dispatch of massive expeditions abroad, to retrieve copper and turquoise in the case of South Sinai, had the side benefit of reflecting the king's power over foreign lands, much as in the way the royal pyramid complex also symbolized the glory and power of the Pharaoh within Egypt, but was not the prime reason behind its construction. The concept of "int1uence through awe" and the importance of royal iconography and regalia are linked with pyramid construction, and can be equated

14 It should be noted that activity in some eastern desert mines increased at the advent of Dynasty 3, such as in the region of EI-Urg (Morgul), where there is evidence of a mining camp with tools, cooking, copper ore and malachite, and in the Wadi Dara, with evidence of a settlement composed of 30 stone rooms (V\'ilkinson

200 J: I 71-72).

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to increasing demands for exotic and costly raw materials to adorn the pyramids and their associated structures and furnishings. This is especially true at the height of royal tomb construction in Dynasties 3-4. In contrast Dynasties 5-6 display a decline in pyramid volume and quality of construction, but reveal an increase in decoration, texts, and possibly furnishings with the associated complex. The Old Kingdom is replete with awe-inspiring structures, motifs, and rituals associated closely with the person of the king. Admittedly the king's power would have been equally well promoted and displayed through his dispatch of expeditions abroad, beyond the Nile flood plain and into hostile lands where the king's troops would subdue the Sinai Bedouin and retrieve raw materials essential to maintaining the king's glory and wealth at home. Redford (1992:34) has argued that obtaining certain resources was of such importance that Egypt maintained a policy of pacifying neighboring populations by either co-opting them in times of peace or repressing them during times of hostility. Maintaining a complex society and a high standard of living for the elite required a "sphere of influence" in these non-Egyptian, peripheral regions that contained both vital resources and hostile Bedouin groups. In relation to an expectation of increasing demand for more and varied foreign resources, Egypt met increasing foreign hostilities to its ever more numerous incursions. 15 Having examined the parameters of Old Kingdom imperialism, the following section will outline its development and history. The Old Kingdom need for such materials and products commenced as early as the Pre dynastic period, when Egypt began receiving obsidian from Ethiopia, metals, minerals, and stone from the Eastern Desert and Nubia, turquoise and copper from Sinai and the Negev, pottery and other items from Syria and Southeast Anatolia, and cylinder seals and lapis lazuli from Mesopotamia and Mghanistan. The initial, minimal influence of Egypt abroad is evident through one percent Egyptian pottery found at two Chalcolithic sites (ca. 4,000-3,300 B.C.) in South Sinai. Although in Dynasty 1 Egyptian pottery remains at one percent within otherwise Syro-Palestinian affiliated pottery assemblages in

15 By Dynasties 5-6, Egyptian military activity increases dramatically not only in Sinai, but also in Lower Nubia and South Palestine. Dynasty 6 rulers built a fortified town in the Dakhleh oasis to occupy and safeguard trade with the Western Desert (Vallogia 1999:2 I 6-19).

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South Sinai, the number of sites containing Egyptian imported pottery increases to seven percent in Early Bronze Age I sites (ca. 3,050-2,687 B.C.), revealing a significant rise in Egyptian influence over an increased geographical area in South Sinai (Mumford 2001:288-92).16 From the late Predynastic era to Early Dynasty I, Egyptian influence and exported material culture was concentrated along North Sinai and into South Palestine, dominating the material culture assemblages at several sites in this region (e.g., En BesOl) 17 The unification of the Egyptian state and society engendered a greater demand for more effective tools and weapons (e.g., copper) and luxury products (e.g., turquoise) to furnish the requirements of the elite in an increasingly hierarchical and more complex society. The evolution of a distinct hierarchy is visible through the evolving size, plan, and contents of royal and non-royal tombs at Saqqara and Abydos, such as Djer's tomb (Golden 2002:229-30). Despite the greater requirements for resources by a united Egyptian state and culture, the preceding Egyptian presence in South Sinai disappears during most of Dynasties 1-2. It is almost certain that Egypt maintained relations with South Sinai, since it continued to obtain turquoise, while Egypt also maintained its trade links with South Palestine. Recent archaeo-

16 Rothenberg, (1970) discovered many Chalcolithic sites near ancient water sources, copper ore deposits and turquoise mined from the Gulf of Elat to the Gulf of Suez. See also Gophna (1976) and Beit-Arieh (1980). 17 There are four theories concerning the relationship of Palestine to EgYVt during this time. Aside fi'om one theory that explains this situation as an expression of socio-political trade or power, it is more diflicuit to choose among the remaining three theories, Amiran and Ben-Tor claim that the dose relationship between Egypt and South Palestine reflects trade, which meets the base-level crite"ia for the presence of two separate material cultural assemblages within individual sites and one region, A third theory suggests wide-scale economic exploitation by Egypt. This is also plausible given the high proportion of Egyptian products within South Palestine. Palestine exported honey, ointments, copper and resins to Egypt, while Egypt dispatched gold jewelry, pottery vessels (containing now lost commodities), and other items. The fourth theory, which views Palestine as an Egyptian colony, cannot be substantiated, because of the widely varying proportions of Egyptian products at sites in South Palestine. It would seem that, at the very least, Egyptian trading enelaves existed within a region inhabited by non-Egyvtians, but the exact political relationship between these Egyptian enclaves and Palestinian settlements rernains unclear. There is no evidence for Egyptian military activity in southern Palestine, which lacks destmction levels at settlements and displays no traces of violence on human remains. The indigenous populations did not apparently merit large-scale subjugation at this stage (Amiran, Beit-Arich et at. 1973: 193-97; Anclelkovic 1995:68, Oren 1973: 199205; Rothenberg 1970:15),

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logical work in South Sinai aims to clarify further such early contacts between South Sinai and Egypt. 18 In the late Pre dynastic to Early Dynastic period, Egypt probably obtained turquoise from South Sinai through Arad, which contained strong cultural links with South Palestine during this period (Beit Arieh 1983). The indigenous Sinaitic Bedouin apparently shipped copper and turquoise north to major trade centers such as Arad, which in return supplied sufficient finished products and other resources, allowing some Bedouin groups to settle permanently in South Sinai. 19 Before Dynasty 3 there is also no evidence for an Egyptian military and economic control of South Sinai (in Early Bronze I-II), which suggests that turquoise was relayed to Egypt mainly by an indirect route via Arad and sites in South Palestine. The inhabitants of Arad and South Sinai would appear to have acted as an indirect chain of middlemen with Egypt. The South Sinaitic populations provided copper, turquoise, and globular hole-mouth cooking pots, \vhich were obtained or manuf~tctured in Sinai, and dispatched to and found within three strata at Arad. The connection between Early Bronze Age I-II Arad and South Sinai continued into Early Bronze Age III (contemporary with Egypt's Old Kingdom; Arniran, Beit-Arieh, et al. 1973: 197). Based on the evidence from Early Bronze IA and IB, contact increased between Egypt and North Sinai in Early Bronze I, but declined in Early Bronze II. Egyptian items are virtually absent from North Sinai and South Palestine in Early Bronze III, while many Sinai settlements disappear at the end of Early Bronze, possibly due to a decrease in trade with Egypt via Arad.

IB A new Late-Neolithic- Early Bronze I site was discovered in the summer of 2002 by the South Sinai Survey and Excavation Project team through the use of a satellite image. This site, located 300 meters from the Red Sea and in the southern part of EI-Markha Plain, measured approximately 500 x 500 meters and contained tumuIi, grinding stones, hut circles, flint and copper slag. Rothenberg called site 688 at Gebel Bodhiya the "earliest evidence fi)r a city in Egypt," as well as the most important station in the caravan route from Egypt to the ore deposits in Sinai The newly discovered site could have been a southern extension of this city. This discovery is sig11ificant in that it shows the early importance of mining and perhaps a coastal trading site. For more detail about this discovery, see Mumford and Parcak (2002; 20(3). 19 In South Sinai, Sheikh Muhsen had a material culture assemblage similar to those at Arad (i.e., copper and flint tools, beads and pottery t}1Jes) as well as Nabi Saleh (i.e., houses, pottery and flint) and Kadesh Bamea. See Amiran, Beit-Arieh et al. (1973:194); Beit-Arieh (1974; 1978; 1986).

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

51

The virtual absence of Egyptian contact with South Palestine in the Old Kingdom might be explained by postulating a growing improvement in long distance shipping bound for Lebanon and Syria, since Egyptian artifacts begin to increase at Byblos and elsewhere in Syria from Dynasty 2 into the Old Kingdom (G. Mumford, personal communication). The first evidence for direct Egyptian expeditions to South Sinai occurs in Dynasty 3 (Beit-Arieh 1984:20-23; Redford, 1992:56).20 At this point the Early Bronze Age III South Sinaitic sedentary populations most likely returned to their former semi-nomadic lifestyle, which has left fewer material culture remains (Rothenberg and Ordentlich 1979:233-37). It is hoped that future work in South Sinai may help to differentiate between native and Egyptian material culture assemblages at the Old Kingdom mining sites in this region. One might postulate that either the cost of indirect trade via middlemen in Arad and South Sinai became unacceptable to Egypt, or that Egypt became sufliciently capable, through its military might and mining techniques, of obtaining copper and turquoise directly at a cheaper cost and greater quantity and faster rate than the indigenous populace was able to supply. Despite the Egyptian state's expenditure of a great deal of energy in troops, labor, supplies, equipment, transportation, draught animals, and resources to mount such expeditions to South Sinai, the immediate returns in copper and turquoise must have exceeded such costs and losses in life and equipment. 'fhe necessity of providing the Egyptian miners with military escorts is evident through the rock texts and fortified camps at Wadis Maghara and Kharig, which imply frequent Bedouin attacks and the need for Egypt to subjugate these tribes to ensure the procurement of copper and turquoise. The Bedouin hostility becomes quite understandable in light of the local loss of significant revenues from their former role as middlemen and a loss of local subsistence resources (i.e., f(Jod and water) through the presence of hundreds, and sometimes thousands, of Egyptian troops, laborers, and draught animals within the marginal environment of South Sinai. The existence of Sinaitic miners and metal \vorkers prior to Dynasty 3 suggests that many local Bedouin could have been enticed or pressed into mining turquoise and copper, and possibly smelting copper, for ~() Although the Egyptians did not have any terms fi:lr imperialism or empire, they certainly understood how to set up a sphere of influence through gift-giving (Redford 1992:40-41).

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the Egyptian mining expeditions. Such foreign cooperation is implied later in the Middle Kingdom by the presence of a few Asiatic names and depictions of Semites in textualpictorial sources from Serabit elKhadim (Beit-Arieh 1994; Giveon 1978a:3).21 This lends credence to the idea that Sinaitic and Palestinian laborers emigrated to the Old Kingdom mining camps of their own free will, as opposed to representing conscripted labor. It is unknown whether the Asiatic metal workers in South Sinai came directly from the Levant or accompanied expeditions from Egypt. Based on the archaeological evidence, it seems probable that the nomadic families and tribes settled temporarily nearby the mining region when Egyptian expeditions arrived in the vicinity, sometimes as frequently as once per year (Beit-Arieh 1985: 115). Cerny believed that the miners extracted turquoise and copper entirely with flint tools, while other scholars have argued for mining tools made primarily of copper. This author agrees with Cerny and Petrie's assessment that flint tools reflect the most likely implements used by indigenous Sinai workmen, since such items are conspicuously absent from the waste heaps associated with Egyptian mining galleries. 22 In addition, the indigenous workmen, who may have mined copper for the Egyptians, do not exhibit frequent use of copper within the few Early Bronze Age, non-Egyptian sites in South Sinai. 23 The strongest evidence for continuous, albeit seasonal, Egyptian military and mining expeditions to the turquoise and copper mining region of South Sinai, is primarily represented at Wadi Maghara, which contains rock texts for various rulers fi'om Dynasties 3 through 6, and Wadi Kharig, which yield a text dating to King Sahure (Dynasty 5; Mumford 1998; Chartier-Raymond 1988). In addition, it is possible that Egypt maintained some influence or contact with other copper

21 Keat Lord observed the ancient mines in the 1860's before they were drastically altered by modem mining, and suggested that the small, irregular marks he found in one mine were made with the blunted points of flint chisels, possibly in use by the indigenous Bedouin. See further C:emy (1955:22) and Petrie (1905: 113-16, fig. I). 22 Giveon (1978a: 131) views the Asiatics who may have worked for the Egyptians as unskilled laborers, yet they were living and working in the mines for many years before the Egyptians controlled the mines of South Sinai. Along with their previous experience, the Sinaitic workers probably received suflicient training from the Egyptians so that they could not be considered "unskilled," but instead highly proficient in the retrieving of copper and turquoise. 23 Cerny, 1955:21. Note also the comments of Beit-Arieh (1985:115) and Cerny (1935:384-87).

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

53

mining and processing centers at Bir Nasb (near Serabit el-Khadim), and Timna (southern Arabah; Cerny 1955:56-57). The Old Kingdom settlement at Wadi Maghara included middens and a well-fortified hilltop settlement accessed by a single stairway. Nearby rock ledges have produced much Old Kingdom pottery, while a western building and the area beside a wadi wall contained hammerstones, ingot molds, copper slag, smelting waste, and copper ore chips. The nearby refuse heaps held flint tools, flakes, blades, and chips, and much copper waste. Turquoise mining at the turn of the century destroyed many pharaonic inscriptions at Wadi Maghara, while others were removed to the Cairo Museum for their preservation. 24 Not content with merely repelling Bedouin attacks in such areas as South Sinai, the Old Kingdom rulers caused their victories to be commemorated on rock-cut texts accompanied by depictions of the king smiting a symbolic Bedouin. These public statements provided warnings to the local Bedouin, offered thanks to Egyptian deities for the successful outcome of the expedition, and glorified the Pharaoh through a written and pictorial expression of Egyptian imperialism. 25 Egypt's pacification of the Bedouin, who were portrayed as rebels, also served a more practical purpose. The Egyptian expeditions may also have kept open the South Sinai roadways for general commerce and interaction with the Bedouin, as well as retrieving copper and turquoise for Egypt. The Egyptian military escorts protected the mining expeditions' staff and laborers and likely numbered hundreds of troops in the Old Kingdom, as is noted for expeditions elsewhere and for Middle Kingdom expeditions to Sinai. The inability of the Egyptian Old Kingdom troops, however, to achieve a long-term decisive victory against hostile Bedouin tribes and Asiatic populations is emphasized by the continuation of the smiting motif at Wadi Maghara and the

24 Despite recent excavation by Chartier-Raymond, little information ha'i been published on the settlement at Wadi Maghara. It appears on a 59m tall hill in Wadi Iqneh, consisting of 125 rough stone structures v,rith large amounts of ash, copper borers and Old Kingdom potsherds. A nearby stone wall protected the site li'om raiding Bedouins. Based upon this evidence, it is difTicult to say whether the Egyptians had non-seasonal (year-round) settlements in the Sinai (Mumford 1998:288-92). 2', In many smiting scenes, the stereotypical Bedouin might be asking it)!' mercy. The captive often grasps in his lefl hand a f(;ather that has been removed from his head and is being offered to the Egyptian ruler in a gestlJl'e of submission. This can be seen in the well-known relief of Sekhemkhet at W~di Maghara. See Gardiner, Peet and Cerny (1952: plate 1), and the discussion of Cerny (1955:2-53).

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five military campaigns that Weni directed into South Palestine. 26 The structures, material culture assemblage, mines, mining tools and debris, and 25 inscriptions at \Vadi Maghara attest to fairly continuous, albeit seasonal, Old Kingdom expeditions to this region (Valbelle and Bonnet 1996:2). The Dynasty 3 rock texts include two of King Sanakht, who appears smiting an enemy before a god, one that represents Djoser, and another two that illustrate the Horus Sekhemkhet. From Dynasty 4 Wadi Maghara has yielded three rock texts for King Sneferu, who was later deified and acknowledged as the primary founder of Egyptian mining in South Sinai despite attested Dynasty 3 texts at Maghara (Give on, 1978a:68).27 Sneferu's texts attest to an intensification of work at the turquoise and copper mines and provide a visual and textual account of Egypt su~jugating the local Bedouin (Men~ju). Of note, despite some arguments against copper being obtained from Wadi Maghara, definite evidence exists for much copper smelting and processing at this site from unidentified local copper sources, while Egyptian texts mention the retrieval of both turquoise and copper from South Sinai (personal observations, summers 2001 and 20(2). Another rock text depicts Khufu "smiting the tribesmen" before the gods Wepawet and Thoth, keeping the hostile Bedouin populations in check (Redford 1992:46-49). King Sahure of Dynasty 5 is described as "Smiting the Mentju and all the foreign lands," while his successors, Nyusserre, Menkauhor, and Djedkare-Isesi represent other Dynasty 5 rulers. Of the three rock texts of Djedkare-Isesi, one shows him "smiting the king of the foreign land" and a second records the arrival of an expedition to the "Terraces of the Turquoise," the ancient Egyptian name for Wadi Maghara. Dynasty 6 is also well-represented, with one text recording Pepi I dispatching a large army, which included sul~jugated Nubians, to subdue the Bedouins of the Sinai and Palestine, almost certainly as far as an undiscovered place called the "nose of the gazelle. 28 Other 26 Of note, the Egyvtians even incorporated prisoners of war from one oft.en hostile population (e.g., Nubians) as soldiers in military forecs dispatched against another hostile foreign population (e.g., Asiatics; Redford 1992:2). 27 One anachronistic Middle Kingdom image of Sneferu from Serabit eIKhadim shows him smiting a Bedouin, with the inscription reading: "Subduing the foreign lands." Later recognition of Sne/em's campaigns in South Sinai and texts from Wadi Maghara show that he was probably the first king to gain a permanent foothold in Sinai and in later times was regarded as the conqueror of the peninsula. See also C;erny (1955:56-57). ~H Though Redford had suggestcd that it could hc within the Carmel range along

EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

55

Sinai rock texts attest to activities at Maghara by both Kings Pepi I and II (Cerny 1955:5B-61). Egypt also dispatched expeditions to Wadi Kharig, 25 km to the north of Wadi Maghara. This mine contained a small settlement on a hilltop with clusters of housing along the hill's edge, a few potsherds, and an inscription ofSahure (Dynasty 5; Giveon 1978a:74-76). Sabure's text alludes to hostilities by the local Bedouins and their su~jugation by Egypt through his reference. to "Thoth, Lord of Fear, who conquers the land of the Setjet" (Asia; Giveon 1977). Although little evidence exists for Egyptian mining activity elsewhere in the Sinai or Negev, there are indications for contemporary, possibly indigenous, copper mining in 'Wadi Mene'iyeh, near Timna, which lies 30 km north of the Gulf of 'Aqaba and has produced numerous copper and malachite nodules. Rothenberg found and excavated several Early Bronze Age mining camps and one smelting site in this area between 1964 and 1990. 29 The title C'w ("interpreter"), which occurs amongst the titles held by members of expeditions to Sinai and elsewhere, provides a strong argument in support of Old Kingdom imperialism. This title appears in four Sinaitic texts of Dynasties 5-6 as "overseer of interpreters, second in command of interpreters," and "controller of interpreters" (Cerny 1955: 14; cf. Old Kingdom text nos. 13, 16, 17 and 18). The mere presence of several interpreters per expedition signifies a definite need for interaction between the Egyptian expeditions to Sinai and the local, non-Egyptian inhabitants. This interaction might have represented something as basic as obtaining information from local tribes and Bedouin scouts, or may allude to more significant interactions such as commercial exchanges and possibly the employment of and communication with local Bedouin laborers. Gardiner explained the word C'was a title meaning "speaker of a foreig11 language" (Gardiner 1915: 117 -25; c[ Bell 1976; Chevereau 1987 :23; 1991:57). Although the the coast of Israel, another likc:ly candidate could be a mountain projecting towards the Red Sea located near the EI-Markha Plain. Looking south down the coastline, this mountain looks remarkably like a kneeling gazelle. See Redford (1992:55) and Mumford and Parcak (2003). 29 Evidence exists at Timna for very early local copper srnelting technology, dating to the late Neolothic period. At site 39B, a building contained a copper-melting flll'nace, which is the earliest evidence of "extractive metallurgy." In site 201 A, an Early Bronze II-Early Bronze IV copper smelting site appears, producing anvils, mortars, and stone h,m1mers. This shows an evolution from "hole in the ground" technology to large-scale production in stone built furnaces (Rothenberg 1994·).

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implied association of non-Egyptians within Egyptian expeditions does not necessarily translate into a Semite work force, the presence of two ranks of overseers in charge of interpreters implies a fair number of translators who would logically have fom1ed adjuncts to Egyptian foremen directing work gangs of Semites in independent units or grouped with Egyptian laborers mining copper and turquoise. Although this title appears throughout the Old through Middle Kingdoms, it is best attested in the Old Kingdom (Chevereau 1991:57). In a variety of different contexts and titles the meaning of ('w ranges from "overseer of foreign mercenaries, to "intermediaries between the Egyptians and Nubians," "director of the foreigners," and "overseer of foreign mercenaries or Egyptianized Nubians who brings the produce of the foreign lands to his lord" (Jones 2000:73-77). The Egyptian term ('w, associated with Asiatics, may be related through onomatopoeia to the term ('~w, for "donkey;" this word shared a similar root and may have been associated with the Asiatics through either a derogatory intent or perhaps a perceived similarity between the incomprehensible sounds of donkeys and the foreign tongue(s) of the Asiatics. 30 According to modem theorists and the accompanying textual and archaeological data, it can be asserted that Old Kingdom Egypt had an empire. Egyptian expeditions definitely departed their cultural heartland in the Nile Valley to enter into adjacent lands inhabited by non-Egyptian cultures and peoples, whom tl1e Egyptians tl1emselves portrayed both as hostile and as foreign. The Old Kingdom Egyptians dispatched expeditions abroad for practical reasons, namely security issues or for economic benefits, so their actions did not merely represent a display of power. Even when security issues predominated, Egyptian victories brought wealth to Egypt through captured persons, possessions, crops, livestock, and other products and resources. Though the Egyptians lacked any specific word for "empire," Pharaoh is certainly portrayed as dominating and smiting stereotypical foreigners both within a broad range of religious, royal, official, and private media in Egypt and in rock texts outside Egypt at Wadi Maghara and Wadi 30 In a similar vein (though in much later times), the Greeks described the people who bray, or babble, as "barbaros," from which we get our modern term for barbarian. ('~y could also be seen as "interpreters of a difficult craft (a poetic term). In this context, the term could bc used to refer to people who fashion items out of precious stones. This would make sense, given the religious significance of mining, with Hathor as the "mistress of the mfk3t (turquoise)." Special thanks to John Darnell for suggesting this connection. See also Aufrere (1991: 133-36).

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EGYPT'S OLD KINGDOM 'EMPIRE'

Kharig. Much like modem empires, Egyptian royal and private textual-pictorial sources do not refrain from illustrating the captives and booty obtained from foreign ventures. The two main types of ventures abroad included Egyptian military expeditions, which focused upon the subjugation of or retaliation against neighboring hostile regions, and mining and commercial expeditions, which focused upon retrieving products. Both types of expeditions included common elements: military forces, foreign destinations, subjugation of foreigners (in varying degrees), the retrieval of foreign captives or items, and a reflection of glory and power upon the pharaoh who dispatched the expedition. The question should not be focused on whether an empire existed in the Old Kingdom, but rather how this empire may be compared with and contrasted from others in different periods and cultures. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adams, W. Y. 1984 "The first colonial empire: Egypt in Nubia, 3200-1200 in Sociery and His/.m), 26:36-71.

B.C.,"

Comparative Studies

Amiran, R., Beit-Arieh, I. et at. 1973-·"The interrelationship between Arad and sites in southern Sinai in the Early Bronze Age II, " 15rael Exploration Joumal 23: 193-97. Andelkovic, B. 1995~· TIze Relations Between Early Bronze Age I Canaanites and Upper Egyptians. Belgrade. Aufrcre, Sydney 1991--L'Univers lv[iTlliral Dans La Pensee tgyptienne. I.e Caire: Institut Fran<;:ais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire. Beit-Arieh, I. 1974--"An Early Bronze Age II Site at Nabi Salah in Southern Sinai," Tel Aviv 1/4: 144-55. 1978~"A Canaanite site near Sheikh Muhsen," Expedition, 20/4:8-11. 1980-"A Chalcolithic Site at Serabit el-Khadim," Tel Am'v 7/1-2:45-65. 1983-·-"Central-southern Sinai in the Early Bronze Age II and its relationship with Palestine," Levant 15:39-48. 1984--··"New Evidence on the Relations between Canaan and Egypt during the Proto-Dynastic Period," 15rael Etploration Joumal 341 I :20-23. 1985· "Serabit el-Khadim: New Metallurgical and Chronological Aspect~," Levant 17:89-116. 1986-~"Two Cultures in Southern Sinai in the Third Millennium B.C." Bulletin rifthe Ammcan Schools rr/Oriental Research 263:27-60. 1994~·-"Canaanites and Egyptians at Serabit el-Khadim" p. 57-67 in E. Stern, A. Lewison-Gilboa, and J Aviram (ed.), The }Ileu) Enryclopedia rif Archaeological Excavations in the HOly Land, 4. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

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Bell L. 1976-~Interpreterss and Egyptianized Nubians in Ancient Egyptian Foreign Policy. Aspects Egypt and Nubia. PhD Dissertation, Ann Arbor: UMI.

if

Blanton, R. E. 1996~"A Consideration of Causality in the Growth of Empire: A Comparative Perspective," Chapter 9 in F. Berdan, R. Blanton, E. Boone, M.E. Smith and E. Umberber (ed.), Aztec Imperial Strategies. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. (~erny, J. 1935--"Semites in Egyptian Mining Expeditions to Sinai," Archil) Orienwlni 7:38487. 1955 .... The Inscriptions if Sinai: Part II, 45th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Society, London: Oxford University Press.

Chartier-Raymond, M. 1988-"Notes sur Magham." Pp. 13-22 in M. Chartip·-Raymond, B. Gratien, C. Traunnecker, ].-M. Vincon (cd.) Societes Urbaines en E)'pte et au .s'oudan. Cahiers de Recherches de L'Institut de Papyrologie et d Egyptolo?;ie de Lille, 10. Lille. Chevereau, P. M. 1987 "Prosopographie des Cadres Militaires," Reuue d' 4'g-ypt<Jfogie 38:23. 1991 "Prosopographie des Cadres Militaires," Revue d' Eg)1Jt%gie 42:57. Frank, A. 1993 . "Bronze Age World System Cycles," Current Allthropolog)! 34/4:383-403. Frandsen, P.]. 1979-"Egyptian Imperialism." Pp. 167-190 in M. T. Larsen, (ed.) Poweralld Propa~ ganda: a .~)!mposium on Allcient Elnpires. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. Gardiner, A. H. 1915- "The Egyptian word for 'Dragoman' J" Proceedings .lor the Society of Biblical Archaeology 37: 117-25. Gardiner, A. H., T. E. Peet andJ. (:erny 1952-Inscriptions q{Sinai 1. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Giveon, R. 1977 ._. "Inscriptions of Sahure and Sestrosis I from Wadi Kharig (Sinai), Bulletin if the American School l!l Oriental Research 226:61-63. I 978a-17lf Stones qfSinai Speak. Tokyo: Gakuseisha. 1978b-"Corrected Drawings of the Sahure and Sestrosis I Inscriptions from the Wadi Kharig," Bulletin if the American SchooLf qf Oriental Research 232:76-78. Golden,J. 2002~ .. "'Ihe Origins of the Metals Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean: Social Organization of Production the Early Copper Industries." Pp. 225-38 in E. C. M. van den Brink and T. Levy (eel.). f..gvP! and the Levant. London: Leicester University Press. Gophna, Ram 1976~"Egyptian

Immigration into Southern Canaan during the First Dynasty!'''

Tel Aviv 3/ I :31-37.

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Hill, M.

1999-~"Prisonnier agenouile." Pp. 363-65 in Zeigler, C. et al. (eel.), L'art E'gyptien au Temps des fyramides. Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux_

Hobsbawm, E. 1987-The Age if ETnpire, 1875-1914. New York: Praeger. Joffe, A. H. I 994---"Review ofG. Algaze, The Uruk World System: The Dynamics of Expansion of Early Mesopotamian Civilization," Journal if Field Archaeology 21/4:512-16. Jones, D. 2000--An Index qfAncient Egyptian Titles, E/Jithet.1 and Phrases of the Old Kingdom. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 866. Kemp, B.J I 978--"Imperialism and Empire in New Kingdom Egypt." pp. 7-57 in Kent Weeks (cd.), Imperialism in the Ancient J1'orld. London: Cambridge University Press. 1997 "Why Empires Rise," Camhn-dge Archaeological Journal 7/2: 125-31_ ~\ilumford,

G. I 998-"Wadi Maghara." Pp 875-78 in K. Bard and S. Shubert (eel.), The ETuyclopedia if the Archaeologv if Ancient Egypt. London: Routledge. 200 I "Sinai." pp. 288-92 in D. B. Redford, (ed.), Oiford Erlr;ydopedia if Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Mumford, G. and S. Parcak 2002--"Satellite Image Analysis and Archaeological Fieldwork in EI-Markha Plain (South Sinai)", Antiquiry 83/4. 2003--(forthcoming) "Pharaonic Ventures into South Sinai: EI-Markha Plain Site 346," Journal if Egyptian Archaeology 89. Murnane, \'\t. A. I 983----77ze Penguin Guide to Ancient ri;ypt. Facts on File. Morkot, R. 200 I-"Egypt and Nubia." Pp. 227-51 in S. Alcock, T. D'Altroy, K. Morrison and C. Sinopoli (ed.), Empires. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Oren, E. 1973---"The Overland trade Route between Eh'YPt and Canaan," lrrael Exploration ]ollrnal23: 199-205 Owen, R. and B. Sutcliffe (ed.) 1972Stlldies in the Dzem)! qfImperialism. London: Longman. Petrie, \\T. F. 1905---"Sinai: Archaeology," in i'vlan, 5-6 (64): 113-16. Redf()J'd, D. B. I 973---"Extending the Boundaries" in D.E. Redf()fd and Grayson (ed.), Paf!yrus and Tahlet. Englewood CliflS 1981-- The Acquisition of Foreign Goods and Services in the Old Kingdom, Scripta AleditelTanea, Bulletin of the Society for IVlediterrancan Studies, Mississauga: Benben Publications. H

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I 992-Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Rothenberg, B. I 970---"An Archaeological Survey of South Sinai: First Season 1967/1968," Pakstine Exploration Qyarterry, 102:4-29. 1994-"Timna." Pp. 1475-86 E. Stern, A. Lewison-Gilboa, and]. Aviram (ed.), The New Encyclopedia qf Archaeological Excavatwns in the Hory Land 4, Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Rothenberg, B., and I. Ordentlich 1979--"A Comparative Chronology of Sinai, Egypt and Palestine," Bulletin qf the Israeli Institute qf Archaeology, 16:233-37. Sinopoli, C. I 995--"The Archaeology of Empires: A view from South Asia," Bulletin qfthe American Schools qf Oriental Research 299-300:3-11 Smith, S. T. 1991-"A Model for Egyptian Imperialism in Nubia," GM 122:77-102 I 993-Askut and the Changing Nature qf Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millennium B. C. Ph.D. Dissertation, Ann Arbor: UMI. I 995--Askut in Nubia: The Economics and ideology qf Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millenium B.C. London: Kegan Paul International. 1997-"Ancient Egyptian Imperialism: Ideological Vision or Economic Exploitation? Reply to critics of Askut in Nubia," Cambridge Archaeological ]oumal, 7/2:301-307. Smith, W. S. 1971---"The Old Kingdom in Egypt and the beginning of the First Intermediate Period" In I.E.S. Edwards, CJ. Glad and N.G.L. Hammond (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History. Volume I, Part 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tiradritti F. 1999-Egyptian Treasures from the Egyptian .IHuseum in Cairo, New York: Harry N. Abrams. Valbelle, D. and C. Bonnet 1996---Le Sanctuaire d'Hator, Maitresse de la Turquois-e. Paris: Picard Editeur. Vallogia, M. 1999-"Dakhla Oasis, Balat." Pp. 216-19 in K. Bard and S. Shubert (ed.), Ew;yclopedia qf flle Archaeology flf Ancient Egypt. London: Routledge. Ward, W. A. 1991----"Early contacts between Egypt, Canaan, and Sinai: Remarks on the paper by Amnon Ben-Tor," Bulletin qfthe American SchooLr qfOriental Research 281:11-26. Weinstein,]. M. 1981-"The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment," Bulletin qfthe American School qf Oriental Research 241: 1-28. Wilkinson, T. 2001-.Earry Dynastic Egypt. New York: Routledge.

ARCHAEOMETRY AT MENDES: 1990-2002 Larry A. Pavlish

Historical Perspective General Introduction and History: Modern Perspective The archaeological site of Mendes (fig. I a) is, at the same time, one of the most threatened and perhaps the best-preserved site in the Nile Delta (Stanley and Warne 1993). This situation is the consequence of a catastrophic hydrological event that took place about two thousand years ago, when the Mendesian Branch of the Nile either suddenly moved away from the site, or the site's harbour and other water access routes silted up and became unnavigable. The disappearance of these channels effectively removed Mendes from the mainstream of Egyptian commerce. Mendes and its environs remained relatively isolated until the establishment of 20th century land reclamation projects that released much of Egypt from its dependency on inundation-based agriculture. With the construction of the Aswan High Dam in the mid 1960's, the area around Mendes become prime, flood-free, agricultural land (prior to the High Dam, informants report that the annual flood waters came within several kilometres of Tel eL Rub 'a). The resulting rise in agricultural production, however, in addition to a fast growing population and increased salinization of the soil, may have disastrous long-term consequences. Given current land-use practices, the steady rise in food requirements from increasingly less productive lands for a population that is increasing at a rate of lxl06 per 9 months may result in the eventual collapse of the Delta agricultural system and its socio-political base (Stanley and Warne 1993). This modern situation is comparable to the succession of ancient ecological disasters that progressed slowly up the Tigris and Euphrates and brought an end to Sumer, Old Babylonia and Assyria (Russell 1972). Today, the solution to this dilemma is obtained most easily by acquiring new land, and archaeological sites in the Delta, like Mendes, are prime candidates for expropriation. Many sites in the Delta have already gone under the plough. Consequently, the research being carried out at Delta sites is, in a real sense, a kind of rescue-research archaeology.

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Archaeological Research The site of Tel el Rub'a's northern Rom, Mendes [Greek name], is located approximately 90 miles north of Cairo, in the northeastern Nile Delta, on an ancient distributary of the Nile near the present day regional capital of Mansoura. Mendes has been occupied almost continuously since pre dynastic times. '[he site includes the remains of port facilities, manuf~lcturing centres and residential areas that were occupied during the last two millennia B.C. In addition, the remains of monumental architecture are preserved at the site, including the temple enclosure of Banebdjed (B 3nbdd), the Ram God, alluded to by Herodotus, with its many generations of empty, long ago robbed, granite ram sarcophagi fragments still strewn about the landscape. Massive temene walls built by Ptolemy II, Philadelphus (284-246 B.C.), form enclosures rising to an elevation of four metres above the surrounding countryside. From these walls one can easily view the extant Great Naos of Amasis built ca. 530 B.C., the Royal Necropolis of the 29th Dynasty and the inner and outer harbours of the city. In later periods, most notably the Greco-Roman, slag was produced by numerous activities such as glass making, lime plaster production, ceramic manufacture, metallurgical industry and the purposeful mass destruction of architecture (e.g., the sacking of the city in 343 B.C. by the Persian, Artaxerxes III). The status of Mendes as a commercial centre came to an abrupt end approximately 2000 years ago when the Mendesian branch of the Nile became unnavigable and the site was abandoned. Tel el Rub'a is last mentioned in texts of the 9th century A.D., and the site reappears in 18th and 19th century accounts of European travelers (Redford 1992; 1993a; 1993b; 1994; Redford et al. 1992).

Archaeometric Research A geoarchaeological research programme including a coring, geophysical survey, geochemical analyses of pottery and slag, and flotation for archaeobotanical remains has been carried out at Mendes. The coring work revealed the presence of a low relic levee dating back 7,500 years, indicating that occupation of the site was possible during the Early Holocene. However, there is no archaeological evidence to suggest that the site \vas inhabited at this early time (Pavlish, B'naity, julig, Farquhar, and Redford 1994; Pavlish and Hancock 1994:35; Pavlish' D'Andrea, B'naity, Ierullo,julig, Farquhar, and Redford 1995;

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Pavlish,julig, B'naity, and Redford 1995; Pavlish, B'naity,julig, Farquhar, and Redford 1995; see fig. 1b below). l'he levee is currently buried under five to seven metres of overburden Uulig and Pavlish 1994). Archaeological evidence indicates that occupation began during the Pre-Dynastic Gerzian Period (3,600-3,100 B.C.), and continued through Pharaonic and into Roman times. The geophysical survey conducted over a well-preserved section of the city defined a range of archaeological targets dating between the 6th and 29th Dynasties. These targets include furnaces, tombs, wall complexes, inner and outer harbour docking facilities and infilled cisterns (Farquhar and Pavlish 1993; 1996; Pavlish and Farquhar 1994; Pavlish, Farquhar, and D'Andrea 1993; 1994a; 1994b; Pavlish, IVlumford, and D'Andrea 2002; lerullo, Adamson, B'naity, Farquhar, Hancock, Pavlish, julig, and Redford, 1995). The slag materials from furnaces were identified by magnetic anomalies, and \vere associated with glass, pottery, ceramic and metal production, as well as fire-based architectural destruction. These residues are clearly identifiable on the landscape of Mendes. A combination of instrumental neutron activation analysis (INl\A), X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) and thin section visual microscopy were used to identify the economic activity that produced the slag. Each operation was represented by a diagnostic slag deposit comprising one element in the ancient local economy. The analysis of slag, in conjunction with other areas of research (e.g., prospection), helps further our understanding of the economic importance of ~V[endes, and to more clearly define its role in national and international commerce as a harbour capital (Ierullo, Pavlish, Adamson, B'naity, Farquhar, Hancock, julig, and Redford 1996). Geochemical analyses, including INAA of recovered basket handle jars (n=266), indicates that over 90%) were made from Nile alluvium. The jars do not appear to have been made in Rhodes, Cyprus or Syro-Palestine as has previously been assumed (B'naity, de Rodrigo, D'Andrea, Farquhar, Pavlish, and Hancock 1995; Pavlish, Farquhar, Redford, and B 'naity 20(2). The INAA results suggest that these vessels may have been made in the vicinity west of present day Alexandria, a reg~()n that in classical times was known as Libya. Flotation sampling by D'Andrea (1993; 1994). has yielded the charred seed remains of several cereal, fodder and weedy plant species. In addition, fishbone extracted from flotation samples that were taken from mortuary jars, has been identified as the Mendes fish (Tila/Jia sp.), a species associated with the goddess,

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eq \O(H) 3 t-m eq \O(/z)IT, of Mendes (Brewer: private communication; see fig. 1b).

18th and 19th Century Perspective European travelers of the 18th and 19th centuries had very different impressions of Egypt than we do today.l There were many reasons for this situation, but perhaps the more important of these were simple ignorance, an inherent Eurocentric bias and the absence of a transportation infrastructure in the country. Furthermore, Egypt as a travel destination was definitely eclipsed by Rome and Athens that were considered required visiting for any 18th and 19th century traveler. Prior to 1869, when Cooks Travel Ltd. formally established organized tours in the country, visitors to Egypt faced the problem of transportation once they reached the port city of Alexandria. Thus, only the most intrepid travelers were able to visit the archaeological sites of Egypt before tourism became organized. With the advent of relatively easy travel, attitudes toward Egypt and its landscape changed. Perceptions about what Egypt is, and was, were documented in the diaries, magazine travel accounts, and books by visitors to the country. Some famous travelers, such as Florence Nightingale (1820-1910), saw little of merit in the country with the possible exception of some rather aesthetically pleasing trees. Others, such as John Pierpont Morgan (1837-1913), saw Egypt as the first successful capitalist state. But, despite Egypt's long history of visitors, which included such notable figures as Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, the accounts of the Pyramids and the sphinx dominated and epitomized conceptions of ancient Egypt. It was only after the successful campaigns of Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801), and his policy of recording the Natural and Cultural History of newly acquired French possessions, that Egypt's wealth of ancient ruins became generally known among the European intelligentsia. In spite of this increased awareness of Egypt's history and antiquities, travelers tended to visit only those places located along the main Nile, especially the Upper Nile. Thus, the Nile Delta and its sites were rarely visited. The Delta site of Tel el Rub 'a or Mendes was no exception to this rule, although the Great Naos and temple remains I Historic information used in this section of the paper was to a great extent extracted from de Meulenaere and MacKay (1976). A summary of that history can be found in Pavlish, Farquhar, D'Andrea, Redford, and Julig (2002).

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did attract a few intrepid wanderers. There were very few 1Bth and 19th century travelers who arrived at Mendes with the express purpose of seeing its antiquities. This was not unexpected; the Nile Delta was a poorly explored, marshy region that would have made a long term stay hazardous to European health. In addition to inhospitable living conditions, Mendes had one other quality that ensured its continued anonymity---no one seemed to know its precise location. This was in part due to inaccurate map making. Although Mendes appeared on a map made by Pere Sicard Sj. (1677-1726) as early as 1722, it was incorrectly placed. The Reverend Richard Pococke (1704-1765) travelled in Egypt in 1737-173B and both Mendes and its sister city Timei appear on his 1743 map; but, once again, both are incorrectly located. Neither of these early geographers actually visited the site. Tourtechot (Sieur Granger) was the first modern traveler known definitely to have visited Mendes. He also appears to have been the only early visitor to have recognized that several fragments around Amasis' Naos were parts of other naoi. An administrator, Pierre Simon Girard (1765-1836), was in Egypt with Napoleon's Expedition (179B-IB01), and made the first drawing of the Naos while visiting Mendes inJanuary, lBOl. In that same year, Lord Elgin sent William Richard Hamilton (1777-1859) to Egypt to recover the Rosetta Stone from the French. Hamilton subsequently visited the Delta in February or March of 1B02, and provided an interesting perspective of Mendes: [W]e sailed towards the canals ... for the purpose of visiting the ruins ... we got into a channel that flowed into a lake about 10 miles south-by-east of [MansouraJ. \Ve observed to the Iell a mount, like those of ancient cities, called [Tel el Rub'a), but the water which surrounded it on all sides prevented us approaching it on foot, and there was not sufficient depth of it for us to reach it in our boat. (Aegyptiaca, London, 1809).

In 1806, Henry Salt (1780-1827), an agent of Lord Valentia, made the second known drawing of the Naos. He later became the British Consul General in Cairo (1816-1827), a position he occupied until his death. A short time later, George Annesley, who was Lord Valentia, Second Earl of Mountnorris (1770-1 B44), describes a visit to the site of Mendes in his three volume book, V£ryages and TraveLf t,o India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and El!ypt, in the )'ears 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806, (London 1811). On May 9, 1806, his heavily armed band had to discourage camel robbers at the site. He examined the ram sarcophagi without deducing their actual use, and measured the

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size of the Naos with Salt's help. Finally, after purchasing antiquities (auctioned after his death on December 8, 1852), he and his party withdrew because of the threat of raiding parties. Almost a decade later, John L. Burckhardt (1784-1817) spent the years 1814-1817 in Egypt. Burckhardt, also known as Sheikh Ibrahim, the well known, though short-lived, Swiss anthropologist-equivalent, briefly described Mendes in a diary entry he made on October 12, 1815: rIlhe wild lotus is not found in upper Egypt, I believe, but abounds in the delta ... I saw it in great abundance, and in full flower, covering the whole inundated plain on the twelfth of October, 1815, near the ruins of Tmey, about twelve miles south-east from Mansoura. (Burckhardt 1830)

The destruction of archaeological sites in the 18th and 19th century by treasure hunting and collecting can be placed in perspective with the observations of Sir Frederick Henniker (1793-1825), who visited Mendes in October of 1820: But a few years since, here stood a temple, which according to report, was one of the least injured and most beautiful in Egypt. What ought to have preserved it has caused its destruction: it is now in worse condition than the temple at Beybait, there is scarcely a stone unturned and unbroken; ... "if gold be not concealed in them," say the Arabs, "Why are the Franks at the trouble of visiting, and the expense of carrying away the stones?" (Henniker 1824:49-50)

His statement shows that the problem of treasure hunting was as big a threat to ancient monuments in the past as it is today. The most comprehensive early 19th century account of Mendes is provided by an amateur geologist who was looking for coal. James Burton (1788-1862) traveled widely in Egypt in the years 1824-1828 and 1830-1835. Burton kept meticulous records, including a visit he made to Mendes on August 17-18, 1828. He sketched his arrival by boat in a canal during inundation. The only lands visible besides the site were the bank tops (levees) of the canal. His sketch shows clearly the northwest corner of the temenos wall and the N aos while looking to the south-southeast. He completed the first detailed drawing of the Naos, and he recorded the inscriptions on it including the cartouches of King Amasis. He also observed the large slag mound at the north end of the site that is still present today. He noted "bones cemented firmly together" on a hill to the east of the main site enclosure. Today

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this location is called the 'Hill of Bones' (Tel el 'ham or more commonly Tel Adhem). Burton, like Lord Valentia, failed to adduce the function of the "large fragments of statues or columns worked into cisterns for water," which are now known to be ram sarcophagi. The first Egyptologist to write a comprehensive and understandable book on Egyptian History was Sir John Gardener Wilkenson (1797-1875). He spent the years 1821-1833 and 1842 in Egypt. He remains the only person to note that the limestone base of the Naos may have been a purposeflll engineering design based on the understanding that water and salts cause granite to decay much more readily than limestone. Furthermore, he was the first person to state in print that the cartouches Burton had drawn were those of King Amasis (570-525 B.C.) of Dynasty XXVI. \Vith a few exceptions, the latter half of the 19th century was unremarkable with respect to visitations to ~lendes. At this time, the average traveler was going directly from Alexandria to Cairo and fi'om there by boat to the Upper Nile. Karl Richard Lepsius (1810-1884) is known to have visited Mendes in April of 1866. After his death, a drawing of the Naos was f(nmd in his personal effects by Henri Edouard Naville (1844-1926). The first recorded excavation at the site was by A. Daninos [pasha] (ca. 1840 ca. 1912). He was at the site for one day onJuly 22, 1869; and, in that short time, uncovered the giant sarcophagus of limestone still seen today in The Royal Necropolis. He also found a fragment of a shawabti, suggesting that the sarcophagus belonged to King Nepherites of Dynasty XXIX [Mariette carried out an in absentia excavation in 1860]. 'l'wo years later, on February 18, 1871, Emile Brugsch lPasha] (1842-1930) provided information that finally, after 150 years of misplacement, enabled his brother Heinrich to locate Mendes correctly on a map that was published in 1875. In that same month, Emile also produced the first photograph of the N aos, although it did not appear in print until 1926. In 1880, Alfred Joshua Butler (1850-1936), while tutor to the Khedive of Egypt, visited the site and noted that: "it does not appear to be in the guide books." Contrary to this observation, Mendes had been mentioned in travel books published five years before Butler's visit. Ironically, Butler went on to become the Bursar of Brasenose College, Oxford, and was best known for his books on Egypt! In 1892, Henri Edouard N aville (1844--1926) carried out largescale excavations in the temple precinct near the Naos. He provided a description and correct ascription of the ram sarcophagi, and compared

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them with an Arab account: "cisterns of extraordinary description." He included the following observations of the temple by a 15th century Arab geographer: The temple is in ruins ... the remains of its walls and roof: made of very large stones have been preserved to the present day. I saw there a hall with columns of hard stone made of one single piece of a height of about 10 cubits, erected on a basement also of hard rock. 2

Concluding Comments Most early travelers who visited Mendes did so with the intention of collecting antiquities; there were few scholarly endeavours. Many of the 19th century cursory descriptions of the Mendesian landscape were supplemented by local folklore and the residues of Arab travelers' accounts that had little basis in fact. James Burton seems to have provided the most complete early record of the site. His ascription of slag to certain mounds [e.g., The Hill of Bones] on the site is correct; but, he was no more able to unravel the mystery of the 'stone cisterns' than either the Arab visitors who had come before, or many of the 19th century archaeologists who came later. The current interpretation of the sarcophagi was first published by Naville in 1892. When viewed from a historical perspective, it is surprising that the persons who visited this relatively inaccessible site were able to produce accurate descriptions at all. The full importance of this ancient harbour city is only today being more fully appreciated.

Geoarchaeology Geomorphology When considering the geomorphic setting for the Kom complex of Tel el Rub'a [Mendes: north; Timai: south], one is really evaluating the results of two physical laws of nature as they apply to sediment particles in two media of transport (Pavlish, Julig B'naity, and Redford 1995). Basically, the Tel el Rub'a landscape is a product of grav-

2 So E. H. Naville (1894), as cited on p. L18 of de Meulenaere and Mackay (L976). Naville acquired this transLation of the observations of Abbas Ahmed ben Ali el Caleaschandi from a Count d'Hulst. This account also mentions the "large cisterns" (i.e., ram sarcophagi). See also de Meulenaere and Mackay (1976:15-21).

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ity and Bernoulli's Principal acting in the media of air and water. Gravity provides velocity to the media and the differential pressures that those velocities produce permit sediment particles to move by sliding, saltating or suspension. In other words, sediment bedload transfer is a function of landscape and/or air pressure gradients and sediment geochemical erosive properties interacting with the mediums of water and wind. The landscape of today is not that which was viewed from the upper reaches of the Tel in the second millennium B.C. The Tel el-Rub'a site complex was for a great portion of its existence in a coastal and lagoonal setting (Stanley 2002). While the geomorphic environment changes constantly, the water-land interface in the northern Nile Delta region that is relevant to differential human occupation changes on a time scale of centuries to millennia (Butzer 2002). Within this framework, aeolian and fluvial processes will preserve, destroy or modify the archaeological landscape. But, the Tel itself, and the surrounding environs are a result of sediment accretion. This situation is obtained when the amount of sediment delivery to a specific location exceeds the rate at which it is transported away from that location. In the case of archaeological sites, in addition to the natural delivery systems a<;sociated with wind and water, there are human delivery systems that can move great amounts of for example mud brick to a specific location. In the final analysis, river behavior is a function of the balance between water flow and sediment load (Pavlish and Redford 2002; Farquhar and Pavlish 1996; Pavlish et ai., 1994; Pavlish, Kleindienst, and Sheppard 2002). It can be shown that the single most important factor in the site's differential spatial utilization has been the changing location of the Nile discharge channel. The channel and surrounding floodplains are dynamic landforms which change constantly. This controlling factor results from a number of geomorphological issues including: I) the slow deposition of one millimetre of silt per year across much of the landscape which influenced the gradient of the Nile and the flow rate, 2) the slow uplift oflandscape in the immediate region as a result of the massive sediment load being deposited in the ofI<;hore Mediterranean basin, 3) human landscape remolding, and 4) rare, but dynamic flood events that could catastrophically change the hydrological landscape. It was probably a combination of these events that finally made Mendes untenable as a major trading centre (Butzer 2000).

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Coring Programs Beginning in 1994 and continuing to the present, a coring program has been conducted at Tel el Rub 'a Gulig and Pavlish 1994). The objectives of this program have been the better defining of the subsurface stratigraphy at Mendes, Tel el Rub 'a's northern Kom and Tel Timai, the southern Kom. With an improved view of the stratigraphic relationship of different areas of these contiguous sites, the geomorphological relationships and associated buried landforms can be reconstructed. To accomplish this objective coring was carried out both upon and between the sites. A total of 70 cores with depths to slightly more than ten metres were completed. There appears to be no real soil development (fig. 1b).

On-site Context Three large-scale profile sections have been reconstructed from the bore hole data. These profIles consist of two in the outer harbour: one short-axis profile running north-south, across the harbour, and one long-axis profile running east-west; and, one profile that traverses the higher elevations of the site and includes two deep soundings and southern sections.

North-South Harbour and Kom el Adhem (Hill if Bones) The short axis profIle is based on eight cores that are distributed over 600 metres (200 metres across harbour). Basal sands are approximately 2.25 metres below mean sea level and average a little over seven metres below ground surface. The basal sands were overlain by one to three metres of water lain sediments with no sherds content. The areas north of, under, and immediately south of the Hill of Bones have water lain sediment with a depth of between one and two metres. The outer harbour cross section itself has less than a metre of sherd-free waterlain sediments above the basal sands and provides clear evidence of deeper water or regular dredging. Overlaying the water lain sediments are similar sediments that contain numerous sherd fragments. There were two bands of sherd-free clay layers that extended across the section varying in thickness and suggesting that there were two occasions of prior abandonment at the site. In the area of the Hill of Bones, these layers begin approximately at one metre below sea level [approximately five metres below surface], and extend in places to within two metres of the surface. The massive sand

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Hill of Bones is resting on sediments that contain sherds. Based on geomorphological evidence, the Hill of Bones was probably built in the middle of the first millennium B.C. 3 The northernmost core that is located immediately north of the Hill of Bones yielded a carbon-l 4 date on a shell from the minus one metre ASL level [over five metres below surface] of 1800±50 B.C. corrected]. The two southerly cores of this profile sample the narrow channel and the inner harbour. The channel appears to have silted up and been infilled while the site was still being actively used. The inner harbour has a section from basal sand through water lain sediments to sherd-laden sediments that is similar to that of the outer harbour (fig. 2).

r

East- West Harbour The long axis profile is based on five cores that are distributed over 450 metres. The section extends from the East gate of the temenos Wall to the present-day eastern edge of the site. The basal sands were found to be between one and two metres below sea level or between seven and ten metres below ground surface. These sediments were overlain by water lain sediments that contained sherd fragments. The top two metres were relatively clear of sherds and represent the deposition of the last approximately two thousand years. This translates into a sedimentation rate of approximately one millimetre per year or a metre per thousand years, a figure consistent with published rates (Pavlish and Farquhar 1996).4 3 The sand mound base is approximately four metres below average land surface today. Thus, 1.3 vertical metres separates the mound base from the shell horizon. Therefore, the sedimentation rate from [800 B.C. until approximately 500 B.C. appears to closely approximate the generally accepted average sedimentation rate for the Nile Delta of 1 mm.lyear or one metre per one thousand years (see further below). 4 The average sedimentation rates measured from excavations in the Outer Harbour of Mendes arc approximately one metre per 1000 years. This result agrees with the rate determined from other archaeological sites (e.g., Tel Tahilla: Pavlish et al. 2(02) and, most interestingly, approximately with what is probably the first sedimentation estimate carried out in Egypt. This determination was associated with the excavation of one of the two giant Ramesside heads at the temple of Hiphaestas Ptah in Memphis which were referred to by Herodotus (ca. 454 B.C.), and Diodorus and Strabo (only one remained in the latter's time). Cooley (1842:514) noted: "There was also a half buried mutilated colossal statue which is called by Wilkinson the statue of Ramesses II. The scientific antiquarians have robbed the noble specimen of Egyptian art of both its feet." Also, Baedeker (1898: 126) states that the statue was discovered by Mes.m. Caveglia and Sloan in 1820: "In 1851-1854 Hekekyan-Bey, an Armenian, was employed by the London Geological Society to make excavations here, and having sunk shaft~ at 96 diflerent places, he found bones of domestic animals, fragments of

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High Site Prqfile with Deep Soundings and a Southern Extension The High Site profile is made from nine cores, five are within the temenos Wall including two that were placed in the floor of archaeological deep soundings, and four that are in the southern half of the site including the inner harbour, the 'well', and two southern 'basin' areas. Basal sand was reached at elevations of minus two and minus three metres respectively in the deep soundings. In the inner harbour, these sands were at less than minus two metres elevation, and the 'well' area had basal sand occurrence at less than one metre below sea level. The basal sand's variable absolute depth below surface as measured in elevation strongly suggest that the detected morphology is consistent with what one might expect from a relic levee. The general surficial morphology today at Mendes suggests the presence of three parallel northeasterly trending levees associated with the Nile River's movement that are separated by distances of three hundred metres. The southern Kom, Timai, is probably located on a fourth, the last and most recently created of these levees. These observations are consistent with the off-site and between Kom coring that suggest a gradual rise in the landscape. As much as three metres of clean (no sherds) water lain sediments were encountered in the cores from the southern section of Mendes. These waterlain sediments are present at elevations between zero and minus three metres (ASL) in most cores on the northern portions of the site, but average less that one metre in depth. There are three distinct sherd-bearing layers above the water lain sediments that are in turn separated by two thin bands averaging

pottery and bricks, and various implement~ (e.g., a copper knife), at different depths. Near the colossal statue, beneath strata of Nile mud, which had not been covered with sand from the desert, was discovered a fragment of red terracotta, at a depth of 39 feet. The alluvial deposits at this spot are calculated, though on a not very trustworthy system, to have increa~ed at the rate of two and three-quarters to three inches in every century which makes this fragment of pottery, buried at a depth of 39 feet at least 4,000 years older than the monument of the great Ramsess." For many years after the excavation, the statue had to be viewed by walking down into the excavation pit and looking up at the statue. The depth of burial was approximately one and a half metres. Thi<; depth implies that the statue fell upon the ground in the third or fourth centuries AD. The age determination mentioned by the geolol:,>1cal excavators from the middle of the 19th century was probably simply an anti-creationist statement. The actual age depth for the 39ft. deep buried ceramic would be over 15,000 years and the statue 11,000 years, if the depositional rate was to be believed for the entire column. Notwithstanding this obvious polemic, the actual estimated rate of deposition of 3 inches per 100 years is close to today's accepted rate of 4 inches per 100 years or in modern parlance 10 cm. [I m.lI,OOO years].

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twenty to thirty centimetres of clean sherdless sediments suggestive of several periods of abandonment. Old land surfaces associated with abandonment are often expressed as bands of sediment having little or no artefact content, having a higher density that results from the deflation of the old surface due to intensive wind and water action. This observation is consistent with the north-south section in the outer harbour (fig. 2).

North

~ValL

Subsurface Prcifiles

Twenty-four cores were placed at one metre intervals along a northsouth line that bridged the extant foundation base of the north, east-west temenos wall. The above surface portions of the wall were probably robbed out for road bed fill. The Profile is immediately to the southeast of the slag pile described by Burton on his 1828 visit. The remaining wall foundation was 16 metres wide and averaged about 90 centimetres in depth. Below the wall base there are approximately three metres of water lain sediments. The water table was nearly 4 metres below ground surface. The sherd fragments recovered from the cores were distributed on the ancient sub-aqueous water-land interface that graded deeper to the north. A limestone shatter was present immediately south of the wall foundation that extended to the depth more than three metres below surface. No limestone shatter was found beneath the wall foundation. Carbonate concretions and iron and manganese staining was present on sediments near the fluctuating water table. A topographic survey of extant sections of the north temenos wall when combined with the core section data suggest that the actual wall at its base was between ten and twelve metres wide setting on a foundation base of 16 metres. The sediments that have eroded from the wall and have redeposited on its northern and southern sides suggest that the original height of the wall may have been six to eight metres above the surrounding landscape (fig. I b).

Oifsite Context For the purposes of this study, the regions south of the northern Kom of Tel el Rub 'a, :Mendes, were deemed to be off site. Thus, the areas between the Koms and regions south of Timai are considered to be in an off-site context.

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Mendes- Tel Tirnai Inteiface The antiquity of the southern Korn at Tel el Rub 'a [fimai] is generally thought to be much less than the northern portions of the northern Korn, Mendes. There are claims for a recent band of continuous cultural deposits between the north and south Korns. This view is based on the testimony of elders who attest to walking between the Korns. Notwithstanding these observer statements, there appears litde evidence today that clearly supports these claims. Maps based on information compiled by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in 1959 from the 1930-1941 Anglo-Egyptian Survey (1 :25000) show that a 400 metre gap existed over 65 years ago and that the EL-Shiwan Canal existed at that time (fig. 3). Sherd Densities: Suiface Sherd densities on both sites can exceed 400 items per square metre of surface area; these densities are greatly diminished in famllands aqjacent to the present-day KomL These farmlands appear to be of two kinds: 1) lands reclaimed from the marsh using Tel sediments and improved drainage; and, 2) land reclaimed from the marsh by improving only the drainage system. The sediment-assisted land reclamations appear to be the product of a 50 centimetre veneer of Tel sediments having been placed over waterlain clays containing occasional small quantities of organic residue. These basic sediments are probably by-products of former marsh conditions. The sherd densities on sediment assisted land reclamations were estimated to be 15.2 ±3 (3 sigma) sherds per square metre of surface area. The low lying lands between the present-day north and south Korns appears to have been reclaimed almost exclusively by improved drainage techniques. The sherd densities in these areas are estimated to be 0.21 ± 0.12 (3 sigma) per square metre of surface. Sherd Densities: Subsuiface Coring showed that low sherd density (i.e., 0.21 per square metre) is confined to the top 20 centimetres of sediment in low-lying areas; and, that it is almost exclusively a waterlain clay. Therefore, there appears to be litde evidence that Tel materials were added to these low-lying areas to affect reclamation. While farming practices do include the removal of sherds from fields, one can assume that the two kinds of fields sampled would have undergone similar 'culling' intensities and sherd densities would remain relative with respect to one another.

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Therefore, one concludes that if the Korns were at one time connected, it was at present grade. Occupation, consequently, was sparse and has left little evidence on the low-landscape between the Korns.

Geomorphology Program Summary On-site off. site differential sherd densities per square metre suggest that the two Korns of the Tel were separate. Ancient textural evidence suggests that the southern Kom was a relatively recent arrival on the geomorphic scene. The coring data supports this claim. On-site, nearsite and off-site core data indicate the presence in some boreholes of a sand layer that is about 3.5 metres below surface. This sand lens could well have served as a base for a slightly elevated land surface, required for human occupation. This sand layer does not appear to be connected with the ca. 7,500 year old layer that occurs at an average depth of 7 metres below surface in many of the 56 boreholes cored in the northern half of the northern Kom. The sand is consistent with that found below the Naos temple platform and the entrance areas, and the Hill of Bones. ''''hile the depositional history of the sand deposits is yet unknown, the lens under the southern Kom and some of the low areas between the north and south Korns may be the product of high water events like those known to have occurred during the first millennium B.C. The sand may have simply been moved and redeposited during floods associated with extremely high water events. Some cores showed evidence of only waterlain clays and silts. In places, these sediments predominate to depths that preclude a late period deposition. These data suggest that many hectares in the region to the south of the north Kom possibly were marshlands in earlier times. The presence of a swamp in the southeastern section of the inter-Kom lands supports this view. The marshlands are being reclaimed using drainage ditches and in some areas also have a 50 centimetre sediment applique. A deep coring conducted in the marshy region to find fresh water for the cooling of a diesel engine being used in a grist mill indicated that there were 12 metres of waterlain clay over a sand lens which became white sand at 14 metres below surface. Course gravels were present at 15 metres along with brackish water. There is geomorphic evidence suggesting that the sand-core of the southern section of the Kom originated during relatively recent times, less than 3000 years ago. In addition, two cores from the agricultural land claimed from the extreme southern sections of the northern .Kom also have a sand lens at 3.5 metres below surface. Thil ohseroation suggestl

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that the southern most sections qf the northern Kom mqy have a similar geomorphic history to that qf the southern Kom. Therefore, the 'fort-like' structure and its surrounding environs at the extreme southern end of the northern Kom may be based on a similar settlement-history time-depth as the southern Kom. This hypothesis can be tested with additional coring. Should this interpretation hold up, then one can suggest with a fair degree of confidence. that the Mendesian Nile branch flowed northeast through the south sections of the present-day northern /lom early in the first millennium B.C. This geomorphic package appears to be nothing more than the product of one or more recent Mendesian channel locations. The series of parallel northeast-pointed relic levees identified through the borehole work on the northern portions of the nortilern Kom are the result of similar Nile-based depositional processes from successively earlier times. Therefore, one may postulate that the Mendesian Branch of the Nile flowed through the site complex of Tel el Rub'a on a number of diflerent occasions from at least Predyna~tic times; and, that that northeast flowing channel slowly shifted in a southerly direction from the fourth millennium through the first millennium B.C. The braided-stream channel property of many low-gradient streams is simply amplified in the Nile Delta drainage pattern. There was no fixity in the location of primary or secondary channels. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that at various times in antiquity, the Mendesian Branch of the Nile would have flowed both east and west of the Tel-el Rub'a complex as well as through it. The site's northern Kom abandonment two millennia ago was certainly linked to the river's course change. An undesirable byproduct of flooding, the accompanying siltation, may have been a factor in reducing the viability of water facilities like the outer and inner harbours beyond economic tolerances. Archaeobotany Introduction The palaeoethnobotanical programme is investigating occupations spanning the time fI'om the unification of Egypt to the late Ptolemaic Period. The excavations at Mendes represent an excellent opportunity to undertake sampling for macroscopic botanical remains of contexts dating from the earliest periods to the eventual abandonment qf Tel el Rub 'a in late Ptolemaic times. Moreover, results from palaeoethnobotanical investigations can provide a long-term chronological view

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of the changes in agricultural economy and trade in agricultural products in this area.

Background In general until recently, the Nile Delta has not attracted the attention among archaeologist's projects that the Nile Valley does. There are a number of practical reasons for this lack of study. They include such problems as water table and intensive land use. Archaeological sites in the Delta are often subject to high water tables and are buried under deep alluvial deposits (Butzer 1976). These geomorphic complications have helped to obscure archaeological evidence for major social and political developments that are known to have taken place in the Delta at various periods. By the late third millennium BC, the Delta region flourished both culturally and economically (Redford 1993; Wenke 1991). Several large Old Kingdom towns are known to have existed in addition to Mendes, such as Tel el Dab'a (Bietak 1995), Tel Basta (Habachi 1957), and Kom el Hisn (Tril'ger 1983; Wenke 1988). The Delta also was significant as a channel of inter-state commerce between Egypt and Syria-Palestine and Mesopotamia as well as intra-state commerce within the country. These trade connections are evident in the artefact record from 3500 B.C. onwards with the presence in northern Egypt of items imported from the Levant and Mesopotamia including ceramics, metals, and timber at sites such as Maadi (Kantor 1965; Wenke 1991), and Buto (Caneva, Frangipane, and Palmieri 1987: 114) as well as items from Upper Egypt. The study of archaeobotanical remains in the Delta has been plagued by the same hindrances faced by archaeological investigations. In addition to Kom el Hisn (Moens and Wetterstrom 1989; D'Andrea n.d.), only a few habitation sites in the Delta have been systematically sampled for plant remains (de Roller 1992; van Zeist 1988). However, Mendes has an advantage that many of the older deposits are found above the water table, so that normal excavation difficulties faced in Delta archaeology are not as severe at this site. The archaeobotanical samples from Mendes provide a much-needed start to a palaeoeconomic reconstruction for this part of Egypt. The political and economic history of Mendes has been summarized by Redford (1992). The Old Kingdom at Mendes may have been among its most prosperous periods. During this time Mendes was a major centre devoted to the cult of the Ram. Little is known about the following Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate periods, but tl1e city

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flourished during the 18th Dynasty (1552-1305 B.C.) and again under the 26th Dynasty Saite kings (664-525 B.C.). Political power seems to have waned by the 30th Dynasty, though it was for a brief time a royal city (399-379 B.C.), and eventually disappeared with the second Persian invasion of Egypt under Artaxerxes III (ca. 340 B.C.).

Preliminary Results The palaeoethnobotanical fieldwork completed to date at Mendes has recovered a total of 327 samples amounting to 1090 litres of sediment (D'Andrea, 1993, 1994; Pearsall 1989). Preliminary results of flotation undertaken on a number of samples are reported herein. Laboratory analysis is ongoing. The main purpose of this fieldwork was to collect a range of samples from as many context.. as possible in order to assess further sampling strategies for future seasons. This report will outline general field procedures and summarize preliminary laboratory analysis of a furnace recovered in Square K, and samples taken from the dig house construction area (HC).

J'zeld Sampling Flotation samples processed amount to 293 litres of sediment from 89 contexts. At the outset, processing was limited by the absence of a reliable water source, a problem that was alleviated in following field seasons. Except for the magnetically-located furnace, and the occasional sediment sample obtained from the inside of ceramic vessels, the vast majority of samples were collected from fill and rubble collapse contexts.

Flotation Procedures Sediments excavated from Mendes were processed using the bucket method of flotation (Pearsall 1989). In this technique, sediment is placed into a bucket filled with water. After gentle agitation, the water containing suspended materials is slowly poured through two nested sieves (1.41 mm. and 0.425 mm. mesh). The bucket is then slowly refilled with water, and the procedure repeated until charred plant remains are no longer observed floating near the surface. The materials captured in the nested sieves form the light fraction flot. Sediments remaining at the bottom of the bucket are then washed through another sieve (1.0 mm. mesh), and the materials captured

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form the heavy fraction. This report summarizes results of light fraction analyses only. The furnace located in Square K was identified during a magnetometer survey of the Royal Necropolis. Samples were taken from inside the furnace from upper, middle, and lower layers, and identified as charred plant remains. Sediments from each layer were similar in appearance, consisting of greyish-white ashy sediments with limestone fragments. The function of the furnace appears to have been quicklime production as a substantial quantity of this material was recovered from the furnace as well as incised fragments that were probably once part of a tomb wall. Because of high temperatures produced in furnaces [ca. 950 degrees C], this feature was not expected to yield large quantities of macrobotanical remains. For plant remains to be preserved by charring, they must trickle down into the ashy layers of a fireplace without being exposed to direct flames or intense heat over 500 degrees C. If exposure to such high temperatures takes place, the materials are converted to ash and are unidentifiable. Many of the seeds recovered in the furnace sediments are fragmentary, but those that are identifiable indicate that a component of the fuel was made up of chaff derived from the threshing and winnowing of cereals. There was only one grain of free-threshing wheat (Triticum durum/ aestivum) , and remaining specimens consisted of cereal chaff, seeds of forage plants, weeds, and unknown and unidentifiable seed fragments. This spectrum of remains is consistent with archaeological deposits of chafr waste that were commonly used as a component of fuel in the ancient Near East and Europe (Hillman 1984). The density of charred remains varies with depth in the furnace deposits. The lowest level has 37.5 seed/ chaff fragments per litre of sediment, while the middle and top layers have densities of 1.3 and 4.7 respectively. As noted above, preservation of plant materials in the lowest level was enhanced because fragments that fell into this layer were protected from direct contact with high temperatures.

Dig House Construction Area Archaeobotanical remains recovered from the area associated with the Mendes dig house construction are interesting. The sampled contexts include square HC, and the excavation of the storehouse and sewer. In all cases, sediments were taken from the inside of ceramic vessels. When macrobotanical remains are sampled from the inside of pots, it is normally assumed that these materials were ultimately

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derived from background fill surrounding the vessels. The sediments surrounding the vessels were also sampled, and it was determined that vessel contents were often similar to that of the surrounding fill. The vessel containing the largest quantity of macrobotanical remains is the Basket Handle Jar collected in He 9. It produced the grains and chaff of emmer (Triticum dicoccum), bread wheat and barley (Hordeum vulgare) with no weed seeds. The absence of weeds and low incidence of chaff suggests the possibility that these cultigens were derived from a primary deposit, perhaps an area of grain storage (Hillman 1984). Yet, the numbers of seeds are insufficient to make a firm conclusion. Of the remaining three containers that produced cultigens, the two that yielded emmer chaff did not produce bread wheat or barley. In contrast, bread wheat and barley were recovered from the third vessel, but emmer was absent. In contrast to the Basket HandleJar, these last three vessels did produce varying numbers of weed seeds and chaff, suggesting that the macrobotanical remains were ultimately derived from chaff waste during grain processing (Hillman 1984). Again, the numbers of seeds and chaff in these samples are insufficient to confirm this hypothesis. The remains floated from mortuary jars have been identified as the Mendes fish (Tilapia sp.).

Summary This report summarizes preliminary palaeoethnobotanical fieldwork conducted at Mendes, and presents some results oflaboratory analysis. One component of the fuel found in the excavated furnace used for the making of quicklime was identified as a grain chaff. The amounts of grain residues present in the sediments sampled both within pottery and without suggest at least a possibility that surplus grain was being placed in Basket Handle Storage Jars which appear to have come from Alexandria, and may have had a secondary use in grain storage. Some jars were used for fish storage within the mortuary context. The focus of future work should be on completing the analysis so that future sampling strategies can be developed. The distribution of modem plant communities on the site of Mendes has been recorded yearly, and has been found to fluctuate as much as 10-15% in absolute coverage as a function of climatic variations (fig. 4).

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Slag Distributions There are occurrences of slag throughout the northern Kom. A wide range of primary and secondary activity areas are inferred from this distribution. Eighteen major concentrations of slag were identified within the confines of the extant temenos wall. T'he Hill of Bones also had several large and discrete slag concentrations. Slag was also recovered from the outer harbour area of the site in conjunction with excavations. The southern half of Mendes had substantial concentrations of slag located on some promontories with exposure to wind. The most significant of these concentrations are those that overlook the outer harbour (area of the government buildings), the southern tip (fort-like structure), and the southwestern facing slopes. The majority of the slag deposits on the Kom are the product of activities that postdate the active occupation of the site and represent the age old theme of recycling in which the abandoned site is considered a raw material resource that could be exploited. The location of furnace remains and slag remains suggest that this activity took place in all seasons and exploited diflering wind directions.

7)pes qf Slag Slag is a purposeful or non-purposeful by-product of high temperature environments (Ierullo, Adamson, B'naity, Farquhar, Hancock, Pavlish, julig, and Redford 1995). These environments may be human induced (furnace technology) or natural (lightning [i.e., fulguritesJ or upwelling magma). Within the context of the northern Kom of Tel el Rub'a, Mendes, there appears to be slag material representing the full range of anthropogenic activities. These slag types can in the first instance be divided on the basis of production intent between: I) metallurgical and 2) non-metallurgical production. Metallurgical slag can be divided into that resulting from I) iron production (ferrous) and that which is produced as a waste byproduct of 2) non-ferrous metal production (e.g., copper, silver, gold). Non-metallurgical slag may be the result of 1) glassmaking, 2) lime plaster production, 3) ceramic firing, 4) domestic activities (e.g., bread baking) or, 5) purposeful (e.g., war) or non-purposeful (house fire) destruction. 5

5 During the Crusades, it was a common practice for the Saracens, when "strategically retreating" in Palestine, to light fires inside fC)rtification towers and hollowed

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Slag Anatyses The analyses carried out on the slag materials were multi-staged: 1) a qualitative examination based on the physically described properties of the materials; and, 2) a quantitative evaluation which identified their chemical composition. Visual examination consisted of: 1) identifying the streak colour of the sample, 2) its reflectance and texture, 3) its porosity, and 4) its response to magnetism. Chemical compositions of the slag samples were determined with 1) Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA) and 2) X-Ray F1uorescence (XRF). The combination of these analytical approaches permitted the slags to be classified into general activity categories when the data were combined

walls so that the stone of which they were made would be rendered unusable for rebuilding. A military historian for Saladin I, Baha'al Din, noted this practice in his description of the destruction of the city of Ascalon (September 12-26, 1191 A.D.), during the strategic retreat before the armies of King Richard 1. Although the walls had been razed to the ground and new building material had to be obtained. Richard, with the aid of a large labour force (the French contingent of Hugh of Burgundy's army), was able to rebuild the fortification in only four months Ganuary 20-April 15, 1192 A.D.). According to Pringle (1984: 136-37), "Towers were therefore packed with wood and set on fire ... in order to soften the stone." The burning of the hollow (double) walls and the towers at Asealon was done to destroy the structures and more importantly weaken the building materials. The stones that made up the walls and towers (53 towers were documented by chroniclers of the Third Crusade) were destroyed along with the edifices and their wooden supports. The intense heat made the stone soft and friable and unfit fClr use in reconstruction (Pringle 1984: 136-137). The evidence for the purposeful destruction by fire of a Late Old Kingdom temple has been reeovered at l\kndes (Redford, personal communication). Heat will affect lithic materials difrerently because its destructive capability is dependent upon both intensity and the recipient host rock's geochemistry. For example, on the one hand, the excavations of the Solomonic Gatc at Gezer in Israel show that "Huge boulders of the western casement wall were reduced to beels of quicklime ill situ at the entrance of the casement; anel, nearby stones were blackened, cracked or partially calcined by a huge lire lit in the western end" (Holladay 1990:31-33). On the other hand, gTanites anel basalts due to their pyrotechnical origins can withstand very high temperatures without breaking down like limestone. These geological materials (granites and basalts), however, are vulnerable to difIerential heating that will cause spalling, crazing and cracking. Fire has always been a f()rce for use in both constructive (mining) and destructive (warfare) activities (Oakley 19:)6). The utility of' fire in the destruction of whole rock would undoubtedly have been recot,rnizcd at a very early time from the random observations that fire-cracked rock is produced in hearths. The original presence of stone in the hearths might have been accidental, incidental or purposeful. The application of the concept to bulk rock would require a rationale, c.g., cave remodeling. Purpose/iii heating of limestone for plaster had its beg-innings with Near Eastern pyrotechnologies of the 9th and 8th millennia B.C. (e.g-., 'Ain Ghazal's first plaster floors date to ca. 9,400 B.C.) and was well developed by the 6th millennium B.C. (Banning, personal communication; Kingery 1988).

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with archaeological infonnation. Major slag production categories are discussed below in reference to Mendesian contexts.

Hill qf Bones (/lorn el-Adhem] Glass Production The northeast corner of Mendes is known as the Hill of Bones or Kom el Adhem. It was first excavated in the late 1940's by Habachi (1947). He, like Burton long before him, reported the presence of large quantities of burnt bones. The New York University excavations of 1979 and 1980 (K. Wilson 1982) revealed both human and animal bone in a similar setting. Lovell (1995) carried out a series of excavations in the area in the early 1990's. The great majority of cultural materials extant at the smface of this totally artificial feature appear to be representative of the Greek and Roman periods at the site. Coring indicates that three sherd horizons exist under the Hill of Bones. In addition, the sands that comprise the hill are the limestone rich kind prevalent in the Miocene relic hills [turtlebacks] that dot the landscape. A core to the north of the Hill of Bones within the confines of the north basin yielded shell at a depth of 5 metres below the present day surface. The shell was determined to be the kind that belongs to a shellfish that frequents lagoons with brackish water. The shell radiocarbon dated to 1800±50 E.C (calibrated) and provides corollary evidence for the ancient records that suggest that a body of water extended from Mendes to Tanis to the east. The sand mound was probably placed in position at the time of the construction of the last major temple complex in the era of Amasis (570-530 B.C.). It predates the destruction by Artaxerxes in 343 B.C., based on the profiles generated by coring between the Ptolemaic temenos wall and the Hill of Bones. It was probably constructed at the time that the water channel between the inner harbour and the outer harbour was functional. This observation is based on a sand lens found by coring in the channel. The sand is similar to that used in the Amasis temple foundation and the construction of the Hill of Bones. The extant construction ramps for the temple do suggest that materials were brought in from the southeast via the inner harbour (Redford, private communication; Pavlish, Kleindienst, and Sheppard 2002). vVhether or not the inner harbour could be accessed from both the east and the west in this period is unknown, but the sand lens suggest that at least some materials were being brought in from the east (fig. 1b). There are large accretions of glass slag on the southern slopes of

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the Hill of Bones. Some scholars have suggested that these slag occurrences are the product of the purposeful destruction of sacred animal cult burials. In one sense, this observation is correct, as the bones in the quantity found would have had to be from such a context (Lovell 1995:22). The method of conversion into massive agglomerations of glass and bone, however, could not have been accomplished in the manner suggested by some scholars [i.e., closed tomb fIring]. Basic thermodynamics preclude this scenario from being possible. The general confIguration of the Hill of Bones with its two reservoir-like basins, one to the north and one to the south [basins that in a post occupation environment may have been used for natron production by water evaporation], the unlimited supply of easily accessible calcium-rich sand [for glass stability], a substantial source of bone either local or easily imported [glass opacifIer: a desired attribute in Roman glass]; and, a favorable location for wind capture, suggest post settlement utilization of natural resources,-a scenario that is consistent with Roman glass making technology. Furthermore, the manufacturing philosophy of the Roman glass-maker is consistent with the large glass and bone masses present on the Hill of Bones. Mendes by then was a raw material extraction depot. Final products were not a necessary objective of processing. With that thought in mind, it seems eminently feasible that the production technology was multi-staged and the Mendesian stage was only the fIrst with an objective of generating glass with the opacilier already contained within. Thus, the primary producer needed only to melt the sands into liquid glass and dump in the bones. The furnace would then be immediately flushed into a below grade channel, and the two intermingled products would be united in a form that could then be easily broken up into manageable portions and shipped to more sophisticated glass making environs. Bones would not maintain their morphology for any length of time in molten glass if the temperature were maintained. Therefore, the great masses of glass and bone slag exposed on the Hill of Bones can most easily be seen as a primary early-stage product in a glass making technology that had its specialty manufacturing components elsewhere (Habachi 1947; Pavlish, Nijagunappa and ''\Tilson 2002:503-15).6 G Habachi noted that 30 moulds were recovered from the 1947 excavations. They were small, made of limestone, and were for producing bird amulets. This observation is consistent with glass production and suggests that in addition to the production of bulk glass for final processing in other locations, some products were being made locally.

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Limestone Processing Furnaces associated with the production of quicklime were identified by magnetometry and one was carefully excavated over a number of seasons. The temperatures required to reduce limestone to quicklime are in the range of950 degrees C. It is possible, at these temperatures, to generate slag from the furnace wall materials. That slag may be produced at slightly lower temperatures through internally produced fluxing agents like fuel ash and quicklime. The processing ofIimestone blocks from tombs was obviously taking place at Mendes. For example, incised limestone pieces and a quantity of quicklime were recovered from one of the furnaces that had obviously failed [Area K].

Pottery Production Slag material associated directly with over fired pottery was recovered from excavations that were conducted in the Harbour Area. These items were identified by the blistered, molten surface characteristic of over fired pottery. There were no identifiable traces of copper, tin or iron in these slags.

Copper Production Evidence of copper production was recovered from slag samples in the central region of the southern half of Mendes and from the central sections of the Harbour Area. The former location could not be assumed to be post occupation while the latter can be assumed so, as it would have been inundated during occupation times. The composition of this slag is not a simple reflection of the chemistry of the ores from which they were derived. It may contain a range of fluxes [e.g., lime, soda, potash] as well as oxidized, and in rare instances, non-oxidized metals (Hodges 1981 :205; Goffer 1980). Fuel consumption is considerable in the copper production process requiring fuel to copper ratios of 40 to I (fylecote, Ghaznavi, and BoydeU 1977: 310). The slag at Mendes was identified as copper-based due to actual copper or copper-tin contents. Thus, some bronze manufacturing or remelting was being carried out.

Destruction by Fire There are a number of areas on the site that had experienced conflagrations. Reddened clay bricks and irregular glassy surfaces are a

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telltale sign of destruction. The sites long history assures the excavator many opportunities to uncover the byproducts of purposeful (Gardner Wilkinson 1854; Holmes 1919? and non-purposeful8 pyrotechnical destruction.

Slag AnalYses Summary Slag samples were recovered from both within and without the temenos wall of Mendes. There appear to be slags representing the full range of anthropogenic activities. Chemical compositions of the slag samples were determined with Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA) and X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF). The analyses of the slags recovered suggested that they represented both metallurgical and non-metallurgical production activities. Metallurgical slag was represented by non-ferrous copper metal production. Non-metallurgical slags were found to be associated glassmaking (flom el Adhem: The Hill of Bones), lime plaster production (Furnaces), ceramic firing, domestic activities (e.g., bread baking), and purposeful (e.g., war) or non-purposeful (house fire) pyrotechnical destruction (see n. 5). 7 Fire-setting in recent times was capable of advancing a shaft through stone at a rate of from 5 to 20 feet a month with control of direction. It was an economic way of making a shaft where wood was in good supply, being both quicker and cheaper than methods of blasting with powder in large holes. Nine parts by volume of wood were required to remove one part of rock. Only in the last quarter of the 19th century, with the introduction of equipment lor smaller boring holes to hold the newly invented and more powerful dynamite, was a more cost-effective method than fire-setting finally attained. Labour costs were the final determinant. Fire-setting survived the use of gun powder for mining by almost three centuries and was still used in 1900 in Burmah (jade mining), India (quarrying building stone) and Korea and Siberia (gold mining). The practice is still said to be employed at remote mines in India (Bihar). In most parts of the world, fire-setting survived the invention of dynamite by less than thirty years (Collins 1893:86-89). Fire-setting is often assumed to have been used where there is evidence of fire in a mine. This need not be the case. Grimes Graves near Brandon in England is a good example. The use of fire on the chalk beds that encapsulate flint nodules would not be effective in breaking up the chalk, and would destroy the flint entirely. The presence of charcoal and blackened shaft roof~ at Grimes Graves must be due to other activities (personal observation). S 'Purpose!ul heating' of material is a term used to suggest that there was direct, conscious human intelvention through the application of heat to a material for the purpose of facilitating some objective, be it technological with respect to manufacture, cultural (e.g., war), or aesthetic (cf. Pavlish 2002; Pavlish and Sheppard 1983:793-99; Judge 1973; Adam 1951 :79-92; Bordes 1969: 197). 'Non-purposeful' heating by human agency may be 'accidental' (e.g., item in a fire). or 'incidental' (point heated during hafting with a mastic like bitumen [cf., Sheppard, Hancock and Pavlish 1983: 145-49; Boeda, Connan, Dessort, Muhesen, Mercier, VaJladas and Tiserat 1996:336-38)].

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Geophysical Survry A magnetic survey programme was carried out on ten selected 'Areas' of interest at the ancient archaeological site of Tel el Rub 'a or Mendes in the northeastern Nile delta of Egypt. Mendes is located 90 miles [145 km.] north of Cairo and 40 miles [64 km.] south of the Mediterranean coast. The work was sponsored by the National Geographic Society (Farquhar and Pavlish 1993) and was carried out in conjunction with the excavation progTamme of an international team of archaeologists led by D. B. Redford. Various archaeological targets from this well-preserved city of importance between the 6th and 29th Dynasties in the northeastern Delta are identified. The results are prioritized and ranked. These targets include furnaces, tombs, wall complexes, inner harbour docking facilities and cisterns. The data were collected using several grid techniques, and are processed and imaged to assist in interpretation. Field data processing enabled mapping to take place on a short time scale so that archaeological excavation of some targets could be undertaken immediately. Interfacing with an archaeological field crew permitted several targets to be identified almost immediately through excavation. This information helped the geophysical crew to better interpret the magnetic data and illustrated the problems of associating magnetic data with specific archaeological structures.

Historical Perspective Mendes is located on a relic Pleistocene levee of the Nile River's Delta. Although the archaeology of the site remains imperfectly understood, it would seem to have been occupied almost continuously from predynastic times lea. 3,000 B.C.] down until the time of Christ with a presence on the southern Kalil, Timai, continuing up to the 9th century AD. After this time) its function as an inland trading port ceased with the drying up of the Mendesian Branch of the Nile, and its importance declined. The site's landscape today is dominated by a single giant granite naos which is part of 'Nhat was once an impressive temple complex dedicated to the sacred ram-headed god Baneb4jed. This landmark, the tallest extant E6TJ'Vtian antiquity north of the Great Pyramids, has existed since bef(m~ the advent of the Persian period during the time of King Amasis (570-526 B.C.; 26th Dynasty). Today, the most striking geomorphic feature on the 250 acre (100 hectares) site is the imposing enclosure temenos wall \"hich rises in

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places to a height of 4 metres and encloses 50 acres (20 hectares) of the northern portion of Mendes. The armies ofArtaxerxes (III) ended the hard-fought century-long Egyptian independence from Persia with the total destruction of Mendes and its temples and sacred animals in the summer of 343 B.C. The site's importance, while diminished, did continue well into the Christian era as witnessed by the Madaba mosaic which noted Timai a millennium (AD 525) after Amasis' architectural marvel was completed (Parker and Dubberstein 1956; Olmstead 1948; Gardiner 1964).9 The use of the site and its main foci of occupation changed through time. Today the strata are distorted in many places by both intrusions and removals. These factors complicate the identification of structures using non-intrusive surveying methods, unless good associative archaeological contexts can be determined by the excavation teams working in tandem with remote sensing crews. Thus, it is unlikely that a magnetic target could be placed chronologically without good archaeological context. 10

Methodology Significance if Remote Sensing One concern of the field archaeologist today, in this era of escalating costs, is the optimization of the time and money that is allocated to excavation. Remote sensing techniques can sometimes be helpful in this context by locating buried features without preliminary excavation. The results of these surveys at times can facilitate the development of more efficient site excavation strategies. Remote Sensing measurements can be useful in formulating a general evaluation of the archaeological potential of an area. A series of ten Areas were chosen in consultation with the site archaeologist and surveyed using the archaeometric 9 A temenos is a piece of land set aside as an official or sacred domain. It has come to mean a temple or court enclosure. As slIch, it is possible that there are in fact several temcne walls at Mendes with one sUITounding the Great Temple (sacred), and another the postulated Govemor's residence (official) [northem portion of the site]. A Naos is a shrine. The Great Naos is one of li)tIr naoi of red Aswan granite that once occupied the Great Temple of the Ram at Mendes. The one remaining monolithic shrine is approximately 23 feet high, 12 feet wide and II feet deep with an apse that is 8 feet wide and 9 feet deep. The Great Naos is located at 2N/126W on the N'YU Mendes grid. 10 The movement of sediments on the site has been exacerbated by activities of the sebbakhin, those who remove the organically enriched sediments from the site for farming activities.

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remote sensing method called magnetometry (fig. 5). The instrument used was a proton magnetometer. The primary objective was to identify buried targets of potential archaeological interest. A magnetic survey can detect buried lateral contrasts which may be the result of magnetic differences between encapsulating sediments and cultural materials. Where these contrasts exist, the technique may produce results of use to archaeologists. There are, however, no guarantees. In the final analysis, the results of any survey must be treated as an adjunct to actual excavation. II A further cost-saving action that can be taken with proposed magnetic surveys is to attempt to evaluate the potential magnetic contrast in the target sediments when compared with those that encapsulate them. Magnetic susceptibility measurements permit an estimate to be made in the laboratory of the absolute magnetic intensity that a magnetometer would detect, in the field, and more importantly, whether or not those contrasts between one sediment and another would be detectable. Such an approach can save both time and money.

Soils Susceptibiliry The use of magnetic survey on archaeological sites can be greatly facilitated by carrying out a simple evaluation of the sediments that may create the lateral magnetic contrasts prior to actually bringing the magnetometer into the field. By actually measuring the magnetic susceptibility of sediments on an archaeological site (the absolute amount of iron per unit volume is being measured), the usefulness of a magnetic survey can be determined without incurring potentially expensive, non-productive instrument rental field costs. To conduct this experiment, an alternating current bridge (modified Whetstone), was 11 While geophysical surveys are sometimes lauded within the archaeological community as a replacement for archaeological excavation, they are in fact rarely ever more than able to determine areas of potential interest to the excavator. Considering the costs associated with conducting any kind of archaeometric survey, one must balance the potential gains against the expenses. Thus, in North America, where buried cultural debris is often only a thin veneer on the landscape that differs only slightly from the surrounding soils, there is really little to be gained by using remote sensing methods unless the contrasts are sufficiently large. The potential for these contrasts can often be identified in advance, and thus the cost-effectiveness of instrumentation for site target identification can be evaluated prior to economic commitment. The advantages of archaeometric survey techniques in Egypt are substantive because sites are large, physical and chemical contrasts are present and only small areas can be cost-effectively excavated.

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used. One cubic inch samples of sediments were placed in a container and a current-induced magnetic field was induced in the samples. The secondary current intensity resulting from the induced field that is proportional to the sample's iron content is a measure of the susceptibility. When these values are compared with standards, the relative absolute iron content of various sediments can be determined. Thus, the sediments from potentially contrasting features can be compared within the context of their respective volumes. In this manner the potential magnetic contrast can be calculated. The results can be expressed in cgs units (centimetres-grams-seconds) and corrected for density. Sands generated values of 100 cgs units ±20 cgs units; sherds were 350±50; fired bricks were 525±75; kiln walls were 450±50 contrasting with kiln ash that was variable but with higher iron contents at 650± I 00; the organic-rich encapsulating sediments for mud brick features were also variable, averaging 4 70± 100 q!,s units. These data permitted model calculations to be carried out on both known features and theoretical ones to ascertain the potential magnetic contrasts present at Mendes. The practicality of using a magnetometer was readily confirmed and the need for placing the detector above the surface was also determined as the sherd scatter would create interferences if too close to the detector. This issue is eliminated by placing the detector either one or two metres above the ground surface which effectively removes the influence of the sherds which while magnetic are not present at masses that can overcome massive sediment packages of valying susceptibility. The magnetic signal from an object drops off as a function of 1/ distance 3 or 1/ d 3 . Thus an item buried one metre below ground surface that is measured at 100 magnetic units [gammas or nanoteslas] with the detector at ground surface will have an influence of less than 4 magnetic units when measured with a detector held two metres above the ground surface.

Survey Grids Two types of grids were used for the Mendes magnetic survey. Eight of the Areas were surveyed with a conventional x-y grid with line spacing of 1m and station spacing between 0.5m and 1m. Two Survey Areas (No's 1 and 4: Region of the Ram Sarcophagi and The Mound Area with possible crypts) were surveyed using a radial polar coordinate grid with line spacings of 5, 10, or 15 degrees and station spacings of 1 metre. General survey grid location was based on perceived archaeological potential ascertained by working closely with the site

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archaeologist. All grids were aligned approximately north-south to facilitate use of the NYU grid. 12 All grid nets were generated using metric cloth tapes. The instrument was moved in a south to north direction along successive lines and the data logged in field books.

Instmmentation: Proton Magnetometer The proton magnetometer l3 consists of a bottle of pure alcohol or kerosene (approximately 150 cc), which has a metal wire coiled around it. This unit is attached to an instrument package that is carried with a shoulder strap. An electrical current is passed through the coil and causes the protons in the alcohol or kerosene to be polarized in the induced magnetic field that is formed. The removal of the current causes the protons to precess around the ambient earth's magnetic field and this precession produces a voltage (induced) in the coil which is proportional to the intensity of the earth's magnetic field. The electronic instrument package amplifies the voltage and filters it, automatically displaying the value of the earth's magnetic field in nanoteslas (gammas). The instrument is powered by a rechargeable battery with a 10 'D' alkaline battery backup belt. The unit weighs about two kilograms.

Data AnalYsis All data were subject to drift corrections that are required due to the small changes in the earth's magnetic field during the day. This was accomplished by re-measuring a base station after each line of data

12 At the time of the NYU survey, the earth's magnetic field declination was only about one degree cast of true north. Today, some thirty years later the declination is approximately two degrees east of true north. Far more important in ascertaining the location of buried features is the magnetic inclination at lVlendes that is approximately 45 degrees. This inclination means that the actual object location will be onset to the north (magnetic) of it magnetic high a distance approximately equal to the instrument height above surface and the burial depth to the centre of the o~jcct. As a rule, instrument height at i\1endes was two metres during most surveys and the centre of objects were between one-half and two metres below surface. Offsets were between two and four metres north (magnetic) of the detected anomaly peak (e.g., area of the robbed tomb with kiln). For additional information sec: Garland (197l:220-22); Merrill and McElhinny (1983: 15-5B);J A.Jacobs (1987: 1-48); Breiner (1973); AtW1!)'TnOUS (1992). 13 'rhe magnetometer used was a GSM-B [one gamma precision], and was provided f()r a rental charge by Claude Meunier, President ofTerraplus INC., Richmond Hill, Ontario, Canada.

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was collected and observing the time. In this manner, all readings could be standardized to a base value (Merrill and McElhinny 1983: 15-58).14 Subsequently, the data from the x-y grids were entered into computer storage for profIling, contouring and image filtering. The polar co-ordinate grid was drift-corrected and the results were then placed on a Cartesian grid for similar subsequent analyses. The results are presented in a two dimensional format.

Data AnalYsis by Swvry Area The ten Survey Areas have been arranged in a clockwise manner for organizational convenience and do not represent the order in which the individual surveys were carried out. This organization is shown on the General Map of Mendes (fig. 5) which has the site location map and the approximate location of each grid. The approximate alignment of the rectilinear grids is north. But, the radial grids are centred on a point (NYU) and in the case of Survey Area 4 [the Mound], the 100 metre Northeast quadrant grid has a baseline that runs through the 1933-34 Anglo-Egyptian regional land survey marker (vertical iron railroad tie) at 0 degrees-80 metres east.

Prioritization Method There are four levels of priority used in this magnetic survey. Priority ONE refers to Survey Areas that yield anomalies consistent with what one might expect from tombs or crypts be they robbed or not. This priority implies that the magnetic target within the evaluated Survey Area be considered for excavation. Priority TWO applies to Survey Areas that include linear anomalies or steep magnetic gradients that may be attributable to architectural features such as walls, platforms or infilled canals. These kinds of magnetic features can assist in defining the extent and general configuration of buried large-scale architecture. For example, Survey Area 2 [Architecture Hill], possibly represent~ a wall that may extend into the Temple sanctuary area, or may represent part of a complex encompassing the Priority ONE anomaly noted in Survey Area 1 [Region of the Ram Sarcophagi]. Priority THREE Areas

14 The most serious sudden shift~ in the earth's total magnetic field occurred in the late morning and would be as much a~ 20 gammas. The general field intensity at Mendes is a little more than 43,000 gamma. The average yearly change in the average total magnetic field is less than 20 gammas.

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are those with magnetic disturbances which are not easily interpreted without archaeological excavation (e.g., region around Square 'HF': Survey Area 10; south of the Great Naos). Priority FOUR Areas are those that have been excavated or for which archaeological significance has been determined (e.g., Survey Area 5: The Area south of the Limestone Sarcophagus). In addition to Priority evaluation of the Survey Areas [ONE-FOUR], each Survey Area is ranked. This process helps to remove the ambiguity a'5sociated with having different Survey Areas with the same Priority rating. These results are listed in Table I ordered by Survey Area (Appendices).

Area Evaluations: Prioritization: Results, Recommendations and Rankings

Survey Area One: the Region q/ the Ram 5,arcoplzagi Location: Centre ofthe grid [010] is 185N/200E (NYU); Grid: Radial grid [radius=50m] abutting the western temenos wall of the Northern Enclosure; Priority: ONE; Recommend excavation. Discussion: The radial grid was set up and data collected to accommodate the angled temenos wall and excavated areas to the east (New York excavation). The crescent shaped anomaly with higher magnetic readings that curves across the lower edge of the magnetic map appears to coincide approximately with the geomorphic feature that is noted on the contour map of the site, (Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980: PIs. 18, 19 [190N/245W; NYU)]. The rectilinear low magnetic anomaly is consistent with a low iron environment and may represent a wind and water assisted infilled pit or a feature of approximately 20 X 20 metre proportions. The anomaly is consistent with what one might expect from a large limestone crypt or tomb. It may also represent a series of smaller units (e.g., four rows of 5m x 2m, 8 to 10 units deep). The location of the anomaly between the north and south Ram Cemeteries suggests several possibilities: a) the cemetery is continuous and the anomaly represents an undisturbed section in the middle of the cemetery, b) the cemetery was continuous and the centre section has been thoroughly robbed creating the illusion of there having been two cemeteries, c) the cemeteries are of differing ages and there is no justification for considering them to be continuous and the area in between them could have been llsed for a variety of functions, d) the anomaly represents an older structure

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that underlies any surface related material. Stylistic considerations with respect to the Ram sarcophagi suggest the third possibility to be the most probable.

Surory Area Two: Architecture Hill Location: Southeast corner of grid [ON-35E] 241N/65E (NYU); Grid: 35m x 35m, Priority TWO: Architecture present. Discussion: This Survey Area has a linear high anomaly that represents part of a wall. The angle of this anomaly is approximately 21 degrees which suggests that it may be associated with the temple complex (Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980:viii). Magnetic lows predominate in the northern quarter of the Survey Area and may be associated with in filled regions from undocumented excavations. The map of the magnetic data from Architecture Hill suggests that there may be several small rectilinear structures (e.g., 25-30E; 22-26N).

Suroey Area 77zree: Re.gion qf the Robbed Tomb Location: Southeast corner of the grid [0 -25] 65N/39E (NYU); Grid: 50m x 50m, Priorities: Anomaly #3: Magnetic Low [priority ONE] Probable region of the robbed tomb. Anomaly #2: Magnetic High [Priority TWO]; Anomaly # 1: Magnetic High Excavated [priority FOUR].

Discussion: The survey Area is located to the west of the Great Limestone Sarcophagus (Hansen and Stieglitz in Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980:23-24, 86, pI. 32-d).15 figure 6 shows the contour plot for the anomalies that exhibit classic morphology. Two magnetic highs are shown. The low is located to the magnetic north of the high. Location of the magnetically identified o~jects below surface is a function of the height of the instrument above the ground surface and the depth to the centre of the object below surface coupled with the inclination of the earth's magnetic field. In the region of Mendes 15 This sarcophab'1.ls was found, excavated, and its lid removed to parts unknown onJuly 22, 1869 by A. Daninos (Pasha) approximately at 40N/60E (NYU).

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the earth's field is inclined at 45 degrees to the earth's surface (Garland 1971 :220-22; Merrill and McElhinny 1983: 15-58; Jacobs 1987: 1-48). Thus, the offset of an oqject is approximately a one to one ratio with respect to instrument height and depth to centre of the object. Anomaly # 1 was offset about 3 metres to the magnetic north (Breiner 1973). Excavation 'K' showed that the object was a lime kiln or furnace. The excavations included the region to the north of the furnace from which was recovered a number of ushabtiu, items that are associated with tombs. The presence of a robbed tomb was postulated and the low magnetic values suggest the area of the robbed tomb is immediately to the cast of the furnace. The large granite boulders to the east of the anomaly are part of a broken sarcophagus lid. This area was given priority for excavation. The importance of the furnace cannot be underestimated. Flotation was carried out on charred organic residues from the base of the furnace and a variety of seeds were recovered. They arc to be radiocarbon dated using AMS [Accelerator Mass Spectrometry] at the Isotrace Facility [University of Toronto] . The fired brick in the furnace was sampled for archaeomagnetic research and thermoluminescence (TL) dating. These dating results will give a time-line for the site's later history during which it appears to have become a building products recycling depot.

Sun1fJ Area Four: The lvfound Location: Southwest corner of north-east quadrant of radial grid [0-0] 126N I 45E (NYU); Grid: Radial grid [radius= 100m]; located west of the east temenos wall gate; station 0 degrees-80 metres east is adjacent to the 1933-34 cadastral survey of Egypt bench mark which is located at 196.98N17.26E (NYU) (Stieglitz in Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980: 15); Priority ONE: possible crypt Priority lWO: foundations. Discussion: This Survey Area was covered with a 90 degree radial gTid to facilitate the efficient magnetic survey of a mound located approximately at 195N/65E (NYU). The survey lines arc separated by 10 degrees with the addition of the 45 degree line, and the station spacing is the standard one metre. The contour plot of the data for the radial grid does not clearly define the anomalies in the Survey Area, but, suggests areas of potential interest. Grid co-ordinates of 40N-22E,

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20N-85E and 65N-40E may mark the apparent locations of a crypt, foundations, and an area of modern or ancient inflliing of sediments with relatively low iron content. The data suggest other rectilinear structures.

Survry Area Five: Region South if the Great Limestone Sarcophagus Location: Southwest corner of grid [0-0] 28N I 49E (NYU); Grid: 11 m x 12m; Priority FOUR: Excavated. Discussion: This Survey Area is located immediately south of the Great Limestone Sarcophagus (Hansen and Stieglitz in Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980:24). The contoured data shows a concentration of lows and highs which were determined to be present in varying intensities as a function of instrument height (ground, one metre and two metre). Excavation showed that area 'B' contained piles oflimestone fragments. New York University excavation teams noted the presence of these piles in several of their excavation squares. They probably represent an as yet undetermined late period for Mendes, at which time the site was a mineable resource of raw materials for building, plaster and cement manufacture. The successful dating of the furnaces may help determine this period in the site's history.

Survry Area Six: The Spoil Bank Location: Southeast corner of grid [0 -24] 37N/27E (NYU); Grid: 20m x 15m; Priority 1WO: architecture present. Discussion: The Spoil Bank, Survey Area 6, is a flat area immediately to the west of Survey Area 5. The Spoil Bank is probably formed by a combination of 19th and 20th century excavations (Hansen and Stieglitz in Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980:24; Holz, Stieglitz, Hansen and Ochsenschlager 1980:81; de Meulenaere and MacKay 1976).16 The magnetic data show an architectural feature [Wall] that

16 The original rationale for surveying the Spoil Bank was to determine the magnetic field properties of this kind of feature to establish a total field baseline. The anomaly was not anticipated.

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may be part of the temple complex that crosses the area at approximately 21 degrees to true north.

SU17Jey Area Seven: Little Sacred Lake (Cistern) Location: Southwest corner of grid [O-OJ 227S/133E (NYU); Grid: 20m x 20m; Priority TWO: probable architecture with possible hydrological implications. Discussion: The 'Little Sacred Lake' is a small, deep, angular depression south of the Inner Harbour ('Sacred Lake': Survey Area 8) which at one time was probably connected to it (cf., coring discussion). Several angular features are identifiable from the magnetic data. The most apparent anomaly is approximately 10m x 12m in extent. Its origin is at present entirely a matter of conjecture. This location has the highest measured (i.e., from coring) elevation of basal sands, and would therefore have provided the easiest access to on-site water. A well is a reasonable ascription for this complex feature, and the magnetics support this view. Excavations at the location were limited because of the massive quantities of pottery recovered.

Sun1ey Area Eight: Sacred Lake (Inner Harbour) Location: Southwest corner of the grid [0-0] I 00S/22E (NYU); Grid: 20m x 20m; Priority TWO: Docking Facilities. Discussion: The on-shore off-shore periodicity of the highs and lows in the magnetic data recovered from this survey is consistent with the configuration of a dock facility. The survey carried out throughout the entire Inner Harbour Area ascertained the potential for the presence of slips and quays, and their placement with respect to the rectilinear shore. A patterning is evident, and rough reconstruction of how the Inner Harbour ('Sacred Lake') may have looked is possible. The most remarkable aspect of the slip morphology, as reconstructed by the magnetic survey, is its relationship to the shore. They appear to have been aligned at an angle of 30 degrees away from the exit channel to the outer harbour. This configuration would have minimised, or at least retarded, silting problems [a modern concept in engineering] as well as facilitated entry and exit from the Inner Harbour. Archaeological

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data recovered during excavations suggest that there may have been a limestone veneer over the mudbrick construct around the Inner Harbour (S. Redford 1991 :64-67).17 Several proftles across the Inner Harbour suggested that there may have been dredged canals (lower magnetic readings) at the perimeter to facilitate usage during low water periods. The same situation appears to pertain to the Outer Harbour. The edges of the Outer Harbour appear also to have been dredged and subsequently inftlled (magnetic lows). A great deal of geomorphological research must be undertaken to establish the metamorphosis of the Inner Harbour and the 'Little Sacred Lake' with respect to the Outer Harbour. fig. 7 shows the profile of magnetic data in the Outer Harbour that suggests canals were present in its latter periods of use when water levels were not adequate for navigation throughout the year. It is entirely possible that the natural feature upon which the Temple Complex was constructed had once been separate from the community on the southern part of the northern ilarn, and the western and eastern 'embayments' were connected. Eventually, a causeway would have been built between the two high ground areas; and through the subsequent millennia, the area between built up to and eroded down to its present grade. Surv~

Area Nine: Kiln Field Location: Southwest corner of grid [0-0] 88S/84W (NYU); Grid: 4lm x 41m; Priority TWO: Five major anomalies identified; probably associated with ovens, kilns or furnaces. Discussion: Survey Area 9 is located south and east of the Great Naos. The magnetic data show 'hot spots' that clearly defined the remains of furnaces which may have been associated with the 'mining' of the temple complex. In addition to the fire-induced magnetic highs, there is a low magnetic region centred on co-ordinates 12N-20E. It is not presently possible to ascertain the reason for this low. The highs are aligned along two possible subsurface ridges. One possible ridge has three highs on its edge running approximately 40 degrees from lower

17 The recovery of clusters of artefacts from Trench 'L' on the edge of the 'Sacred Lake' (Inner Harbour) is consistent with their accidental deposition in shallow dockside waters.

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left (west) to upper right (east). The other two highs appear to be aligned north-south (BN, ISN-33E). Their contemporaniety can not be determined at this time (fig. B).

Survry Area Ten: South qf the Great Naos Location: Southeast corner of grid [0-0] 42.SS/ 1BSW (NYU); Grid: 16m x IBm (edge of excavation 'HF': 8.SN-B.SE); Priority THREE: undefined anomalies present. Discussion: The survey of this Area indicated the presence of a great deal of magnetic 'noise'. The excavation report for square 'HF' suggests that fire may have been a factor in the destruction of one or more of the excavated units (Mumford, private communication). This possible fire-induced magnetic noise may be a by-product of a destruction that could have taken place during the Late Old Kingdom or First Intermediate Periods (Gardiner 1964; Olmstead 194B).18 This kind of general magnetic 'noise' can be useful in surveys since it would indicate the near-surface exposure of a burn layer. When these areas are identified, sherded and excavated, they will contribute to a better understanding of the subsurface stratigraphy.

Summary Comments The on-going magnetic survey work at Mendes is an unqualified success. A range of possibly significant archaeological features have been identified by lateral contrasts in the measured total magnetic field. They included: limestone piles, walls, docking facilities, furnaces, canal sections, crypts, tombs, and foundation complexes. The results of the Mendes archaeometric remote sensing work are summarized below in table II with respect to each Survey Area, and its respective Rank and Priority: .l\tlendes has the type of archaeological context that permits remote sensing research activity to be carried out in a cost effective manner with 18 Survey Area I [Region of the Ram Sarcophagi] and Survey Area 8 ['Sacred Lake' or Inner Harbour] with Rank=3 and Rank=4; and Priority ONE and Priority TWO respectively, are candidates for future excavation and contextual survey, but practical economic and logistical considerations with respect to the allocation of antiquity inspectors and labour preclude excavation work in these area in the immediate (uture.

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respect to the design and implementation of excavation strategies. For example, Survey Area 3, the Region of the Robbed Tomb, [Rank= 1 and Priorities FOUR, 1WO and ONE], was identified by the survey work of the magnetometer team; and, within three days the excavation team was clearing the overburden from the region three metres to the north of the magnetic high. This Survey Area [3] continues to have interest for the excavation research team, who will concentrate their efforts on the Priority ONE target Area immediately to the east of the excavated furnace during future seasons. Their purpose will be to identify the robber trench and attempt to locate other remains from the robbed tomb. Furthermore, sixty metres to the north, the Mound Area (Survey Area 4), with a Rank=2 and Priority ONE and 1WO will be part of future excavation programmes. At the other end of the Priority spectrum, Survey Area 5, the region south of the great limestone sarcophagus, was found to have a magnetic anomaly. The excavation crew was able to identify the cause of that contrast within a week of the generation of the magnetic survey crews' field map. The discovered cache of limestone was archaeologically significant, but not particularly interesting [Rank= 10; Priority FOUR]. Magnetic surveys have been made a part of the excavation programme at Mendes, but to carry out responsible survey strategies, each site must be evaluated. This evaluation requires that each 50m x 50m section of the site be prioritized with respect to potential targets. In this manner, it may be possible with an organized remote sensing programme to survey all potentially interesting parts of the site of Mendes. This evaluation and prioritization process will be carried out during the future Mendes field seasons.

General Summary The northern Kom of Tel el Rub'a, known as the archaeological site of Mendes, is one of the largest and best preserved as well as most threatened in the eastern Nile Delta. Its mysteries like the bone-rich slag, the extant temenos wall and silted outer harbour, combined with its faded monuments like the imposing Naos of Amasis, have instilled in the researcher and traveler alike a sense of awe over the last two centuries. The reconstruction of ancient human behaviour at Mendes is the ultimate goal of the Redford-led research team. Archaeometry, the

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use of the physical science to assist in solving archaeological problems, can make a small contribution to that research objective. The combination of sherd density measurements and coring yielded data that supported the view that the northern portions of Mendes are older than its southern sections, and that neighbouring Timai was unconnected and of similar younger age. The results also provide evidence to suggest that human occupation at the site complex was centred on a series of relic levees that sequentially moved to the south over a five thousand year period. Section profile analyses showed that there had been two abandonments represented by clean sediment layers. These layers were identified both in the harbour north-south section and in the upper site section. The separating sherd layer between the clean marker layers varied in depth between twenty centimetres [Inner Harbour and under Hill of Bones]; and, one to two metres in the Outer Harbour; but was between one and one and a half metres on the upper site where present. Thus, the abandonment of the site on at least two occasions for periods probably not in excess of one hundred years can be suggested. The later abandonment predates the building of the great sand mound, and the earlier one is estimated to be between five-hundred and one thousand years older based on average sedimentation rates. The coring programme provided data that showed the Hill of Bones [Rom el Adhem] to be an applique on the outer harbour landscape and that its construction was probably at a time similar to that at which the Temple of Amasis was constructed (i.e., ca. 530 B.C.). Archaeobotany through the agency of floatation provided clues to what was being grown in the region and what may have been stored. Fish bones were recovered from mortuary jars and grain residues from basket handle jars. This later observation does not mean that grain was being stored in the jars although this is an intriguing possibility for their reuse as the sedinlent residues within the jars varied little from the ambient sediments from non-specific contexts tl1at were sampled for comparative purposes. In addition, the distribution of the sparse plant communities on the site from 1992 to present has been recorded and variability in the predominant species [Camelthorn and Halfa Grass] noted. Five major types of slag were identified at Mendes: slag from glass production, limestone processing, pottery production, copper production and destructive fires (purposeful or non-purposeful). The majority of the slag occurrences suggest that Mendes was being used as a natural resource base by specialized exploiters who generated

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such products as quicklime and unfinished glass. The geophysical survey program at Mendes has provided a range of prioritized potential targets for the Redford team to excavate. The identification of structures below a featureless surface is a cost-effective method of focusing a portion of the excavation energies in an efficient manner. Archaeometry does have a small but vital role to play in archaeology generally and Egyptology in particular. The Mendes example does begin to demonstrate some examples of the spectrum of contributions that the natural sciences can make to an archaeological program which has a multi-disciplinary philosophy. Regrettably, as the Mendes experience clearly demonstrates, there is no fixity in nature. Thus, the hypotheses we test today, and find acceptable, have their own fleeting existence. Tomorrows understanding of ancient human behaviour may well be quite different----and that is as it should be.

Acknowledgments This Festschrift is dedicated to 'DB', Professor Donald B. Redford; and, at the outset, I wish to express my sincere thanks to him for his support over the years in a number of archaeometric projects carried out at both Mendes and Kedwa. His unswerving support for research approaches not immediately seen to be of Egyptological value by many is a truly unique. A number of students have passed under his tutelage indirectly as part of my archaeometric activities in Egypt. Don supported their efforts with the same enthusiasm that he affords his own student flock. They all echo my sentiments in extending heartfelt thanks to him. I too must thank this group without which this paper could not have been written. Professor Cathy D'Andrea of Simon Fraser University, while a Ph.D. student, carried out both the floatation work and magnetometry. Professor Patrick Julig of Laurentian University was instrumental in the coring program's success. David D'Andrea was a key person in the Kedwa coring program. Sam Ierullo, now a corporate lawyer, was the slag man. Johnny B'naity did much of the work on the Basket Handle Jars. Dr. Alicia Hawkins was part of the magnetometer crew which included from the young age of 6 years AJ. Redford, who is now a university student. 'AJ's' mother, Susan Redford superintended the day to day requirements of food and shelter for the field teams without which nothing could have been done. We all owe her too a debt of gratitude. There also are those back home that supported the field efforts and deserve hearty thanks. Ron

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Hancock made sure that the INAA data from the research reactor was meaningful. Graham Wilson carried out the thin section analyses of the Basket Handle Jars and translated the Spanish work carried out on the thin sections. Professor Emeritus Ron Farquhar (U. of Toronto) provided financial [National Geographic] and moral support throughout the research, as did University Professor Ted Litherland (U. of Toronto). Dr. R.P. Beukens provided the radiocarbon analysis. Thanks again to one and all; and, especially you Don! REFERENCES

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Wertime, T. 1973-Pyrotechnology: Man's first industrial uses of fire. American Scientist 61/6 (November-December):670-82. Wilkinson, Sir John Gardner 1854-- The Ancient Egyptians (revised and abridged from his larger works). N ew York: Harper. Wilson, Sir Daniel 1856-The ancient miners of Lake Superior. The Canadian Journal C11 Industry, Science, and Art, May 1856, New Series, 3:225-37. Wilson, J. A. 1958a, The Story of Sinuhe. pp. 5-15 in The Ancient Near East: An Anthology q/Texts and Pidures, ed. J. B. Pritchard, Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1958b, The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia. pp. 16-24 in The Ancient Near East: An Anthology rif Texts and Pictures, ed. J. B. Pritchard. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Wilson, K. L. 1982 Cities of the Delta: Part II, Mendes: Preliminary Report 1979-1980 Seasons, American Research Center in E..f{Ypt Reportf 5. van Zeist, W. I 988-Some Aspects of Early Neolithic Plant Husbandry in the Near East. Anatolica 15:49-67. van Zeist, W., and Casparie, W. A. (ed.) 198'l---Plants and Ancient Man. Rotterdam: Balkema.

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LARRY A. PAVLISH

TABLES* Table I Summary of Rank and Priority for each SUIVey Area

Area Evaluations

Prioritization: Results, Recommendations and Rankings

Survey Area 1

Priority ONE: possible tomb; excavate Region of the Ram Rank=3.

Survey Area 2

Priority TWO: architecture; contextual [magnetic lines] Rank=7.

Survey Area 3

Priority FOUR: furnace; excavated. Priority TWO: second Rank=l. Priority ONE: possible crypt and Priority TWO: foundations; Rank=2.

Survey Area 4 Survey Area 5

Priority FOUR: no action; limestone caches identified through Rank=lO.

Survey Area 6

Priority TWO: possible architecture; contextual magnetic survey Rank=8.

Survey Area 7

Priority TWO: possible architecture; magnetic survey of the entire Rank=5. Priority TWO: docking facilities and canals; combination of proflles Rank=4.

Survey Area 8 Survey Area 9

Priority TWO: five major anomalies (probably furnaces) in two Rank=6.

Survey Area 10

Priority THREE: magnetic interferences from burning; contextual Rank=9.

Table II The results of the Mendes archaeometric remote sensing work are summarized below with regard to each Survey Area, and its respective Rank and Priority:

Survey Area

Rank

3 4

2

I

3

8

4

2

7

5

2

9

6

2

2

7

2

6

8

2

10

9

3

5

10

4

* For this material, plea~e also see the appendices at the end of this book.

'EAST IS EAST AND WEST IS WEST':l A NOTE ON COFFIN DECORATION AT ASYUT Edward Bleiberg

Introduction It is a great pleasure to oiler this article in honor of Donald B. Redford's birthday. As a teacher and scholar Redford has always emphasized the vital connection between text and archaeological context, a lesson I hope that I have applied here. In 1995 the Brooklyn Museum of Art acquired the back2 panel of a Middle Kingdom coffin (accession number 1995.112) dating to either late Dynasty II or early Dynasty 12. 3 The high quality of the painting and hieroglyphs on this panel demonstrate that a skilled artist/scribe decorated it. Yet the panel exhibits at least two unusual features which have previously been called scribe's errors. The question of confusing the male and female second person singular suffIx will be considered elsewhere. This brief note addresses the reversal of east and west on this coffin panel.

Previous Publications This coffm panel was first described by Schoske and Wildung. 4 They identified the coffin's origin, basing their conclusion on Anubis' epithet,

I "East is East and West is West and never the twain shall meet/Till Earth and Sky stand presently at God's great Judgment Seat;" Rudyard Kipling "The Ballad of East and Wcst." 2 West, right, and back side of the collin are normally considered synonyms. It is often difficult in Egyptian to difIerentiate whether the hieroglyphic sign intends the west or the right side, since the same sign is used to write both these words. See Kurt Sethe, "Die Agyptischen Ausdrucke fUr rechts und links lind die Hieroglyphenzeichen fur Westen und Osten," NachrichfRn der K Gesellsdllfft der Wissenschaften zu Giittingen (PhilHist. Klasse) (1922) 197-242. :3 The difficulties in dating coffins from Asyut are summarized in Gunther Lapp, 7jJpolfJgie der Siirp,e und Sargkammem von deT 6. bis 13. pynastie (Studien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens 7; Heidelberg, 1993) 145. 4 Sylvia Schoske and Dietrich \Vildung, Entdeckungen: A"gyptische Kunst in Siiddeutschland (Munich, 1985) 31.

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EDWARD BLEIBERG

Lord of Ra-kereret, Asyut's cemetery.s The panel was constructed from three joined boards that the artist covered with stucco and then divided into two horizontal zones. Part of the decoration of this side would have continued on the side of the coffin floor. The upper zone contains two lines of inscription, the standard offering formula spoken by Anubis and additional gods and the Speech of Ra. The lower horizontal zone contains three decorated areas with images from the frise d'olijets. They include five jars for sacred oils, seven bags containing the minerals for making kohl, a canopic chest, a pool of water, a jar stopper, and finally a mirror and pair of sandals. The oil jars, kohl bags, and sandals all strengthen an association with the west or back side of the coffin. 6 The texts dividing the panel vertically contain invocations to well-known gods and goddesses including Geb, Thoth, Qebekh-senuef~~-the protective god associated with canopic jars, and Meryet of Upper Egypt and Meryet of Lower Egypt. The little-known gods Duaitef, Akhenitef, Heryibsenuef also are named. 7 Donald Spanel gave a more detailed analysis of the panel and considered the two anomalies on it in the notes to an exhibition catalog entry.B Spanel rightly noticed that the scribe wrote the name of the falcon god Horus-Sopdu, Lord of the East, in place of the expected falcon god Ha, Lord of the \Nest on this panel that was otherwise decorated as if it were the back (west or right) side of a coffin.

Decoration qf the Cqffin ~f Outer Surface As \Nillems has noted, Asyut Middle Kingdom coffins, though relatively plentiful, "difler markedly" from contemporary examples made in other parts of Egypt. <) Yet standard coffins and Asyut coffins both

5 Farouk Gomaa, Die Besiedlung Ag),/)tens wiihrend des Alittleren Reiches 1. Oberiig)'pten lind das Fayvum (Wiesbaden, 1986) 270-73. Ii Lapp, -Zvpologie, 15-16. 7 These rarely attested gods are also f(]und on the backs of two collins from Asyut now in Tanta: Collin of Heka (accession number 549) and Coffin of Idu (accession number 551). Both recorded in H. Gauthier and G. Lefebvre, "Sarcophages du moyen empire provenant de la nccropole d'Assiout," ASAE 23 (1923) J8. a Donald B. Spane! in Anne K. Capel and Glenn E. rvlarkoe (ed.), lHistress q[ the House, j\;iistress rr[ Heaven: Ii/omen in Ancient Egypt (Cincinnati, 1996) 166, esp. 10. f) Harco Willems, Chests qf Life: A Study qfthe rypolog)! and Conceptual Development qf A1iddle Kingdom Standard Class Cqffins (Lciden, 1988) 102. Asyut collins arc different enough from the "standard" that they are excluded from Willems' study.

'EAST IS EAST AND WEST IS WEST'

115

demonstrate a clear association with the sky, the earth and the compass pointe;;. The lid, often decorated with the image of the sky-goddess Nut, indeed represents the sky. The floor of the coffin represents the earth. The head and foot sides of the coffin are associated with the north and south cardinal points. They correspond to the head and feet of the mummy. The front of the coffin-corresponding to the front of the mummy resting on its side-was also called the east (Egyptian, Bbt) or left side. It is distinguished by the large eyes painted on the exterior of the coffin near the head, allowing the mummy to "view" the offerings brought from the living. The front of the coffin was oriented to the east in an ideal tomb, the same location as the entrance of the tomb. The back of the coffin, also called the west (Egyptian imnt or right) side of the coffin, was oriented to the west in an ideal tomb. 10 The back of the coffin normally bore the offering formula that named Anubis as the provider of a good burial in the West. Willems translates the "standard" formula thus. "An offering which the king and Anubis, Foremost of the God's Booth, who is on his mountain, who is in w.t, Lord of the Holy Land, give: a good burial in his tomb in the necropolis in the Western Desert for (name of the deceased). II Thus Anubis is associated with the back or west side of the standard, ideal coffin and also the west side of the tomb itself.

Transposing East and West at A,~yut The Brooklyn panel lacks the eyes found on coflin fronts and bears the offering formula that invokes Anubis, both characteristics of coffin backs. Here the offering formula reads "An offering which the king and Anubis, he who is upon his mountain, Lord of Ra-kereret, who is in w.t, Lord of the Holy Land, give: a good burial in the tomb of the Necropolis of the Justified." 'I'hus Anubis does not give the deceased a tomb in the \tV estern Desert as is true in the standard epithet. Instead the tomb's location is a specific cemetery whose location is not clear from the prayer associated with Anubis. The second line of text, however, associates this side of the coflin with the east (front) rather than the west (back). The text reads, "Words

10

11

Willems, 118-122. Willems, 124.

116

EDWARD BLEIBERG

spoken by Ra, 'I have given to you Hor-Sopdu, Lord of the East at your eastern side." As Spanel noted, the back of the coffin ought to contain Ra's speech that places the god Ha, Lord of the West, on the deceased's western side (back). Spanel explains this anomaly as a confusion between writing two different falcon signs that in turn led the scribe to confuse Hor-Sopdu and Ha. 12 A similar coffin, also likely from Asyut and which transposes east and west-front and back-perhaps shows that the artist/scribe could purposely view the front of the coffin as the west side rather than the "standard" east side. 13 The Middle Kingdom coffin inscribed for a woman named Meskheti l4 in the Rosicrucian Museum (accession number RC 2822) is decorated on the front side with the standard eyes and offering formula for Osiris. Yet the formula avoids Osiris' standard epithet, Lord of the West, on the coffin front, a formula found on the lid of Meskheti's coffin, just as the Brooklyn panel avoids associating Anubis with the west on the back of the coffin. IS The formula on Meskheti's coffill reads "An offering which the king and Osiris, Lord of Djedu, the Great God, Lord of Abydos, in all his places, give: an invocation offering for the ka of the justified, Meskheti, true of voice." In fact, the epithets for Osiris on the front (east) of Asyut coffins, collected by Lapp, all omit Osiris' standard epithet "Lord of the West."16 The second line of text on Meskheti's coffin is the Speech of Ra. The text reads, "Words spoken by Ra, I give to you Ha, Lord of the West at your western side .... " Here the front of the coffin is dearly associated with the west side of the mummy rather than the east side, transposing east and west as was the case in the Brooklyn panel. 17

12

Spanel, 10. For the "standard" speech of Ra in Asyut see Lapp, Typologie,

129. 13 I thank Lisa Schwappach of the Rosicrucian Museum for bringing this coffin to my attention a~ well as supplying "working" photographs of it. 14 Certainly not the famous nomarch by the same name, but dearly a woman from the determinative and addition of "t" to the epithets. Other men from Asyut with this name are known. See PM IV (Oxford, 1934) 268. 15 For similar wordings, see Gauthier and Lefebvre, ASAE 23 (1923) passim. 16 Lapp, 7Jpologie, Blatter, 18-23. 17 Meskheti's coffin lacks a back, though it is otherwise complete. I strongly suspect that the Brooklyn Museum of Art panel is in fact the back of Meskheti's coffin, though I can not definitively prove it. Not only does it treat east and west as back and front in the same non-standard way, it also "confuses" the masculine and feminine suffix pronoun. The "you" in Ra's words on Meskheti's coffm is a partially

'EAST IS EAST AND WEST IS WEST'

117

The artist(s) who decorated the Brooklyn panel and Meskheti's coffin clearly intended to transpose the standard designations of east and west on the coffin. A third coffm from Asyut currently in the Tanta Museum (accession number 553) belonging to a man named Wepwat-hetep also contains the Speech of Ra naming Sopdu on the back rather than the standard practice of putting it on the front. Here Ra says, "I have given to you Sopdu, Lord of the East, on your eastern side.,,18 The Speech of Ra is not recorded on the front of the coffin. Nevertheless, the standard exterior coffin decoration was to place the east and Sopdu on the front of the coffin rather than the back as is found here. A fourth coffm from Asyut, currently in the Minya Museum (accession number 274) juxtaposes east and west. The coffin of a woman named Wepay, later usurped by a man named Chety, also contains a Speech of Ra on the coffin back that names Sopdu as the solar god whom Ra places at the deceased's eastern side. Though the scribe has omitted "east" from the standard epithet "Lord of the East," he clearly includes that Sopdu will rest on the deceased's east, normally the side corresponding to the coffm front. 19

Omitting and Reversing the West Sign Scribes consistently omit the standard epithet of Osiris, "Lord of the West" on Asyut l\1iddle Kingdom coffms.20 In addition, at least seven coffins from Asyut reverse the writing of the west sign, especially on the back (west) side of the coffin. The coffin of Ankh, from Asyut, presents significant anomalies on the coffin back when conveying the concept "west." The coffin, presently in Tanta (accession number 766), contains the Speech of Ra on the back as well as a reference to Anubis who guarantees a tomb in the "west." Ra speaks of placing the god Ha, Lord of the West, at the western side of the deceased. Though these designations are standard, the scribe called attention to the use of the word west. When the

erased "k," while Meskheti is written with a female detenninative. The feminine "f' is included in all her epithets. 18 Gauthier and Lefebvre, "Sarcophages du moyen empire provenant de la necropole d'Assiout," ASAE 23 (1923) 23. 19 ASAE 23 (1923) 7. 20 Lapp, Blatter, 18-23.

118

EDWARD BLEIBERG

scribe wrote the word "west" to describe the location of the tomb that Anubis guarantees, the "west" sign was written normally. The writing of "west" in the Speech of Ra, however, is backwards. In fact, in at least seven coffins from Asyut out of fifty-three known coffins, the sign for "west" is consistently written backward" though other signs are written normally.21 On Wepwat-hetep's coffin again the artist/scribe seems to signal some peculiarity with this writing of west. The same inversion is found on the back of the coffin in those belonging to Wepetemhat (Minya 273),\J\Tepay rranta 550), Idu (Tanta 551), Tefib (Tanta 552), Seheres (Tanta 556), and Nekhty (Port Said 21).22

Placement in Tomb or Local Cardinal Points The problem of east and west at Asyut could be explained by at least t\,yo possible solutions. The first is the nearly unverifiable hypothesis that coffins were custom-decorated based on their placement in the tomb. The second possibility discussed here is that artists in Asyut recognized a difference benveen local east and west and geographical east and west. The hypothesis that some coffins were customdecorated based on their placement in the tomb is suggested by the known placement of the coffins in the tomb of Minhotep and Wepwautemhet at Asyut. Knowledge of the placement of at least five coffins was preserved in the manuscript of Ernesto SchiapareIli's unpublished excavation notes. 23 Schiaparelli's manuscript was used to prepare the exhibition of material from this tomb in the Egyptian Museum in Turin. 24 The coffins are arranged almost haphazardly, some with the long sides at 90 degree angles to other coffins. Most importantly, they were not arranged so that all the inscriptions on the coffins were aligned to the expected, standard cardinal points of the compass. Perhaps scribes could anticipate that secondary burials would be placed with the back of the coffin facing "incorrectly" and could attempt to remedy this situation by altering the "standard" inscriptions or by reversing the orientation of the "west" sign. Only

Gauthier and Lefebvre, "Sarcophages," pas,rim. Gauthier and Lefebvre, "Sarcophages," passim. 23 SchiapareUi excavated the tomb between 1905 and 1908, See Anna Maria Donadoni et al., II Museo Egizio di Torino (Novara, 1993) 238-39. 2. Donadoni, 238. 21

22

'EAST IS EAST AND WEST IS WEST'

119

the discovery of more detailed excavation notes or of an unexcavated, intact tomb would allow testing of this hypothesis.

Local East/ West and Geograj)hical East/ VVest Another possible reason for the confusion between east and west stems from the fact that the cemetery in Asyut was not "ideal" in its orientation. Asyut is located on a stretch of the river that f10ws from east to west between El Masrah and Menqabad. 25 The town is thus in reality south of the river rather than in the ideal, eastern location. The tombs of Asyut are farther south, in the mountains, facing the river. Since the tombs are excavated into the mountain, the entrances to the tombs are thus at the north end of the tomb rather than at the east as would be standard, for example, in the ~1emphite necropolis. 26 The course of the sun from east to west would thus not be irom the front to the back of the tomb, as in Memphis. The sun would travel from one side of the tomb to the other during the course of the day. The scribes of Asyut could have adjusted the inscriptions on locally made coffins to accommodate the local situation. This geographical anomaly could explain the fact that numerous epithets of Anubis and Osiris seem often to be modified in Asyut. In fact, it seems possible that other peculiarities in the development of A~yut tombs could stem from the tomb's geographical location. Brunner comments at length on the unusual plan of Asyut tombs, attributing their development to varying degrees of inf1uence {i'om the Memphite court and local customs. 27 Yet the differences between the orientation of Asyut tombs and standard tombs also could stem from the actual geographical situation. The earliest known Asyut tomb belonged to a certain Chety (Tomb 5). The plan reveals a room that is slightly wider than it is long. The back, or conventionally the western wall, remains unfinished. This wall Brunner calls the western wall, though it is in reality the geographical south wal1. 2H The real attention is lavished

1', Description rI'E..gy/lte: AtliLl geoi,rraplzique, 2nd edition (Paris, 1826) fc:)lio 12, Siout. See also P~l IV (Oxford, 1934-) pI. V. 20 Plans showing this situation are clear in PM IV (Oxford, 1934) 259-69. 27 Hellmut Brunner, Die Anlagen ria Agyptisclzen F'elsgriiher his ZUni Mittleren Reich (Ghickstadt, 1936) 62-63. 28 Bnmner, Anlagen, 62. Bmnncr conventionalizes the entrance and back wall as east and west though in reality they are geographically north and south.

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EDWARD BLEIBERG

on the long axis, here the side walls, rather than on the axis running from the front to the back of the tomb. Tombs cut after Chety's tomb are more square in form. These tombs include those belonging to Tefibi and of Chety, son of Tefibi. Unfortunately, none of these tombs preserve a false door nor the actual burial chamber. 29 Knowledge of the placement of either one of these features would add considerably to understanding the role the compass points played in the design of the tombs and the decoration of the coffins. Brunner does note, however, that all of the tombs in Asyut display a rotation of the chamber emphasizing the transverse or broad chamber by the placement of the reliefs and inscriptions. This plan contrasts with the more usual emphasis on the long chamber in contemporary tombs elsewhere. 3o This emphasis on the transverse chamber also reflects the alignment of the transverse chamber to the east and west compass points, in contrast to the more standard alignment from an eastern entrance to a western back wall which would be the site of the false door. The same impulse that drove Asyut scribes to alter the traditional placement of east and west in coffin decoration could be responsible for this unusual tomb plan.

Conclusion The foregoing argument assumes that Asyut scribes were aware of the Memphite tradition, but wanted to adapt it to local geographical conditions. Neither half of this hypothesis seems unreasonable. Clearly the basic elements of standard coffins are found in Asyut coffins, just as the basic elements of tomb plans are found held in common between Asyut and other sites in Egypt. The arrangement of the elements, however, almost always is somehow different in Asyut. Asyut scribes used the standard epithets of gods like Osiris, Sopdu, and Ha that were associated with compass points in ways that preserved the proper orientation of the coffin and compass points. Thus it seems likely that the Brooklyn coffm panel was oriented to the east but was also the back of the coffin. This solution gives credit to A"yut scribes for dealing with existing geography by adapting the decoration of their coffins. Further research might also find such practical explanations for the marked differences between Asyut and other locations. 29 30

Brunner, Anlagen 63. Brunner, Anlagen 63 and also in general, 76.

ASPECTS OF EGYPTIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 18TH DYNASTY IN WESTERN ASIA AND NUBIA I James K. Hoffmeier One of the most fascinating periods of Near Eastern history is the liberation of Egypt from "Hyksos" control, the beginnings of Egypt's New Kingdom or Empire period, and the concomitant Middle BronzeLate Bronze transition in Canaan. That a military presence of some kind played a central role in Egypt's relationship to the Levant is well recognized, but often over-emphasized to the exclusion of other aspects of Egypt's foreign policy. Furthermore, there is a tendency among scholars interested in Syro-Palestinian history and archaeology to forget that Egypt had a second major theater of operation in LB I, viz. Nubia. The purpose of this paper is to explore some of the oft forgotten aspects of Egypt's foreign policy in Western Asia, concentrating on the period 1550-1400 B.C. Additionally, the differences between Egypt's foreign policy with Nubia and with the Levant

I It is with great pleasure that I present this paper to my teacher, mentor, and friend, Dr. Donald B. Redford on this special occasion. He was my professor in a number of courses, both in the areas of Egyptian history and Egyptian texts. My interest in the subject presented in this paper grew directly out of his classes and reading some of these text~ together. Additionally, Dr. Redford was gracious enough to include me on the East Karnak excavations of the Akhenaten Temple Project in 1975 and 1977. So I am also indebted to him for teaching me how to excavate in Egypt. Additionally, between 1980 and 1982 he was a reader for my dissertation. Finally, he was the one who encouraged me to excavate in North Sinai when the salvage operation began in the 19808 in connection with the As-Salam irrigation project. While I only touch on our discoveries at Tell el-Borg from the 2000 and 200 I seasons, they have much to say about Egypt's defense system during the 18th Dynasty. My heart felt thanks to Donald Redford for his encouragement and support over the past 30 years. This paper is an updated and reworked version of one that I presented at the Midwest Regional Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research and Society of Biblical Literature, 17 FebruaIY 1997 at Wheaton College and at the American research Center in Egypt Annual Meeting at UCLA, 25 April 1998. In the final editing of this work, I received a copy of Ellen Morris' dissertation, The Architecture qf Imperialism: An Investigation into the Role qf Fortresses and Administrative Headquarters in .New Kingdom Potu;), (University of Pennsylvania, 2001). Unfortunately, time did not allow me to interact with this substantial study.

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JAMES K. HOFFMEIER

will be explored and possible reasons for the contrasting models will be proposed.

7he Military Priorities qf the Fledgling Dynast;y The New Kingdom was born as a result of years, if not a couple decades, of military action against the Delta and Avaris by the Theban kings, Seqenenre Ta'a II, Kamose and Ahmose. 2 In his stela, Kamose claims that he, Egypt's king, controlled only upper Egypt, while being squeezed from the north by the "Prince of Retenu" and fi'om the south by the Kushites. In a communique intercepted by Theban troops in the Libyan Desert, Apophis, the Hyksos king, requested assistance from his Kushite ally because of Kamose's attacks on the Delta: Aawaserre, Son of Re, Apophis greets my son, the ruler of Cush. Why did you accede as ruler without informing me? Do you see what Egypt has done against me? The ruler who is in it, Kamose the Mighty, given life, is assailing me upon my soil-although I did not attack him--the very same way he did against you. It is in order to torment these two lands that he picks them out. Both my land and yours he has ravaged. Come north! Don't blanch (?)! Since he is occupied with me here, there is no one who can be opposed to you in this Egypt. Since I won't let him go until you arrive, we can then divide up the towns of this Egypt, and [both] our Uands] will be happy again. 3

The Hyksos ruler's dispatch, if it is taken at face value, reveals that Kamose had earlier attacked Nubia and that if the Kushites joined the Hyksos in thwarting the Theban attacks, they could have a share of Upper Egypt. This latter factor may explain why Ahmose and his successors adopted an aggressive posture towards Canaan and Nubia in the early 18th Dynasty. This policy is in view in King Ahmose's campaign to Sharuhen in southern Canaan in pursuit of the fleeing Hyksos and by an even more extensive incursion into Nubia, and from other campaigns recorded in Commander Ahmose Si Abena's tomb biography. Nubia appears to be of greatest concern to the early New Kingdom pharaohs to judge from the greater frequency of references to campaigns in Nubia over against Levantine ones in historical texts. 2 For a review of the evidence, see the "'Titer's "Reconsidering Egypt's Part in the Temination of the Middle Bronze Age in Palestine," Levant 21 (1989) 188. :3 Edward Wente, Letters From Ancient Egypt (SBL Writings from the Ancient World Series; Atlanta: Scholar's Press, 1990) 26.

EGYPTIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN TIIE

18TH

DYNASTY

123

In his report of the activities in Canaan, Commander Ahmose records just two lines (15-16a), 4 whereas the invasion of Kush is recorded in eight lines (l6b-24a),5 followed immediately by another sortie to Nubia under Amenhotep I, which occupies six lines in the biography (24-29). There is no reference in the biography to any military action in Western Asia during the twenty-one year reign of Amenhotep I (1525-1504 B.C.).6 Only in Thutmose I's reign (1504-1492 B.C.) does he mention a campaign to Western Asia, but this comes after yet another Nubian expedition. 7 The evidence provided by this biography coupled with that of another military officer, Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet,S suggests that Nubia was the main focus of Egyptian military activity for the period from 1550-1504, and not the Levant. In fact there is a dearth of textual evidence for Egyptian military activity in \Vestern Asia until Thutmose I's year two Naharin campaign documented in the Tombos Stela of regnal year two, but there is no mention of military activity in Canaan. 9 The absence of evidence does not mean that there were no military measures taken against Levantine cities between Ahmose's Sharuhen campaign and Thutmose I's march to the Euphrates. However, the lack of evidence should at least make historians and Syro-Palestinian archaeologists cautious when trying to determine the cause of the demise of the Middle Bronze Age in Canaan. Traditionally, Syro-Palestinian archaeologists have believed that the 'I Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der. 18. Dynastie (Berlin: Akademie-Vcrlag, 1961) 4.14-17. Hereafter Urk. IV

5

Urk. IV, 5.4-14-.

The only possible evidence for military activity during the reign of Amenhotep I is found on some blocks which rnay simply indicate that some tribute came from Canaan. See Redford's study of these texts in "A Gate Inscription from Karnak and Egyptian Involvement in Western Asia during the Early 18th Dynasty," ]AOS 99 (1979) 270-87. 7 Hans Goedicke believes that troops ofThutmose 1 reached as far south as Hagar el-l\lerowe in the 4th Cataract area, "The Thutmosis I Inscription Near "romas," ]NES 55 (1996) 174-. R Pen-Nekhbet lists the campaigns in which he was involved. They include, one to Djahy (Canaan) during the reign of Ahmose, two to Nubia during the reign of Amenhotep I, one each to Nubia and Naharin under Thutmose I, and a battle against Shasu-Beclouin (probably in North Sinai or the Negev) by Thutmose II (Urk. IV, 35-36). 9 For the text, see, Urk. IV, 79-81. For recent discussions ofThutmose I's Nubian campaign, sec LlUis Bradbury, "The Tombos Inscription: A New Interpretation," Serapi.5 8 (1984-85) 1-20; idem, "Following Thutmose I on His Campaign to Kush," KAfT 3 no. 3 (1992) 5 I -59; Goedicke, .JNES' 55 (1996) 161-76. 6

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JAMES K. HOFFMEIER

MB IIC period came to a violent end with the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt and subsequent Egyptian military action in Canaan. 10 Thus a nice clean line could be drawn between the Middle and Late Bronze ages around 1550 B.C. An earlier generation of Egyptologists thought along similar lines. John Wilson, for instance, believed that "there is evidence that the Egyptians were not content to drive the Hyksos out of Egypt but felt compelled to pursue them with vindictive fury for more than a century." I I This understanding was adopted and amplified more recently by James Weinstein who declared: That the Egyptians were responsible for most if not all the destructions of the MB cities of Palestine has long been a basic assumption in virtually all reconstructions of Palestinian history and archaeology of this period. 12

Weinstein then offered an archaeological survey of no less than twenty sites from Tell el 'Ajjul in the south to Taanach in the north whose MB destructions he attributed to Egyptian forces in the early 18th Dynasty.13 In fact, recent surveys in the hill country of Ephraim by Israel Finkelstein and Manasseh by Adam Zertal have shown that the destruction of MB sites is even greater than previously believed. 14 So there is no doubt that the end of the Middle Bronze Age in Canaan was turbulent indeed. In an article in Levant 21 (1989) I questioned the grounds for connecting all of these destructions to the Egyptian military because Egyptian records could not support this conclusion, and because the dating all these destructions to such a short period of time simply could not be demonstrated by the ceramic and stratigraphic evidence as Weinstein (and others) believed. In arguing for a more minimalist view of Egypt's destructive actions in Canaan, I was in good company 10

For a review of this position, and recent defenses of it, see Levant 21 (1989)

181. II

12

TIze Culture if Ancient Egypt (Chicago Press: University of Chicago, 1951) 168. "The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment," BASOR 241 (1981)

1-2. Ibid., 2-5. The results of these surveys were recently treated together in a study on the end of the MBA by Nadav Na'aman, "The Hurrians and the End of the Middle Bronze Age in Palestine," Levant 26 (1994) 175-87. 15 ]AOS99 (1979) 270-87; idem, "Contact Between Egypt and Jordan in the New Kingdom," in Studies in the History and Archaeology qfJordan I (ed. A. Hadidi, 1982) 15119; idem, Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times (Prineeton: Princeton University Press, 1992) 138-40. 13

14

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as Donald Redford,15 William Shea 16 and Piotr Bienkowski 17 were also casting doubts on the extent of Egypt's role. Another reason for viewing Egypt's role in Canaan to be less aggressive than others have thought is my belief that Egypt's foreign policy before Thutmose III towards Palestine and Nubia resorted to earlier, Middle Kingdom models. To this matter we now must turn. 18

Egyptian Foreign Policy in Nubia and the Levant bijore Thutmose III It must be admitted that our knowledge of Egypt's foreign policy with western Asia in the Middle Kingdom is uncertain, but in Nubia the picture is clearer. From the dawn of Egyptian history, there is evidence of an aggressive policy towards Nubia. Egyptian interest in Nubia can be traced back to the 1st Dynasty. Kings Hor-Aha and Djer of Dynasty 1 conducted military raids into Nubia, with the latter leaving a rock inscription near Wadi HaIfa in the Second Cataract region. 19 During the Old Kingdom, trade missions in Nubia were frequent, judging from the biographies of officials who represented the Crown. Weni and Harkuf are certainly among the most celebrated and they remind us of the primarily economic nature of the missions that occasionally required military action in order to protect Egypt's vital interests. 2o During the Middle Kingdom, a full-scale annexation of Lower Nubia was systematically achieved by the Senuserts and Amenemhets as evidenced by the building of thirteen forts from the end of the First Cataract to the Second, the southern-most being at Semna. 21 These massive structures required considerable manpower to build and an administrative network to sustain. Senusert Ill's Semna

16

"The Conquests of Sharuhen and Megiddo Reconsidered," IE] 29 (1979)

1-5.

Jericho in the Late Bronze Age (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1986) 127-28. This point has been made by David O'Connor in Bruce Trigger, et al. Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) 207. 19 W.B. Emery, Archaic Egypt (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 19(1) 51,59-60; Trigger, et al., Ancient Egypt, 61-62; AJ. Spencer, Early Egypt: 171t Rise qf Civilisation in the Nile Val0 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993) 96. 20 Translations in Mirianl Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, I (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975) 18-27. Cf. G.E. Kadish, "Old Kingdom Egyptian Activity in Nubia: Some Reconsiderations," JEA 52 (1966) 23-33. 21 A.H. Gardiner, Egypt qf the Pharaohs (New York/London: Oxford University Press, 1962) 134; Bruce Trigger, et al., Ancient Egypt,124-36. 17

III

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stelae make it clear that Egypt considered this fort to mark its southern frontier. 22 The impressive Egyptian military presence would leave no question who was in control of Kush and it served to protect strategic economic links with the Kerma culture to the south with whom there was brisk trade. 23 Redford has argued that products, resources, and available manpower were the principal reasons for Egypt's presence in Nubia. 24 William Y. Adams 25 and Barry Kemp26 similarly regard economic factors as a motivation for Egypt's intense interest in and exploitation of Nubia during the Middle Kingdom. "Acculturation Colonialism" is the term used to describe Egypt's policy in Nubia in the 12th Dynasty, because, as Stuart Tyson Smith notes, "Nubia was brought completely within the Egyptian social, economic, religious and administrative systems."27 This was also the case in the New Kingdom as reflected by the administrative structure used in Nubia. Based upon official titles, David O'Connor has detailed the various administrative and military offices during the New Kingdom in Nubia and Egypt, (figure 1) and they illustrate the difference between the colonial and the imperial models used in Nubia and Syria-Canaan respectively.28 The crown's top official in Nubia was the imy-r b3swt, s3-nswn Ks, "the Overseer of Southern Foreign Lands, the King's son of Kush." "Viceroy of Kush" is typically how this office is rendered by Egyptologists. 29 Under the Viceroy were the Deputy (idnw) of Wawat (northern Nubia) and the n For the text, see Kurt Sethe, Agyptische Lesestiicke (Leipzig: lC. Hinrichs, 1924) 257-58; translation in Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian literature, I, 118-20. 23 Bruce Trigger, "The Reasons for the Construction of the Second Cataract Forts," ]S,sF..A 121 I (1982) 1-5. For other recent work on the Nubian forts during the 12th Dynasty, see Stuart 1'. Smith, "Askut and the Role of the Second Cataract Forts," ]ARCE 28 (1991) 107-32; idem, Askut in )'fubia: The Economics and Ideology qf Egyptian Imperillli:,m in the Second Millennium B.C. (London: Kegan Paul, 1995). Smith's monograph contains a thorough treatment about the nature of Egyptian imperialism, with considerable discussion of different theories about imperialism. 24 Egypt and Canaan in the }Vew Kingdom (cd. S. Abitllv; Beer Sheva: Ben Gurion University of the Negev, 1990) 2. 25 "The First Colonial Empire: Egypt in Nubia 3200-1200 B.C.," Comparative Studies in Sociology and Histo~)' 26 (1984) 36-7 1. 26 "Imperialism in New Kingdom Egypt (c. 1575-1087 B.C.)," in Imperialism in the Ancient World (cd. P.D.A. Garnsey and C.R. \'\11ittaker; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978) 19-20. 27 Askut in Nubia, 9-10. 28 Cf. Trigger, et al., Ancient Egypt, 208. 29 "The Overseer of All Northern Lands" directed Egypt's affairs in Canaan and Syria (see Trigger, Ancient Egypt, 2(8).

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Deputy (idnw) of Kush (southern Nubia), and the Battalion Commander (~ry pgt n Ks), beneath which were the Egyptian Mayors (~3ty-~ of administrative centers and forts and the indigenous chief" (wrw). In the Levant, on the other hand, the local vassal kings (wrw) reported directly to the "Overseer of All Northern Foreign Lands," as did the Battalion Commanders (figure 1). While the different models appear to result from distinct histories of dealing with Egypt's southern and northern neighbors, they also differ because the two respective cultures were significantly distinct. The local population of Nubia was tribal, less centralized, and thus a colonial model~'~which required more Egyptian administration-~was better suited. 3o Syria-Canaan, on the other hand, was more urban, socially stratified, and had educated and literate bureaucrats, which lent itself more to Egypt employing an imperial model for controlling the region. 31 The colonial model, however, was more costly to operate, whereas the imperial model, with its greater reliance on local princes to administer Pharaoh's affairs, was more cost eflicient and more economically beneficial to Egypt. 32 One wonders if it was not the abundance of gold produced in Nubia that made the colonial model economically viable. Despite Egypt's military and economic prowess in both the Middle and New Kingdoms, it seems unlikely that a colonial model could have been utilized in both regions. Another possible reason why the colonial model was employed in Nubia is because the Nile directly connected Egypt to Nubia. Logistically, a colonial system would be easier to establish and control in Nubia because the Nile facilitated travel and communication between the two lands. Although the distance between the Delta capitals and Canaan was closer than Thebes was to Kush, transportation and interaction between Egypt and Canaan was impeded by the long desert track between the east delta and Gaza, Rapha, and Sharuhen, the southernmost Canaanite cities. Alternatively, sea travel was required to connect with the Levant. This was more hazardous and never favored by the Egyptians, even though they had an active navy. Thus, it might be suggested that geographical considerations likewise played a role in determining the different systems for controlling subject states. I concur with Smith who demonstrated that Pharaohs Ahmose, :,0 Smith, Askut in JIf'uhia, 10-12. 31

32

Ibid., 12. Ibid., 13.

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Arnenhotep I, and Thutmose I concentrated on Nubia in order to reestablish the policy that had flourished during the glory days of the 12th Dynasty.33 This suggestion in no way is at odds with Redford's idea that early 18th Dynasty strategy was "to wipe out any existing political structure the Nubians had erected.,,34 In order to return Nubia to Egyptian hegemony as it had been during the Middle Kingdom, the Kushite kingdom that had developed during the 2nd Intermediate period had to be dismantled. And, no doubt, fear of infiltration and aggression towards Egypt must also have been a concern of the 18th Dynasty Pharaohs after the Kushite's had colluded with the Hyksos against Thebes during the 17th Dynasty. The return to the 12th Dynasty colonial model is supported by two lines of evidence. First, some of the abandoned Middle Kingdom forts, like the ones at Buhen and Askut, were refurbished and used during the 18th Dynasty, 35 and new ones, such as Dorginarti, were apparently built for the first time. 36 Second, inscriptions dating as early as Kamose's reign place Egyptian troops at Buhen and Arminna,37 perhaps as a result of the campaign mentioned in Apophis's intercepted communique to the Kushite king. Military titles associated with Kush are attested already in the reign of Ahmose, e.g. "Commander of Buhen," "King's Son of Kush" (i.e., viceroy), and during Arnenhotep I's reign, the title was expanded to include "Overseer of Southern Lands."38 As time went on, an elaborate administrative structure was put in place to oversee Egypt's affairs in Nubia, which relied principally upon Egyptian officials and not local Nubians as noted above. 39 (figure 1) As in the case with Nubia, Egypt's economic interests in Canaan can be traced back to the 1st Dynasty, to judge from vessels with the serekh 33 Ibid., 137. Smith offers a very helpful map showing the progression of Egypt's re-conquest of Nubia during this period (Askut in Nubia, 138). 34 Egypt ana Canaan in the New Kingdom, 2. 35 W.B. Emery, H.S. Smith and A. Millard, TIe Fortress Buhen: TIe Archaeological Report (London: EES, 1979) chapter 3. Smith, Askut in Nubia, chapter 6. 36 James E. Knudstad, "Serra East and Dorginarti," KUSH 14 (1966) 165-86. 37 H.S. Smith, The Fortress Buhen: TIe Inscriptions (London: EES, 1976) 8 and plates II, 1 and LVIII. I, no. 488 and W.K. Simpson, Heka-Nrjer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963) 34. 38 Gardiner, Egypt if the Pharaohs, 169-70. Further on Egypt's expansion in Nubia in the early 18th Dynasty, see T. Save-Soderbergh, r(gypten und Nubien: ein Beih'ag zur Geschichte alWgyptiscller Aussenpolitik (Lund, 1941) 141 ff. 39 O'Connor, in Trigger et al., Ancient Egypt, 209. 40 Ruth Amiran, "An Egyptian Jar Fragment with the Name of Narmer from

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of Narmer found at several sites in southern Canaan. 40 The Horus names of other 1st Dynasty monarch's, viz., Djet, Den and Anedjib, are found on seal impressions at En-Besor. 41 And an abundance of Egyptian wares and local copies of Egyptian ceramics have also been discovered in recent years at Tel Erani, Tel ~laahaz and Tel Halif indicating extensive trade with the Early Bronze culture of southern Canaan. 42 Den's year docket, "the first occasion of smiting easterners," may represent an example of the type of punitive raid designed to protect trade routes. 43 During the Old Kingdom, Egypt's policy toward the Levant can be described as being economically based with only periodic military coercion being used when Egypt's interests were threatened. 44 It was once common to think that Egypt had established an empire in the Levant during the 12th Dynasty,45 but evidence for this is lacking. However, Byblos certainly had a unique relationship with Egypt that was economically beneficial for both partners. Weinstein describes the association as "a special economic and political relationship" that endured throughout most of the 2nd Millennium B.C. 46 The term "colony" may be fitting for Byblos,47 the same is not true, however, for the rest of Syria-Palestine as Redford observes: [11 he pharaohs of the 12th and 13th Dynasties view hither Asia and the Levant as theirs to exploit to the full. On the other hand, it is equally clear that we cannot speak of "empire" in the formal sense. Arad," IE] (1974) 4-12. Ruth Amiran, et. al. "Excavations at Small Tell Malhata: Three Narmer serekhs," /<;rael Museum ]oumal 2 (1983) 75-83. See also, Thomas E. Levy, et al., "New Light on King Narmer and the Protodynastic Egyptian Presence in Canaan," BA 58/1 (1995) 26-35. 41 A.R. Schulman, "On the Dating of the Eg)1Jlian Seal Impressions from 'En Besor," ]SS'F.A 13/4· (1983) 249-51. 42 Amnon Ben-Tor, The Archaeology qf Ancient israel (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1993) 93-95. 43 BM 5586. For a photograph, see E.S. Hall, The Pharaoh Smites his Enemies (Miinchner Agyptologische Studien Heft 44, 1986) fig. 9. H Donald B. Redford, "Egypt and Western Asia in the Old Kingdom," ]ARCE 23 (1986) 125-43; idem. "The Acquisition of Foreign Goods and Services in the Old Kingdom," Scripta Mediterranea II (1981) 5-16. 45 W.F. Albright spoke of Egyptian "control" of Syria, based on the execration texts (The Archaeology if Pa/£stine [Gloucestser, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1971] 85). 46 "Byblos," in The Oiford Encyclopedia i?f Ancient r..gypt I (cd. D.B. Redford; New York: Oxford University Press, 200 I) 21 9. '17 "Byblos," The O~ford Encyclopedia qfArchaeology ill the Near ErL,t, I (cd. Eric Meyers; New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 391-92. William Ward, "Egypt and the East Mediterranean from Pre-Dynastic Times to the End of the Old Kingdom," ]ESHO 6 (1963) I-57.

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Titles denoting colonization, occupation, and military surveillance are certainly known in the Middle Kingdom, but they tum up mainly in the Nubian theater. 48

New evidence for Egypt's economic relations with the Levant in the 12th Dynasty is found on the recently published blocks from Memphis that contain annals of Amenemhet II.49 No forts to control trade and the local populations have been found in Canaan like those in Nubia until the LB II period, which coincides with the Ramesside era. During this period modest sized (compared with the Nubian forts) Egyptian administrative centers, called "Governor's Residencies," began to appear throughout Canaan. 50 Some scholars are beginning to question whether these structures in fact housed Egyptian officials. Carolyn Higginbothom, for instance, has argued that they belonged to Canaanite rulers or administrators who Egyptianized their architecture so as to look Egyptian for reasons of status. 5 I While this is an interesting possibility, surely the Egyptians had some sort of administrative centers that they had constructed throughout Canaan to serve as bases for overseeing their economic and security concerns. If the so called "governor's residencies" did not serve these purposes in the LB II period, what did? Egyptian forts, however, are known from texts to have existed along North Sinai between Egypt's frontier and Gaza. 52 The battle Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel, 80. S. Farag, "Une inscription memphite de la XIIe dynastie," RdE 32 (1980) 75-82; Jaromir Malek and Stephen Quirke, "Memphis, 1991: Epigraphy," JEA 78 (1992) 13-18. 50 Eliezer Oren, "Governor's Residencies in Canaan under the New Kingdom: A Case of Study of Egyptian Adminstration," JSSEA 14/2 (1984) 37-56. 51 Carolyn Higgin Korshan, "Elite Emulation and Egyptian Governance in Ramesside Canaan," Tel Aviv 23 (1996) 154-169; idem, Egyptiani.::;ation and Elite Emulation in Ramesside Palestine: Governance and Accomodation on the Imperial Periphery (Leiden: Brill, 2000). 52 For a review of this textual evidence, see James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 179-81 and Sir Alan Gardiner's classic treatment, "The Ancient Military Road Between Egypt and Palestine," JEA 6 (1920) 99-116. 53 The Epigraphic Survey, Tlze Battle Relil>fr if King Sety I (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1986) 16-22, plates 6-7. 54 Alan H. Gardiner, Egyptian Hieratic Texts. Series 1: Literary Texts if the New Kingdom. Pt. 1. Tlze Papyrus Anastasi I and the Papyrus Koller together with the Parallel Texts (Leipzig, j.C. Hinrichs, 1911) Lines 27 II; Hans-Werner Fischer-Eifert, Die Satrische Streitschrifi Des Papyrus Anastasi l: Textzusammenstellung (\'\liesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983) 15053. A recent translation is available in Wente's Letters .from Ancient E-gypt, 98-110. 48

'!9

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reliefs of Seti I at Karnak 53 and Pap. Anastasi 154 provide the names and the sequence of these military outposts for the Ramesside period. Not until recent years has evidence of theses military structures come to light. During the 1970s Eliezer Oren identified 80 New Kingdom sites of various sizes along the military road to Canaan. 55 He briefly excavated two military outposts in the EI-Arish area, Bir el-'Abd (site BEA 10) and Haruba (sites A-289 and A-345). The fortress uncovered at site A-289 was relatively small, measuring only 2500 sq. meters. Between 1972 and 1982, Trude Dothan uncovered an Amarna through Ramesside period fort at Deir el-Balah, 13 km south of Gaza city. As a consequence of the excavations of these Israeli scholars, the eastern end of the military road and its network of forts are being clarified. Not until the mid-1980s was a fort discovered on the Egyptian side this route. Dr. Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud is the excavator of at Tell Hebua, located about 10 km. north east of Qantara East. 56 His team has uncovered a massive military establishment. The settlement dates to at least the 14th Dynasty, according to an inscription bearing the cartouche of Nehesy.57 There is also evidence of a Hyksos presence, including a horse burial, and during the New Kingdom this fort flourished. 58 This site is almost certainly 1jaru,59 Egypt's frontier town, known as the launching point for the military campaigns of Thutmose III to Megiddo,6o Seti I to Canaan 61 and Ramesses II against the Hittites. 62 55 '''The ",rays of Horus' in North Sinai," in Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (eel. Anson Rainey; Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press, 1986) 76. 56 Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud. "Une nouvelle forteresse sur la route d'Horus, Tell Heboua 1986 (Nord Sinai)," CRIPEL 9 (1987) 13-16; idem, Tell Hehoua~J98J-J99J (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1998). 5i Mohamed Abd e1-Maksoud, "Un Monument Du Roi rH-s~-rr n~sy a TcllHeboua (Sinal Nord)," A.s'AE 69 (1988) 3-5. 58 An inscription bearing the name of Scti I has been discovered at Hebua; see Dominique Valbelle, et al., "Reconnaissance arch<,:ologique a la pointe du Delta Rapport prCliminaire sur les saisons 1990 et 1991," CRIPEL 14 (1992) fig. 4. S9 For a full discussion of this suggestion and documentation, sec my Israel inigypt, 183-187. In May 1999, I was in Qantara at the office of the Supreme Council for Antiquities, when Dr. Maksoud was presented with a votive statue discovered that day at Hebua. We could clearly read "l)aru" on it. The publication of this important text is still in progress. 60 Urk.IV, 647.12. See also, C}ardiner,]EA 6 (1920) 99-116. 61 The Epigraphic Survey, The Battle Reliefs if King Sery I (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1986) plates 6-7. 62 Line 30 of the Poem; see Kenneth A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, 2 (Oxford: Blackwells, 1972).

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In 2000, the East Frontier Archaeological Project, which this writer directs, discovered another fort located 5 km. SE of Hebua at Tell el-Borg. Complete with an impressive moat, this fort went through three building phases, the earliest of which was likely constructed during the reign of Thutmose III, while the two later phases were built in the late 18th Dynasty and Ramesside period respectively.63 (plate 1) Thus the Egyptian military presence between Egypt and Canaan during the LB I-II periods is beginning to emerge. Regrettably, this new information does not shed new light directly on Egypt's foreign policy in the Levant. Nevertheless, it does illustrate that from the time of Thutmose III onwards the Egyptians invested considerable capital and manpower to control North Sinai. Consequently, it is hard to believe that they did not have numerous military and administrative centers strategically located throughout the Levant. The recent and surprising discovery of an early 18th Dynasty citadel at Tell el-Dabca by the Austrian expedition is shedding new light on 18th Dynasty Levantine foreign policy. Manfred Bietak thinks that this structure was built within the Hyksos period city of Avaris, and dates its establishment to the reign of Ahmose. 64 The fortification appears to have been built as a base of operation for launching the military campaigns of Ahmose and his successors into Canaan and Syria. Analysis of the ceramic remains from nearby storage facilities point to the time of Thutmose III (1479-1425 B.C.) as a terminal date for the usage of the for1. 65 Clearly this fort served as a military base for early 18th Dynasty, and subsequently Tjaru appears to have replaced it as a staging base for Levantine operations from the time of Thutmose III onwards. 66 Evidence for Egyptian military action in Canaan from the time of

63 This discovery wa~ announced in Egyptian Archaeology No. 17 (Autumn 2000) 11, 32; James K. Hoffmcier, "Tell el-Borg in North Sinai," Egyptian Archaeology 20 (2002) 18-20;James K. Hoffmeier and Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud, "A New Military Site on 'The Ways ofHorus'-Tell el-Borg 1999-2001: A Preliminary Report," JEA 89 (2003). 64 Manfred Bietak, et. al., "Tell el-Dab'a-'Ezbet Helmi Vorbericht tiber den Grabungsplatz HII (1989-1992)," AL IV [1994] 32-38); Bietak, Avans, the Capital qf the l-(yksos (London: The British Museum, 1996) 67-72. 65 Irmgard Hcin, "Erste Bcobachtungen zur Keramik aus 'Ezbet Helmi," AL IV (1994) 39-43. In a private conversation, she told me that she believes some of the material could be as late as the time of Amenhotep II. 66 To judgc from the reference to Tjaru in the Annals (Urk. IV, 647.12)

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Ahmose to Thutmose III is sparse indeed. 67 Despite the three year siege of Sharuhen there is nothing to suggest that Egyptian troops went about demolishing MB II cities, especially given the scope of Egyptian military and building operations in Nubia. It appears that Egypt was able to flex its muscles and demonstrate to the Levantine city-states that Pharaoh once again was their master without having to conquer the entire land. T.G.H. James suggested this scenario many years ago: After the capture of Avaris, the logical next move for Amosis was to secure the safety ofEgypt's eastern frontier from the threat of retaliatory incursions by the Asiatics. By the capture of Sharuhen he achieved this end, and at the same time demonstrated to the Asiatics that Egypt '\-'as again ruled by an active king.68

Redford too believes that Ahmose was able to secure the allegiance of much of Canaan without the expense of extended military activities. He maintains that "Ahmose could hope to extend a dampening influence on any unruly elements of the Palestinian hill-country, without the expense of a full-scale take-over of the latter regions."69 Redford's and James's understanding of Ahmose and his immediate successors' policy would well reflect Egypt's strategy in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, which only involved periodic military activity in order to maintain the economic connections with western Asia. Because of Egyptian economic interest in the region, it would make little sense to adopt a scorched earth policy in Canaan. By 1504 when Thutmose I acceded the tllrone, he was able to march, apparently unmolested, all the way to the Euphrates river/o indicating that the Levant was at least nominally loyal to Egypt. Coastal areas where the Egyptian navy held sway were tightly controlled.71 The Hill Country of Canaan was either only loosely controlled or completely independent of Egypt for the seventy-five years after the expulsion of the Hyksos, but that would change under the energetic Thutmose III and his bellicose son, Amenhotep II. Levant 21 (1989) 182-90. "The Expulsions of the Hyksos," C'AH II, pt. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973) 294. 69 Redford,]AOS99 (1979) 274. 70 Sources for this campaign include the Tombos stela (Urk. IV. 82-86) and the biography of Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet (Urk. IV. 9.8-14). if On the Egyptian Navy during this period, see Torgny Save-Soderbergh, The Na,!), qf the Eighteenth Egyptian Dylla.lf:Y (Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift 6, 1946). 67

68

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JAMES K. HOFFMEIER

Poliq Gnanges under 1hutmose III Not until Thutmose Ill's first campaign in 1457 B.C. does textual evidence emerge that enables us to capture a glimpse of Egypt's policy towards Canaan. It suggests that Egypt was moving towards an imperial model of domination. The texts, especially the Annals of Thutmose III, offer hints of Egypt's early policies. From the early 18th Dynasty, Egypt considered Syria-Palestine to be a vassal state. Loyalty to Pharaoh was expected. The Prince of Kadesh's plot, whether prompted by Mitanni or not,72 that resulted in the rebellion at Megiddo, and prompted Thutmose Ill's campaign, was viewed by the Egyptians as a challenge to their hegemony, and signaled the need for a firmer and clearer policy. The opening lines of Thutmose Ill's annals indicates that the Egyptian garrison (ilryt) that had apparently been somewhere in Canaan, possibly Megiddo,73 was forced out and took refuge in Sharuhen,74 a city beyond the sphere of the rebellion's control. 75 This admission of re-deployment demonstrates that prior to the Megiddo campaign, there was some sort of ongoing military presence in Canaan. After the surrender of the Megiddo coalition, the Annals report that "his majesty appointed the princes anew for [every city]."76 The use of m-m?t, "anew" suggests that a system of loyal vassals had been in place, although, whether this arrangement had been formalized or assumed by the Egyptians is not clear. But with Thutmose III the policy became normative. First, the rebel leaders had to take an oath of loyalty (s@-tryt) "not to repeat evil against Men-Kheper-Re," and they presented the Icing with tribute,77 Second, 72 There is no direct evidence that the plince of Kadesh was an agent of Mitanni, but it is certainly plausible. Redford speaks of Mitanni's "aggressive subversion of Syria" (Egypt, Canaan, and !ITael, 155). 7:l There is no evidence for Megiddo being the place where the garrison was. My suggestion is based upon the fact that the Megiddo was the rallying point of the rebellion. Redford has proposed that the critical lacuna in this line in the Annals could be filled with "Retenu" ("The Historical Retrospective at the Beginning of Thutmose III's Annals," Festschrifl Elmar Edel (Agypten und Alles Testament 1, 1979) 338-41. Redford's proposal does not preclude Megiddo as the specific location of the garrison since it would have been considered with Retenu. 74 Urk. IV, 647-48. 7'> So argues William Murnane: "Rhetorical History? The Beginning of Thutmose Ill's First Campaign in Western Asia," ]ARCE 26 (1989) 183-89. 76 Urk. IV, 663.2. 77 Urk. IV, 1235.16-19; 662.14-663.1. For a lengthy discussion of the expression srJf3-tryt, see Scott Morschauser, "The End of the srjj(J}-tr(yt) 'Oath'," ]ARCE 25

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as will be seen below, princes of the vassal kings were brought to Egypt for education and indoctrination. Whatever the nature of economic relations between the two regions wa<; before Thutmose III is unclear. But, after the Megiddo campaign the picture begins to become clear. Upon the surrender of Megiddo, the Annals state: 78 Now the fields were divided into plots and assigned to royal agents 79 in order to take care of their harvest. A list of the harvest which was taken away for his majesty from the fields of Megiddo. 207, 300 [+ X], 103) apart from gleanings taken by the army of his majesty.80

Utilizing Egyptian agents in overseeing the harvest and storage of grain apparently became a central part of the Egyptian policy in Canaan. The objective, apparently, was to provide food for Egyptian troops and horses when campaigning in the region. Shmuel Axituv has suggested that grains going to Egypt as tribute were only token amounts, with the balance staying in the region. 81 Some of the Amarna letters report to Pharaoh that preparations were under way for the next campaign, implying that necessary materials were in place, along with administrators who supervised such preparations. 82 For the 19th Dynasty, or LB II period, Egyptian administrative centers at sites like Tell el-Ajjul, Tell el-Farah (S), Deir cl- Balah, Tell Mor, Aphek, and Beth Shean may have served as storage centers. 83 But for earlier periods, archaeological evidence in the Levant is limited indeed. 84 Beth Shean, however, appears to have housed an Egyptian garrison from the time of Thutmose III through the Ramesside (1988) 93-103. Morschauser reject~ the consensus opinion that a fealty oath lies behind the meaning of this expression. Rather, he believes that it has to do vvith issuing a legal pardon for crinles committed. If this interpretation is correct, it still assumes there was some basis fi)r the Egyptian belief that rebellion against crown interests in Canaan violated an understanding, and required swift action to correct. 78 Urk. IV, 667.10-15. 79 Lit. "agents of the palace, life prosperity and health." flO Translation my own; text in Urk. IV, 667.10-1.1. 81 "Economic Factors in the Egyptian Conquest of Canaan," IE] 28 (1978) 96. 82 Nadav Na'anlan, "Economic Aspects of the Egyptian Occupation of Canaan," IE] 31 (1981), 172-219. 83 Weinstein, BASOR 2,41 (1981) 18-20; Oren,]SSEA 14/2 (1984) 37-56. 84 Weinstein (BASOR 241 [1981] 18) believes that "Palace IV" at Tell el-'Ajjul may date to as early as the late 18th Dynasty; however, he admits that dates for the construction and its demise are not clear. He thinks this building could be the earliest of the so-called "Governor's residencies."

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period. 85 Megiddo, Taanach, Gaza and Sharuhen may have housed Egyptian troops during the LB I period,86 but no identifiable Egyptian buildings like those of the LB II period are attested. How the Egyptians administered their affairs in Canaan during the LB I period remains uncertain; however, new insights into the economic strategies are now emerging. A careful investigation by Edward Bleiberg of the key terms inw and b?kw in Thutmose Ill's Annals has revealed a two tier system of commodity exchange between Western Asia and Egypt. 87 BJk(w) clearly refers to a type of taxation, while the meaning of inw has been less certain. 88 Historically inw has been rendered "tribute.,,89 Bleiberg's study of the use of these terms, however, shows that these terms were not interchangeable and actually were regionally specific in application. For instance, Mkw is used for goods coming from Kush, Wawat and Lebanon, whereas inw is applied to materials from Retenu, Assyria, Wartjet, Djahy, Genbut, Hatti, Isy, Alalakh and Tinay.90 Furthermore, Bleiberg has shown that some of the countries which were not invaded by Thutmose send inw, viz. Assyria, Genbut, Senger, Hatti, Issy and Alalakh. Moreover, inw tends to come from individuals representing an area while Mkw explicitly comes from a region. 91 The distinction between the two categories suggests that personal and impersonal transactions were

Nadav Na'aman, Tel Aviv 3-4 (1977) 173. This suggestion is ba<;ed more upon the fact that these sites are mentioned in connection with the first campaign ofThutmose III. The fact that the Egyptian garrison that had been displaced from a point further north redeployed at Sharuhen suggests that this city may have housed Egyptian troops prior to the troop withdrawal from a more northern site. Gaza is mentioned a~ a place where Thutmose III stopped over night and celebrated the anniversary of his coronation while enroute to Megiddo (Urk. IV, 648, 9-12). Certainly after the surrender of Megiddo, troops and officials were left behind to oversee the Icing's affairs. B7 "Commodity Exchange in the Annals of Thutmose III," lS~ST!A 11/2 (1981) 107-110. Subsequently, this study was expanded in two studies to cover the whole New Kingdom: "The King's Privy Purse During the New Kingdom: An Examination of1NW," lARCE 21 (1984) 155-67 and "The Redistributive Economy in New Kingdom Egypt: An Examination of mkw(t)," lARGE 25 (1988) 157-68. A more exhaustive study that includes earlier periods and the Ramesside age has recently been publishe
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taking place. Bleiberg associates this practice with what historical economist George Dalton has identified as a fundamental difference between ancient economies and present-day counterparts. Dalton saw ancient economies resulting from "a fusion of social and economic institutions .... There is no awareness of the 'economy' as a distinct set of practices apart from social institutions. Transactions of material goods in marketless economies are expressions of social obligations."92 This concept leads Bleiberg to conclude that inw "is a technical term which must be translated uniformly in this text whether it comes from a conquered or independent prince,"93 signifying that Pharaoh had an "inw relationship" with the donor. These products, in tum, become the king's personal property. In other words, a "gift-giving" economy existed. That a "gift-giving" economy prevailed in the Near East during the second half of the second millennium is evident. Jac Janssen has contributed significantly to our understanding of this practice within Egypt. 9'l Meanwhile, Mario Liverani95 and Zipporah Cochavi-Rainey96 have investigated this practice in the Near East during the Amarna period. Bleiberg's studies have shown that this practice is well-attested in earlier periods. B3kw, Bleiberg argues, was brought under centralized control and then redistributed by the crown. It comes from Nubia and Lebanon, while inw does not. 97 Interestingly, these countries had been Egyptian colonies in the Middle Kingdom, and administered by Egyptians. The same was not true for Canaan and Syria where a system of native princes overseeing Pharaoh's affairs was employed instead of Egyptian officials. In other words, the terms inw and b3kw seem to reflect the different models of control used in Western Asia, the imperial, versus the colonial in Nubia.

92 George Dalton, Economic Anthropologp and Development (New York & London: Basic Books, 1971) 64. 93 Bleiberg, "Commodity Exchange," 108. 94 "Gift Giving in Ancient Egypt as an Economic Feature," ]EA 68 (1982) 25358. 95 "Irrational' Elements in the Amama Trade," in 'lhree Amama Essa)'s (Malibu: Undena, 1979) 21-34. 96 Royal Gifts in the Late Bronze Age, Fourteenth and 'lhirteentJ/ Centuries BCE (Beer-Sheva: Studies by the Department of Bible and Ancient Near East, XIII, 1999). 97 BIcibcrg, ]SSF.A 1112 (1981) 108-11 o.

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7hutmose Ill's Diplomacy Thutmose III (1457-1425 B.C.) initiated the practice of bringing the princes of subject kings of western Asia to Egypt to be trained in Egyptian ways so as to prepare them to replace their fathers upon their death. This policy is mentioned for the first time in the Annals in an inw list from Retenu (Syria-Palestine) where it records: Now the children of the chieftains and their brothers are brought in order to be hostages of Egypt. Now if anyone of these chieftains died, then his majesty will have his son go to assume his throneYs

References to the presence of the sons of Syro-Canaanite kings in pharaoh's court, and possible allusions to the practice inaugurated by Thutmose III, are found in some of the Amarna correspondence of the 14th century. Aziru of Amurru, in order to show his loyalty to Egypt says "I herewith give [my] sons as 2 att[endants] and they are to do what the kring, my lord] orders" (EA 156:9-14).99 Meanwhile, Arasha of Kumidu claimed: "Truly I send my own son to the king, my lord ... " (EA 199.15-21).100 Jerusalem's king, Abdu-Heba, maintains that his legitimacy as king was due to his appointment by Pharaoh, stating "neither my father nor my mother put me in this place, but the strong arm of the king brought me into my father's house (EA 286.10-15)."101 From this statement it might be inferred that AbduHeba had been a prince schooled in Egypt before his appointment to the kingship of Jerusalem. Perhaps in the absence of a son, or one old enough to be sent to Egypt, a king's brother might be sent to Egypt instead, as Biryawaza of Damascus reports: "[I] herewith [s]end [m]y brother [t]o you" (EA 194.28-32).102 In addition, the Amarna Letters, and other New Kingdom documents, abounds with references to daughters of kings from the Levant, Anatolia and Mesopotamia going to Egypt to marry the pharaohs in order to seal diplomatic relations. 103 This practice also appears to have Translation my own, Text in Urk. IV 690.2-5. William L. Moran, The Amama Letters (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992) 242. A further allusion to Aziru's son being sent to Egypt is found in EA 162.42-54 (Moran, Amama Letters, 249). 100 Ibid., 276. 101 Ibid., 326. 102 Ibid., 272. 101 For a detailed investigations of this practice, see James Hoffmeier, "The Wives' Tales of Genesis 12, 20 & 26 and the Covenants at Beer-Sheba," Ijmdale Bulletin 43: I 9B

99

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been introduced by Thutmose III in the New Kingdom and it flourished down into the Ramesside age. 104 The "daughter of the Prince of Retenu" stands at the head of an inw list from Thutmose's 40th regnal year; lOS she may have been sent for a diplomatic marriage. J06 A Theban tomb revealed the burial of three princesses with foreign names from the time of Thutmose III who may have come to Egypt for such marriages. 107

Deportation Policies Small numbers of prisoners of war are mentioned on the biographical tcxts of the early 18th Dynasty, but there are no extant royal inscriptions before thosc of Thutmose III that indicate the scale of deportations from Syria-Palestine. The Annals carefully document the figures. 340 is the figure given for the number of prisoners taken to Egypt after the fall of Megiddo. 108 The documentation of prisoners-of-war in subsequent years is recorded with regularity. For year thirty, 36 men and 181 male (~m) and female (~mt) servants are listed; year thirtyone----492 prisoners-of-war; year 33-66 male and female servants with their children, and from the same year, 513 male and female servants were received as tribute from Retenu; year thirty-four---602 male and female servants came as tribute from Retenu; year thirtyeight--50 prisoners of war and 522 male and female servants are listed as tribute from Retenu. 109 During nearly 20 years of recorded annals, which are by no means complete, thousands of people from Canaan and Syria were transported to Egypt as prisoners-of-war or as gifts from various kings. While no extensive annalistic records have survived for Thutmose Ill's successors, a number of inscriptions bear witness to a continuation of the policy of deporting Semitic speaking peoples from western Asia (1992) 87-99; A.R. Schulman, "Diplomatic Marriage in the Egyptian New Kingdom," ]NES 38 (1979) 177-93. IlH Schulman, JNES 38 (1979) 177-93. 105 Urk. IV. 668.17-669.1. 106 Bleiberg, Gijl in Ancient Egypt, 99-100. 107 The contents of the tomb were published by H.E. Winlock, The Treasure qf Three Egyptian Princesses (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art Publications, 1948). Schulman ONES 38 [1979] 182) believes they were "the daughters of minor Syrian rulers." loa Urk. n~ 663.6. 109 Urk. IV. 690.7; 691.2; 698.7; 699.5; 706.4; 717.1,10.

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to Egypt. Arnenhotep II's year seven Memphis stela records two sorties into the Levant. figures given for captured peoples are 550 Maryanu (elite Hurrian warriors), 240 wives of Maryanu, 640 Canaanites, 232 children of princes, 323 daughters of the princes, 270 concubines of the princess, with the total being 2,214 individuals. 110 The numbers from his second campaign are even higher, 127 chieftains of Retenu, 179 chieftain's brothers, 3600 'Apiru, 15,200 Shasu-Bedouin, 36,300 Syrians (b3rw) , 15,070 from Nagasu, and their families 30,652, with a grand total of 89,600. III Interestingly, the figure given for the total is incorrect. Adding all the individual figures, the sum is actually 101,128. 112 Because this total is so high, its reliability has been questioned. Anthony Spalinger, for instance, thinks the figures were deliberately exaggerated and rhetorical in nature. I 13 However, the huge figures are rather specific and do no fit typical Egyptian hyperbolic language of capturing tens or hundreds of thousands, and myriads. The late Elmar Edel proposed that the figures on the Memphis stela represent the grand total for all campaigns up to the time of the stela. I 14 JJ. Janssen thought the numbers might belong to a census of the region, 115 which would mean they were not deportees to Egypt. Alternatively, Arnin Arner opined that the figures should be taken seriously and reflects a shift in policy from a selective deportation used by Amenhotep II's predecessors, to mass deportation. 116 He compares this practice that used by the Hittite monarch Mursilis II, and Middle and Neo-Assyrian kings. The remainder of the 18th Dynasty saw only limited Egyptian military activity in Canaan and Syria, a testimony to Thutmose III and Arnenhotep II's effectiveness 117

110 Urk. IV. 1305.5-8. For a translation of this stela, see Barbara Cumming, EgyptW.n Hist»l1cal Recordf 0/ the Later Eighteenth 0nasry, Fascicle 1 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1982) 31-31 and J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Easlcm Texts Relating to the Bible = ANET (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969---3rd ed.) 245-47. III Urk. IV, 1308.19-1309.5. 112 John Wilson made this observation in ANET 247, n. 48. 113 Spalinger, Aspects qf the Military Documents 0/ the Ancient EgyptW.ns (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982) 239-40. 114 Elmar Edel, "Die Stelen Amenophis II. aus Karnak und Memphis," ZDPV69 (1953) 97-176. Gardiner concurs with Edel's position (Egypt 0/ the Pharaohs, 203). 115 "Eine Beuteliste von Amenophis II. und das Problem der Sklaverei im alten Aegypten," lEOL 17 (1963) 141-47. 116 "Asiatic Prisoners Taken in the Reign of Amenophis II," Scripta Meditcrranea V (1984) 27-28. 117 Ibid., 27-28.

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in controlling the lands from Egypt to the Euphrates, and perhaps because of Amenhotep's mass deportation program was intended to break down resistance.

Concluding Thoughts This paper has attempted to draw attention to some neglected aspects of Egyptian foreign policy in the Levant and Nubia during the New Kingdom or Late Bronze Age. It is suggested that the policy from Ahmose to Hatshepsut was not clearly developed (quasi-imperial?), and followed earlier, Middle Kingdom models that were largely economically based with periodic military measures being taken to support it. The means of controlling Western Asia from the days of Ahmose through Hatshepsut was very different from those methods used in Nubia for the same period. The Kadesh inspired rebellion against Egypt at Megiddo was the wake up call that prompted Thutmose III to adopt new and more aggressive imperial measures to regulate the region through tighter control oflocal princes,.having regular shows of force, and establishing treaties and marriage alliances. The failures of Amarna period diplomacy undoubtedly prompted a further tightening of control by the establishment of LB II period "residencies." These Egyptian administrative centers, it might be suggested, were designed to oversee both military and economic interests in the region. In so doing, the Ramesside strategy in Canaan may have been an attempt at to establish on a smaller scale the colonial model that had been so effective in controlling Nubia.

DOUBLE ENTENDRE IN THE STELA OF SUTY AND HOR Steven Blake Shubert

Introduction The stela of Suty and Hor (BM 826) has been known to Egyptologists since the 19th century; it was purchased by the British Museum in 1857 1 and was published in French by Pierret in 1879 and in English by Birch in 1883 (fig. 1). The stela is securely dated to the reign of Amenophis III in the mid-18th Dynasty by line 19 of the text which mentions "the lord of the Two Lands Neb-maat-re, given life" (Urk. IV, 1945.12). The reputation of the stela rests on being a forerunner to the Great Hymn to the Aten. Although dedicated to Amun, the stela of Suty and Hor contains a hymn with the same concepts and imagery as found in the famous hymn £I'om the reign of Akhenaten, offering proof of the existence of these ideas and their representation in the previous reign. Yet the stela is a complex artefact with a number of different texts and images inscribed on its granite surface. This paper suggests that the different elements of the stela have been intentionally arranged in a consistent set of imagery representing a duality of natures, yet asserting that they are in reality a unity. The central portion of the stela of Suty and HoI' consists of 21 horizontallines of text. Early translators and commentators translated the text line by line and frequently mention difficulties in translation. 2 As the text was studied further over the years, it has been divided into a

I It came from the sale of S. Anastasi in Paris, being no. 62 in sale catalogue; see S. Birch, "On a tablet in the British Museum relating to two Architects," Transactions qfthe Sociery qlBiblicalArchaeology 8 Uuly 1883) 143; A. Varille, "L'hymne au soleil des architectes d'Amenophis III Souti et Hor," BIFAO 41 (1942) 25. 2 P. Pierret, "Stele de Suli et Bar: Architectes de Thebes," Reweil de TravalJX 1 (1879) 70 calls the text "sinon facile a traduirc et meme a dechifTrer." Birch ("tablet," 161) notes that "a great deal of obscurity prevails in the text itself as to the meaning of the religious formula." In his work, Development ql Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1912) 315, J B. Breasted mentions the need for an adequate publication of the text and avoids difficult passages in his translation through the use of ellipses.

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number of different sections. Most consistently, the first 14 lines have been identified as hymnic, or being written in verse, and are distinguished from the last seven lines that contain the names and titles of Suty and Hor and typical sentiments from a funerary stela. 3 Several translations of the stela cover only the hymnic section. 4 The hymns should be understood in terms of the total context of the stela. Here the wider context of the provenance of the stela will be discussed first. Next the framing texts at the top and two sides of the stela will be discussed and finally the horizontal lines of text containing the hymns are considered. The 21 central horizontal lines may be divided into five sections. The first of these is a caption or title reading "Adoration of Amun when he shines as Horus of the twin horizons by the Overseer of the Works of Amun, Suty (and) by the Overseer of the works of Amun, Hor." There follows (after rjd.sn) two solar hymns each introduced by a greeting (inrj-~r.k). Finally the text ends with two prayers each introduced by the names and titles of Suty and Hor. The solar hymns are discussed here in two sections, the first comparing the content of the two hymns with each other and with the Great Hymn to the Aten, and the second dealing with the divine names. The prayers are discussed in terms of what they reveal to us about the relationship between Suty and Hor. It is argued that this relationship is the central organizing principle of the stela, which represents two men who wished to be remembered for eternity together as two halves of a greater whole.

Stela BM 826, Stela CG 34051 and the Funerary Cones Although the stela BM 826 of Suty and Hor officially has no provenance, its Theban connections are evident both in the titles of its

3 G. Fecht considers this portion of the text to be written in verse as well, but does distinguish it from the previous portion, "Zur Fruhform der Amarna-Theologie: Neubearbeitung der Stele del' Architekten Suti und Hor," ZAs 94 (1967) 27, 30-31, 44-45. 4 Mostly in text collections, such a~ J. A. Wilson, "A Universalist Hymn to the Sun" in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J. B. Pritchard (2nd ed.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955) 367-68; J. Assmann, A"gyptische Hymnen und Gehete (Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1975) 209-12; W.J. Murnane, Textsftom the Amarna Period in Egypt (Writings from the Ancient World 5; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995) 27-28.

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owners and in the deities that are invoked. Both Suty and Hor are given the title Overseer of the works of Amun at Karnak (Ipt-swt) and at Luxor (lpt-rsy). The dedication to Amun and the mention of Ahmes-Nefertari confirm the Theban provenance of the stela. Although it has been suggested that the stela was originally set up in a temple,s the funerary connotations of the stela's decoration, as well as the subject matter of the hymns and prayers, suggest that stela BM 826 would have been set up in the courtyard of a Theban tomb dedicated to both Suty and Hor together. There is external evidence for such a tomb in terms of a counterpart stela, Cairo Museum CG 34051, and in funerary cones with the names of Suty and Hor. BM 826 is a single block of grey granite with a of height 1.44 m. and a width of 88 cm. 6 The granite would have been obtained from Aswan and was almost assuredly a royal gift. Such a large block is unusual for private as opposed to royal stelae; possession of a granite stela identifies Suty and Hor as being of high elite status. 7 The rectangular stela is topped by a cavetto cornice. There is a central rectangular space or false door which is bordered on the top and two sides by three lines of text. Inside the central space, a round-topped stela is depicted. Effectively the monument combines two types of stela (rectangular with cavetto cornice and round-topped). In the centre of the stela, under the round-topped arch, two deities are represented standing back to back; the jackal-headed Anubis faces to the viewers right and mummiform Osiris faces to the left with the gods names inscribed above them. The winged sun disc is shown above the scene and a wg3t eye flanks either side of the round-topped stela. The figures of the worshippers have been deliberately hacked out, but it is clear that a man followed by a woman was represented on each side. On the stela's right worshiping Osiris, the man's name can still be made out: the overseer of the [works] of Amun, Suty. The man on the left then must be Hor. The woman behind each man may be identified

5

J.

Baines, "The Dawn of the Amama Age," in Amenhotep III: Penpectives on his

Reign, ed. David O'Connor and Eric H. Cline (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998) 287. b I. E. S. Edwards, British Afuseum Hieroglyphic Texts .from E,gyptian Stelae 8 (London: British Museum, 1939) 22. 7 Baines, "Dawn," 282.

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as his wife; if they were ever named, no trace of this text has been preserved. The counterpart stela CG 34051, like BM 826, is a single block of grey granite with a height of l.31 m. and a width of 84 cm. B The difference in height is explained by the almost total absence of the cavetto cornice on the Cairo piece; just enough is preserved on the stela's upper left side to be certain that there originally was such a cornice. As with BM 826, there is a round-topped stela set within the indented central portion of the stela. Most of the surface of CG 3405 I has been defaced, but under the arch of the round-topped stela figures of Anubis and Osiris standing back to back under the winged sun disc are almost undamaged. The worshippers before Osiris and Anubis have been erased, yet it seems clear that originally a man followed by a woman was represented on each side. Below the central tableaux, instead of another version of a solar hymn, 9 there are three virtually destroyed registers; only the outline of a female figure on the stela's right side and that of a male figure on dIe stela's left side can be made out in each register. The name of the male on the first register is Suty and that of the male on the second register is Hor. In the third register "by our sister/wife" (in snt.n) is written over a sem-priest figure, identified by his panther-skin garment. This space seems to have been entirely occupied by members of the families of Suty and Hor. Whereas with BM 826 Osiris faces to the left, on CG 34051 Osiris faces to the right. Thus, the two stelae are basically mirror images of each other. We can, therefore, envision BM 826 to the right of the tomb entrance and CG 34051 to the left with the figures of Osiris on each stela facing toward the entrance to the tomb. The tomb of N eferhotep (TT no. 49) is an example of a Theban tomb with two round-top stelae set in its forecourt on either side of the tomb entrance. 10 The northern stela is almost entirely defaced, but the southern stela preserves 26 lines of text that form a solar hymn in praise of Amun-Re. At tlle top of dlis stela back to back images of Osiris and Anubis are depicted, while in front of them Neferhotep and

a P. Lacau, Stiles du Nouvel Empire (Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes du Musee du Caire 45.1; Lc Caire: Institut fran<;ais d'archeologie orientale, 1909) 90. <J 'Wilson, "Universalist Hymn," 367. ION orman de Garis Davies describes the fa<;ade of the tomb on 6 and illustrates it in plate I of his The Tomb ifNifer-hotep at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933). The stela is translated on pp. 48-50 and is illustrated on plate XXXIV.

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his wife Merytre worship; the deities are enthroned in Neferhotep's tomb, while they are shown standing in BM 826. Other details also vary, so a 4jed pillar is depicted between the two deities in the tomb of Neferhotep and above them Ra is depicted in his solar barque. The tomb of Neferhotep dates to the end of the 18th Dynasty (probably to the reign of Ay), so would be slightly later than the tomb of Suty and HoI', but still shows the type of tomb one must imagine as the original location for the two stelae of Suty and HoI' (BM 826 and CG3405l). The location of the tomb of Suty and HoI' has not been noted in the Porter and Moss bibliography, but evidence that such a tomb existed is provided by funerary cones with the names of Suty and HoI'. II These cones have either the name of Suty or the name of Hori, but not both names together. Each man is given the title Overseer of the works of Amun in the southern harim (Luxor). As with Nderhoteps tomb, which also had funerary cones, one may imagine that the tomb of Suty and Hor consisted of a transverse or broad hall, which may have contained columns, and, set perpendicular to the fac;ade, a long hall which went deep into the rock. The innermost part of the tomb would have emphasized Osirian imagery, with solar imagery being prominent in the outer part of the tomb, particularly around the doorway that represented the transition from this world to the next. 12 By the middle of the 18th Dynasty it had become common to depict the tomb owner facing outward on the left door jamb with a hymn to the rising sun. 13 The local Theban god Amun was identified with Ra and was increasingly represented with a solar universal character in 18th Dynasty Theban tombs. 14 11 Norman de Garis Davies, A Corpus of Inscribed Eg),ptian Funerary Cones, ed. ~1. F. Laming Macadam (Oxf()rci: Griffith Institute, 1957) nos. 407-8; D. Kurth, "Ein Grabkegel vom Grab dcs Suti und HoI'," (.M 31 (1979) 63-66. A. Varille indicates that two funerary cones of Suty are preserved in the Cairo ?vI useum (nos. 5617 'l and 56744), "L'hymne au soleil des architectes c\'Amcnophis III Souti ct HoI'," BIf:10 4·1 (1942) 25, n. I. 12 H. M. Stewart, "Some Pre-'Amarnah Sun-hymns,"JEA 46 (1960) 84;J Zande<\ "Prayers to the Sun-God from Theban Tombs," Jaarbericht vall het l!oora,:iatiscli-eg;yplisch Genootschap "Ex Oriente Lux" 6 (1959/60) 4-9-52. 13 The Great Hymn to the Aten is located on the west thickness of the entrance into the tomb of Ay (no. 25) at Amarna, Nonnan de Garis Davies, 171e Rock Tombs qfEl-Amama 6 (EES-ASE 18; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1908) 29-31, pis. 93-96. See below for fUliher references. 14 H. M. Stewart, "Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymns of the New Kingdom," Bulletin of the Institute qfArdzaeology, Universif)J qf London 6 (1967) 3:1.

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TIe Framing Texts: Cultie Connections The three horizontal lines across the top of stela each contain a double ~tp-di-nsw formula, for Suty on left and for Hor on the right. In the fIrst line, each is given the tide "Overseer of the works of Amun in the choice of places (=Karnak)" (imy-r3 k3wt ny1mn m 1pt-swt). In the second line, each is given the tide "Overseer of all the works of the king in the southern city" (=Thebes) (imy-r3 k3wt nbwt nywt nyswt m niwt rsyt). In the third line, each is given the tide "Overseer of the works of Amun in the southern harim" (=Luxor) (imy-r3 k3wt ny 1mn m 1pt rsyt). These same three tides are repeated on the vertical lines framing the central part of the stela, again referring to Suty on the left and Hor on the right. The only break in the pattern is that on the fIrst line the left side, Suty is called Overseer of the works of the Amun in Luxor, where Karnak would fit the symmetry. The framing bands of BM 826 and CG 34051 are similar, but not identical. The texts across the top of the rectangle (the door's lintel) contain three horizontal lines that are largely missing on CG 34051, but the lowermost line on the stela's left preserves the name of the god Ptah; this is enough to show that the deities evoked did not duplicate those on BM 826. For Suty on the left of BM 826, the deities mentioned in the ~tp-di-nsw formulae are 1) Amun-Ra, 2) Mut and 3) Hathor who resides in the desert. For Hor on the right, the deities mentioned are 1) Amun king of the gods,15 2) Khonsu and 3) Hathor who resides in Thebes. Three vertical lines each containing ~tp-di-nsw formula appear on either side of both BM 826 and CG 34051. Those on the left end above a seated figure of Suty. The deities invoked in BM 826 are 1) Osiris Ruler of Eternity, 2) Sokar and 3) Isis, mother of the god (=Horus). The same deities may appear on CG 34051, but their names are not preserved. The first line contains the name of the resurrected Osiris (Wnn-nfr) and the third line was dedicated to a goddess. The vertical lines on the right end above a seated fIgure of Hor. The second line is destroyed on CG 34051, but as far as can be determined the deities were the same on each stela. The deities invoked are 1) Ra-Horakhty, Lord of Heaven, 2) Anubis, and 3) the God's wife (Ahmes)-Nefertari (wife of Amenophis I).

15

Incorrectly restored as "Hathor who resides in Thebes, mistress of the gods"

in the post-Amama period.

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The arrangement of deities is purposeful. The top horizontal line honours Amun on each side, as does the caption below the scene. Through synthesis with Ra, Amun has become a solar deity, as both the caption and the top line of the stela indicate. The divine family of Karnak is evoked in the second horizontal line of the stela, where Amun's consort Mut and their child Khonsu are honoured. Just as two forms of Amun were evoked in the top horizontal line, on the third horizontal line two forms of Hathor are honoured: Hathor who presides over Thebes and Hathor who presides over the desert. 16 The three pairs twice represent the same deity with a different epithet, and the third pair evokes a mother and child. Thus, the basic unity behind each pair is evident. The deities represented in the tableau scene are mentioned in the vertical columns on either side. In the centre of the stela Osiris and Anubis are represented, but in the fIrst columns on either side, it is Osiris and Ra-Horakhty who are honoured. Anubis is relegated to the second column on the right. Behind Anubis, Ahmes-Nefertari the deifIed mother of Amenophis I is honoured as a god's wife (of Amun). It may be that the winged sun disc over the central scene was meant to represent Ra-Horakhty, who is represented as being as signifIcant as Osiris and Anubis on the stela. Behind Osiris on the left are Sokar and Isis, not Theban deities, but important funerary deities nonetheless. Isis is the chief mourner of her brother and husband Osiris and Sokar is the deity of the Memphite necropolis, often associated with Osiris in the form of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris. The inclusion of Sokar may reflect the importation of Memphite cults to Thebes in the reign of Amenophis III. 17 On the stela Isis is associated with the sacred district of Peker, the precinct of Osiris at Abydos; the inclusion of both Isis and Osiris reflect the importance of Abydos in the New Kingdom funerary cult. 18 From this arrangement, three pairs of deities are to be understood, 16 Hathor is connected with the western moulltain at Thebes in general and with Deir el-Bahari in particular, possibly because of a rock-cut image of the goddess in the cliff face; see VA. Donohoe, "The Goddess of the Theban mountain," Antiquity 66 (1992) 871-85. Hathor is also an important deity at Serabeit el-Khadim in Sinai, and in other mining regions. 17 Baines, "Dawn," 284. IS A. Hermann, Die Stelen der thebanis(hen Felsfl'aber der 18. l,!ynastie (Gliickstadt: JJ Augustin, 1940) 47 gives Abydos as the provenance for CG 34051, but this cannot be confirmed and may be based on thc depiction of Osiris and Anubis, which is parallclled in Thebes on the stela of Neferhote.

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each combining one from the left side and one from the right side, just as in the horizontal lines above. Osiris on the left is paired with Ra-Horakhty on the right; these represent night and day, since Osiris is the lord of the netherworld through which the sun travels during the night and Ra-Horakhty represents the sun travelling across the sky during the day. Sokar on the left is paired with Anubis on the right, both representing gods of the necropolis and of mummification. Finally, Isis on the left side and Ahmes-Nefertari on the right are both female deities associated with the necropolis. Ahmes Nefertari and her son An1enophis I were both deified and worshiped as patrons of the Deir el Medina workmen. 19 This juxtaposition of deities is not arbitrary; though more than one message may be encoded by their presence, a deliberate representation of two aspects of a single nature is repeated throughout the six pairs of deities represented in the texts framing the central portion of the stela of Suty and Hor.

77ze Solar Hymns: Precursors to the Great Hymn to the Aten There is no consensus as to whether or not the stela BM 826 contains one or two hymns. Murnane, Foster, Lichtheim, and Fecht divide the text into two separate hymns. 2o Barucq and Daumas, Assmann, Heick, and Wilson treat the text as a single hymn. 21 It was Sainte Fare Garnot who established the serious likelihood of two separate hymns on the stela of Suty and Hor. 22 His analysis (p. 547) was that the first hymn glorified the sun as a physical reality, whereas the second hymn endowed that sun with an (Egyptian) personality. Certainly the first 14

19 Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993) 44. 20 Murnane, Texts, 27-28;]. L. Foster, Hymns, Prt~yers, and Songs: An Anthology if Ancient Egyptian l:yric Poet1J! (Writings fl'om the Ancient World 8; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995) 56-57; M. Lichtheim, Anclent l~gyptian Literature 2 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976) 87-88; Fecht, "Friihform," 28-30. 21 A. Barucq and F. Daumas, Hymnes et Priires de l'Egyptc Ancierme (Paris: Les editions du CERF, 1980) 187-90; Assmann, Agyptische i{yrrmen, 209-12; W. HeIck, Urkunden de,. 18. 0nastie, 17-22 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1961) 328-29; Wilson, "Universalist Hymn." 367-68. - 22]. S. F. Garnot, "Notes on the Inscription of Suty and Hor," ]EA 35 (1949) 544 credits Budge as having recognized two hymns in 13M 826. E. A. \\'. Budge, From Fetish tv God in Ancient E'gJ,pt (London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1934) 416 does insert "[HY!vIN TO ATEN]" in the middle of the translation, but still entitles this "A Hymn to Amen and Aten" (present author's emphasis).

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horizontal lines have a closer relationship than different hymns from two completely independent stelae. Nevertheless, the words "Hail to you" (ind ~r.k) appearing in lines I and 8 clearly mark the beginning of new sections, if not a new hymns. Again the impression gained is that of a unity with two distinct parts. It was Breasted who first noted that the stela of Suty and Hor expressed "the tendency of the age" (i.e., the Arnarna Period) during the reign of Amenophis III and that this universalism and monotheistic outlook were connected with, if not driven by, the "widening vision" of the New Kingdom Egyptian Empire. 23 Thus, the theme that the sun god is universal is found in the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1943.19) where it says that the "sun's rays are on (every) face" (stwt.k m ~r) and where (Urk. IV, 1944.17) "every eye has sight because of you" (irt nb m3.sn im.k) is mentioned. The second hymn (Urk. IV, 1946.4) indicates that the sun's rays "reach the limit of the lands every day" (in 1'(3)-<" t3w rr nb). The uniqueness of the sun (god) is indicated in the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1944.3) by the epithet "exclusively unique" (w r ~r-bw./) and in the second hymn (Urk. IV, 1946.3) by the epithet "one who observes all that he has made, alone" (m?J iryfnb wrw). The central tenents of the Great Hymn to the Aten, therefore, are expressed in both solar hymns on BM 826. Both hymns on BM 826 express the great solar cycle of life. The rising of the sun in the morning is equated with the act of creation, the birth of each new day. So the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1943.16-17) reads "who rises at dawn and who never stops" (wbn dw~w n irf ~bw), while the second hymn (Urk. IV, 1945.18) reads "the morning sun, distinguished of births" (bpri tny mswt). After the sun has risen, it shines during the day as it travels across the sky. So the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1944.7) reads "when you cross the sky" (d3i.k pt), while the second hymn (Urk. IV, 1945.19-1946.1) reads "one whose perfection is raised high in the firmament of heaven, who illuminates the Two Lands with his sun disc" (s!sw nF f m bt n(y) nnt, s~ld t3wy m Un./). Finally, at the end of the day the sun sets and the cycle ends only to begin anew the next day. The first hymn includes a stanza covering the hours of night (Urk. IV, 1944.15-16), "you complete the hours of night just as well, for you regulate it (the night), never stopping with your work" (km.n.k wnw! gr~ mileY)!, gsgs.n.k sw n bpr ~bw m k3wt.k).

21

Breasted, Development, 31.

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The second hymn mentions (Urk. IV, 1945.8) "the rising and setting of the sun" (n Of:' n ~tp mit(y)t). This solar cycle of the rising and setting of the sun is emphasized in the first three stanzas of the Great Hymn to the Aten. 24 The Egyptian solar hymns not only credit the sun with being the creator of all life, but also with being the controller or regulator of life; the absence of the sun is equated with the absence of life. 25 Thus, the setting of the sun is equated with death in both the first hymn of BM 826 and in the Great Hymn to the Aten. On the stela of Suty and Hor we read (Urk. IV, 1945.l ): "when you go to rest in the western mountains, then they sleep (as) in the condition of death" (~tp.k m M3nw or Ifd.sn mi sorw mwt). The same expression in slightly different words is found in the Great Hymn to the Aten: "When you set on the western horizon, the land is in darkness as (in) the condition of death" (~tp.k m10t imntt t3 m kkw m sor n(y)t mwt).26 The sun is the regulator not only of time, but of temperature and of the seasons. On the stela of Suty and Hor we read (Urk. IV, 1946.6-7): "he makes the seasons with months either as hot or as cool as he desires" (ir f trw m 3bdw hh mrf Ifbb mrj). Again the same sentiment in slightly different words is found in the Great Hymn to the Aten: "so have you formed the seasons ... winter to cool them and heat that they may feel your presence" (irr.k trw ... prt r slfbb.sn hh dpt.st tw).27 The ultimate power in Egyptian theology was that of the creator and the leading gods of every period of Egyptian history were credited with cosmogonic powers. The sun god, as Ra in the Old Kingdom and Amun-Ra in the New Kingdom28 is frequently exalted as the creator of the universe. So too on the stela of Suty

21 For the text, see Davies, Rock Tombs 6, 29-31, pis. 93-96; Major Sandman, Texts from the ,Time Akhenaten (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 8; Brussels: Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth, 1938) 93-96. Translations are legion; see Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 2, 96-100; J. L. Foster, "The Hymn to Aten: Akhenaten worships the sole God," in Civilizations if the Ancient Near East 3, ed. by Jack M. Sasson (New York: Charles Scribner's, 1995) 1751-61; Murnane, Texts, 112-15. 25 This is expressly stated in the Great Hymn to the Aten: "When you shine, there is life, but when you set, there is death" (wbn.n.k ('nb.sn ~tk m(w)t.sn), Sandman, Texts, 95, lines 17-18. 26 Sandman, Texts, 93, line 17. 27 Sandman, Texts, 95, lines 9-10. 28 The Aten has the same role in the reign of Akhenaten, though how or why the Aten came to create the universe is never related, D. B. Redford, "The Sun-disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and Antecedents, II," ]ARCE 17 (1980) 24.

qr

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and Hor, in the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1944.2) the sun god (Ra) is called "one who gives birth, not one who is born" (mss, iwty ms.tw.jJ; likewise in the second hymn (Urk. IV, 1945.5) the same image is credited with different words to the Aten: "one who created himself, not one who was created" (opr-dsf iwty ms.tw.jJ. The life giving force of the suns rays is extolled in the first hymn of BM 826 (Urk. IV, 1944.17 -18): "all eyes have sight because of you, but they will not continue (to see) when your presence rests" (irt nb m?sn lm.k nn km.sn !Jft ~tp ~m.k). Twice (Urk. IV, 1945.3, 16) in the second hymn the sun has the epithet "who makes them live" (iry C"nO.sn). The sun god in the hymn(s) of Suty and Hor is a god of light and of beauty or perfection (nfrw). This aspect of the sun god is nicely summed up in the following thought couplet from the second hymn (Urk. IV, 1945.20-1946.1): One whose beauty is raised high in the firmament of heaven, who illuminates the Two Lands with his sun disc.

He provides life through light, as the first hymn (Urk. IV, 1944.20) says "your (bright) light opens the eyes of the flocks" (~dwt.k wb~.s irty C"wt) and Ra is hailed (Urk. IV, 1945.16) as "the perfection of every day" (nfr n(y) rC" nb). That light and beauty are integral components of the sun god can also be seen in the opening stanza of the Great Hymn to the Aten: 29 \Vhen you have arisen on the eastern horizon, it is with your beauty that you have filled the land. You are beautiful, magnificent and radiant, you are high above every land.

The appeal of the solar cult in the New Kingdom, as well as the Aten cult, must at least partially be a<;cribed to its celebration of the bright radiance, openness, light and beauty of the sun in contrast to the traditional Egyptian deities who dwelt in dark, well-enclosed shrines and whose countenance was hidden from the people. 3o

29 Sandman, Texts, 93, lines 13-14. Furthermore in the third stanza, we read: "The land brightens when you arise on the horizon, since you shine as the Aten in the daytime" (M tI wbn.ti m Jot, psd.t(i) m Un m hrw). 30 Foster, "Hymn to the Aten," 1757.

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The Solar Hymns: The Divine Names There is little or no problem with understanding the sun god in these hymns to be a single god, who is presented under a number of different names and guises. In the caption before the two hymns, we are told that they honour "Amun when he shines as Horakhty" (Horus of the twin horizons). In the first hymn the sun god is addressed as both Ra and Kheperi; in the second hymn the sun god is again called Kheperi, as well as Aten. Despite these multiple names and aspects, there is an essential unity to the sun and its divine aspects. Suty and Hor's second hymn evokes popular traditional images of the sun god, such as the "great falcon with multicoloured feathers" (bik C"J sJb-swt) and the scarab beetle (Urk. IV, 1945.4-5). Here the linguistic notations have definite conceptual images in ancient Egyptian thought. The faJcon's feathers recall the image of the winged sun disc found over the divine figures on BM 826 and elsewhere 31 and the scarab beetle (bprr) evokes the morning sun (bpri) as well as the image of the beetle pushing the sun disc across the sky, as the scarab pushes its dung ball on earth. What is missing here is the third image of the sun, as Atum or the evening sun. 32 Though the emphasis on dualism may explain this omission on the stela, it is also true that in the Amarna Period the night voyage of Re through the netherworld is similarly omitted from our sources. 33 A major difference between the hymns on the stela of Suty and Hor and the Great Hymn to the Aten and other Amarna texts is the polytheistic character of the former versus the monotheistic character of the latter. Yet the case is not as simple as it might appear, though all the published translations of the Suty and Hor hymns include the names of other Egyptian gods, besides the multiple names of the sun god. However, none of these examples needs to be translated as the name of a deity, though as with the falcon and scarab images, there can be little doubt that the concept of the Egyptian deities would have been immediately called to mind. With the omission of divine 31 The winged sun disc is also found over depictions of the king and on temple doorways and is probably the prototype for depictions of the slIn disc in Amarna art. 32 H. M. Stewart, "Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymns of the New Kingdom," Bulletin if the Institute qfArchaeology 6 (1967) 34; J. Zandee, "Prayers," 48. 33 Erik Hornung, Akhenaten and the Religion if Light (transl. David Lorton; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999) 95-96.

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determinatives, we see another type of double entendre or wordplay between the divine names and the meaning of these names. In the first hymn, for example, the name of the creator-god of Memphis, Ptah, is evoked at the beginning of the third line on the stela (Urk IV, 1): "one who creates yourself, when you form your body" (Pt~ tw nbi.k ~("w.k). Most translators have interpreted pt~ to be the verb to create or to fashion, but Scharff, Erman, and Assmann have translated this passage as including the name of the god Ptah. 34 In a note, Wilson aptly takes the passage to mean "Thou who hast Ptah'ed thyself," a play on the name of Ptah, the fashioner god. 35 The second hymn evokes both sky and earth deities. The equation of the sun god that travels through the sky with other celestial deities is not surprising. The stela of Suty and Hor (Urk. IV, 7) equates the sun god with "the elder Horus (or elder falcon) in the midst of the sky" (lfr smsw ~ry-ib n(y) nnt). The word for sky here is niwt or nnt , glossed as lower heaven. 36 It has the same consonants as the word for the sky-goddess Nut, and on the stela of Suty and Hor is written without any divine determinatives; the sign for city or town (niwt) is written with the determinative for sky and has, in fact, been translated literally as "city of heaven.,,37 It appears again a few lines later (Urk. IV, 1945.19) in the phrase "who raises his beauty in the body of Nut or one whose beauty is raised high in the firmament of heaven" (S!S nfrf m bt n(y) nnt). Most translators have interpreted both passages to refer to the sky goddess Nut,38 while some translate the first occurrence as "sky" and the second as "Nut,,3CJ and others try to evoke the double meaning by such terns as "Nut (the sky)," or sky-goddess.,,4o Although 34 A. Scharff, Agytische Sonnen lieder (Berlin: Karl Curtius, 1922) 55; A. Erman, Die Religion der Agypter: Ihr Werden und Vergehen in 1Jier]ahrtausenden (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1934) 10 7; Assm ann, Agyptische Hymnen, 2 10. 35 Wilson, "Universalist Hymn," 367. 36 R. Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary !if Middle Egyptian (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1962) 125, 134. 37 Actually, "Stadt des Himmels," in Heick, Urkul/dm der 18. pynastie (1961), 329. 38 Birch ("tablet," 159-160) translated as "Nu or Ether." Scharff (A:ffyptische SOl/nel/lieder, 56-57). J. S. F. Garnot ("Les idees religieuses des fn'res jumeaux Souti et HoI', architeetes d'Amenophis III," .lEA 35 [I 949J 545-46), Liehtheim (Ancient Agyptian Literature 2,87-88), Barucq and Daumas (Hymnes et Prieres, 189), and Murnane (Texts, 28) all use the name of the sky-goddess, Nut. 39 Pierret, "Stele," 71; Breasted, Development, 316-17; Foster, "Hymn to Aten," 57. 40 "Nut (the sky)" is used by E. A. Budge, Tutankamen, Amenism, Aten£fnJ and Egyptian

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the text does not necessarily specify the goddess Nut, the image of her body stretched across the sky is nonetheless evoked. The equation of the sun with earth deities, such as Khnum and Amun appears in the following passage of the second hymn on the stela of Suty and Hor (Urk. IV, 1945.9-12): Fashioner of what the earth provides, the Khnum and Amun of the people. The owner of the Two Lands, from the magnate to the commoner, beneficent mother of the gods and humans. The names of the gods, Khnum and Amun, need not be indicated in translation, as the passage may be rendered "who protects (bnm) what mankind conceals" (imn).41 There are no divine determinatives for Khnum and Amun; but again the images of the two deities would certainly occur to any ancient Egyptian reading the text. Translations of the text generally acknowledge the two divinities,42 though a few have translated "Khnum who hides.,,43 Khnum and Amun are associated together with the royal birth44 and are certainly evoked here as creator gods. Moreover, they represent the fatherly aspect of the creator, the motherly aspect of which is included in the next verse. Thus, we have expressed here the same concept as is found in the Short Hymn(s) to the Aten where the sun god is addressed: "You are mother and father of (all) that you have made" (ntk mwt it n(y) iryw.k [nb]).45 The ancient Egyptian word for "mother" (mwt) Monotheism (New York: Bell, 1923 [repr. 1979]) 49; idem, From Fetish to God, 416 for the first occurrence of the word. Wilson ("Universalist Hymn," 368) used "sky goddess;" Fecht ("Fruhform," 29-30) used "Nut-Himmels;" Assmann (Agyptische Hymnen, 211) used "Himmelsgottin;" Varille ("L'hymne," 29) used "la celeste Nout." 41 W'ilson ("Universalist Hymn," 368, n. 6) indicates that the gods' names carry a pun as "the hidden builder of mankind." 42 Scharff, Agyptische Sonnenlieder, 56, Budge, TutankJzamen, 49; idem, From Fetish to God, 416; Erman, Religion der Agypter, 103; Varille, "L'hymne," 29; Garnot, "Notes," 545; \Nilson, "Universalist Hymn," 368; Fecht, "Fruhform," 29 with discussion on p. 37; Assmann, Agyptische Hymnen, 211; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 2, 87; Barucq and Daumas, l(ymnes et Prieres, 189; Murnane, Texts, 28. Breasted (Development, 316) skips this section with an ellipsis. 43 Pierret, "Stele," 71; S. Birch, "tablet," 159; HeIck, Url.--unden der 18. Dynastie (1961) 329; Foster, Hymns, 57 ("Chnum who fashioned mankind"). 44 J. Assmann, Re und Amun: die Krise des pofytheistifchen Weltbilds im Agypten der 18.20. Dynastie (OBO 51; Freiburg: Universitatsverlag, 1983) 118-19. 45 Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs rif El-Amama 4 (EES-ASE 16; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1906) pl. XXXII or Sandman, Texts, 10-15 . For recent

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is also the name of a goddess, .A1ut, who is the consort of Amun of Karnak. Only Foster (Hymns, 57), however, has evoked this goddess's name in translation. 46 For the modern reader, the names of the ancient deities need to be spelt out or the allusions will be missed, but for the ancient viewer the situation was reversed. The hymns on stela 826 allude to a number of different deities, equating them with the sun god, as in the famous Litany of Ra. 47 What is noteworthy about BM 826 is that aside from the sun god in his different forms as Ra, Kheperi, Aten and Horus, the other divinities are not expressly designated as divinities in the text, but are alluded to in a type of wordplay or double entendre. While still following the traditional Egyptian practice of identifying a diversification of the fundamental principles of creative power,48 these varying principles are not directly named in the BM 826 hymns, but were surely understood by the ancient Egyptian reader. Thus, the stela of Suty and Hor reflects an early stage of the theological speculation that soon led to the Arnarna theology, whereby first all gods but the sun god were circumscribed, and then only the Aten was allowed. On the stela, the single divine principle (the sun god) can still be named "Amun when he arises as Horus of the twin horizons" and the major gods of Thebes and the afterlife can still be named in the framing texts. 49

English translations, see Murnane, Texts, 158-59; Lichtheim, Ancient E!gptian literature 2, 90-92.

Foster, H},mns, 46. Though known chiefly from Ramesside examples, abbreviated versions of this text are known from the 18th Dynasty as early as the reign of Tuthmosis III. In the text the sun god is invoked 75 times in various guises, many connected with Osiris as well as the morning, day and evening forms of the sun, Erik Hornung, The A.ncient Fgyptian Books qf the Afterl~ft (trans!., David LO\1on; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999) 135-47. 48 J. Allen, "The Natural Philosophy of Akhenaten," in Religion and Philosopky ill Ancient Egypt (Yale Egypto10gical Studies 3; New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar, 1989) 97. '~9 Baines ("Dawn," 282) sees this as a contrast between new and traditional ways of worshipping the sun god, "the inclusion of other deities in the offering fomlUlas," representing the older tradition and their "near absence" in the hymns as evidence of newer thought. 4{j

47

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The Prayers: The Relationship betuJeen Sury and Hor Suty and Hor are mentioned twice in the horizontal lines 1I1 the central part of Stela BM 826. The first instance, in lines 14-15 of the stela, gives both names with a short title in front of each name, but then the text resumes with a singular third person pronoun, as if only one person were speaking. The text then continues with a number of first person singular constructions, including independent first person pronouns that indicate that a certain stress placed on the first person singular. 50 The text may be translated as follows (Urk. IV, 1946.10-11): The overseer of works Suty and the overseer of works Hor, he says (=they each say?): I am the director of your harim ...

The second instance, in line 19 of the stela, gives one title in front of both names. This is followed initially by use of the first person singular and third person singular suffix pronouns, but then is resumed by the use of the third person plural suffix pronoun. The text may be translated as follows (Urk. IV, 1947.8-9): Twin overseers 51 of the works of Amun in the southern harim (=Luxor) Suty (and) Hor (each say): I was in charge of the right (=west) side while he was in charge of the left (=east) side. We were in charge of the great monuments at Karnak in front of Thebes, the city of Amun.

Here there is some problem in projecting a unified image. Presumably both Suty and Hor were meant to be speaking, each announcing that they oversaw one half of the construction crew. 52 It looks as if Suty were composing or dictating the text and that Hor's name was inserted, but not all the appropriate adjustments were made. The sense, however, is clear. The division of building teams into two sides is well attested in the 50 A. H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar: being an introduction w the Stutly qf HieroglYphs (3rd rev. ed.; London: Oxford University Press, 1973) sec. 65 54. 51 The 'wTiting of imy-r(J) with the tongue sign (Gardiner F20) has an extra tick at the top, which may suggest a multiple (dual) writing of the sign, Fecht, "Friihform," 45, ll. 40. 52 S. Quirke, Ancient Egyptian Religion (New York: Dover, 1992) 39 and Erman, Religion del" AgypteJ~ 107 suggest that the sides could refer to the eastern and western banks of the Nile. If this were the case, however, Suty and Hor should not both have titles indicating that they oversaw work at Karnak and Luxor.

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New Kingdom53 and this explains how Suty and Hor worked together. The right, or western side, is given precedence and this is reflected in the stela. In the listings of the two names, that of Suty consistently appears fIrst. Suty is listed and portrayed on the right side of the stela (the viewer's left) and worships the more important deity, Osiris. 54 Thus, although the overall construction of the monument emphasizes the equality and even single identity of the pair, it is possible to determine that Suty is the dominant or senior member. Scholars have been unanimous in treating Suty and Hor as twin brothers because of a passage that appears in the first of the two prayers found at the end of the central section of the stela on horizontal lines 17 and 18 (Urk. IV, 1947.3-7): I am one who ofkrs up his evil abominations. There is no contentment with all words because of the speaking of false statements, except f()r my sn (who is) like my nature, I continually trust his ideas, for he came forth il"om the exactly on this day.

bCt)

with me

The interpretation of this passage is problematical, though it is undeniable that the word sn, which is archetypically glossed as brother, is used and that the pair came forth from something on this day. b is generally translated as "womb" (bt) with the t left unwritten; this is not surprising as the t was no longer pronounced by the New Kingdom. Nevertheless, the word is here left untranslated, so as to emphasize other choices are available, such as bwt a word meaning a group or body of people (or gods).55 In this interpretation, Suty and Hor may have graduated from either general or specialized training together. The passage indicating that Hor and Suty were both born on the "same day" does not say that they were born of the same mother; it indicates that they came forth from the womb on this day. Translators usually gloss this in English as "on the same day," based on the context. Yet, the Egyptian implies an anniversary of some sort. Baines suggests

53 M. Mcgally, "Un interessant ostracon de la XVIIle dynastie de Thebes," BIFAO 81 Supp!. Bulletin de Centen31ire (Lc Caire: Institut fralJc:;ais d'archeologie orientale du Caire, 1981) 303-3(~6; J. Cerny, A Communiry qf Workmen at TIzebes in the Ramesside Period (Bibliothcque d'Etude 50; Le Caire: Institut fran«ais d'archcologie orientale clu Caire, 1973) 101. 5-4J. Baines, "Egyptian Twins," Or 54 (1985) 462. 55 Faulkner, Concise Dictionary, 200.

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that it implies that their exceptional birth is constantly present and significant. 56 From this passage we can understand a double entendre if the two men were born on the same day and also came forth from some school or apprenticeship training at the same time. Even if this is not the case, the text does not require that Hor and Suty be twins; their relationship is only defined by the term sn. The ancient Egyptian word sn does not correspond exactly with any single term in English. With a root meaning of "equal" or "two," it could mean twin, but it could equally well be used of the relationship of full or half brother, uncle, nephew and brother-in-IawY The use of the word sn may indicate here only an ambiguous form of kinship purposefully left undefined. Since the word sn can be used in the New Kingdom, both in the sense of "husband" and "lover,"58 the possibility arises that the term could very well be used to define the relationship between a same-sex male couple. In another double entendre, the term sn may be used to indicate "two" or a "pair" as well as "lovers", all the while being capable of being innocently interpreted ao; brother or colleague. Although Suty and Hor are perfectly good ancient Egyptian names, 59 both names are very short and it is possible that they are not in fact the full names given to these individuals at birth. Using the short fOlm of the names may have been a deliberate choice in order to evoke an archetypal pair in ancient Egyptian mythology, Seth and Horus. 6o The very first translation of the stela noted this allusion 61 and through the years several scholars have chosen to translate the names of the owners of BM 826 as Seth and Horus,62 though the straight phonetic Baines, "Egyptian Twins," 462 . Robins, "Women," 202. Jean Revez mentioned BM 826 in a paper on "The metaphorical use of the kinship term sn 'Brother'," presented at the SSEA Scholar's Day in 1997; cf. Greg Reeder, "Same-sex Desire, Conjugal Constructs, and the Tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep," Wm-ld Archaeologv 32/2 (2000) 195. 58 Egyptian love poetry uses the terms "brother" (sn) and "sister" (snt),J. B. White, A Study if the Language ifLove in the Song if Songs ami ancient Egyptian Poetry (Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 38; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1978) 95. 59 Hor or Horus is a common name in all periods of Egyptian history, H. Ranke, Agvptischen Personennamen 1 (Ghickstadt: J. j. Augustin, 1935) 245, no. 18. Suty is considered to be a diminutive of Seti (St!.yj, the name of the second king of the 19th Dynasty (Baines, "Egyptian Twins," 463). A Suty is also known from Amarna, Davies, Rock Tombs if Amama 6, 25. 60 H. te Velde "Horus und Seth," Lexikon der ifgvptologie 3 (1980) col. 25-27. 61 PielTet, "Stele," 70. 62 Scharff: ifgvptische Sormenlieder, 55, renders as "der Zwillingsbruder Horus und S6

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rendering has been more commonly used. Budge rendered this double entendre as "SUTI (SET) and HER (HORUS).,,63 Although Seth and the elder Horus may be brothers, archetypically Seth and Horus are uncle and nephew, which is perhaps significant given the range of meanings of the word sn. Moreover, the uncle-nephew pair of Seth and Horus are involved in the most renowned same-sex coupling in the preserved corpus of Egyptian literature, from Papyrus Chester Beatty, popularly known as The Contendings if Horus and Seth. 64 Certainly the two names do not evoke an image of fraternal harmony.

Conclusion The stela of Suty and Hor (BM 826) preserves an intricate pattern of paired objects that form part of a larger whole. The Egyptian dualistic view of the universe 65 certainly underlies this vision, but does not fully explain it. In a number of different modes, using traditional Egyptian iconography and funerary terminology, the stela owners have deliberately encoded a message of two members of a pair that are nonetheless a unity. We see this in the form and layout of the stela and its different sections, in the deities that are evoked in these different texts and in the presentation of the stela owners, Suty and HoI'. Stela BM 826 is rectangular, but with a round-topped stela forming its central core. This central core has a tableau depicting two men and two gods and 21 lines of horizontal text including two hymns and two prayers that form a unified whole. In the framing texts we have six pairs of deities: 1) Amun-Ra and Amun king of the gods, two aspects of the same god; 2) Mut and Khonsu, Amun's wife and child; 3) Hathor of Thebes and Hathor of the desert, two aspects of the same goddess; 4) Ra-Horakhty and Osiris, rulers of the sky and underworld; 5) Anubis

Seth." Wilson ("Universalist Hymn," 367) glosses as "two brothers named Seth and Horus." 63 Budge, From Fetish to God, 417. 64 Text in A. H. Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Stories (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca I; Brussels: Fondation Egyptologique Reine (~lisabeth, 1932) 37-60. Translated in Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature 2, 214-23 and in W. K. Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions and Poetry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973) 108-26. R. Parkinson treats the homosexual theme of the tale, "'Homosexual' Desire and Middle Kingdom Literature," .lEA 81 (1995) 57-76. 65 Karol Mysliwiec, TIle Trvilight of Ancient Egypt (trans!. David Lorton; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000) 1-6.

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and Sokar, two male deities of embalming and the necropolis, and 6) Isis and (Ahmes)-Nefertari, two female deities associated with funerary rites. Moreover, the central hymn is dedicated to "Amun when he shines as Ra-Horakhty." It is both a single hymn dedicated to the single sun god, and a pair of hymns, dedicated to Amun as the sun god, but also evoking the sun god by his other names or aspects-Ra and Kheperi in the first hymn and the Aten and Kheperi in the second hymn. Again and again we see two forms of essentially the same divinity. Moreover, by leaving out divine determinatives the Suty and Hor text manages to both evoke and suppress deities of the Egyptian pantheon other than the sun god. There is nothing unusual about a solar hymn appearing on a funerary stela; this was common fare in 18th Dynasty Thebes. The themes evoked in the Great Hymn to the Aten appear here in the stela ofSuty and Hor.66 These themes, including universalism, the cosmic cycle of the sun, the power of the sun as a creator, the dependence of life on the sun, the uniqueness of the sun god, and images oflight and beauty, have a long history and appear throughout the New Kingdom.67 But the repetition of the same imagery in the Suty and HoI' texts supports the idea that two hymns are combined into a single verse manifestation on stela BM 826. Although I was able to configure the hymns using Matthieu's distique enneamitrique,68 I find that the text does not break naturally into this sort of rhythm. Rather, Foster's thought couplets (including some triplets)69 suit the sense of the text better. A grammatical analysis of the two hymns reveals a preponderance of sgmj and sgm.nj verb forms in the first hymn, whereas the second hymn favours participles and relative forms. The first hymn also has a number of passages that appear in chapter 15 of the Book qf the Dead and on the back of a New Kingdom statue in the British Museum. 7o Assmann 71 connects these sections ofBM 826 in particular with solar Redford, "Sun-disc," 24; Foster, "Hymn to the Aten," 1755-57. Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun, and the Crisis qf Porytheism, (trans!. A. Alcock; London: Kegan Paul, 1995); Stewart, "Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymn~," 29-74. , b8 B. Mathieu, "Etudes de mctrique Egyptienne III : Une innovation mctrique dans une 'Iitanie' thebaine du Nouvel Empire," RdE 45 (1994) 139-54. 69 J. L. Foster, "Thought couplets in Khety's "Hymn to the Inundation," ]NES 34 (1975) 1-30. 70 H. M. Stewart, "A Possibly Contemporary Parallel to the Inscription of Suty and Hor,"]EA 43 (1959) 3-5. 71 J. Assmann, "Zwei Sonnenhymnen der spaten XVIII. Dynastie in thebanischen Grabern del' Saitenzeit," MDAIK27 (1971) 1-33. 66 67

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hymns in Theban tombs of the 26th Dynasty, suggesting a common origin from an unknown source. The logic of two tomb owners and two hymns is compelling, but whether or not Hor and Suty actually composed the hymns is a more difficult question; we cannot attribute modern ideas about copyright to the ancient Egyptians. The hymns of Hor and Suty fall within the solar hymn genre, so it is not surprising that they should either borrow from other texts or reflect common sources. The fact that these stock phrases cluster in the first hymn again supports the interpretation that the two hymns may have been organized by two different people, presumably the two tomb owners. As architects, they would have been literate and must have been involved in the process of designing the stela. Whether they each wrote out, or dictated a hymn to be inscribed on the stela or whether they somehow picked out standard texts from a draughtsman's repertoire cannot be ascertained. The inclusion of two hymns is not accidental, but part of an overall plan for the stela which was based on pairs of figures and the doubling of texts. Yet the symmetry of the images and inscriptions, as well as the identity of the titles suggests that, as far as possible, the two men were trying to project an image as a unified pairJ2 We may never know why two men combined their efforts to produce a single stela, but the piece itself ofIt~rs a number of clues as to how the two men who produced it did and did not wish to be portrayed for posterity. Conventional wisdom has it that Suty and Hor were not only brothers, but twins, who were commemorated together on the monument. If so, however, they would be the only documented twins of Pharaonic Egypt. 73 While this alone might give one pause, the text itself is anything but straightforward about the relationship between the two men. Their family is not mentioned, though the two wives are depicted behind their husbands in the central tableaux; other family members seem to have been depicted on stela Cairo CG 34051. If

72 Baines ("Egyptian Twins," 479) again suggests that this would be the Egyptian approach when dealing with a set of twins. 73 British Museum Book qfAncient E'gypt, cd. Stephen Quirke and Jeffrey Spencer (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992) 79. Baines ("Egyptian Twins," 461) notes that "on the stela of Suty and Hor of the reign of Amcnhotep III there is what appears to be the only unambiguous reference to twin or multiple birth from dynastic Egypt, except for the mythical birth of three kings in Westcar." I emphasize the fact that Baines seems to have some doubt, although he treats Suty and Hor as the one "certain occurrence" of twins in the pharaonic period.

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Suty and Hor were from the same family, it is surprising that they did not more directly evoke their common parentage and heritage. If they had worked together throughout their careers, they would have held less senior positions than royal architect that could have been commemorated. Likewise, if they were from the same family, one would expect that they would have had the same titles of rank and served in the same cults. None of this would be the case, however, if Suty and Hor had come from different family backgrounds and had only ended up working together at the end of their careers. The intentional erasures on the stelae must have had something to do with Suty and Hor's families. The damage is most extensive on stela Cairo CG 34051 where other family members would have been depicted. On stela BM 826 all four figures of the men, along with the figures of a woman depicted behind each man in the central tableau, have been intentionally erased. figures of Osiris and Anubis have been left undamaged, although some names of Amun have been erased and then restored. Thus, we assume that the erasure of the mens figures was undertaken neither during Akhenaten's reign nor in the Christian Period, but at some point between these two extremes. Baines suggests a possible taboo on twins in ancient Egyptian society, which is one possible explanation for the damage to the stela of Suty and Hor. 74 A taboo on homosexuality75 is another explanation for this intentional damage; family members ashamed to be commemorated on stela CG 30451 may have intentionally erased the human figures on both stelae. Interestingly enough, less effort went into erasing the names of the two men, suggesting that the figures of the men were in some way distinctive or recognizable. Perhaps because of the short forms of the names used, these may have been considered less distinctive. On their joint stela, Suty and Hor have utilized a whole series of doublings and pairings in text, image, and in invoking concepts and deities that both express a duality, yet emphasize an underlying unity. They have encoded this double entendre within the composition of their stela, meant to last for eternity. Whatever the strictures within which they had to operate, the result is a monument full of innuendo and suggestion of the obviously close relationship between the two men, Baines, "Egyptian Twins," 479. On the status of homosexuality in ancient Egypt, see H. Goedicke, "Unrecognized Sportings," lARCE 6 (1967) 97-102; W. Westendorf, "Homosexualitat," LexiJwn der Agyptologie 2 (1977) col. 1272-74; Parkinson, "Homosexual desire," 57-76; L. Manniche, Sexual Life in ATlCient Egypt (London: Kegan Paul, 1987) 22f. 74

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reminiscent of a much earlier funerary monument by another pair of men holding the same titles, the 5th Dynasty tomb at Saqqara of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, overseers of the manicurists in the palace of King Neuserre. 76 AI) our discussion has demonstrated, the multiple levels of meaning and interaction between text, composition and image must always be taken into account for a full understanding of an ancient Egyptian monument.

76 Sec Ahmed M. Mousa and H. Altenmiiller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum uruJ Chnumhotep (Archaologische Verbffentlichungen 21; Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1977) and Reeder, "Same-sex desire," 193-208. Greg Reeder spoke about the images in this tomb at the annual Symposium of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities in both 1997 and 200()' Baines ("Egyptian Twins," 463-70) considers Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep as twins.

WHAT WENAMUN COULD HAVE BOUGHT: THE VALUE OF HIS STOLEN GOODS* Ronald]. Leprohon Since I fIrst read The Story of Wenamun 1 under Donald Redford's guidance many years ago, I thought it fItting for me to offer this small contribution in honor of his many years as teacher, mentor, and friend. The ideal condition Would be, I admit, that men should be right by instinct; But since we are all likely to go astray, The reasonable thing is to learn from those who can teach. (Sophocles, Antigone, line 720)

The mention in a recent publication that Wenamun's stolen goods were oflittle value (de Spens 1998: 122)2 has prompted me to endeavor to evaluate the stolen goods, and what they might have represented to Wenamun in what we would now refer to as "buying power." Toward the beginning of the story, upon his arrival at the seaport of Dor, one of his own sailors-part of a Syrian crew 3-steals the precious goods that Wenamun had brought with him.4 Wenamun narrates the theft as such: "A man of my own ship fled, after having stolen one gold vessel worth 5 deben, four silver jars worth 20 deben, and a bag with 11 deben * A version of this paper was originally read at the Annual Conference of the American Research Center in Egypt, Chicago, April 1999. 1 The question of whether Wenamun is a story has long been debated, with many scholars arguing passionately for fact or fiction. Here is not the place to repeat this discussion, but the present author thinks it safe to assume that it is fiction, as Baines (1999) has now convincingly shown; see also lately Egberts (1998:94) and Eyre (1999: 237). Other summaries of the debate are found in Bunnens (1979:46-48) and Scheepers (1992:356-60). 2 See, however, Mysliewic (2000:23), who mentions that a "considerable amount" of silver and gold was stolen from Wenamun. 3 Perhaps the fact that the crew taking Wenamun to Byblos was foreign made the theft more palatable and somehow less surprising to the jingoistic ancient Egyptian audience; see also Liverani (1990:252). 4 On the theft and its logistics, see the interesting remarks by Green (1979: 11920).

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of silver; [the total of what] he [stole was:] 5 deben worth of gold and 31 deben worth of silver." (Wenamun 1,10-1,11 [= Gardiner 1932:61: 13-62:2]) What value did these commodities have? Because prices were usually given according to copper deben-measures, and prices expressed in silver and gold were extremely rare Ganssen 1975a: 10 1-1 02), we must first estimate the value of the given commodities with a certain weight of copper. According toJanssen (1975b:155), during the 20th Dynasty, the ratio of gold to copper was 1 to 120 (i.e., 1 deben of gold was the equivalent of 120 deben of copper), and the ratio of gold to silver was 1 to 2 (i.e., silver was worth half the value of gold). From this we can deduce that the ratio of silver to copper was 1 to 60. In broad terms, Wenamun's 5 deben of gold were the equivalent of 600 deben of copper while his 31 deben of silver were worth 1,860 deben of copper, a total of 2,460 copper deben. As will be discussed later, it is quite possible that only the bag containing the 11 deben of silver (i.e., 660 deben of copper) was meant to purchase the lumber, while the gold and silver vessels 5 were to be distributed as gifts. However, it must be remembered that the narrator did tally up Wenamun's loss for the benefit of his audience, and that a good storyteller could choose to emphasize that total figure for added effect. Thus, I feel that the audience was indeed meant to think of both the vessels and the loose silver as a whole. Since the point of this exercise will also be to establish what those funds would have mentally represented to Wenamun, which will help explain his frame of mind upon discovering the theft, there is little need to keep separating the two elements. The first reaction of a victim of theft is not likely to try and calculate separately the value of the various items stolen. Therefore the goods detailed below will be presented as lump sums.

Cereals (Emmer and Barley) In terms of value, the first and most obvious item we should consider are the cereals, both emmer and barley, since these were the usual commodities mentioned in the lists of wages Ganssen 1975a:346-47, 460; 1975b: 169), and also because emmer was the grain used for making bread while barley was the principal cereal used for brewing

:; Note how the silver vessels were worth the same-5 deben--as the gold vessel.

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beer, both basic staples of the Egyptian diet (Janssen 1975a: 112-32). Coincidentally, the prices of both of these cereals was essentially the same (Cerny 1934:176, no. 19;Janssen 1975a:127-32), making our task easier. 6 In the late Ramesside period, 2 deben of copper could be exchanged for 1 khar-or 76litres-ofboth emmer and barley (Cerny 1934: 176; Janssen 1975a: 115; 197 5b: 156, 177 -7B.). This gives us an equivalence of 1 deben of gold being worth 60 khar~-4,560 litres--of grain. This means Wenamun's 5 deben of gold could have brought him 300 khar22,BOO litres-of cereal. As for how much grain Wenamun could have exchanged for his silver, 1 deben of silver was worth 30 khaT of grain. Hence, the stolen 31 deben of silver could have been exchanged for 930 khar-70,6BO litres---of grain. All in all, the total amount stolen from Wenamun could have been exchanged for 1,230 kha1"---93,4BO litres-of grain, which certainly seems like an enormous amount.

Wages We can also calculate what those cereals would have been worth in terms of wages. Wenamun might possibly have made the mental calculation of his loss in terms of monthly wages, and what that sum would have meant to his family. Given that wages for an ordinary worker at Deir el Medina in the late Ramesside period were 4 khar of em mer per month (Janssen 1975a:460-66; 1975b:169)/ the 300 khar of emmer for which the gold could have been exchanged could have fed 75 people for one month. And the 930 khar of emmer that the silver would have brought could have fed over 230 people for one month. If we then total up the amount of emmer for which Wenamun's gold and silver could have been exchanged---the previously mentioned 1,230 khar of emmer-we find that such an amount of grain could have fed nearly 310 people for one month, or over 25 people for a whole year!

6 Most of the information contained herein will come from Janssen (197 Sa). The prices quoted will usually come from the time of Ramses XI, which is the closest period to Dynasty Twenty-one, the most likely date of the Siory qf ~1limamun (Egberts 1998; Baines 1999:211). 7 Janssen remarks (1975a:463; 1979:512) that such rations were sufficient to feed a family of ten people, including small children.

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As a smsw Myt working in the temple of Amun,8 perhaps Wenamun's wages were closer to the 5 112 khar of emmer per month received by a Foreman of a Crew p n ist) on the Theban West Bank Ganssen 1975a:460). If that were the case, then the stolen goods would have amounted to being able to produce bread for over 54 people per month with the gold, and 169 people with the silver, a total of enough bread for 223 people for one month, or over 18 people for a whole year. As for beer, if an ordinary worker received 1 112 khar while a Foreman of a Crew received 2 khar of barley monthly Oanssen 1975a:460), this meant that Wenamun's 1,230 khar of barley's worth of gold and silver could have produced enough beer for 820 people per month at the low end of the salary spectrum, or 615 people per month at the high end of the salary spectrum. As with the previously mentioned measures of cereals, these are not inconsiderable amounts.

ii1eat Given that Wenamun would presumably have received regular meat rations as an employee of the temple of Amun, 9 another staple with which he would have been familiar, in terms of its worth, is meat. Since one ox could be obtained for 60 deben of copper during the reign of Ramses XI Ganssen 1975a:173, table 15; 1975b:155-56), this means that 1 deben of gold could have been exchanged for two oxen. Therefore, Wenamun's 5 deben of gold could have bought ten oxen. Additionally, since the ratio of silver to copper was 1 to 60, this means that Wenamun's 31 deben of silver could have been

B The duties, and even the rank, of a smsw hjyt arc difficult to ascertain. His functions seem to have been to act as a doorkeeper and to usher people in (Quirke 1990: 92-93), and he also had incidental juridical duties (Andreu 1980: 143; van den Boom 1985: 11). The paucity of information on the title is such tllat it has been described as having rather low (Hayes 1955:76; Baines 1999:212) or fairly high (Scheepers 1991 :31-33; de Spens 1998: 106-1 08) status. The title is well attested in the Old and Middle Kingdoms (Hclck 1958:280; Ward 1982:152), but it is also found in the Eighteenth Dynasty (Davies and Gardiner 1915:4), the Ramesside Period (Lefebvre 1929:40; Meeks 1979:648, n. 195), as well as the Twenty-second Dynasty (Caminos 1958:59). In terms of 17ze Story 0/ Jt'Cnamun, one wonders what effect the mention of the title had on the audience. Since it is Wenamun's only title, and is not the kind usually associated with emissaries, perhaps this is part of the irony in the story and was meant to be more humorous than anything else. g On wages of priests, sec Janssen (1979:512-13); Kemp (1989: 193-97); Gasse (2001 :434-35).

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exchanged for thirty-one oxen. This total of forty-one oxen would surely have seemed like a considerable amount of meat to someone such as Wenamun. In terms of other varieties of foods, fish and fowl for example, Wenamun's gold and silver could have been exchanged for 61,500 fish and 9,840 ducks Ganssen 1975a:348-50, 178-79). Thus, we once again get the impression that his stolen goods could have enabled him to acquire an astonishing amount of food. Wood

Since Wenamun was sent to Byblos to acquire wood for the barque of Amun, it also behooves us to figure out how much lumber his stolen goods could have obtained. Fortunately, and again from Deir el Medina in the late Ramesside period, we also possess prices for wood. Given Wenamun's mission, what concerns us most is the price of (oJ-wood. 10 At Deir el Medina, a gp~-broad plank II made of ("s-wood cost 1 kite Ganssen 1975a:380), or one tenth ofa deben Ganssen 1975a: 101). This price means that 1 dehen of gold could have been bartered for 1,200 planks, and thus Wenamun's 5 dehen of gold would have brought him 6,000 ("s-wood planks. And if 1 silver dehen could then purchase 600 planks, then Wenamun's 31 deben of silver could have procured him 18,600 planks. This adds up to 24,600 ("s -wood broad planks, which is a considerable amount of lumber. Another item made of ("s -wood were gr("t-planks, which cost 6 deben of silver for planks 30 cubits long Ganssen 197 5a:380-81). This means that Wenamun's 31 deben ofsilver could have obtained him 155 cubits worth of gr("t-planks. And 1 deben of gold would have brought 10 cubits worth of gr("t-planks, which means Wenamun's 5 deben of gold could

10 The identification of <"5 -wood has long been a subject of debate. Llret (1916) identified <"5 as either pine or fir, but noted particularly that it was not cedar, a point also mentioned by Gardiner (1947:8, n. 1). Some scholars have rendered the word as pine (Heick 1971:26-27; Green 1979: 118; Hollis 1990: 115-17; Scheepers 1991: 79); others have opted for fir (Jacquemin 1933; Couroyer 1973;Janssen 1975a:75; Condon 1978:35; Giveon 1979:1013; Germer 1986; Manniche 1989:64-65); while still others have preferred the generic conift~rous tree (Glanville 1932:8-9; Lucas and Harris 1962:319-20; Muller 1977:1265; Schulman 1980:86). In the end, the last rendering may be more prudent; see, e.g., the cautious remarks by Nicholson and Shaw (2000:443). II For gp/:I, see Hoeh (1994:384-85, no. 578).

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have been exchanged for 50 cubits worth of such planks. 12 Given that these are prices at Deir el Medina, we can assume-given how trade markets operate-that prices at the source of the lumber would be lower, which means Wenamun could therefore presumably have brought back even more lumber than the numbers just quoted.

Significance In the end, what do all these figures mean? As mentioned earlier, they can help establish Wenamun's frame of mind upon his discovery of the theft. How would he have reacted? And what effect would the theft have had on his subsequent behavior? Although he eventually steals 30 deben of silver from another ship, the fact remains that the Wenamun character has suffered a tremendous loss in a theft. That he steals to regain some of his own goods 13 still means that his life has turned inside out. Not only is he a victim of crime but he is now also a criminal himself, haunted by the possibility of getting caught. All through his stay at Byblos, Wenamun must have carried an enormous burden: the knowledge of his own theft-and there is no reason to believe that ordinary ancient Egyptians felt any differently about theft than we do today----and the likelihood of his victims catching up with him. At any rate it is worth remembering that Wenamun never mentions this sum of 30 deben during his verbal sparring with TjekerbaaL Perhaps one of the first things that went through Wenamun's mind was that his superiors would assume he stole the gold and silver. If so, he would have known the penalties for such theft at this time: full restitution of the goods stolen, in addition to a payment of two to three times the amount stolen (Cerny 1937; Lorton 1977:47; McDowell 1990:230-32). We can well imagine Wenamun's reaction to such a thought. It would have been well nigh impossible for such a middle level official ever to repay such a sum! Another question we might ponder is: were these funds meant to be used for official gifts to the various rulers he was going to encounter (Goedicke 1975:29; Lichtheim 1976:230, n. 7), or were they meant for 12 Othcr prices have been quoted for wood (HeIck 1965:895), but since these are mostly reconstructed and not spccifically said to be ~s-wood, they are difficult to convert into hard numbers for our usc. 13 Thirty debm of silver are worth 1,800 copper debm, around 73% of the original 2,460 copper debm stolen from him.

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the purchase of the lumber for the sacred barque of Amun (Wilson 1950:26, n. 6; Wente 1973:144, n. 5; Green 1979:117)?14 Certainly the 30 deben of silver that Wenamun stole would have enabled him to purchase lumber, since that is the commodity named by Tjekerbaal when he mentions previous payments made by Egyptian rulers for his ancestors' wood (Wenamun 2,19 [= Gardiner 1932: 68:2-3]).15 And if Wenamun meant to purchase lumber with his 30 deben of silver, then another question arises: was he meant to purchase wood for an entirely new barque (Kitchen 1986:251-52; Egberts 1998:108),16 or just enough to fix an already existing one (Scheepers 1991 :29)? Here, one thinks of the famous 12th Dynasty official Iykhernofret, who states that he simply "embellished" (smnb) the barque of Osiris at Abydos (stela Berlin 1204:3 [= Sethe 1928:17J). We will never be able to fully ascertain this, but perhaps if the funds were not all meant for one or the other purpose, we might perhaps surmise that the stolen gold and silver vessels were brought as official gifts, while the bag containing the 11 deben of silver was to be used to purchase the lumber (Zaccagnini 1993:37). Yet another significant question arises: how would the audience hearing the story have reacted to the theft? I 7 We can try to speculate about the motives of a particular character in a story, but perhaps what is just as important is the effect of the narrative on the intended audience. It has been correctly argued (Egberts 1998:94) that the impact of a story on an audience had much to do with how realistic it was. If the narrative was too far from reality, it was more difficult for the audience to identify with it. Wenamun is a good example of this. 18

H It is difficult to understand the assertion (Goedicke 1975:20; Bunnens 1978:6-9; Liverani 1990:250) that Wenamun was simply meant to open up negotiations and not to actually buy anything on his trip. If that were the case, and given Wenamun's condescending attitude, we can well imagine that TJekerbaal's reception of Wenam un would have been even frostier than it already was. 15 See also the texts quoted by Liverani (1990:248-51), where silver is the commodity of choice to pay for a number of various goods, including lumber. 16 On Herihor's preoccupation with the barque of Amun, which is specifically said in his inscriptions to have been built out of's-wood from the Levant, see Redford (1977:1132); Scheepers (1991:20-21); Baines (1999:211); and Eyre (1999:249-50). 17 For a discussion of the audience's reaction to Wenamun, see Baines (1999:217 -21, 229) and Eyre (1999:235-36). 18 Sec, e.g., Green's study (1979), where he places Wenamun's demand for compensation at the city ofDor (Wenamun 1, 14-21) within the context of well established ancient Near Eastern traditions; see also Wilson (1945).

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The ancient Egyptian audience of the time would have known all the prices quoted above, just as surely as an early nineteenth-century British audience would have known what Mr. Darcy's annual income of £ 10,000 would have meant in Jane Austen's Pride and Prtdudice.19 The ancient Egyptian audience immediately would have made the connections between Wenamun's 5 deben of gold and 31 of silver, what would undoubtedly have been enormous funds for them. They also would have known the penalties for theft just mentioned, and, again, we can assume that most members of the audience would have shuddered at the thought of paying back such huge sums. All of this would have made the audience more appreciative of Wenamun's plight. Stolen goods of this magnitude were serious business. From originally being considered as a representative of one of the most powerful institutions in the country, Wenamun would suddenly have become the "ordinary guy" for whom everyone roots. His subsequent behavior--from foolishly stealing other people's goods to his nervous impudence before Tjekerbaal,20 and his final breakdown on Cyprus when, his life actually in danger, he for once has to worry about not being understood by the local population (Baines 1999:228)-would have been recognized by the audience as the obvious actions of a man whose life had taken a terribly wrong turn, and who must do whatever he can to extricate himself from his predicament. If the tension in the Story if Sinuhe comes from the fact that we are never told why Sinuhe fled Egypt (Tobin 1995), the tension in the Story if Wenamun comes from this single dramatic event-the theft of an immense amount of money---right at the beginning of the story. Our whole response to the character of Wenamun is meant to be colored by the knowledge of the enonnity of his loss. BIBLIOGRAPHY Andreu, G. 1980. La Stele Louvre C. 249: un complement a la reconstitution d'une chapelJe Abydenienne. BIFAO 80:139-147. Baines, J. 1999. On Wenamun as a Literary Text. In J. Assmann, E. Blumenthal

19 Such "buying powcr" is elucidated for the modern reader in Copeland (1993). 20 Of course, \Venamun's behavior before 'lJckerbaal was very much influenced by his Egyptian "imperialistic" attitude (Eyre 1999), but all must agree that his conduct at Byblos wa~ rather discourteous.

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(cds.), Literatur und Politik im plwraonischen urui ptolerniiischen jigypten, 209-33. BdE 127. Cairo: Institut Fran<;ais d'Archeologie Orientale. van den Boorn, G.P.F. 1985. Wd'-ryt and Justice at the Gate. ]NES 44: 1-25. Bunnens, G, 1978. La mission d'Ounamon en Phenicie. Point de vue d'un nonegyptologue. Rivirta di Studi Fenici 6: 1-16. Bunnens, G. 1979. L'expansion phinicienne en AIMiterranee. Essai d'interpretationfonde sur une analyse des traditions litteraires. Brussels: Institut historique beige de Rome. Caminos, R.A 1958. The Chronicle if Prince Osorkon. Analecta Orientalia 37. Rome: Pontificum Institutum Biblicum. CernY,J. 1934. Fluctuations in Grain Prices during the Twentieth Eg)l)tian Dynasty. Archil' Orientalni 6: 173-78. C;ernY,J. 1937. Restitution of, and Penalty Attaching to, Stolen Property in Ramesside Times. ]FA 23: 186-89. Condon, V. 1978. ,Seven Royal Hymns if the Ramessirie Period. Miinchner Agyptologischc Studien 37. Miinchen: Deutscher Kunstverlag. Copeland, E. 1993. The Economic Realities of Jane Austen's Day. In Marcia McClintock Folsom (ed.), Approaches to Teaching Austen \ Pride and P"rjudice, 33-45. Approaches to Teaching World Literature, 45. New York: Modern Language Association of America. Couroyer, B. 1973. Sapin vrai et sap in nouveau. Or 42:339-56. Davies, N. de Garis and AH. Gardiner. 1915. 'Die Tomb 'lfAmenemhet (no. 82). 'Ihehan Tomb Series I. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co. Egberts, A. 1998. Hard Times: The Chronology of 'The Report of Wenamun' Revised. z,4's 125:93-108. E}Te, Cj., 1999. Irony in the Story of Wen am un: the Politics of Religion in the 21st Dynasty. InJ. Assmann, E. Blumenthal (eds.), Literatur und Politik im plwraonischen und ptolemdischen Agypten, 235-52. BdE 127. Cairo: Institut Fran<;ais d'Archeologie Orientale. Gardiner, AH. 1932. Late Egyptian Stories. Bihliotheca Aeg)ptiaca I. Brussels: Editions de la Fondation Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth. Gardiner, AH. 1947. Ancient E.gyptian Onomastica I. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gasse, A. 2001. Temple Economy. In D.B. Redford (cd.), ne Oiford E.'u}'Cio/Jedia if Ancient E..l{Ypt, Vol. 1,433-36. New York: Oxfimj University Press. Germer, R. 1986. Tanne. In W. Heick und E. Otto, Lexikon rier Agyptologie VI: 210. \Viesbaden: Harrassowitz. Giveon, R. 1979. Libanon. In W. Heick unci E. Otto, I.Rxikon rier Agyptologie Ill: 101314. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Glanville, S.R.K. 1932. Records of a Royal Dockyard of the Time ofTuthmosis III: Papyrus British Museum 10056. Part II. Commentary. ZAs 68:7-41. Goedicke, H. 1975. The Report iffiVenamun. Baltimore: TheJohns Hopkins University Press. Green, M. 1979. Wenamun's Demand for Compensation. Z.i{S' 106:116-20. Hayes, W.C. 1955. A Papyrus 'llthe Late Middle ll.ingdom in tIle Brookfyn Museum [PapJ'YUs Brooklyn 35.1446). Wilbour Monographs 5. Brooklyn: The Brooklyn Museum. Heick, W. 1958. Zur Verwaltung des ,Hilt/eren und ,iVeuen Reich Problcme der Agyptologie 3. Leiden: EJ Brill. Heick, W. 1965. Materialien zur Wirtsduiff.jgeschichte des Neuen Reiche". Vol. 5. III. Eigentum und Besitz an verschiedenen lJingen des Uiglichen Lebens. Ilapitel AJ--AL. Wiesbaden: Akademie del' Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz. Heick, W. 1971. Die Beziehungen AgylJterLl ZU Vorderasien im 3. und 2. .Jaftrtauserlri 11. ehr.

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2nd ed. Agyptologische Abhandlungen 5. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Hoch,JE. 1994. Semitic Words in £gyptUrn Texts if the New llingdam and 1hird Intermediate Period. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hollis, S. T. 1990. 1he Ancient E{!yptian "Tale if Two BrotJlers." Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Jacquemin, M. 1933. Cedre ou sapin? Kerni 4:115-18. Janssen, JJ. 1975a. Cammodiry Prices from the Ramesside Period. An Economic Study if the Village if the Necropolis H"orkmen at 1hebes. Leiden: Brill. Janssen, JJ. 1975b. Prologomena to the Study of Egypt's Economic History during the New Kingdom. SAK 3: 127-85. Janssen, JJ. 1979. The Role of the Temple in the Egyptian Economy during the New Kingdom. In E. Lipinski (ed.), SI.ate and Temple Econamy in the Ancient Near East, 505-15. Vol. 2. OLA 6. Leuven: Departement Orientalistiek. Kemp, BJ. 1989. Ancient Egypt. Anatomy if a Civilization. London: Routledge. Kitchen, K.A 1986. 1he 1hird Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-650 B.C.). 2nd ed. Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. Lefebvre, G. 1929. Inscriptions concernant les grands pretres d'Amon Rome-Raj et Amenhotep. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Lichtheim, M. 1976. Ancient Egyptian literature. Vol. 2, The New Kingdom. Berkeley: University of California Press. Liverani, M. 1990. Prestige and Interest. International Relations in the Near rAst ca. 16001100 B.C. History of the Ancient Near East I. Padua: sargon srI. Loret, V. 1916. Quelques notes sur l'arbre ach. ASAE 16: 33-51. Lorton, D. 1977. The Treatment of Criminals in Ancient Egypt. JESHO 20: 2-64. Lucas, A. and JR. HalTis, 1962. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. 4th edition. London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd. McDowell, A 1990. Jurisdiction in the Workmen's Communi~y qf Deir el-Meazna. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. Manniche, L. 1989. An Ancient Egyptian Herbal. Austin: University of Texas Press. Meeks, D. 1979. Les donations aux temples dans I'Egypte du Ier millenaire avo JC. In E. Lipinski (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, 605-687. Vol. 2. OLA 6. Leuven: Departement Orientalistiek. Muller, Ch. 1977. Holz und Holzverabeitung. In W. Heick und E. Otto, Lcxikon der jigyptologie II: 1264-69. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Mysliewic, K. 2000. 1he Twilight qfAncient Egypt. First Millennium B.C.E. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Nicholson, P.T. and I. Shaw (eds.). 2000. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Quirke, S. 1990. 1he Administration qf Egypt in the Late Middle KIngdom. The Hieratic Documents. New Malden: Sia Publishing. Redford, D.B. 1977. Hcrihor. In W. Heick und E. Otto, I.exikon der Agyptologie II: 1129-33. Wiesbadcn: Harrassowitz. Schcepers, A 1991. Anthroponymes et toponymes du recit d'Ounamon. In: E. Lipinski (cd.), Phoenicia and the Bible, 17-83. OLA 44. Studia Phoenicia II. Leuven: Departemen t Orien talistiek. Schecpers, A 1992. Lc voyage d'Ounamon: un texte "litteraire" ou "non-litteraire"? In C. Obsomer and A-L. Oosthoek (eds.), Amosiades. Melanges rifferts au Prqftsseur Claude Vandersleyen par ses anciens etudi.ants, 355-65. Leuven: Universite Catholique de Louvain. Schulman, AR. 1980. A Memphite Stela, the Bark of Ptah, and some Iconographic Comments. BES 2:83-109.

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Sethe, K. 1928. Aegyptische I.esestilcke ;:;um Gebrauch im akademisclum Unterricht. Leipzig: j.C. Hinrichsche Buchhandlung. de Spens, R. 1998. Analyse juridique du rapport d'Ounamon. In N. Grimal, B. Menu (eds.), I.e commerce en Egypte ancienne, 105-26. BdE 121. Cairo: Institut FraIl\ais d' Archeologie Orientale. Tobin, VA 1995. The Secret of Sinuhe. ]ARCE 32:161-78. Ward, A. W. 1982. Index qfEgyptian Administrative and Religious Titles qf the Middle Kingdom. Beirut: American University of Beirut. Wente, E.F. 1973. The Report of Wenamon. In W. K. Simpson (cd.), The Literature qf Ancient Egypt. New Haven: Yale University Press. Wilson, J.A. 1945. The Assembly of a Phoenician City. ]NES 4:245. Wilson, j.A. 1950. The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia. In J.B. Pritchard (cd.), Ancient Near Eastem Textr Relating to the Old Testanumt, 25-29. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Zaccagnini, C. 1993. Ideological and Procedural Paradigms in Ancient Near Eastern Long Distance Exchanges: The Case of Enmerkar and the Lord of Arana, Altorientalische Forschungen 20:34-42.

THEOLOGICAL RESPONSES TO AMARNA Jan Assmann There is no doubt that the post-Amarna and Ramesside ages reacted in many ways to the Amarna experience. "Response," however, means more than reaction. It refers to a continuity of discourse centered around a central set of problems. The paper attempts to reconstruct the theological debate of the New Kingdom and its main issues. Within this frame, two salient phenomena of Ramesside theology stand out as being related to the Amarna religion in the way of of "response:" the "Ba-thcology" of Amun which interprets the cosmos as the body of a hidden god who animates it from within, and the movement of personal piety that interprets not only cosmic, but individual life including destiny and history as emanating from god's will who in this aspect acts as judge and saviour. I dedicate this paper to my friend Donald B. Redford as a token of my indebtedness to his groundbreaking research on Akhenaten and his time.

Akhenaten's monotheistic revolution met with two different kinds of responses. One is practical and consists in the dismantling of his buildings, enacement of his traces and elimination of his name from the king list. The other one is intellectual and consists in changes in the worldview and basic ideas of god which seem to react to Akhenaten's revolutionary ideas. Both responses were slow and stretched over several subsequent reigns, starting with Tutankhamun and ending only under Ramesses II. The following paper deals with the second response, the intellectual or theological reaction. It meets with the problem of implicitness. There is no explicit refutation or discussion of Akhenaten's ideas. The name is, of course, never mentioned. But even allusions are missing. I The very notion of "heresy" seems to be alien to Egyptian theology. There is no possibility of distinguishing between truth and error in matters of religion, no orthodoxy. ThereI With the famous exception of the inscription of Mes in which, for juridical reasons, it was impossible to skip his reign in simply ascribing it to Amenophis III or Horemheb. In this inscription hc is alluded to as "the criminal of Akhetaten," A. H. Gardiner, TEA 24 (1938) 124; Donald B. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic Ring (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984) 231.

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fore, the theory of a connection between post-Amarna and Ramesside theological developments and Amarna religion cannot be more than a hypothesis. Very much the same, however, applies to Amarna religion itself. Akhenaten reacted in the same manner against traditional religion, by practical persecution (closing temples, effacing names in inscriptions, destroying representations such as the Sem-priest) and by implicit theological opposition. Even here, there is no explicit refutation. We are far away from the theological debates of early Christianity, but far away also from what can be found in terms of polemical antagonism in the Zoroastrian Gathas and in some biblical texts concerning the idolators. Akhenaten rejects or discards the traditional image of the world by silently putting a different one in its place. A closer look into Akhenaten's hymns shows, however, that his relation to tradition is complex and ambivalent. He is both a continuer and a revolutionary. He continues a trend that is already manifest in older texts such as the Cairo Hymn to Amun, dating back perhaps to the Late Middle Kingdom or Second Intermediate Period and in the Suty and Hor hymn (the "New Solar Theology") and he is revolutionary in radicalizing this same trend in a way that it excludes traditional polytheism. 2 A similar complexity may be observed with regard to the relationship between Amarna and post-Amarna theology. There is both continuity and discontinuity. The post-Amarna and Ramesside theology is everything but a simple return to orthodoxy. The innovative character of this theology and its difference from traditional pre-Amarna texts is evident. It breaks with Amarna monotheism or exclusivism ("mono-atonism") but it obviously continues a trend towards stressing the Oneness of the Divine which marks the New Solar Theology, "explodes" in Amarna theology and still remains the major theme in post-Amarna and Ramesside theology. A last preliminary remark concerning the term "theology." Are we entitled to use that term, given the fact that there is no explicit dispute and refutation of conflicting theological positions? Are we not misconstruing the course of history if we interpret it as a conflict of ideas instead of parties, politics, power, economy, ritual and other more tangible factors? I am not denying the importance of these tangible factors. And I am fully aware of the fact that the continuity of ancient 2 See my Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun, and the Crisis qfPolytheism (London: Kcgan Paul, 1995) 67 -10 I.

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Egyptian civilization was not predominantly a matter of textual tradition, learning, interpreting, transmitting the classics, such as in China, India, Zoroastrian Persia, Second TempleJudaism and Alexandrinian Hellenism. In Egypt, the pragmatics of religion, rituals, feasts, priesthood, always remained dominant over against semantics, that is, texts and interpretations. I am not advocating a view of ancient Egyptian religion that turns it into a discourse, let alone an orthodoxy. Yet the texts are there and their undeniable presence has to be accounted for. Moreover, the 300 years surrounding the Amarna period, starting 100 years earlier with Hatshepsut and Thutmosis III and ending 200 years later with Ramesses III confront us with an unprecedented proliferation of texts dealing with matters divine; hundreds of hymns especially to the sun-god and to Arnun-Re, but also to Ptah, Osiris and other gods are preserved on tomb walls and on papyri. This proliferation of theological discourse shows the prime importance of religious ideas during this particular period that entitles us to use the term "theology." This textual phenomenon is not just a matter of proliferation but of a continuity of some central problems and topics. This is the decisive and defming factor that turns a corpus of disparate texts into a "discourse." We are dealing with a discursive process, a continuous elaboration and evolution of ideas. We are able to define and distinguish pre-Amarna from post-Amarna positions, post-Arnarna from Ramesside theology, early Ramesside from late Ramesside ideas. This discursive continuity is what I am referring to in using the terms "response" and "theology." In the following paper, I shall first characterize the central problem, that defines the identity and continuity of the theological discourse or debate of the New Kingdom, then proceed to the main solutions or positions that can be discerned within the corpus of texts and finally reconstruct the ways in which the Rmnesside position may be interpreted as a response to the Arnarna position.

God and the

Gods~

Creator and Creation: 77le Central Problem

The central problem underlying the theological discourse of the New Kingdom is the relationship between the One god and the many gods on the one hand, and God and world, or creator and creation, on the other hand. Both these relations are just aspects of the same question, because the gods and their constellations and cooperations constitute the world in Egyptian thought. Theogony and cosmogony

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are the same. Thus, the relationship between the One god and the many gods is traditionally expressed in terms of creation. The one God, Atum, the personification of preexisting Oneness, creates the world by engendering Shu and Tefnut (what I interpreted as air and fire 3 or primordial light), who engender Geb and Nut (heaven and earth), the parents of the five children of Nut who prolong cosmic reality into the institutions of civilization and human history. This same sequence of generations corresponds also to a succession of rulers. Re-Atum, the first tenant of kingship, hands over the office to Shu, who, in his turn, is succeeded by Geb. Every passage of rulership, from Re to Shu and from Shu to Geb, is marked by a severe crisis. The first crisis leads to the separation of heaven and earth and gods and mankind as related in the Book of the Heavenly Cow4 and the second to a kind of oedipal conflict between Shu, Geb and Tefnut. 5 The third crisis, however, is the most decisive and important one, because it forms the myth of the state and the model of pharaonic history: the succession of Geb first by Osiris, then of Horus and Seth, and finally by Horus alone. Seen in this light, cosmogony appears as "cratogony," the emergence and evolution of power. The present situation is characterized by the task of maintaining the world in form of a partition of labour between Re in heaven, Osiris in the underworld and Horus, that is, the reigning pharaoh, on earth. I am referring, of course, to the cosmogony of Heliopolis. 6 There are, to be sure, many other models such as, for instance, the Hermopolitan one, in which we meet with the eight personifications of preexistent Chaos in whose midst the sun-god is emerging from the mud on a lotus-flower or from the primordial egg, 7 or the Memphite model, where creation starts with the appearance of the primordial hill out 3 The goddess Tefnut is conventionally interpreted as 'moisture' for which there is not the slightest evidence. Instead, she is often associated, in the texts, with flames and fire. t E. Hornung, Der A:l!JIPtische Mythos von der Himmell'kuh: Eine Atioiogie des Unvollkommenen (OBO 46; Friburg: Universitatsverlag, 1982). :, Th. Schneider, "Mythos und Zeitgeschichte in der 30. Dynastie. Eine politische LektOre des 'Mythos von den Gbtterk6nigen,'" in Andrea~ Brodbeck (ed.), Ein}igJptisches GlilJjJerlellJpiel: agyptologische Beitra.ge fUr Erik Hornung aus seinem Schulerkreis (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1998) 207-42; U. Verhoeven, "Eine Vergewaltigung? Vom Umgang mil einer Textstelle im Naos von EI-Arish," in: E. Graefe and U. Verhoeven (eel.), Religion und Philosophie im Alten Agypten (Leuven: Peeters, 1991) 319-30. (; For this tradition see Susanne Bickel, La cosmogonie Egyptienne avant Ie Nouvel Empire (Fribourg: Editions universitaires, 1994). 7 Kurt Sethe, "Amun und die acht UrgNter von Hennupolis," APA W 1929.

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of the waters of preexistence and where Ptah precedes the sun god in the execution of rulership. However, all these models are secondary with respect to the Heliopolitan one which serves in Egypt as a "Great Tradition." Common to all these models is the predominance of creation in explaining the relationship benveen the One and the many or of God and the world. This is what I have called, using a term coined by Kenneth Burke, the "temporizing of essence." The most important epithet of the highest god in Egypt, the quality that distinguishes him from the other gods is his temporal firstness. The Egyptian concept of primacy, to be "m ~?t" has both a temporal and a hierarchical meaning. To be the first means to be the chief. In a way, the first one contains in his essence, in a seminal way, all that comes later. This aspect of firstness is very prominent in Egyptian thought. The name Atum means "to be complete" in this very sense of primordial or preexistent frrstness. By turning from creator to maintainer, however, the first and highest god has to resign, in a certain way, his all-encompassing, absorbent and omnipotent position vis-a-vis the other gods. This is a purely theological problem, the problem of synkatabasis, condescendence, with which all major theologies, Hebrew, Christian, Greek etc. were confronted. Creation turns into cooperation. Oneness is the quality of chaos or preexistence, whereas existence and cosmos are characterized by difference, diversity, antagonism and cooperation. 8 The task of maintaining the world requires a certain diminishing of distance. Maintenance is team work. The One must become a partner. The leading model for expressing the maintenance of the world in terms of cooperation and partnership is the mythology of the Solar Course which shows the sun god sailing in a boat through the sky and the underworld, an action in which virtually all of the gods take partY This cyclical process is both a process of biological regeneration, which the sun god passes through as a new born child, a young man, an old man and a dead person, and a process of political triumph, in which the sun god is constantly defeating Apophis, the personification of chaos. In both aspects, being subject to periodical death and rebirth, and being confronted by a counter-power of chaos, the sun god as maintainer of the world differs from the sun god as creator of the world. ~ As has been shown by Erik Hornung in his dassic, Conceptiom f!f God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the l\!latry (trans. John Baines; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982 [German original 1971]). 9 See my Solar Religion, 38-66.

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God in Face

if his

Creation (including the Gods): New Solar Theology

During the 18th dynasty, this traditional cooperative model of the solar circuit gave way to a different model, whose main tendency is to increase the distance between god and gods or god and world. Now, the sun god is no longer shown as a partner in a cooperative action, embedded in varying constellations of gods, submitted to the sequence of life and death and confronted by a counteracting foe. Rather, he circulates around the world on a solitary course and maintains the world in a way that is very similar if not identical to primordial creation. Thus we read in a sun hymn on a pre-Amarna stela: You have settled very remote, very far away you have revealed yourself in heaven in your aloneness Every god on earth their arms are held out in praise at your rising You shine, and they see they raise themselves, their arms bent in respect before your display of power. 10

A very similar view of the relationship between god and world can be found in the Cairo Amun Hymn II and the Suty Hor Stela. 12 The traditional constellations have disappeared. The god confronts the world in sublime solitude. The distance between god and world has become extreme.

The God in Face if his Creation (excluding the Existence if other Gods): Amama Theology The model of the New Solar Theology comes already very close to the Amarna model, which is only its radicalization. Akhenaten's innovations are: 1) the complete disappearance rif the gods, who, in the context of the new solar theology, belong to the world which the sun god

10 II

Leiden V 70 = AHC no. 90; Leiden K 11 = Kitchen, RI III, 175, 2-5. ARC 87 = pKairo 58038 (fonnerly pBoulaq 17), ed. A. Mariette, Les Papyrus

Egyptiens du musec de Boulaq II (Paris, 1872), pI. xi-xiii, Nr. 17. 12

AHC 89

Fecht, in

= BM 826.

Z,iS 94 (1967)

Edwards, HTVIII, 22-25, pI. xxi; Urk IV, 1943-1946; 25-50.

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creates and maintains, 2) the complete elimination if the topic if creation, that is, the distinction between creation and maintenance is definitely abolished in favour of, 3) a "pantheistic" concept if continuous creation and participation, using the topic of "One and million" and the term kJzeperu, "transformations:" You create millions of forms (kheperu) from yourself, the One, Cities and towns Fields, paths and river 13

The "million kizeperu" refer obviously to the visible world in its aspect of a space made habitable by light and arranged into a cosmos. Yet the Shorter Hymn opposes the One and the Millions as aspects of God himself: You made heaven remote to rise in it To see all that you created, you being alone But there being millions of lives in you (for you) to make them live. 14

In contrast to the Cairo Hymn, but perhaps in conformity with the latest stage of New Solar Theology, the concept of the sun god is radically heliomorphic and loses every ethical aspect. Aton or Yati acts no longer as a judge, who hears the supplications of the oppressed, whose heart inclines towards him who calls unto him, who rescues the fearful from the hand of the violent, who judges between the poor and the rich. 15

Aton is no longer the judge. In the context of the New Solar Theology, one could still speak ofjtn=k "thy disk," implying a distinction between the god and the sun. In Amarna, this has become impossible.

13 Sandman, Texts, 95, 12-13. On this passage, see G. Fecht, ZAS94 (1967) 33; Assmann, Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Griibem (Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1983), Text 54 (x). 14 Sandman, Texts, 15, 1-9; Assmann, Sonnenhymnen, Text 253(s). 15 pCairo CG 58038, iv, 3-5; Assmann, Solar Religion, 125. See also Merikare, 130-38; Assmann, Solar Religion, 119f.; idem, Ma'a!: Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im Alten Agypten (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1990) 234f.

J.

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The God Animating his Creation (including the Gods): Post-Amama and Ramesside Theology The hymns of the post-Amarna-period readmit the gods into the world. The restoration inscriptions of Tutankhamun and of Ay stress this point as the most important one. Tutankhamun proclaims to have restored, restaffed and reopened the deserted temples, and Ay confIrms to have taken care that everybody is able to worship his deity. 16 This is a clearly restorative move. But it is also evident that the world-view of the New Solar Theology is not discarded along with its Amarna radicalization, but continued and further elaborated after Amarna. The hymns continue stressing the distance and solitude of the solar creator and maintainer of the world. Creation or cosmogony becomes the major topic again or even more important than ever before. But besides creation, a new model is used to express the god-world or god-gods-relationship. This is the Ba concept. Ba, the Egyptian word which we translate as "soul" is a bifocal term. It denotes both the sensible manifestation of an invisible power-in this conventional sense, attested already in the Coffin Texts of the Middle Kingdom, the wind is called the "Ba" of Shu or the sun the "Ba" of Amun-and the one invisible power, that becomes manifest in a variety of sensible phenomena. In this sense, which is the achievement only of post-Amarna theology, Amun-Re comes to be called the "hidden Ba" or the "sublime Ba" whose manifestations are either the other gods or the visible cosmos itself. In hymn "200" of the collection of hymns in Pap. Leiden I 350, both aspects of the Ba concept are used. Verses 8-11 describe the sun as the Ba, the visible manifestation, of Amun: His ba, it is said, is the one who is in heaven; It is he, the one who is in the underworld, who rules the east. His ba is in heaven, his body in the west, His image is in the southern Heliopolis and wears his diadem. 17

The closing verse (28), however, refers to the soul-like hiddeness and namelessness of God:

16 Inscription in Ay's Rock Temple near Akhmim: P. Kuhlmann, in MDAIK 35 (1979) 165-88. 17 Jan Zandee, De hymnen aan Amon van papyrus Leiden I 350 (OMRO 28; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1948) 75-86; Assmann, Solar Religion, 140-42.

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He is ba-like, hidden of name like his secrecy.

This is what I call the "model of manifestation." In contrast to the "model of creation," the model of manifestation is not temporizing the god-world-relationship. God is not resigning his sublime 'Oneness' in creating or becoming the world. He remains One, relating to the world in a similar way as the Ba relates to the body, an invisible animating principle. In opposition to the new solar theology. and the Amarna models, however, God is not animating the world from without, in distant contraposition, but from within. This is the great innovation which I propose to interpret as a response to Amarna. To be sure, also restoration is a kind of response. But it means just going back to a discontinued tradition. It is a reaction, but not a real response. It does not take into account what Akhenaten has achieved. The new Ba theology does. It responds to Akhenaten by surpassing him. It preserves Akhenaten's de-temporized concept of Oneness by further elaborating his model of manifestation for which Akhenaten has made ample use of the term kheperu and the motif of One-and-million, compare, for example, these lines which we have already quoted from the Great hymn and from the Shorter Hymn opposing God and the world as One and million and relating these poles to each other by calling the world the million klzeperu of God, the One: You create millions of forms (kheperu) from yourself, the One, Cities and towns Fields, paths and river.

In the Shorter Hymn, the terms "One" and "Millions" relate to aspects of God himself: You made heaven remote to rise in it To see all that you created, you being alone But there being millions of lives in you to make them live.

Here, the relationship between the One and the millions is not one of manifestation (kheperu) but of animation. God contains millions of lives within himself to animate his millionfold creation. All these formulations try to articulate the paradox of opposition and relation. God and world are brought into the greatest possible distance from each other and simultaneously into the closest possible relationship. Let us now have a look at a Ramesside hymn and see how the same topic is treated some fifty years later:

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Hail, one who makes himself into millions, Whose length and breadth are limitless!18 Power in readiness, who gave birth to himself, Uraeus with great flame; Great of magic with secret form, Secret ba, to whom respect is shown. 19

The antagonistic terms One and millions are here linked by the concept of self-transformation: jrj sw "who made or makes himself into." Millions clearly refers to the world of creation which is interpreted as a transformation of god himself. Creation is emanation. The world is created not out of chaos, nor ex nihilo, but ex Deo, "out of God." This is very close to the Amarna concept. God is limitless. So is the world. God is the world. The following verses oppose two aspects of god, sekhem seped "power in readiness" and ba' shew' "Secret Ba," the first referring to the sun and the second one referring to the hidden aspect of god as a soul that animates the world from within. In Amarna, the One is the sun, the absolutely and overwhelmingly manifest and visible god opposing and animating the world which has no divinity of its own. In Ramesside Thebes, the One is the absolutely hidden and secret Ba animating the world from within. Thus, the Ramesside Theology is able both to retain and to surpass the Amarna idea of Oneness. In this context, the formula of One-and-million returns frequently and in a number of variants. The "Million" are stated to be God's body,20 his limbs,21 his transformation 22 and even his name: "'million of millions' is his name.,,23 By transforming himself into the million-fold reality, God has not ceased to be one. He is the many in that mysteri-

18 On the concept of the "limitlessness" of god, note the expression, "who concealed himself, whose limits cannot be attained," pLciden I 344 vso ii, 8-9;Jan Zandee, Der Amuns!!)'mrws des Papyrus Leiden I 344 , Verso, vol. I (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992) 120-26. Cf. pBerlin 3049, 16, 6 and Urk VIII, 116: "whose circuit has no limits." 19 Papyms Mag. Harris IV,1-2 = N. de Garis Davies, The Temple if Hibis in El117zargeh Oasis III, TIe Decoration, pI. 32,1; AHC Nr. 129, 1-6. 20 pLeiden I 344 \'so. III, 2-3 = Zandee, Amunsfrymnus, 168-176. 21 Emile Chassinat, Le temple d'Edfou 3 (Cairo: Imprimerie de l'institut Franc;ais d'archeologie orientale, 1928) 34.9-10. 22 bprw,f m hhw: stela of Ramesses III = Kenneth A. Kitchen, Rame5Jide Inscriptions 6 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969) 452.8. 23 Urk VIII A 138b = Kurt Setbe, Thebanirche T empelinschriften aus griechisch-romischer Zeit, ed. Otto Firchow (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1957) 110. Of Yahweh, on the contrary, it is said: "'One' is his name" (Zech 14:9).

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ous way, hidden and present at the same time, which this theology is trying to grasp by means of the ba-concept. A common text even goes so far as to describe god as the ba (and not the creator) of gods and humans (that is, "the millions"):24 The One Alone who created what is, The illustrious ba of gods and humans. 25

In my book Moses the Egyptian, I have ventured the idea that this new idea of god is not only a response to Amarna but also the origin of the Hermetic idea of god, Ie dieu cosmique, deus mundus, a god who is anima mundi and whose body is the world, and that the Ramessidee formula of the "one and the millions" is not only echoing the corresponding Amarna formulations but also anticipating the Hermetic formulations such as Hen to pan, una quae es omnia etc. There is an uninterrupted line of textual tradition from the ramesside age down to the Greco-Roman era. The Ramesside Ba-theology reaches its apex in the Late Period with the cult of the ten Bas in Thebes and EI-Hibe. The idea of the world as the incorporation of a soul-like God and of God as a soul animating the world remains central in Egyptian theology even after the New Kingdom and the flourishing of the theological discourse.

TIe Ethical Aspect: the Rise qf "Personal Piety" We have seen, that in Amarna theology, the ethical aspect of God as judge and saviour is absent in a most conspicuous way. In Ramesside theology, this aspect is not only restored to its full importance, but even elevated to a much higher level. God the judge and saviour becomes now as central and important an idea of god as God the hidden soul manifesting himself in the pleroma of gods and the cosmic world. This promotion of the ethical aspect of God to prime importance corresponds to the movement called personal piety. This seems more to be a reaction against than a response to Amarna. At first sight, it is not clear which elements of Amarna theology could be retained and developed in the theology of personal piety. There seems only to be discontinuity and no continuity. On this meaning of hhw, see A')smann, S01men.kyrnnen, Text I 49(c). Hymn to the primeval god in the "Livre que mon fleurisse," pBerlin 3030 VIII-IX; pLouvre 3336 I.l-16; pBrusscls published by Louis Speelers, Rec. TraJ}aux 39 (1917) 28ff. 24-

25

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However, a continuity may be discovered if we realize that Aten is not only a god oflight, animating the world by his rays, but also a god of time, which he creates and emanates by his motion. "You yourself are lifetime; one lives by you,,,26 we read in the Great Hymn. In the context of Amarna religion, time or lifetime is understood in the same way as light, just as a kind of cosmic energy. But from here, it seems only a small step to a more material or historical/biographical conception oflifetime implying the ideas of development, fortune, providence and divine intervention in forms of reward and punishment. Time and history now become a field of religious experience, of divine manifestation. But there is even more. In an article on the Loyalist instruction of Akhenaten, I have studied a text which in Amarna appears as a hymn to the king and which reappears at Thebes addressing the god Khonsu as a prayer of personal piety.27 Personal piety can thus be interpreted as inheriting and continuing to a large extent the royal ideology of Amarna. The image of Akhenaten as the personal god of the individual is now taken over by the god who not only creates time, but also determines the events that happen within time. As Posener has shown, personal piety starts long before Amarna. 28 In this respect, Amarna religion can be shown to be a reaction against the rise of a movement that threatened the position of the king by establishing a direct contact between god and an individual human being. Amarna religion meant a total cosmicization of divinity. God is the sun and nothing but the sun, animating the world by light and time. God is thus banned from history, politics and personal destiny which become the exclusively royal spheres of activity. The break-down of Amarna religion meant a break-through of personal piety. What Akhenaten opposed now becomes the dominant paradigm. Before Amarna, personal piety may very possibly have been just a local phenomenon, restricted to Thebes and to Theban festivals during which the god Amun appeared to his worshippers. After Amarna, personal piety became the general attitude all over Egypt. 'Vhat I call personal piety is, of course, a very specific phenomenon. I am not speaking of popular religion, which, to be sure, is not restricted to the New Kingdom. Unlike popular religion, personal piety

26 Sandman, Texts, 95.17-18. Cf. J. Assmann, Zeit und Ewigkeit im alten Egypt (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1975) 55. 27 "Die 'Loyalistische Lehre' Echnatons," SAK 8 (1980) 1-32. 28 "La piete personelle avant l'age amarnien," RdE 27 (1975) 195-210.

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is an innovation of the New Kingdom, slowly beginning during the 18th dynasty, triumphantly dominating in the 19th and 20th dynasty and finally overturning the state in the 21st dynasty. Within this line of development, Amarna has a very specific position and plays an important role. It is possible that without the Amarna experience, this new movement would not have reached this level of overwhelmmg power. The god of Ramesside theology can thus be shown to inherit and absorb both the cosmic and the personal god of Amarna theology, both the Aten and the king. Here starts another line of tradition that leads to and culminates in the Hellenistic Era: the concept of Isis-Tyche-the mistress of destiny, a deity both cosmic and personal, incorporating the universe and saving the individual worshiper.

DEAD AS A DUCK: A ROYAL OFFERING SCENE?i Earl L. Ertman I count Don Redford as a friend and colleague since our initial contact in Cairo in 1971 when the Akhenaten Temple Project Offices were housed in Tahrir Square. Don's wide-ranging interests include a thirst we share for the Amarna Period from its inception in Thebes through its moves to Memphis and Akhetaten. Don is an inspiring researcher who combines thoroughness with knowledge and a great analytical mind. May future generations of Egyptologists calIon his name, that it will be remembered not only in Upper and Lower Egypt, but throughout time. The fragment of a hard limestone block shows the forward half of a duck and parts of other birds carved in sunk relief (fig. 1). The modern history of this block starts in the late 1960's (before 1969) when it was purchased at an estate auction in Handen, Connecticut2 together with the corner of a false door dated to Dynasty XI. The false door fragment was owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art. It is merely circumstantial evidence that since both reliefs were sold together from the same collection in Connecticut that they were originally taken from the same site or date to the same time period. I I wish to thank the following individuals for assistance or comments related to this paper: Hans Goedicke, Otto Schaden, F. C. Brock, Ray Johnson, and Peter Brand. I gratefully acknowledge the assistance and permission of the Polish Mission to Deir el Bahari directed by Dr. Jadwiga Lipinska for the usc of photographs from her work and for the excellent photographs taken there by George Johnson. Thanks also to Richman Haire for the photograph of the relief under study. 2 The buyer, then a graduate student, now a book dealer, has attempted to recall as many facts as possible related to the sale. My question to him was, "Do you recall, was the duck relief sold together with the corner of a false door that you purchased at the same sale?" The answer was, "Yes, we bought all the Egyptian items at the same auction in Connecticut on the same day I can remember that there were all kinds of other artifact~ whoever collected this stuff liked antiquities. My own ... supposition ... was that they all probably came from the same museum/dig/source, but I never knew where that might be." He added, "My recollection is that they [the two reliefs] went together. .. two for one money. I think that because I liked one of them much better than the other and doubt that I would have bid on the lesser one by itself. I know for sure that they were purchased at the same auction ... There were no other Egyptian fragments [relie[~] as I remember, but lots of stuff from around the world."

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The duck fragment under study measures 9 1/2" high by 6 7 /8" wide by 2 3/4" deep (24.2 cm high by 17.5 cm wide and 7 cm deep). The surface of the block is pock-marked, especially through the center of the remaining scene, perhaps from wind blown sand. No paint remains in the sunken details of these birds. The left edge of this block appears to be original while the bottom edge is possibly original also, but with some damage to its surface. The reverse side of this block has obviously been cut down. On this side are the notations "T 10" scratched into the stone and further to the right "NP 49." Thus far none of these numbers and letters have been of value in uncovering their meaning or their relationship to the relief. The specific scene shown on the relief is difficult to identify in terms of its subject. This sunk relief was initially turned in all directions in an attempt to establish its correct orientation. Not until one notices the front portion of the viper hieroglyph "f' with part of a line above it, can an accurate determination of the correct orientation of this scene be made. Even with this hieroglyph, one is not aided in determining the nature of this subject. In a photograph it may appear that an element of high relief has been cut down that originally ran through the outspread wing of the bird at the top and continued down through the neck and head of the duck at the bottom. These lines which appear to be almost parallel are very thin chert layers running through the stone. No recutting has occurred and the surface has not been altered. Preserved are parts of several birds, one, a duck, possibly a pintail (Anas acutas)3 which must be dead with its neck wrung, since the top of its head is where the underside of its neck should be found beneath its own breast. (A pose only dead and toy ducks can easily maintain). Its wing is folded against its P. The webbed foot of another duck(?) beneath the first, apparently lying on its back, points upwards and reminds one by its position of scenes where dead foul are placed on altars as oflerings. A small shape near the left edge of the fragment, almost touching the left leg of the main duck may be the webbed foot of another bird. This shape is a problem to decipher. Overlapping the main duck at the top left center of this fragment is the tail of a bird with clearly delineated wing feathers on its rear edge. Its tail is broad and flares. We cannot be certain, but this may be an Egyptian goose (Alopodlen aegyptiacusf The jagged contour of the wing feathers start3 ,t

P. F. Houlihan, 77le Birds qfAncient Egypt (Cairo, 1988), 71-73. B. Bnllm, Common Birds if Egypt (Cairo, 1987). pI. 3, 1.

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ing at the wing tip (called primaries) are traits of this species, while some other geese have a smooth-edged rear wing profile or at least are depicted in this manner. The general shape of the tail of this type of Egyptian goose is also distinctive. All these birds are carved in sunk relief, a key point which we must later consider when we attempt to date this scene. This paper is less concerned with identifying all of the individual species of birds than in noting the order and arrangement of individual compositions which include offerings of birds which retain their feathers and have not been plucked and prepared for eating. What is the setting for this scene? Background paint, if it had survived, may have been of help. No net is visible probably ruling out a bird trapping scene. 5 The absence of marsh plants or the vertical lines representing a papyrus thicket tends to eliminate a fouling scene from consideration. 6 The positioning of the birds rules out the idea that they are trussed and hanging. No zigzag lines indicating water or any plant life arc expected since these would be at the bottom of a scene. The large blank spaces around the birds might be "read" as sky since one of the birds has its wing spread, seemingly in flight. The familiar scenes of offering tables piled high with food for eternity seen in the tombs of New Kingdom nobles do not usually include birds that have their wings outspread. A typical example would be like that seen in the tomb of Rekhmire (TT 100) that shows a feathered bird placed within the food stuff" on an oflering stand. 7 Scenes from the tomb of Nakht (TT 52) should suffice to indicate the typical form of offerings which include a bird or birds in the tombs of the nobles. 8 On the west end of the transverse hall of this tomb we see food offerings capped by floral bouquets which include two birds distributed above the baskets and bovine parts. (fig. 2) Both birds, one on the left, the other on the right, have their wings folded towards their bodies with their heads facing outward. Their placement is basically on their stomachs. They are clearly dead as their limp necks indicate. In Dynasty Eighteen, prior to the reign of Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut, birds in offering scenes seem to take their place within the

5 A. G. Shedid and M. Seidel, Das Grab des ]I(acht (Mainz am Rheim, 1991),57, lower right, details 67, and 72-3. 6 Ibid., 57, top, 58, 60-6l. 7 R. Schulz and M. Seidel, Egypt: The World q/ the Pharaohs (Kaln, 1998), 398. 8 Shedid and Seidel, 34, second register on left:; 42, bottom and detail, 44; 46 directly in front of the tomb owners.

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stack of offerings. During the reigns of Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut some scenes on temple walls include feathered birds on or above offering stands, with their wings outspread, although they are undoubtedly dead. One of the birds on the fragment under study also has its wing extended implying flight. All of these scenes from temple walls are in raised rather than sunk relief. In the reign of Tuthmosis III, we find feathered birds (as opposed to plucked and prepared birds) in these scenes placed in such a way that their position in relationship to the stack of offerings is unclear. These seem to be isolated, often above the pile of offerings. Some of the birds from temple scenes have one or both of their wings outspread as if flight was implied; but all these birds are dead. Several unpublished decorated blocks from the work of the Polish Mission to Deir el Bahari show thL" subject clearly and retain their color. These examples are all in raised relief. (I am indebted to Dr.Jadwiga Lipinska for permission to use these unpublished examples and to George Johnson for several excellent photographs of these fragn1ents.) In the first example, from a temple of Tuthmosis III, we see bodies of birds with their necks dangling lifelessly (fig. 3). The bird on the left has its wings opened. The birds are isolated against the background of the scene and resemble hieroglyphs. In a second and more fragmentary example from the same temple (fig. 4), the orientation is at first difficult to determine until a mat with several bowls are noticed in the upper left corner. Two large cranes facing in opposite directions fIll the center of the fragmented scene. On the upper right side a duck has its wings placed below its body. Below, the wings of a duck are placed above its body and rearward. On the left, a bird is seen from above or below with its wing outspread. The placement of this bird approximates a similarly placed bird in the limestone fragment under study. The difference is that the high relief example here shows more detail in the individual feather shapes. Also from the Polish mission are two details from relief scenes in the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari. From the middle terrace on the walls of the chapel of Anubis, food offerings are placed before images of Amun and Anubis. These painted raised reliefs include sacrifices of bulls, antelope and birds. 9 It is the manner in which the birds are shown that is of interest to us here. In the two registers that are above and below the offering stands and hes vases, 9 A portion of these two offering scenes are included in, D. Sa~si, Upper Egypt (Milan, 1988), 47.

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all of the birds of different species in each of the registers are shown placed above tied dead bovines. The birds are frozen in space with their heads dangling downward regardless of where the remainder of their bodies are positioned. The five birds in the upper register (figs. 5 and 6) are placed above a red and a white bovine respectively. Two of the three birds on the left side of the scene, above the red animal (fig. 5) have their wings spread as if in flight while their bodies and necks are limp. Above the white bovine (fig. 6) both birds of different species have necks that dangle. Most noticable is the long limp neck of the crane that curves downward and rests on the side of a bovine in a most unnatural manner. These birds "float" in space like those on the limestone block under review. All these dead birds, like all the other royal votive gifts in the scenes under study, isolate each of the objects from their neighbors, generally without objects touching. As far as I can determine, birds with their wings open are not usually found in offering scenes in the tombs of nobles. Thus the limestone block under study must be royaL Not only is it royal, but one obviously utilized in a temple context, probably on inner walls. Within the Karnak Temple complex, north of the sanctuary of Tuthmosis III ncar the so-called Tuthmosis gate,IO is a structure of Queen/King Hatshepsut which contains several other scenes with offerings of birds which do not lay flat within a stack of offerings or on an offering stand. (figs. 7 and 8). In these two details, birds are placed above bovine offerings. These birds are in many positions with their wings opened. They are all clearly dead as their heads and necks indicate. In one register (fig. 7) a single pintail duck has its wings outspread as if in flight, but its neck is n.yisted and the top of its head faces its chest. In another register (fig. 8) several birds are shown with their wings opened, some upside down, all with limp necks. Close by, but outside this structure of Hatshepsut and slightly to the northeast, is a wall on which a relief of King T uthmosis III can be seen (fig. 9). Birds with long necks, probably Common Cranes (Crus grus), distinguished by their secondary feathers tl1at droop over their tails II are frozen in the center of the space with their long necks dangling downward. To the lett and right at the ends of this offering scene are two other birds in contorted positions with their wings opened. 10 K. Lange and M. Himlcr, Egypt: Architecture, Sculpture, Painting in 77me Thousand Years (New York, 1968), fIg. 58, 491. II Houlihan, 83-88.

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A French mission has reconstructed portions of a pylon built for Tuthmosis IV in the open air museum area at Karnak. Reliefs on the northern reconstructed wall, which was originally an inside wall of an open court, are decorated with offering scenes which include birds in positions similar to those seen in Hatshepsut's funerary temple across the Nile (fig. 10). Many birds are found in varied vertical and horizontal positions with their wings fully or partially opened (detail, fig. II). These images establish that several kings of the New Kingdom included birds in their offering scenes (thus far all are executed in raised relief) wherein the wings of these birds are open and their bodies are placed at various angles with the bird's necks and heads dangling downward. By these various New Kingdom examples, we have established that royal offering scenes did include birds as if they were in flight among the food offerings displayed. This combination has not been found in private tomb scenes. A somewhat similar arrangement of the form of birds in offering scenes exists from the reign of Amenhotep III. Here the raised reliefs from the sun court in the Luxor Temple show birds placed on top of meat offerings. The remains of this scene have been reconstructed on paperl2 and Ray Johnson has indicated that the fragments on the right side of this drawing which include a vertically placed wing, were probably meant to be higher in the original scene. 13 In the center of this drawing a bird apparently has its wings opened and pinioned backward, similar to birds seen in a raised relief of Tuthmosis III from DeiI' el Bahari that we have discussed. The drawing of the Luxor scene shows birds that not only overlap something near by, but some birds that apparently conceal objects rather than being placed so as to render them unobscured and readable. The now vanished funerary temple of Amenhotep III at Kom el-Hettan may well have included scenes of birds distributed like those shown previously on the inner walls of the pylon or in the court. The "merging" of forms seen in the relief scenes from the sun court of Amenhotep III seems to have continued in use into the reign of his son, Akhenaten, if the relief under study is, as I believe, from Akhenaten's reign. With the probable identity of the birds on the limestone fragment, established as being part of a royal offering scene, probably from the 12 W. R. Johnson, in L. Berman (cd.) TIle Art qfAmenllOt£p III: Art Historical AnalYsis (Cleveland, 1990), 26, Drawing 2. Luxor Temple, Phase II decoration. 13 Personal communication with Dr. Johnson at Chicago House, March, 2001.

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inner walls of a temple or temple pylon, what remains to be determined is the date and possible provenance of this scene. The fact that the birds were carved in sunk relief proved to be an important factor that, at first, did not appear to be especially relevant. It is true that birds in sunk relief, but on a greatly reduced scale, can be found on ~liddle Kingdom stelae. 14 Birds of greater size whose bodies and wings are in various positions seem to have been carved in raised relief during the Middle Kingdom, 15 at least those of which I am aware. The only other scene with bird offerings in sunk relief during the New Kingdom of the scale noted is on a talatal of Akhenaten wringing the neck of a pintail duck was formerly in the Norbert Schimmel Collection now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1985.328.2).16 John Cooney wrote about this scene saying, The inclusion of ducks in divine menus and in funerary offerings in general is very ancient. It was a commonplace of Egyptian ritual that all offerings in a temple to any god were made by the king, and in theory was the philosophical basis of the representations which cover the walls of Egyptian temples. 17

The relief under study, also in limestone, is incomplete, but its preserved dimensions allow it to be within the correct size for a talalal block. There are no Aten rays on the limestone fragment of birds which would have made identification much easier, but that does not prevent the birds on this fragment from having been lower in this or a similar scene, or more toward the right beneath the Aten rays. Even if the bird relief was not part of the scene of Akhenaten sacrificing a duck, it does establish that scenes of birds being sacrificed were part of the subject matter of rituals used by Akhenaten when making offerings to the Aten. 14 G. Robins, cd. Bryond the !.'yramidL· Egyptian Regional Artfrom the iHuseo Egizio, Tun'n (Atlanta, Georgia, 1990), citing three examples from the reign of Mentuhotep II in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. figs. 6.1 Stela of Indi, First Intermediate Period (25.2.3), here in the upper right above oflerings, the bird appears to be on its back with both wings open while its head and neck are seen under its body All these stelae are in sunk relief; 6.4 Stela of Megegi Theban 11th dynasty (14.2.7) and 6.5 Stela of Maaty Theban 11th dynasty (14.2.7). 15 Ibid., nos. 39 and 41, pp. 61 and 85 from Qaw cI-Kebir, tomb of 11m 12th dynasty, reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhat III. Supple. 4408 (41) and (45). Excavated by Schiaparelli 1905-1906. All these birds are in raised relief. Hi J. D. Cooney, Amanuz Reliefifrom Hennopolis in Amerimn Collections (Brooklyn, 1965), no. 9, 17-18 and C. Aldred, Akhenaten and Nifertiti (New York, 1973), no. 118. 17 J. D. Cooney, Amama Relidi, 18.

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The curve of the limp necks on several of the trussed ducks in a scene on a talatat block from Hermopolis, now in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston (62.320),18 reveals similarities with the same features of the dead duck on the block under study. The birds on the Boston block are also done in sunk relief. It is just that the column behind these birds is carved more deeply into the stone and their placement over this column creates the illusion of visual depth while the measurable differences are slight. One other easily overlooked feature of the bird relief from Connecticut is the fact that the bird shapes are not only touching adjacent objects, but concealing portions of these other objects which they overlap. Often, at least in temple scenes of bird offerings during the reigns of Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III, this is a quality not readily found in animals and birds which are being offered to a deity. Clarity was usually intended and essential; and each object, even if it was to be viewed as on a stack with other offerings, was clearly distinguished from the adjacent item, much like a hieroglyph was set apart from those shapes near it. Lorelei Corcoram mentioned this separation of objects in a paper that she recently presented. She said, By convention, Egyptian images tend to avoid overlapping in all situations where possible---for example in the separation of each item with masses of food available on top of an offering table--and it occurs only with figures in instances where the identity of figures may be considered to be almost identical or in a state of union, as with husbands and wives. My explanation for why artists began to overlap food items on offering trays in the 18th Dynasty is that they may have begun to conceive of the items as a compound noun, i.e. "offerings" and been inspired to do so by their increased obsession with elegance and their sheer love of line. 19

In the scene from the sun court of Arnenhotep III (and in some of the scenes of Tuthmosis IV's wall decoration) as well as in Amarna art, images more often intermingle with each other and coalesce. They are not as readily shown as separate elements as they had been in earlier dynasties. C. Aldred, Akhenaten, no. 142. l.orelei Corcoran's paper, "Fabric, Fold and Flesh: Costume and the Human figure in Egyptian Art," was presented at the annual meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt at Brown University, April, 27, 2001. 18

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I hope that I have shown that the limestone relief fragment was a talatat block containing a dead duck and parts of other birds and was a part of a royal offering scene. It probably dates from the Amarna Period and in all likelihood came from Akhetaten. Hopefully other sections of this scene will be identified so that we may know what the complete scene looked like and on which building it was placed as decoration.

SOME THOUGHTS ON RITUAL BANQUETS AT THE COURT OF AKHENATEN AND IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Lyn Green Donald Redford's fame as a doyen of Amarna studies made him the ideal supervisor for a student beginning a dissertation on the royal women of Amarna. His encouragement and enthusiasm sustained me throughout the rather harrowing process of writing a thesis. He also inspired me with his notions that cross-cultural comparisons and cross-disciplinary scholarship produced the best results. Knowing his interest in all the cultures of the ancient Near East, I hope he enjoys this oflering. In many ancient cultures, the acts of eating, sharing and offering food were imbued with complex symbolism. For example, in early and classical Greek culture, special terms designated those whose eating habits differed from the norm,l or whose consumption of food had particular significance. 2 Similarly, foods offered to human dinner guests and to the gods in temples often differed in quantity and content, as well as presentation. Similarly, ordinary domestic meals differ from "feasts" and other ritual or ceremonial meals. All these acts were formalized in some way by custom, etiquette, ceremony or ritual, 3 but the implications of apparently similar actions could be

I See, e.g., James Davidson "Opso/)hagia: Revolutionary Eating at Athens," in Food in Antiquiljl (ed. John Wilkins, D. Harvey and M. Dobson; Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1995) 204-13. 2 E.g., Louise Bruit Zaidman,"Ritual Eating in Archaic Greece: Parasites and Paradroi," in Food in Antiquiljl (ed. John Wilkins, David Harvey and Mike Dobson; Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1995) 196-203. :3 J have noted a distinction made between the use of the terms "ritual" and "ceremonial" in various anthropological sources. For example, Abner Cohen speaks of the ease with which "the ritual behaviour merges indistinguishably with so-called ceremonial behaviour," The Two-Dimensional Jt.1an: An Essay on the Anthropology qf Power and Symbolism ill Complex Som!)' (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974) 3. Generally, "ritual" is a term used of activities pertaining to religious beliefs, or of an event which is "a central element of life crisis ceremonies such as initiations, weddings and burials," Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, "Digesting the Feast: Good to Eat, Good to Drink, Good to Think: An Introduction," Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Per-

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radically different. In pharaonic Egypt, the king occupied a special place: worshiped as one of the gods and yet present on earth. Episodes involving the consumption or presentation of food and drink to him, or to other members of the royal family who were granted similar status, take on a special significance. The Amarna Period is unique in Egyptian history for its explicit representations of the royal family engaging in the ordinary human activities of eating and drinking, as well as more formalized scenes depicting them dining in the company of subordinates. A lecture by Prof. Jack Sasson 4 inspired me to look again at these scenes for their political or ritual import. In this study, the term "ritual" encompasses not only activities connected with the temple, royal or funerary cults, but other types of customary practices that re-affirmed political or social affiliations and hierarchies. There seem to have been several types of ritual or ceremonial meals in pharaonic Egypt. These included: Actual meals left for the deceased in a tomb or representations of these from funerary monuments; Banquets attended by the guests at a funeral; Reversion offerings, the consumption, by specified personnel, of food offerings made to deities; "Official" banquets presided over by members of the royal family, especially the King and Queen, including those commemorating special events such as Sed-festivals; Feasts connected with cultic events or festivals of various gods; Other types of ceremonial banquets which may commemorate special occasions in the career of the deceased. This is by no means an exhaustive list of possibilities, but it does give some idea of the types of ceremonial meals known from ancient Egyptian evidence. By analogy with other cultures, one might expect spectives on Food, Po/itit's and Power (ed. Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden; Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001) 9. The distinction between the two fonns of behaviour in respect of ancient Egyptian banqueting practices should be further explored at another time . .} "The King's table: Food and Fealty in Old Babylonian Mari" given for the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies in Toronto on November 8th, 2000. Prof. Sasson has kindly supplied me with access to an unpublished paper based on the above lecture, which has proven invaluable in doing this study. I would like to acknowledge his assistance, and that of the members of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project. Prof. Sasson has recently infonned me that a revised version of this paper is to be published as "The Kings table: Food and Fealty in Old Babylonian Man," in Scelte Aliment,ari e Identilil Ca', Proceeding qf a ~)mposium at the Universilil Ca' Foscari (Venezia), 27-28 March 2000.

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career or life-cycle milestones other than those mentioned above to be celebrated with feast':>. Elsewhere in the ancient Mediterranean world, commemorative activities involving the consumption of food and drink are also attested. For example, the drinking party was an institution in Mesopotamia and Greece, practised by both gods and mortals. 5 While there can be little doubt that Egyptian representations of feasting and drinking encode information the participants and the occasion outside the obvious, especially when the participants are royal. In assessing the possible symbolic meaning of the banquet scenes at Amarna, I found it helpful to employ theoretical models used by anthropologists studying the significance of food in various traditional and prehistoric cultures. Their basis for categorization is quite different from that used above, which is based on the occasion at which the meal took place, rather than its symbolic or social purpose. I would, of course, eventually like to examine all of the above categories of feast through these lenses, but for the purposes of this article, I will only deal with those which occur in the Amarna Period. A feast or banquet may be distinguished from day-to-day eating by quantity of food and drink offered, by quality or types of food or drink offered, the type of dishes ["prestige materials"] used to prepare or serve the food, and sometimes by the timing of the meal or the way in which it is served and consumed, the use of particular premises set aside for special events and "dramaturgical effects."6 The latter category includes music, dance and various types of performance art. 7 Anthropologists studying food and status in traditional societies, and archaeologists attempting to reconstruct the social interactions of prehistoric or ancient cultures, have noted that communal eating, especially in the form of public ceremonial meals, is a "highly con5 Jean Botero, "Boisson, banquet, et vie socia Ie en Mesopotamie," Drinking in ancient Societies: History and Culture I!f Drinks in the Ancient Near East (ed. Lucio Milano; Padua: Sargon, 1994) 3-13; Piotr Michalowski, "The Drinking Gods: Alcohol in Mesopotamian Ritual and Mythology," Drinking in ancient Societies, 27-44. G This list is compiled fi'om criteria given in: Michael Dietler, "Theorizing the Feast: Rituals of Consumption, Commensal Politics, and Power in Mrican Contexts," Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics and Power (ed. Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden; Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2001); idem, "Feasts and Commensal Politics in the Political Economy," Food and the Status Q,yest: An Interdisciplinary Perspective (ed. Polly \'\Tiessner and Wulf Schiefenhovel; Providence: Berghahn Books, 1996) 98-99; idem Brian Hayden, "Digesting the Feast: Good to Eat, Good to Drink, Good to Think: An Introduction," Feasts; Hayden, "Feasting in Prehistoric and Traditional Societies," Food and the Status Q,yest, 127-47. 7 Dietler, "Feasts," 98-99.

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densed symbolic representation of social relations."8 They have also distinguished different categories of feasting, based on the purpose for which the meal is organized (as distinct from the event which they ostensibly commemorate). The definitions of feasts which are used is that they are public ritual events of communal or commensal eating and drinking9 or "any sharing between two or more people of special foods ... in a meal for a special purpose or occasion."lo Although, strictly speaking, the term commensal originally meant "sharing a table," it is used by these researchers of all forms of communal consumption of food and drink, II as it will be in this study. The terminology for the analysis and study of feasting is still in its developmental stage and other terms may be introduced in time. The chief difficulties in terminology lie in the culturally loaded nature of many possible names for aspects of ceremonial/ritual meals, which I (alone of those studying these events) use the terms "banquet" and "feast" interchangeably. Michael Dietler noted that many designations such as "symposium" have too many specific historical and cultural associations. 12 For example, he noted the etymology of the word "companion," which he rejected as a descriptor for the type of meals discussed, derives from "sharing bread."13 This association makes it unsuitable to describe a type of banquet in which the focus may be on some other consumable, such as drink. In some of the examples cited by Jack Sasson in his lecture, vassals shared food with their overlords without sharing a table, or occasionally even being present in the same location, in other words, not a truly commensal meal, although fitting all the other definitions of "feast." As will be seen, similar situations involving non-commensal sharing of food existed in the late Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian court. However, I have no doubt that the occasions discussed here also fit within the parameters of the definition "feast." In his analyses of commensal eating habits in various societies, Brian

B Dietler,

"Feasts," 89. Dietler, "Theorizing the Feast," 67, 69. 10 Brian Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts: A Prolegomenon to the Importance of Feasting," Feastl', 28 . . II Dieder, "Theorizing the Feast," 104-5, I1. I. 12 A perfect example of this is the wordpamsiwi, which underwent a significant evolution in meaning even in classical times from those participating at a ritual communal meal to an approximation of the modern meaning of "parasite," Zaidman, "Ritual Eating in Archaic Greece: Parasites and Paradroi," Food in Antiquity, 196-202. 13 Dictler, "Theorizing the Feast," 105, 11. 1. 9

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Hayden has compiled a list of nine of the most common beneficial results of hosting a feast. These might be summarized as: attracting labour; creation of cooperative relationships or alliances between specific groups; exclusion of some groups; attracting desirable mates; soliciting favours; compensation for "transgressions;" investing surpluses; "[creating] political power (control over resources and labour) through the creation of a network of reciprocal debts;" and extracting goods and resources from the general population for elite use. 14 In the highly stratified context of pharaonic society, the king and his "great ones" obviously have little need to create political power or assert their superiority over the general population. However, amongst tlleir peers and near-peers, such expressions of dominance would serve to stabilize their positions. It is noteworthy that various Egyptologists have commented upon Akhenaten's perhaps excessive use of reward to ensure the faithfulness of his high-ranking bureaucrats. 15 However, Akhenaten was certainly not the last,16 and, given the evidence from other Bronze Age cultures, probably not the first king of Egypt to use food and gifts to bolster their power. In the earlier studies by Brian Hayden and Michael Dietler, public commensal events were divided into broad categories such as: celebratory feasts, "reciprocal aid" feasts and commensal feasts. 17 Of these, commensal and celebratory feasts are the most relevant to Bronze Age Egypt. "Celebratory" feasts are often those which commemorate an individual's passage from one stage of life or one social status to another. Commensal feasts can be further divided into various categories, many of which are not applicable to this study, except for the category of "Diacritical Feasts." "Diacritical Feasts" are banquets at which social and political hierarchies are delineated or reinforced through positioning of the participants and sharing of food, drink and other special luxury items. However, many of the other types of

].I Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 29-30. I have not retained Hayden's order or the exact divisions of these benefits. 15 E.g., Nicholas Reeves, Akhenaten: E,!;ypt's f'all'e Prophet (London: Thames and Hudson, 2001) 163; Donald B. Redford, Akllenaten, the Heretic King (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984) 165-66. 16 For a brief history of the use of the "Window of Appearances" as a distribution point for rewards and special rations, see Barry J. Kemp, Ancient Agypt: Anatorrry rif a Civilization (London: Routledge, 1989, 1991) 211-13. 17 Hayden, "Feasting in Prehistoric and Traditional Societies," Food and the StatUJ Qyes!, fig. 8. I.

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commensal feasts involve the recruitment and control of labour, 18 or political support. 19 In other words, they also exist to cement social relationships. This could be analogous in larger terms of royal activities to the control of both allies and underlings, whose loyalty and services are ensured by public recognition and reward. Later studies by Hayden and Dietler distinguished types of feasts differently. Hayden developed more complex listings, which included three broad categories of feasts: Alliance and Cooperation Feasts; Economic Feasts; and Diacritical Feasts. 2o The subdivisions of the fIrst group included "Solidarity or (Friendship) Feasts," in which there might be minimal distinction from "normal" meals in terms of standard foods consumed and size of group involved and "Promotional Feasts"21 in which the intent of the host is to display wealth and attract support, with a concomitant increase in the amount of resources necessary. Dietler's categories differed and included "Empowering Feasts," "Patron-Role Feasts" and "Diacritical Feasts." "Empowering Feasts" are those that involve "a positive affirmation of the host and his/her group,"22 in a fashion similar to the "Solidarity Feasts" described by Hayden. "Diacritical Feasts" performed the same function, but the emphasis is on exclusion from an elite group, and institutionalization of inequality.23 "PatronRole" feasts use hospitality as a method of reinforcing "relations of unequal social power" and acceptance of these differences in status. 24 In the paper he gave before publication of Dietler and Hayden's collection of essays, Jack Sasson noted that solidarity and establishment of hierarchies were amongst the primary motivations for the banquets described in various ancient Near Eastern texts. As noted above, "Diacritical feasts" were intended for status display. Through "differentiated cuisine and styles of consumption,"25 social ranking is made explicit. They define membership in elite social groups and the ways in which individuals who aspire to belong in those groups express their social aspirations. In the ancient Near East, feasts serve

18

19

20

21

22

Hayden, "Feasting," fig. 8. I and 128-29. Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 30. Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 38, fig. 2. I. Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 38-39. DietIer, "Theorizing the Feast," 77; earlier discussions in idem, "Feasts," 89-

90. 23

24 25

DietIer, "Feasts," 98-99. DietIer, "Theorizing the Feast," 82-83; idem, "Feasts," 96-97. DietIer, "Feasts," 98.

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many similar functions to those described above. For example, at Mari and in other cities, shared meals or beverages could be used to seal legal or territorial agreements. 26 However, banquets did not need to be literally commensal in order to perform many of the functions in the ancient Levant. Portions of meat from sacrifices made by an overlord were sent to vassals for their consumption,27 a long-distance form of food sharing, which indicated their favoured status in the eyes of their overlord and bound them to him. If offering food and drink to a social inferior were concrete expressions of dominance or favour, the actions of the recipient were equally significant. Acceptance of food, drink or gifts indicated acceptance of the giver's dominant status and were expressions of fealty. In "The Teaching of Amenemhat," the king warns his son that "the one to whom I gave food opposed me."28 Similarly, acts of disloyalty or disrespect might also be expressed through the metaphor of the table. A letter from Mari speaks of a vassal who acted disloyally as having "defecated in the cup from which he had drunk," a cup which he had previously raised in honour of the same king and which the king may have given him.29 The king's favour is also indicated by gifts, of course, and the gift of clothing indicates both vassalage 30 and favour. Sasson's unpublished papers cites the letter noted above, from Huziri of Hazzikannum to ZimriLim, pointing out that the king has given his vassal garments and a wig or headdress, which might have been from his own wardrobe. He suggests that such items might have been considered to retain the king's scent and "participants [could] bolster the allegiance by recapturing his odor." The relief from the tomb of Ay at Amarna 31 in which the "God's Father" receives a pair of gloves

26 Sasson, "The King's table." This is also true in Early Dynastic Sumer; see Michalowski, "Drinking Gods," 35. 27 Sasson, "King's table." 28 Wol(iSang Heick, Der Text der 'Lehre Amenemhets I. fur seinen Sohn'," lCleine Agyptischen Texte (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1969). Reeves has noted the possible influence of this text and its warnings against the treachery of underlings on Akhenaten's internal policies, Akhenaten, 105-7. 29 Michalowski, "Drinking Gods," 35-36; the same letter was also cited by Prof Sasson. Representations of the king and a male figure who may possibly be a vassal or member of his entourage drinking together are discussed by Frances Pinnock, "Considerations on the 'Banquet Theme' in the figurative Art of Mesopotamia and Syria," DrinJcing in ancient Societies, 23, 25. 30 Michalowski, "Drinking Gods," 37. 31 Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs if El Amama, VI (Archaeological

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may be an unrecognized Egyptian example of such an occasion. As food and drink are the only forms of "symbolic capital" which literally become part of the recipient, it would be an even more potent symbol of connection with an overlord. The applicability of the customs at Mari and elsewhere in the Near East to banqueting in late Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt is borne out by the common practices, especially in regard to gift-giving, which are shared by the correspondents of the Amarna Letters. 32 At the Karnak temple of the Aten there are a number of scenes of feasting which feature the king and/or the queen. These banquet scenes seem to be associated with the Sed-festivaP3 However, other scenes depicting banquets were already known from the tombs at Amarna. There was, however, a significant difference between the representations of dining at the two locations. Since the Karnak scenes were apparently created earlier in the reign, and represent an earlier phase of royalist/ Atenist ideology, it is perhaps best to examine them first. Numerous blocks exist depicting very similar representations. 34 The most complete of these scenes consist of a lone royal figure, the king or queen, seated at a table, attended by servants and musicians, with rows of squatting figures nearby, presumably guests or privileged servants. 35 There are numerous reconstructed depictions of the guests. These banqueters sit on the ground with piles of food before them: bread and wine are the most easily identified items. They may reach out a hand towards the food, but they are not shown eating or drinking. 36 Some of these scenes are surrounded by undulating lines. 37 These perhaps

Survey of Egypt, 18th Memoir; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1908) pI. xxix (closeup of Ay wearing gloves), pI. xxxii 32 Raymond Cohen and Raymond Westbrook, "Conclusion: The Beginnings of International Relations," Amarna Diplomacy: TIze Beginnings qllnlemalumal Relations (cd. Raymond Cohen and Raymond Westbrook; Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000) 232. 33 Redford, Akherzat£n, 127-30. 34 Amongst the scenes reconstructed which deal with the feast accompanying the Sed-festival are TS 7944, TS 132,1'85564, TS 5473 and TS 5565. 35 E.g., TS 210, 3958, 132, 254 published in Ray Winfield Smith and Donald B. Redford, The AkherzaleTl Temple Project, I: The Initial Discoveries (Warminster: Aris and Philips, 1976) pis. 63, 66, 69.2, 70; Jocelyn Gohary, AkherzaleTl's sed~fostival at learnak (London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1992) pIs. xxiv, xxvi. 36 TS 5560, 5473, 5665, published in Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple, 1, pIs. 64.1, 65.2, 82.4. 37 E.g., Gohary, AlrJzerzaleTl's sedftstivals, pis. xx"Vii, xxviii.

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show a tent 38 or other temporary banqueting hall, indicating that the ceremony did not take place within the palace. The use of temporary buildings or special accommodations, which Hayden lists as a common characteristic of all types of commensal feasting,39 are borne out by the archaeological remains of Malkata. There, a ceremonial lake and special palace were built, for the first Sed-Festival of Amenhotep III. Four years later this building was demolished and a new mud-brick palace was constructed for the next Sed.'Hl Some of the other reconstructed scenes show a room in the palace being prepared for a banquet. One or two throne-like chairs stand empty, with heaped tables before them. Flanking registers show rows of amphorae and servants moving stands for more wine containers. Sometimes the "Window of Appearance" is depicted nearby.41 These are also occasionally from reliefs of the Sed. 42 Very similar scenes may be found in the Memphite tomb of Horemheb, from the north wall of the court. Horemheb is depicted seated before a heaped table. The other banqueters squat or sit on the ground. 43 The status of the guests may is indicated by their elaborate clothing, and by the amount and type of food before them. Piles of bread and amphorae of wine are the most easily recognizable foods in the meal, which also included vegetables and beer, but cuts of meat, poultry and fish may also be distinguished. As Salima Ikram has noted, those who have cuts of meat and larger amounts of food, are also distinguished from one another by their clothing, jewellery, wigs and scented cones. 44 Many of them are shown actively eating and drinking what is before them, emphasizing, as Geoffrey Martin noted,4:> that this is not a symbolic funerary meal but a real feast which he suggests was held to celebrate military victories or a promotion. 38 Redford (Akhenaten, 120) refers to the banqueting rooms' "sinusoidal walling system." This could perhaps represent a tent or other temporary structure. 3') Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 40 (table 2.1). 4{) Table 2.1. 40; Kemp, Ancient E,.f!J'IJt, 216-1 7. 41 TS 3711, published in Smith and Redfcml, Akhenaten Temple, 1, pI. 61. t2 TS 7944 published in Smith and Redford, Akhenaten Temple, 1, pl. 67. 43 Geoffrey T. Martin, 17te A1emphite Tomb of /ioremheb, Commander-in-Clli~f of Tut£l1lkh 'amun, 1 (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1989) 38-40, scenes 18-20. Also published in Geoffrey T. Martin, 17ze Hidden Tombs if A1emphis: .New Discoveries from the Time rtf Tutankhamun and Ramesses the Great (London: Thames & Hudson, 1991) figs. 19, 20; Salima Ikram, Choice Cuts: lv1eat Produdwn in Ancient Egypt (0 LA 69; Leuven: Peeters, 1995) fig. 7. 44 Ikram, Choice Cuts, 205-6. 45 Martin, Hidden Tombs qf iHernphis, 55.

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The closest parallels to these scenes are from the Theban tomb of Userhet (TT56), which dates to the reign of Amenhotep II. In these, the occasion represented is not a feast attended by elaborately dressed nobles, but a meal enjoyed by army officers. 46 Some of these men squat on the earth with baskets of different types of breads in front of them and large vessels, presumably of beer, in front of them. Others, still squatting, at least have the comfort of mats, and are given amphorae of wine and additional dishes which seem to hold meat. On other parts of the same tomb walls, regular soldiers are shown receiving provisions and haircuts. One might assume then, as Sigrid Hodel-Hoenes does,47 that this scene shows the provisioning of the army. However, the presence of a servant offering wine to one of the seated officers makes it clear that the food is to be consumed there. This then is also a ceremonial or ritual commensal meal, probably celebratory. Similar representations can be found in the tomb of Rekhmire. 48 In that example, according to Jacques Vandier, the meal was arranged by Rekhmire on the occasion of his giving formal instructions to his subordinates,49 who are shown seated on the ground receiving wine. His hospitality reinforces his superior rank, while rewarding those who owe him obedience for their loyalty. In short, all three occasions would fall into one of the categories created by Dieder and Hayden under the general heading of "Alliance and Cooperation Feasts."50 The similarity of these earlier paintings to the Karnak talatat scenes and the reliefs from the tomb of Horemheb is striking. In each, the guests may sit or squat either on mats or directly on the ground. The feasters from the Karnak talatat seem to be distinguished by the types and amount of food they are given rather than by their placing. In "The King's table," Jack Sasson noted that "the possibilities for public humiliation were infinite" at similar affairs elsewhere in the Near East, since precedence and etiquette determined who would sit and who would squat, and where they would do so. Undoubtedly this would -16 Recent publication in Sigrid Hodel-Hoenes, Lift and Death in Ancient Egypt: Scenes from Private Tombs in .New Kingdom 'Thebes (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000) fig. 42. -}7 Hodel-Hoenes, Lift and Deaih, 72_ 48 Norman de Garis Davies, The Tomb if Rekh-me-Re (Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Eh'YPtian Expedition, 11; New York: Plantin Press, 1943-44) pi. cxi and cxii.l, 66. 49 Jacques Vandier d'Abbadic, A1anuel d'arclziologie egyptienne, IV (Paris: Editions A. etJ. Picard ct Cic., 1964) 227-28. 50 Hayden, "Fabulous Feasts," 38 fig. 2.1.

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have been equally true of situations in Egypt. Although in military context, such as the occasion depicted in the tomb of Userhet, feasters would presumably have been ordered by rank, their position at such events would not have been a foregone conclusion. Commanders could have shown favour, announced promotions from the ranks or rewarded bravery by re-positioning feasters or merely by providing them with some delicacy. (Since high-protein foods such as fish and meat were the most prestigious, these were probably the items used to convey favour.) Probably all such gatherings were occasions for subtle re-alignments of status, as much as for reinforcing the status quo. At Amarna, the best-known royal banqueting scenes come from the tomb of Huya, steward of Queen Tiye. 51 They depict the queen eating with her son Akhenaten and daughter-in-law Nefertiti. Several princesses also share in the feast. Once again there are musicians and servitors in evidence, but no guests. 52 Another distinct contrast to the Karnak scenes is the enthusiasm with which members of the royal family attack their food and drink. Scenes in which the banqueters actually appear to be partaking of the food before them are somewhat rare, even in the Eighteenth Dynasty private tombs. 53 In the scene from the east side of the tomb's south wall, the king and queen do not merely touch the food, they lift it to their mouths, although the item that Tiye is shown lifting to her lips has not been preserved. In the parallel scene on the west side of the same wall, all three senior royals lift goblets of wine. Thus the banqueting at Akhenaten's Sed, and his father's Sed festivals as well, were "diacritical feasts" which served the purpose of establishing and making explicit the bond between vassal and overlord through the commensal consumption of food and drink. Hence, Kadashman-Enlil of Babylon was not invited to Amenhotep Ill's Sed, to his disgruntlement, because as an ally and equal of the Egyptian king he would not have a place at an event intended for the demonstration of the guests' subservient status. 54 In both scenes, junior women of the royal family receive a share of the food. In the scene from the east side of the wall, two daughters of Akhenaten are seated knee to knee by Nefertiti, passing choice mor51 Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amama, III (Archaeological Survey of Egypt, 15th Memoir; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 19(5) pis. iv and vi. 52 Davies, Amama, III, pis. v and vii. 53 For examples, see Vandier d'Abbadie, Manuel, IV, 216, 228-30, figs.96-98. 5'~ EA 3; WiUiam 1... Moran, The Amama Letters (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992) 7-8.

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sels back and forth. Similarly, the "King's Daughter" Baketaten sits alongside Tiye and receives a tidbit from her. In the parallel relief, in a seemingly more infomlal episode, two different daughters 55 of Akhenaten and Nefertiti stand beside their mother's chair and help themselves to fruit. Baketaten is once again by the seat of the queenmother. Huya appears at the bottom of the scene on the east side of the wall, a small obsequious figure receiving food. He is depicted apparently accepting a roast bird from another small figure, who may be a servant of Akhenaten. In registers below the scene proper, he lifts a morsel of food to his mouth. \Vhether he is testing it for poison, as Davies thought,56 or receiving a special tidbit from the royal banquet as a mark of favour is impossible to determine. Certainly, it is impossible to view this scene without thinking of the gifts of food from the royal table mentioned in the Mari letters. Four other depictions of members of the royal family eating or drinking also survive from the tombs at Amama, although these are much less well known. A very similar scene to the banqueting reliefs from the tomb of Huya is illustrated in the tomb of Ahmes, "steward" of the royal householdY On the lower half of the west wall are the remains of a depiction of the royal family eating. Much of the inscriptional material which labelled the scene is missing, but traces of the queen's name and titles were copied by Norman and Nina de Garis Davies and clearly refer to Nefertiti. She is depicted seated before a small table heaped with food, a daughter on her lap. She raises a joint of meat to her lips while a servant offers wine. Two more princesses sit on stools beside her chair and share food. The king is feeding on a roast bird of some sort. This scene both parallels and reverses the themes seen in Huya's tomb, although Tiye is absent from the scenes. For example, the types of food eaten by the couple are reversed in Ahmes; here, it is Nefertiti who gnaws a large hunk of meat and Akhenaten who eats a whole bird. However, as in Huya's tomb, the princesses associate themselves exclusively with their mother. This is notable because elsewhere, in non-feast scenes, Akhenaten is depicted holding and kissing his children. A few musicians and attendants are 5', In the portion of the relief from the east side of the wall, the princesses named are Merytaten and Meketaten. On the west side, Ankhsenpaaten is depicted standing on her mother's footstool, while the other daughter stands by Nefertiti's chair. The name of the latter princess has not been preserved . .">6 Davies, Amama, III, 6. 57 Davies, Amama, III, pI. xxxiv.

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shown in adjacent registers and the small figure of Ahmes is shown lifting a cup to N efertiti. In the tomb of Penthu,58 there is a much damaged scene depicting a king and queen eating. (No names have been preserved.) Here they once again grasp food and lift it to their mouths. Because only a few fragments of paint remained on the walls in the early part of this century, Norman de Garis Davies could only guess at its original composition. One interesting fact is clear, however. The royal couple once sat facing another figure of equal scale. Only the hand of this figure remained, but Davies surmised from the parallel composition in the tomb of Huya and from the scale of the figure, that it may have been Tiye. 59 There are, of course, other possibilities [Kiya, Satamen, etc.], but neither they nor Tiye are elsewhere attested in Penthu's tomb. Additionally, there are traces of red paint by Nefertiti's side, which suggested to Davies that a princess might have been depicted beside her. From the tomb of Meryre II, "overseer of the royal quarters of the King's Chief \Vife,"6o there is a depiction of Nefertiti straining a drink for Akhenaten. 61 This relief is significantly different from other representations of the royal family at table, since only the king is receiving food or drink, and the royal women are serving him. In addition to the queen, three princesses are represented: Merytaten, Ankhsenpaaten and another whose name has not been preserved. This last royal daughter offers a scented cone, while Ankhsenpaaten holds flowers. Merytaten stands between her parents, facing the king. She seems to be offering something, although it has not been preserved. At the bottom of the scene musicians and butlers attend the ceremony. This scene is parallelled by paintings from New Kingdom private tombs,62 two royal stelae and a representation on the small golden shrine from Tutankhamen's tomb. In the latter, Ankhsenarnen otlers a .58 NOlman de Garis Davies, the Rock Tombs ifEi Amama, IV (Archaeological Survey of Egypt, 16th Memoir; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1905-(6) pI. x. 59 Davies, Amama IV, 6. 60 By and large I have followed the late William Murnane in translating the titles of l\'ieryre and other royal servants, as he rendered them in Texts from the Amama Period in Egypt (ed. Edmund S. Meltzer; SBL Writings from the Ancient World; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995) 162-65. 61 Norman de Garis Davies, the Rock Tombs ifEl Amarna, II (Archaeological Survey of Egypt, 14th Memoir; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1903-(4) pI. xxxii. 62 These were discussed by Marianne Eaton-Krauss and E. Graefe, the Small Golden Shrine from the Tomb if Tutanklzamun (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1985) 33.

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drink to the seated king.63 The royal stelae in question are the much discussed unfmished stela Berlin 20716,64 and fragmentary stela Vienna 8038. In the former stela, a royal figure in the khepresh pours a drink for another seated figure wearing the khat headdress. As on the little golden shrine of Tutankhamen and the tomb of Meryre II, the drink is poured from a situla-shaped container into a footed, wide-bowled chalice. The shape of this goblet is identical to that of a lotiform calcite chalice in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 6s There is great similarity between all the Amarna and immediately post-Amarna depictions of this type. However, the representation from the tomb ofMeryre II is the only example in which a strainer is used and in which the action is accompanied by entertainers, although, since the other scenes are do not appear in the larger context allowed by a tomb wall, this is not greatly significant. Finally, the tomb of Parennefer may be the location of another representation of royal consumption. 66 The reliefs are in bad condition, but it is possible to discern the king enthroned and wearing an ate! or hmhmt crown. In the registers facing the throne, are rows of amphorae, food serving containers and dishes, and an orchestra. Before the throne two servants kneel at the royal feet, one holding a flask and touching the outstretched foot of the king. Davies interpreted this as "the king giving audience" to a foreign embassy67 --although the embassy is not detectable. However, since this scene contains many of the elements already noted as belonging to banqueting scenes, such as musicians, this may represent Parennefer, royal "cupbearer" serving the king wine or preparing him for a banquet. It is also perhaps noteworthy that many of the royal reward scenes from Amarna are flanked by depictions of a lavishly prepared chamber in the palace. 68 Although no feasts are depicted actually taking place, the room in question usually holds two throne-like chairs set before two tables piled with food, and is provided with numerous amphorae of wine. In view of their similarity to banquet halls for the Sed-festival depicted at Karnak, it might be reasonable to assume that Eaton-Krauss and Graefe, The Small Golden Shrine, pI. xvi [Side C, CR2]. Recent publication in Pharaohs if the Sun: Akhenaten, Nifertiti, Tutankhamen (cd. Rita Freed, Y.J. Markowitz and S. D'Auria; Boston: Bulfinch, 1999) 246, cat. no. 137. 65 Recent publication in Pharaohs if the Sun, 211, cat. no. 35. 66 Davies, Amama, VI, pI. vi. 67 Davies, Amama, VI, 5. 68 E.g., Davies, Amama VI, pI. iv (Parennefer), pI. xxvii (Ay). 63

64

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these rooms are set up for feasts in honour of the recipients of the king's favour, but such arrangements are not uncommon in depictions of the Amarna palaces in which no reward scene is taking place. 69 They may, however, make reference to the royal feasts which may be understood to be imminent in the palace, or as a form of offering to the royal family, just as heaped offering stands and altars are placed inside and outside the temples. The musicians who appear at these royal dinners, both in the Karnak and Amarna representations, fall into one of two categories: all-female orchestras playing Egyptian instruments; or groups of musicians of indeterminate gender wearing "Asiatic" costume, and playing foreign instruments. Interestingly, unlike some of the female musicians represented in private tombs, all of the Egyptian entertainers are clothed somewhat formally. A few of the female orchestras even wear the modius,70 a headdress reserved for high-ranking noblewomen. The instruments played, however, are the standard ones seen elsewhere in New Kingdom tombs: lutes, lyres and boat-shaped harpsJI The foreign musicians wear a wrapped garment which closely resembles that depicted on Syrian women. Their hair is concealed by a turban-like wrap. The "feminine" nature of their clothing originally led to suggestions that these foreign musicians were "transvestite" entertainers 72 of the type who danced and made music at Babylonian temples. Those temple musicians were usually associated with the cults of Atargatis and Ishtar. It is also possible that the musicians were eunuchs, and that their dress and caps were distinguishing marks similar to the distinctive hairstyles of eunuch musicians in Assyrian reliefs. 73 Some of the musi69 E.g., Norman de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs if El Amama, I (Archaeological Survey of Egypt, 13th Memoir; London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1902-03) pI. xxv/xxvi (Meryra I). 70 See L. Green, "Crowned Heads: Royal Regalia of the Amarna and Pre- and Post-Arnarna Periods," Ama17la Letters 4 (Sebastopol, CA: lUvlT Communications, Inc., 2002) 63. 71 Lise Manniche, Ancient Egyptian Aclusual Instruments (Munchner Agyptologische Studien, 34; Munchen, Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1975) 55-57, 73-74, 85-86. 72 Smith and Redford, Akhenatnl Temple, I, 132 n. 83; Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Prqject, 2: Rwd-Mnw and Inscriptions (Aegypti Texta Propositaque I; ed. Donald B. Redford; Toronto: Akhenaten Temple Project, 1988) 18. 73 The identification of these musicians as eunuchs was inspired by a lecture entitled "Eunuchs in Ancient A~sJTia," given by Prof. A. KGrayson for the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies in April of 1994, and the discussion which followed. Footnote 26 in L. Green, "The Origins of the Giant Lyre and Asiatic Influences on the Cult of the Aten," Jou17lal qf the Sociery for the Study if EgylJtiall Antiquities 23 (1993)

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cal instruments they play are not otherwise known in Egypt, notably the giant lyre. 74 Lise Manniche has often argued that these musicians, and the female orchestras who are also often shown in the banquet scenes, served a special ritual function,75 which is perhaps illuminated by the descriptions of musical activity at other ancient feasts. The depiction of musicians accompanying royal feasts is a common enough theme in ancient Near Eastern art. 76 It is also a practice which is also common to the feasts of Alexander and various Hellenistic kings. In many of these other later feasts, however, the musicians are apparently there as "entertainment" only, whatever their original purpose. Hellenistic royal banqueting etiquette, as established under Alexander, divided the meal into sections strikingly similar to those described in the Hittite ritual: sacrifice libation, meal, "drinking the god."77 In Hellenistic symposia, there was first a sacrifice, then the meal itself (deipnon), followed by another libation and a drinking party (symposion).78 These Macedonian and Hellenistic royal feasts, with their similarity to temple ritual, had of course evolved from the earlier symposia of the Greek city-states, events which might be described as "riotous booze-ups,"79 but which none the less served the function may have given the impression that Prof. Grayson is responsible for this suggestion, but, although he discussed the possibility with me, I must take responsibility for it. There is also an uncorrected error on p. 58 of the same article; I was intending to suggest that in Egyptian palaces, it would have been uncommon for eunuchs, if such were present, to be housed in the harem. i4 See Green, "Origins," 56-62-for the possible connection between the giant lyres of Amarna and the instrument depicted on the Inandiktepe vase and the implications for the origins of the Amarna lyre-players and the cultic use and significance of this instrument. i5 L. Manniche, "Symbolic Blindness," Chronique d'Egypte 53/ 105 (1978) 14; idem, Music and AflLl"uians in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum, 1991) 92. 76 E.g., O. R. Gurney, Some A.lpecLr if Hittite Rel~gion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977) pIs. 7, 8; Dominique Collon, "Banquets in the Art of the Ancient Near East," lJanquets d'Orient (ed. R. Gysclen; Res Orientales, 4; Bures-sur-Yvette: Groupe pour I'Etude de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient, 1992) 26-28. 77 BillieJean Collins, "Ritual Meals in the Hittite Cult," in Ancient Magic and Ritual Power (cd. Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki; Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 129; Leiden, 1995) 85. 73 Inge Nielsen, "Royal Banquets: The Development of Royal Banquets and Banqueting Halls £1'om Alexander to the T etrarchs," Meals in a social context: aspects if the communal meal in the Hellenistic and Roman world (ed. lnge Nielsen and Hanne Sigisrnund Nielsen; Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 199B) 103; Os,,,yn Murray, "Hellenistic Royal Symposia," in Aspects q/Helleniftic Kingship (cd. Per Bilde, T. Engberg-Pedersen, L. Hannestad and]. Zahle; Studies in Helleniftic CilJili:::;atiorl, 7; Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1996) 16,22. 79 I am indebted to Prof. Laurel Bowman of the University of Victoria for this pithy

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of excluding non-members, demonstrating solidarity and setting out hierarchies amongst attendees. so By this time, needless to say, the religious symbolism which dominated the Bronze Age Hittite feasts had been subsumed into the other aspects of the feast as a social or political event (i.e., "solidarity feasts"), the latter being particularly important in the Macedonian monarchy. However, the use of eating and drinking as metaphors for political actions expressed in the Mari documents obviously had its counterpart in much later periods. Another, nearly contemporary example of musicians accompanying ceremonial banquets comes from the Hittite court of the thirteenth century B.C. A text details the ritual for a feast attended by both the king and queen which was being held to honour the war god. An orchestra of musicians playing flutes, trumpets, drums, lyres, lutes, hunzinars and other instruments was to accompany each phase of the banquet. sl Instrumental or vocal music occurred at specific intervals throughout the feast, from the libations which began the banquet to the final homage to the sun-god. Their role here, as in Egypt, is to transfer symbolically the essence of the food being consumed to the deity via the medium of the music. As Lise Manniche noted, in the context of presentation of food as temple offerings, the Atcn's general lack of anthropomorphic, or even zoomorphic characteristics, other than arms made it difficult to visualize the deity consuming the food. "Music had previously been employed to symbolize this process, but during the Amama period it became essential. It is possible that invisible essence (sound) emanating from the tangible object (the musician or his instrument) was interpreted as symbolic of the immaterial substance transferred to the deity from the actual food offerings presented in the temple or the palace."82 When they are present at royal banquets, she argued, they served as similar function. In Manniche's view, the mUSICIans are "transferring the essence of the food to the king who is 'god."'83

phrase and for her advice on this matter and references to Plato. There is a considerable literature on the .rymposion in the classical world, including !iJmpotica: A !iJmposium on the !iJmposium (cd. Oswyn Murray; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990). 80 Peter Garnsey, Food and Society in Classical Antiquify (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999) 128. 81 Gurney, Hittite Religion, 31, 34. 82 Lise Manniche, "Music at the Court of the Sun-Disk," Amama Letters (San Francisco: KMT Communications, 1991) 65. 83 Manniche, "Symbolic Blindness," 14.

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In many ancient cultures, due to its status as a prestige food, meat offering was the centre of the ritual of sacrifice, although other foods might certainly be offered. The motif of the meat eaten at ritual or ceremonial banquets being from sacrifices is also widespread throughout the ancient world. As mentioned previously, in Bronze Age Hittite culture, ritual sacrifice-banquets of different types were presided over by the king and queen. 84 In Greece, those who consumed sacrifices might have been the original "parasites," a term derived from sitesis, a word which described a type of ritualized formal dining, perhaps taking place in the building which contained the state hearth. 85 They assisted at the sacrifices made at state festivals and because sunestai, or "co-eaters" at the subsequent banquet. In Rome, meat was the primary food of the banquets which followed religious ceremonies, meals which had become progressively more exclusive throughout the Hellenistic and Roman eras. 86 In Egypt the temple staff at least had always shared in the food sacrificed, in the form of "reversion offerings."87 Others may have shared in the benefits as well,88 as less "prestigious" cuts of meat and probably loaves of bread as well were perhaps given to royal workmen or even sold. The political power of kingship had always depended greatly upon the accumulation of resources and control of their redistribution. 89 Food, wine, beer and other agricultural products were certainly amongst the most valuable assets of the crown. Even if not eaten right away, meats and cereals could be preserved and stored for redistribution at a later date, or at a greater distance. In the reign of Akhenaten, as Salima Ikram and Barry Kemp have noted, at Amarna there is ample evidence for direct royal control of distribution of resources, especially those of the templesYo Kemp identified the site of this re-distribution B4 R. Lebrun, "Aspects particuliers du sacrifice dans Ie monde hittite," Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the International Conference organized by the Katholieke U niversiteit Leuven from 17 -20 April 1991 (ed. J. Quaegebeur; Leuven: Peeters, 1993) 231-32; Gurney, Hittite Religion, 30-32, 35-36. 85 Zaidman, "Ritual Eating," 197, 198, 200. 86 Garnsey, Food and Society, 123-24, 131-32, 134-35. 87 A.H. Gardiner, "The Mansion of Life and the Ma~ter of the King's Largess," JEA 123 (1938) 87-88. 88 BarryJ. Kemp, "Food for an Egyptian City" in Barry J. Kemp, Delwen Samuel and Rosemary Luff, "Food for an Egyptian City: Tell el-Amama," Jt7zither Environ7Tulltal Archaeology? (cd. Rosemary Luff and Peter Rowly-Conwy; Oxbow Monograph 38; Oxford: Oxbow Books, 1994) 139, 143. 119 Kemp, "Food for an Egyptian City," 137. 90 Salima Ikram, Choice Cuts, 223; Kemp, Ancient E.gypt, 289.

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as the "Window of Appearances," from the evidence of the Horemheb Edict and of reliefs from the Amarna tombs. 91 As noted by Dieder in his essay on "Patron-Role" feasts, the lavish banquets given by African chiefs and kings correspond to a "specific form of what has been called 'redistribution'" as a method of institutionalizing power relationships.92 This was certain the case in the other Bronze Age banquets studied above. Erik Hornung was puzzled by the evidence of consumption of large quantities of wine, oil and honey at Amarna in the absence of the traditional festival calendar. 93 However, the intertwining of royal cult and divine worship was closer than usual during the reign of Akhenaten, and was, as we have seen, further imbued with political overtones. Thus, the reliefs of ritual banqueting shown in the Karnak talatat might be seen as depictions of a form of reversion offering. As noted by Leprohon, the scenes from the tomb of Ahmes 94 in which men are seen carrying goods in and out of the doors of the sanctuary appear to have similar import to Panehsy's prayers for "a receiving of offerings which came from every festival of the living Aten in the bwt-bnbn."95 Huya also expresses a wish that he receive bread, roast meat, beer and a list of other foods" that issue [from the Mansion of the Aten in Akhet-Aten]."96 Something similar to these reversion offerings, from the offering tables of the Aten, may be taking place in the scenes of royal banquets from the tombs of Huya, Ahmes, Penthu and Meryre II. The clue may well lie in the presence of the musicians. As noted above, the presence of musicians in the temples is explained by the use of music to transfer the essence of the offering to the realm of the divine. These reliefs may represent a redistribution not only from the altars of the Aten, but from the tables of that other god worshipped at Akhetaten: the king. The king's consumption of these offerings may be done more obviously than that of the featureless sun-disk which can only touch the oblations. Thus the role of the king in providing for his subjects is paralleled by his role as intermediary for the Aten. Perhaps, just as the Aten could be reached via the king

Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 212-13, 278, fig. 92, 288. DietIer, "Theorizing the Feast," 83. 9:, Erik Hornung, Akhenaten and the Reli,,(riOI1 if Light (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995) 109-110. 94 Davies, Amama. III, pI. xxx. 95 RJ Leprohon, "Cultic Activities in the Temples at Amarna," AkJumaten Temple Prqject, 2, 49. <)6 Davies, Amarna, III, pI. ii; translation following l'vlurnane, TexLf, 131. 91

92

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"who alone knows [the god]", so the god rewarded his faithful through his "son's" distribution of temple largesse. This system nicely combines cultic function and political patronage, as evidenced by the Karnak scenes. At Amarna there is also less need for depiction of commensal ceremonial banquets to establish the tomb owner's precedence and favour at court. That function is fulfllied more blatantly by the many reward scenes in which the official is showered with gold and other signs of royal favour, as well as food.

HATIAY, SCRIBE DU TEMPLE D'ATON

A MEMPHIS

Alain Zivie Dans sa monographie si personnelle consacree a Akhenaton et plus particulierement aux premieres annees de son regne, Donald Redford, Ie savant et l'ami que nous celebrons a travers ce volume, rappelle avec justesse que: "One must constant[y return to the Ol~ginal sources, the hierog[yphic inscnptions and the archaeological remains if Akhenaten's period, in order to avoid dil,tortiorz."1 C'est la un rappel plus que jamais necessaire quand on songe au developpement des etudes amarniennes depuis quelques annees, mais aussi a la dis torsion trop frequente que certains exercent sur les sources et les faits relati['l a cette periode particulicre afin de les faire entrer dans des schemas prc(:tablis et somme toute artificiels. C'est pourquoi je suis heureux de pn'~senter ici brievement une decouverte toute recente faite par la Mission Archeologique Fran<;aise du Bubasteion a Saqqara. Celle-ci vient souligner une nouvelle fois combien il faut tenir compte de toutes les sources concernant cette periode, meme et surtout si cUes ne sont ni thcbaines, ni "akhetatoniennes," et me me et surtout si elles ne cadrent pas avec ce qu'on croit savoir de la pretendue linearite de I'evolution des choses a cette periode. Pour situer cette decouverte dans son contexte, il nollS faut d'abord nous rendre au l\1usee du Caire. Le Musee Egyptien, ce jeune centenaire, abrite en eifet dans sa salle 17 du premier etage, un sarcophage provenant d'un ensemble d'objets funeraires, certes remarquable mais aussi etrange, car visiblement incomplet compte tenu de la qualite de certains de ses elements et de la position sociale des personnages concernes. Ce materiel funeraire date de la seconde moitie de la XVIIle dyna'ltie et appartenait a un certain Hatiay, ainsi qu'a trois personnages feminins, probablement membres de sa famille. L'ensemble, constitue de cercueils (avec leurs momies) et d'objets divers, a ete exhume en 1896 a Thebes, "au pied de la coHine de Cheikh Abd-el-Gournah", par Georges Daressy, dans une tombe restee, semble-t-il, inviolee jusqu'alors, mais qui tenait plus d'une cachette que d'une sepulture proprement dite, digne d'un tel materiel funeraire. Comme publication,

I

Donald B. Redford, Akhenaten, the Heretic .King (Princeton, 1984) 4-5.

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nous ne disposons que du rapport detaille de l'inventeur. 2 Bien que, comme il n'est pas inutile de Ie rappeler, il s'agisse d'une decouverte remarquable a bien des egards, celle-ci est res tee et reste encore largement meconnue et l'ensemble n'ajamais ete systematiquement publie ni etudie depuis lors, bien qu'ille merite amplement. 3 Le personnage principal, Ie destinataire en quelque sorte de cette etrange sepulture, etait un homme nomme Hatiay (~UBy). II etait "scribe (s5) et chef des greniers (mr snwt) dans Ie sanctuaire d'Aton (m ~wt lin)," a moins qu'il ne faille plus probablement comprendre "scribe du chef des greniers dans Ie sanctuaire d'Aton."4 Parfois, il est seulement designe comme "scribe" (s5).5 Mais cet ensemble funeraire meconnu pose encore bien des problemes, en particulier relatifs ala personne et aux fonctions du personnage, ainsi que sur la nature meme de cette curieuse sepulture. Un fait inattendu rend encore plus malaisee l'etude de l'ensemble funeraire de Hatiay et de sa famille, si du moins il s'agit bien d'elle: c'est qu'il n'a malheureusement pas ete conserve dans Ie meme lieu apres sa decouverte, comme il a ete signale plus haut. Un element au moins n'est pas reste en Egypte. II y a avait en effet quatre cercueils dans la tombe, l'un appartenant a Hatiay lui-meme, Ie seul qui so it presente dans une salle d'exposition du Musee du Caire GE 31378), et trois autres appartenant a trois femmes differentes: Henoutoudjebou, Siamon (et non pas Satamon comme on pourrait s'y attendre) et Houy. Or, peu de temps apres la decouverte, Ie cercueil momiforme de Henoutoudjebou (Ie plus beau des trois cercueils feminins) a ete acquis, par l'entremise de H. Brugsch, par un Americain de Saint-Louis, Charles Parson, qui l'a offert a l'Universite de cette ville. L'objet a ete conserve depuis lors en plusieurs endroits (il est desormais presente a la Washington University Gallery of Art) et il avait pratiquement ete oublie jusqu'a ce

2 Voir Daressy, ASAE 2 (1901) 1-13. Pour I'inventaire detaille des objets, essentiellement conserves au Musee du Caire, c( PM, TB /12, 2e. ed., 672. 3 A I'exception cependant du principal sarcophage feminin, qui a quitte I'Egypte pour les USA peu de temps apres la decouverte (cf. infra). 4 En tout cas, un examen rap ide du sarcophage, toujours inedit, de Hatiay au Musee (IE 31378) m'a permis de reperer un passage ou I'on a, apres une lacune (pour ss?): n mr snwt, ce qui semblerait corroborer la lecture "scribe du chef des greniers"(ou "du double grenier" si I'on prcfere comprendre mr snwty). S La encore, Ie fait que dans les presentations abregees on ait seulement Ie titre de "scribe" pourrait bien indiquer que Ie titre complet etait "scribe du chef des greniers." Sinon, il semble qu'on aurait prCfcrc Ie titre plus important et plus precis de "chef des grcniers."

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que Ie Musee de Cleveland ne Ie rappel at a la lumiere dans Ie cadre de sa celebre exposition consacree a Amenhotep III et que Lawrence Berman ne lui consacrat toute l'attention qu'il meritait. 6 Les choses se compliquent encore--a moins qu'elles ne se simplifient~lorsqu'on opere un rapprochement entre l'ensemble funeraire de Hatiay et sa famille (ou une partie de sa famille), decouvert a Thebesouest et conserve au Caire (a l'exception au moins du cercueil de Henoutoudjebou), et un objet isole conserve quant a lui au Musee des Antiquites (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden) de Leide en HoUande. II s'agit d'un objet a destination funeraire, une canne ayant appartenu eUe aussi, d'apres son inscription, a un certain Hatiay.7 Or, ce Hatiay porte justement Ie titre de "scribe des greniers (ss snwt), mais apres des epithetes banales (w~m C"nb et nb im3b) suivant son nom, figurent les mots suivants: "la maison Oe temple) d'Aton a Memphis" (Itn pr~pour pr Itn m Mnnfr). II est difficile de ne pas penser qu'on a affaire au meme personnage. En ce cas, cet objet apporte deux precisions importantes. Tout d'abord, la mention sur la canne du seul titre ss snwt, et non pas du titre mr snwt, plus important et plus precis, laisse bien entendre que, comme on l'a suppose, ss snwt est une version abregee de ss mr snwt au en tout cas implique ce dernier, meme quand il n'est pas mentionne: Ie scribe des greniers travaillait sous l'autorite du chef des greniers du temple en question. D'autre part, Ie sanctuaire au temple d' Aton (designe par Ie terme ~wt au pr selon Ie cas) auquel sa charge rattachait Hatiay, etait cclui de Memphis 8 et non pas l'un des sanctuaires atoniens de Thebes au d'Akhetaton. Mais alors, pourquoi cette inhumation thebaine de Hatiay et d'une 6 Voir A. KozlofT et B. Bryan, avec L. Bennan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and his T-Varld (Cleveland, 1992) nO 61, 312-17. NoteI' que dans son essai sur Ie cercueil de Henoutoucljebou, Berman mentionne que !'on ignore la localisation des deux autres cercueils feminins (Ibid., 312), comme s'ils n'etaient pas ou plus au Musee du Caire. Voir aussi A. KozlofT, "The Decorative and Funerary Arts during the Reign of Amenhotep III," in Amenhotep Ill: Perspectives on His Reign (ed. D. O'Connor et E. H. Cline; Ann Arbor, 1998) 119-20, qui pense que ce sarcophage a ete fabrique dans un atelier royal, comme quelques autres rares exemples qui ant survecu de cette epoqlle. Signalons encore que Ie ccrcuei! de Henoutoudjebou a egalement figure dans une exposition tenue a Cincinnati en 1996: cr. A. Capel et G. Markoe (cd.), Mistress qjthe House, Mistress qf Heaven" nO 91, 168-169. Un beau chaouabti au meme nom (Ialeda Museum qj Art nO 1993.52) figure egalement dans Ie catalogue (nO 74, 149), OU il est presente, un peu trop rapidement, comme appartenant a la meme dame. 7 N° 1.86 (Lcemans, Al(,g. Mon., II, pI. 85, 86). L'objet est publie et commente (sans reproduction) par Ali Hassan, Stikke und Stiibe im Pharaanischen Aegypten bis ZlLm Ende des Neuen Reiches (Mii'S 33), nO 43, l55. 8 Un temple plutot bien mal connu au demeurant. Cf. a son sujet B. Lohr, SAK

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partie eventuelle de sa famille? Et si la canne ne provient pas de cette tombe, comme cela semble clair, d'ou provient-elle et pourquoi n'etaitelle pas dans Ia tombe thebaine? En fait, Ia mention du temple d'Aton memphite sur la canne de Leide confrrme la provenance averee de cet objet: comme nombre d'autres objets funeraires du Nouvel Empire du Musee de I..eide, il provient de la necropole memphite et a du en fait avoir ete decouvert a Saqqara par les pilleurs et rabatteurs qui sevissaient sur Ie site pour Ie compte des antiquaires et collectionneurs cairotes. 9 Mais si l'objet provient de Saqqara et s'il s'agit bien du meme Hatiay que celui de Thebes, comme c'est probable, comment expliquer ces provenances difTerentes et si eloignees, alors qu'on a affaire au me me ensemble funeraire? A cette question il ne peut avoir qu'une seule reponse, qui viendrait du reste corroborer ce que Ie caractere fruste et incomplet de l'inhumation thebaine pouvait laisser supposer: il y a eu demenagement de la sepulture ou plutot d'une partie de son mobilier, a commencer par Ie sarcophage de Hatiay lui-meme, depuis une tombe memphite "normale" jusqu'a une tombe thebaine de fortune, realisee en toute hate. A moins que des l'origine, certains elements, a commencer par les momies et leurs cercueils,lo n'aient pas ete amenes a leur lieu de destination primitif. II Telle etait jusqu'a present l'etat de nos connaissances, brievement resumees, relatives a un personnage nomme Hatiay qui exef(;ait la charge de scribe (du cheD des greniers, peut-etre au debut du regne d'Amenhotep IV, et dont les vicissitudes de la destinee post mortem restent encore a eclaircir. ~;[ais un point nouveau do it main tenant etre signale. II s'agit de la decouverte, en Novembre 2001 a Saqqara, d'une tombe

2 (1975) 144 sq. Voir aussi C. Traunecker,]SSEA 14 (1984) 60 sq. 9 C'est du reste ainsi que les choses sont presentees dans la seconde edition de la Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Hieroglyphic Texts, ReliifJ', and Paintings, III (Oxford, 1960 sq.) 775, consacree a Memphis, sous la direction de Jaromir Malek, grand specialiste lui-meme des sepultures memphites du Nouvel Empire. 10 Mais Hatiay, voire Henoutoudjebou, n'ont-ils pas eu plus d'un cercueil comme c'est souvent Ie cas a cette epoque pour les personnages d'un certain niveau social (cf. Stuart Tyson Smith, MDAIK48 [1992] 193-231). Et dans ce cas, d'autres cercueils, destines a contenir ceux qui ont ete decouverts a Thebes, ne sont-ils pas restes ailleurs? II II reste egalcment une tres faible possibilite que, compte tenu des conditions dans lesquelles se sont deroulees la decouverte et la fouille de Ia tombe thebaine, telles qu'elles apparaissent dans Ie rapport de Daressy (loc. cit., 1-2), des objets aient "echappe it l'attention" du fouilleur. Mais si la chose est envisageable pour un chaouabti comme celui mentionne pus haut (Toledo A1useum of Art), dIe est beaucoup moins probable pour un baton ou une canne.

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qui pourrait avoir une relation avec ce Hatiay. Les elements exhumes sont encore trop peu nombreux et trop peu clairs pour parvenir a des conclusions fermes. Mais toujours est-il que la Mission Archeologique Fran<;aise du Bubasteion, so us la direction de l'auteur de ces lignes, a mis au jour une nouvelle sepulture rupestre, ou semi-rupestre, Iegerement a l'ouest de celles deja decouvertes et fouillces par la Mission. 12 Celle-ci a re<;u provisoirement Ie nO Buhasteion 1.27. Ce sont essentiellement des raisons techniques (reamt~nagement des masses de deblais qui mena<;aient de tomber sur Ie site deja degage et poursuite de I'etude de la chapelle de Penrenout ... tombe Buhasfeion 1.21) qui ont permis de degager de nouvelles entrees de tombes (Buhasteion 1.22-1.26), malheureusement tres degradees du fait d'anciens ecoulements d'eau provenant d'une canalisation du resl-hou..,-e du Conseil Supreme des Antiquites, il y a plus de deux decennies. Le reamenagement des deblais a cependant permis de reperer une nouvelle tombe mi-construite, mi-rupestre, qu'on n'a fait qu'entrevoir pour I'essentiel, et qui pourrait s'averer fort importante. 13 Dans une inscription figurant a l'exterieur, sur une architrave coiflant des colonnes en calcaire (vraisemblablement un portique), Ie proprietaire de la tombe, s'il s'agit bien de lui, est appele Raiay (R r i5y) et il est qualifie de "scribe du tresor (ss pr-~d) du temple d'Aton a Memphis (n pr '[tn m Mnnfr)." Mais ailleurs, sur un relief egalement en calcaire encore en place, Ie meme personnage--·selon toute apparence·est simplement "scribe du tresor du temple d'Aton" et il porte cette fois Ie nom de Hatiay (~?tBy). On ne laisse pas d'etre surpris de prime abord par ces deux noms designant la meme personne (c'est l'hypothese la plus probable, compte tenu du contexte general des inscriptions qui les mentionnent et du fait que Rfuay comme Hatiay y portent un titre quasi identique et que l'epouse mentionnee se nomme chaque fois Mala).14 II faut peut-etre 12 La Mission Archeologique Franpise dl! Bubasteion (MAFB) re<;oit ses subsides du Minist<':re des AfTaires Etrangcres (DGCID) et depend {~galement dll Centre National de la Recherche Scientifiql!e (UMR 8567). Elk re<;oit egalement des aides occasionnelles, comme, en 200 I, des banqlles CCF (Paris) et eIE (Le Caire) et de la National Geographic Society. Sur les travallx et les decouvertes de la MAFB depuis ses debuts, voir A. Zivie, in Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (ee\. M. Barta et J. Krejci; Prague, 2000) 173-92. 13 La decouverte a t'te naturellemcnt enregistree par les autoritcs du site de Saqqara. L'!nspecteur en charge de notre mission etait M. Samy EI-Husseiny, assiste de M. Said Gad, la direction du site etant assuree par M. Adcl Hussein, que nous remercions tOtiS trois pour leur aide. La tombe a etc rensablee en partie et protegee par tine couverture en ma<;onnerie en attendant la reprise des f(milles. 14 Comme la nourrice royale .Mai·a (sans doute un diminutif dt! nom Mout ou

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en deduire que }'homme avait un nom complet qui pouvait s'abreger de deux manieres, soit a partir du premier eU~ment, soit a partir du second. On songe alors a un nom comme *Raemhat (*Rr-m-Mt), qui pourrait donner en principe les diminutifs Raiay et Hatiay.15 Mais ce nom n'est pas connu, semble-t-il; en tout cas, il n'est pas sign ale dans les Personnennamen de Hermann Ranke. Une hypothese peuH~tre moins acrobatique qu'il n'y parait vient alors a l'esprit, si du moins Raiayet Hatiay dans la tombe Bubasteion 1.27 sont bien les deux designations d'un seul et meme personnage, comme cela parait avere. L'homme aurait pu s'appeler a l'origine Amenemhat, couramment abrege en Hatiay (et variantes) comme les autres theophores mettant une divinite "en avant" (m-~U). Cette forme courte aurait ete d'autant plus appreciee qu'un nom comme Amenemhat, pour un homme occupant d'importantes fonctions au temple d' Aton memphite, devait ctre de plus en plus difficile a porter. 16 D'ou a un certain moment, par prudence, ou opportunisme, ou par adhesion sincere, Ie rempacement d'Amon par Ra ou meme Aton, voire Ra-AtonY Cela s'est vu ailleurs et on en a un excellent excmple avec Mery-Neith alias Mery-Ra, dont la superbe tombe (qui contenait encore une statue de couple exceptionnelle, presque immediatement transferee dans la salle amarnienne du Musee du Caire) a ete redecouverte a Saqqara, en 2001 egalement, par la mission archeologique du Musee de Leide dirigee par Martin Raaven et Rene van Walsem. 18 Le nom originel de son detenteur, d'un nom commenc.:ant par Mout, comme Ie suggere une variante graphique en ~ft de la tom be Bubasteion 1.20). 15 Cf.l'exemple de la femme d'Aper-EI (tombe Bubasteion 1.1), donl Ie nom semble avoir ete sous sa forme compli~te Taouret (Toueris?) et qu'on trouve parfois designee, dans la tombe Bubasteion 1.1 et sur Ie materiel funeraire qui y a ete exhume, par les diminutifs Ouriay (Ouriai) et Touy. 16 On se souviendra en passant que I'un des fils du vizir et pere divin Aper-EI, represente dans la niche centrale de la tombe de ce dernier (Bubasteion 1.1), un premier prophete de Nefertoum, se nommait egalement Hatiay. La encore, d'apres quelques traces d'une autre inscription de la chapelle (pilier sud-est, face cst), Ie nom complet pourrait avoir ete Amenemhat (ou eventuellement Montouemhat). 17 Cette reconstitution peut paraitre une vue de I'esprit, mais ce dernier nom existe, et dans Ie voisinage de la tombe Bubasteion 1.27 justement: on trouve en effet dans la tombe dite "des artistes" (Bubasteion 1.1.9) decouverte en 1996 par la MAFB et appartenant a une famille de "directeurs des peintres dans la Place de Maat (mr ss(w)-*d m st MITt)," la mention (inscriptions du plafond) d'un certain Ra dont Ie nom a ete modifie par Ie rajout, d'une couleur differente, d'Aton. Compte tenu des traces et du manque de place, il semble qu' Aton remplace la terminaison "ia" du premier nom, Raia. La chose est plutat etonnante. 18 Voir RoMeO (publication du Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden) 13/1,2002,

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Mely-Neith y a ete en eHet remplace par celui de Mery-Ra, une necessite sans doute d'autant plus forte que Ie personnage etait en devenu grand-pretre du temple d'Aton i Akhetaton et i Memphis. 19 Reste bien evidemment une difference importante dans les titres du Hatiay de Thebes (et de la canne provenant de Saqqara) et du Hatiay, alias Raiay de la tom be Buhasteion 1.27, qui pourrait sembler faire obstacle i l'etablissement d'une identification sure et certaine entre les deux personnages. Le premier etait en effet scribe du double grenier ou des greniers du temple memphite d' Aton, sans doute sous l'autorite du directeur de la meme institution; tan dis que Ie second etait scribe du tresor de ce meme temple (ou, peut-on supposer en extrapolant i partir du ca<; precedent: scribe du directeur du tresor de ce sanctuaire?). l\fais est-ce vraiment Ii un obstacle redhibitoire? Ce n'est pas certain. Il peut y avoir eu evolution de la carriere de cet homme et il ne faut peut-etre pas prendre trop strictement ces titres et fonctions, rendus au demeurant de maniere assez flottante, on l'a vu. Pour ma part en tout cas, je tendrais i laisser la porte ouverte et en tout cas entrouverte. Il peut y avoir coincidence certes, mais l'existence de la canne de Leide peut s'averer constituer un element d'identification essentiel si dIe provient bien de Saqqara et done vraisemblablement du pillage moderne de ceUe tombe ou de ses environs (pillage d'anciens pillages comme cela est arrive si souvent). Seule la progression de Ia fouille de la tombe Buhasteion 1.27 permettra peut-etre de trancher definitivement et de confirmer qu'on a retrouve la tombe originelle, digne du personnage et de son importance, de Hatiay, scribe (pour s'en tenir i une presentation simplifiee de ses titres et charges) du temple d'Aton de Memphis. Si tel est Ie cas, on esperera decouvrir aussi, avec la reprise et la progression des fouilles, des indices permettant de comprendre les circonstances qui ont entraine cette sorte d'enterrement thebain "i la sauvette" que l'on devine avoir ete Ie sien; i moins qu'il n'y ait eu en quelque sorte "demenagement" de sa sepulture primitive, ce

3-11; M. Raaven, in E,gyptian Archaeology 20 (2002) 26-28; R. van Walsem, in Phoenix 47 (2001). 19 Meryneith/MeryTil exerc;ait-il vraiment une double charge, dans les temples d'Aton d'Amarna et de Memphis, comme Ie pensent Ies inventeurs de sa tombe? Ne pourrait-on plutat supposeI' qu'avec la creation d'Akhetaton et sa preeminence religieuse (sinon politico-administrative) evidente, on a voulu indiquer que Meryneith/Meryra Crait grand-pretre de l'Aton de (dans) Akhetaton--Ia fimne divine par excellenc~-au temple d' Aton de Memphis, ce qui est different?

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qui revient presque au meme: quelque chose se serait passe qui aurait entraine ces vicissitudes funeraires. Comme ce materiel date de ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler la "Periode Amarnienne" au sens large (que l'on peu definir comme allant de la fin du regne d'Amenhotep III au regne d'Horemheb), on pourrait vite imaginer des explications Iiees aux ale as politico-religieux de ce temps. l\1ais souvenons-nous que Ie present article commen<;ait sur un avertissement bienvenu de Donald Redford dans son ouvrage sur Akhenaton. Les mots qui suivent cet avertissement valent aussi la peine d'etre cites: "No one Lf absolved, qf course,from using criticalfaculties in evaluating these sources; but to ignore them inffwor qfflights qffantasy li utter fll£y."2o Dans Ie cas de Hatiay aussi, parce que justement on se situe en cette periode qui a suscite et suscite tant d'interpretations et de reconstitutions gratuites, on doit se mefier de toute reconstitution abusive. Mais on do it aussi prendre garde a ne pas avoir une vision trop lineaire et progressive de cette periode, centree sur les seules sources thebaines et "akhetatoniennes." Si l'on s'en tient en effet a une vision classique de la montee de I'atonisme et de l'evolution paralleIe de son expression artistique, tout semblerait indiquer, d'apres Ie style des objets funeraires de Hatiay retrouves a Thebes, que ce materiel date du regne d' Amenhotep III, sans doute meme de la fin du regne, et tout au plus du debut du regne d'Amenhotep IV si l'on prend en compte Ie titre principal de Hatiay, qui l'associe au temple d'Aton (a Memphis). Le peu qu'on connait pour l'instant de la tombe de Saqqara Bubasteion 1.27 pourrait donner la meme impression. l\1ais la datation des monuments et des objets de ces annees cruciales est encore trop souvent fondee sur un refus obstine d'admettre que les cultes et les pratiques funeraires traditionnelles, ainsi que les modes de representation en vigueur dans les dernieres annees du regne d'Amenhotep III, ont perdure sous Ie regne de son fIls, en particulier en dehors de la ville d'Akhetaton meme. C'est bien Ie cas avec Hatiay: la presence des divinites funeraires classiques, Ie caractere traditionnel des pratiques et du materiel funeraires, Ie fait meme que la dame Henoutoudjebou de l'inhumation thebaine etait "chanteuse d'Amon"--~tout comme d'ailleurs la dame Mala mentionnee dans la tombe Bubasteion 1.27 de Saqqara---tous ces faits, selon la vision traditionnelle de la Periode Amarnienne, ne devraient simplement pas etre. Mais pourtant iis sont (malheureusement, penseront les adeptes 20

Redford, Akhenaten, 5.

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d'une vision sans nuances de cette periode particuliere)21 et ils impliqueraient alors, parait-il, qu'il faille dater la tom be memphite comme Ie materiel thebain de Hatiay, du tout debut du regne d'Amenhotep IV au plus tard, com me on l'a deja vu. 22 Mais en realite, la situation comme la question restent heureusement ouvertes. Et ce qui est en tout cas certain, c'est que l'etude de la Periode Amarnienne au sens large va devoir compter de plus en plus avec Memphis et avec Ie ou les sanctuaires d'Aton de Memphis dont il n'est pas inutile de rappeler qu'on ne sait pratiquement pas grand chose actuellement. Les deux decouvertes de l'annee 2001 a Saqqara-celles des missions hollandaise et fran<;aise-viennent a point pour Ie rappeler.

21 Sur ces questions et en particulier sur la Il{~ccssite de decentrer notre vision de I'histoire amarnienne sous peine d'aboutir it une histoire fantasmee, voir A. Zivie, introduction it I'edition fran\aise de Cyril Aldred, Akhenat~n, rai d'Egypte (Paris, 1997) 7-19. Cf. aussi Christian Cannuyer, "D'Egypte et de Bible," l"-'filanges de Science Religieuse 59/2 (Lille, 2(02) 1-82. 22 La tombe d'Aper-EI et sa famille constituent un autre exemple de choix d'un monument et d'un materiel funeraire dont la realisation et I'installation se sont faites au cours d'une peri ode assez longue, induant au moins les dix premieres annees du regne d'Akhenaton, meme si les e){~ments ou les aspects proprement "amarniens", au sens des manucls en vigueur, ne sont pa~ nombreux: cf A. Zivie, Decouverte a Saqqara: 1.£ Vi/:ir Oublii (Paris, 1990) 141-75. La aussi, i1 faudra dl! temps avant que cette tombe et ce materiel soient pris en compte comme des sources a part entiere pour I'etude de la Periode Amarnienne.

THE TOPSY-TURVY WORLD Diane Flores The following is a perfect example of how "the picture tells the story," and how many pictures when viewed en masse may tell if not the whole story at least tip the balance toward one side of a debate. This contribution is offered in honor of Professor D.B. Redford's interest in folktales and the oral tradition of ancient Egypt, in thanks for providing one of the brightest spots in my academic career.

Introduction Ostraca, ceramic sherds or fragments of limestone that were used by the ancient Egyptians as "scratch paper" in lieu of more precious papyrus, have been found inscribed with texts, used as practice pieces for relief carving, or inked and painted with drawings. Among examples of this last use, several categories of intent have been identified. Some were quite clearly trial sketches intended as studies for works in other media. Others are thought to be copies from other works of art. In this vein, some have been identified as practice pieces used in the education of the upcoming generation of draughtsmen. Finally, a large number have been interpreted as sketched solely for the amusement of the artist and his friends (Davies 1917:235; Capart 1957:174; Peck 1978:31-32; Boston 1987:50). Many of the latter are humorous images that appear to parody genre scenes from the oflicial art by replacing the human actors with animals. Walking upright, the animals are depicted performing their roles equipped with the tools of their trade. We see laborers at their chores from culinary to agricultural, shepherds with their flocks, soldiers in their chariots, priests in processions, and the upper class at their leisure, pampered by their servants or entertained by musicians. Many of these images have been viewed as an expression of satirical social commentary. When one thinks how the days of the draughtsman were spent in recording the pious aspirations and braggart boast'> of men whose life-course he knew to have no resemblance to their memorials ... one cannot wonder

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if he [found] vent for his disgust ... in snatching up an unsullied flake and making his pen express the irony of life. (Davies 1917:236)

As satire tends to be topical, directed against specific and often transitory social or political evils, one would expect its cartoon expression to be a unique and somewhat spontaneous creation, as suggested above. However, among the humorous images on ostraca, a number of themes frequently recur. In fact, some of these themes also appear on the three extant illustrated papyri that also depict animals behaving like humans. It has been suggested that this fact may be evidence that the pictures on the ostraca are not whims of the moment, rather that they are grounded in particular stories. Thus, the recurring images, with their stock characters, may have illustrated a cycle of tales popular at the time (Brunner-Traut 1968:21, 1979: 17). Whether these were simply folktales or stories that had a didactic intent, however, cannot be discerned from the images alone. I

Role Reversals Many of the vignettes depicted on the ostraca and papyri place their animal protagonists in roles most unsuitable to their natures. Activities familiar from tomb and temple walls are played out by animals whose natural relationship as predator and prey are reversed. This is particularly apparent in the case of images involving cats and mice. A similar, but less drastic, reversal is portrayed in scenes depicting various species of predator playing the role of shepherd. This upsetting of the natural order is only one aspect of the Topsy-Turvy World.

The Cat and Mouse War On the fragmentary remains of an illustrated papyrus now in Turin, a battle is depicted where a mouse, in the traditional chariot-mounted stance of Pharaoh, storms a fortress manned by cats (plate I a). His cat enemies tumble helplessly beneath the leaping dogs that replace the I Brunner-Traut has discussed the differences between folktales (lv!iirchen) and fables. She feels that folktales arise from the same cultural well-spring as myth, and that fables can be considered a "literary invention" serving a didactic purpose, while suggesting that the core of the fable (the animal metaphor) is drawn from animal folktales (1955: 12-15; 1968:21-23). Whether or not one agrees with the designation "literary invention," the didactic purpose of such tales can be accepted as their distinguishing characteristic.

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team of horses usually depicted in such scenes. ~'1ouse soldiers, some with bows drawn, advance on the fortress, while another scales the walls by means of a ladder. Cats stand on the battlements weaponless, their arms extended in gestures suggesting supplication. As in the monumental reliefs from Medinet Habu and the Ramesseum, which this scene imitates, no doubt is left as to who the victor is. 2 In addition to this vignette, several, mostly fragmentary, ostraca appear to address the same topic (plate I). The majority depict a mouse in a chariot. On one, the mouse faces a cat, of which only the snout remains. This has been interpreted as the surrender of a cat to a mouse army commander (Brunner-Traut 1954:347, 1979: 15). On another, a dog is shown harnessed to a chariot. This image parallels the dog-drawn chariot on the Turin papyrus. Although in this image only part of one arm of the driver is preserved, it quite clearly is that of an animal, possibly a mouse. 3 Because the Turin papyrus battle scene so closely mimics the formula of monumental royal relie('), many have assumed that it was a direct parody motivated by political satire (see Omlin 1973:21-25 for a summary of opinions). However, the folktale motif of a war between cats and mice is widespread in the Near East. 4 Although no text survives of such a tale at this early date, it has been suggested these images are the pictorial record that documents its existence. A flat-backed figurine dated to the Roman period that depicts a cat and mouses in hand to hand combat has been interpreted as demonstrating the continued expression at a later date of this same folktale motif (Wiirfel 1953:70; Brunner-Traut 1955:20, motif 1). In these tales, a treacherous cat betrays its promise and provokes an organized retaliation by the mice. The mice gain the upper hand, but their supremacy is only temporary. Eventually the cats triumph,

2 See, e.g., the Ramesseum battle relief (Rosellini 1832: plate CVIII); also particularly the Karnak battle relief (Rosellini 1832: plate LIII). 3 Vandier d'Abbadie (1937: 158) identifies this animal as possibly a monkey, but it could just as well be a mouse. 4 Brunner-Traut (1954) provides a summary of the known texts of folktales from the Near East with this motif. The similarity in motif has also been observed betw'Cen the Cat and Mouse War and the Greek BatradlOrr~yomachie (the Frog and Mouse War) (Morenz 1954). 5 TeITacotta object in relief, dated to the first or second century AD, now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek, Copenhagen, iEIN 449 (see Mogensen 1922:87; Brunner-Traut 1988, figure 23; Houlihan 200 I: Ill, figure 122). Thc "mouse" on this object closely resembles the animals identified as foxes on another Roman period ceramic piece (see plate 18b), casting doubt on its interpretation as an expression of the tale.

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returning this topsy-turvy situation to one more in keeping with the natural order. A fragment of a wall painting dated to the Coptic period has been interpreted as depicting the final scene in this tale (figure 1). A delegation of mice carrying gifts approach a cat in order to sue for peace (Brunner-Traut 1954:347, 1955:20, motif 1). This return to order has been suggested as evidence that such scenes as the battle depicted on the Turin papyrus, reflecting as it does only part of the tale on which it is assumed to be based, could not have been intended as satire 6 (Brunner-Traut 1954:349-50). However, in this instance, the final victory of the cats may actually have been in accord with a satirical intent if mocking the mouse-king was the purpose. On the other hand, if this image of an upside-down world was meant to express the triumph of the weak over the mighty, the low over the high, then a return to the natural order would not only defeat the mice but a satirical intent as well. Who the artist intended the mice to represent is the key. 1he Pampered Nobiliry

The theme of the Cat and Mouse War has been extended to encompass the many images parodying domestic genre scenes where cats are the faithful servants of upper-class mice (Brunner-Traut 1979: 11115). The premise is that these images reflect the temporary supremacy of the mice. These scenes appear on ostraca as well as on the illustrated papyri now in Cairo and London. The incorporation of this set of images into the framework of this particular folktale motif emphasizes their function as a simple pictorial record of the story while rejecting the possibility that social commentary might have been the underlying intent (Brunner-Traut 1954:349). On the other side of the debate, these depictions of an upside-down world have been seen as the satirical reflection of social turmoil. Periods of social upheaval were known and are attested in the literature. "The Prophecies of Neferti" and "The Admonitions of Ipuwer" both recount such conditions. 7

{) Contra Wurfel, who states that the tale itself was used in the service of political satire (1953:69). Griffiths also makes the same assumption (1967:93). 7 These literary compositions are thought to have been vehicles for political propaganda, which, moreover, postdate the conditions they purport to describe (Lichtheim 1973: 139/149).

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I show thee the land upside down; the man weak of arm is [now] the possessor of an arm; men do the bidding of him who [once] did [other men's] bidding. I show thee the under most uppermost. (Gardiner 1914: 105) Behold, the poor of the land have become rich, and [the erstwhile owner] of property is one who has nothing. (Faulkner 1965:58) Behold, serving-men have become masters of butlers, and he who once was a messenger now sends someone else. (Faulkner 1965:58) Behold, she who had no box is now the possessor of a coffer, and she who had to look at her face in the water is now the possessor of a mirror. (Faulkner 1965:58)

As examples of a literary genre, these texts demonstrate the tendency to use the exaggerated concept of the upside-down world as a means of portraying social turmoil in a most negative light. The same tendency might be seen in a pictorial expression of such unsettled social conditions. That such a state of affairs would be a source for even sarcastic humor at first seems unlikely. Certainly, there is little humor in these laments. Moreover, although the lowly rabble appear to have the upper hand, the implication elsewhere in the texts is that all inevitably suffer due to the lack of order. However, that the lower classes, presumably the source of these images, shared this existential despair at the intrusion of chaos into the peace of a well-ordered fully-stratified society is doubtful. Obviously the humor depends on one's point of view. Nevertheless, it may not be necessary to look for social turmoil in order to place these images in context. The desire for the good life might be said to be "everyman's" dream. The thought of having the high and mighty as docile servants would be an extra bonus that might have enormously entertained the creators of these images. 8 8 WOrfel's suggestion (\953:69) that the underlying theme behind these images of the inversion of the natural order might be an expression of the concept that the weak need not always be subordinate-in line with the didactic lesson of the fable of the Lion and the Mouse----seems untenable. In that tale, the lion remains in character for a lion, except possibly in foregoing a small snack. And, in the end, the mouse's aid to the lion is well within the natural capacity of a mouse. Both, for the most part, remain true to their natures. There is no role reversal here. The lion does not become the mouse's servant. The mouse does not become the lion's master, rather his savior while still remaining a mouse. Scenes depicting the "mighty/predator" docilely serving the "weak/prey" are not an expression of the same idea. The lesson concerning

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Two categories of scenes portraying cats waltmg on mice are depicted on the ostraca and papyri. In one, a female mouse is attended by her hairdresser, who stands behind her making adjustments to her coiffure, while, in some cases, other servants provide her with drink, fan her, or tend her infant child (plate 2). These are intimate scenes ofladies at their toilette, which find limited parallels in the official art. A limestone sarcophagus dated to Dynasty 11 most closely parallels the scene on the Cairo papyrus. 9 Other instances of this genre dating from the end of the Old Kingdom through the New Kingdom have been documented on coffins and tomb walls lo (see Gauthier-Laurent 1938). The other type of scene, which may also represent the upper class at their leisure, depicts the comfortably seated master or mistress tended by servants who provide food and drink I I (plates 3, 4, and 5). Although occasionally the similarity to funerary repasts depicted on stelae l2 and elsewhere is noticeable (Vandier d'Abbadie 1946:69178), others are reminiscent of banquet scenes, in some cases including the musical entertainment. This suggests that many may in fact be domestic genre scenes similar to ones depicted on ostraca and tomb walls, placing them in a daily life, rather than a funerary, context. In this category of scenes, although the idle master is usually a mouse,13 in a few instances this is not the case (plate 4d & 4e). Additionally, in some instances the servants are also mice, 14 goats, 15 foxes, the arrogance of power and the unsuspected strength of the weak contained in this fable has little to do with the images under consideration here. 9 Limestone sarcophagus of Kawit from Deir el Bahari now in the Egyptian ~fuseum, Cairo,jdE 47397 (CGC LV: plate I). 10 See, e.g., the painted gessoed wood coffin of Ent-tefes from Gebclein, dated to the end of the Old Kingdom, now in the A'gyptisches Museum, Berlin, 13744 (\¥reszinski 1988:plate 85a); wall painting from the Dynasty 11 tomb of Kemsit at Deir el Bahari (Gauthier-Laurent 1938:678, figure 4); see also figure 2. II For another example, in addition to those illustrated here, see painted limestone ostracon now in the Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6442 (\¥erbrouck 1953: 116, figure 34). 12 See, e.g., New Kingdom limestone stela from Abydos now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CGC LXIV, 34.173). 13 In some ca~es, the shape of the animal's face, with its cat-like flattened snout, conflicts with the rounded mouse-like cars, making the intended species less than obvious. 14 In addition to the mouse-servant on the London papyrus, the servant on the ostracon in Boston, although identified as a cat (Boston 1987:50), has the mixed characteristics mentioned in the previous note. 15 See painted limestone ostracon from Deir cl Medina, IFAO 3510 (Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: plate XLV 2310; 1946:70).

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and dogs, and in one case a monkey musician (e.g., plates 3a, 4c, 5e, 14c). This mixing and matching of species playing the same roles, in what appears to be a somewhat stock scene, indicates that this class of images may not so easily be subsumed under the heading of the Cat and Mouse War. Thus, although some of these images may record a transitory phase in that story, others may reflect events in some other as yet unknown tale. On the other hand, they may be commentary on times of social turmoil, reflecting the point of view of the erstwhile underdog, or a humorous expression of one of the most basic desires of the "have-nots;" or they may be both, scenes from a tale pressed into the service of social commentary.

Courts

ifJustice

A small number of scenes deal with the subject of punishment (plate 6). Two of the ostraca shown here that depict this theme are very similar. Each has three actors-a cat, a mouse, and a child. In fact, on the reverse of one are written the words (tF mjt pnw P5 C"q'--the cat, [the] mouse, and the boy (Brunner-Traut 1979: 17). In one, the cat prepares to mete out the punishment the lord has decreed. The boy is to be the recipient of a beating. In the other, the boy and the cat trade places and the child now wields the cane. The only character who maintains his role in all three of the ostraca illustrated here is the mouse-noble. Because of the obvious dominance of the mouse in these scenes, they seem to express a theme similar to the images discussed above. The significance of the role reversal of the child and the cat is a mystery as it stands. Perhaps these depict different aspects of an unknown fable.

Shepherds and Their Flocks In a similar vein of role reversal, there are a series of images that depict predators shepherding flocks of geese (the term is used generically) and herds of goats. However, here the relationship is one of guardian and ward rather than master and servant. These scenes appear on both ostraca and papyri. On the Turin papyrus, a cat tends a flock of geese while two of his cohorts each tussles with one of their charges (plate 7a). One of the cats appears to be losing the fight, while the other apparently has his opponent cowed. The scene is more idyllic on the London papyrus, where the cat actually carries one of his younger charges (plate 7b). A number of ostraca

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depict very similar scenes, including one where jackals take the role elsewhere played by cats (plates 7 & 8). Another ostracon preserves an anomalous image on this theme. In this instance, a rather scruffy cat serves as a beast of burden for a large nest of apparently newly hatched goslings (plate 4a). All but the last of these images find parallels on tomb walls. 16 However, satire seems unlikely. 17 In fact, the similarity among most of the scenes is so striking that one cannot help but suspect that they all reference some common aspect of a folktale or fable. A Late Period faience piece, depicting a cat with his flock, may possibly be evidence for the continued survival of the tale (plate 8D. The shepherd with his goats is less well attested (plate 9). In a scene on the London papyrus, two foxes tend a small herd. One plays a double-flute, echoing a goatherd depicted on the wall of a Dynasty 19 tomb at Thebes. 18 Two ostraca also appear to deal with this theme. On one the shepherd, who has tentatively been identified as a hyena (Brunner-Traut 1979:54), strides along clutching his staff while his sole charge gambols before him. On the other, a fox plays a double-flute while a goat appears to dance, poised on her hind legs. Although it has been observed that on this ostracon the goat appears to be a later addition to the composition (Peck 1978:43), much has been made of this image. It has been suggested that it illustrates a fable that made its later appearance among those ascribed to Aesop (Capart 1939:340; Vandier d'Abbadie 1946: 75). In that tale, a goat, who finds herself at the mercy of a wolf, begs him as a last request to playa tune so she may dance before she dies. Fortunately, the herder's dogs hear the music and drive the wolf off. The tale ends with the wolf voicing the set-up line for the moral (Capart 1939:340). Whether this single, possibly composite, image can be viewed as sufficient support for the claim that this fable was known

Iti See, e.g., the wall painting from the Dynasty 18 tomb of Puyemre at Thebes (TT 39) (Davies 1922: plate XII); fragment of a wall painting from the Dynasty 18 tomb of Nebam un now in the British l'vIuseum, London, EA 37978 (\Voldering 1967: 125, plate XVI [shown in reverse]; Robins 1986:41, figure 34). 17 Although Wiirfel (1953:67-68), in his discussion of the theme, points out the absence of shepherding from the list of unappealing vocations mentioned in the "Satire on the Trades," he suggests that the instances of stereotyped caricature of shepherds known from tomb walls might indicate a satirical attitude toward the profession. Nevertheless, he appears to view these images as parodies of genre scenes illustrating an unknown fable and suggests the fable itself might have been satirical. 18 Wall painting from the Dynasty 19 tomb of Ipy at Deir el Medina (TT 217) (\Vreszinski 1988: plate 366).

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in Ramesside Egypt remains an open question. The final example in line with this theme appears on the Cairo papyrus (plate 9d). Here two foxes appear to be attending to the needs of a long horned cow in its stall. One carries a shoulder yoke from which jars hang. The other, having removed one of the jars, empties its contents into what must have been, before the papyrus deteriorated, a trough .

.Just like A4an Predator and prey role reversals are not the only means of expressing a Topsy-Turvy world. Many images simply depict animals acting like humans in situations that more often than not do not lend themselves to satire. Games

A small number of images depict animals playing games. On the London papyrus, a lion and an ibex sit opposite each other engrossed in a game of "Twenty Squares" 19 (plate lOa). Although here predator and prey confront each other, roles are not reversed. No one appears to have the upper hand. In fact, this seems to be more a scene from the "Peaceable Kingdom" than an expression of a power struggle. Moreover, although this image has been interpreted as a parody of the scene from Medinet Habu that depicts king and concubine similarly occupied 2o (Omlin 1973:22 citing Lcpsius), board games such as this were popular with all levels of the social strata 2! (Boston 1982:263). Thus it is just as likely there was no political satire intended. Another, unfortunately fragmentary, image also involves a board game (plate lOb). Not enough of the ostracon, which depicts a monkey reaching out for a similar game piece, remains to determine whether this is an animal behaving like a human or a monkey just being a monkey.22 What the touch of sadistic humor involving the scorpion

For identification of the game as "Twenty Squares," see Boston (1982:265). For the Medinet Habu relief, sec, e.g., Rossellini (1832: plate CXXU). 21 Sec, c.g., the wall painting from the Dynasty 19/20 tomb of Nebmaat at Deir el Medina (IT 219) (Wreszinski 1988: plate 49a). 22 Unlike this ostracon, there is no question that a Middle Kingdom limestone figurine now in the British Museum, London (11888) depicts monkeys playing a board game (Brunner-Traut 1955: plate I 3). 19

20

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and the monkey's tail is supposed to mean must also remain a mystery. Finally, two ostraca depict what appears to be juggling and some sort of ball game (plate lOc and lOd). While the animal with the ball on one of these ostraca is quite clearly a mouse, the animal on the other is difficult to identify, although the spiked ears are suggestive of a cat. 23 On the latter, the game appears to involve a human. This is a rather unique situation as humans rarely appear in conjunction with animals in this genre.

Priestly Duties Two ostraca preserve images of animals portraying priests (plate 11). On one, four jackal priests proceed along a waterway carrying the cult image of the jackal god Anubis 24 on their shoulders. Another priest appears to stoop to pour a libation while holding an incense burner in the other paw. A sixth priest holds what appears to be a papyrus, possibly the litany for a ritual. Such processions were depicted on temple walls and study sketches for these images are known from ostraca. 25 On another fragmentary ostracon, a fox wearing the shoulder sash of a lector priest carries a bouquet of foliage. Behind him, an ornate floral collar has been identified as the type that decorated the bows and sterns of sacred barques (Davies 1917:238). Thus this priest may also be participating in a procession. Possibly the choice of animals in these images is intended to express the idea of the rapaciousness of the priesthood or, in the one instance, the appropriateness of jackals serving a jackal god. 26 On the other hand, such processions were a common occurrence in ancient Egypt. There is no reason they should not have appeared in popular tales.

Domestic Duties Several ostraca and a small vignette on the London papyrus deal with the subject of brewing (plate 12). This activity is among those depicted

Vandier d'Abbadie (1959:185) suggests a fox. Brunner-Traut identifies the cult image a~ a mouse (1968: figure 14; 1979: 12, followed by Houlihan 2001:97) and as ajackal (1963:81). The object that appears to be an "imiut" standing behind the cult image suggests it might actually be Anubis. 25 See, e.g., Brunner-Traut (1956:plate IX 17 and plate X 23). 26 This seems the reverse of the expression "If triangles had a god, he would have three sides" (Charles de Secondat, Baron Dc Montesquieu, Lettres Persanes, 1721). 2]

2-1

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in genre scenes of daily life that appear on the walls of tombs. 27 On the papyrus, the main character has been identified as a hippopotamus (Brunner-Traut 1963:89). The same animal also appears to play the main role on the three ostraca. 23 The brewers' assistants on these ostraca are portrayed by goats, in each case carrying jars suspended from a shoulder yoke. On the papyrus, however, the assistant has been identified as a pig (Brunner-Traut 1963:89), who appears to be more actively involved in the brewing process. The ostraca depict the same activities performed by the same characters. The papyrus is a variation on the theme. Other than the observation that the hippopotamus is most suited to the heavy work of the brewer (Wiirfel 1953:70), there appears to be no satire here. Monkty29 Business On the wall of a late Middle Kingdom tomb, a monkey is shown assisting its mistress's hairdresser (figure 2a). Although it takes the role played elsewhere by a maidservant (figure 2b) (Vandier d'Abbadie 1965: 183-84), the intent behind this image was most likely simply to depict the humorous antics of a monkey. Of all animals, monkeys are the most man-like. Their natural behavior quite often appears to parody that of man. However, there are a number of images that portray monkeys involved in activities not likely for even the most precocious. In these instances, they behave like humans, and it is here that they enter the Topsy-Turvy World. One ostracon pictures a monkey carrying a shoulder yoke from which two large vessels are suspended 30 (plate l3a). A smaller monkey rides his shoulder. The image of a monkey perched on the shoulder of his human companion is common in the official art, where they are shown clambering all over their keepers,31 and can also be found

27 Sec, e.g., the wall painting from the Dynasty 18 tomb of Kenamoll at Thebes (fT 93) (Wreszinski 1988: plate 30 I). 28 That is, if the snout on one, the belly on another, and the thick ankles on the third arc sufficient for identification. 29 The term "monkey" is used generically. 30 A wall painting from the Dynasty 6 tomb ofNiankhpepy at Zawiyei el Maiyitin also depicts a monkey shouldering a yoke (see Fischer 1959:252, figure 19 = Houlihan 2001 :21, figure 9). 31 See Vandier d'Abbadie (1964:164-66) lor Old Kingdom examples of monkeys with their keepers and New Kingdom examples in which they arc often shown riding the shoulders of porters in tribute scenes (1966: 146-49).

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on ostraca (e.g., plate 13b). It is the smaller monkey's presence here that emphasizes the "humanness" of the one shouldering the yoke. On another ostracon a monkey is depicted performing the duties of a scribe (plate 13c). He appears to be recording the inventory of a grain harvest, while another monkey (the hairy arm, which is all that remains of the second figure, appears to be that of a monkey) holding a staff stands by in the role of lord of the estate. A short text above the former identifies him as "the scribe of the granary" (Vandier d' Abbadie 1946:58; 1966: 157). In that this image depicts an officious scribe and his master both as monkeys, it, more than the other images in this category, appears to lend itself to satire. Many small limestone figurines dated to the Amarna period portray monkeys engaged in a variety of activities. A few show monkeys driving chariots. 32 These have been interpreted as mocking parody of the many images of Akhenaten in his chariot seen on temple and tomb walls (Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933:99). Another depicts monkeys rowing a boat. 33 Many portray them as musicians. Finally, others depict monkeys just being monkeys, huddled together grooming or embracing as monkeys sometimes do,34 although here too satire has been suggested (Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933:99). The majority of these figurines were probably toys or knickknacks. Most appear to parody genre scenes with nothing more than benign humor as the intent. Considering the range of activities depicted and the fact that monkey figurines of this type are also known from Middle Kingdom sites (see n. 22 and n. 35), it seems unnecessary to single out a few of the Amarna pieces to carry the heavy weight of political satire.

Musicians and Dancers lViusician seems to have been the favored role for monkeys. Many of the extant figurines dated to the Amarna period show a monkey

32 Monkeys in chariots: see Dynasty 18 figurine from Arnama now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo,JdE 53021 (Frankfort and PendlebUlY 1933:99 and plate XXXI 4 = Houlihan 2001:64, figure 58); also an undated figurine now in the British Museum, London, 21984 (Brunner-Traut 1955: plate II 5, 1968: figure 27). 33 Monkeys in a boat: figurine from ,\mama (Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933: plate XXXI I). 3+ !'vlonkeys embracing or grooming: figurines from Amama (Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933: plate XXXI); also another, unprovenanced but thought to be Dynasty 18, now in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, 948.34.156 (Boston 1982: 280, no. 385).

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playing a harp.35 This activity also appears on ostraca (plate 14). It has been suggested that the origin of these images is the natural mischievousness of monkeys. The assumption seems to be that these images reflect the behavior of the house pets of the upper class, which presumably were allowed to frolic freely, playing with the instruments set aside by musicians hired for banquet entertainment (Wurfel 1953: 65). However, the images on the ostraca seem to contradict this supposition. The animals are clearly depicted as if they were actually playing the instruments. This is true for monkey harpists as well as for those depicted playing the flute. As early as the Old Kingdom, flute-playing monkeys were depicted on cylinder seals (plate 15a). Nevertheless, the majority of images date to the New Kingdom, where the monkeys are shown playing the double-flute. Most appear on ostraca, but one can be seen on a blue glazed bowl (plate 15), and it is this instrument that the monkey plays in the animal orchestra depicted on the Turin papyrus (plate 17b). Occasionally, the monkey plays for the benefit of a dancer (plate 16). This image can be seen on two ostraca where the dancer is in one case a Nubian and in the other a child. 36 Another ostracon depicts instead a monkey apparently dancing with arms raised, waving the hooked batons usually seen in the hands of monkey-keepers (e.g., Vandier d'Abbadie 1936: plates IV 2035, 2036; V 2037). What is thought to be a dancing monkey is known from a tomb painting dated to the Old Kingdom (plate 16d). In this scene, a monkey stands behind a dancer imitating her stance. In a similar scene from a Dynasty 18 tomb, the monkey appears to dance between two musicians (plate 16e; Vandier d' Abbadie 1966: 191-192). The monkey in this image takes the place of the young dancers often depicted among the orchestras at banquets

3:, Monkey harpists: figurines from Amama now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JdE 55457 (Frankfort and PendlebUlY 1933:99 and plate XXXI 3; cited in BrunnerTraut 1955:22), and in the Petrie Collection, 0 15 (Brunner-Traut 1955:22 and plate I 2); another figurine, unproven anced but possibly from Amarna, now in the Brooklyn Museum, 16.68 (Boston 1982:280-281, no. 386); also others, unprovenanced, now in the A'gyptisc/zes Museum, Berlin, 14498 and 15272 (World 1953:65 and 154, fih'ures 5 and 6); Middle Kingdom examples: figurine from Lisht now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, MMA 22.1.1637 (Fischer 1959: plate Xa); and another, unprovenanced but dated to the Middle Kingdom (Breasted 1948:88 and plate 83a). For a list of monkey musician figurines of various dates (including some listed above), see Fischer 1959:252, n. 52, some of which are pictured in Fischer (1959: plate X). 36 The child tickling the chin of the monkey-musician (plate 15c) is a later addition and not really a dancer.

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(e.g., plate 17a; also Wreszinski 1988: plate 71). However, it is believed monkeys were trained to dance in ancient Egypt. 37 If true, then dancing monkeys are not part of the Topsy-Turvy World. When compared to monkeys, other animals are only occasionally depicted as musicians. 38 There is a fox harpist on an ostracon possibly depicting a banquet (plate 4c). Another ostracon pictures a lion playing a lyre (figure 3a). Two figurines depict a lion and a crocodile as harpists. 39 Ass harpists appear on a cylinder seal (plate 19b, although this is possibly of Southwest Asian origin Rutten 1938: 113) and a frog-backed scaraboid (figure 3b). It would seem that for the most part the harp was the instrument of choice among animals other than monkeys. The double-flute, however, does appear in non-simian hands in orchestras (plate 18).

Orchestras There are very few extant images that depict a mixed group of animal musicians. Among them, the animal orchestra pictured on the Turin papyrus most resembles the orchestras commonly depicted in the official art (plate 17). Even the same compliment of instruments-harp, lyre, lute, and double-flute-are pictured. An ostracon depicts a musical trio, two foxes and a goat (plate 18a). The fox on the left appears to be the vocalist, the one on the right plays the double-flute. The instrument played by the goat who stands between them may be a drum or a lyre. 4o The fragments of an ornamented ceramic vessel preserve another animal orchestra (plate 18b). The three animals on the right appear to be two foxes and a lion. 41 The fox on the left :l7 As evidence for actual dancing monkeys, Vandier d'Abbadie cites a New Kingdom text, a relief carved block, from el-Kab, Plutarch's comment concerning Cleopatra's dancing monkeys, and Elien's statement, in reference to the Ptolemaic era, that monkeys were taught to dance, sing, and play music (1966: 188; see also Brunner-Traut 1956:98). 38 The flute-playing jackal(?) on the Hierakonpolis palette is generally considered a masked man (Wiirfel 1953:64 citing Murray). Although some would like to see the scene as an image of the "Peaceable Kingdom" Ganssen 1989:58), others see similarities to the goat herding scenes on the ostraca and suggest the possibility of folktales (Vandier d'Abbadie 1946:75-76). 39 Lion: Middle Kingdom blue faience figurine, British Museum, London, 49712 (Brunner-Traut 1955:plate II 4); crocodile: Old Kingdom? limestone figurine, Egyptian Museum, Cairo,jdE 55243 (unpublished, cited in Brunner-Traut 1955:22). 40 Vandier d'Abbadie claims a drum (1955: 183-184), while Brunner-Traut claims a lyre (1955:22). 41 Brunner-Traut claims foxes and lion (1955:22). Wiirfel claims jackals and cat (1953:66).

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plays the double-flute and the lion the lyre. The instrument in the hands of the fox on the right may be a tambourine or a small drum (Wiirfel [1953:66] deems this to be a lute). The context of this musical ensemble, which may be some sort of oflicial procession, is lost along with the rest of the vessel. Animal orchestras are also known from the Near East. On a seal impression from Ur, a lion sits in state while a row of animals approach him (plate 19a). Some carry vessels, while others provide the music for the occasion. In this instance, an ass plays a small harp, the same animal that plays a larger version on the Turin papyrus. The only other musician here is another ass wielding a pair of clappers. On the inlaid front panel of a lyre from Ur, it is again an ass-musician that plays a lyre much like the one on which it is pictured (plate 20a). Here a bear appears to help support the instrument while, at his feet, a small unidentifiable animal shakes a sistrum and beats a drum. A number of other seals and impressions picture an ass-harpist and other animals playing a lyre, sistrum, and harp (Rutten 1938: 10,')/108/110), as well as what appear to be dancing animals (plate 19). Two orthostats from Tell Halaf also depict both animal musicians and dancers 42 (plate 20b). Various interpretations have been offered for these images. Most often they have been assumed to illustrate fables (~100rtgat 1949:59). However, the context of the images of particularly the Ur lyre and the TeU Halaf orthostats, where the animal orchestras are presented in conjunction with mythological motifs, has provoked an alternate explanation. It has been suggested that they represent the New Year's festival, when the forces of cosmic chaos were symbolically overcome and order reestablished in the universe (Moortgat 1949: 114-15).+3 As proposed depictions of the enactment of cultic ritual, the animals are presumed to represent masked men. T'be "human" hands on the animals depicted on the Ur lyre have been suggested as evidence in support of this theory (Moortgat 1949:59-60). On the other hand, it has been observed that in many cases the animals are wholly animal, and the explanation as masked ritual rt:jected (Rutten 1938: 114-15). Elsewhere the Ur lyre has been interpreted as depicting a banquet. The animals in the second register are assumed to be providing the 42 For the orthostat not illustrated here, see Moortgat (1955: plate 10 I). Sec also Rutten (1938: 110-12) and Moortgat 1949: 114-15). 43 This is no longer a widely accepted opinion (P.E. Dion, personal communication, 1995).

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food and drink and the orchestra in the third register providing the entertainment (Frankfort 1979:75). Although, at first glance the seal impression from Ur appears to depict a banquet, it is not clear whether the animal in the upper right corner is simply butchering meat for the table or performing a ritual sacrifice. Whatever the interpretation, however, these banquets have a ritualistic overtone that the Egyptian material for the most part lacks. Only a relief from Medamoud is comparable (plate 21 a). There, both humans and animals acting like humans appear to be involved in a ritual banquet complete with musical accompaniment. Another fragmentary block seems to depict preparations for the feast 44 (plate 21b). The context, as temple relief, favors a cultic interpretation. The lute-playing monkey from a column in the Hathor temple at Philae 45 (plate 21 c), depicted as it is among other musicians and Bes figures, also carries a cultic connotation. 46 Nevertheless, it is doubtful that these images reflect the same concepts of cosmic chaos suggested for the Mesopotamian and Syrian material (Brunner-Traut 1955:27-28). The orchestra on the Turin papyrus, so similar to the musicians who entertained at private parties, seems to have very little to do with a turbulent universe. The fragmentary relief from Medamoud is unique and therefore difficult, if not impossible, to interpret. The monkey musicians at Philae could possibly be evidence for the use of trained monkeys in the cult. 47 In terms of the Near Eastern material, the long stretch of time between the Ur seal impression and the Tell Halaf orthostats seems to indicate an enduring tradition behind these images--·a tradition, which apparently found more official expression than the animal musicians of Egypt.

44 For a similar scene of animal butchers, see an unprovenanced limestone ostracon dated to the Ramesside period (Houlihan 2001:85, figure 88). 45 Baedeker's F4ffpt mentions lyre-playing monkeys (1929:395). See Manniche (1991: 117-18) for a description of the relevant columns at Philae. 46 According to Houlihan (2001: 109), the lute playing "monkey is a member of a band of musicians, including the dwarf-god Bes, joyously celebrating the return of Hathor from Nubia, in her role a~ one of the many forms of the destructive 'eye of Re,'" which links these reliefs to the Myth of Tefnut (see below). 47 See Brunner-Traut for mention of trained monkeys used in the cult of Mut and Nekhbet (1959:98).

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Odd Behavior As the examples discussed above demonstrate, not all images involve an inversion of nature in tenns of predator and prey. Animals caught in odd situations or behaving contrary to their natures are others. Mimicking man is not always necessary. This category of images least lends itself to interpretation as satire. In fact, most seem suitable illustrations for children's stories.

U'hen Pigs Fly In one vignette appearing on the Turin papyrus, a hippopotamus 48 is blithely ensconced in a fig tree, while a bird clambers up a ladder to join him (plate 22a). A similar image appears on a badly effaced ostracon (plate 22b). In this example, once again a hippopotamus appears perched on the upper branches of a tree, while below him the head of a bird reaching for a dangling fruit can be dearly seen.

Dog Fights An ostracon preserves the image of a diminutive dog apparently acting as a mediator between two pair of rather angry looking dogs and hyenas (plate 22c). This is one of the more anomalous images in the Topsy-Turvy World. All but the little mediator appear to be behaving like the animals they are. Whether this is meant as an illustration of a folktale or a fable or as political satire depends on whom the characters are supposed to represent.

For the Birds In the upper right corner of an ostracon depicting the common image of a boy and his monkey,49 a spirited conversation appears to be taking place (plate 22d). Two birds face each other over an oval object that

48 The identity of this animal has been contested; Vanclier d'Abbadie feels the head of this creature looks like that of a pig (1946:64, n. 2); Brunner-Traut insists that it is that of a hippopotamus (1968:5, n. 24). The shape of the snout has been variously recreated in line drawings of the papyrus (e.g., beside the illustration used here, see Vandier d'Abbaclie (1946:64, figure 31; Brunner-Traut 1968: figure 8; Omlin 1973:plate XIII). 49 Common for ostraca, see Vandier d'Abbadie (1936: plates IV, V, VIII) for other examples.

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may be an egg. The open beaks, out-thrust tails, and lively eyes give a humorous cast to the birds that is not generally seen in the official art. These birds are talking, there is no doubt about it. 50

The A1yth

of T ifnut

A demotic papyrus in Leiden preserves, in fragmentary condition, an aetiological myth, which serves as a narrative frame for a series of didactic tales. 51 The myth, the story of Tefnut, daughter and "eye" of the sun god Re, recounts how, angered with her father, she turned her back on Egypt and in the form of a cat52 withdrew into the deserts of Nubia. Re, who desired her return, sent Thoth to fetch her home. Transformed into a "monkey,"53 Thoth confronted the angry goddess. By relating a series of animal fables, he soothed her and overcame her resistance, finally persuading her to return to Egypt. On the journey home he continued to entertain her with tales. Thoth's confrontation of the goddess is depicted on a relief dated to the Roman period from the temple at Dakka (plate 23a). Here the baboon stands facing the goddess in her lion form. She wears the solar disk and uraeus on her head. 54 The accompanying inscription leaves ')0 Davies describes this as "a male and female crow seem to be holding an animated debate regarding the first family occurrence" (1917:239). 51 Leiden demotic papyrus I 384, dated to the first or second century AD (Spiegelberg 1916). A Greek version (with variations) is preserved on a papyrus dated to the third century AD (British Museum, London, 274). According to Brunner-Traut, the "underlying theme" is the southward shift of the sun in the winter and its return in the spring (1979:16). The following is based on Lichtheim's summary (1980:156-57). Junker published a reconstruction of this myth based on various temple inscriptions of the Greco-Roman period (1911, Der Auszug der HatJlOr- T ifnut aus JVubien). Spiegelberg published a translation of the demotic papyrus (1917, Der iigyptische My thus vom Sonnenauge). 52 In the Greek version, she is said to have taken the form of a lion rather than that of a cat. In the demotic version she temporarily transforms herself into a lioness when enraged (Speigelberg 1916:225; West 1969:167). 53 According to West, in her article on the Greek version, Thoth "apparently assumed the form of a wolf: though Spiegelberg translated the demotic term used to describe him as 'der k1einer Hundsaffe', Dr. Reymond informs me that the only possible rendering is 'the small wolf (called) kif, and this interpretation is confirmed by the word which the Greek translator uses, an "ad hoc creation" (West 1969:162). However, 'kwJ (and IFf) appear in the Demotisches Glossar as "affe" (Erichsen 1954:56162). Additionally, D.B. Redford has suggested the similarity to gwJ-"meerkatze" (WB 5: 160) (personal communication, 1995). As the baboon is one ofthe traditional animal manifestations of Thoth, it seems unlikely he would assume the form of a wolf. 54 As the "eye of Re", both the disk and uraeus are appropriate iconographic symbols for the goddess.

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no doubt as to who is being depicted. Above her hovers the vulture usually associated with Nekhbet, clutching a scepter in her talons. The image on a painted ostracon from Deir el Medina dated to Dynasty 20 has been interpreted as also illustrating this myth (plate 23b; Spiegelberg 1916). A cat, with tongue protruding, angrily shakes a rod at a monkey who sits opposite calmly nibbling on a piece of fruit. Above them, a bird with wings out-spread sits on a nest containing several eggs. The two main protagonists in this illustration have been identified as Tefnut and Thoth respectively. The bird above them has been variously interpreted. On one hand, the vulture of Nekhbet has been suggested, since Tefnut temporarily assumed that form as she and Thoth passed through el-Kab on their homeward journey through Egypt (Wiirfel 1953:74; West 1969:181). On the other hand, the bird is thought to represent a character from one ofThoth's animal fables, the story of "the Vulture and the Cat" (see Spiegelberg 1916:227). The nest of eggs presents a minor problem for both interpretations. It is not appropriate fc)r Nekhbet, and in the fable, the vulture's young have a speaking part. 55 Another illustrated ostracon also depicts an interaction between a cat and a monkey (plate 23c). The image is fragmentary and the action not easily interpreted. The monkey appears to be offering the cat an unidentifiable object, for which the cat seems to reach. \Vhether this ostracon should be interpreted as another illustration of the myth (Brunner-Traut 1968: figure 12 and p. 35, n. 189) remains an open question. Both monkeys and cats were kept as house pets in ancient Egypt. They are often depicted separately, and occasionally together, frolicking under their masters' chairs (e.g., plate 23d). However, the more "human" stance of the cat in this second ostracon may indicate that this image is more than a variation on a scene of this genre. The significance of the identification of the first ostracon as an illustration of this myth lies in the date. Since the only texts of folktales and fables that have been preserved date to the Greco-Roman period (Lichtheim 1980: 157), if this ostracon actually illustrates the myth of Tefnut and one of the fables the tale contains, it would be solid evidence for the existence of the genre in Egypt at a much earlier period of time.

55 The eggs depicted here are obviously too young for that role. Spiegelberg briefly discusses aspects of this objection (1916:227-28).

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Summary

As this brief survey of the illustrated ostraca and papyri has shown, the images fall into a number of categories. Most, but not all, depict the animals engaged in activities familiar from tomb and temple walls. Some of these involve role reversals between natural predators and their prey. Others simply portray animals behaving like humans. A few images find no parallels in the official art. There animals are depicted in odd situations or behaving contrary to their natures, not necessarily mimicking man. Occasionally, images lend themselves to a satirical interpretation because of the roles the animals assume. These, however, are rare. In order to propose a satirical intent behind any of these images, one must make assumptions about the intended identity of the characters portrayed. Assumptions tend to reflect the opinions of the one making them, rather than any essential truth about the object judged. To name many of them parody does not necessarily imply mockery. Satirical social commentary does not appear to have been the original impulse behind most of these images. Far too many of them reflect a more benign sense of humor, while others, beyond the disconcerting presence of the animal actors, are not intrinsically humorous (e.g. figure 4). They must have served some other purpose besides a quick laugh. The images on two ostraca have been suggested as illustrating stories known from a later period. Whether they do so or not is a matter for debate. But it seems unnecessary to hang the probability of the early existence of these particular tales on these two ostraca alone. Although no contemporary texts of these or other animal stories survive, the frequent recurrence of very similar images as well as general themes, on both the ostraca and illustrated papyri, suggest.. that specific stories stood behind them. Folktales and fables are generally perpetuated through the oral tradition of a people. Considering the fact that it was among the predominantly illiterate portion of the population that these tales would have had their widest circulation, it is not surprising that they were not recorded in written form. Perhaps the ostraca, as portable images, enhanced the audiences' entertainment, with the smaller ones passed hand to hand during the telling of a tale.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Mesopotamie. pp. 97-119. In: Revue des Etudes Sbnitiques. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Spiegelberg, W. 1916. Eine Illustration der Ramessidenzeit zu dem agyptischen Mythus vom Sonnenauge. Orientalistische Litemturzeitung (19) 225-228. Vandier d' Abbadie,j. 1936. Ostmcafigures de Deir el-iHedineh: 2001 a2255. Documents de fouilles publics par les membres de l'lnstitut Franlfais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire, Tome II, 1. Cairo: Institut Franlfais d'Archeologie Orientale. Vandier d'Abbadie,j. 1937. Ostracafigures de Deir el-Medineh: 2256 a2722. Documents de fouilles publies par les membres de I'lnstitut Franlfais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire, Tome II, 2. Cairo: Institut Fran<;ais d'Archeologie Orientale. Vandier d' Abbadie,j. 1946. Ostracafi",uunis de Deir el-Medineh (including Second Supplement, 2723 a 2733). Documents de fouilles publics par les membres de I'Institut Fran<;ais d'Archcologie Orientale du Caire, Tome II, 3. Cairo: Institut Fran<;ais d'Archeologie Orientale. Vandier d'Abbadie,j. 1959. Ostraeafiguris de Deir el-iHedineh: 2734 a 3053. Documents de iouilles publics par les membres de l'Institut Fram,:ais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire, Tome II, 4. Cairo: Institut Franlfais d'Archcologie Orientale. Vandier d'Abbadie,j. 1964. Les Singes Farniliers dans l'Ancienne Egypte (Peintures et bas-reliefs): I. I'Ancien Empire. Revue d'E!,,'J!ptologie (16) 1'17-77. Vandier d'Abbadie,J 1965. Les Singes Farniliers (~ans l'Ancienne Egypte (Peintures et bas-relief.~): II. Ie Moyen Empire. Revue d'Egyptol{}gie (I7) 17?-88. Vandier d'Abbadie,j. 1966. Les Singes Familiers d~ms I'Ancienne Egypte (Peintures et bas-relief.~): III. Ie Nouvel Empire. Reuue d'F;gyptologie (18) 143-201. Werbrouck, M. 1932. Ostraca a figures. Bulletin des Musies Rr!yaux d:4rt et d'Histoire (Brussels) (5) 106-109. Werbrouck, M. 1934. Ostraca a figures. Bulletin des Afusees Rf2yaux d:4rt et d'Histoire (Brussels) (6) 138-40. Werbrouck, M. 1953. Ostraca <1 figures. Bulletin des Musees Rf2J'aux d'Art et d'Histoire (Brussels) (25) 93-111. West, S. 1969. The Greek Version of the Legend of Tefnut. Journal rf Egyptian Archaeology (55) 161-83. Woldering, I. 1967. Gods, Men & Pharaohs: The Glory of Egyptian Art. ·T'ranslated by A.E. Keep. New York: Harry N. Abrams. WB: Ennan, A. & Grapow, H. (cds.) 1955. Wdrterbuch der aegy/Jtischen Sprache. Berlin: Deutschen A.kademie Verlag. Wreszinski, W. 1988. Atlas ::..ur Altagyptischen Killtwgeschichte: Part 1. Geneva and Paris: Slatkine Reprints. Wildel, R. 1953. Die agyptische Fabel in Bildkunst lind Literatur. H"issenschqftliehe Zeitschrifl tier Ka.rl-Marx-Uniuersitiit Leipzig (3) 63-77, 153-160.

A GRAFITTO OF AMEN-RE IN LUXOR TEMPLE RESTORED BY THE HIGH PRIEST MENKHEPERRE Peter J. Brand It is a great pleasure to dedicate this study to my mentor Donald Redford. Exposure to the sheer depth and broad range of his scholarship both in print and in person during classes in Toronto as a Ph.D. candidate sparked my historical imagination in many directions, despite the natural tendency of the graduate student towards keeping a rather narrow perspective while researching a thesis. He has and continues to exemplify for me the value of a multi-disciplinary approach to Egyptological studies, the importance of a rigorous analysis of every scrap of evidence and the fruits to be derived from an overarching historical viewpoint in examining Egyptian civilization. During the Third Intermediate and Late Periods, a number of what might be called "official" ex voto graffiti were carved at the behest of the clergy of Amen-Re as objects of popular devotion. These can sometimes be found on the walls of New Kingdom temples that had been left undecorated by the pharaohs of that era, and they frequently occur alongside the much cruder etchings of devout commoners. Another phenomenon associated with popular temple devotion was the securement of veils to screen selected icons from view. The presence ofthese screens can be detected by holes drilled into the walls which surround such images. Here the line of demarcation between "popular" and "official" religious practice blurs, since the veils were placed by the temple hierarchy in response to popular cult practice. Yet another manifestation of the official piety of the high clergy and later kings was the restoration of the monuments of their New Kingdom predecessors. This was most common in the Ptolemaic era, although examples may be found throughout the Third Intermediate and Late Periods. 1 All three of these phenomena coincide in Luxor temple on the west exterior wall of the solar court of Amenhotep III (figure I). Here, an isolated raised relief depicts the ithyphallic form of Amen-Re, standI A doctoral dissertation on this subject is now underway: Joseph Brett McClain, Restoration Inscriptions and the Tradition qfiHonument
258

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BRAND

ing on a m~C"t-plinth before an offering stand laden with bread loaves, a nmst-jar and a single lotus blossom. 2 Behind him is a temple-shaped pedestal supporting a plumed staff flanked by lettuce plants. The head and upraised forearm of the god are missing, although part of his beard and three tips of his flail remain. Amen sports a broad collar with a narrow loop at the neckline which may be a §byw-collar, and a strip of cloth draped over his torso below the broad collar like the letter X. His distinctive ribbon, dangling behind him, touches the plinth. Significantly, no officiant, royal or otherwise, attends the god. Three holes have been drilled into the wall below the relief along with a fourth between the god's leg and the offering stand, to secure a veil which once hid the icon from view. Holes of this type are quite common on the exterior portions of Theban temples and were made to secure linen veils, probably mounted on wooden frames so that selected divine images which had become the object of popular devotion could be shielded from or exposed to view as needed. 3 Immediately before the vignette, a single column of incised text had been added. 4 It reads: sm~wy-mnw

s~

ir.n.n ~m-nlr tpy n 1mn-RC" nsw nlrw Mn-bpr-RC" m?C"-brw nsw nb Nwy P~y-ngm-mr-1mn m pr it.f1mn-ipt

Restoration of monuments which the high priest of Amen-Re king of the gods Menkheperre, true of voice, the son of King Pinudjem-meriamen made in the domain of his father Amen-Opet. 5

Surely this inscription postdates the icon itself, since the text claims that restoration work has been done here. The fact that the text is

2 PM IJ2, 334 (208); Nelson, K£!)' Plans, LG 61. Also mentioned in K. A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (Warminster, 1986) 270, n. 161. 3 Peter Dills, "Ptah-de-Ia-grande-porte: un aspect dl! functionnement du temple de Medinet Habou," Scriha 4 (1995) 70fT. 4 First published by Gaston Maspero, us momies nryaies de DeiI' el Bahan (Cairo, 1889) 702. 5 The writing ir.n.nj occurs frequently in the Third Intem1ediate Period, especially during the Twenty First and Twenty Second Dynasties, and is found as early as the Twentieth Dynasty texts at Medinet Habu: ~Vh. I, 117:7; Richard Caminos, "Gebel Es-Silsilah No. 100," .l}.::A 38 (1952), 51-52, n. 1.5; Edward Castle, "The Dedication Formula lR.N.F M MNWF," .lEA 79 (1993) 111-12. This is a writing for the sgm.nj relative form with the n strengthened to indicate its retention in contemporary pronunciation where the final n's had disappeared. This relative form is an archaic survivor from ~1iddle Egyptian, replaced by i-sgmj in common Late Egyptian. I am grateful to Robert Ritner and Edward Castle for thesc observations and references.

A GRAFfITO OF AMEN-RE IN LUXOR TEMPLE

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incised would tend to confirm that it is later than the bas relief image. What, then, was the date of the original relief? There is nothing to suggest that we have here a repair to an Eighteenth Dynasty relief vandalized by Akhenaten, for the icon would then have to date to the later reign of Amenhotep III who built the solar court in the later years of his reign. No traces of vestigial hacking persist to betray evidence of a pre-Amarna origin for the relief. 6 True, the surface of the wall has been cut back surrounding the figure, but this was done to create a raised relief on the blank wall. So, there is no epigraphic basis for suspecting that we are dealing with an icon of Amenhotep III belatedly repaired in the wake of Amarna iconoclasrn. In fact, such ex voto images of the gods carved on blank exterior walls of Theban temples do not seem to antedate the later Ramesside period. The icon itself is no mere pilgrim's grafitto, rudely scratched on the wall of the temple by a devout visitor. It is quite large and carefully rendered in raised relief~ and was provided with a veil. No doubt the priesthood of the day officially sanctioned the image, and the lack of a royal officiant standing before the god would tend to confirm that it was not made at the behest of some king. It is liable, then, to have stemmed from an age of priestly power vis-a-vis royal weakness, perhaps from the late Twentieth Dynasty or the early Twenty-First Dynasty. Since the high priest Menkheperre has added a renewal text to a relief that appears undamaged, we might fairly ask why? Even a cursory examination of the figure of Amen reveals extensive recutting. The god's penis has been enlarged as many as two times along with the front of his torso from the midriff to the shoulder. The posterior of his torso from the small of the back to the armpit and the back of his leg from the thigh to the heel have each been recut once. Amen's beard has also been adjusted and it is likely that the now missing profile and plumed headdress were altered as well. There is at least one other parallel example of a recut ex voto image of Amen in the so-called "Monthu" precinct 7 at north Karnak. 8 This was also a veiled cult image added to a wall space left blank by the 6 See P. Brand, "Methods Used in Restoring Reliefs Vandalized During the Amarna Period," GM liO (1999) 3i-48. 7 Luc Gabe & Marc Gabolde, "Le temple de Montou n'etait pas un temple a Montou," B5FE 136 (1996) 2i-41. a A. Varille, Karnak I (Cairo, 1943) 4, fig. 3; Luc Gabe & Marc Gabolde, "Une catastrophe antique dans Ie temple de Montou," BIF'AO 93 (1993) 25i, fig. 4, pI.

6B.

260

PETER

J.

BRAND

original builder. Here, both versions are in sunk relief, but only the leg of the ithyphallic Amen with his dangling streamer and the shrine-shaped platform behind him survive. The god's instep, toe, the back of his leg from the calf to the heel and his streamer have all been enlarged slightly, with the final version being cut to a somewhat shallower depth. This icon was also provided with a veil secured by at least five square drill holes. There are two pairs of holes along the bottom of the image; two are drilled below the baseline of the scene, another pair are drilled through it. The fifth hole behind the scene has remains of plaster inside it. Other mismatched sets of holes may be found on other votive reliefs, sometimes of differing shapes-square and round-indicating that new holes were drilled when the original veil canopy was replaced with a new one and the original holes were filled in with plaster. 9 Unfortunately, there is no trace of a restoration inscription or any other text associated with this relief. Was the recut icon from Luxor temple related to any other reliefs at that site? There are two clusters of divine icons on the east exterior wall of Luxor temple (figs. 3-4). The first is found immediately to the south of the southeast gateway of the hypostyle hall adjoining the sun court of Amenhotep III. 10 The second group is clumped around the north-east gateway of the solar court. II This odd lot of graffiti includes a handful of small, crude etchings representing Amen and other deities and a few inscriptions of private individuals. Most of these reliefs, however, are large-scale figures of gods carved by temple sculptors in sunk relief. They include several images of Amen-Re, along with Re-Horakhty, Mut, Khonsu, Maat and Hapi. The Amen figures are shown standing, enthroned and squatting. The only texts associated with these images are bald labels giving the deity's name and one or two brief epithets such as Amen-Re lord of heaven, Khonsu lord of the Two Lands and in one case "Amen-Opet the-one-who-answersthe-poor." 12 Many, but not all, of these icons have drill holes to attach veils. None have renewal texts and there is almost no evidence of recutting. 13 They appear clumped together without respect to their size Dills, Scriba 4 (1995) 70. PMIJ2, 335 (221). II PM 112, 335 (219-20). 12 Imn ..:Jpt p1 w§b i3d: TVb. I, 371: 19-20. He was related to a similarly named form of Osiris, secJ. Lcclant, "Osiris p5-wsb-Hd," in O. Firchow, Agyptologische Studien, (Berlin, 1955) 197-204. 13 Except fClr part of a figure of Amen-p5-wsb-Hd. See below. 9

10

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or positioning relative to one another. All these factors lie in contrast with the graffito from the west exterior wall. A similar constellation of divine images is found on the west exterior wall of the Khonsu temple at Karnak (figure 5). H This wall, between the pylon and the west gate of the hypostyle hall, was largely left uninscribed by the late Ramesside kings and their Third Intermediate Period successors, except for a few bandeau texts midway up the pylon thickness and the Soudl-west portal of the outer court immediately north of the pylon. IS The lower half of this wall is occupied by clusters of private and official votive graffiti representing various deities. Most of these represent Amen-Re of Karnak, who may be either standing or enthroned, along with one ithyphallic Amen. Both the falcon-headed and mummiform aspects of Khonsu also appear, as does Mut and a finely detailed image of a hawk. The great majority of these reliefs have round or square shaped drill holes to secure veils, and in several instances, the same image has two sets of holes indicating that the original veil was replaced as some point. 16 In one case, a veiled image of a goddess was not the product of temple artisans, but apparently the crude work of a pilgrim. What was the raison d'etre for these constellations of deities at Luxor and Khonsu temples? It has been suggested that the Luxor relief., on the east exterior wall were "trial pieces" for sculptors. In particular, there are many patch stones occurring with these figures, and Johnson claims that this was the object of the sculptors' practiceY In one case, the image of1mn-lpt-P~-wsb-Bd, part of the god's flail on a patch stone has been recut (figure 3). But what would the sculptors have been practicing for? The divine images in these clusters of reliefs date to somewhere between the very late Ramesside period and the Twenty Fifth Dynasty. Yet apart from raised reliefs ofShabako in the passageway through the Ramesside pylon,18 there is no conventional ritual decoration post dating Ramesses Ill's tableaux along the exterior walls of the south part of the temple. 19 Moreover, only deities were Nelson, Jeey Plans, KM 95; PM 1I2, 243 (120). Nelson, !i.ey Plans, KM 96; not recorded in PM IF, 243. 16 Cf. Dills, Scriha 4 (1995) 70. 17 Raymond Johnson by personal communication. There are, however, many other blank sections of this wall that also have or had patch stones. 18 PAt Il2, 305 (lSc-g); Nelson, Kry Plans, LG \8-20. 19 PAl II2, 334-36 (210-12 and 222-23); Nelson, KC), Plllll.S, KG 65-75, 80-84, 93100. Reliefs of Ramesses IlIon the southernmost wall of the temple were usurped in the Twenty Fifth Dynasty. l,l

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shown, never complete offering scenes or kings. Even more interesting is the frequency of squatting divine figures in the Luxor group (figure 6). Amen-Re is most commonly shown in this manner, but Re-Horakhty and ~1aat also appear. Although squatting figures of this type might be shown in private tomb decoration,20 they are not found in temple reliefs except as hieroglyphic determinatives in texts. The evidence for a tradition of popular devotion to these images seems hard to escape. It is most likely that the temple authorities provided these images to the devout and were certainly responsible for fixing and maintaining the veils which screened many of them. Returning to the west exterior wall of the solar court, the question of Menkheperre's motive for recutting the icon of Amen and adding his renewal text to the previously undamaged icon stin remains. Both these phenomena are surely related, and the inspiration for the High Priest's alterations may, perhaps, be found just inside the solar court. There, well over a dozen sm3wy-mnw texts of Seti I label repairs he made to the reliefs of Amenhotep III were vandalized by Akhenaten. As I have shown elsewhere, Seti I's repairs here are "secondary restorations," that is, the systematic recutting made by him for political reasons of divine icons previously repaired by Tutankhamen. 21 The proximity of Menkheperre's renewal text added to a recut icon- on the outer wall of the selfsame court- makes it very tempting to conclude that he was inspired by Seti's example on the other side of the wall. It is unclear precisely what motivated the High Priest to add his renewal text, but it is likely that he justified it in the same manner his Ramesside predecessor had, i.e., by "restoring" the icon itself. In the post-imperial age at Thebes, when popular piety was, if anything, more important in temple worship than it had been earlier, the priestly hierarchy seem to have developed new cultic practices and iconography to express their own service to the gods as well as to facilitate popular worship. In a period when few large building projects were undertaken, existing monuments were adapted. At Karnak and Luxor, heretofore blank spaces of wall surface on the exteriors of the

20 E.g., a scene from the tomb of Senedjem (TT. 1) at Deir cl-Medina where the deceased and his wife adore various gods depicted a~ squattjng figures. PAf 11 2, 2 (7). 21 Peter Brand, "Secondary Restorations in the Post-Amarna Period," lARGE 36 (1999) 131-33 with figs. 21-23; idem, The Afonuments if 8eti 1: Epigraphic, Historical and Art Historical Analysis, (Leiden: Brill, 2000) 93-102, figs. 55-57, 59.

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temples could become a tableaux for dozens of ofIicial and unofIicial ex voto images of the gods. The veiling of icons seems to have been a key part of this practice. Certainly, not all of the ex voto icons were screened, especially at Luxor. Moreover, veils were often added to conventional ritual scenes left by New Kingdom kings on the exterior walls of the temples as well. They are quite common at Karnak, for example, in the decoration of Ramesses II on the wall enclosing the main part of the temple 22 and on the exterior walls of the small temple of Ramesses III in the court of the First Pylon. 23 There are other examples. 24 The precise mechanics of these veils remain unclear. Borchardt2S thought that such reliefs were actually covered with metal sheets, while others believe they supported fabric screens,26 perhaps on a wooden framework. 27 And what was the purpose of the veils? Some may have been made to screen particular reliefs throughout the year except on special occasions. Two examples of this type are found, exceptionally, on the interior and not the exterior walls of the Great Hypostyle Hall. One depicts the "sacred marriage" of Amen-Re with his consort Mut who embraces him inside a shrine. 28 The relief has a number of square peg holes around it, and the late William Murnane suggested that the relief was exposed to view on "special occasions" including the Festival ofOpet. 29 The other relief depicts Amen-Re enthroned within a shrine with Mut and Khonsu. 3o Here the god represents "the great innundation" and is to be understood here as the source of the Nile 22 ,V. Heick, Die Ritualszenen auf der Umja..LfUngsmauer RanlSes' II. in KClrTwk, 2 (Wiesbaden, 1968) passim. 23 Epigraphic Survey, RamlesllI's Temple u.ithin the Great Enclosure q[Amon, (Chicago, 1936), pis. 95-99, 102-109, and passim. 24 E.g., isolated images on the north and south exterior walls of the Great Hypostyle Hall. On the north wall in particular, the Theban Triad with Maat inside of a Kiosk in a scene depicting Seti I presenting the spoil of his Hittite campaign, the deities were enclosed in a shrine with side walls built against the main wall. A frieze of Ramcsscs Ill's cartouches below the scene indicates that this project dates to his reign. Epigraphic Survey, Tlte Battle Reliifj q/King Sery I (RIK 4; Chicago, 1986) 11112, and esp. 129-30 with the references cited there. 25 Ludwig Borchardt, "Metallbelag an Steinbauten," Allt'Tltand Kleinigkeiten, (Leipzig, 1933) I-II. 2(i Epigraphic Survey, TIle Battle Reliefs qf King Sery I, 130, ll. 3. 27 Dills, Scriba 4 (1995) 70; Raymond Johnson by personal communication. 28 Harold H. Nelson (cd. William]. Murnane), TIe Great f{yposl;yle Hall at Kamak, vol. I, part 1, TIle "Vall Reliefs (Chicago, 1981) pI. 36. 29 William Murnane by personal communication. 30 Nelson, TIle Great f{yposryle Hall at lCamak, pI. 107.

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itself. 31 It too has a number of peg holes, these being round and much smaller than most other examples. Moreover, only the god himself, and not the rest of the Theban Triad, are screened. 32 Perhaps this Amen was only exposed during solemnities connected with the start of the annual innundation. Beyond rare examples such as these, the vast majority of screened icons appear on the exterior walls of the temples in locations to which the public had access. The question remains as to why they were veiled; not simply because they were images of the gods subjected to "profane eyes," since any number of representations of deities in ritual scenes on the exterior walls of the temples were left exposed. In the case of Amen-Re, for example, only selected images of him were screened on the exterior walls, and these are often found side by side with others that were not. Bulking large among the veiled icons are deities that appear but rarely in temple ritual scenes as the object of cult like Amenet, Onuris or Nekhbet. 33 When more common deities such as Amen-Re and Ptah are veiled, they sometimes have epithets that mark them as rare manifestations. 34 All this supports the notion that screened icons were deliberately selected and transformed from mere representations of the god in narrative ritual scenes into actual cult figures that served henceforth as objects of worship. As to the precise function of the veil, one possible explanation might be that it represents the "shadow of the god" resting on the cult image. In cases of the king as a sphinx,3s sacred animals,36 cult statues of the Marc Gabe, "L'inondation sous les pieds d'Amon," BIF:40 95 (1995) 235-58. These peg holes, which are not fully recorded in Nelson's volume, were observed and recorded by the author during the 2001 season of the Karnak Hyposty1e Hall Project. 33 So from the curtain wall around the main part of Karnak Temple, examples include Ahmose-Nefertari, Amenet, Bastet, Hathor, Isis, Onuris and Osiris. Helck, Umjassungsmauer, pIs. 17,27,30,42,46,66,77,85. 34 So Amen-Re-who-resides-in-the-Akhmenu, Amen-of-Ramesses II, Ptah-the-GreatInnundation and Ptah-of-Ramesses II. Ibid., pis. 36,37,41,68,80. 3:> See Lanny Bell, "Aspects of the Cult of the Deified Tutankhamun," in Melanges Camal &ldin Mokhtar I, Paule Posener-Krieger (ed.), (Cairo, 1985) 31-60. 36 Edward Brovarski et. aI., Egypt's Golden Age: The Art if Liuing in the New Kingdom 1558-1085 B.C. (Boston, 1982), cat. 410, 300-301. The fan does not represent the SlI-J'f or "shade" as an aspect of the individual's personality in a funeral context as Brovarski opines, but the shade of Amen-Re-Lord-of-Heaven resting upon the body of a living Ram (or a statue of the same) as the god's sacred animal which was in essence a living cult statue. Note two examples from Cairo, each with the open fans behind them and a table of offerings before, one of which is called "Amen lives," r'nb-lmn. Lacau, Steies du Nouvel Empire, 199-200, pI. 61. Edward Brovarski presents the contrary view, "An allegory of death," lEA. 63 (1977) 178. 31

32

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king,37 and sacred barques,38 Bell has shown that fans were commonly used as an iconographic device to represent the swt, "shadow," i.e., the spirit of the deity lying upon the mortal being or crafted image thereby indicating that it is inhabited by the god. 39 Although a fan was the normal iconic symbol used to express the notion of the god's shade, a linen veil could, perhaps, express the same concept. Unfortunately, this must remain mere speculation, because there is no textual evidence to support it. An alternate explanation may lie in the complex dichotomy between the hidden and revealed natures of Egyptian deities. The notion that the veil served to underline the hidden aspect of the god Amen in particular, is supported by texts. Hymn 200 of the Leiden Amen Hymn, says of the god that "he is too secretive for his incarnate form (~m) to be revealed."4o The cult statues of gods in processional barque shrines were ensconsed in closed cabin shrines further obscured by a linen pall. The Egyptian term for a sacred barque was ssm-bwi "protected image," and the veil, like the cabin shrine itself, guarded the god's statue from view. 41 At the same time, texts describing the processional and oracular activities of the barque make it clear that the god translated his intentions into actions not through the medium of the cult statue within the cabin shrine, but through the form of the barque itself. Karlshausen concludes that only ssm-bwi "protected images," such as the cult statue inside the barque shrine needed to be screened from view. Likewise, the figureheads of the barques themselves served as cult images, and fans were carried aloft above the barques to indicate this.

Brand, Alonuments qf Seti I, 153-154, 3.42, 3.43 with figs. 75, 78. So in numerous examples where the barque is carried in procession or resting in its shrine. See Bell in MilaTlges Moldztar, 33. 39 Ibid., 34. 40 Translation fromjan Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: TIle Alemory qf Egypt in Western Monotheism, (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1997) 196. Assmann translates the word ~m as "majesty," but ~mclearly refers to the physical form of both kings and gods, and was commonly used in referenee to cult images. See, fundamentally, the long overlooked study of J. Spiegel, "Die Grundbedeutung des Stammes ~m," ZAs 75 (1939) 112-21, where he proves the meaning of the word ~m to be "incarnation/bodily form" beyond all doubt. In Middle English, the term majesty was used to refer to the physical person of the monarch, as well as to the greatness and splendor of the same. Since the end of the Tudor era, the former connotation of the word has largely . been forgotten by English speakers. 41 Christine Karlshausen, L'icoTlographie de la barque processioTlnelle divine en Egypte au Nouvel Empire (Ph.D. diss., Universitc Catholique de Louvain, 1997) 305-10. 37

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Yet, despite the hidden aspect of Amen in particular, he did not always secret himself from the devout. Like other gods, he made bri, "appearances," in public during festivals. The same Leiden hymn draws attention to this dichotomy calling him "secret of transformations and sparkling of appearances."42 Some processional images, bnty, were highly visible including the cult statue of Amen-Kamutef, which was fully exposed to view during the procession of the Min Feast or the cult statue of the divine Amenhotep I at Deir el-Medina. 43 It is most likely, then, that the veils which screened images on the exterior walls of temples were occasionally set aside so that the god's image was exposed to popular worshipers. Perhaps these appearances coincided with the various festivals which punctuated the Theban calendar.

42 A~smann, 43

Moses the Egyptian, 196. Karlshausen, L'iconographie de La barque processionnelle, 333-42, esp. 341.

A PRELIMINARY RECONSTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE AND SETTLEMENT AT TELL TEBILLA (EAST DELTA).l Gregory Mumford The ancient settlement at Tell Tebilla 2 is located in the eastern delta, 12 kilometers to the north of Tell Rub'a (Mendes), along the now defunct Mendesian branch of the Nile. The site was occupied during the late Old Kingdom to First Intermediate Period, 3 the Second Intermediate Period to early Dynasty 18,4 the Third Intermediate Period to the Roman period,5 and in recent times. 6 'fhe southern location I The Tell Tebilla project is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (1999-2005), an American Research Center in Egypt cultural documentation grant (2000), and private donors from Los Angeles, and is supported by the Supreme Council of Antiquities and the Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations at the University of Toronto. Further thanks go to the officials of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in Cairo and el-Mansoura, the municipality of Dikirnis, the staff of the water flltration plant, the villagers at Tell Tebilla, and the in-field and Toronto project stan: for all their assistance and encouragement towards the success of the Tell Tebilla project. This writer drew figures I, 2: 1-3, 3: 1-6, 4: 1-3, 4:5-6, 4:8, and 5, incorporating the topographic map by L. Pavlish into figure I, while L. Chinery and C. Gilbert drew figures 2:4, 4:4, and 4:7. 2 For early work at Tell Tebilla, called Tell Balala elsewhere, and its location, see pp. 39 and 271 (map grid reCG3) in Porter. and Moss, 1934. A more recent summary and bibliography is provided in Malek, 1985. 3 The northeastern part of the water plant, beyond the northern end of the current mound, yielded fi'agments fi-om crude bread moulds and carinated bowls with red slip and burnishing, duplicating First Intermediate Period forms fi-om Mendes (Mumford forthcoming). -1 Project ceramicist, Rexine Hummel, noted up to a dozen sherds from black-rimmed bowls and two Tell el-Yahudiyeh ware sherds dating from the Second Intermediate Period to early Dynasty 18 (no later than the reig11 of Thutmose III) . .5 To date, the mound has produced very few Ptolemaic or Roman potsherds, with the majority of the pottery representing the Saite to Persian periods. This may accord well with the general destruction of delta settlements, ca. 342 B.C., by Artaxerxes Ill, who likely caused the major destruction (i.e., burn debris) visible across one of the last strata at Tebilla. In a brief visit to Tellc Billeh (Tebilla) in 1887, F.Il. Griffith noted numerous ancient shells (Ampullaria o1!ata) in the upper stratum. He suggested they indicated Roman occupation since this mollusc represented a favourite Roman food source and appeared in abundance at other sites, such as Naukratis (p. 70 in Griffith, 1890). 6 The modern village occupies an irregularly shaped, lower residual strip of the eastern side of the mound, raised 1-2 metres above the surrounding fields and covering an area of 100 metres cast-west by over 400 metres north-south.

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of the delta coastline precludes occupation at Tebilla during the Predynastic to Early Dynastic periods, while little evidence exists for activity at this site in the early Old Kingdom, the Middle Kingdom, much of the New Kingdom, and the Byzantine to Islamic periods. Throughout its existence the Nile delta has experienced continuous changes, such as the northward extension of the coastline (in particular at the mouths of each delta river branch), fluctuations in the course of the Mendesian and other river courses, and the formation and disappearance of various river branches and coastal lagoons. 7 At some point prior to ca. 2200 B.C., and possibly owing to the northward movement of the Mediterranean coastline, the population of the Mendesian nome founded a coastal town 8 on a levee beside the mouth of the Mendesian river. It seems plausible that T ebilla initially functioned as a tiny maritime, satellite port-town for Mendes during periods in which the Mendesian river flowed past Tebilla. Over time, the northward expansion of deltaic lands provided Tebilla with its own economic hinterland 9 (i.e., the district of Ro-nefer), which contained, presumably, an increasing measure of economic, but not necessarily political, autonomy from Mendes. Despite the recent discovery at T ebilla of a wall block bearing the middle portion of two vertical cartouches of a Ramesside king,10 the site lacks pottery and other evidence for any occupation between early

7 For maps of the eastern delta in 8000 BP, 5000 BP, 3500 BP, and 1500 BP, see pp. 270-71, fig. I, in Coutellier, 1987, and Stanley, 1987; 2002. 8 After the Mediterranean coastline had advanced 12-13 km. north of Mendes, a small settlement was founded at the mouth of the Mendesian river, alleviating the inconvenience to fishermen, merchants, and others traveling between Mendes and the sea. The creation of this tovm coincides with and may reflect the Old Kingdom royal program, especially in Dynasty 5, of establishing new estates in previously sparsely populated areas of Egypt; for a general discussion and bibliography, see pp. 228 and 251 in Lehner, 1997. For more details, see pp. 88 (fig. 4.5), 91, 92 (section no. 2), and 94 (table 4.1), in Butzer pp. 83-97 in van den Brink and Levy 2002. 9 For a further discussion of the development of land use in the delta, see pp. 23-25, 36, and 93-96 in Butzer, 1976. Some local resources included alluvial clay, pleistocene sands and gravels, tamarisk and acacia trees, papyrus, reeds, bulrushes, lotus plants, maritime and riverine fish, marsh birds, wild and domestic cattle, wild animals (i.e., big game hunting), sheep, wheat and barley crops, orchards, vineyards, perfume (Mendesian nome), and various byproducts (e.g., papyri; leather; wool; linen; basketry; ropes; furniture; tools; pottery). [0 During a brief visit to Tebilla in 2002 (en-route to fieldwork in South Sinai), SCA inspector Said el-Talhawa drew my attention to Block no.360, a sarcophagus (no. 359), and a slab (no. 361), which had been found recently. Blocks 360-61 require a closer examination before providing a fmal transcription and reading of the texts.

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Dynasty 18 and the Third Intennediate Period. Hence, this block probably represents the reuse of an earlier architectural piece rather than indicating the existence of a Ramesside temple. The earliest known royal patron of Tebilla's temple is the Dynasty 22 ruler, Sheshonq I, who is best equated with a pre nomen on a limestone block found by Edgar at Tebilla in 1908. 11 The Toronto expedition discovered a granite block (reused as a naos; fig. 4:2) with traces of a text with the words " ... beloved of P[tah] , given life"-an epithet commonly associated with Sheshonq 1. 12 Ro-nefer is cited in the Pi(ankhy) Stela, 13 while both Ro-nefer and its temple (hwt-Khestt are mentioned in texts on private Saite and Late Period statuettes found at Tebilla or ascribed to this site. The continuation of the importance of the district of Ronefer is reflected through an allusion to it in a text mentioning the cult of Sobek and a similarly named region on an offering table of Nectanebo, and its appearance in the Pithom Stela of Ptolemy II, the geographical list of Ptolemy XI (Edfu Temple), papyri, and Ptolemaic texts from the temples at Denderah and Ombos. 15 The aforementioned Third Intennediate Period to Ptolemaic inscriptional and archaeological evidence reveal that Tebilla lay in the district of Ro-nefer, in Lower Egyptian Nome XVI, and contained a temple (hwt-Hzi; Hzz) with offering tables dedicated to Osiris (the prime deity of the district, called variously Osiris-Khes, Osiris-vVen-nefer, Osiris "the August Mummy", "Great God", and "Lord of Ro-nefer"), Isis ("The Great Divine Mother", "The Great Chan tress" , and "Mistress of Ro-nefer and all the Deities of hwt-Khes"), Horus, Sobek ("Lord of Ro-nefer"), Imsety, Hapy, Duamutef, Kebehseneuf, and Anubis ("He Who Is Before the Divine Booth").16 The references to RoFor an illustration of this block, see p. 275 in Edgar, 1914. Personal communication from Troy Sagrillo, who is studying the reign of Sheshonq I. If the block dates to Sheshonq I, it would have been re-cut into a naos at a later date, possibly during the Saite period or Dynasty 30. 13 For a bibliography concerning the Stela of Piye (Piankhy) and references to Ro-nefer, see pp. 66-68 and 78, and n. 39-40, 76, and 83, 011 pp. 82-83, ill Lichtheim, 1980. For the political status of Ro-nefer, see pp. 104, n. 102, and 366-68, n. 710, in Kitchen, 1995. !.} For inscriptions mentioning ra nqfir and ra nqfrit, sce p. 121 (tome III), and for hat Khas and khes{t), see pp. 121, 122, and 205 (tome IV) in Gauthier, 1975. 15 The sources containing references to ra nqfir and ra nqfrit are listed on p. 121 (tome III) in Gauthier, 1975. 16 For the pertinent texts, see p. 29 in Chaban, 191 ; pp. 81-84 in Daressy, 1930; pp. 87-94 in Lefebvre, 1933; p. 88 and Pis. xvi-xxvii in Montet, 1957; p. 180, no. 3, in Yoyotte, 1953. II

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nefer, and the quantity and nature of the monuments and inscriptions from Tebilla, reveal a temple complex containing multiplc, important, national deities, an affiuent, local priesthood, royal and elite patronage, and recognition throughout Egypt (espccially in the eastern delta). A portion of the temple's priesthood included the family and descendants of the sem-priest Ankh-pa-khered (otherwise named [PeJdi-pe-khered): His son, the sem-priest Hor-pen-Iset (Second Priest of Osiris), his son's wife, Hetepet (also called Heryt), who held a post as a temple musician, and his grandson, the sem-priest Si-IsetY Alongside the nine deities associated with the temple, the amulets and figurines discovered at Tebilla represent other deities such as Ptah, Ptah-Sokar, Thoth, Taweret, Bes, Bastet, Heh, Selket, and Renenutet. Although it is possible that Ptah and Thoth had subsidiary shrines within the temple enclosure at T ebilla, most of these deities probably remained objects of household cults or small shrines in the town. In the thousand years or more following the Ptolemaic-Roman period, the temple at TebiUa was quarried for its stone, covered by silt and clay, and gradually disappeared from sight and all but local awareness. It took the 1798 Napoleonic expedition's visit to Tebilla (Tell el-Debeleh; incorrectly equated with Mendes),18 and Burton's 1828 visit 19 and observation of granite blocks on the mound's surface, to re-awaken suspicion regarding the existence of a temple at this site. Although various travelers and scholars observed architectural pieces at Tebilla over the following century, the first archaeological investigation at Tebilla occurred in 1908, when Hossein Abdallah, and subsequently :Nlohammed Chaban and M.e.C. Edgar, initiated excavations in the necropolis area of the mound. 2o Their discoveries,

17 The minimum reconstructed size (18 by 35 metres) of Tebilla's temple, and the scanty information gleaned from the few texts mentioning several priests in hwt Klles, suggest that this temple was medium-sized. Based upon parallels, this temple may have accommodated six or more permanent priests and between fifty and eighty part time personnel, subdivided into four groups of eleven to twenty priests, serving for three months per year in a rotational sequence of one month in four. For more details, see pp. 53-54 in Sauneron, 1998. 18 See Tell el-DebeIeh (Mendes) on the map of Lower Egypt reprinted on pp. 572-73 in Benedikt Taschen, 1994. 19 Burton placed his observation of granite fragments on a map beside Tell elDebelch (Tebilla); see p. 81, fig. 3, in de rvfeulenaere and MacKay, 1976. 20 The excavation's findings included a limestone statuette (ofOsiris-nakht), burnt brick tombs containing mummies with terra cotta face masks, one mud brick tomb yielding scarabs with the prenomen of Thutmose III (Saite re-issues?), a bronze

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published in several brief reports, clarified the nature and designation of the temple through several inscribed statuettes and a wall block found on the mound's surface and in the necropolis area. Despite the expansion of agricultural fields and the removal of large portions of the mound over the past two centuries, the next archaeological interest in Tebilla took place in the last decade: The Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), which was later joined in a co-operative venture by the University of Toronto (1999-2001),21 implemented salvage operations at Tebilla in response to the large-scale, municipal installation of a water filtration plant in the western half of Tell Tebilla (fig. I). Although the immediate requirements for the installation of the water plant precluded any delays to its construction, the municipal and local officials co-operated fully with the archaeological teams to salvage remains from the building site. The municipal removal of approximately 75,000 cubic metres of the western half of the mound for the foundations of the water plant has produced numerous artifacts and pieces of stone architecture and sarcophagi.22 To date (August 2002), a minimum of 367 stone pieces of varying sizes and forms have been catalogued 23 from Tebilla and its environs, enabling-in conjunction with assistance from the SCA--a preliminary hypothetical reconstruction of the minimum size and possible design parameters of the temple (hwt-Khes) of Ro-nefer (fig. 5). The 367 stone pieces number one alabaster item (0.3%), one black granite, thirty-nine pink granite pieces (10.9%), and 326 limestone remains (88.8 %). The granite pieces are generally larger, totaling box, a bronze axe, and several bronze statuettes of Osiris, and a large, broken and plundered limestone sarcophagus, which still held bone debris, two gilded bronze statuettes (Selket and Ranen), a gilded statuette of Osiris, pendants of gold, carnelian, and lapis lazuli, several small scarabs, pearl beads, and an earring. For details, see pp. 28-30 in Chaban. 1910. 21 For more details on the results of the 1999-2001 seasons, see Mumford, 2000; 200 I a; 200 I b; 2002a; 2002b. 22 Special thanks go to the SCA director of the El-Mansoura office, Naguib Noor, for providing access to the register of artifacts found at Tebilla during the 1990s, e.g., bronze figurines, jewellery (amulets; pendants; beads), and shawabtis from the sarcophagi, and a small statuette from the northwest part of the mound. 23 Further thanks to L. Pavlish and P. Carstens for cataloguing and photographing the stone pieces at Tell Tebilla and its environs, and to L. Chinery, C. Gilbert, Z. McQuinn, and S. Parcak, for their assistance in drawing various diagnostic architectural pieces. This writer collated and checked the photographs with each block entry in the final catalogue, incorporating an initial catalogue of 35 blocks (begun by T. Davidson and K. Meikle), and adding further observations from drawings and from personal examinations, records, and photographs of the diagnostic stone pieces.

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up to 23.65 cubic metres in volume (27%) in contrast to the overall 76.50 cubic metre volume (73%) of the limestone. 24 At least fourteen of the stone pieces did not originate from the temple, but consisted of seven to eight(?) sarcophagi (two of granite; six of limestone; fig. 2: 1-3), and five limestone pieces and a lid (fig. 2:4) from two of these sarcophagi.25 Nine limestone pieces may have originated from the temple and include a door socket, two basins (fig. 3: 1), two mortars (fig. 3:2-3),26 a fitting (possibly for a window or drain?; fig. 3:4), a Ushaped, horned altar(?) (fig. 3:5), and two anchor stones (fig. 3:6).27 The remaining 344 diagnostic stones and fragments consisted of one granite door jamb (fig. 4: 1) from a gateway or pylon? (with a 65 degree batter),28 three granite pylon? blocks (with identical slopes),

24 The groups of granite pieces and limestone blocks have approximate (total) weights of 63.4 tons and 203-218 tons, respectively. For lists providing the weight(s) of these types of stone, see p. 28 and table 2.1 in Arnold, 1991. 25 The sarcophagi can be subdivided into three main types: (1) Four bathtubstyle sarcophagi (nos. 149, 154, 162 and 361 oflimestone and granite) with one lid (no. 153), (2) a rectilinear limestone sarcophagus (no .224) with a rectilinear inset, a massive limestone block (no. 221), which may be similar to no. 224, and the 1908 massive limestone sarcophagus, which is not described, but may also resemble no. 224, and (3) one rectilinear black granite sarcophagus (no. 218) with an anthropoidshaped inset. All three sarcophagus types are found in private and royal burials in the Saite and Late Period, with good parallels illustrated on pp. 268-72, figs. 385-89, in Ikram and Dodson, 1998. 26 One mortar (no. 264; fig. 3:3) has two protruding handles and is similar to a Third Intermediate Period and Greco-Roman example shown on p. 158, figs. 200201, in Aston, 1994. 27 Both anchors from T ebilla are smail, measuring 40 by 26 by 15 cm. and 55 by 22 by 22 cm. They are similar to two slightly larger Late Bronze Age anchors from Cyprus, which appear on pp. 22 (table II: N9039), 23 (fig. 10:I.N9039 [64 x 24 x 15-20 cm.]) and 29 (fig. 15 no. 5) in McCaslin, 1980. For a fragmentary Tura limestone "anchor" in Mereruka's tomb at Saqqara, and a similarly shaped, but much larger anchor, from an Early Bronze Age temple in Bahrein, see pp. 142-43, fig. 2 left and fig. 2B, in Frost, 1979. Despite few good Bronze Age parallels (pp. 377-94, fig. I and PIs. I-II, in Frost, 1970), the limestone of the Tebilla anchors matches most of the blocks from the site, implying an Egyptian origin for the material, if not the style of the anchors (i.e., truncated, elongated triangles with a single perforation at the top). 28 This block (fig. 4: I) resembles the style of a gateway jamb, such as one in the ProMOJ entrance at Kom Ombo, illustrated on p. 99 in Arnold, 1992. A strong argument against the block's use in a pylon is the 65° angle of its face, which is much lower than the 80-81 0 angle (I: 7 horizontal to vertical ratio) found in Pylon I at Karnak Temple and in other temple pylons; see pp. 195-96 in Clarke and Engelbach, 1930. Of note, while most pyramid casings have inclinations between 48° to 55°, a few examples, such as the pyramids of Iuput I and Udjebten, reach 63 0 and 63°30', or sometimes exceed this angle; see pp. 461-65 (appendix I) in Verner, 1997. Other

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thirty-one granite wall blocks, two granite naos fragments (of different sizes; fig. 4:2-3), three limestone statuettes, one granite statuette, seven limestone column bases (fig. 4:4), a limestone papyrus capital (fig. 4:5), a limestone drainage channel (fig. 4:6), four decorated limestone wall blocks (fig. 4: 7), and 290 limestone blocks (from foundation courses, flooring, walls, and other elements; fig. 4:8). In regards to their context of discovery, 167 (45.5%) limestone pieces still lay within the water plant, twenty-seven (7.4%) limestone and granite blocks appeared in the excavated foundation area outside the water plant, seventy-one (19.3%) limestone and granite blocks and sarcophagi were found in a group at the southwest corner of the mound, six (1.6%) pieces were scattered sporadically along the southern end of the mound, twelve (3.3%) limestone and granite blocks were found across the eastern half of the mound, eleven (3%) granite blocks occurred in a pile at the northern end of the mound, forty-four (12%) blocks had been reused in the modern village on the eastern edge of the mound, nine (2.5%) blocks were located along the northern base of the mound, ten (2.7%) blocks lay in the fields to the north, and the remaining ten (2.7%) stone pieces had been discovered prior to the current survey at Tell Tebilla. The villagers noted that most of the granite pieces from the southwest pile had lain on the mound's surface for many decades, while the limestone pieces in this pile are attributed to the water plant's foundation area. In general, the pieces found scattered across the mound, in the village, and in the fields, represented smaller blocks and fragments than many of the pieces inside and beside the water plant's enclosure. The concentration of architectural pieces at Tell Tebilla's northwestern corner 29 provides strong evidence for the temple's location here. Of direct interest, an official supervising the municipality's earth removal operations reported that this area had contained the remnants of a 20 em thick layer of foundation sand, some limestone paving blocks, column bases, and a drainage channel. Although a plan of this area awaits release, local officials have indicated that only a small than postulating this block's unlikely use as a stairway balustrade, it may represent a door jamb for a gate in a mud brick enclosure wall: It is closer to several blocks with a 73° degree batter composing a Ramesside gate at Serape urn (located near Km. 91, south of Lake Timsah); see p. 58, fig. 3, in Bruyere, 1951. 29 For an early map showing the mound of Tell T ebilla, similar to the 1958 I: 50,000 map (Sheet 5687 III, based upon the 1930-50 Survey of Egypt 1:25,000 map), see p. 89 in Daressy, 1930.

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patch of paving had survived. Indeed, the evidence of both wedgeshaped quarry marks on various limestone and granite blocks and sarcophagi, and the re-dispersal of many blocks across the mound and its environs, attest to the large-scale and long-term dismantling of the temple, beginning at some point in the Roman period and continuing until recent times. Despite the ancient destruction of the temple, the quantity and nature of the extant remaining architectural pieces allows a preliminary and hypothetical reconstruction of the temple (fig. 5): It measured no less than 15-18 by 30-35 metres in size,30 enclosing at least three inner sanctuaries (and possibly up to nine sanctuaries), a pillared hall, an outer court with a drainage channel and pillared colonnade, and a pylon, and it lay within an enclosure wall that occupied at least 79.4 by 79.4 metres in area. Although more detailed, future analyses of block proportions, the chisel widths and types used in cutting each block, and other features, might allow blocks to be subdivided into different periods, the current study entails a preliminary reconstruction of the final form of the temple, based upon the extant remains. 31 It must be assumed that modifications were made to the structure throughout its history from Dynasty 22 through to Dynasty 30, and possibly into the Ptolemaic-Roman period. The following discussion will outline the evidence for each component in the suggested reconstruction. 32

30 The scarcity of Third Intermediate Period temples provides a limited number of contemporary examples for comparison, but Sheshonq 1'5 temple at EI-Hibe is similar in size (17.65 by 30 metres) to the minimum reconstructed temple size at Tebilla. See pp. 33-35, 33 fig. 5, in D. Arnold, 1999. 31 The 290 limestone blocks at Tebilla (excluding other diagnostic limestone pieces) represent mostly poorly dressed foundation and floor blocks; they lack uniform dimensions, which suggest that they are less likely to date to the Ptolemaic-Roman period in which many, albeit not all, temples adopted courses of stones with regular heights and other dimensions; see pp. 144 and 145 fig. 96 in Arnold, 1999. 109 block heights at Tebilla range broadly from 5 em to 62 em, with visible peaks at 9 em (4%),30 cm (7.2%), 34 cm (4.1 %),36 em (16.6%), and 40 em (5.5%). The remaining 181 blocks (62%) encompass virtually all other height ranges between 5 cm and 62 em, with concentrations at 8 em (2.4%), 12 cm (2.4%), 16 em (3%), 20 em (2.5%), 22 em (2.8°;')), 27 cm (3.1 %), 32 cm (3.4%), and 33 cm (2.8%); the lea~t represented heights (excluded from this list) have one to six blocks (0.3-2.1 %), while absent bloek heights include 11 cm, 49 cm, 53-56 em, and 59-61 em. 32 The evidence for the following reconstruction relics largely upon an examination of numerous temple plans and architectural features, including those published in Arnold, 1991; 1992; 1999 ; Badawy 1968; Clarke and Engelbach, 1930; Niederberger, 1999; Quirke 1997; Shafer 1997; Wilkinson, 2000.

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The reference to a main deity (Osiris) and eight other deities and their associated offering tables suggests the possibility of nine sanctuaries. Osiris, who formed the focal point of the temple, would most likely have received the largest naOJ and a sanctuary placed in a prominent position at the back of the temple. His consort Isis and the god Sobek are also major deities in Ro-nefer, and may have had slightly smaller sanctuaries. Horus and Anubis probably received their own sanctuaries as well, while the remaining four deities could have had much smaller sanctuaries, shared one sanctuary, or may simply have been represented in the sanctuary of one of the other deities. The suggestion of a prime sanctuary and smaller sanctuaries is supported by the presence of a corner fragment from the base of a large, granite naOJ (no. 180; fig. 4:2)33 and the side and back part of a smaller, granite naOJ (no. 191; fig. 4:2). The two naoi contained bases measuring at least 2.00 by 2.00 metres and 1.10 by 1.10 metres, respectively. Based upon parallels to similarly sized naoi at Nectanebo II's temple at Elephantine, it is likely that the two sizes of naoi at Tebilla reflect two sizes of sanctuaries with floor spaces measuring 3 by 3 metres and 4 by 7 metres. 34 With respect to the internal layout of the sanctuaries, the various temple plans for Dynas6es 22-30 suggest a central, main sanctuary surrounded by a corridor accessing smaller sanctuaries lining the temple's exterior back walls. 35 This corridor would have been no narrower than the 0.75 metre wide corridor at El-Hibe, and probably extended to 1.50 metres in width, closer to the corridor width around the central shrines at Elephantine. The inner, central sanctuary, which represented a new feature in the Third Intermediate Period, may have been constructed of hard stone like at EI-Hibe. Although some similarly sized stone temples had walls as narrow as 0.65 metres,36 the walls composing the EI-Hibe and Elephantine temples range from 1.20 metres to

33 The large naos fragment li'om Tcbilla conforms well with a 2.00 by 2.51 metre naos from Elephantine, displaying a similar size, sloping back wall, and wall thickness; see pp. 88-90 and 89 Abb. 53 in Niederberger, 1999. 34 For a plan of the llaoi and sanctuaries at Elephantine, sec p. 135, fig. 91, in Arnold, 1999. 35 These design features for multiple shlines appear in temples at EI-Hibe (Sheshonq I), Bubastis (Neetanebo II), and Elephantine (Nectanebo II); see pp. 33, fig. 5, 37 fig. lO, and J 35 fig. 91 in Arnold, 1999. 36 Ptolemy IV's Hathor Temple at Deir el-Medineh measured 15 by 24 metres and contained some walls as narrow as 0.65 metres; see pp. 175-76 and fig. 124 in Arnold, 1999.

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1.50 metres, and even 2.00 metres, in widthY In this reconstruction a wall width of 1.10 metre is attested by one decorated block (no. 199), which may have lain over a door. The presence of seven column bases (fig. 4:4)38 of two to three basic diameter ranges suggests an inner pillared hall, an outer pillared hall, and possibly part of a pillared pronaos later added onto the temple's facade. An examination of the placement of differently sized column bases within temples reveals that, in general, they occur in decreasing sizes from the exterior to the interior, allowing the standard decrease in ceiling height along the temple axis towards the innermost sanctuary. (In cases where temples included an hypostyle hall, the columns flanking the temple axis would be larger). At Tebilla, the top of the three smallest column bases measured 42 ern (no. 148), 44 ern (no. 237; fig. 4:4), and 44 ern (no. 240). They probably represent a transverse pillared hall with at least four columns that may have risen 2.80 metres in height39 with up to a three metre space separating each pillar from its neighbour. 40 Given the small size of the column bases, it seems plausible that this hallway did not exceed four metres in width. The two next largest column bases have diameters of 80 ern (no. 190)

See pp. 33, fig. 5 (EI-Hibe), and 135, fig. 91 (Elephantine), in Arnold, 1999. Although seven column bases are catalogued officially, in 1999 this writer observed a small, mostly buried column base along the southern edge of the mound, but it awaits re-location and cataloguing. In addition, several other "column bases" may occur amongst the limestone blocks, but require verification in future seasons. There may be at least ten column bases in total. 39 It is probable that such narrow column bases supported wooden columns. This suggestion is enhanced through the discovery of a small limestone papyrus capital (no.266; fig. 4:5), 23 em in diameter at the top and 10 cm at the base, with a 6 cm diameter vertical socket that could have secured the top of a tall, tapering wooden column. The papyrus capital is rather small and may have originated from a private house (a similar example appears in a priest's house at Karnak Temple). In postulating limestone columns measuring up to 40 em in diameter, their heights could reach 1.60 metres, 2.00 metres, or 2.80 metres, depending upon whether their ratios reflected the Ramesside 1:4 and 1:5 column width-height ratios or the Kushite 1:7 column width-height ratio; see pp. 44-45 in Arnold, 1999.The higher 1:7 ratio would make sense here if stone columns were used. 4D Wilkinson notes that limestone architraves and ceiling slabs did not generally exceed spans of three metres, while sandstone allowed spans of eight metres; see p. 65 in Wilkinson, 2000. Only three limestone blocks exceed 2 metres at Tebilla (excluding sarcophagi): Two measure 2.10 metres (nos. 168; 217) and the decorated block (no. 199) is 2.70 m. long; only the granite naos and sarcophagus exceed 2 m. This implies either no roofing blocks survived or that another material composed the temple's roof. 3i

38

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and 83 em (no. 65), and may reflect a small colonnade 41 with a set of two pillars each on either side of an open courtyard with a drainage channe1. 42 Since the column bases in the outer court were wider, they may have supported architraves spanning three metres, thereby allowing the outer court to measure nine metres in length. The remaining seventh column was larger (measuring 94 em in diameter) and may have formed part of a pronaos. The front of the temple may have contained a 4 metre wide pylon entry. This suggestion is based upon the presence of several granite foundation and lower wall blocks with a definite batter, and a granite door jamb base (fig. 4.1) with an identical sloping side. Although this form of pylon entry would not duplicate the entrance style adopted by Sheshonq I at EI-Hibe, pylon entries do continue throughout the Late Period and Ptolemaic-Roman era (e.g., Edfu Temple). The numerous granite blocks may also reflect the Saite and Dynasty 30 large-scale use of hard stone in embellishing existing and constructing new temples, especially in the northeast delta where Kings Nectanebo I and II built over a dozen new temples using hard stones. 43 The Saite and Dynasty 30's use of deep stone foundations for temples in the delta met the requirements of an environment that received more rainfall and needed to stabilize the heavier hard stone walls used during these periods.'14 41 Using the Ramesside and Kushite column width-height ratios, one could calculate potential heights of 2.80 m., 3.50 m., and 4.90 m., should the columns measure 0.70 m. in width and be constructed of stone. The absence of both stone column drums and blocks with a curved edge (reflecting multiple blocks composing a single course in a column) suggests that wooden pillars may have been used in the temple at Tebilla. Another possibility, is the use of square pillars, which may be represented by some i,rranite blocks (e.g., no. 241: 51 x 51 x 130 cm.; no. 204: 64 x 67 x 134 em.) and some limestone blocks (e.g., no. 186: 40 x 43 x 119 cm.; no. 187: 45 x 45 x 105 cm.). 42 One oflicial reported that a portion of pavement had survived with some column bases, paving stones, and a drainage channel. This fonns the basis for the reconstruction of a partly unroofed outer court with a drainage channel, lNhich is suggested here as running along the temple axis and out the entryway. Although similar drainage channels are attested in 1100rs (p. 114, fig. 4.6, in Arnold, 1991), the Roman period temple at Dakka has a similar water channel in the upper part of its colonnade (p. 160, fig. 183, in Clarke and Engelbach, 1930). 43 See pp. 65, 95, and 94 fig. 48 (map), in Arnold, 1999. For a discussion of Mammisi ("Birth Houses"), which are built within temple precincts in the Late Period (especially Dynasty 30) and continue into the Ptolemaic-Roman period, see pp. 94-95 and 285-87 in Arnold, 1999. 44 For a discussion of Saite and Dynasty 30 foundations, see pp. 66-67 and 97 in Arnold, 1999. See also pp. 69-77 in Clarke and Engelbach, 1930.

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Only a few decorated wall blocks survive from the temple, but what little exists indicates that at least a portion of the temple had received inscriptions and large scale depictions of the king and Osiris.45 One wall block (no.362) bears the prenomen of Sheshonq I and vertical columns of text beside an atef crown of Osiris (which would have surmounted a large figure of this deity). A figure of the king probably appeared to the left, beside his cartouche(s). A second limestone block (no. 199; fig. 4:7) bore the upper and lower parts of two registers with incised decoration. The upper register displayed the lower half of two kneeling figures facing each another and the legs of a third figure standing to the left, facing away from the kneeling figures. The lower register was badly worn and contained some traces of the tops of hieroglyphs. Similar scenes appear in the inner, pillared halls at Karnak Temple, suggesting that block 199 may have originated from an inner chamber at Tebilla. 46 The block (no.360) with a fragmentary, incised Ramesside cartouche is smaller (51.5 x 22.2 x 24.2 cm) than many of the limestone blocks, and probably reflects reuse within the foundations or elsewhere. An inscribed granite piece (no. 180; fig. 4:2) contains traces of an epithet (" ... given life, beloved of [pta]h"), written in 50 cm. high hieroglyphs, which suggests its original placement on a large pylon, or exterior wall face, before the block was re-cut into a naos. A fifth block (no.275) has traces ofa continuous row of narrow, vertical lines in sunken relic£: perhaps representing the lower part of an interior wall face. The remaining block (no.359) has faint traces of two vertical columns of text, but is a narrow slab (50 x 40 x 10-11 em.), and in its form, style, and condition, it may represent the reuse of a stela within the temple. Since only a portion of the temple's foundations, flooring, and lowest wall levels appear to have survived, one can estimate that the blocks at Tebilla reflect no more than 10%, and perhaps as little as 5 %, of the original stone work. The combined limestone and granite remains at Tebilla amount to 100.15 cubic metres, which translates into a cubic area measuring 4.64 m. in length, breadth, and height. Should this reflect only 5 % of the original stone, one could postulate that the building had contained 2,000 cubic metres'P of stone, which

See p. 277 in Edgar, 1914. block (fig. 4: 7) measures 1.10 metres in width and provides the basis for reconstructing the temple walls (fig. 5) at this measurement. 47 To place the building of Tebilla's temple in context with peak periods of con45

'16 Thi~

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reflects a cubic area of 12.6 metres in length, breadth, and height. Hence, the estimated stone would have been sufficient to construct a chamber-filled structure measuring 18 by 30 metres and containing flooring, roofing slabs, and deep foundations for a pylon, walls, and column bases. Having outlined the parameters for the temple's potential appearance, what can be said regarding the immediate environs of this structure? A perusal of Third Intermediate Period to Ptolemaic-Roman temple enclosure sizes and designs reveal that many temples had sacred precincts covering an area from two to ten times larger than the inner temple. In the case of a minimum 18 by 35 metre temple (630 square metres), the surrounding enclosure wall could have enclosed a 79.40 by 79.40 metre area (6,304 square metres). Such an enclosure would have safeguarded such features as housing for priests, storerooms, granaries, work..<;hops, kitchens, a Sacred Lake, a Nilometer, possible additions to the temple (e.g., a pronaos), subsidiary shrines, and perhaps a mammisi ("birth house").48 These enclosure walls also served as fortifications, especially under Nectanebo I-II, who built extremely strong enclosures around temples and placed fortifications at the mouths of rivers in the delta (i.e., Tebilla) in anticipation of a Persian invasion. Unfortunately, the immediate environs of Tebilla's temple have been irretrievably removed and such features will remain unconfirmed. However, the sides of a deep trench (for water pipes), stretching 300 metres alongside the interior east wall of the water plant, did reveal some deeply founded, wide walls (several metres thick), which may have been related to the temple precinct or surrounding structures. 49

struction in Egypt, the estimated original 2,000 cubic metres of stone composing this temple forms only 0.07% (less than one-thousandth) of the 2,700,000 cubic metres of stone estimated in the 20 year building of Khufll's pyramid; for the estimate of Khufu's pyramid's volume, sec p. 108 in Lehner, 1997. The estimated 2,664 tons of granite and limestone composing Tebilla's temple (sec n. 23 above) would have required 133-178 boat loads, based upon a cargo of 15-20 tons each. For Egyptian textual evidence and a reconstruction of the weight of blocks transported by ships to the Ramesseum, see pp. 65-66, fig. 3.8, in Arnold, 1999. 48 For an overview and illustrations of many of these features, see pp. 72-75 in Wilkinson, 2000. Further coverage is provided on pp. 51-53, 55, 94-96, 98-99, 104, 132-36, and 154-55 in Sauneron, 1998. 49 The general findspot of the temple paving and the projected eastern enclosure wall lie 50 and 25 metres, respectively, to thc west of the water pipe trench. See the map ofthe mound, water plant, temple, and harbour published on p. 20 in l'vlumford, 2002. It is more likely that these walls belong to structures outside the temple precinct due to their distance from the water pipe trench and the discovery of a fi·agmentary

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The temple was well-located on the western side of the mound, with close proximity to a branch of the Nile connecting Tebilla to the Mediterranean Sea and to Egyptian settlements to the south along the Mendesian branch of the Nile (fig. 5). Tebilla's location on the west side of a southward protruding levee, between a pair of 22.5 metre high, east-west, meandering levees (flanking a flood plain), reveal that a second relic river traversed the flood plain immediately to the west of the mound, joining the north-south Mendesian branch of the Nile (until the latter river silted up at some point during the Roman period). The discovery of two limestone anchors along the western and northwestern sides of the mound bolsters arguments for the placement of the harbour beside the western flood plain, whereas the corresponding eastern flood plain lies 1 Ian away (across a 500 metre wide mound). Although an eastern facing alignment might suit Osiride temple requirements better (with the sanctuary at the western end of the structure), the often overriding orientation of temples towards the Nile 50 has governed the reconstruction of this temple's entrance to the west; the temple itself has been aligned according to the orientation of contemporary structures excavated at the southern and northern ends of the mound. In the Saite and Late Period, the significance of this temple is underscored by the appearance of several private votive statues placed in the Tebilla temple by local and non-indigenous high officials and priests. In the Saite period, Osiris-nakht, the mayor of "TOU!J-rmf' / "Ta-remou(?)"51 and a commander of troops, dispatched a statuette (no. 263; Cairo Museum E.40041) to hwt-Khes; he dedicated it to Osiris, Isis, and the gods of this temple in exchange for their favours. 52 In the Late Period, another mayor, Ankh-meswty, may have sent his statuette (no. 266) to Tebilla, but he dedicated it to Osiris ("Lord of

anthropoid eoffin lid and some jewellery in spoil heaps from the same treneh (i.e., a cemetery lay to the east). so For a discussion of the orientation of both temples in general and temples to Osiris, see pp. 36-37 and 143-48 in Wilkinson, 2000. 51 For the equation of "TalJ!y-nn~?)" versus "Ta-remou" with Mendes and Tell e1-Muqdam, and Ro-nefer with Nome XVI (versus Nome VII), see p. 278 in Edgar 1914; see p. 10 (tome VI), /Mui rmt(?), and p. 26 (tome VI), ta rem, ta rerem, ta rmou, in Gauthier 1975; see p. 39 in Porter and Moss, 1934; see p. 180 and n. 4 in Yoyotte, 1953. 52 See pp. 277-78 in Edgar, 1914; p. 83, no.3, in Daressy, 1930; p. 180 in Yoyotte, 1953; p. 141 in Montet, 1957.

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Busiris"; "The Great God;" "Lord of Abydos") and Anubis. 53 Two Late Period priests also provided statuettes. The son of Hor-pen-iset (a Second Prophet of Sobek), dedicated a granite statuette (no. 264; Louvre E.7689)54 of his father to nine deities in the temple (hwt-Khes) at Tebilla, and he included additional information about his family's service in this temple. The second Late Period cleric, a priest of Sobek and Osiris in hwt- Khes, probably also installed his limestone statuette in the Tebilla temple. 55 The dedicants would likely have placed these statuettes within the outer courtyard of the temple, or along the processional way leading to the temple entry.56 In addition, some of the cultic furnishings have survived, including two TUl()J fragments (nos. 180; 191; fig. 4:2-3), and a U-shaped stone (no. 267; fig. 5), which might represent a "horned altar," and possibly two basins (nos. 220; 265; fig. 3: 1), two mortars (nos. 257; 264; fig. 3: 2-3), and two anchors (nos. 258 fig. 6; 270). Like mortars and basins, anchors are also found in both occupation and cultic contexts, and may represent votive offerings. Of note, while no fragments of the cult statues have come to light, the necropolis has produced numerous bronze statuettes of Osiris, including a separate bronze crook and flail, emblems closely associated with OsirisY The inscriptional evidence, monumental remains, artifacts, and other features at Tebilla, suggest that it was more than a simple community during the Third Intermediate Period to Late Period. The Gebel Barkal

S3 Special thanks to Naguib Noor for making available for examination, the registry book and a photograph of this statuette. The statuette was discovered in the temple area at Tebilla in 1998. (Local reports about the recent discovery of a headless royal statuette at Tebilla remain unsubstantiated.) 5~ For details on this statuette, which was purchased in el-Mansoura, but was said to have originated from Tebilla, see pp. 81-83, no.2, in Daressy, 1930; see pp. 87-94 in Lefebvre, 1933; p. 141 in Montet, 1957 . .'is For more details on this statuette, which belonged to a private collection in Cairo and is believed to have originated from Tcbilla, see pp. 83-84, no. 4, in Daressy, 1930 . .'i6 The dedicant's soul (ka) would partake, through the statuette, in the temple festivals, receiving offerings and other benefits from its proximity to the deities; for a discussion and bibliography, see pp. 62-64 and 247 (the outer courts) in Wilkinson, 2000. 57 See n. 20 (above) for references to published repOlts and plans of the necropolis at TebilIa. The plan of the Saite tombs from the southern end of the mound resembles the contemporary rectangular and square subterranean structures with casemate chambers found at the delta site of Tell Nebesheh; see Pis. xv-xvi and pI. xvii inset for plans of the TeU Nebesheh cemetery in Petrie, Murray, and Griffith, 1888.

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stela of King Piye places Ro-nefer in King Osorkon IV's East Delta kingdom in a list of rulers and polities opposing Piye's ca. 728 B.C. campaign against northern Egypt. In this account and time period, Mendes was ruled by a Libyan-derived, Chief of the Ma, separate from Ro-nefer, revealing Tanite control of the northern terminus of the Mendesian branch of the Nile, thereby enabling Osorkon IV to dominate the regional commercial relations between tile East Mediterranean and the territories to the south of Ro-nefer along the Ivlendesian river. This key riverine and maritime location of Tebilla probably played a sufficiently significant role in ensuring the accumulation of wealth and royal patronage that the town's elite could afford rich burial furnishings and large stone sarcophagi. The prosperity of the overall community is also apparent through the presence of imported southern Egyptian materials and items (e.g., marl pottery containers; limestone' flint· carnelian' alabaster' granite' natron' kohl' copper' gold; finished products), Red Sea products (e.g., pearls; incense), and Levantine goods (e.g., a Judean juglet; bitumen; Cypro-Phoenician vessels; Phoenician amphorae; lapis lazuli).58 The widespread, intense burn debris that occurs across the site in association with Late Period pottery and structures, suggests that Tebilla was destroyed in 342 B.C. by Artaxerxes III, whose activities are well-attested by mid-4th century B.C. destructions throughout the delta (e.g., Mendes) in both historical and archaeological sources. The thoroughness and effectiveness of his campaign is displayed in the eastern part of Tebilla: three storey red-burnt and debris-choked blocks of housing and other structures 59 have survived, creating an abnormally high eastern mound that dominated the lower western side of the mound (which contained the temple and elite sector of the necropolis). Although the temple may have been reactivated after 342 B.C., the eastern structures were left mostly dormant, with isolated chambers being cleared for Ptolemaic-Roman interments. The addition of a later wall and pits containing glass slag reveal that at least one portion of the eastern sector became an industrial quarter for glass "

, . . ,

I..

,

,

,

•

,

51\ See n. 9 (above) for a list of the local materials and byproducts available to Tebilla for export, in addition to its geographic position-straddling one of the delta, riverine commercial routes--fi)r the shipment of Egyptian and Mediterranean materials and products. 'i'l Magnetometer survey work (by L. Pavlish) and widespread surface scraping and isolated excavation (directed by this writer) have revealed large n0l1h-south blocks of structures in this area.

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production and other activities in the Ptolemaic-Roman period. The evidence of wedge-shaped quarry marks 60 on various temple blocks and sarcophagi suggest that the temple and cemetery had begun to be plundered, perhaps as early as A.D. 385, when Cynegius ordered the closure of non-Christian temples. 61 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arnold, D. 1999-Temples if the Last Pharaohs. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992-Die Tempel Agyptens: Gottenvohnungen, Kultstiitten, BaudenAmiiler. Zurich: Artemis and Winkler. 1991-Building in Egypt: Pharaonic Stone }.;[asonry. New York: Oxford University Press. Aston, B.G. 1994--Ancient Agyptian Stone Vessels: Materials and FomLS. Studien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens, Band 5. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag. Badawy, A. 1968~~~A History if Egyptian Architecture: The Empire (the New li.ingdom) from the Eighteenth 0nasry to tlte End if the Twentieth 0nasry /580-1085 B.C. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bruyere, B. 1951-"Un Monument de Rameses II a Serapeum," Bulletin de la Societe D'Etudes Historiques et Geographiques de l'bthme de Suez, tome III (1949-1950): 57-74. Butzer, K.W. 1976-~Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Stud)! in Cultural Ecolvgy. Prehisto6c Archaeology and Ecology Series. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2002-·-"Geoarchacological Implications ofRccent Research in the Nile Delta," pp.8397 in E.C.M. van den Brink and T.E. Levy (eds.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelations from the 4th through the Early 3rd Millennium B.C.E. New Approaches to Anthropological Archaeology. London: Leicester University Press. Chaban, M.E. 191O-·"Monuments recueillis pendant mes inspections," Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'I§;gypte, 10: 28-30.

60 Arnold relates that the application of lines of wedge-shaped holes for splitting blocks does not predate 500 B.C., and is attested in late Roman quarrying of granite blocks (at Karnak Temple and elsewhere); see pp. 39 and 53, n. 26, in Arnold, 1991. 61 Butzer notes that the fourth century A.D. coincides with the beginning of the abandonment of the delta fi'inges due to incursions of water and salt; see p. 96 in Butzer 1976.

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Clarke, S. and Engelbach, R. I 930--Ancient F.,gyptian Construction and Architecture. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. (1990 reprint of 1930 edition). Coutellier, V. and Stanley, DJ. 1987- Late Quarternary Stratigraphy and Palaeogeography of the Eastern Nile Delta, Egypt," Marine Geology, 77: 257-75. H

Daressy, M.G. 1930--"Recherches geographiques," Annales du Service des Antiquites de I'EgyPte, 30: 69-94. de Meulenaere, D. and MacKay, P. 1976--Mendes II. Warminster: Aris and Phillips Ltd. Edgar, M.C.C. 1914---"Notes from my inspectorate," Annates du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte, tome 13: 277-84. Frost, H. 1979---"Egypt and Stone Anchors: Some Recent Discoveries," The Mariner's Mirror, 65 no.2 (May 1979): 137-61. Gauthier, H. 1970--"Bronze Age Stone-Anchors from the Eastern Mediterranean," The lvlariner's Mirror, 56:377-94. 1975-Dictionrzaire des noms geographiques contenus dans les Textes Hiiroglyphiques, Tomes 1- VII (Avec indices et cartes). Osnabriick: Otto Zeller (1975 reprint of 1925-31 volumes I-VII). Griffith, F.U 1890- The Antiquities rif Tell El-Yahuaryeh and Miscellaneous Work in Lower Egypt during the Years 1887-/888. Egypt Exploration Fund Memoir No.7. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner and Co. Ikram, S. and Dodson, A. 1998-The Mummy in Ancient Egypt: Equipping the Dead for Eternity. London: Thames and Hudson. Kitchen, K.A. 1995- The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (11 00-650 B.C.). Warminster: Aris and Phillips Ltd. (1986 supplement and 1995 preface). Lefebvre, G. 1933--"Textes Egyptiens du Louvre," Revue d'F.,gyptologie, 1:87-104. Lehner, M. 1997- The Gomplete l}ramids

rif Egypt.

London: Thames and Hudson.

Lichtheim, M. 1980-Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. III: The Late Period. Berkeley: University of California Press. McCaslin, D.E. 1980--Stone Anchors in Antiquity: Coastal Settlements and Maritime Trade-routes in the Eastern

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Mediterranean ca. 1600-1050 B.C. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 61. Goteborg: Paul Astroms Forlag. Malek,]. 1985-"Tell Tibilla," p. 39 in W. Heick and E. Otto (eel.) LexiJwn der Agyptologit, Band 6 Lieferung 3. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Montet, P. 1957~-Geographie de I'Egypte Ancienne, tome I. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale Librairie

C. Klincksieck. Mumford, G.D. 2000-"The Mendesian Nome and Tell Tebilla (East Delta)," The AkJumaten Temple Project Newsletter, 2000 no.2 (May): 1-3, figures 1-5. 200Ia-"Concerning the 2000 season at Tell Tebilla (Mendesian Nome)," The Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, 2001 no.1 (March): 1-4, figures 1-5. 200 I b-"The 200 I season at Tell Tebilla (East Delta)," TIe Society for the Stu4J qf Egyptian Antiquities Newsletter, September 200 I: 2, figure I. 2002a-"Reconstructing the ancient settlement at Tell TebilIa," Bulletin qfthe American Research Center in Egypt, no.182 (Spring-Summer 2002): 18-23, 5 illustrations. 2002b-"Concerning the 200 I season at Tell Tebilla (Mendes ian Nome)," TIle Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, 2002: 1-4, figures 1-5. Niederberger, W. 1999-Elephantine XX: Der c,rmumtempel Nektanebos' II. Architektur und baugeschichtliche Eirzordnung. Archaologische Veroffentlichungen 96. Mainz: Philipp Von Zabern. Petrie, W.M.F., Murray, A.S. and Griffith, F.U 1888-Nebesheh (AM) and Difenneh (Tahpanhes). Egypt Exploration Fund Memoir no.4. London: Trubner and Co. Porter, B. and Moss, R.L.B. 1934-- Topographical Bibliography qfAncient I!.'gyptian HieroglYphic Texts, Reliefi~ and Paintings. Vol. IV uwer and Middle Egypt (Delta and Cairo to A.ryut). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Quirke, S. (ed.) 1997-- The Temple in Ancient E..f!)pt: New Discoveries and Recent Research. London: British Museum Press. Sauneron, S. I 998--The Priests qfAncient Egypt. Translated by D. Lorton. Ithaca: Cornell University Press (second edition). Shafer, B.E. (cd.) 1997--Ternples qf Ancient Egypt. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Stanley, ].-D. 2002-"Configuration of the Egypt-to-Canaan Coastal l\hrgin and North Sinai Byway in the Bronze Age," pp. 98-117 in E.C.M. van den Brink and T.E. Levy (eel.), Egypt and the Levant: Interrelationsfiom the 4th through the EarlY 3rd Millennium B.C.E. New Approaches to Anthropological Archaeology. London: Leicester University Press. Taschen (publishers) 1994--~DeJcription de l'Egypte (Complete Eaition). Koln: Benedikt Taschen.

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Verner, M. I 997-The JYramids. Translated by S. Rendall. New York: Grove Press. Wilkinson, R.H. 2000-7he Complete Temples

if Ancient Egypt.

London: Thames and Hudson.

Yoyotte,J. 1953-"La Ville de 'Taremou' (Tell el-Muqdam)," Bulletin de l'Institut Franfais d'Archiologie Orientale, 52: 179-92.

TWO

I~1AGES

TE~fPLE

OF DEIFIED PTOLEMIES IN THE PRECINCT OF THE GODDESS ~1UT AT SOUTH KARNAK Richard A. Fazzini

It is a privilege to be represented in this volume of studies in honor of a fine scholar. It is also a pleasure because the honoree is a friend whose willingness to permit others to use Beit Canada, the expedition house of the Akhenaten Temple Project, which he has so long directed, has helped make possible the writer's archaeological fieldwork at Thebes. I Under the circumstances, it seemed appropriate to contribute an article on some results of that work to this volume. As the editors of this Festschrijl have requested essays on subjects related to the honoree's interest in Egyptian history and the interconnections between Egypt and the ancient Mediterranean world, the writer has chosen to use this opportunity to publish two monuments related to the cults of the Ptolemies in Egypt and previously the subject of brief: un-illustrated notices in print. Document I The first monument is a sandstone block found lying face down in a group of displaced blocks lying in the open area north and west of the Mut Temple's First Pylon. (To the west of E in the plan of fig. 1 and fig. 2.) Bearing the Mut Expedition number IM.6, this block

I The fieldwork is the Archaeological Expedition to the Precinct of the Goddess Mut at South Karnak. This is a project of the Brooklyn Museum of Art conducted with the assistance of The Detroit Institute of Arts and under the auspices of the American Research Center in Egypt. This writer is Project Director and Co-Field Director. William Peck is Co-Ficld Director. In 1978-1979 the Mut Expedition was funded by a grant from The Coca Cola Company, Atlanta, Georgia. Major funders for other seasons of work have been the Brooklyn Museum of Art; the Egyptian, Classical, and Ancient Middle Eastern Art Council of the Brooklyn Museum; the Founders Society, Detroit Institute of Arts; the Getty Oil Company; CONOCO; and numerous individuals, most notably and, in alphabetical order: Mr. and r-"frs. Thomas Brush, Dr. Louis Fontana, Dr. W. Benson Harer, Jr., Ms. Joann Harris, Mr. Jack A. Josephson, and Mr. John Moran.

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is carved in sunk relief. The right end (proper left end) of the block is the original edge, and the evidence of its tool marks suggests an attribution of the block to the Ptolemaic Period. 2 The proper left side of the block is an original surface. The preserved width of the decorated face is 88 cm. and the preserved height and depth of the block are 38 cm. and 82 cm., respectively. As can be seen in fig. 2, the main element of decoration preserved is part of a crown that is, of course, one form of the well-known crown associated mainly with the deified Arsinoe II, sister and wife of Ptolemy II. 3 To its right is the lower part of a cartouche containing the remains of the name Arsinoe as a label for the figure. Dils has recently published a detailed study of this crown, 4 which he describes as consisting essentially of a red crown (often lacking the spiral), horizontal rams' horns and two plumes, usually with a sun disk flanked by curving cows horns at their base. The rams' horns either support the plumes or, as in the present block, rise from the head of the figure and serve as the base for the red crown. In this case, it is impossible to tell if the red crown had a spiral. On the Mut block, a uraeus crowned by a sun disk rears above the rams' horns, but two uraei with or without sun disks are also known. Dils identifies two basic types of this crown, depending on the location of the rams' horns, and a third variant that has two sets of rams' horns; none can be tied to a specific period or region. Dils also points outS that the Mut block, as noted later by Quaegebeur, along with other evidence, counters Quaegebeur's original suggestion 6 that this type of crown was found only at Philae. As Quaegebeur has written: "Sur une photo [of the Mut block] 2 J.-C. Golvin, J. Larronde, and A. Marrouf, "Etude des procedes de construction dans l'Egyptc anciennc, II, L'edification des murs de gres en grand appareil a I'epoque ptolemaique: date probable de I'apparition des nouvelles techniques de pose," ASAE 70 (1985) 271-381. 3 The cult of Arsinoe II was maintained long after her death, and "her" crown was also worn by Cleopatra II or III and Cleopatra VII, J. Quaegebeur, "Trois statues dc femme d'epoquc ptolemaique," in H. de Meulenaere and L. Limme (ed.), Artibus Aegypti. Studia in Honorem Bernardi V. Bothmer a Collegis, Amicis, Discipulis Conscripta (Brussels, 1983) 112-13 . .} P. Dils, "La couronne d'Arsinoe II Philadephie," in W. Clarysse, A. Schoors, and H. Willems (cd.), Egyptian Religion, The Last Thousand Years: Studies Dedicated to the Memory qfJan Oyaegebeur, 2 (OLA 85; Leuven, 1998) 1299-1330. .5 Ibid., 1300, n. 7. 6 J. Quaegebeur, "Ptolemee II en adoration devant Arsinoe divinisee," BIFAO

69 (1971) 198.

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que Richard Fazzini a mise a rna disposition, on voit la couronne d' Arsinoe et la partie inferieure de son cartouche. Comme, a cote de celle-ci une autre couronne fragmentaire est tres proche de celIe d'Arsinoe, la reconstitution de la scene n'est pas facile."7 The description and identification of the other crown is problematic. From right to left its elements are a human head crowned with a shury-headdress, a raised ostrich feather, a uraeus crowned with a sun disk, and a curving object that could, theoretically, be a solar disk. The whole, therefore, might once have rested atop another crown, for example, the cap with cobras and plumes on either side of the headS or E. Vassilika's Crown DOFB = disk (D) with ostrich feathers (OF) atop a Blue Crown (B).9 These, however, would put the top of the crown at a much lower level than the crown worn by Arsinoe, which would be unusual although hardly impossible. In addition, in February of 2002 Betsy Bryan kindly examined the block with me, and we both concluded that the curve of the damaged uppermost part of the "solar disk" appears more appropriate to the upper contour of a Blue Crown. Could it once have been surmounted by a sun disk, thus making it taller? v\lhile admitting that I have not made an extensive search of the literature on Ptolemaic temples, I have not yet found a real parallel for such a combination, which does not mean that it cannot be an unusual variant of a known crown. As noted in one of the few studies on Egyptian crowns in general: "The kings of ancient Egypt, unlike those of other cultures, both ancient and modern, are depicted in an extraordinarily large number of different crowns through Egypt's long history of pharaonic rule. Hundreds of ancient Egyptian royal crowns are represented in paintings, relief and sculpture, all of which differ in at least minor details. As many as eight basic types of crowns are represented, and these form a vast number of variants when other elements are added, such as sun disks, ram horns, uraei, and even other crowns."IO She continues "Not only was there an increase of 7 J. Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens anciens et nouv<;aux rclatif.~ it Arsinoe Philadelphie," in H. Melaerts (ed.), Ie culte du souverain dans l'E'gypte Ptolbnai"que au /lIe siecle avant notre ere. Actes du colloque international, Bruxelles 10 mai 1995 (Studia Hellenistica 34; Leuven, 1998) 80. 8 IV, pI. 26 (Second Pylon of the Philae Temple), and pI. 32.b,3 (Kasr c1Agouz). 9 E. Vassilika, Ptolemaic Philae (OLA 34; Leuven, 1989) 91, 308-309 (illustrations). 10 S. Collier, The Crowns qfPharaoh; their Development and .s~f!Jlificance in Ancient Egyptian Kingship (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1996) 1.

m

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complex crowns over time, but the use of composite crowns, or crown types which included other headdresses as added elements, shows that there was a deepening in the complexity of symbolism as well. These factors are a reflection of the increasingly complex theology associated with kingship." II Given the unknown nature of this second crown, its symbolism must remain a mystery. If the crown was not or did not include a khepresh, its wearer could be a deity, and the odds of identifying that deity are slim. If it consisted basically of a khepresh or included one, the following comments on that crown are worth mentioning. As noted by Mysliwiec,12 "Two additional elements appear sometimes in the iconography of this crown from the beginning of the XIX Dynasty on. These are a solar disk at the top and and ostrich feather on either side of the crown .... Being symbols of the gods Re and Osiris, rulers of the realms of the living and the dead, these emblems endow the Egyptian crown of coronation and victory with a more universal character." In a related vein is Goebs' comment on the khepresh: "The contexts in which it is depicted suggest that it came to be the quintessential crown of the living ruler, which could incorporate the symbolism of other headdresses." 13 To this might be added Collier's description of the crowns mentioned by Mysliwiec as khepresh + uraeus + ram horns + shuty + sun disk,14 and her interpretation of the khepresh as signifying, "Amun reborn in each succeeding king," the "inner essence of Amun," and the "king as new heir to throne through Amun."15 Given the unknown nature of the crown, its wearer's identity must remain a mystery. If the crown includes a khepresh, the wearer must be a king because the khepresh was "Nie von Gbttern getragen."16 However, in most of the known images of Arsinoe 11,17 her brother and husband

Ibid., 141. K. Mysliwiec, "Ramesside Traditions in the Arts of the Third Intermediate Period," in E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eel.), fi'ragments if a Shattered Visage: The Proceedings if the International Symposium if Ramesses the Great (Monographs of the Institute of Egyptian Art and Archaeology I; Memphis, 1991) 109. 13 K. Goebs, "Crowns," The O:qord Anc:Ydopedia q/Ancient Egypt, 1 (ed. D. Redford; New York, 2001) 234. 14 Collier, Crowns if Pharaoh, 236-37. 15 Ibid., 227 . .. 16 M-T Derchain-Urtel, "Ikonographie," in W. Heick and W. Westendorf (cd.), LA III, (Wiesbaden, 1980) 135. 17 For a listing of images of her with bibliographical references, see Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens," 85-106. II

12

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Ptolemy II either precedes her, If! or faces her. 19 Under the circumstances, the Mut block might have been either part of a scene in which Arsinoe followed a king, presumably Ptolemy II, and was possibly followed by another king. To judge from one stela, this could just conceivably have been just their son,20 but it would probably have been part of a depiction of more than one pair of deified Ptolemaic kings and queens. 21 In this case, the block would represent her not in the context of her individual cult as sunnaos thea ("resident goddess") but as sunnaoi theoi, ("resident gods") which occurs in both Greek and Egyptian contexts of the Ptolemaic Dynastic cult incorporated in Egyptian temples. 22 18 E.g., J. Quaegebeur, "Reines ptolemaigues et traditions cgyptiennes," in H. Maehler and M. Strocka (ed.), Das ptolemiiische Agypten: Akten des intemationalen Symposions 27.-29. September 1976 in Berlin (Mainz am Rhein, 1978) 248, illus. D (frieze on the Gate ofEucrgetes at Karnak = Quaegebeur, "Documents cgyptiens," 92, no. 27), and 252-53, with illus. J (scene in the Edfu Temple of Ptolemy III censing his deceased parents = Quaegebeur, "Documents cgyptiens," 91, no. 26). 19 E.g., Quaegebeur, "Reines ptolcmaiques," 251- 52 with illus. I (stela with Ptolemy II oflering to Arsinoe II = J. Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens," 88, no. 12). As indicated by R. Bianchi in his entry for the monument, I have suggested that in one relief from Tanis the Ptolemy II facing Arsinoe is shown as deified with the pair depicted as the theoi adelphoi (brother-loving gods) and sunnaoi theoi (Temple-sharing or resident gods) at 'Emis: R. Bianchi, et aI., Cleopatra's Egypt. Age of the Ptolenl.ies (Brooklyn, 1988) 104. Bianchi dated this relief to the reign of Ptolemy V. Quaegebeur thought that it was probably made during the reign of Ptolemy II, although Ptolemy II is also deified: "Documents cgyptiens," 88, no. 12. 20 The larger Mendes stela, in which Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II are followed by their son, H. de Meulenaere and P. Mackay, A1endes II (Warminster, 1976) 173-77, pI. la (= Quaegebeur, "Documents cgyptiens," 87, no. 7). 21 E.g., the Temple of Horus at Edfu, chamber of the staircase, north wall = J. Quaegebeur, "Reines ptolcmaiques," 248, ill. E [= Quaegebeur, "Documents cgyptiens," 90, no. 20]); a stela from Kom eI Hisn ; Ibid., 247, illus. C (= Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens," 88, no. 9). 22 For some comments and studies on these cults, especially their Egyptian versions, see, e.g., S.-A. Ashton, Ptolemaic Royal Sculpturefi"om }1;ypt: 17le Interaction between Greek and Egyptian traditions (BAR 923; Oxford, 200 I) 16-18; G. Holbl (trans, T. Saavedra), A History tifthe Ptolemaic Empire (London, 2001) 77-123, 160-177,257-303; E. Lanciers, "Die Agyptischen Priester des Ptolemaischen Kiinigskultes," Revue d'Egyptologie 42 (1991) 117-45; idem, "Die Opfer im hellenistischen Herrscherkult und ihre Rezeption bei del' einheimischen Bevolkerung der hellenistichen Reiche," in]. Quaegebeur (cd.), Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient jl/ear East: Proceedings ~f the International Confirence organized by the fl.atholieke Universiteit Lcuvenfrom the 17th to the 20th tifApril /991 (OLA 55; Leuven, 1993) 203-223; M. ~1ina~, "Die KANHOPOI: Aspekte des ptolemaischen Dynastiekults, in H. Melaerts (ed.), I..I! culte du souverain dans l'Egypte Ptolinudque au lIIe siecle aliant notre ere: Actes du coUoque international, Bruxelles 10 mai 1995 (Studia Hellenistica 34; Leuven, 1998) 43-60; idem, "Ptolcmee II en adoration devant Arsinoc divinisce," Bulletin de l'ITLftitut Francais d'Archiologie Orientale 69 (1970) 191-217; idem,

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If the nature of the crown worn by the scene's second figure is a mystery, there are also certain unanswered questions concerning the crown worn by Arsinoe II. Could the crown actually have been worn? As Dils has said: [Q]uand elle recouvre Ia tete du roi ou d'un dieu, est attachee ala tete de deux fa<;ons. Dans Ie premier cas la couronne rouge enveloppe la tete et descendjusqu'au front, oreilles et nuque. Si la couronne n'est pas trop lourde, il est theoretiquement possible qu'eUe ait ete portee. Dans Ie second cas elle pose sur Ie sommet d'un autre couvre-chef, voire me me elle est montee sur les cornes de belier qui, eUes, sont fixees au second couvre-chef. C'est aussi Ie cas pour Arsinoe et nous considerons comme impossible que la couronne ait jamais ete portee. Elle est done seulement une image qui transmet un message sur son porteur. 23 This would hardly seem strange in Egyptian art. Was the crown worn during Arsinoe's lifetime or was it invented for her after her death as part of an Egyptian cult (as opposed to a Greek cult) for her as a sunnaos thea? While most seem to agree the latter more likely, as Dils rightly observes, it does not seem possible to answer the question with certainty.24 Finally there is the question of the significance of the special crown worn by Arsinoe II (and a few other Ptolemaic queens). Here is seems best to simply summarize some of the points made by Dils. The headgear has several aspects that include those of a royal crown associated with the Delta, a solar and dualist connotation, an expression of force or respect (ram horns), and the female element of the cow horns. 25 The diversity of the evidence does not lead to a single explanation, but it seems sure that the crown is a male crown, worn by the king or by a god. Since it is more common with kings, it is probable that it

"Documents concerning a Cult of Arsinoe II Philadelphos at Memphis," ]NES 30 (1971) 239-70; idem, "Reines ptolt~ma1ques," 235-62; idem, "Arsinoe Philadelphie, "roi" et deesse, a Hildesheim," GM 87 (1985) 73-78; idem, "Cleopatra and the Cults of the Ptolemaic Queens," in R. Bianchi, et aI., Cleopatra's Egypt: Age if the Ptolemies (Brooklyn, 1988) 41-54; idem, "The Egyptian Clergy and the Cult of the Ptolemaic Dynasty," Ancient Sociery 20 (1989) 93-113; idem, "Documents egyptiens," 73-108; and E. Winter, "Der Herrscherkult in den agyptishcen Ptolemaertempeln," in Das ptolemaische Agypten, 147-59. 23 P. Dils, "La couronne d'Arsinoe II," 1304. 24 Ibid., 1301-1303. 25 Ibid., 1309.

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was originally a king's crown later adopted for gods. 26 Moreover, and following Quaegebeur, Dils sees the crown as a variant of a crown of Geb, the connection between Arsinoe and Geb reflecting the queengoddess's identification with Isis, daughter of Geb. 27 Dils also observes: "Aucune reine ou dee sse avant Arsinoe II n'a porte la couronne que nous etudions. Par apres, dans quelqes rares exemples Cleopatre II ou III et Cleopatre VII en sont munies, quand elles agissent en tant que pretresses a la suite du roi ou seules," and "La constante chez ces reines portant la couronne d'Arsinoe est qu'elles ont participe au pouvoir royal. "28 In a related vein he states: Concluons que les hierogrammates, obliges de creer une nouvelle iconographie pour la reine, ont adapte une couronne de roi en y ajoutant les comes de vache lyriformes. L'emploi de cette couronne fournit un indice supplementaire, a cote de ceux que J. Quaegebeur a deja mis en evidence, du fait que les documents representent Arsinoe II comme une reine qui a exerce Ie pouvoir royal. Des lors, on ne s'etonnera pas de retrouver la couronne a plusieurs reprises sur la tete de deux autres fameuses reines ptolemalques, Cleopatra III (ou II?) et la grande Cleopatra VII.29

However, not everyone agrees that Arsinoe II actually played a significant political role in Egypt. In a recent publication, Hazzard took up Burstein's argument that Arsinoe II, while prominent and popular, had not controlled her brother or exercised extraordinary power in the government of Egypt,30 arguing that it was Ptolemy II's propaganda for the queen that made her appear powerful. This impression of her role provided a model for Ptolemaic queens during the second and first centuries B.C. 31 Indeed, Hazzard argues that Egypt was unique among the Hellenistic kingdoms in having the necessary conditions for a queen to solidify a position of power, the reason being "a change in the political imagination, one allowing the queen to see herself in a puissant role, and allowing others to support Ibid., 1325-1326. Ibid., 1326, with reference to Quaegebeur, "Reines ptolcmaiques," 258; idem, "Cleopatra," 45. 28 P. Dils, "La couronne d' Arsinot~ II," 1309, 1311. 29 Ibid., 1327. 30 S. Burstein, "Arsinoe II Philadelphus: A Revisionist View," in W.L. Adams and E.N. Borza (cd.), Philip II Alexander the Great and the Macedonian He/itage (Washington: University Press of America, 1982) 197-212. 31 R. Hazzard, Imagination if a Monarchy: Studies in Ptolemaic Propaganda (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000) 81-82, 93, 95. 26

27

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RICHARD A. FAZZINI

a female ruler;"32 and that "Ptolemy II put such a change in motion when he glorified his sister Arsinoe II and made popular a civilian (as opposed to military) style of monarchy."33 He further states that this change "germinated under Ptolemy II, grew under Kleopatra I, matured under Kleopatras II and III, and flowered under Kleopatra VII, who, although unpopular with many, could still draw enough support from the governing class to make her position feasible."34 Jan Quaegebeur was most probably correct when he noted that the block published here "sans doute appartenant a un batiment dans Ie domaine de Mout,"35 but it cannot be linked with certainty to any of the site's known structures. The definite Ptolemaic architectural stone remains in the Mut Precinct include: Chapel D (D in fig. 1). As discussed below, its functions appear to have included the cult of the Ptolemies, but it has no decoration with which the Arsinoe block can be associated. Parts of Temple A (A in fig. I), which has some decoration of the Ptolemaic Period, but no preserved scenes relating to the block in question. 36 Some wall decoration in the Mut Temple's Contra Temple, which is on a different scale and in raised reliefY Ibid., 101-102. Ibid., 102. 34 Ibid., 156. 35 Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens," 92, no. 29. As noted there, the block was also mentioned by Quaegebeur in "The Egyptian Clergy and the Cult of the Ptolemaic Dynasty," 108, and by J. Leclant and G. Clerc, "Fouil1es et travaux en Egypte et au Soudan, 1989-1990," Or 60 (1991) 219, n. 278. 36 In part, PM 112 272 (12), (19), (21), and (22); R. Fazzini and W. Peck, "The Precinct of Mut During Dynasty XXV and early Dynasty XXVI: A Growing Picture," SSEA} 11 (1981) 124. 37 The front (south) surfaces of the doorways between the second and third rooms, one of which is PM IF 259 (18). The Contra Temple will be published by R. Fazzini. In the interim, it might be noted that its partial attribution to Nectanebo I in PM n 2 258 is incorrect: the cartouche used to support such an attribution is that of Nectanebo II, R. Fazzini, "Some Aspects of the Precinct of the Goddess Mut in the New Kingdom," in E. Ehrenberg (ed.), Leaving No Stones Unturned: ESsays on the Ancient Near East and Egypt in Honor if Donald P. Hansen (Winona Lake, Ind., 2002) 70, and 68, fig. 5. These two blocks of Nectanebo II, reused in the foundations of the east half of the central gateway in the Mut Temple's Second Pylon, as well as a stray block of Nectanebo II, recently excavated by the SCA before the West tower of the Mut Temple's First Pylon, should be added to the corpus of architectural monuments of Nectanebo II given on pp. 87-100 of H. Jenni, Elephantine XVIII. Die Dekoration des Chnumt£mpeis a,g Elephantine durch Nektanebos II (AVDAIK 90; Mainz, 1998). On p. 97 ofJenni's book, a destroyed small temple of Nectanebo II is placed 32

33

DEIFIED PTOLEMIES IN THE TEMPLE OF THE GODDESS MUT

295

A small chapel in the second court of the Mut Temple that Benson and Gourlay identified as "raised cloister" along the north and west walls of the west half of the Mut Temple's Second Court. 38 In fact, it is only a small chapel lying parallel to the court's north wall. Its front facade had a lintel of King Ptolemy VI, and its entrance led to a small staircase leading up to a raised platform. Before the staircase and raised platform were excavated, Charles Van Siden III, while a member of the Brooklyn ~1ut Expedition, identified the remains as a chapel of Ptolemy VI. In more recent years, Betsy Bryan, Director of The Johns Hopkins University Mut Expedition, has perceptively suggested that the structure may be the remains of a wabet added to the Mut Temple. 39 This structure has no known decoration other than the lintel and is not a potential provenance for the Arsinoe II relief: The gateway and east tower of the Mut 'I'emple's Second Pylon, the decoration of which provide no evidence for it being the provenance of the Arsinoe relief. 40 Parts of the first gateway of the Mut Temple, the short colonnade extending south from it, and the porches to its north,41 none of

East of the Mut Precinct, following PAI JI2 275 and several earlier works. However, it should be noted that it has been argued that this temple may actually be identified with Chapel B in fig. I, the Mut Precinct's "high place," C. Traunecker, "Essai sur I'histoire de la XXIXe dynastic," BIFAO 79 (1979) 413, no. 13. On "high places," see D. Berg, "The 29th Dynasty Storehouse at l\arnak," }AReE 24 (1987) 47-52 and C. Traunecker, "Les "temples hautes" de Basse Epoque: un aspect du fonctionnement," RdE 38 0987) 146-162, with plans of the Mut Precinct and its "high place" included as fig. 2, C on p. 160 and fig. 3, Don p. 161. 38 M. Benson,]. Gourlay, and P. Newberry, The Temple (ifA1ut in Asher. An account if the excavation if the temple and qf the religious representations and objects found therein, as illustrating the histo1)' qf Egypt and the main religious ideas if the Egyptians (London, 1899) 40, and the plan facing p. 36. 39 Personal communication. For some recent articles on wabets see C. Traunecker, "Les oubet des temples d'el-Qal'a et de Chenhour. Decoration, orig-ine et evolution," and ''\T. Waitkus, "Zum funktionalen Zusammenhang von Krypta, Wabet und Goldhaus," in D. Kurth et al., 3. Agyptologische Tempeltagung, Hamburp" 1-5 ]uni 1994: Syst,eme und Programme der iigyptishcen Tempeldekoration (AATestament 33; Wiesbaden, 1995) 241-82, 283-303. 40 PM JI2 257 (8); .I-C. Goyon, with introduction by R. Fazzini and W. Peck, "Inscriptions tardives du temple cIe Mout a Karnak," ]ARCE 20 (1983) pIs. VIIXVI. 41 PJI;f 112 256-57. For the colonnade and porches, see R. Fazzini and W. Peck, "Precinct," 116-18. The gateway in the Mut Temple's First Pylon is the subject of a publication in progress by H. te Velde, J-C. Goyon, J. van Dijk, W. Peck, M. McKercher, and R. Fazzini.

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whose decoration is of the appropriate style and scale to suggest they are the place of origin of the Arsinoe II relief. A structure we have labeled E that lies north ofMut Temple's west porch (figs. 1, E, and fig. 3), which Nestor L'H6te reconstructed in his 1838-1839 drawing as part of a complicated set of gateways. 42 As the Brooklyn Expedition has demonstrated, L'H6te's rendering of the Mut Temple's porches was more accurate (that is, longer) than most other drawings and plans made until the expedition began excavating them. His depiction of the course of the sphinx avenues in the area between Karnak's Amun Precinct and the Mut Precinct was also more or less accurate as recent excavations by the SeA have shown them to be, including an extension west (towards the Nile) that lies under the present village of Karnak. 43 However, excavations by the Brooklyn Expedition have turned up no other traces of L'H6te's gateways, and so the identification of the structure remains uncertain. If Structure E was not part of gateway, one might wonder if it is the remains of a large Ptolemaic horned altar. 44 Whatever its original nature, there is no evidence preserved to show that it was decorated. The Precinct's Propyl on consisting of a main structure and its "avant-porte," that is contemporary with or later than the main structure. 45 There are several reasons why this is the most likely provenance for the Arsinoe II block. First, the Propylon is near the block's find spot. Second, Ptolemy II's name appears on the main structure of the Propylon. 46 Finally, some dimensions of the block's decoration (e.g., a width of 13.5 em at the upper level of

42 H. Ricke, Das .Kamutif-Heiligtum Hatschepsuts und 7hutmoses' III in Karnak. Bencht liber cine Ausgrabullg vor dern Muttempelbezirk (BeitrageBF 3, 2; Cairo, 1954) pl. I. 43 Eisayed Hegazy, "The Great Processional Way: A Report on the EAO excavations of 1948-1974 and 1984 onwards" (pp. 82-84 of "Isis Egyptology Bulletin: Number 2" in lACf. 3 [1990]). H For such structures, see J. Quaegebeur, "L'Autcl-a-feu et l'abattoir en Egypte tardive," in Ritual and Sacrifice, 329-353. 45 S. Sauneron (with the collaboration ofS. Cauville and F. Laroche-Traunecker), La porte ptolimaique de i'enccinte de lvfout a li.arnak (MIFAO 107, 1983). ·16 Sauneron, La porte ptolimaique, 2, where it is noted that the "avant-porte" has no readable cartouches to assist in its dating but that the decoration of the main structure are in the name of Ptolemy II and Ptolemy Philometor, i.e., Ptolemy VI or, perhaps, Ptolemy IX Soter II. Note 3 on this page calls attention to the fact that its attribution to Ptolemy III as well as Ptolemy II on p. 255 of PM 112 reflects an error in a 1923 article by M. Pillet.

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the horn's on Arsinoe's crown) indicate that the entire image of the queen was comparable in scale to some figures preserved on the Propylon. Other stray Ptolemaic blocks found with the Arsinoe block (and currently under study) may also be from the Propylon rather than the Mut Temple's porches or the gateway in its First Pylon. If the Propylon was the provenance for the Arsinoe block, it would hardly be the only temple gateway at Karnak to bear an image of that deified queenY Alas, the nature of the decoration and history of construction of the Propylon are not such that an attribution of the Arsinoe block to it would date the relief to a specific reign.

Document II The second monument is a sandstone block with the remains of three figures in raised relief (fig. 4; Expedition No. 2MWB.93). Its dimensions are: height 66 cm.; height of decorated surface 54 cm.; width of 70 cm.; width of decorated surface 65 cm.; preserved depth 25 cm. To the left and facing right is a figure of a king wearing the "Amun Crown," so named because it is the characteristic crown of Amun or Amun-Re, although the inclusion of the sun-disk before the plumes when the crown is worn by Amun is an element of iconography that only appears to begin to become common in the Third Intermediate Period. 48 As noted by Goebs, this crown is first attested in the reign of Nebhepetre Montuhotep, when Amun rose to prominence, and "appears to associate the ruler with Amun and to legitimize his rule under the god's protection."49 For Collier, the Amun Crown worn by a king symbolizes that the king is in the form of Amun, is the outer form of Amun, and is Amun. 5o 47 Quaegebeur, "Documents egyptiens," 91-92, nos. 24 (East Gate of the Amun Precinct), 25 (Temple of Khonsu), 26 and 27 (Thc RIb eI-Amara, or Gate of Ptolemy III Euergetes I), and 28 (Opet Temple). 48 It was still sufficiently rare in the time of Shebitku to justify J. Leclant's characterization of its appearance in some of that king's reliefs of Amun-Re of it as "exceptional," "Recherches sur Ies monuments thebains de la XXVe dynastic dite ethiopienne" (BdE 36; Cairo, 1965) 231, n. 2. For some comments on the beginning of the rise of this aspect of the iconography of the god Amun during the Libyan Period, sec R. Fazzini in G. Kadish and D. Redford (cd.), 1he Twenry-1hird Dynasry Gnapel if Osiris Ruler if Etemit), (forthcoming). 49 Goebs, "Crowns" 324. 50 Collier, Crowns qf' Pharaoh, 127.

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RICHARD A. FAZZINI

As for the identity of the individuals in this scene, the king to the left is Ptolemy VI shown and described as "Giving incense to his fathers and his mothers." Only two ancestors are shown. One is a king identified as [Ptnvjmis and wearing a nemes headdress crowned with ram's horns, and a shury headdress with uraei crowned with sun disks. This headgear is related to ideas concerning the cycle of kingship embodied in Horus and Osiris. Both the nemes and the shury crowns are associated with Horus, and he can give them to assist in the rebirth of his father, Osiris. 5l And in an interesting Late Period statue of the god Osiris depicted as resurrecting and carved in a greenish stone presumably symbolic of regeneration/ rejuvenation, the deity is shown wearing a shury with ram's horns. 52 The offering king in the Mut relief wears the straight beard of kingship whereas the deceased king wears a curved divine beard, even though the living king may be divine. 53 The deceased king, who holds a was-scepter and an ankh-sign is said to have granted living king his uraeus. The other ancestor is a queen who has one hand raised protectively and holds an ankh-sign in the other. Her headgear is entirely missing but is most probably to be restored as a lappet wig surmounted by plumes, cow horns and a sun disk. 54 The text before her says that she grants the king "strength like the 51 Goebs ("Crowns," 324) notes that the nemes was shown worn almost exclusively by kings, "is associated with Re-Khepri at sunrise," and is linked closely "with Horus, who is said in the coffin texts to to bestow it on his father to Osiris in order to bring about the latter's rebiIth." Collier also comments that "the .~wry .. .is associated with the living king as Horus. The fact that the jtf is associated with Osiris and the sW~}' with Horus points to an association between the two crowns," Crowns if Pharaoh, 68. Collier notes (Ibid., 78) that there is inscriptional evidence in the Ptolemaic Period that "the nms headdress protects it~ wearer in the same way as the uraeus." .12 Egyptian Museum, Cairo CG 38424: R. Fazzini, in E. Hornung and B. Bryan (cd.), The Questfor Immortality: Treasures if Ancient Egypt (Washington, 2002) 176-77, Cat. No. 85. The object does not have the brownish tinge of the illustrations in the first edition of this catalogue. For sO,me earlier publications of this statue, see: A. Mariette, Monuments divers recueillis ~n Egypte et en Nubie (Paris, 1872) II-I?, pI. 41; G. Daressy, Se17Jice de.) Antiquites de l'Agypte: Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes du Musie du Caire, Nos. 38001-39384. Statues des Divinitis (Cairo, 1905) 114, and pI. XXIII; G. Daressy, G. Roeder, Die ag;yptische GottenJ)elt (Zurich and Stuttgart, 1959) 129 and 349, and pI. 12. 53.J. Quaegebeur, "The Egyptian Clergy and the Cult of the Ptolemaic Dynasty," Ancient Socie?;' 20 (1989) 95-99. The Mut Block is mentioned in n. 99 on p. 108. 54 A common headgear of queens, including in scenes of the type in question; see the references cited in E. Winter, "Der Herrscherkult in den agyptischen Ptolemaertempeln," 149-52. For the significance of this crown, see Goebs, "Crowns," 355. L. Troy discusses the significance of various elements of female crowns, Patterns if Oyeenship in Ancient Egyptian lvlyth and History (Uppsala, 1986) 115-31.

DEIFIED PTOLEMIES IN HIE TEMPLE OF TIlE GODDESS MUT

299

son ofIsis," that is, like the god Horus. Her cartouche is damaged but preserves the remains of two reed-leaf hieroglyphs, indicating that her name was either Arsinoe or Berenike. The main potential candidates for the pair of ancestors represented are Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II, who is not always shown wearing her special crown; Ptolemy III and Berenike II; and Ptolemy IV and Arsinoe II. As for the basic significance of the scene, it must suffice to cite a few of the most relevant comments by scholars far more involved with the Ptolemaic dynastic cults than the present writer. As noted by Winter in a seminal study on the subject, scenes such as that from the Mut Precinct have at least two themes: the ancestors granting power and his office to the living king; and the living king performing the funerary cult of those ancestors, which includes censing, libating, and offering salves/oils and strips of cloth.'i'i In addition, as noted by Quaegebeur, "The burning of incense, which however is not the only ritual performed for the ancestors, means more than the mere legitimation of the living ruler. In a recent study, Bell writes that in the New Kingdom this rite served "to identify the reigning monarch with his divine ancestors. "56 Unlike this article's Document I, the precise provenance of Document II is all but certain. It was found in the structure labeled D in the Mut Precinct (figs. I,D, 5), in the northeast corner of the chapel's first room, which has two columns,'ii and can be attributed to the rear two rooms. Excavation of the structure's remains has demonstrated that it originally consisted only of the second and third rooms, which were the work of Ptolemy VI and are decorated in raised relief except for the fac;ade. The front room is a separate construction, inscribed for Ptolemy VIII and Cleopatra II, and is adorned in sunk relief. 58 55 Winter, "Herrscherkult," 153-55; E. Lanciers, "Opfer im hellenistischen Herrscherkult," 217: "Andere Darstellungen zeigen den regierenden Konig, der den verstorbenen Mitgleidern cler Dynastie opfeI1; die Opferhandlungcn-meistens Rauchopfer und Libationen oder Darbringen von Salbe und Gewebestreifen stehen eindeutig mit dem Totenkult in Zusammenhang." See also S. Cauville, Essai sur La theologie du temple d'Horus Ii E4fou (BdE 102; Cairo, 1987) 22, n. I. The article by Lancier considers the dynastic cults in Egypt in a broader Hellenistic context. 56 Quaegebeur, "Egyptian Clergy," 96, with reference to L. Bell, "Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka," ]NES 44 (1985) 283. 57 PJ\;fII2 274-75. There the original structure is dated to Ptolemy V, not explicitly mentioned in the preserved inscriptions, in addition to Ptolemy VI. 58 R. Fazzini andJ. Manning, "Archaeological Work at Thebes by The Brooklyn Museum under the auspices of The American Research Center in Egypt," ]ARCE 1011102 (Summer/Fall, 1977) 14, fig. 1,24, and 25, fig. 6; R. Fazzini, "Report

300

RICHARD A. FAZZINI

As Minas has observed, Ptolemy VI and VIn left behind more architectural traces than did Ptolemy V, mostly on public places like the entrance doors of various temples, the concentration on entrances at Karnak being generally true for the Ptolemaic Period. 59 Hence it might be noted that Chapel D was situated in a prominent location adjacent to an East-West gateway of the reign of Dynasty 25's King Taharqa and perpendicular to its axis (fig. I, T)60 that appears to have still be functioning in the middle of the Ptolemaic Period. Unfortunately, as also noted by Minas, the original Chapel D cannot be dated to a specific part of the reign of Ptolemy VI. 61 In 1962 the Mut Precinct's Chapel D was identified as a bark station of a specific name because of inscriptions on a statue of a priest named Hornefer in the Musee des Beaux-Arts de Lausanne. 62 However, as we have noted elsewhere, the statue in question appears to pre-date the reign of Ptolemy VI and Chapel D, which makes the identification dubious. 63 If Chapel D cannot be identified with the Bark chapel in question, it does have inscriptions describing it as a hwt-neijer for a goddess called Weseret, who could be Mut (depicted several times in the structure), but might also be Sakhmet who is also present in the chapel. It can also be argued that the location of the ancestor decoration was on a doorway between the second and rear rooms of the structure. on the 1983 Season of Excavation at the Precinct of the Goddess Mut," ASAE 70 (1984-1985) 30 I, and pI. II. 59 M. Minas, "Die Dekorationstatigkeit von Ptolemaios VI Philometor und Ptolemaios VIII Euergetes II. an agyptischen Tempeln (Teil I)," OLP 27 (1996) 60, where it is also noted that the only large exception is the Opet Temple decorated by Ptolemy VIII. 60 Fazzini and Manning, "Archaeological Work," fig. 1 on p. 14, and pp. 2223. 61 M. Minas, "Die Dekorationstatigkeit von Ptolemaios VI Philometor und Ptolemaios VIII Euergetes II. an agyptischen Tempeln (reil 2)," (OLP 28; Leuven, 1997) chart on p. Ill. 62 P. Bar!,'llet, "Le temple d'Amon-Re it Karnak. Essai d'exegese," RAPH 21 (1962) 10, followed by J>J.H Il2 274. 63 R. Fazzini, "Report," 301. A. Cabrol does not mention either the Mut Expedition's redating of the orginal Chapel D to Ptolemy VI rather than Ptolemy V and VI or the Expedition's questioning of its identification with the stmcture mentioned on the statue of Horneler, us voies processionnelles de Thebes (OLA 97; Leuven, 2001) 517, 532, and 5'll-5'l2. She sees Chapel D as one of the stmctures possibly to be identified with the bark "station du milieu" of Hornefer's inscription. For the publication of the statue of Hornefer, see H. Wild, "Statue d'Hor-Nefer au Musce des Beaux-Art~ de Lausanne," BIFAO 54 (1954) 173-222. For its dating to ca. 300 B.C., see, for example, H. de Meulenaere, "Les monuments du culte des rois Nectanebo," CdE 35 (1960) 97.

DEIFIED PTOLEMIES IN THE TEMPLE OF THE GODDESS Mur

30 I

On the north face of the surviving lower portion of the west half of this doorway (fig. 6) are the badly damaged remains of a plant dado and a scene in which a male figure (of whom only the legs are preserved) faces west (that is, enters the room). He is identified in the horizontal text below the scenes by a cartouche reading "Ptolemy, living forever, beloved of Ptah." What little is left of the rest of the inscription includes the epithet "Philometor," which means the king is Ptolemy VI. Facing him are the vestiges of a male and female figures (their heads, unfortunately, not preserved) who, if a god and goddess, were probably Amun and Mut. However, they could also be a king and queen. This second possibility seems enhanced by the dimensions of the block which, judging by what remains, are very similar to those to the "stray" block of Ptolemy VI under discussion. A full publication of Chapel D, being undertaken by Jacobus van Dijk and the present author, awaits the complete study of the many blocks of decoration uncovered in the area of the chapel to determine which actually belonged to that structure. In the interim, however, whatever the precise functions Chapel D may have served, one was clearly as a venue for the Ptolemaic dynastic cult.

A vVOODEN STELA IN THE ROYAL ONTARIO .MUSEUM N.B. Millet The following brief contribution is offered in sincere admiration for an honoured colleague and a good friend. The object presented here (ROM accession no. 907.18.841) is the bottom half of a painted wooden stela of a familiar type, the top portion of which has been sawn off, probably in modern times. The present measurements are .46 x .22m.; the thickness is about six centimeters. The hieroglyphs are for the most part carefully and accurately executed. Traces at the bottom edge show clearly that two feet were once attached, which, according to Munro, would suggest a date in the Ptolemaic Period. The front face and inscribed edges have been varnished but the reverse side, also inscribed, has not been so treated. Across the back, a few inches from the top, the shallow beginnings of a narrow saw-cut show that an earlier and greater reduction in size of the stela was originally contemplated but abandoned. The stela was seen by Spiegelberg in Naville's excavation house at Deir el- Bahri in 1898 and the titles published by him appear in Recueil de travaux 35 (1913), p. 40. The inscriptions commemorate a many-titled priest of Thebes named Nes-pauty-tawy (I espotl u), the list of whose livings extended beyond the Theban area into that of Esna in southern Upper Egypt. In view of the extent of his interests, it is somewhat surprising that he is not known from other monuments. The texts are as follows:

Obverse ... the offering-table of Onnofer for the ka of the god's father, prophet of Amun-re king of the gods, the stolist in Het-khenet, I

I

A place by this name lay near Esna (Gardiner, AEO, II).

304

N.B. MILLET

him who opens the doors of heaven to view what is in it, the one who enters into heaven to see what is in it, the overseer of cloth of Amun in the second phyle, the scribe of the treasury of the temple of Amun in the third phyle, [2] the deputy of the treasury of the temple of Amun in the four phyle, wC"b-priest of Re-on-the-Roof of the temple of Amun in the second phyle, second prophet, scribe of the temple, deputy overseer of the door-keepers, overseer of the srmn?2 him who is in charge of the Caisse,3 prophet of the b3 of the Golden One (f) of Mut the great, lady of Ishe[3]ru, deputy of Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep in the first phyle, prophet of Hathor lady of Gebelein, prophet of Soped in the East, reporting? prophet of Khnum of the Field, 4 prophet of Amun, the guest-god in the Resenet-sanctuary, month-priest [4] of Amun in the second phyle, and second prophet of Amun, Nes-pauty-tawy, justified,

2 The word srmn I have been unable to find elsewhere, and one suspects a garbled writing. Could the proper reading be ~ry smn(w) gnwt "overseer of annalists", or, less likely, ~ry rmnw "overseer of the bearers (of the bark)," with confusion with other word~ such as that for natron? :3 For this title, see Vittman in S:4A' 10 (1983), 328. 4 For this temple of Khnum, the "north temple" at Esna, see S. Sauneron in MDIAK 16 (1958),273. The building, now destroyed, seems to have been built (or at least decorated) in the reign of the third Ptolemy, additional evidence for the Ptolemaic date here assigned to the stela.

A WOODEN STELA IN THE ROYAL ONTARIO MUSEUM

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son of the second prophet of Amun Ankhef-en-khonsu, born of the lady of the house and sistrum-player of Amun-re Ta-amun-neb-nesuttawy.[5] Praising Re: words spoken by the Osiris, the god's father and second prophet of Amun Nes-pauty-tawy, justified. He says"Praise to you who arise in the horizon in the daytime! You cross the sky in peace, and everyone sees you (as you?) go [6]to hide his[sic] face. May you allow me [omission?] in the morning of every day! May I be praised in the morning and may I be put to rest in the evening! May I proceed in the m("ngt-bark and moor[7] in the msktt-bark, mingling with the Unwearying Ones in the sky!" The Osiris, god's father and prophet of Amun-re king of the gods, second prophet of Amun, Nespauty-tawy, justified. He says"Praise[S] to you who appears from the Nun-water, and illuminates the earth on the day of his birth, when your mother bore you on her two hands. May you illuminate the god [Osiris?] at the time when (you), the Great Illuminator, bow [i.e. descend below the horizon??]!"

Reverse Words spoken by the Osiris, the god's father and second prophet of Amun Nes-pauty-tawy: he says (in) praising Atum when he sets (in)[2] Ankhtet. "Hail to you, who sets in Ankhtet! May he[sic] grant splendour to the Dat! Hail to you, who sets in Ankhtet, father? of [3]the gods!

306

N.B. MILLET

May you join your mother in Manu, and may her two arms receive you every dayl :May the figure of your Majesty be in the So [4]kar-bark! May there be rejoicing for your sake when the doors are opened for you in the horizonl May you rest in the western horizon[5] and may your beautiful face be gracious to the Osiris, the second prophet of Amun Nes-pauty-tawy, justified!"

Each l\1arginal Column qf the Reverse " ... in peace, in peace to? Re four times in the West."

Edges " ... the heaven of the gods and who illuminates the Dat with his beauty! May you grant the sweet breath of the North Wind!" ."

the sweet breath of the North Wind to the Osiris, the

prophet. .. Nes-pauty-tawy, [justified!]

Commentary A partial parallel to the sun-hymn can be found in Cairo stela 9930 (Munro, Die !:'piitiigyptische Totenstelen [Gluckstadt 1973], fig. 13). That stela is of an earlier period than our example, probably Saite. Our EspotCl thus held many priestly offices in Thebes, including in the sun temple of "Re-on-the-roof' at Karnak and in the temple of Mut, but also, somewhat unexpectedly, positions in the neighbourhood of Esna.

ISRAELITES, CANAANITES, AND EGYPTIANS IN THE LEVA.1\IT

NEW KINGDOM EGYPTIAN-STYLE AND EGYPTIAN POTTERY IN CANAAN:l IMPLICATIONS FOR EGYPTIAN RULE IN CANAAN DURING THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH DYNASTIES Ann E. Killebrew Egyptian domination was a key factor that defined and shaped Canaan during the Late Bronze Age. Numerous New Kingdom texts attest to ongoing Egyptian economic interests in the region and describe military campaigns to curb uprisings and suppress rebellious Canaanite rulers. In spite of the wealth of textual evidence, the significance of Egyptian-style artifacts found in the southern Levant remains a topic of lively debate and speculation. Theories range from "direct rule" to "elite emulation," the latter a model proposed by C. Higginbotham who attributes Egyptian-style artifacts found in Canaan to emulation by the local elite. 2 However in this scholarly discussion, the implications of Egyptian-style pottery found in Canaan have not been properly addressed. Through an examination of the 13th and early 12th century Egyptian-style pottery corpus in Canaan, I propose that there is overwhelming evidence for a noteworthy Egyptian presence at a number of strategically located administrative and military garrison towns in Canaan. Considered in light of the historical texts, the archaeological evidence points to a policy of targeted "direct rule" or Egyptian imperialism in Canaan, rather than elite emulation or colonization.

1 I am pleased to dedicate this article to Donald Redford who is one of the very . few scholars who has successfully integrated ancient text5, material culture and Bible in his studies of ancient Egypt, Canaan and Israel. His classic masterpiece, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), is the standard publication for cross-cultural relations between Egypt and Canaan in antiquity. 2 See C. Higginbotham, "Elite Emulation and Egyptian Governance in Ramesside Canaan," TA 23 (1996) 154-69 who terms]. Weinstein's approach as the "direct rule" model; see]. Weinstein, "The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment," RASOR 241 (1981) 1-28; idem, "The Collapse of the Egyptian Empire in the Southern Levant," in TIe Crisis Years: 17ze 12th CentuD' BC From B0'olld tlze Danube t,(J the Tigris (cds. W. A. Ward and M. S.Joukowsky; Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1992) 142-50.

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7jpology qf Egyptian-Style Pottery in Canaan Until now, there has been no in-depth published discussion of Egyptian-style and imported Egyptian pottery in Canaan. 3 The typology presented here is based on the pottery assemblages from Late Bronze Age sites, especially Tel Beth Shean in the north and Deir el-Balah in the south where recent excavations have uncovered noteworthy amounts of Egyptian pottery. These two assemblages are representative of the repertoire of Egyptian-style pottery found in Canaan. 4 This typology also incorporates several key studies of Egyptian New Kingdom pottery in Egypt. The first detailed examination is G. Nagel's 1938 publication of unrestricted open New Kingdom pottery vessels from Deir el-Medineh, where he also attempts to integrate Egyptian depictions of these vessels in his discussion. 5 Unfortunately he did not complete the classification of closed shapes. A second significant volume is R. Holthoer's 1977 comprehensive study of New Kingdom ceramics from the Scandinavian Joint Expedition to Sudanese Nubia. 6 3 A very basic and schematic typology has recently appeared as Appendix A in C. R. Higginbotham's excellent survey of the Egyptian presence in Canaan, Egyptiani;;.ation and Elite Emulation in Ramesside Palestine (CHANE 2; Leiden: Brill, 2000) 145-70. However, a~ she notes on p. 145, her typological discussion is limited in scope and depth due to the lack of published details. The typology presented here addresses many of these limitations and reaches completely different conclusions about the nature and significance of locally produced Egyptian-style pottery in Canaan. A second study of earlier 18th Dynasty Egyptian-style pottery from Level IX at Tel Beth Shean is in press: R. A. Mullins, "A Corpus of Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian-style Pottery from Tel Beth Shean." 4 This study is based on research presented in my dissertation, Ceramic Crqft and Teclmology during the Late Bronze and Earfy Iron Ages: The Relationship Between Pottery Technology, Style, and Cultural Diversity (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University ofJerusalem, 1998). I would like to thank my two dissertation advisors, Professors Trude Dothan, director of the excavations at Deir el-Balah, and Amihai Mazar, director of the excavations at Tel Beth Shean, for allowing me to examine and publish the Egyptian-style pottery typology from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean. 5 G. Nagel, 1£1 Ceramique du Nouvel Empire Ii Deir el Medineh (Documents de Fouilles de I'Institut Fral1<;ais d,Archeologie Orientale du Caire; Cairo: Institut Fran<;:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1938). 6 See R. Holthoer, flew Kingdom Pharaonic Sites TIle Potte1)!. The Scandinavian Joint Egyptian Expedition to Sudanese Nubia (Vol. 5/1; Lund: Berlings, 1977). See especially pp. 2-4 for a survey of the history of the study of Egyptian pottery. Less helpful is A. L. Kelley, TIe Pottery rif Ancient Egypt Dynasty I to Roman Times (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1976), who presents a corpus of ancient Egyptian pottery that lacks a descriptive text. See also D. Arnold (cd.), Studien zur altagyptirchen Keramik. (Deutsches Archaologisches Institut; Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1981) whose edited volume presents a collection of specific studies on ancient Egyptian pottery

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The most recent and significant discussions of Late New Kingdom pottery are D. A. Aston's 1996 and 1999 tomes that provide a detailed description and analysis of 20th Dynasty Egyptian pottery.7 The following discussion presents the locally produced Egyptianstyle and imported Egyptian wares at selected 13th-12th century BeE sites in Canaan with a focus on Tel Beth Shean Levels VII and VI and the Deir el-Balah cemetery and settlement. 8 Based primarily on vessel proportion and morphology, I have grouped Egyptian-style pottery appearing in Canaan according to three basic functional categories: (I) kitchen wares that include table wares and cooking wares; (II) containers, which are subdivided into handless domestic containers and handled storage containers; and (III) varia, comprising vessels used for household production or industrial purposes.

Category I: Kitchen Wares Table Wares Bowls are one of the most ubiquitous Egyptian forms in Canaan. All the Egyptian-style bowls (Forms EG 1-6) are characterized by either a shallow or semi-hemispherical vessel profile with a flat base. The large number of shallow bowls and the flat base of many of the bowls are especially indicative of the Egyptian-style assemblage. The one exception is Form EG 7, which is most likely a cooking vessel.

Fonn EG 1: Shallow Bowl with Flat Base (fig. 1) Form EG 1 is divided into two main sub-groups: Form EG la with a simple rim, and Form EG 1b with an everted to flaring rim.

and D. Arnold and J. Bourriau (cds.) An Introduction to Ancient A'gyptiall Pottery (l\-1ainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1993), a publication that deals mainly with the technical and technological aspects of Egyptian pottelY. 7 D. A. Aston, Eg)!ptwn Pottq rif the Late .New lilllgdom and Third II1le1mediate Period (Twe!fth-Seventh Centuries BC): Tentative Footsteps in a forbidding Tamin (S tudien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens Band 13; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1996); idem Elephantine XIX, Pottery jiwn the Late New Kingdom to the Early Ptolemaic Period (Archaologische Veroffentlichungen 95; Cairo: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, 1999). 8 A full publication of the Deir el-Balah Egyptian-style pottery ha'l been prepared by B. Gould and will appear in the final excavation report on Dcir el-Balah: T. Dothan, B. Brandl, B. Gould, A. E. Killebrew and G. Lipton, E\'cavations in the Cemetery and Settlement rif DeiT el-Balah (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, in press).

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Form EG 1a (fig. 1): This bowl is characterized by its shallow depth, straight sides, simple rim, and flat base. In Canaan, this type appears at Deir el-Balah where it is often undecorated and in Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean where it is often decorated with a red band. 9 This bowl is also known from Tel Sera (Stratum IX), Lachish (Fosse Temple III and Level V1), Ashdod (Strata XV-XIV), Tell es Sa'idiyeh (Tomb 105), and Megiddo (Strata IX-VIIB).10 Form EG la is present throughout the New Kingdom period in Egypt and the Sudan. II In most Egyptian assemblages, this shape is classified together with our bowl Form EG Ih.12 This howl type is also common at the later New Kingdom 19th Dynasty site of Deir el-Medineh. 13

9 Killebrew, Ceramic Crajl, Ill. II:38:7, 14, 16; 11:78:6-7; see also G. M. Fitzgerald, 77ze Four Canaanite Temples qf Beth Shean. Part ll: The Pottery (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum, 1930) pI. XLI:2; XLIV: 4; and F. W. James and P. E. McGovern, the Late Bronze Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shean: A Study qf LeveLf Vll and VllI (Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania Museum, 1993) figs. 48: 11; 53: 10. 10 E. D. Oren, "Architecture of Egyptian 'Governors' Residencies' in Late Bronze Age Palestine," Erll'r (Nahman Avigad Volume) 18 (1985) fig. 4:1, 2; pI. 33: I (in Hebrew); O. Tufnell, C. H. Inge, and L. Harding, Lachish II The Fosse Temple (London: Oxford University Press, 1940) pI. XXXVI:25; Y. Aharoni, Investigations at Lachish The Sanctuary and the Residency (Lachish V,J (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1975) pI. 39:3; M. Dothan and Y. Porath, Ashdod V Excavations qf Area G The Fourth-Sixth Seasons qf El(cavations 1968-1970 ('Atiqot 23; Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority, 1993) e.g., fig. 11:3,5; M. Dothan, Ashdod ll-llI The Second and 77zird Seasons qf Excavations 1963, 1965 Soundings in 1967 ('Atiqot 9-10; Jerusalem: Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, 1971) fig. 1: 1. See Dothan and Porath Ashdod V, 45 for a description of these bowls at Ashdod. It is noted that they have significant amounts of straw temper and are often deformed (similar to those at DeiI' el-Balah). According to M. Dothan and Y. Porath, these bowls were popular at Ashdod Stratum XV-XIV and at Tel Mor; J. B. Pritchard, The Cemetery at Tell es-Sdidryeh, Jordan (University Museum Monograph 41; Philadelphia: The University Museum, the University of Pennsylvania, 1980) fig. 9:2 (Bowl Type I); G. Loud, Meguldo II Seasons qf 1935-39 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948) pI. 65:18 (Bowl 253). 11 Holthoer, Pottery, Type CU2: 116-117; pI. 25, and see his citations of 18th and 19th Dynasty parallels. See also D. Dunham and J. M. Janssen, Second Cataract Forts Vol. I: Semna Kumma, I:-xcavated by G.A. Reisner (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1960) fig. 11 :28-1-5 73g. 12 See also Holthoer's comments (Pottery, 116) noting the similarity between his Types CU 2 (= our Form EG la) and PL 3 (= our Form EG Ib). 13 Nagel, Deir el Midineh, pI. IX, Type XIX: e.g., 1165.54 and pI. X, Type XIV: e.g., 356.108 group together flat based bowh of various vessel proportions together. It should be noted that there is an overlap between Nagel's Types XIV and XVIII.

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Fonn EG 1b (fig. 1): This bowl is very similar to Fonn EG la, except

for it's everted to flaring rim which distinguishes this type. It is a very common type at Deir el-Balah settlement and cemetery. 14 This type also appears in Levels VII and "Late Level VII" at Tel Beth Shean (where it is generally decorated with red paint on the interior and on the exterior rim), Lachish (Fosse Temple III and Stratum VI), Megiddo (Strata VIII-VIlA), Tell es-Sa'idiyeh (Tomb 103), and a possible example from Tel ~1iqne-Ekron (Stratum VII).15 These bowls are closely related to conical bowls with an everted rim (see below, Fonn EG 2). In Holthoer's typology of Egyptian pottery, he designates this t)'Pe as PL 3. 16 Form EG 1b bowls predominate in many Tell el-Amarna contexts. 17 It is also common in later New Kingdom contexts at Riqqeh and Deir el-Medineh where decorated and undecorated examples are known. 18

l·t Killebrew, Gemmie Crafl, Ills. 11:38: 12, 13, 15, 17; II:42:8; I. Beit Arich, "Further Burials from the Deir el-Balah Cemetery," TA 12 (1985) fig. 5:9. 15 Killebrew, Geramic Crajl, Ill. 11:57:6, 8; James and McGovern, Egyptian Garrison, figs. 48:12; 49:1-11,15. Two rooms (L. 1213 and 1220) with 19 and 20 bowls respectively were assigned by F.James and P. McGovern (ibid., 48-53) to Late Level VII however in my opinion there is no stratigraphic support for this attribution. Note also Base Ring II lentoid flask (ibid., fig. 53: 10) that was found in L. 1213. The context and bowl types are very similar to L. 38703 excavated in Area NA during the 1996 Tel Beth Shean season. It should also be noted that these bowls appear in Levels VIII and VII (ibid., fig. 48: II) and in 18th 20th Dynasty context~ in Egypt and Nubia; Tufnell et aI. Lachish II, pI. XL: 90; Stratum VI: Aharoni, Lachish r/~ pI. 39:3; Loud, Megiddo II, Pis. 61: II (Bowl 268 note that a red slip covers the interior of this bowl); 65: 19; 69:3 (Bowl 289--decorated with a red band and undecorated examples); Pritchard, Tell es ~a(id!yeh, fig. 6: 1-4; Tomb 104: fig. 7: I (Bowl Type I);.J. Gunneweg, T. Dothan, I. Perlman and S. Gitin, "On the Origin of Pottery from Tel Miqne-Ekron," BASOR 264 (1986) fig. 3:8, note its possible non-local provenience. 16 Holthoer, Pottery, 124-26, pI. 27, where he notes they are common in New Kingdom context~. 17 See e.g., T. E. Peet and C. L. Woolley, The Ci~y q/Akhenaten Part I E-.:cavations if 1921 and 1922 at El-Amarneh (London: The Egypt Exploration Society, 1923), Type XLVII: especially VIII 156, VII/I003; P.J. Rose, "Pottery from the Main Chapel," in Amama Reports III (B. J. Kemp; London: The Egypt Exploration Society, 1986) figs. 7:2: 54013, 56835; 7.3: 56280; many of these vessels are decorated with a red "unpolished hematite" paint. 18 R. Engelbach, Riqqeh and Memphis ~1 (British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account Publications v. 26; London: Quaritch, 1915) pI. XXXIV:2f, 2g, 2j, 2k; Nagel, Deir el Medineh, PL. XV: Type )c'CII; see especially nos. 1165.58 and 359.219 which are very similar to the DeiI' e\-Balah examples.

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ANN E. KILLEBREW

Fonn EG 2: Semi-Henzi...,pherical Bowl with Everted Rim and Flat Base (fig. 1) Bowl Form EG 2 is similar to Form EG 1, except for its deeper, semi-hemispherical shape and diflerent vessel proportions. It is very popular at Tel Beth Shean Levels VII and VI,19 however it is rare at Deir el-Balah, where the shallower EG 1b bowl is more prevalent. This type is also known from the Tell el-Far'ah (S) (Tomb 562), Lachish (Stratum VI), a tomb south of Ashdod, and l\1:egiddo (Tomb 912D and Stratum VIIB).2o Bowls similar to Form EG 2 appear sporadically in northern Canaan at Hazor (Stratum Ib) and Dan (Stratum VII).21 However it is not clear if these are Egyptian-inspired or belong to a different and unrelated northern tradition, as they are present also at Ugarit in noteworthy quantities. Form EG 2 is included in Holthoer's type PL 3. 22 In Egypt, examples of these bowls exist at Tell el-Amarna and Deir el-l\,1edineh, however the shallower version, our bowl Fornl EG 1b, seems to be more popular in Egypt. 2:~ EG 3: Shallow Bowl H'ith Flaring Rim and Round Base (fzg. 1) This shallow bowl, Form EG 3, is characterized by a round profile with a flaring rim, sometimes forming a carination below the rim, and a rounded base. A few examples appear at Tel Beth Shean (Levels !"Olm

19 Killebrew, Cerami<: Crall, Ills. II:57:6-8; Il:78:8, 9; Fitzgerald, Canaanite Temples, pI. XU: I, 2; Levels VIU~~"Late Level VII" (=Level VII): James and McGovern, E.gyptian Garrison, figs. 16: I; 31 :2; 49: 13; 50:4; 51 :2, where it often appears with red bands on the interior and/or exterior of the rim; Iron I: F. W. James, The Iron Age at Beth Shean A StUdJI qf LeveLl' VI-IV (University Museum Monograph 85; Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 1966) figs. 31: 19; 49: 12 20 T. Dothan, 17u~ Philistines and their lv/aLerial Culture, Uerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982), 266, fig. 8: I; E. Yannai, Aspects qf the lv/aterial Culture qf Canaan During the Eg),ptian 20th pynasry (1200-1130 BeE) (Ph.D. diss., Tel Aviv University, 1996 [in Hebrew]) pI. 18: 12, 13; R. Gophna and D. Mcron, "An Iron Age I Tomb Between Ashdod and A~hkelon," 'Atiqot 6 (HS) (1970) fig. 2:3; P. L. O. Guy, Megiddo Tombs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938) pI. 36:2; Loud, Megiddo II, pI. 65:20 (Bowl Type 290). 21 A. Mazar, "Area P," in Hazar v.. An Account qfthe Fifth season qfExwvatiolls, 1968 (cd. A. Ben-Tor and R. Bonfil; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1997) fig. V.I: 25; A Biran, Biblical Dan Uerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1994) fig. 83: 1. 22 Halthoer, Pottery" fig. 27, see especially 400/10:19; 100118:24. 23 Peet and Woolley, Ciry qfAkhenaten, pI. XVII:VI/ 10003H; Rose, "Main Chapel," 104; fig. 7:2:51560; idem, "Report on the 1987 Excavations House P46.33: The Pottery," in: Amama Reports VI (B. J. Kemp; London: The Egypt Exploration Society, 1995) fig. 3.4:25; Nagel, Deir el MMinelt, Type XXII: pL XV: e.g. 356.66, 359.277, 1164.69.

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VII and VI), Deir el-Balah, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh (Tombs 109, 137), and a similar bowl comes from Aphek (Stratum X 12).24 It appears frequently at Canaanite sites with E6ryptian influence, however this type is far less common in Egypt where the bowl has a simple everted or flaring rim. In Egypt, these bowls date from the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Periods. 25 This type is popular in Egypt during the New Kingdom, appearing at Tell el-Amarna, Harageh, Buhen, Tell el-Yehudiyeh, and Aniba, attesting to the Egyptian derivation of these bowls. 26 The closest Egyptian parallels to our examples appear at Deir el-.Medineh, where the shallow bowl with rounded base and everted rim is extremely common. 27 This bowl appears in Egyptian reliefs depicting offerings. 28

Form EG 4: Semi-Hermjpherical Bowl with Round Base (fzg. 1) Bowls classified as Form EG 4 are small to medium in size, with a rounded to slightly pointed base and a simple rim. At Deir e1-Balah and Beth Shean it was a common vessel. 29 Variants with a red painted rim on the exterior, or both interior and exterior, are also common at Deir el-Balah, Tel Sera (Stratum IX), Tel Aphek (Stratum X12), and Tell es-Sa'idiyeh (Tomb 1(9).30 24 Fitzgerald, Canaanite Temples, pI. XLI:3; James, han Age, fig. 19:5; E. D. Oren, The Northern Cemetery qfBeth Shean (Lriden: E . .J. Brill, 1973) figs. 43: 15, 48a:2; James and McGovern, Egyptian Garrilon, figs. 8: 9; 50:6; 51 :6; Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfi, Ills. II:37:2; 1I:38:IO, II; Pritchard, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, figs. 13:2; fig. 38:4 (Bowl Type 3) ; P. Beck and M. Kochavi, "A Dated Assemblage of Late 13th Century R.C.E. from the Egyptian Residency at Aphek," 1A 12 (1985) fig. 2:1,2. 25 Holthoer, Potte1Y, Type PL I. 26 Peet and Woolley, City qfAkhenaten, pI. XLVII: VI2; V 185; V /1005; V 1261 and one similar to the Deir el-Balah bowls: pI. XLVII: V I 103; D. Engelbach, Harageh (Publications of the Egyptian Research Account and the British School of Archaeology in Egypt Vol. 38; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1923) pI. XlJI:2b; D. R. Maciver and L. C:. Woolley, Buhen Vall. VII and l'7II (Philadelphia: The University Museum, the University of Pennsylvania, 1911) Type SXXIII: pI. 47; F. 1.. Griffith, The Antiquities qf'Tell d Yahud!yeh (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., 1890) pI. XV:2; G. Steindorff, Alliba Vol. II (Hamburg: Druck von .J..J. Augustin, 1933) Type 8b:3. 27 Nagel, Deir el Midineh, Types X, XI see especially pI. VIII:358.IH2; 357.37; 1176.3; K.2.149. 28 Ibid., fig. 148. 29 Killebrew, Ceramic Crqji, Ills. II:3B::~, 4, 9; 11:42:3; 48: I; Heit Arieh, "Deir el-Balah Cemetery," fig. 5:4, 7; James and l\1cGovern, J;gyptian Garril"On, figs. 12:8, 12, 13; 39:1. 30 Killebrew, Ceramic Crq/t, Ill. II:37: I; 11:38: I) 2; Beit Arieh, "Deir cl-Balah Ceme-

316

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In Egypt, this is one of the most typical bowls, which was also mass-produced with shallow and semi-hemispherical vessel profIles. R. Holthoer classified this bowl as CD 1. 31 Bowl Form EG 4 has a very long life span, first appearing as early as the Middle Kingdom, increasing in popularity during the New Kingdom where unslipped or examples with a red slip are known. 32 At Deir el-Medineh it equals Nagel Type IV and it is also known in New Kingdom sites in Nubia. 33 This basic bowl form continues into the late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period. 34 Bowl Form EG 4 appears in wall reliefs from New Kingdom tombs illustrating banquet and ofIering scenes where they are depicted containing liquid either for drinking or libation. It also appears in a relief decoration on an ivory inlay from Tell el-Far'ah (S) that depicts a seated man (the Egyptian governor?) holding such a bowl while an attendant pours a liquid into it. 35

Form EG 5: Semi-Hemi..!pherical Bowl with Flat Base (fig. 1) Bowl Form EG 5 includes medium-sized bowls with a rounded to straight-sided vessel profIle, a simple to slightly incurved rim, and a flat base (Form EG 5a: fig. 1). A variant of this bowl has a strainer attached to the interior (Form EG 5b: fig. I). These bowls are the most popular type at Deir el-Balah and also appear in Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean, often with painted bands. 36 They are known tery," fig. 5: I; Oren, "Governors' Residencies," fig. 4:5; Beck and Kochavi, "Egyptian Residency," fig. 2:3; Pritchard, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, fig. 13:3-5 (Bowl Type 7). 31 Holthoer, Pottery, 115-16, pI. 25. 32 Peet and Woolley, Ciry if Akhenaten, pI. XLVI: especially IV 1138, IV 120 I, IV11002; P. J. Rose, "The Pottery Distribution Analysis," in Amama Reports I (BJ. Kemp; London: The Egypt Exploration Society, 1984) fig. 10: I: Group 5; idem, "Main Chapel," fig. 7.2: 54058; Engelbach, Harageh, pI. LXII: 12B; W. M. Flinders Petrie and G. Bnmton, Sedment II (British School of Archaeology in Egypt, Publications 35; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Bernard Quaritch, 1924) pI. LX:38. 33 Nagel, Dei,. el-MMineh, pI. III: Type IV; SteindorfT, ATliba, pI. 69: Type 6a: 2-4. 34 D. A. Aston, F..gJ'/>tian Pottery if the hlte }few Kingdom and Third Inle1mediate Period (Twe1jlhSeventft CentUlus BC). T mtative Footst£ps iTl a Forbidding Terrain (Studien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altagyptens Band 13; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1996) figs. 187:d, e, j, k; 206:i, m. 35 Holthoer, Pottery, 115; W. M. Flinders Petrie, Beth-Pelet I (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Bernard (,Luaritch, 1930) 19, pI. LV 36 Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfi, Ills. II:38:5-7; 11:49:2; Beth Arieh, "Deir el-Balah Cemetery," fig. 5:2, 5, 6; Killebrew, Ceramic Crajl, llls. 11:69:2; II: 70: I; II:78: I, 4, 5, 8;]ames and McGovern, Egyptian Ganison, figs. 8:2; 12:9; 15:14, 15; 48:1-9.

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at Gezer (Stratum XIV), Ashdod (Strata XV-XIV), Lachish (Stratum VI), Tel Sera (Stratum IX), Tel Mor (Stratum 6), and Tell es-Sa'idiyeh (Tombs 5, 104).37 It is a rare type at northern Canaanite sites. 38 R. Holthoer classifies this bowl as Type CU 4 or PL 4 and notes that it is very common in New Kingdom contexts. 39 It has been documented at el-Amarna where it is one of the most ubiquitous types and is also very common in later New Kingdom contexts at Deir el-Medineh. 40 A bowl with a strainer, similar to our Form EG 5b from Tel Beth Shean appears at Deir el-Medineh. 41

Form EG 6: Large Shallow Bowl (fig. 2) This large shallow bowl is characterized by its thickened rim, coarse ware, and rope pattern decoration on and/or below the rim. Several examples were recovered from the Deir el-Balah settlement and cemetery as well as from Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean. 42 This bowl type is also known at Lachish. 43

W. G. Dever, H. Darrell Lance, and G. E. Wright, Ge;:p I: Prelimina1}' Report Gerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1970) pi. 28:19; M. Dothan and D. N. Freedman, AsMod I The First season if Excavations 1962 CAtiqot 7; Jerusalem: Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, 1967) fig. 22:2, 3; Dothan and Porath, Ashdod V, fig. 11 :6, 8, 12; Gophna and Meron, "Iron Age Tomb," fig. 2:2, 3; Maroni, Lachish V, pI. 39:7; Oren, "Governors' Residencies," fig. 4:2; M. Dothan, "Excavations at Tel Mor, 1959," Bulletin if the Israel E-,;ploration Socie~JI 24 (2-3) (1960) figs. 4:9; 5:2 (in Hebrew); Pritchard, Tell es-Sa'id~Jleh. figs. 7: 1; 8: I; 9:3-5 (Bowl Type 5). ll! E.g. Megiddo (Stratum VIII): Loud, Megiddo II, pI. 61:9 and Hazor: Y. Yadin, Y. Aharoni, R. Amiran, T. Dothan, I. Dunayevsky, andJ. Perrot, Hazor II An Account if the First season ~rExcavations 1956 Gerusalem: Magnes Press) pI. XCLIII:4. 39 Holthoer, Pottel)', 118, Pis. 26; 28. Occasionally this bowl has a hole in the base, as noted by Holthoer (ibid., 118). A similar phenomenon occurred at Deir eI-Balah (Killebrew, Ceramu' Crqfi, III 11:41:2, 3) and atJaffa G. Kaplan, "The Excavations at JafL"l (Third Season)," Bulletin ~f the Israel E-,;ploratioll Society 24 (2-3) [1960] pI. 13:22 bowl in center [in Hebrew]). 40 Peet and Woolley, Ciry ifAkhenalen, pI. XLVII: VII160; VI 11 002; VII 22 I ; Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10.1: Group 5; idem, "Main Chapel," fig. 7.2: 56453; idem, Pottery from Gate Street 8," in Amama Reportl IV (BJ. Kemp; London: The Egypt Exploration Society, 1987) 134, fig. 10.2: 63524; Nagel, Deir el iHedineh, Type XIV: pI. X:D.M.22.59, D.M.22.67, D.M.22.73, 11640'43, 1922.8:), K.S.61; Type XVIII: pI. XlII: e.g. 359.206, 1172.4.57. 41 Nagel, Deir ellvtedilleh, pI. II, Type III, especially K.S.50.a,b. '12 Killebrew, Ceramic Crqjl, e.g. Ill. 11:39: 1; Beit Arieh, "DeiI' el-Balah Cemetery," fig. 5: 13; James and McGovern, Egyptian Ganimn, fig. 8: II, 13; Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfi, Ill. II:69:5, 6; Y. Yadin and S. Geva, Investigations at Beth Shean. The Earb' Iron Age Strata (Qedem 23; Jerusalem: Hebrew University ofJerusalem, 1986) fig. 35: 1. '13 Tufnell et aI., Ladzish II, pI. XXXVIII:55, 56. 37

if the 1964-1966 Seasons

318

ANN E. KILLEBREW

Bowl Fom1 EG 6 is common in New Kingdom contexts at el-Amarna, Riqqeh, Balabish, and the Semna fort. H It is well represented in 19th Dynasty contexts at Deir el-Medineh, however G. Nagel did not classify it as a separate type and groups it with several different types of bowls. 45 It continues well into the 20th Dynasty in Egypt. 46

Cooking Wares Form EG 7: Deep Can'nated Bowl! Cooking Pot (fzg. 2) This bowl, one of only a couple discovered in Level VII at Tel Beth Shean, is rare in Canaan.'p It consists of a deep restricted bowl with a gentle carination less than half\vay from the rim. The straight neck is narrower than the widest part of the bowl at the carination. The base seems to be slightly flattened. A red slip was applied to the exterior from the rim to carination. In Egypt, this form is usually classified in publications of New Kingdom pottery as a "bowl," but with the comment that it was used as a cooking pot. At Tell el-Amama, T. E. Peet and C. L. Woolley designate this form as a cooking pot. 48 The el-Amama examples are slightly shallower and wider than our example. These cooking pots usually display signs of black soot on the outside. 49 G. Nagel terms this bowl Type VIII (carinated bowls).5o Although he classifies this as a bowl, he notes that they often have a blackened exterior and H Peet and Woolley, City qlAkhenaten, pI. XLVII:IX/242; Holthoer, Pottery, 100; see also Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10: I: Group 11; idem, "Gate Street 8," 134, fig. 10:2:60413, where it is classified a5 a "hearth"; R. EngeIbach, Riqqeh and Alemphis VI (British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account Publications 26; London: Quaritch, 1915) pI. )G'XXIV:5P; G. A. Wainwright and T. Whittemorc, Balabish (Egypt Exploration Fund Publications 37; London: Unwin, 1920) Pis. XXIII: 13; XXIV:25; Dunham andJansscn, Semna Kumma, fig. 12:28-1-240. 45 See e.g. Nagel, Deir el Medineh, pI. VI: Type IX: K.2.145.
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319

suggests that they served as cooking pots. Additional New Kingdom examples were found at Sedment. 51 Several similar but not identical restricted and carinated bowls with a red slip halfway down the exterior of the vessel are known from 12th--l1 th centUl)' BeE contexts at Elephantine. These vessels are slightly less restricted, more carinated, and have a round base. D. Aston notes that many of these examples from Elephantine had been used as cooking vessels. 52 It is not entirely certain what function the Tel Beth Shean Foml EG 7 bowls served, however its Egyptian inspiration and context is clear.

Table TVares Form EG 8: Hlide-A1outhed JugleLf {"A1ugs''} (fig. 2) These juglets, characterized by their unusual shape, wide aperture and burnished white-slipped exterior, are often termed "mugs" in the Egyptian literature. They have been found in small numbers at Tel Beth Shean and in the settlement and cemetery of Deir el-Balah. 53 \"'hite burnished juglets of the Late Bronze Age II and early Iron I date are especially prevalent at sites in southern Canaan such as Tell el-'Ajjul (18th and 19th Dynasty contexts), Lachish (Fosse Temple III), and Tel Sera (Stratum IX).54 At Megiddo, a fragmentary white burnished juglet is associated with Stratum VIlA contexts, and at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, a tall-necked version of this juglct with a tan slip originated from Tomb 102.55

Petrie and Brunton, Sedment II, Type 12R: pI. LXIV: 12R. Aston, £''gyptian Ganison, 61, fig. 179: sixth and seventh drawings from the top; fig. 190:0, p. 53 Killebrew, Ceramir Crqjt, Ill. II: 71 : I; Oren, /vorthem Crmetery, fig. 46: 19; pI. 74: II (romb 227 of Iron Age I date); note that two other V('IY similar vessels are not slipped, ibid., fig. 48c:26 (Tomb 221A+B of mixed LBII/IAI date). A complete vessel was discovered in an anthropoid coflin burial of 19th Dynasty date, see T. Dothan, E,xcamtiolls at the Cemetery o/Deir el-Balah (Q.edem 10;Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1979) 13, Ills. 24; 29. An additionaljuglet, a surface find from the area of the cemetery, lacks a white slip and may represent a local attempt at imitating the Egyptianized version (Beit-Arieh, "Deir el-Balah Cemetery," 50, fig. 6: I). S·l W. M. Flinders Petrie, Ancient Ga,~a III Tell el 'iljjul (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1933) pI. XLIV:34C, E; idem, Ancient Ga;;.a IV Tell el '"1JJu/ (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1934) Pis. XI:67; XLIX:34E. At Lachish, two faience vessels similar in shape to the ceramic vessels described here are associated with Fosse Temple III; Tufnell et al., lA1Chl:11! II, PIs. XXI:55; XXIII: 61; Oren, "Governors' Residencies," fig. 7Aa; pI. 34:3. 55 Loud, Megiddo 11, pI. 67:15 aug Type 404); Pritchard, Tell es-Sa'idiveh, Cup Type 29: fig. 5: I. 51

52

320

ANN E. KILLEBREW

Juglet EG 8 belongs to a group of white slipped and burnished vessels manufactured in Egypt, classified by Holthoer asJU 2.56 They are well known during the New Kingdom in 18th-20th Dynasty contexts at sites such as Tell el-Amarna, Buhen, Gurob, Aniba, and Tell el-Yehudiyeh. 57 These juglets have been found as constituting one component of a double vessel. 58

Category II: Containers I have divided handleless domestic containers into two groups: jars and storage containers. Handleless jars include a large group of portable domestic jars comprising ovoid jars, funnel-necked jars, globular jars, and broad bottles (Forms EG 9-EG 12). All shapes belong to the basic Egyptian pottery repertoire of handleless jars and probably served several purposes, including storage and consumption of everyday commodities.

Holthoer, Pottery, 92-93. Peet and Woolley, Ciry if Akhenaten, pI. U:XLII/1009, 1009B; Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10.1: Type 25; MacIver and Woolley, Buhen, pI. 47:SXXXIX; G. Brunton and R. Engelbach, Guroh (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1927) pI. XXIX:46h; A. P. Thomas, Guroh: A New Kingdom Town Introduction and Catalogue if Oldects in the Petrie Collection (Egyptology Today No.5, Vol. I; Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1981) pI. 9:181; Steindorff, Aniha, pI. 81:Form 36a. For 20th Dynasty contexts see: F. L. Griffith, TIle Antiquities if Tell el rahudiyeh (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1890) pI. XV: 10 and Aston, Egyptian Pottery, 65; fig. 202:c-e: Group 44 mugs. 58 In Egypt, double vessels consisting of a juglet and a lentoid flask occur at Gurob (Brunton and Engelbach, Guroh, pI. XXXIX:93E), at Salt in Tomb 55 of the 18th-19th Dynasty (W. M. Flinders Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities (British School of Archaeology and Egyptian Research Account XII; London: Bernard Quaritch, 1906] pI. XXXIXD: I 12; also see J. Bourriau, Umm el-Ga'ah: Pottery from the Nzle Vallry bifOre the Arab Conquest [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981] 78, fig. 148), at Rifeh from Tomb 20 of 18th Dynasty date (W. M. Flinders Petrie, Giz:.eh and Rifih [British School of Archaeology and Egyptian Research Account 13; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1907] pI. XXVII). They are known in Nubia at Aniba (Steindorfl~ Aniba, pI. 85:44a) and in the Scandinavian Joint Expedition material (Holthoer, Pottery, pI. 23:185/402:1 [Type DV-I APnU)). In Canaan, a similar example comes from the Persian Garden, Akko (S. Ben-Arieh and G. Edelstein, Akko Tombs Near the Persian Garden ['Atiqot 12; Jerusalem: Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, 1977] fig. 10:10). 56

57

IMPLICATIONS FOR EGYPTIAN RULE IN CANAAN

321

Handleless Multi-Purpose Domestic Containers: Portable Jars 'form EG 9: Ovoid Jars (fig. 2) Ovoid jars are characterized by an elongated ovoid-shaped body proflle. It is one of the most common restricted vessels in the ancient Egyptian repertoire, spanning the entire period of ancient Egypt until its disappearance in the Late Period. As a result, ovoid jars exhibit wide variation in shape, size, decoration, and quality. During the Late Bronze II-Iron I periods, the widest part of this vessel is generally near the base. Included in the assemblage are medium-sized decorated or undecorated jars, with either an "ordinary" or "wide" neck. 59 The larger ovoid jars are classified below as handleless storage containers, Form EG 13 (fig. 3). In Canaan, most of the examples of ordinary ovoid jars are from sites with an Egyptian presence or influence. A large collection of these ovoid jars is known from Tell el-'Ajjul and Tell el-Far'ah (S).60 Several examples of ovoid jars dating to the Late Bronze I period have been recovered at Lachish (Fosse Temple I) and Tel !vIor. 61 A few examples are also known from Late Bronze I~-II contexts at Megiddo, Hazar (Stratum XV), Tel Beth Shean (Level IX), and Deir el-Balah. 62 From the First Intermediate period until the end of the New Kingdom, the ovoid jar was especially popular in Egypt. 63 Ovoid jars most

59 See Holthoer, Pottery, 156-163 for a discussion of these two sub-types of ovoid jars. The latter is less widespread in Egypt than ordinary ovoid jars. 50 See e.g., W. 1\1. Flinders Petrie, Ancient Gaza II Tell el '~Wul (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1932) pI. XXIX:31 H3; idem, Ancient Ga::.a III, pI. XXXII:31H8; idem, Ancient Gaza IV, pI. XLVlII:3IKI9;J. L. Starkey and G. Lankester Harding, Beth-Pelet II (Publications of the Egyptian Research Account and British School of Archaeology in Egypt 52; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1932) pI. LXXXVIII:75NI, N4. 61 Tufnell et aI., Lachish II, pI. LIV:A&B:335; Dothan, "Tel Mor," pI. 9: I. 62 Guy, Megiddo Tombs, pI. 57:9 (Tomb 26); Loud, Megufdo II, pI. 60:7 (Stratum VIII); Y. Garfinkel and R. Greenberg, "Area L," in Hazor V, An Account if the Fijth Season if ExcavatiJ)ns (cd. A. Ben-Tor and R. Bonfil; Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997) fig. III:16:15; A. Mazar, "The Excavations at Tel Beth Shean during the Years 1989-94," in 'ne Archaeology if Israel Constructing the Past, Interpreting the Present (ed. N. A. Silberman and D. Small; JSOTSup 237; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997) fig. 4; Killebrew, Ceramic Crq/i, Ill. III:21 :3-4. 63 These jars are a common occunence at most ancient Egyptian sites, see e.g. Middle Kingdom: Kelley, Ancient Egypt, pI. 38.2.8; ibid., pI. 40.1.6; Second Intermediate Period: ibid., pI. 47.7:36D, 36H; ibid., pI. 50.1:17,18, Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, PIs. XXV:8; x.,XVI:63. For a discussion of the appearance of handleless jar Form

322

ANN E. KILLEBREW

similar to our ordinary ovoid jars appear throughout the late 18th and 19th Dynasties at sites such as Tell el-Amarna, Saft, Sedment, Qlu and Badari, and Tell el-Yehudiyeh, as well as at several Nubian sites. 64 Wide-necked ovoid jars are distinguished from ordinary ovoid jars by their wider neck, which blends into the ovoid body. Several examples of this jar come from Tel Beth Shean and from later Late Bronze II and Iron I levels at "Egyptianizing" sites in Canaan, including Tel Mor, Tell el-Far'ah (S), and Tell el-'AjjuL65 The wide-necked ovoid jar continues to appear into the Iron I period at Tel Beth Shean. 66 This jar also appears at most First Intermediate Period-New Kingdom sites in Egypt and Nubia. 57

Form EG 10: Necked Jars (fzg. 2) Necked jars are a general category of closed handleless Egyptian forms with well-defined necks. Most of the necked jars found at Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean belong to the funnel-necked class ofjars. 68 Several incomplete tall funnel-necked jars are known from

EG 9 in 20th Dynasty and later contexts, see Aston, Egyptian Pottery, especially p. 63, Group 27, fig. 1951-d. 64 Peet and Woolley, Ciry I!fAkhenaten, pI. XLIX:XXIV /16; XXV /88; Petrie, HyksoJ, pI. XXXIXC:52; W. M. Flinders Petrie, Ehnasya (Egypt Exploration Fund Twenty Sixth Memoir; London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1905) pI. XXXVI; Petrie and Brunton, Sedment II, pI. LXII: 92, 93; G. Brunton, Qgu and Badari III (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1930) pI. XXVIII: 107; Petrie, Hyksos, Pis. XII:34, 100, 406, etc; XIVA:79; SteindorfT, Aniba, pI. 76: Type 22; MacIver and Woolley, Buhen, pI. 46: Type SXv. See Holthoer, Pottery, 156, Pis. 35-38 for full references. fi5 Fitzgerald, Canaanite Temples, pI. XLII:30; Stratum VII:.James and McGovern, Egyptian Garrison, figs. 10:6; 13:14; Dothan, "Tel Mor," fig. 11:6;J. L. Starkey and G. Lankester Harding, Beth-Pelet II (Publications of the Egyptian Research Account and British School of Archaeology in Egypt 52; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1932) pI. LXXXVIII: 75N3; Petrie, Ancient Caza II, pI. XUI:31K3. 66 Level VI: Mazar, 'Tel Beth Shean 1989-94," fig. 6. Note the development of shape into a vessel with a longer, less well defined neck. 67 See e.g. Second Intern1Cdiate period: Petrie, Cizeh and Rifeh, Pis. XXV: 13-14; XXVI: 67; Kelley, Ancient Egypt, Pis. 47.5.20K, 22D; 47.13.20D; Petrie, H,yksos, pI. X e.g. 55, 65, 67, 74; New Kingdom: Nagel, Deir el MMineh, fig. 110:54; Steindorff, Aniba, pI. 72: Type lla; Maciver and Woolley, Buhen, pI. 46: Type SXVI; W. M. Flinders Petrie, Qumeh (British School of Archaeology in Egypt, Publications 16; London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt, 19(9) pI. XLI: e.g. 681; Brunton and Engelbach, Curob, pI. XXI: 38; Engelbach, Riqqeh, pI. XXXV:20h. See Holthoer, Pottery, 162-63 for a detailed discussion. 6B Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfi, Ill. III: 2 I :6-7; for a description offunnel-necked jars see Holthoer, Pot/elY, 148.

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Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean (Level VI).69 These vessels, not illustrated here, are undecorated or decorated, the latter consisting of painted linear bands. 70 The tall funnel-necked jar is rare in Canaan, appearing at Tell el-Far'ah (S), Tel Sera (Stratum IX), and Tell esSa'idiyehJI Tall funnel-necked jars did not become popular in Egypt until the later 18th through 20th Dynasties. 72 These vessels are of a slightly different shape than those fcmnd at DeiI' el-Balah, exhibiting a slender contour. Examples of tall flmnel-necked jars of the types known at DeiI' el-Balah are more limited in New Kingdom EgyptJ3 It continues to be widespread in Egypt and Nubia until the end of the 20th Dynasty. 74 A second type of funnel-shaped jar illustrated in figure 2, has a short neck rather than the tall neck. It has been included in Form EG 10 even though it differs somewhat in its vessel proportions. This vessel is rare, appearing at DeiI' el-Balah where these short funnel-necked jars are characterized by a short broad neck, an unmodeled rim, a well-defined transition to the neck, and a rounded to pointed base. A variation of this sub-type consists of jars with a small, flattened base. 75 This variant of the funnel-necked jar is very similar in contour, neck shape, and general appearance to beer bottles (Form EG 19), but lacks the fingerprints and perforated bases so typical of the beer bottle

69

See Gould, Deir eL-Balah Settlement, in press; Mazar, "Tel Beth Shean 1989-94,"

fig. 6. Killebrew, Ceramic Craft, Ill. III: 2 I :6, 7. See Starkey and Harding, Beth-Pele! II, Pis. XLIX:924; LXXXVIII:750 (19th Dynasty); Oren, "Governors' Residencies," fig. 7:2. Two main types of tall funnelnecked jars are known; see e.g., Pritchard, Tell es Sa'idiyeh, Jar Type 57: fig. 21: I; Jar Type 58: figs. 5:2; 23:3, 4; 27: I. 12 See e.g., New Kingdom: Petrie, H),kws, pI. XXIXC: e.g., 60, 62, 63, 65, 67; Petrie and Brunton, Sedment II, pI. LXI: 84; Steindorff, Aniba, pI. 72: Type 12; Nagel, Deir ef Medineh, fig. 63: I 0; Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob, pI. XXIV: 14-15; XXVI: 9; Thomas, A .New Kingdom Town, pI. 8:186; Wainvvright and Whittemore, Balabish, pI. XXIII: I, 5, 8, 9. n See e.g., Peet and Woolley, Ciry qf Akhenaten, pI. LXXV 1202; W. M. Flinders Petrie, G. A. Wainwright and E. MacKay, TIe 11I~yrirtth, Gerzeh and Ma:::ghuneh (London: School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1912) pI. XIX: 10 I: Engelbach, RiqqeJz, Pis. XXXVI: 41d, 42f; XXXVII:42h. At Tell el-Amarna, we find fi.ll1nel-neckedjars with modeled rims like that known from DeiI' el-Balah, see e.g., Peet and Woolley, Ci!y qfAkhenaten, pI. LIV:LXXVIII/236 and Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10.1: Type 17. 74 See Aston, Egyptian Pottery, 63; fig. 194b-e, Group 26. These pots are generally reel slipped or uncoated. 75 Gould, Deir el-Balah Settlement, in press; see also Beit Arieh, "Deir e!-Balah Cemetery," fig. 6:6 for a complete example from the cemetery. 70

71

324

ANN E. KILLEBREW

family. This type is rare in Canaan. 76 In Egypt and Nubia, short funnel-necked jars appear in 18th and 19th Dynasty contexts. 77

Form EG 11,' Globular Jars (fig. 3) Several examples of globular jars originate in Deir el-Balah, including small globular jars with a slightly elongated body shape, often decorated with painted bands, and a medium-sized vessel with either a globular or slightly carinated body shape. 78 At Deir el-Balah, Form EG 11 appears infrequently, and it should be noted that the smaller globular jar is more numerous than the larger version. In Egypt, various kinds of globular jars are known from the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period contexts. 79 They appear in New Kingdom contexts, as witnessed at Tell el-Amarna, and continue well into the 20th Dynasty. In Egypt, the medium-sized globular jar is more common than the smaller painted globular jar. 80 The smaller globular jars, illustrated in figure 3 (EG 11), were found in small numbers at Deir el-Balah, where it is usually decorated. In Canaan, several examples are known from Tell el-'Ajjul and Tell esSa'idiyeh. 81 In Egypt, similar vessels are published from Balabish, Sedment, Meydum, Harageh, and Tell el-Amarna. 82 Two complete examples of medium-sized globular jars were found at Deir el-Balah. Chord impressions are visible around the widest part

76 See Dothan, "Tel Mor," pI. 11:4 for a similar, but more squat, version of this variant of the funnel-necked jar dated to the Iron I. 77 E.g. Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob, pI. 36:37T; Petrie et aI., Labyrinth, pI. XVIII: 71; Steindorff, Aniba, pI. 178: Type 27; see Holthoer, Pottery, 148-150 for a detailed discussion of this type. Peet and Woolley, City if Aklzenaten, pI. LXXVIII/194; for an example of a funnel-necked jar with a flat base see ibid., pI. XLlX:XXVlII/I017. See also Rose, "Gate Street 8," fig. 10.3.64036. 7B Holthoer, Pottery, 150 distinguishes between two main types: ordinary and wide-mouthed. His "ordinary" group encompasses the vessels included in our Form EG II known at Deir el-Balah (ibid., 150-55, Pis. 34, 35). 79 See e.g., Petrie, 0!f17Ieh, Pis. XVII-XIX and Brunton, Q,au and Badari, pI. XVI: 54H,54L. 80 Peet and Woolley, City if AklzenateTl, pI. XLVIII: XIX I I 050; LXIX: XXI/226, XXII 1049; for 20th Dynasty contexts see Aston, Egyptian Pottery, 63-64, Groups 31-32. 81 Petrie, Ancient Gaza III, pI. XXVI:16, but with outward flaring rim; 1934: pI. LII:41 V; Pritchard, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, small version: fig. 18: I, Type 60; large version: fig. 9:8, Type 56. 82 Wainwright and Whittemore, Balabislz, pI. XXXV:57; Petrie and Brunton, S'edment II, pI. LXI:85; Petrie et aI., La~yrintll, pI. XIX:83; Engelbach, HarageJz, pI. XLIV: 36W; Peet and Woolley, City q[ Akhenaten, pI. XLVIII: XIX/I050.

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of these vessels. In Canaan, this vessel is rare. Similar ones appear in Cemetery 900 at Tell el-Far'ah (S).83 In contra'it, medium-sized globular jars were widespread at New Kingdom sites such as Tell el-Amarna, Balabish, Mazghuneh, Gurob, and Harageh. 84

Form EG 12: Globular Bottles (fig. 3) A small number of globular botdes were recovered at Tel Beth Shean. 85 Form EG 12 is rare in Canaan and published parallels are unknown. This shape, though not identical in profile, occasionally appears in Egypt. 86 R. Holthoer termed similar vessels found in Nubia as Family BR (Broad Bottles).87 Handleless Nlulti-Purpose Domestic Containers Handleless Storage Containers Large handleless storage containers have been divided into three subtypes: large ovoid jars (Form EG 13), hybrid vessels (Form EG 14), and short-necked bag-shaped vessels (Form EG 15). These vessels share a lack of functional indicators such as handles or spouts. As pointed out by R. Holthoer, these vessels are very similar in shape to present-day vessels in Egypt called zirs that serve as water containers. 88 He suggests that large handleless storage containers may have served this function in the past. Unlike the handled storage jars (see below), handleless storage containers are rarely depicted in Egyptian wall paintings. 89

83 J. G. Duncan, Corpus qf Dated Palestinian Pottfl}1 (London: British School of Archaeology and Egypt, 1930) Type 41. 84 Peet and Woolley, Ciry qfAkhenaten, pI. XLVIIIXIX/I20; XXI 1048; XXII 10·49; Rose, "City Street 8," fig. 10.3:62026; Wainwright and Whittemore, Balabish, pI. XXIV:43; Petrie et al., Lab.yrinth, pI. LII:21; Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob, pI. XXXI:21; Engelbach, Harageh, pI. XLIV: 36N, 36P. 85 Killebrew, Ceramic Craft, Ill. 11:83:7,8. 86 See e.g., Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob, pI. XXXIX: Type 80, especially 80E; Thomas, A New Kingdom Town, Pis. 8:183; 10:189; Petrie et aI., Lab.yrinth, pI. XVIII: 66,68. 87 Holthoer, Pottery', 132. 88 Ibid., so. 89 For an exanlple of Form EG 13--0void-Shaped Jar~-see the depiction in the 18th Dynasty Tomb of Baka at Qumeh (Petrie, Qymeh, pI. XXXIV) that shows this jar with a handled commercial storage jar. Holthoer, Pottery, 80 suggests that due to the schematic representations of pottery vessels in Egyptian wall paintings, the vessels including in this category of storage jars could be confused with smaller ovoid jars which are often depicted.

326

ANN E. KILLEBREW

Form EG 13: Large Ovoid Jars (fig. 3) As discussed above, the ovoid jar is one of the most ubiquitous vessels in the ancient Egyptian ceramic repertoire. These jars have been sub-divided into two major categories: the smaller ovoid jar (Form EG 9: under 50 cm high) which probably served a multitude of purposes (see above) and the large ovoid jar (Form EG 13: over 50 cm high) which probably served as a storage jar. Fragmentary examples of both decorated and undecorated large ovoid jars were recovered from Deir el-Balah.9o The larger ovoid jar is very rare in Canaan, but a complete example was published from Megiddo (Stratum VIII).91 In Egypt, it appears at New Kingdom sites such as Sedment, Aniba, Tell el-Amarna, and Deir el-Medineh. 92 R. Holthoer classifies this type as SJ 3 (tall-necked unprofiled storage jar) and notes that it is rare in New Kingdom contexts. 93 Form EG 14: Hybrid Egyptian-Canaanite Storage Jar (fig. 3) Hybrid Egyptian-Canaanite vessels are extremely rare in Canaan. A couple of hybrid storage jars were discovered during excavations in the settlement and cemetery at Deir el-Balah.9'~ This category includes several sub-types of vessels displaying an assortment of rim shapes and aperture widths. Their unifying features are their lack of handles, general Egyptian-style body shape, and Canaanite-style base, creating a "hybrid" storage container. These vessels are similar morphologically to larger krater-pithoi. The jar depicted in figure 3 has a wide aperture, modeled and usually rolled rim, a broad, elongated body contour, and a pointed base, however in the Deir el-Balah cemetery a variety of bases appear. 9,') In Egypt, handleless storage containers which are similar to Form EG 14 jars in body profIle but differ in the style of their base derive from Killebrew, Ceramic Crcifi, Ill. 11:40:6. Loud, Megulda 11, pI. 60:7, jar Type 108. 92 Petrie and Brunton, Sedment 11, pI. LXIV:24f2]; Steindorfl: Aniba, Type 28; Peet and Woolley, Ciry if Akhenaten, pI. L:XXV 1205; XXV 1247; Nagel, Deir el Midineh, fig. 62:2 (fomb 1165). . 93 Hothoer, Potlely, 82, pI. 17: ST 3, especially 185/643:3. 94 Killebrew, Ceramic Crcifi, Ill. III:22:3, 4; Beit-Arieh, "Deir el-Balah Cemetery," 90 9\

fig. 6:7. 95 See e.g., Killebrew, Ceramit Crqfi, III. 111:22:4. This type of handleless storage jar with a wide aperture is sometimes referred to a "meat jar," so-called due to hieratic inscriptions on the jars indicating that they contained meat (Aston, Egyptian Pottery, 66).

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various New Kingdom sites, including Tell el-Amarna and Deir elMedineh. 96 All display either rounded or pointed bases. The storage containers of Egyptian provenience have a tendency to be rounder and shorter than those found at Deir el-Balah.

Form EG 15: Bag-Shaped Hole Mouth Storage .lars (fig. 4) These large handleless jars, varying in shape from a globular to an elongated bag-shaped profile, are known at Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean. They are often decorated or covered with a red slip. A variation of the handless jar in figure 4, also from Tel Beth Shean but smaller more globular in size, is found at Tell el-'Ajjul, and NlegiddoY7 Nearly identical handleless jars derive from the cemetery at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh. 98 R. Holthoer classifies these jars as ST 2, storage jars with a short neck and medium-wide aperture. 99 This shape is known at sites such as Qau and Badari and Deir el-Medineh. lOo These jars are especially popular during the 19th and 20th Dynasties, when nearly identical types to our Beth Shean examples are known in Egypt. 101 Handled Storage Containers form EG 16: Tall-Necked Storage .lars (fig. 5) This category includes vessels of large and very large size that have a tall-necked and white burnished slip characteristic of Egyptian pottery. Storage jar Form EG 16 is characterized by its long slender

96 Peet and \Voolley, City if Akhenaten, PIs. XLIV:XX/234; XLVIII:XX/14; L: XX/230; LIII:LXVII/I19. At Tell el-Amarna, holemouth storage jars and handleless kraters are closely related; note the relationship between large handleless jars and kraters (large globular jars); see e.g., ibid., Pis. LXVIII: XXI 14 and XLVIII:XX/15, 1048. See also Nagel, Deir el Medineh, figs. 25: 132 (Tomb 359); 53:6 (Tomb 1161). 97 See Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfi, Ill. III:22:6; for parallels see Petrie, Ancient Gaza III, pI. XXXIX:6963; Guy, Megiddo Tombs, pI. 57:10; Tomb 26; Loud, Megiddo II, pI. 65:3, Stratum VIIB, Jar Type 118; see also G. M. Shipton, .Notes on the Megiddo Pottery qf Strata VI-XX (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939) Stratum VII typology chart-nos. 24-26. 98 Pritchard, Tell es Sa'idiyeh, Typc 63; fig. 15:5 (T. 110). 99 Holthoer, Pottery, 80-82; pI. 16 ST 2. 100 Similar e.g., Brunton, Qgu and Badari, pI. XXVII: 7; Nagel, Deir el Medineh, fig. 110:37. 101 Aston, Egyptian Pottery, 64; fig. 198, Group 36. Aston (no. :3 73) notes that many unpublished examples were recovered from 19th Dynasty contexts at Qantir and Saqqara.

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shape, tall neck, and white slip. Several fragmentary pieces and one complete example of Form EG 16 jars were recovered from the settlement and cemetery at Deir el-Balah.102 In Canaan, this jar seldom appears in published reports (see e.g. a Late Bronze II tomb at Beth Shemesh).103 Form EG 16 storage jars are well-known in Egyptian New Kingdom contexts at Tell el-Amarna, Gurob, Malkata, and Deir el-Medineh, where a large number of storage jars of this type derive from almost every published tomb as well as from the workmen's village. 104 Jars of this shape also appear in smaller sizes. lOS Form EG 16 handled storage jars are depicted in numerous New Kingdom wall paintings such as in the Tomb of Rekh-mi-re and the Tomb ofBaka at Qurneh. 106 Vintage scenes from the tomb of an official who served under Amenophis III depict these vessels as wine jars, although they served other functions as well.I07 At Deir el-Medineh, at least one vessel contained grain. 108

Dothan, Deir el-Balah, 10-12, Ills. 14, 16. See e.g., E. Grant, Beth Shemesh (Palestine) Part IV (Pottery) (Haverford, Pennsylvania: Biblical and Kindred Studies, 1929) pI. 173:2; the vessel from Beth Shemesh, from Tomb 1 of LB II date, is characterized by a tall, convex neck, inconspicuous shoulder and truncated base. 104 Peet and Woolley, Ciry qt Akhenaten, pI. LI: XUII 1015; Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10: 1: Type 21; Thomas, A New Kingdom Toum, pI. 7: 195, 196; C. A. Hope, Malkata and the Birkel Habu Jar Sealings and Amphorae (Egyptology Today No. 2, Vol. 5; Warminster, England: Aris and Phillips Ltd, 1978) fig. la; Nagel, Deir el MMineh, Tomb 359, original use dated to the 2 J st year of Ramesses III; reused in year one of Ramesses VI (figs. 8: 1-4; 9:6-8; 10: 11-12; 11: 16-18; 12:21-23; 13: 16-30). See Tombs 1159 (fig. 50:8), 1164 (fig. 56: 1-5), 1165 (fig. 64: 12) and the workmen's village (fig. 109: 1-2) for additional examples of Fonn EG 16. Most of these vessels are somewhat longer and more slender than our example. Some of the jars at Deir eI-Medineh are described as having a "yellow slip." lOS E.g., Engelbach, Riqqeh, pI. XXXVII:46C; for an example of a similar small storage jar from Aphek in Canaan, see Beck and Kochavi, "Egyptian Residency," fig. 2:5. 106 N. de G. Davies, the Tomb cif Rekh-mi-re at 7hebes (New York: The Meu-opolitan Museum of Art, 1943) Pls_ XLV, XLVIII, XLIX, L; Petrie, Qymeh, pI. XXXVI. 107 N. de G. Davies, the Tombs cifTwo Official! cifTuthmosis The Fourth (nos. 75 and 90) (The Theban Tomb Series Third Memoir, London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1923) pl. XXX. In addition to wine, they also contained certain resins, oils, and honey (Holthoer, Pottery, 97) as well as meat and various spices, V. R. Grace, "The Canaanite Jar," in The Aegean and the Near East Studies Presented to Hetry Goldman on the Occasion cifher Sevenry-Ffflh Birthday (ed. S. S. Weinberg; Locust Valley, New York:].]. Augustin, 1956) 86, 98-99. See Hope, Malkata, 24-25 for a summary of the evidence regarding the contents of storage jars. 108 Nagel, Deir e[ MMineh, 15; fig. 8: l. 102

103

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These handled storage jars seem to be an Egyptian imitation and adaptation of the two-handled Canaanite storage jars that were used commercially throughout the Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age. 109 In Egypt, these vessels combine Egyptian traits such as a high neck, a long, slender body reminiscent of the handleless, slender wine jars used in Egypt during Old and Middle Kingdom times, and a thick white burnished slip.

Fonn EG 17: Globular- to Oval-Shaped Tall-Necked Storage Jars (jig. 6) Form EG 17 storage jars are characterized by its more squat globularto oval-shaped body, very tall convex neck, and white slip. Several complete examples were recovered from Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean. 110 This vessel is rare at sites in Canaan. III An Egyptian-style jar of this type, though typologically later in style, is known from Tell Qasile. 1l2 In Egypt, it is a well-known shape at Harageh, Riqqeh, and Gurob,113 reaching its height of popularity during the 20th Dynasty. It also appears in Nubia. I 14 Category Ill: Varia Production and Industrial Vessels This category includes two families of vessels, spinning bowls and beer bottles, which are associated with the manufacture of household products.

Fonn EG 18: Spinning Bowl~ (jig. 7) Spinning bowls are bowls with one to four handles attached to the interior base and walls of the vessel that are used for the spinning of thread or yarn. They first appear in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom, continuing well into the Late New Kingdom. The spinning

Grace, "The Canaanite Jar," 86; Dothan, Deir el-Balah, 10. Killebrew, Ceramic Crcift, Ill. 11:71 :4. III Two complete examples form the part of the assemblage from Tomb 552 at Tell EI-Far'ah (S): Petrie, Beth Pele! I, pI. XXIV:552. 112 Mazar, Tell Qasile, 56; Photo 56 and sec notes 90 and 91. 113 Engelbach, Harageh, pI. XLIV:460; Engelbach, Riqqeh, pI. XXXVII:460; Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob, Type 460: sec c.g. Pis. XXIX:23 (460), XXXI:36 (460); XXXVIII:460. Sec also Aston, AgyjJtian Pottery, 66; Group 49; fig. 204a. I H Maciver and Woolley, Bullen, pI. 45:S II. 109 IlO

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bowl is attested later in Canaan, during the Late Bronze II period and increasingly in quantity during the Iron Age I period. 115 The most common type of spinning bowl has two handles attached to the interior of the bowl, however in both Canaan and Egypt, bowls with one, three, or four interior handles have occasionally been found. 116 At Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean, numerous spinning bowls were found during the excavation. Often the handles are marked by grooves as a result of spinning activity. The majority of spinning bowls recovered have two interior handles with either a flat, disc, or low base. Spinning bowls with multiple interior handles or with a single interior handle, well known in Egypt, are not discussed in detail since they do no appear in assemblages. Form EG 18 spinning bowls have a great variety offorms and include most conical- and hemispherical-shaped bowls known during the Late Bronze IIB and Iron I periods in Canaan. There does not seem to be any clear pattern or preference for a particular bowl shape or type of base. Spinning bowls with a flat base have been recovered from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean. 117 Several bowl profiles are evident, including a deep bowl with an everted rim from Deir el-Balah. 118 Bowls with a simple rim, similar to our bowl Form EG 5, appear at Tel Beth Shean and Deir el-Balah. 119 Other flat-based spinning bowls are known from Megiddo Stratum VIIA.120 Flat-based spinning bowls of similar contour and proportions are also known in Egypt from Tell el-Amarna and Deir el-Medineh. At Tell el-Amarna, flat-based spinning bowls are, in general characterized

115 For a discllssion of spinning bowls see A~ton, Egyptian Pottery, fig. 191: Group 15:d and T. Dothan, "Spinning Bowls," IE.7 13 (1963) 97-112. 116 Bowls with a single interior handle are known in Canaan at TellJerishe (ibid., 963: 100; fig. I: 10; II) and in Egypt at Kahun, where the vessel is made of stone (W. M. l
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by an inturned rim thickened on the exterior. 121 A few fragmentary spinning bowls with a disc base were recovered from Deir el-Balah. This type of base is relatively rare and is represented at sites such as Tell el-'Ajjul and Gezer. 122 Spinning bowls with a low ring base is the most common spinning bowl at Deir el-Balah. In Canaan, it is ubiquitous, appearing at numerous sites such as Tel Beth Shean, Ashdod, Gezer, and Tell Jerishe. 123 In Egypt, spinning bowls with ring bases are well-known but less popular than in Canaan, where they appear in small numbers at sites such as Tell el-Amarna and Deir el-Medineh, and in later New Kingdom contexts. 124 Form EG 19: Beer Bottles (fig. 7) The "beer bottle" is a piriform- to oval-shaped handleless bottle with a flat base. It is a crudely-made vessel, often with a hole pierced through the base before firing (Form EG 19a: fig. 7), and always with fingerprints marking the lower side walls. 125 Beer bottles appear in large numbers at Deir el-Balah, especially in the settlement, indicating that these vessels were in common usage, probably serving a utilitarian function. Only two examples were found in the cemetery. 126 Beer bottles appear at Tel Beth Shean in smaller quantities, and only a couple of

121 Peet and Woolley, Ci{y I!/AkJu;naten, pI. XLVIII: Type X1II/20, 79, 188; Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10: 1, Type 26; Nagel, Deir el MMineh, pI. XI: 1922.M. 7. 122 Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfl, Ill. 111:24:3; Petrie, Ancient Gaza II, pI. )cXVII: Type 15 W3; R. A. Macalister, TIu; Excavations q/ Gezer 1902 ~ 1905 and 190 7~ 1909 (London: John Murray, 1912) vol. 3, pI. CXLVI:18. 123 Killebrew, Ceramic Crqfl, Ill. III:24:4; Fitzgerald, Canaanite Temples, pI. XLI:29; James and McGovern, Ep;yptian Garrison, fig. 27: 11; Dothan and Freedman, Ashdod I, 110; pI. 17:8; R. A. Macalister, TIle Axcavations I!l Gezer 1902~1905 and 1907~1909 (London: John Murray, 1912) vol. 2, fig. 329; Dothan, "Spinning Bowls," fig. 1:5, 8, 10, II. 124 Peet and Woolley, Ci{y qf AkJlenaten, pI. XLVIII: Type XIII/4; Nagel, Deir el MMineh, pI. XI: Type XVI, K.2.87; Aston, EgyjJtian Pottery, fig. 191, Group 15d. 125 One of the characteristic features of beer bottles are finger impressions marking the lower side walls. Holthoer (Pottery, 86) suggested that these finger impressions might have been intended to facilitate the handling of the vessel during usc. However, as B. Gould (Deir el~Balah settlement, in press) notes, this trait seems to be the result of a carelessness of fabrication, representing the removal of the vessel from the turning wheel when the potter grasped the base with his fingers. It appears that the fingerprints are a technical feature associated with the removal of a vessel from the wheel, thrown entirely base down. 126 See Gould, Deir el-Balah Settlement, in press, for a detailed discussion of the beer bottles at Deir el-Balah.

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fragmentary beer botdes derived from Tel Miqne-Ekron.!27 In Canaan, beer botdes appear during the Late Bronze II and Iron IA at sites with Egyptian presence or influence, especially in southern Canaan and in the Jordan Valley. This form is very sporadically attested at only a few Canaanite locations without an Egyptian presence during the Late Bronze II period. 128 In Egypt, the beer botde is a common Egyptian-style ceramic form, appearing already in Old Kingdom contexts, and continues to be a well-known form during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. 129 Beer botdes were especially abundant and widespread during the 18th~ 20th Dynasties in Egypt, where they have been discovered in tombs, foundation deposits, and settlement sites. 130 The appearance in Egyptian tombs of beer bottles together with a second type of ceramic form termed "flower pots" led R. Holthoer to suggest that these two kinds of vessels were symbolic of the beer and bread mentioned in popular New Kingdom votive formulae. 13 ! As a result of this observation, Holthoer proposed the term "beer bottle" to refer to the restricted vessels discussed here. 132 Evidence that this vessel could have been used in the preparation of beer was uncovered during W. M. Flinders Petrie's excavations at the Rifeh cemetery, where he found an assemblage of Egyptian-style bowls, often perforated through the base. One contained a pressed cake of barley mash and grains and consequently Petrie suggested that these bowls "were Killebrew, Ceramic Cmjt, Ill. 1I:4:21, 22. Y. Yadin, Y. Aharoni, R. Arniran, T. Dothan, M. Dothan, I. Dunayevsky, and]. Perrot, Hazor III-IV An Account cif the 7hird and Fourth Seasons cif Excavations (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1961) pI. CLIX: 15, 16; M. Dothan, Ashdod II-III 7he Second and 7hird Seasons cif Etcavations 196:1, 1965 Soundings in 1967 (,Atiqot 9-1 0; Jerusalem, Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, 1971) fig. 81: 14; Dothan and Porath, Ashdod V, fig. 11:24. 129 See M. Barta, "Several Remarks on Beer Jars Found at Abusir," Cahiers Ceramique de La Egyptienne 4 (1996) 127-31 for a discussion of beer bottles in Old Kingdom contexts. It should be noted that these bottles more closely resemble our Form EO 10. See also Brunton, Qgu and Badari, pI. XVI:66D for beer bottles during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. 130 See Holthoer, Pottery, 86-88 for a discussion of beer bottles in New Kingdom Egypt; see also e.g., Deir e1-Medineh where numerous examples appear: Nagel, Deirel MMineh, figs. 29:246; 51:5; 64:17; 82:13-14; 86:7; 110:38,42,44,48. See also Petrie, Qyrneh, pI. XL:666; Steindorff, Aniba, pI. 72: Type II b; Petrie, Hyksos, pi. 39D:72, 73; Engelbach, Harageh, pI. XLIV:52N; Petrie et aI., Labyrinth, pI. XVIIl:70-74; Maciver and Woolley, Buhen, pI. 47:SXX; Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10.1:15. 131 Holthoer, Pottery, 86. m See A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (4th cd. rev; London: E. 127

128

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used to squeeze out the fermented beer from the grain, the cake being sufficiently tenacious not to break through at the hole."133 Based on Egyptian and Nubian examples, R. Holthoer defined four sub-types: cylindrical (Beerbottle 1), transitional (Beerbottle 2), simple (Beerbottle 3), and ordinary (Beerbottle 4). The ordinary sub-type (BB 4) is the most common in Egypt and at DeiI' el-BalahYH A very short broad neck, with a concave contour, a medium to medium-wide aperture, characterizes vessels belonging to this sub-type. This beer bottle is the most popular one at DeiI' el-Balah, appearing in large quantities in the settlement (Form EG 19b: fig. 7). It is common at Tel Beth Shean where it is attested in Levels VII and VI. 135 The ordinary beer bottle is also known from the cemetery at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, from a simple tomb in the Tell el-Far'ah (S), and at Ashdod. 13G The transitional subtype (BB 2), which Holthoer considered to be a kind of catch-all of irregular forms, encompasses vessels which closely resemble a number of beer bottles from DeiI' cl-Balah and Tel Beth Shean, but is rare in Canaan. 137 Simple beer bottles do not appear at the four sites under discussion here. The cylindrical sub-type is rare in Canaan and is represented by a few fragmentary bases at DeiI' elBalah and at DeiI' 'Alla. 13H Arnold, 1962) 16-23 and more recently R. L. Miller, "Ds-vessels, Beer Mugs, Cirrhosis and Casting Slag," Gottinger Aliszellen 115 (1990); D. Samuel, "Ancient Egyptian Baking and Brewing," in Sesto Congresso Internazionale di ~I!,ittologia Atti (1-8 Settembre 1991) (Vol. I; Turin: International Congress of Egyptologists, 1992), 129; idem, "A New Look at Bread and Beer," Eb'Yptian Archaeology 4 (1994) I-II; andJ. l'v'1errington, "Liquid Gold of the Pharaohs," Egyptian Archaeololfp 4 (1994), 10 for a discussion of brewing techniques and their importance in ancient Egypt. Note that bread and beer making are always associated together. \33 Petrie, Gizeh and Rifih, 23. It should be noted that Egyptian-style bowls, with perforated holes in their base such as those from Deir el-Balah (Killebrew, Ceramic Craft, Ill. 1I:4·1 :2, 3: bowl Form EG 5), may have served a similar function, perhaps connected with beer production. 134 Holthoer, Pottery, 86-88; Killebrew, Ceramic Craft, Ill. 1II:24:5-9. I:l5 James and McGovern, Egyptian Garrison, fig. 10:7; Fitzgerald, Canaanite Temples, pI. XLII: 11; XLV:7; James, Iron Age, figs. 30:7; 31 :9; 19:6; 51 :6; 54< 1. 136 Pritchard, Tell es-Sdidiyeh, 7-8, fig. 7:5; Type 53. Pritchard suggests that this bottle, found in the cemetery, served a funerary function possibly related to ritual librations for the dead or as a reminder of the rites of beer-making associated with the Egyptian mortuary cult. See Starkey and Harding. Beth~Pelet II, pI. LXXXVIII: 94; note that it is not clear if this beer bottle has a perforated base or not from the illustration in this publication and at Ashdod: Dothan, Ashdod II-III, fig. 81: 14. 137 Yadin and Geva, Beth Shean, fig. 35:3; Killebrew, Cemrmf: Crqjl, Ill. 111:24: 10. This beer bottle type seems to be the 1110st popular in the workmen's village at Tell el-Amarna: Rose, "Pottery Distribution," fig. 10.1: 15. 138 Gould Deir el-Balah Settlement in press. H. J. Franken and j. Kalsbeek, Excava-

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The Technology q[ Agyptian-Style Pottery in Canaan Though a number of excellent technological studies have been conducted on Egyptian pottery in Egypt, there are very few published analyses of Egyptian-style pottery found in Late Bronze Age Canaan. 139 In this section, I present a preliminary reconstruction of the production sequence of Egyptian-style pottery produced in Canaan. Based on these limited studies and my own analyses of the pottery from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean, it is clear that most utilitarian Egyptian-style pottery found in Canaan was locally produced. Additionally, potters producing these vessels utilized manufacturing techniques typical of pottery produced in Egypt that differ from those of Canaanite potters. Lastly I propose that Egyptian potters are responsible for the production of this well-defined ceramic assemblage.

Pottery Production Sequence Clqy Sources and Preparation: Provenience Studies Two techniques, Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) and petrographic thin sections, have been employed to determine the provenience and clay recipes of Egyptian-style pottery from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean. The results from these analyses have indicated conclusively that the majority of Egyptian-style vessels from these two sites were locally produced, using local clays and Egyptian-style technology. Neutron Activation Ana!ysv,': The ceramic assemblages from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean have been analyzed by Neutron Activation Analysis. 14o This method

lions at Tell Deir 'Alla (Vol. 1; Leiden: Brill, 1969) 107-8, fig. 62:29, pI. XV:fig. 62 no. 29 (beer bottle with a solid base); Franken suggests that this vessel was used for "sugar production." 139 Regarding technological studies of Egyptian pottery, see e.g.,]. Bourriau, "Technology and Typology of Egyptian Ceramics," in Ancient Technology and lWodem Science Vol. I (ed. W. G. Kingery; Columbus, OH: The American Ceramic Society, 1985), 29-42 and]. Bourriau and P. T. Nicholson, "Marl Clay Pottery Fabrics of the New Kingdom from Memphis, Saqqara and Amarna," lEA 9 (1982),29-109; D. Arnold and]. Bourriau (cds.), An Introduction t.o Ancient 4f!:)iptian Pottery (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1993). Regarding technological studies of Egyptian-style in Canaan, see e.g., footnotes 140, 143, 153 and 157. 140 P. Goldberg, B. Gould, A. Killebrew, and]. Yellin, "Comparison of Neutron Activation and Thin-Section Analyses on Late Bronze Age Ceramics from Deir el-Balah," in Proceedings of the 24th Intemational Ardlaeometry Symposium (cds. J. Olin

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involves the measurement of chemical elements through the bombardment of the sample's atomic nuclei with neutrons in a nuclear reactor, which transforms the constituent elements of the sample into unstable radioactive isotopes. Analysis of the gamma-ray spectrum emitted from the radioactive isotopes enables the determination of trace elements and their amounts. 141 Though there are numerous drawbacks and potential problems with the technique, NAA has successfully been used in a number of case studies to identify and confirm the provenience of pottery. 142 At Deir el-Balah, an assemblage of Egyptian-style and Canaanite Late Bronze II vessels was analyzed by NAA. In this study, the majority of the Egyptian-style and Canaanite vessels and all the clay cotTins were locally produced, while a small number of vessels, mainly the white burnished slip wares (Egyptian-style storage containers [Form EG 16] and mugs [Form EG 8J), were imported from Egypt. 143 Several studies of these vessels by petrographic thin section analysis presented below reach the same conclusions regarding the local or non-local production of vessels, indicating that the majority of dIe Deir el-Balah assemblage, including Egyptian-style and Canaanite vessels, was produced from local clay sources. A NAA study of sixty Late Bronze II vessels from Levels VIII and VII at Tel Beth Shean reached similar results. The majority of Egypand]. Blackman; Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute, 1986) 341-51;J. Yellin, T. Dothan, and B. Gould, "The Provenience of Beerbottlcs from Deir e1- Balah: A Study by Neutron Activation Analysis," IE] 36 (1986) 68-73; J. Ye!lin, T. Dothan and B. Gould, "The Origin of Late Bronze White Burnished Slip Wares from Deir el-Balah," IE] 40 (1990) 257-61; P. E. McGovern, G. Harbottle,J. Huntoon, and C. 'Vnuk, ""Vare Composition, Pyrotechnology and Surfilce Treatment," in James and McGovern, Egvptian Gammn, 80-94. 141 Sec e.g., D. P. S. Peacock, "The Scientific Analysis of Ancient Ceramics: A Review," ~torld Archaeology I (1970) 378; I. Perlman and F. Asaro, "Pottery Analysis by Neutron Activation," in Science and Archaeology (ed. R. H. Brill; Cambridge, Ma.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1971) 182. 142 See e.g., V. Kilikoglou, Y. Maniatis, and A. P. Grimanis, "The Eflect of Purification and Firing Clays on Trace Element and Provenance Studies," Archaeomen)' 30 (1988) 37-46; G. Harbottle, "Provenience Studies Using Neutron Activation Analysis: The Role of Standardization," in Archaeological Cera7llits (cds.]. S. Olin and A. D. Franklin; Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1982) 76; A. Aspinall, "Ncutron Activation Analysis in the Study of Ceramics," in The Archaeologist and the Laboratory (Rescarch Report 58; ed. P. Phillips; London: Council fi)r British Archaeology, 1985) I 1-12. 143 I. Perlman, F. Asaro and T. Dothan, "Provcnance of the Deir e\-Balah Colfms," IE] 23 (1973) 147-51; Goldberg et aJ., "Ceramics from Deir el-Balah," 341-51; Yellin et al., "Bcerbottles," 68-73; Yellin et al., "White Burnished Slip Wares," 257-61.

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tian-style and Canaanite vessels was locally made and only a small number of vessels did not find matches with the main clay groups. Most of these vessels were also petrographically examined and nearly identical results were reached regarding their provenience. 144

Petrographic TIzin Section AnalYsis Several petrographic studies of Egyptian-style and Canaanite pottery vessels from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean also provide clear evidence that most of the utilitarian Egyptian-style vessels were locally manufactured. This technique entails the affixation of a small fragment of pottery to a glass microscope slide that is then ground with a diamond lap or abrasive powder until it is 0.03 mm. thick. Under the polarizing microscope, minerals in the pottery sample are transparent and can be identified. Generally it is possible to determine whether the mineralogical composition of the pottery sample matches or differs from the local clay beds and geology of a region in question. 145 Petrographic thin section analysis can provide information regarding the choice and provenience of raw materials, mixing of clays and tempers, as well as formation techniques and firing temperatures. 146 The results of published and recent unpublished petrographic analyses of the Egyptian-style pottery from Deir el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean are briefly summarized below. Deir el-Balah is located 1.7 km. east of the Mediterranean shoreline and belongs to the coastal plain extending from Khan Yunis to Caesarea. Geologically this region includes the coastal clifT, as well as a series of longitudinal ridges and marzeva, or trough features. Two ridges, the first 2 km. east of the coast and the second 2 km. further east, consist of friable calcareous sandstone (kurkar). The trough between the two ridges contains a stiff brown silty clay and sediment, that P. Goldberg termed "nazaz" or residual sandy grumusol. McGovern et al., "Ware Composition," 88-92. See H. Hodges, Artifacts An Introduction to £arb' A1at.erials and Technologv (London: Royal Opera Arcade, 1965) 198; D. P. S. Peacock, "The Scientific Analysis of Ancient Ceramics: A Review," World Archaeologv I (1970) 379; M. S. Tite, Methods if Physical Examination in Archaeowgy (London: Seminar Press, 1972) 25. 1-16 The relatively inexpensive cost and quick results of petrography have enhanced the attractiveness of this method over more expensive and complex chemical analyses, such as NAA. However, ideally, for best results, one should combine thin section analysis with a chemical analysis. For a recent discussion, see e.g., S. J. Vaughan, "Ceramic Petrology and Petrography in the Aegean," American Journal if Archaeologv 99 (1995) 115-1 7. 144

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Two sediment layers were revealed in the course of the excavation of a large square pit measuring ca. 20 x 20 m., which had been dug during the initial phase of the settlement at the site. It is suggested that this pit originally served as a clay quarry. It consisted of sandy silts and silts resembling residual and cummulic dark brown soils and residual quartzic-psammic arid brown soils. 147 The upper yellow sediment included quartz sand and silt in a calcareous silty matrix, classified here as Ware DB-A.148 Feldspar, hornblende, epidote and pyroxene occur in small amounts. The lower, brown sediment is similar but somewhat coarser than the yellow sediment, with a larger percentage of sand-sized quartz and smaller quantities of silt-sized quartz. Land snails in the brown sediment indicate a fluvial origin for this loess clay. 149 The Deir el-Balah Late Bronze II-Iron I assemblage is divided into four main ware groups. Ware groups DB-A and DB-C are relevant to this discussion. ISO Ware DB-A is by far the most common ware group at the site and includes most of the locally-made pottery, with most of the Egyptian-style and Canaanite pottery falling into Ware DB-AI (fig. 8). It is very similar, if not identical, to clay samples from sediments in the quarry described above. This is the most common version of Ware DB-A and it is characterized by moderate quantities of moderate to high quantities of silty quartz. The amount of sandsized quartz temper varies and occasionally kurkar fragments also appear. Signs of straw temper are evident in the matrix of many of the Egyptian-style pottery. lSI 147 See Goldberg et aI., "Ceramics from DeiI' el-Balah," 341-51 for a detailed description and petrographic illustrations of the natural clay sediment. 148 Ibid, fig. 32.7. 149 Ibid., fig. 32.8. 150 See Killebrew, Ceramic Cro:ft, pp. 207-10 for a discussion the DeiI' el-Balah wares. lSI A similar ware group from Tel Erani, near Kiryat Gat, has been petrographically described (see A. Slatkine, "Comparative Petrographic Study of Ancient Pottery Sherds from Israel," Museum Haaretz rearbook 15-16 [1974] 101-14). This fabric also includes an abundant supply of heavy minerals such as epidote, hornblende and augite, indicating that the clay sediment layers found at Deir el-Balah cover a fairly large region along the southern coastal plain. Recently, P. Magrill and A. Middleton ("A Canaanite Potter's Workshop at Lachish, Israel," in Pottery in the MaJ.:ing World Ceramic Traditions reds. I. Freestone and D. Gaimster; London: British Museum Press, 1997] 69) have described an identical paste used to produce a variety of Canaanite-style vessels found in the potters' workshop at Lachish. A very detailed study of the heavy minerals may enable us to more accurately pinpoint locations of different day quarries.

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Ware DB-C (fig. 9) is mainly non-calcareous silty clay with some carbonate nodules. A small amount of poorly sorted, well-rounded sandy quartz is its main feature, with notable quantities of heavy minerals. It includes mostly storage jars and jars, both Egyptian- and Canaanite-style, and one Egyptian-style bowl. Small quantities of carbonate nodules and a few quartz grains typify this ware. Ware DB-C's provenience is not local and is probably of Egyptian origin. Petrographic analyses of the Deir el-Balah pottery assemblage show that the clays (Ware DB-A) used to manufacture the majority ofvessels sampled match those of the soil-sediments that underlie the site: all contain quartz sand and silt, chert, and the same assemblages of heavy minerals, such as pyroxene, zircon, and epidote, regardless of the vessel type. It should be noted that both Canaanite and Egyptianstyle vessels were formed out of the same clay (Ware DB-AI). The minor differences that are observable £I'om one sample to the next are probably the result of different treatments in the preparation of the clay for a particular vessel or of different firing temperatures. Notably, the Egyptian-style vessels have a tendency to include straw temper. Tel Beth Shean is situated in a geologically varied region. Igneous basalt outcrops appear in the eastern hills of the Lower Galilee to the north, and sedimentary limestone and chalk deposits belonging to the Eocene period form the Mt. Gilboa range to the south. In the Beth Shean and Jordan Valleys, calcite-rich alluvial sediments rest on Upper Pleistocene travertine and Lisan deposits. Most of these sediments are exposed within a 1 km perimeter of the tel. The rich variety of raw materials is reflected in the wares of the locally made ceramic assemblage. 152 Three main ware groups and six additional ware gTOUpS have been defined in the Level VII ceramic assemblage sample. 153 The three 152 For a detailed but somewhat dated description of the geology of the Beth Shean region see L. Picard, "Zur Geologie der Besan-Ebene," ZDPV 52 (1929) 24-96; see also D. Nir, Beth-Shean VallO': TIle Region and its Challenges on the hinge qf tlte Desert (Tel Aviv: HaKibbutz HaMeuchad, 1989 [in Hebrew]). For the most recent treatment see G. Shaliv, Y. Mirnram and Y. Hatzor, "The Sedimentary and Structural History of the Bet She'an Area and its Regional Implications," Israel Joumal qf Earth Sciences 40 (1991) 161-79. 153 McGovern et al. "Composition," 80-94, petrographically sampled 43 ceramic objects that they presume to be locally produced. More recently, A. Cohen-Weinberger ("Petrographic Analysis of the Egyptian Forms from Stratum VI at Tel Beth-Shean," in Afediterrane(m Peoples in Transition TIlirteenth to Ear[y T enllt Centuries BeE [cds. S. Gitin, A. Mazar and E. Stern; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1998] 406-12) has published a short article describing several petrographic wares typical of selected

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main locally produced wares are \Vares BS-A, BS-B, and BS-G. All the Egyptian wares were formed out of \Vare BS-A, specifically sub-type BS-A 1, a very fine-grained calcareous clay with a small amount of silty quartz and a few grains of carbonate and travertine, and occasional appearance of basalt grains (fig. 10). Locally-made Egyptian pottery, including bowls, ovoid jars and beer bottles, and one Canaanite pottery vessel type, a krater, were manufactured out of this ware type. This equals A. Cohen-Weinberger's "Travertine Family."154 Based on the petrographic analysis, several vessels, including a whiteslipped Egyptian-style juglet (EG 8) and storage jar (EG 16), were imported fi'om Egypt. The white-slipped and burnished Egyptian-style mug, EG 8, is composed a non-calcareous clay with silty and sandy quartz, large heavy minerals and mica, typical of Nile clays. This resembles a ware described by A. Cohen-vVeinberger used in a similar white burnished mug from Level VI, Area S at Tel Beth Shean. 15s The white slipped and burnished Egyptian-style storage jar (EG 16) is also produced from a non-local marly clay that was fired at a very high temperature. It is similar to the Egyptian marl clay described by H-A. Nordstrom and]. Bourriau. 156 The majority of 13th~ 12th century BCE Egyptian-style and Canaanite vessels from Tel Beth Shean were of local manufacture. There seems to be a tendency towards the use of a very calcareous clay, Ware Group BS-Al (Cohen-Weinberger's "Travertine Group") for the manufacture of Egyptian-style bowls, ovoid jars, beerbottles and spinning bowls. In contrast, local calcareous clays with chalk and limestone sand-sized temper and crushed calcite were used for storage jars, jugs, and cooking pots in the Canaanite tradition. 157 As was observed in the Deir el-Balah assemblage, the more specialized white slip burnished wares (Forms EG 8 and EG 16) are also imported from Egypt to Tel Beth Shean.

Egyptian pottery shapes from Level VI at Tel Beth Shean with similar results to the analyses I conducted on the Level VII Egyptian ceramics presented here. L'i! Ibid., 406-1 2. 15:; Ibid., 409. 156 H-A. Nordstri")m and]. Bourriau, "Ceramic Technology: Clays and Fabrics," in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery (eel. D. Arnold and]. Bourriau; Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1993) 1132. m For a detailed discussion, see Killebrew, Ceramic Cr(ifi, 212-15.

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Parma/ion Techniques Preliminary studies on the formation techniques of Egyptian-style pottery in Canaan include xeroradiography conducted by W. D. Glanzman and S. J. Fleming on a limited repertoire from Tel Beth Shean and visual examination of pottery for signs of formation techniques. Xeroradiography is the radiographic application of electrophotography. Similar to an x-ray, this technique has been successfully employed to examine the structure of a ceramic artifact and can often discern manufacturing techniques such as hand vs. wheel formation, direction of wheel rotation, technique of joins, repairs, and later additions to ancient pottery.158 W. D. Glanzmann and S. J. Fleming's 1993 xeroradiographic analysis of Late Bronze II pottery, including Egyptian-style splayedrim bowls, Canaanite-style kraters, storage jars, ring stands, flasks, lamps, and cup-and-saucers from Tel Beth Shean, reached several conclusions. 159 The Egyptian-style open everted rim bowls were examined alongside similar bowls from Aniba. They determined that in both cases the bowls were made in an upright, off-the-hump mode, either wheel-thrown or tournette-formed on a clay hump. This observation is also confirmed by New Kingdom depictions of potters forming vessels on a wheel by using the off-the-hump mode. 160 The Beth Shean and Aniba bowl bases had been non-uniformly trimmed, continuing partly up the side of the lower wall. The fabric was heavily tempered with straw, allowing a more even-drying of the vessel. Though limited in scope, this study indicates that Egyptian pottery formation techniques were used to produce the local Egyptian-style pottery from Tel Beth Shean. Similar features are observable on the Egyptian-style pottery from Deir el-Balah.

1:,8 R. E. Alexander and R. H.Johnston, "Xeroradiography of Ancient Objects: A New Imaging Modality," in Archaeological Cemmics (ed.]. S. Olin and A. D. Franklin; Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1982) 148-49; W. D. Glanzman and S.]. Heming, "Xeroradiography: A Key to the Nature of Technological Change in Ancient Ceramic Production," Nuclear Instruments and ll,fethods in Physics Research 242 (1986) 588-95. 159 W. D. Glanzman and S. .J. Fleming, "Fabrication Methods," in James and McGovern, Egyptian Garrison, 94-102. IbO A. E. Killebrew, "The Pottery Workshop in Ancient Egyptian Reliefs and Paintings," in Papers Jor Discussion Presented by the Department qf Egyptology, the Hebrew Universiry, Jemsalem (cd. S. Groll; Jerusalem: Hebrew University ofJerusalem, 1982) 60-101.

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Firing There are two sources relevant to our reconstruction of ancient firing practices. At DeiI' el-Balah, four pottery kilns were excavated next to the 13th century Egyptian residency. From the excavated evidence, these kilns were used to fire both the Egyptian-style and Canaanite pottery from DeiI' e1-Balah. 161 Secondly, several archaeometric studies to determine firing temperatures have been conducted on Egyptian-style pottery from DeiI' el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean. The three techniques that were employed to estimate firing temperatures~ stable isotopes of carbon and oxygen, refiring experiments, and Scanning Electron Microsope-~indicate temperatures of between 500-700 degrees C, the typical temperature range for most pottery produced during this period and matches the estimate of the firing temperatures reached in dlree of the Deir el-Balah kilns. 162 There is nothing uniquely Egyptian observable in the firing stage of the pottery production sequence of locally-produced Egyptian-style pottery.

C:onclusions

In light of the detailed discussion of 19th and 20th Dynasty Egyptianstyle pottery in Canaan, several conclusions can be reached. Most of this pottery, mainly found at specific sites such as Tel Beth Shean, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, Aphek, Tell el-Far'ah (S), and Deir el-Balah, was produced locally in Canaan with only a smalJ number of imported vessels from Egypt. The most popular imported types are the white slipped wares including mugs (EG 8) and handled storage jars (EG 16). One of the remarkable features of the Egyptian-style pottery produced in Canaan is that it retains its purely Egyptian form and style over several centuries. VelY few vessels demonstrate even a hint of hybridization of Egyptian and Canaanite features. PreliminalY technological studies indicate that clay preparation and formation techniques are also distinct from locally produced Canaanite pottery.

161 Idem, "Pottery Kilns from Deir el-Balah and Tel Migne-Ekron," in Retrieving the Past: Efsays OT! Archaeological Research and i\1ethodology in HOllor qfGus W. Vall Beek (cd. J. D. Seger; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbraun, 1996), I ~H -59. 162 A. Nissenbaum and A. Killebrew, "Stable Isotopes of Carbon and Oxygen as a Possible New Tool for Estimating Firing Temperatures of Ancient Pottery," lITael Journal q/ Chemist1)' 35 (1995) 131-36; McGovern et aI., "Composition," 178-93.

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Distribution patterns of Egyptian-style pottery are also noteworthy. Only a handful of Egyptian-style artifacts are found in contemporary levels at many Late Bronze II and Early Iron I sites in Canaan, marking a clear cultural boundary between sites with significant amounts of locally produced Egyptian-style pottery and those without such pottery. At sites such as Levels VII and VI at Tel Beth Shean, approximately 20-25% of the pottery assemblage is Egyptian in style. This, together with the other Egyptian features evident in the architecture, burial practices, and various aspects of the material culture, clearly points to an Egyptian presence at these sites. At sites further south in the Gaza Strip and the northern coast of Sinai, Egyptian-style pottery dominates the assemblage, comprising 50% or more of the assemblage, as is the case at Deir el-Balah. Egyptian features are pervasive in the architectural styles and are reflected in mortuary practices such as the anthropoid coffins at Deir el-Balah, Tell el-F'ar'ah (S) and even as far north at Tel Beth Shean. There can be no doubt of strong Egyptian presence at sites such as DeiI' el-Balah, Tell el-F'ar'ah (S), Haruvit, and at numerous other excavated Late Bronze Age II sites in the south that remain unpublished. Thus it is possible to speak of a clearly targeted and organized Egyptian administrative and military presence at specific sites in 13th and 12th century Canaan as evidenced from the architecture, mortuary practices, artifacts and historical texts of the period. The very "Egyptian" nature of Egyptian-style ceramics and architecture at these sites represents the phenomenon of significant numbers of Egyptian "envoys" at several key sites who were sent by the pharaoh to serve in Canaan as administrators and military personnel along with Egyptians who provided services for the Egyptian population stationed in Canaanite cities or settlements. At these Egyptian strongholds (e.g., DeiI' el-Balah and Tel Beth Shean), Egyptian bureaucrats probably supervised ceramic production, resulting in the retention of its Egyptian character over several hundred years in Canaan. The occurrence of 19th and early 20th Dynasty Egyptian-style material culture in Late Bronze Age Canaan is not due to any significant emulation of Egyptians by local subordinates. Rather, I propose that we can now speak of a clear Egyptian presence at strategically located sites in Canaan. The role of these Egyptians was not to colonize Canaan, but rather to administer the collection of tribute and to impose minimal security arrangements and a semblance of order on the fractious and quarrelsome Canaanite rulers. The goal was to promote and oversee

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Egyptian imperial interests and to guarantee the loyalty of the local Canaanite elite. The material culture evidence from Late Bronze Age Canaan, considered together with the Egyptian historical texts, provides an excellent case study and model for identifying the imperialistic political activities of a dominant regional and international power in the archaeological record.

SOME NOTES ON BIBLICAL AND EGYPTIAN THEOLOGY John Strange A good part of Donald Redford's work has been dedicated to investigate the interrelationship between Egypt and the Levant, already in his penetrating work A Study of the Biblical Story ofJoseph (Genesis 37-50) from 1970 and culminating in his major book Egypt, Canaan and Ifrael in Ancient Times from 1992 in which a synthesis of the extant information is given to us. Here he has with emdition and imagination done a great service to all of us, especially to people with only a limited knowledge of the Egyptian language and the Egyptian historical sources, by showing, how intense these interrelations really were. One of the areas dealt with in his book has-of course because of its importance for Christian theology and European culture-been investigated before, the impact of Egyptian thought on the Bible. 1 The following notes are a modest contribution to understand how profoundly Egyptian theology,2 especially creation theology, has influenced Jewish and Christian theology. They are not intended to be an exhaustive treatment of the subject. Only a few examples will be given and a point or two raised. Perhaps it would be appropriate first to make an assessment of which periods Egyptian influence on Canaanite, Israelite,Jewish and Christian religion is most likely to have been active in the history of the ancient Near East. This influence may have been direct such as a demonstrable loan from Egyptian texts into Biblical texts, a piece of Egyptian wisdom literature incorporated into a Biblical text; but it may also be indirect, an Egyptian motif in religious iconography taken over in Canaan in pre-Israelite periods and then later in the Bible. Here one should also be aware that we must assume a common ancient A good overview of this is found in Williams 1971. I use the word theology in contrast to mythology, because I wish to emphasize that Egyptian thought is in many respects a direct forerunner of biblical and Christian theology, and not a kind of myth making, which may be dismissed as having no interest for others than Egyptologists and students of the history of rciigion. Egyptian theology is, in my belief from a Christian point of view, natural religion which is again, after a long eclipse under the influence of Karl Barth and his followers, being considered legitimate and respectable, see, Barr 1994; 1999:468-96. I

2

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Near Eastern "substratum" which probably goes back at least to the beginnings of the Neolithic Period when agriculture was introduced in the Fertile Crescent and spread from there. At that time the so-called seasonal pattern (Gaster 1950, 1961) with the same basic structures may have developed and spread giving the same answers to the same problems in the various later differentiated cultures. The first period where we should expect direct Egyptian influence is the Early Bronze Age I period (3500-3000 B.C.) when Egyptian presence in Southern Palestine is well documented (Gophna 1995:277-79; Levy; Van den Brink; Goren and Alon 1995). But as the Early Bronze Age civilisations of Palestine were illiterate, it will be impossible to pinpoint exactly where this influence is to be found. Also in the Early Bronze Age II, corresponding to Dynasty I-II, we find Egyptian influence, while for the remainder of the Early Bronze Age it is difficult to show direct influence on Palestine, the connections between the Levant and Egypt were in that period farther to the north in what was later Phoenicia (Redford 1992:33-55). Later again there were close contacts between Egypt and the southern Levant in the Middle Bronze II, the Hyksos Period, when parts of the Delta and probably all southern Palestine may have been ruled fi'om Avaris---Tell Cl-Daba (Bietak 1997; Oren 1997a; 1997b; but see Redford 1997:33 n. 247 and Ryholt 1997:103, 130-32), or when we find at least close trade relations (McGovern 2000: 70-82 and Tine Bagh apud McGovern 2000:54-64); to say nothing of the Late Bronze Age when Palestine, both east and west of the Jordan River, was part of the Egyptian empire in the New Kingdom (Redford 1992: 192-213), especially in the Late Bronze Age II B (ca. 1300-1150 B.C.), when the Ramessides established a direct military rule among other things attested by the numerous "governors' residences" (Oren 1985:37-56) and Egyptian military bases and emporia, for example at Bet Shean (McGovern 1993:235-48). When the Egyptian empire in Asia collapsed at the end of the Late Bronze Age, and the Levant was plunged into a new Intermediate Period (Strange 2001: 129) the Egyptian interest and influence on Palestine and the states there did by no means diminish. First of all, it must be remembered that the Philistine Pentapolis in southwest Palestine was, at least in the beginning, under Egyptian rule (Strange 2000: 129-30, 135-36), and the Egyptian interest in the area persevered as witnessed by Sheshonq's punitive expedition (Redford 1992:312-15; Kitchen 1973:294-98, 432-47) as well as the later attempts to intervene in the affairs of the southern Levant and counteract Assyrian influence

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and mle under Shabaqa and Taharqa (Redford 1992:312-294; Kitchen 1970:323-24, 380, 383-86, 391-92) culminating in the direct rule under Necho from 609 B.C. to the Babylonian conquest of 598 R.C. After the Babylonian conquest there was a considerable exodus from Judah to Egypt (2 Kgs 25:26; Jer 42-43), the beginning of the later Egyptian diaspora of the Jewish people. From this time we should expect a massive Egyptian influence on Jewish religion, especially in the Hellenistic and Roman periods where we may also find indirect influence via the Greek philosophy, as we find it in Philo of Alexandria (see e.g., Friichtel 1968). The greatest monument of this influence from Hellenistic culture is of course the Septuagint, created in Egypt in the third-second centuries B.C. 3 I need not repeat the more banal influences from Egypt on the Bible such as loan words or idiomatic or metaphorical expressions (they may be found in Williams 1971 :262-67). This kind of influence is only to be expected in view of the close and intense relations between Egypt and Palestine through the millennia. One interesting feature may, however, be mentioned to show the degree of penetration of Egyptian culture into Israelite (or Judaean) society. In the course of Kathleen Kenyon's excavations in Jerusalem 1961-67 (where Donald Redford and I were site supervisors) a number of weights from the late 7th century or early 6th century were found in a house belonging to a merchant and destroyed in the Babylonian invasion of 587 B.C. They were of course in the Babylonian-Levantine weight system in sheqels in a sexagesimal system (1, 6, 12, 24 and fractions of sheqel), but added to this there was a curious feature, many of them had a Hieratic sign in the Egyptian number system to base ten.+ 'rhis may implicate that ordinary people used at least a number of standard Hieratic signs, even if they did not read Egyptian. And perhaps it shows a kind of reform of measures, where the Egyptian way of reckoning was amalgamated with the local system of weights. An influence on Israelite administration may also be seen in the list of state officials of Solomon (Mettinger 1971), regardless of the historicity of King Solomon and the united kingdom. In \Visdom Literature the Egyptian influence has long been pointed out. A well known example is, of course, the parallels in Prov 22: On the Greek influence 011 the Bible, see conveniently Dodd 1935. Scott 1965; for the Babylonian weights and sexagesimal system, see Neugebauer 1969: 14-220; for the Egyptian numbers. see conveniently Gardiner 1927: 191 f :l

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17-24:22 to Wisdom of Amenemope. There, the similarity is so close that we undoubtedly have a direct borrowing. 5 And this borrowing from Egyptian wisdom is not superficial, as can be seen in Proverbs 1-9, in which a long praise of Lady Wisdom culminates in her own speech (chapter 8). She says that she is created as a kind of goddess, the firstborn of creation, and herself a collaborator in creation. The Lord created me the beginnings of his works, before all else that he made, long ago. Alone I was fa<;hioned in times long past, At the beginning, long before earth itself. When there was yet no ocean I was born, No springs brimming with water. Before the mountains were settled in their place, Long before the hills I was born, When a<; yet he had made neither land nor lake Nor the first clod of earth. When he set the heavens in their place I was there, When he girdled the ocean with the horizon, When he fixed the canopy of clouds overhead And set the springs of ocean firm in their place, When he prescribed its limits for the sea And knit together earth's foundations. Then I was at his side each day, His darling and delight, Playing in his presence continually, Playing on the earth, when he had finished it, While my delight was in mankind. (Prov 8:22-31)

The personification of wisdom is also found in Job 28, Sir 24: 1-22, obviously partly modelled on Proverbs; Wis 7: 7-9: 18. I shall come back to wisdom in creation later in connection with Psalm 104 and John l. This notion of wisdom as a goddess is in strange contrast to Old Testament monotheism; "on the one hand Lady Wisdom is created by Yahweh and thus belongs to creation, and she functions as a kind of allegory on the god given rules in tlle world, if you w1sh to gain a happy life; on the other hand it is through her or together with her that everything is created, and she has a close personal relationship to Yahweh, and thus she belongs to the divine sphere-where she has a place far more important than angels, cherubs and 'Satan'" (Lundager

5

See Williams 1971:277-81.

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Jensen 1998:87, my translation). It is impossible not to think of the goddess Ma'at and Egyptian concepts of wisdom. It is significant that wisdom literature in the Bible is not "national" but concerns humanity as a whole; the wisdom literature conceives man as an individual and also a social being, but not primarily as an ethnic and cultic community; here it resembles the wisdom literature from other Ancient Near Eastern cultures. In the Bible itself the primeval cycle (Genesis 1-11), is also concerned with universal man. There is an identity among the peoples not only in matters of work, childbearing, and mortality, but also as social beings with families, neighbours, agriculture, crafts, trade, justice etc. (Lundager Jensen 1998:86). Genesis 1-1 I, being the primeval cycle dealing with mankind as a whole should also be expected to contain Egyptian inspired myths as it is dealing, as said above, with universal man. The story of Cain and Abel in Gen 4: 1-16 is a case in point. As it stands now, the story deals with the first murder on earth, even a fratricide, and as such in Jewish and later Christian anthropology the archetypal crime in humanity. A closer look reveals, however, that we probably have a true mythological story dealing with gods and not men. The crucial verse is in the beginning of the story with the birth of Cain and Abel: "And Adam knew (had intercourse) with Eve, his wife, she conceived and bore Cain, and she said 'I have created a man with Yahweh'" (Gen 4: I; my translation). The words "I have created a man with Yahweh" (qiinitllsh 'eL-rhwh) have always presented difficulties to translators and commentators. Already the Septuagint has chosen to change the words "'eL-rlrmh" into "dia tou theou," the Vulgate gives "per dominum;" and most modern translations and commentators also avoid the regular translation of "et" into "with." The New English Bible: "with the help of the LORD", Luther Bibel, Revidierter Text 1975: "mit Hilfe des HERRN," Westelmann: "mitJahwe," taking up Cassuto's proposal "I have created a man equally with the Lord," changing the usual meaning of the preposition (Westennann 1974:383f and 396f). Gunkel on the other hand does not translate the words, but writes that "etjhwh ist sehr schwierig" and assumes a corruption (Gunkel 1917 :41 D. Now it is a fact that "qiinltl" only means "create" with God as subject (Westermann 1974:395; Gesenius-BuhI1910:711), and that "et" never means "by the help of" in connection with God (Westermann 1974: 396). Accordingly, it seems to me that the only reasonable solution, if the Masoretic text should be maintained, is to see in the words a very old survival in which Eve is a goddess who has born a child with the

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Creator God. That would in turn make Cain (and his brother Abel) a god, and we would then have a myth which has been made into a "historical" narrative by the authors of the Bible. But if this is so, we probably have a garbled version of the story of Osiris and Seth, the real archetypal story of a fratricide, a story which has an immense importance in Egyptian religion, and which probably was also known in the southern l..evant, Osiris having affinities to Ba'al or Adonis (Redford 1992:43-48, for the motif see Westermann 1974: 428-30). Probably the monotheism inJewi'3h religion made it easier to make the brothers into human beings, and in its later demythologized form the story was used to explain tribal relations as well a'3 the conflict between the desert and the sown (Gunkel 1917:47-49). Since Frankfort wrote Kingship and the Gods (Frankfc)rt 1948), there has been discussion on whether the Israelite kingship took its model from Egypt where the king was God incarnate, or from Mesopotamia where the king was God's adopted son. Sometimes the discussion has concentrated around Ps 2:7: "I will repeat Yahweh's decree: He said to me: You are my son, I have born you today" (my translation), on the one hand, and Ps 110:3: "On holy mountains I have born you like dew from the womb of the dawn (or the morning star)" (my translation of the consonantal text, like the new Danish authorised version; the NEB has a completely different text), on the other hand. Psalm 1 10: 3 clearly implies that the king is a physical son of God, which is probably why the Massoretes vocalised the text to mean: "In holy splendour from the womb of the dawn is the dew of your youth for you" (my translation). But the consonantal text with its mythological translation is supported by the Septuagint and also the later Christian concept of the Messiah, the Christ, as God's physical son through the Holy Spirit. And Ps 2:7 could also imply that the king is a physical son, although most commentators take it as a proclamation of adoption (Seybold 1996:32).6 In the temple ofJerusalem which was part of the royal palace and which was certainly preexilic, as it was destroyed by the Babylonians in 587 B.C., we find, however, evidence that the royal ideology in Jerusalem was derived primarily from Egypt and not from Mesopotamia, corroborating the view that the king was the physical son

Ii See Thompson 2001: 79 and Lemche 1993:63-66 where the Egyptian background of Ps 2:7 is proposed.

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of Yahweh and not adopted. The walls of the temple on the inside were decorated with cherubim and palmettes as well as lotus-chains (Strange 1985:35-39; 1991 :25-26). The palmettes are a stylised version of the Mesopotamian Tree of Life with antithetical guardians, usually wild goats, a symbol of divine kingship, known all over the Near East from the fourth millennium to the first millennium B.C. The motif was immensely popular in the Levant in the Late Bronze Age, found as decoration on seals and pottery (Strange 1985:35). The interesting point is, however, that the wild goats arc replaced by cherubim, sphinxes with eagles' wings, a Levantine version of the Egyptian royal symbol. Even more interesting are the lotus chains, also an Egyptian religious symbol. From the XVIII dynasty the lotus became a symbol of the Sun God who was born every morning from a womb in the shape of a lotus; the lotus is accordingly symbolic of Re, Horus as well as the king, the Sun God incarnate, shown in art as Tutankhamun rising from a lotus, or the king's name in a cartouche rising from a lotus. The lotus was also important in the creation theology in Hermopolis, because "the beautiful boy, rising from the primeval seas on the great lotus" is also the Creator God, in art represented by a child sitting on top of a lotus. In tomb paintings another aspect is found: the life-giving soul of Re in the lotus inhaled by participants in funeral banquets. In Egypt the lotus thus had a broad signification: a symbol of the Creator God, the Sun God or the king, but also of abstract ideas such as afterlife or resurrection or love (see Strange 1985:35 with documentation). 'When we find lotus chains in the temple it must mean that this symbolism was incorporated into Israelite religion. Here I wish, as I did in 1985, to quote Morenz and Schubert (1954:54): "Rein decorative Griinde annehmen, hie sse theologische Wege iiberhaupt leugnen; die Religion ware zum Spielball des Kunstgcwerbes geworden, und das ist nun in Agypten ganz und gar nicht der Fal1." I am sure that this reasoning applies to Israel too (see however Keel and Uehlinger 1993: 195). And this, in combination with the two quotes from Psalm 2 and 110, discussed above, shows, how much Egyptian ideas of divine kingship have influenced the faith of Israel in the preexilic period, and later Jewish and Christian beliefs in Messiah and Christ. The idea of monotheism appears in Egypt very much earlier than it appears in Israel. In Egypt we find it in the New Kingdom in Akhenaten's great Hymn (latest treatment, Assmann 1998: 172207). There is no doubt that the religious reform of Akhenaten was a genuine attempt towards monotheism, but the time span between this

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attempt and the later Israelite monotheism is at least 800 years, and I find it impossible to bridge the gap (see however Koch 1993:348-50; Assmann 1998:192-218). Probably we do not even find monotheism in the strict theoretical sense, i.e., the idea of a single almighty God only, in the Old Testament at all apart from the creation theology Gen 1. Postexilic texts, such as Deut 6:4; Isa 45:5-8 and most importantly Exod 3:6, may all be understood as advocating monolatry (but see also Barr 1993: 144-46). The idea of monotheism was then developed in the Hellenistic-Roman period, possibly also under influence from Greek philosophy, where perhaps indirect Egyptian influence is to be reckoned with, into the form, we fmd in the New Testament and in the writings ofJewish philosophers such as Philo of Alexandria, where it is clearly behind the cosmological thoughts (Friichtel 1968). The most profound influence from Egyptian theology on Biblical and Christian theology is to be found in creation theology. This is obvious already from Psalm 104 which is clearly dependent on Akhenaten's Great Hymn (Koch 1993:349; Barr 1993:84; Seybold 1996:408; Thompson 2001:83). But in the creation story of Gen 1: 1-2: 4 (see in general Notter 1974) we find what amounts to such a close similarity to Memphite creation theology as expressed in the Shabakastele that it in my opinion can be explained only by direct loan. The Shabaka-stele, first edited by Breasted (1901), latest translation by Allen (1997), purports to be a copy of a much older text made at the command ofShabaka (ca 716-702 B.C.) of the 15th Dynasty (line 2), and this supposed text has been dated to much older periods-the Old Kingdom (Junker, quoted with approval by Iversen 1984:22-23; Holmberg 1946: 19; Wilson 1955:4) or the Ramesside period (Schogl, quoted by Allen 1997:21-22). It seems to me, however, safest to date it to the time when the monument was erected, i.e., the reign ofShabaka, as there seems to have been in this period a general tendency in the ancient Near East to pretend that old documents were found and then reissued for political or religious reasons. Thus we have inJudah 621 B.C. the reform ofJosiah based on an "old" document, apparently the scroll of Deuteronomy, found in the temple by accident and originally written by Moses some 800 years before (2 Kgs 22-23), and in Assyria a geographical treatise showing the extent of the empire of Sargon of Akkad from the third millennium B.C. but in fact composed either in the reign of Sargon II (721-705 B.C.) or in the reign of Ashurbanipal (ca. 668-630 B.C.; Strange 1980:32-35). Redford (1992:399) also seems inclined to date the Shabaka text late.

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In any case, the impact of the text, or the ideas of the text, come after this period (Redford 1992:400), and as Gen 1: 1-2:4 is considered to be postexilic, i.e., after ca. 450, perhaps even as late as the early Hellenistic period, in classical source-criticism belonging to the late priestly source (P), when there was a considerable Jewish element in the Egyptian population with connections to Jerusalem, it is quite feasible that there should be a direct connection between the two documents or at least the theology behind both. Now, as Redford (1992:399 with n. 27) points out, "scholars have plumbed for several of these patterns and details passed in review as comprising a background that exerted influence on Gen 1:2," but still I dare to join these scholars. It is not so much the details which seem to me to prove a connection (they may be found in Notter 1974, in which Gen 1: 1-2:4 is treated in detail with Egyptian parallels), but more the structure in combination with the details. Already Breasted saw that tlle Shabaka-text contained a conception of the world and its creation which was the root of the later Greek notions of "no us" and "logos," and that "the Greek tradition of the origin of their philosophy in Egypt undoubtedly contains more of truth than has in recent years been conceded," and that "the habit ... of interpreting philosophically the functions and relations of the Egyptian Gods ... had already begun in Egypt" (Breasted 1901:54). This has been taken up in the penetrating and profound investigation by Erik Iversen: Egyptian and Hermetic Doctrine (1984). There the author, in a comparison between the text of the Shabaka-stele and key notions in the Hermetic literature, has demonstrated how the Hermetic literature is associated "with genuine and well-established Egyptian concepts and notions" and that "it seems hardly just ... to discard or mistrust outright the unanimous statements of all Greek writers on Egypt, that although translated into philosophical tenns their accounts of Egyptian philosophy and religious doctrine were to the best of their conviction fair renderings of them" (Iversen 1984:54). In short, the Memphite conception of world is a theocentric universe, a living organism, the cosmic body of Ptah, the intelligible creator, who emerged from the primeval ocean as the supreme manifestation of the divine word--"the power of the heart," i.e. the mind. He was the fount of divinity, comprising all the other gods who were parts of his immaterial body. His first creation act was Atum, a second god together with Ptah turned intelligible creation into sensible creation,

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thus creating the All, i.e., the sensible body of the creator, in which Atum functioned as the heart and the tongue, i.e. the thought and the word expressing the will of the creator. From Atum sprang Shu and Tefnut, the first pair of sexually differentiated gods, and from them all subsequent generations of gods were born as "his Ennead" (Iversen 1984:23-24). "It has evolved that Ptah is called "He who made totality and caused the gods to evolve," since he is Ta-tenen (the physical earth), who gave birth to the gods, from whom everything has emerged oflerings and food, god's offerings, and every good thing.... So has Ptah come to rest after his making everything and every divine speech as well, having given birth to the gods, having made their towns, having set the gods in their cult-places having made sure their bread-offerings, having founded their shrines, having modelled their bodies, of every kind of wood, every kind of mineral, every kind of fruit, everything that grows all over him (as Ta-tenen, the physical earth), in which they have evolved" (Shabaka-stele lines 58-61, Allen's translation [1997]). Thus the world is a manifestation of the divine body, which has originally come into being by the word of the creator, but which has afterwards differentiated itself automatically. And the text ends by letting Ptah rest after the creation. The creator, on the other hand, reserved the creation of man for himself, fashioning him in his own image and from his flesh (Iversen 1984:24). In the cosmic hierarchy man has a special position. In the Shabaka-stele he is arranged between gods and animals ("he [ptah] is preeminent in every body and in every mouth--of all the gods, all people, all animals, and all crawling things that live-planning and governing evetything he wishes," line 54, Allen's translation), but sometimes in other texts he is arranged before the gods ("Ptah who formed man and made the gods" [Pap. Harris I]; and "Before man existed and before the gods were born" (Pyr.1466 d, Spruch 571 )----quoted by Iversen 1984:60) and finally man is said to have been fashioned in the image of the creator, and to have issued from his flesh, "He is his image issued from his flesh (Merikare P.132,c 55), and "NN is one of those gods ... created by Re-Atum from his flesh" (Coffin texts, ed. De Buck, vol IV, Spell 312, 75 a-b---quoted by Iversen 1984:609); cf. Notter 1974:120-39). Maybe names such as Tuthmosis-Thoth has given birth are also significant in this connection. ''\Then we come to Gen 1: 1-2:4, we find striking similarities. First we have the formless ocean (v. 2), next God creates the world, the light first (vv. 3-5), and then the earth, the heaven and the sea (vv. 6-10)

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and the great celestial bodies (vv. 14-19). By a mixture of creation and self-generating (as in Memphitc theology), the earth brings forth plants, fIshes and other living creatures in the sea, birds, reptiles and animals (v. 11-13, 20-25). Then the world is fInished. And then to crown creation God creates man in his own image. 7 In the end, after all this activity, God, like Ptah, rests. Somehow the two texts must be related. The similarities in details and structure are too close to be accidental. At the same time it is suggestive that it has been possible for Iversen to make the same comparison to Hermetic literature, especially Asclepius and Poimandres (Iversen 1984:26-54), a comparison which shall not be repeated here. I find it however to be a signifIcant corroboration ofIversen's comparisons that Dodd in his book The Bible and the Greeks could make a comparison between Poimandres and the Septuagint of Genesis 1-2 (Dodd 1935:99-144). When we at last approach the New Testament counterpart to the creation story in GenesL<; 1, the prologue to the Gospel ofjohn (chap. 1), it should be taken into account that the Gospel ofJohn uses a number of ideas which bear a very close resemblance to the Hermetic literature (Dodd 1953: 10-53). This is the more signifIcant as the Gospel ofJohn is possibly written in the Jewish-Christian community in Egypt (see the discussion of Barrett: 197B: 129) where the oldest fragment of the text is also found and where rnany copies of the gospel circulated in the middle of the second century A.D. (Kysar 1992:918). The prologue is clearly and consciously modelled on Genesis 1. That the first words in the prologue "en arkhe"--in the beginning, actually that which lies beyond time (Barrett 1978: 152)--are the same as in the Septuagint of Genesis shows this. But the use of other words such as logos, life, light, and darkness is also signifIcant and shows the connection. Like God in Genesis I, God creates the world with his word. In the prologue, the word (logoJ) is the agent by whom everything is created, besides itself being God. The word logos is highly significant. It has a broad range of meanings in the gospel--it is used of the words ofJesus, of a discourse, for the whole message ofJesus, for the word of God, but fIrst and foremost it is in the prologue used in a cosmological sense as the word of God, incarnated in Christ, his physical and unique son (Dodd 1953:265-68). This incarnate son of God we are told was with God before time, he was God himself. Now

7

For man as the image of God, see conveniently J6nsson 1988.

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there are a number of striking similarities between some statements in the prologue and passages in wisdom literature. Dodd (1953:274-75) demonstrates that "while the Logos of the prologue has many of the traits of the Word of God in the Old Testament, it is on the other side a concept closely similar to that of Wisdom, that is to say, the hypostatized thought of God projected into creation"S (cf. also Prov 8 and Ps 104:24). Finally, by making the creative word of God incarnate in Messiah, "the Son of God who was to come" Oohn 11 :27), the Son of David, and the King of Israel, John in his prologue links the royal ideology from the Old Testament to the New Testament Christ, and we find a combination of royal ideology and creation theology. Christ is king and creator, like the kings from the temple in Jerusalem and like the kings in Egypt. There is thus a nexus between the creation theology of Egypt, the legacy in Hellenism expressed in the Hermetic Literature and Philo of Alexandria, and in the Bible, both in the creation story of Genesis and in the latest gospel, the Gospel ofJohn. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Allen, J.P. 1997. From the "Memphite Theology." In W. W. Hallo (ed.), the Context if Scripture. Canonical Compositions from the Biblical World 1:23-26. Leiden: Brill. Altenmi.iller, H. 1975. "Denkmal memphitischer Theologie". In W. HeIck und E. Otto, Lexicon der Agyptologie II. 1065-69. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Assmann, J. 1998. Moses the F.gyptian. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press. Barr, J. 1994. Biblical Faith and Natural Theology. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Barr, J. 1999. nle Concept if Biblical Theology. An Old Testament Perspective. London: SCM Press. Barrett, C.K. 1978. The Gospel according to St. John. London: SPCK. Bietak, M. 1997. "Avaris, Capital of the Hyksos Kingdom". In E.D.Oren (ed.), 7he fbksos: ]Ilew Historical and Archaeowgical Perspectives. Philadelphia: The University Museum. Breasted, J.H. 1901. "The Philosophy of a Memphite Priest". Zeitschriflfor Agyptische Spradw und Altertumskunde XXXIX:39-54 with Tafe! I. II. Dodd, C.H. 1935. The Bible and the Greeks. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Dodd, C.H. 1953. The Interpref,ation if the Fourth Gospel. Cambridge University Press. Frankfort, H. 1948. Kingsltil! and tlte Gods. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

H And also halfway to Philo's Logos, which is in many ways almost a doublet of Wisdom (Dodd 276-77). For wisdom (Sophia) and its cosmological function in Philo's philosophy, see Fri.ichtel 172-78.

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Fruehtcl, U. 1968. I)ie kosmologischen VOTJtellungen hei Philo von Alexandrien. Leiden: EJ.Brill. Gardiner, A. 1927. Egy/Jtiall Grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Gaster, Th.H. 1950,1961. Thespis. New York: Doubleday and Co. Gesenius-Buhl. 1910. Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Handworterbuch iiber das Alte Testament, 15. Auflage. Leipzig: Verlag von F. C. W. Vogel. Gophna, R. 1995. "Early Bronze Age Canaan: Some Spatial and Demographic Observations." In Th. Levy (cd.), The Archaeology qf Sociery in the HolY Land, 26980. London: Leicester University Press. Gunkel, H. 1917. Genesis. Giittinger Handkommentar zum Allen Testament I, I. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Holmberg, M.S. 1946. 'I7ze God Pfalz. Lund, Copenhagen: G. \V. Glcerup, Ejnar Munksgaard. Iversen, E. 1984. £'gyptian and Hennetic Doctrine. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. Jonsson, G.A. 1988. The inwge qfGod. Genesis 1:26-28 in a century qfOld Testament research. CBOT 26. Lund: Almquist & Wiksdl Int. Keel, O. and Uehlinger, C. 1993. GiHtinnen, GI.itter und GoUessymbole. Quaestiones llilputatae 134. Freiburg, Basel, Wien: Herder. :Kitchen, K.A. 1973. The 77lird Intennediate Perwd in Egypt (11-650 H.C.). Warminster: Aris and Phillips Ltd. Koch, K. 1993. Geschi£'hte der Agyptis£'hen Religion. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer. Kysar, R. 1992. ':John, the Gospel of." In ABD 3:912-931. New York: Doubleday. Lemche, N.P. "Salme 2--midt imellem fortid og nutid." In r-.I.Mulier andJ.Strange, Del gamle Testamente ijodedom og kristendom. FOnLm fir Bihelsk Eksegese 4:57 -78. K0benhavn: Museum Tuseulanum. Levy, Th.E., van den Brink, E.C.M., Goren, Y., and Alon, D. 1995. "New Light on King Narmer and the Protodynastic Egy1)tian Presence in Canaan." Biblical Archaeologist 58:26-35. Lundager Jensen, HJ. 1998. Gammeltestamenll~f5 Religion. K0benhavn: Anis. McGovern, P. E. 1993. The Late Bronze Age Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shari: A Stuqy of levels VII and v'll!. Universiry iHuseunz A1onographs 85. Philadelphia: The University Museum. McGovern, P.E. 2000. TIll! Foreign Relatwns qftJie "Hykw.L" BAR International Series 888. Oxli)rd: Hadrian Books Ltd. Mettinger, T. 1971. Solomonic State Officials. A Stud] qf tIll! Ciuil Govenzment Officials of the Israelite Monarcl~y, ConDOR 5. Lund: Gleerup. Morenz, S. and Schubert, J. 1954. Der Gott a~f tier Blume. Aseona. Neugebauer, O. 1969. 17/t Exact Sciences in Antiquity. New York: Dover Publications. Notter, V. 1974. Bihlischer SchOpfungshericht und agyptische Sdlopjungsmythen. Stuttgarter Bihelstudien 68. Stuttgart: KBW Verlag. Oren, E.D. 1985. "'Governors' Residences in Canaan under the New Kingdom: A Case Study of Ef.,'YPtian Administration." Journal qf the So£'iery fir the Sturfy qf £'gyptian Antiquities 15:37-56. Oren, E.D. 1997a. "The Hyksos Enigma----Introduetory Overview." In E. D. Oren (cd.), The f(vksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives. Philadelphia: The University Museum. Oren, E.D. 1997b. "The 'Kingdom ofSharuhen' and the Hyksos Kingdom." In E. D. Oren (eel.), The f(yksos: New HistlJrical and Archaeological Pmpectives. Philadelphia: The University Museum. Redfi)rd, D.B. 1970. A Stuqy of the Biblical Shit)' qfJoseph (Genesis 37-50). V1Sup 20. Leiden: Brill.

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Redford, D.B. 1992. Eg;ypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Redford, D.B. 1997. "Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period." In E.D.Oren (cd.), 1he l{ykIOS: New Hi,toncal and Archeological Perspectives. Philadelphia: The University Museum. R yholt, K. 1997. 77u Political Situation in Eg;ypt during the Second Intermediate Period. eNI Publications 20. Copenhagen: Museum Tuseulanum Press. Scott, R.B.Y. 1965. "The Scale-Weights from Ophel, 1963-64." PEQ97: 128-39. Seybold, K. 1996. Die Pm/men. Handbudl zum Alten Testament II J5. Tubingen:J.C.B.Mohr (Paul Siebeck). Strange,J. 1980. Caphtorl liljiiu. A }lew Investigation. Acta 1heologica Danica XH~ IA>,iden: Brill. Strange, J. 1985. "The Idea of Afterlife in Ancient Israel." PEQ 117:35 40. Strange, J. 1991. "Theology and Politics in Architecture and Iconography." SSOT 5:23-44. Strange,j. 2000. "The Philistine City States." In M.H.Hansen, A Comparative Stu4J if 77lir!y Cif)! State Cultures. Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabemes Sell-kab, Historilk-filosofiske Skrijler 21: 129-39. Kobenhavn. Strange, j. 2001. "A Proposal for a New Periodization for the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Southern Levant Gordan, Palestine and Israel)." Paper presented at the First International Congress 071 the Archaeolog;y if the Ancient .Near East, Rome 1998, to be published in P. Matthiae, A. Enea, L. Peyronel, and F. Pinnock (ed~.), Proceedings qf the First International Congress on the Archatolog;y if the Ancient Near East, 1573-77. Rome: HerdeL Thompson, Th.L. 200 l. "Kongedomme og Guds vrede eHer at here ydmyghed." Forum for BibeLl-k Ebegese 11 :65-1 00. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. To appear in English as "Kingship and the Wrath of God: or Teaching Humility." Revue Biblique 109(2002) 161-96. Westermann, C. 1974. Genesis. Biblildter iI.ommentar Altes Testament Ill. NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins GmbH. Williams, RJ. 1971. "Egypt and Israel." In j.R.Harris, 1he Legaq if E..EO'Pt (2nd ed.), 257-90. Oxford: Clarendon. \Vilson,j.A. 1955. "Egyptian Myths, Tales and Mortuary Texts." InJA.Pritchard, itNET 3-36. Princeton, Princeton University Press.

THE CONCEPTION OF HA~1 AND HIS SONS IN THE TABLE OF NATIONS (GEN 10:6-20) A. Malamat

The tripartite division of mankind in the table of Nations (Genesis 10) L--Shem, Ham and Japhet··has usually been explained on the basis of a geographical, ethnic or political factor, or a mi.xture thereof Here, we shall focus on the sons of Ham (Gen 10:6-20; 1 Chr 1:8-16). 2 The genealogy of Ham is sandwiched between that ofJaphet and Shem. 'The direct offspring of Ham are Cush and Egypt, Put and Canaan (rhetorically two pairs) enumerated from south to north. It is difficult to identify all four names and scholars are divided in their opinion. C'ush is probably Nubia--Ethiopia 3 and not Southern Arabia or the tribe of Kio,l-w of the Execration Texts and other sources in the north of Sinai and south of Tran~jordan.4 jHizraim is Egypt proper, while Put most likely refers to Libya or Cyrenaica, an identification already found in Josephus (Ant. I 2, II 132-133).5 Many scholars think of Punt (in or near Somalia), but Punt is spelled with n and not with ~ as is Put. Finally, Canaan is most probably the

I G. H(1Ischer, Drei Erdkarten: Ein Beitrag .~Ilr E~rorschung des hehrdischen Altertums (Heidelberg 1949) Chap.5; S. Loewenstamrn (Ham), EnC)!c. Bihlira 3 (Jerusalem, 1958 (Hebrew), cols 162/164 (with a reference to the article ofR Mazar, mentioned below in n. 7); A. Reubeni, '[hI? Peoples qf the Ancient .ll/ear East, (Jerusalem, 1969 [Hebrew]) 62-100; E. "Isaac" (Ham) ABD 3 (1992) 3 J -32; R Oded, "The table of Nations (Genesis 10)," Zi1 W 98 (1986) 14-30; H. Cazelles, "Tables des peuples, nations et mode de vie," Bihlica et Semilica (;lv1wOIial F Vattiom), Napoli 1999,67-79. 2 For biblical commentaries on the genealogy of Ham see: B. Jacob, Genesis (Berlin, 1934) 197-216; U. Cassuto, From Noah 10 Ahraham (Jerusalem, 1964-) 197216; C. Westermann, Genesis I (Neukirchen, 1974) 681-99; GJ. Wenham, Genesis 1-15 (WBe; Waco, Texas, 1995) 117-215. cr E.A. Speiser, IDB 3 (1962) 235-42 (see also the literature in n. 1). :3 For Nubia-Ethiopia, see e.g., W. Wilson, The Burden qfEgvpt (Chicago, 1951, 1954) 164-71, 292-93; J. Simons, The Geographical and Topographiml Texts qf the Old Testament (Leiden, 1959) 18-21 (Cush) and there for Egypt~- Mizraim, 26/7, and Pu/z, 75/76; T. Save-Soderbergh, "Kusch," IRxicot! del' Agyptologie (Wiesbaden, 1980) 888-93. 4 As held by Cassuto (above, n. 2) 198. 5 Thus Put occurring in Jeremiah and Ezekiel is translated by the LXX as Libya. On Put see also Simons (above n. 3).

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Egyptian province of that name in Asia. 6 \Ve assume that the sons of Ham reflect the Egyptian empire at its height, an idea hinted at by B. Mazar and stated more obviously, for example, by J. SimonsJ This notion was conceived most likely, during the 18th or 19th Dynasty, or in the first millennium during the kingdom of the 25th Dynasty (when Nubian rulers reigned in Egypt). In both periods the political and cultural exchange flourished between Egypt and Palestine. 8 The biblical concept of Ham could then have easily evolved. Yet another factor in determining and strengthening the last notion comes to mind: the graphic depiction of four groups of different peoples on the wall of the Mortuary Temple of Pharaoh Seti I at Thebes (Valley of the Kings, KV 17)9 at the beginning of the 19th Dynasty (c. 1300 B.C.).IO The skin of the peoples of the four contingents is colored differently (but in accordance with the Egyptian tradition in paintings), while the dresses as well as the headdresses are characteristic of each one of the four groups (see figure 1). The four types of people, here enumerated from left to right represent: a contingent of red-skinned men, signifying Egyptians proper; a contingent of light brown men, demonstrating Canaanites; a contingent of black men, referring to Nubia-Ethiopia; a contingent of white men, dressed in long gowns, whereas the other groups wear short skirts. The depiction in Seti I's tomb most likely conveys, to my mind, the idea of the empire of Egypt, consisting of four geographical···~political components: Egypt proper, Nubia-Ethiopia, Libya and Canaan.

6 B. Mazar, "Lcbo-Hamath," The Ear(y Biblical Period, Uerusalem, 1989) 189-202, esp. 192. 7 See B. Mazar (Maisler) in passing, El3 (1954) 32 (Hebrew), whereas the idea was fully attested by J. Simons; see his book (n. 3), 19 (bottom); see also idem, "The Table of Nations (Gen X)," OTS 10 (1954) 155-184. 8 For the latter dynasty see B.U. Schipper, "Kultur und Kontext-zum Kulturtransfer zwischen Agypten und Israel/Juda in der 25. und 26. Dynastie,"SAK 29

(2001) 307-17. 9 For an overview of Seti's monuments, see recently P J. Brand, The Alonuments ~r Seti 1 (Lciden 2000) esp. 256-59 (KV 17, containing "polychrome relietS"); and for his tomb see A. Hornung, Das Grab des Sethos' I im Tal der Konige (Basel, 1990). 10 The picture here is taken from VteWs qfthe Biblical World, eds. M. Avi-Yonah--A. Ma1amat (Chicago-New York 1959) 38-39 (I originally drew attention to the picture and its interpretation). For an early depiction, see R. Lepsius, Denkmiiier aus Agypten und Athiopien, vol. 3, pI. I 36a.

THEJOSEPH STORY ~. SOME BASIC OBSERVATIONS John Van Seters

Introduction While the field of Egyptology may be the discipline in which Donald Redford has made his greatest contributions to scholarship, he has nevertheless also had a significant impact on biblical studies. Among his many important contributions to this field, the best known and most otten cited is his book, A Study qfthe Biblical Story qfJoseph (1970), a work written early in his career. It was a very bold work at the time of its publication, challenging both the early dating of the Joseph story, using his Egyptological expertise for his careful review of the Egyptian coloring, and the Documentary Hypothesis, which was at the time the dominant method ofliterary analysis of the Joseph story. In both respects he anticipated the furor of the mid-70s, with my own work, Abraham in History and Tradition (1975), being a part of that change, along with the book of Thomas L. Thompson, The Historiciry if the Patriarchs (1974), on the dating of the Patriarchal traditions and the works of H. H Schmid, Der sogenannte Jahwist (1976) and Rolf Rendtorff, Das uberliiferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch (1977) on literary questions. Redford's book continues to have a significant impact on the discussion of the Joseph story and to inspire renewed attempts at solving the problems that beset this difficult composition in Gen 37-50. In preparation for this paper, it was a real pleasure for me to reread his book in the light of the more recent discussion on this unit of biblical literature. In tribute to a friendship of over forty years I want to offer some basic observations on recent developments in the discussion of the Joseph story which reflect the continuing influence of Redford's earlier work. The current debate about the form, nature, compositional character and socio-historical setting has its point of departure in the piece by G. von Rad, "The Joseph Narrative and Ancient Wisdom" (1953).1 In this 1 C. von Rad, 'josephsgeschichte und altere Chokma," VISup 1 (1953) 121-27. The English version appears in C. von Rad, 'Ine Problem q/tlze lJexateuclz and other &says

(Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1965) 292-300. References are to this latter version.

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brief study von Rad advocated the view that the Joseph story was an independent novella, written as a didactic tale of early court wisdom and quite separate from the rest of the Patriarchal "sagas." In terms of its literary quality and characteristics he associated it closely with the Court History of David (2 Sam 6-1 Kings 2) as part of a corpus of literature that he felt belonged to the era of "Solomonic enlightenment," Von Rad denied that the story had any "historico-political interests" or any theological interest in the "redemptive history" of the Hexateuch but only a "strong didactic motive."2 This characterization of the Joseph story applied to the whole non-Priestly corpus in chaps. 37, 39-47,50 as a unity, with only minor modifications made to it by the two Pentateuchal sources, J and E. It was a work written by an Judean author for the royal court but based upon "Egyptian literary influences and models, even specific literary sources."3 Redford's own detailed treatment of the nature and composition of the Joseph story offers an alternative to that of von Rad and much of the subsequent discussion takes up a position in relationship to these two poles. Redford is quite critical of von Rad's characterization of the work as a wisdom story and his association of the Joseph story with the "Court History of David" and the Davidic-Solomonic era. 4 His discussion of "the Joseph story as literature".') uses the designation of "lVfarchen-Novelle" with emphasis upon the work as a timeless tale. Redford plays down the use of the Patriarchal names of Jacob, Reuben, Joseph as simply the equivalent of "father," "elder brother" and "youngest brother" to argue for its novella quality as fictional and timeless. For Redford all the connections to the wider setting are redactional. Rather than similarities to the Court History of David, he points to parallels with such biblical stories as Ruth, Esther,Judith and Tobit that have much the same qualities. His own dating of the Joseph story that arises out of a detailed examination of the Egyptian color within it places its composition in the Saite period corresponding to the end of the Judean monarchy or exilic period. His literary analysis also leads him to dispute the division of the story into two independent sources, J and E, and adopts a supplemental approach in which the unified core story has received some major and minor additions, i.e., 2 :3 ,I

Ibid., 299. Ibid. A Study qf the Biblical Sto1)1 qf}oseph (VTSup 20; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970) 100-

105.

s Stl1&, 66-105.

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the episode ofPotiphar's wife in chap. 39, a 'judah"-expansion, some glosses and a "Genesis editor" who inserted chaps. 38, 48-49 and other connections with the wider Pentateuchal context. 6 This bold challenge by Redford sets the stage for the subsequent flood of literature on the Joseph story. I cannot review all of it here. Instead I will make a few basic observations on some scholarly treatments of the Joseph story as it has to do with questions of the form of the story and its setting, the relationship of the story to Israelite traditions about their early history, and the "redactional" connection of the Joseph story into its place in the Hebrew Bible.

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FOlm

qf the Story, Its Relationship to Tradition and its Socio-Historical Setting

The questions concerning the Joseph story's form or genre, its relationship to the larger Hebrew national tradition and its social or historical setting are issues so closely related that they can scarcely be considered independently. These subjects continue to be hotly debated with a rather wide range of possibilities considered. On the matter of genre, most scholars have adopted the designation "novella" as the most appropriate with the implication that it is a skilled literary work of fiction that is largely independent from its present Pentateuchal setting. This designation must be qualified by saying that if the work is regarded as passing through several stages of development, then novella is usually applied to the core story of Joseph bef(xe its incorporation into the wider context of the Pentateuch. I. Willi-Plein, however, takes the Joseph story as a unity, excluding only chaps. 38 and 49 and some minor additions, and this leads her to put considerable weight upon Joseph and his brothers as figures of Israelite pre-history. 7 In her view the work must therefore be classified as historiography (Geschichtsschreibung) intended to answer the questions of how the sons of Israel migrated to Egypt and how the Joseph group relates to the rest of the Israelite tribes. W. Dietrich combines both genres by distinguishing the novella of the basic Joseph story from its use as "historiography" when it is expanded and becomes integrated into the Pentateuch. s (; Ibid., 106-86. 7 I. Willi-Plein, "Historiographische Aspekte der Josefsgeschichte," Hen I (1979) 305-331, esp. 322-23. 8 W. Dietrich, Die JosepherZiihlung a/s Novellp und Geschichtssdlreihung (NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989).

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While novella usually means a short story, Humphreys applies the term "short story" to the success story of the slave who rises to the position of vizier over the land of Egypt in chapters 40-41; 47: 13-26 as an earlier stage in the development of the larger novella. 9 The relative independence of the Joseph story on the literary level has encouraged most scholars to treat it as a unity outside the various modes of Pentateuchal analysis, and the Documentary Hypothesis in particular, as Redford docs, with additions, glosses and editing as secondary expansion. The degree to which the Joseph story is a wisdom tale, as von Rad suggested, has largely been modified on the basis of Redford's criticism although a number of scholars consider his critique to be over-stated and adopt a position between the two. 10 This leads to a range of different opinions about the genre's setting and function. Von Rad sees a close association with wisdom interests and therefore a setting that is appropriate to the court and to didactic concerns of scribal education. Others follow von Rad in this court setting but with special emphasis upon the political aspects of the story and so view it with a political purpose. Redford views the work as belonging instead to the realm of belles lettres that one finds in the Egyptian short story and in later independent stories in biblical literature. Those who agree with Redford's later dating look for a historical setting after the demise of the monarchy as literature more appropriate to the diaspora. Thus, both von Rad and Redford, and many who follow them, seem agreed on the view that the Joseph novella has little to do with the larger Patriarchal history and that the connections to the wider narrative setting are secondary. In this they were reacting to the earlier efforts to read the Joseph story itself as a form of tribal history. The Joseph novella has an entirely different literary quality from the preceding Patriarchal "sagas." This raises the closely related issue of the relationship between the Joseph story and the larger Hebrew national tradition of the Patriarchs and the Exodus that both von Rad and Redford set aside on form-critical grounds. Their view, and all those that have followed their lead, conflicts with the earlier position ofM. Noth that the Joseph story was created as a bridge between the

9 W. L. Humphreys,]oseph and his [;ami(y: A Literary Stul(y (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1988) 15-31. 10 See the recent critique of M. V. Fox, "Wisdom in the Joseph story," VT 51 (2001) 26-41 with a review of this question from von Rad to the present, 26-29.

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Patriarchal traditions and the Exodus tradition.!! A full critique of Patriarchal tradition-history, including the Joseph story, was undertaken by Wm. McKane, Studies in the Patriarchal Narratives (1979).!2 McKane is critical of Redford because, he argues, the names used in the story are not just those of individuals for which others could be substituted. Jacob and his sons are Patriarchs and do belong to a specific time of origins. 13 He also affirms Noth's understanding of the Joseph story as a bridge piece. l4 He states: "It is best described as the result of an ample artistic development of what functions as a connecting piece between these two themes [the Patriarchs and the Exodus]."l5 Westermann makes a similar point, that all the names of the Patriarchal family of Jacob and their relationships in the Joseph story are known from the story ofJacob in Gen 28-35 so that the Joseph story is composed with this specific Jacob tradition in mind as an amplification of it. 16 Nevertheless, the Joseph story does not belong to the same genre of "family saga" that he associates with the other Patriarchal stories. I 7 For Westermann, it is a novel or short story that combines elements of the family story of the older tradition with the concerns of political life and the monarchy. In his view, therefore, it reflects the transition from Patriarchal society to the monarchy in the Davidic era. Likewise, E. Blum argues that any Israelite or Judean reader who encounters these names in the story would need to have a certain knowledge of the Patriarchal traditions regarding Jacob and his sons and the sojourn in Egypt because of the famine as related to the cause of their presence in Egypt as a people before the Exodus. 18 It seems to 11 M. Noth, A History qf Pentateuchal Traditiolls (translated by B. W. Anderson; Englewood Clim, NJ: Printice-Hall, 1972) 208-213. 12 Wm. McKane, Studies in the Patriarchal.Nan·atives (Edinburgh: Handsel, 1979). 13 Ibid., 87-90. 14 Ibid., 146-50. 15 Ibid., p. 147. See also Willi-Plein, "Historiography," 322-29. 16 C. Westermann, Genesis 37-50 (translated by J J. Scullion; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1986) 27. See also G. W. Coats, Genesis, with an Introduction to Narrative Literature (FOTL I; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983) 263-315. Coats seems to adopt a position similar to Westermann. Note his definition of genres, pp. 5-8. 17 The form of "family story" as understood by \Vestermann in his treatment of the Patriarchal stories is a misnomer. The mistake has been to make the family element into a genre category under the influence of the so-called family sagas of the Icelanders. But they have little in common and the application of the family story as genre to world literature would be quite unworkable. See J. Van Seters, Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975) 134-37. 18 E. Blum, Die li.omposition der Viiterge.lclticltte (WMANT 57; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1984) 229-270, especially his remarks on p. 238.

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me that this point cannot be made strongly enough in view of some recent attempts to reconstruct the compositional history of the Joseph story and ignore this basic context. However, Blum qualifies the position of Westermann by asserting that the Joseph story does not need to assume all of the content of the present form of the Jacob story. Dietrich reviews this broader setting and notes that for the oldest level some of the Patriarchal tradition is known, but points out that there are some inconsistencies with the present form of the Jacob story.19 Thus the Joseph story seems unaware of the fact that the brothers only have one sister or that the mother ofJoseph is dead (see second dream). Both of these are not serious objections. The story of Dinah in Gen 34 is a late composition by the Yahwist who also added the reference to her birth in Gen 30:21 as an anticipation. 2o Daughters who are not matriarchs or mothers of heros are not mentioned in such lists but are assumed, as they are in P (See Gen 46: 7, 15). The second problem, the mention of the mother of Joseph in the account of the second dream in 37 :9-11, is not a real problem because the whole of this dream is a very weak addition. It seriously detracts from the story and reflects nothing that happens later on. For the rest Jacob is an old man and all his wives are dead. Nevertheless, Dietrich insist'> that the Joseph story does not become a bridge to the Exodus tradition until the revision level (':Judah stratum"). Thus, he associates the references to Goshen to the later level of the story as well. 21 This means that his early version of the story, the Joseph novella,22 abandons Joseph in Egypt and ends the story at 45:27b, which is hardly likely. This would create the situation in which Joseph, the forefather of the cental northern tribes, is left behind in Egypt and has no connection with the land of his destiny and Jacob never sees his son again. But Jacob's removal to Egypt surely implies the tradition of the descent and s(~journ. In Dietrich's view, it is only with the Joseph story's integration into the larger context that it becomes "historiography."23 This understanding of the expanded story's genre seems to depend heavily upon Josephserzahlung, 45-52. See my discussion of Gen 34: "The Silence of Dinah (Gen 34)," in Jacob: A Plural Commentary qf Genesis. 25-36: Melanges qiferts aAlbert de Pury, (I.-D. Macchi and T. Rcnner, cds.; Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2001) 239-47. 21 Josephserzahlung, 47-8. 22 Ibid., 53-66. 23 Ibid., 67-7B. 19

20

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Dietrich's view of the similarity between the Joseph story and the Story of David's rise and the Succession Narrative. The primary similarity is the "coat of many colors," which Dietrich regards as dependent upon the David story. He also takes the same view that the story in chapter 39 is dependent upon this same Amnon-Tamar episode in 2 Sam 13, although he admits to the likelihood that chap. 39 is also derived from an Egyptian source. This leads him to ascribe the references to the coat and chapter 39 to the same "revisor" of the Joseph story. But an early dating for the Succession Narrative is not very likely and the direction of dependence uncertain. 24 It also seems that the story in chap. 39 does not belong to the rest of the Joseph story because it reflects an entirely different attitude towards the deity. The relationship of the Joseph story to the David story is not clear and does not come into an interpretation of this narrative. An approach that is similar to Dietrich is that taken by N. Kebekus,25 except that he proposes two revisions in place of one. The basic version of the Joseph story (the Reuben level) is a "novelistic" tale with both a social and political message. His limits are 37:5-45:8 and he cuts this story down to where it becomes trivial. He makes it a story about class struggle, which seems most implausible. He then has a Reuben expansion that carries the story all the way to 50:22-26* (including much of chapter 48). This is the point at which the story is integrated into the Pentateuch by an 8th century Jehovist (IE) using elements of the older Jacob story. The second revision (the Judah stratum) is viewed by Kebekus as a post-P Pentateuchal redactor. This revisor incorporates a lot of independent traditions, such as Gen 38; 39; 49; as well as the Priestly material. 2fi At some points he argues that this final redactor imitates P and attributes some P texts to his redactor. However, the verses that he attributes to P still contain some references to Joseph and must be dependent upon the older Joseph story. This final version Kebekus regards as reflecting the social and theological concerns of the postexilic period. If one accepts the view that there exists an older Jacob tradition

24 Sec most rcccntly.J. Van Setcrs, "The Court History and DtrH," in Die sogenannte Throrifr;lgegeschu·izle Davids. Neue Einsichten und Anfragen (A de Pury and T Romer, cds.; OBO 176; Freiburg, Switzerland: Univcrsitatsvcrlag, and Gottingcn: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2000) 70-93, as well as the other contributions to this volume. 2.) N. Kebckus, Die ]osf/'er::/iJz/ung (MUnster: Waxmanu, 1990). See especially the conclusions on pp. 338-43 with English sumrnalY on pp. 356-57. 26 Ibid., 327-30.

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that recounts Jacob's marriages and the birth of his children in Gen 28-32; 35: 16-20, and that this Jacob tradition was available to the author of the Joseph story, then the Joseph story need not have been composed to fit into the present version of the Jacob story. One may safely assume, on the basis of Hosea 11 and 12 that in the Northern Kingdom of the 8th century there were separate origin traditions about the ancestor Jacob and an Exodus from Egypt. It is likely that shortly afterwards, the notion of Jacob and his family migrating to Egypt was introduced to combine these traditions, as reflected in Deut 26: 5 and Ezek 20:5. The Joseph story developed this theme and there is no evidence that it ever existed apart from this. It is doubtful that one can place this development before the mid-8th century or later than the 7th century BeE. It seems to me highly implausible that there existed a story about a temporary sojourn in Egypt by Jacob's family resulting in the transplant of his entire family that lasted only as long as the famine. The severity of the famine forced the group's transplant to Egypt for an extended period. That fits so well as an explanation of the transition ofJacob to Egypt that it must have been viewed in this way by all who knew both traditions. Furthermore, the role ofJudah adds another dimension to the traditio-historical problem. It is not hard to see how, from a Northern point of view ,Judah may be regarded as just another son of Leah with no particular prominence. However, the effort to give Judah the first born position in place of Reuben must reflect a Southern, Judean, orientation. From theJudean point of view Jacob is still identical with the Northern Kingdom until the later's demise and the subsequent adoption of the Northern traditions by Judah. The witness of the preexilic prophetic literature seems quite clear on this point. 27 This sets limits on what one can say about the history of the story's development and its dating. This does not mean that the Joseph story is a form of tribal history that reflects or embodies relations between tribes in a pre-state period or that it somehow supports the notion that the Joseph tribes were the ones that emigrated from Egypt at the time of the Exodus. There is no nucleus of historical events embedded in the story of the brothers. One can, of course, see some reflection of the

27 See K. L. StJaTks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study rif Ethnic Sentiments and tileir E\pressio71 in lile Hebrew Bible (Winona Lake, IN: Eiscnbrauns, \998) 125-218 and S. L. McKenzie, 'Jacob in the Prophets," in Jacob: A Plural Commenta,)', 339-57.

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later political status of the house of Joseph in his privileged position and the close association of Benjamin to Joseph as reflective of political . reality. Judah cannot replace Joseph as the one to whom the brothers bow down (cf. Gen 49:8-11) for the story hardly permits this, so he merely replaces Reuben as spokesman for the rest. Some of the connections with the subsequent Exodus narrative can easily be viewed as secondary, such as 46: 1-4; 50:22-26 and the P additions. But what are we to make of the frequent references to Goshen in 45:10; 46:28-47:12, c[ 47:27(P); 50:8? There is an alternate location for their settlement in "the land of Rameses" in 47: 11. How does this fit with the land of Goshen? This is a problem that is usually ignored. The settlement in Goshen can only be explained as an anticipation of the sojourn-Exodus story.28 The whole scheme in the plague narratives demands that Israel live in a region apart from the rest of the Egyptians and the Joseph story provides a rather elaborate explanation for just how this separation from the general Egyptian population came about. Consequent0J, arry decision concerning the finn and Junction qf the .Joseph story must include some serious consideration qf its place within the development qf the larger national tradition. Nevertheless, before a proposal concerning the nature of the Joseph story can be made, one needs to address another common assumption about this story, and that is its supposed political nature. The representation of Joseph as "ruler" of his brothers does not need to be a political tale developed as "propaganda" to legitimate the rise of the Northern Kingdom or a particular dynasty within it (contra Carr, Blum, Criisemann, Coats, Dietrich).29 That is hardly likely or necessary. It could just as well reflect the long history of the fact that the monarchy had been located within the "house ofJoseph."3o Con28 H.-C. Schmitt (Die nichtpriesterliche]osephsgeschichte [BZAW 154; Berlin and New York: W. de Gruyter, 1980] 121-24) proposes that all the references to Goshen in Exodus are late and dependent upon the Joseph stOly. That is hardly likely. 29 G. W. Coats, From Canaan to Egypt (CBQMS 4; Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association, 1976) 86-89; F. Crusemann, Der Widerstand gegen das Konigtum. Die antikiinigiidterl Texte des Allen Testarnentes und der Kampf urn den Friihen israelitischen Staat (vVMANT 49; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchcner Verlag, 1978); Blum, Komposition der Viitergeschichte, 240-244; Dietrich, ]osephser/3iihlung, 64-66. Dietrich warns about making the stOlY a political allegory (p. 64) but seems to do so anyway. So also D. M. Carr, Reading the .Fractures qj'Genesis: Histonral and Literary Approaches (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1996) 273-BO. :lO In my view, only the first dream is original and fits with the rest of the story. The second clearly does not fit since Joseph's father and mother never bow down to him. The whole metaphor becomes hopelessly confused.

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sequently, any Israelite or Judean reader will of course recognize in the first dream the simple fact that this is a prediction of the future status of the Joseph tribes and will recognize that the brothers' response is wrong. But that is only the obvious and superficial interpretation of the dream and not the ultimate meaning that the author intends for this dream prediction. Knowledge of the Joseph tribes' future greatness may add to the reader's interest in how Joseph will overcome his temporary adversity. Yet the real significance of the dream that shows the brothers' sheaves bowing to Joseph's sheaves is to be understood primarily in terms of the predictive interconnection between the dream and the later event in which the brothers bow to Joseph in Egypt. It is this correlation between dream prediction and the later outcome of events that is understood in the story as a revelation of the divine activity behind the events. Joseph remembers the dream when he sees the brothers bowing to him, and when he reveals himself to them he tells the brothers that it is the hand of the deity that has brought about the particular set of events. The reader now realizes that the dream was not about the future rule of the house ofJoseph but about this particular situation. No connection is made between the role of Joseph in Egypt and the future monarchy of the Northern Kingdom. The dream's significance is primarily within the story itself and is not to be construed as an allegory whose meaning is outside of the story, relating to the house of Joseph's domination of the rest of the tribes ofJacob. Furthermore, one cannot pull together all of the references to ruling or administration from the various levels of the story in order to make out of it a tract on the monarchy or how court officials ought to administer the realm. The account ofJoseph's rise to power in Egypt and his administration of the realm in Gen 40-41; 47: 13-26 belongs to the success story and is treated by the Joseph novella as foreign to Israelite life and custom. Joseph's own initial behavior towards his brothers may be misunderstood by them a'l typical ofJOreign despots and their officials but the reader knmvs that this behavior is for a special purpose in the story and when the brothers are reconciled there is no further suggestion of ruling, and even the Pharaoh acts in a kindly manner. The reference to the brothers' possible enslavement in Gen 50: 15-21 does not belong to the Joseph novella and is not about how the house ofjoseph should rule his brothers. A political interpretation of all these scenes is arbitrary and not indicated by the story itself. Even if one rejects the interpretation of the Joseph story as political

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propaganda, the prominence of Joseph would suggest that the story arose before, or shortly after, the demise of the Northern Kingdom. Yet the question still arises: could the Joseph story in its basic form have been written in the 7th century? Even if the story was written at this time, it could not have made Judah the hero because the prior tribal history did not allow for that. Joseph and Benjamin were the youngest brothers and it was the house ofJoseph that ruled the house ofJacob for so long. I see nothing against such a late date and much that speaks in its favor. The Northern traditions of Jacob and the Exodus came south and perhaps for a time stood beside the Judah traditions, such as the one reflected in Gen 38, before they were amalgamated in a revised version of the Joseph story. ''''here does all this leave us in the matter of the Joseph story's genre? The answer to this depends very much on the degree to which one recognizes various levels in the story. Without going into precise textual details at this point I would accept as fact the view that an original "success story" in chaps. 40-41; 47: 13-26 formed a core source for the Joseph story although the youth was only identified with Joseph at the stage of the novella. This second stage included the exposition in chap. 37, the incorporation of the "success story," the double journey of the brothers to Egypt and their reconciliation with Joseph, as well as a brief account about Jacob's subsequent descent into Egypt and their settlement in the land, and finally Jacob's death and burial in Canaan. Such a story could function as an independent short story or novella while assuming the general outline and content of the Jacob story and the descent into Egypt in the same way that many of the great epics and tragedies of ancient Greece assume a knowledge of the heroic age and the traditions of origins. ]'he story is the creative filling of the "gap" in the tradition that explains the descent and s~journ in Egypt and uses that setting to tell the tale ofJoseph. It does not need to be part of anything outside of it to be complete and dramatically satisfying. However, a later author, the exilic Yahwist, in attempting to tell the complete story of the people's history from the Patriarchs to the Exodus could incorporate the Joseph novella as a source into his historiography with his own themcs and concerns.

77ze Joseph stm:y as a diaspora story In contrast to this proposal to see the Joseph story as a narrative tale developed within the Jacob traditions, Redford puts forward

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a proposal that he feels is more akin to the chronological limits he has assigned to the background of the story, viz., 650-425 BCE. He further states: 31 This time span puts us into the period when the Diaspora with all its consequences was a reality. Do we hear a faint echo of the Exile in the story of a boy, sold as a slave into a foreign land, whither shortly his clan journeys to join him, themselves to enter into a state of servitude to a foreign crown?

Redford has taken some liberties in his summary of the story to make it fit with the exile for it is not at all clear what level of the story he is talking about. There is no servitude for Jacob and his family who are actually rescued by this foreign power and given property in the best of the land of Egypt. The servitude ofJacob's family only comes in the story's connection with the "Pharaoh who knew nothing about Joseph" in Exodus 1. Redford also sees the same type of story in the case of Ruth, Esther, Judith, and Tobit, but he does not suggest a distinct category of story. Yet the suggestion has been taken up by A. Meinhold who formulates the genre of "diaspora novella,"32 and this in turn has been developed in new directions by C. Uehlinger with direct reference back to the Redford quote above. 33 This represents an important new line of development in the study of the Joseph story, one that is very much at odds with the previous discussion and needs to be explored. Meinhold develops his notion of a "diaspora novella" primarily by comparison with the story of Esther, which he regards as dependent upon the Joseph story. He also accepts Redford's late dating of the Egyptian color of the story so that he too puts the date at 650-425 BCE. 34 His genre "diaspora novella" as applied to the Joseph story includes the whole story with particular emphasis upon chap. 39 where Joseph is the model Yahwistic Hebrew under the guidance and protection of Yahweh. This perspective is used to interpret the rest of the story including what many regard as the older nucleus in 40-41; 47: 13-26. In his review of the theological perspective of the Joseph story

Sturfy, 250. A. Meinhold, "Die Gattung der Josephsgeschichte und des Estherbuches: Diasporanovelle I," ZAW87 (1975) 306-324. 33 C. Uehlinger, "Fratrie, filiations et paternites dans l'histoire de Joseph (Genese 37-50*)," in Jacob: A Plural Commentary, 303-328, especially p. 314. :H Meinhold, "Gattung," 311. 31

:l2

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as diaspora novella, he covers the whole range from chapters 37 to 50, with emphasis on the divine plan to save his people. 35 Here he sees a kind of dialogue with Second Isaiah, also in the diaspora, but with a different attitude to the foreign population. All of this merely raises the question of the degree to which the Joseph story, as he understands it, is related to the sojourn and Exodus that follows it, where there is a reversal of the people's fortunes vis-a.-vis the people and rule of Egypt. There are two problems with Meinhold's notion of a "diaspora novella" genre to cover the Joseph story. The one has to do with any approach that views the Joseph story as a multi-staged development. One would then need to face the question: at what stage is the story a diaspora novella? This might eliminate much of the evidence for such a genre because Meinhold draws from several different stages, according to most literary analyses, to make his case for such a genre. A second problem has to do with his comparison with Esther. The latter is a diaspora story because it is set in the diaspora and the heroine acts in an environment that is intended to correspond to that of the audience to which it is addressed. The stories of Daniel, that have much in common with the Joseph story, are also set in the "exile," but they actually relate to a situation of foreign domination in the Hellenistic period that is not in the diaspora but in Judah. The fact that much of the action takes place in a foreign land does not necessarily make a narrative a diaspora story any more than Jacob's sojourn in Harran is a diaspora story. Furthermore, the stories of Esther, Daniel, and one could add Tobit, are about individuals or families in exile or diaspora and not about ancestors who belong to another era. Creating the category of "diaspora novella" by association with Esther merely allows Meinhold to interpret the Joseph story in this way. The figures ofJoseph andJacob are by their very nature associated with another set of traditions that relate their destinies to the homeland of Palestine. That is not the case with diaspora heroes. Much the same can be said about the recent study of 11. Fox. 36 He emphasizes the similarity between the Joseph story and the book of Daniel, which used and developed motifs taken from the former work. Yet the use of dreams as apocalyptic prediction related to the destiny of the Jews and the piety that is strongly linked to Jew3';

Ibid., 320-23.

36

See n. 10 above.

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JOHN V AN SETERS

ish culture and religion is quite different from the Joseph story and develops these themes in quite a different way. Too much rest'> upon those elements of the Joseph story, such as chapter 39, that are late additions to support the characterization of the whole as "pietistic." Furthermore, Fox does not suHiciently reckon with the way in which Wisdom itself underwent a transfc)rmation into a more pietistic form, even within Proverbs. The approach of Uehlinger is quite different.37 While he obviously has taken over the terminology of "diaspora novella" from Meinhold, his application is directly related to the presentation of Redford quoted above. Uehlinger accepts both Redford's dating for the oldest level of the story to the Saite period and the idea that from the earliest level of the "success story" in Gen 40-41; 47:13-26, the account ofjoseph's rise to power is a "diaspora novella" with its Sit::. im Leben in the exile. 38 He views this "novella" as the product of a diaspora Yahwist to whom the figure of Joseph offers a model of success within the Egyptian environment in the 7th to 6th centuries BeE. The next stage in the development for Uehlinger is the roman de Joseph which includes the introduction of the sons ofJacob, particularly in the Reubenite version in chapters 37 and 42 and fragments of 43 and 45. He seems uncertain about whether it ends at 45:7 or in the unit in 47:5-6a, 11-12, which seems necessary if the older unit of 47:13-26 was incorporated into it. Nevertheless, this also seems an odd place to stop. The essential point of this roman is now to be looked for in the interchange between Joseph, the figure who is emblematic of the diaspora Yahwist in Egypt, and his "brothers" from Palestine, the sphere of their father Jacob. The earlier novella has been enhanced and modified by aHirming Joseph's origin from the northern territories of Jacob and his exile in Egypt is the result of rivalry by the other components of this region, his "brothers." His prosperity in exile, however, has given him a new status of power, the power to save them, such that he can enter into a new relationship with them. Uehlinger treats the story as an allegory and thinks it is obvious that behind these roles one can recognize a debate between the Yahwists of the Persian period Egypt and those of Palestine. The piece is a demand for recognition of the superiority of this Joseph group over their Palestinian counterparts, See n. 33 above. Uehlinger, "Fratrie," 311-12. Uehlinger makes direct reference to the Redford citation given above. 37

:JB

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and therefore it is the work of an author living in Egypt. A later addition from the Palestinian side is reflected in the so-called Judah recension, which sees the rise ofJudah to a position of leadership in the late fifth century period and reflects as well the close association of Benjamin with Judah in the story and in the politics of the late period. All of this is still at the stage of an independent story and there remains for Uehlinger numerous redactional stages by which the story is finally incorporated into the Pentateuch. To this issue we will return below. Let us go back and look at the plausibility of this whole scheme. First, it should be noted that Uehlinger has taken over the category of "diaspora novella" from Meinhold but has rather abused the term by his narrow limitation to the "success story." For Meinhold the attribution of the "diaspora novella" to a Yahwist depended on the inclusion of chap. 39, which Uehlinger has excluded as a late addition. vVithin the limited "success story" there is nothing Yahwistic. The deity is the same for both Joseph and the Egyptians. And there is no exile of which this foreign slave is a part. He is an unfortunate individual with no community who seems to assimilate very easily into Egyptian society, quite unlike Daniel and his friends. There is, of course, no evidence that Joseph was ever viewed as a model for the Egyptian diaspora. Quite the contrary, Philo vie\ved him critically as one who assimilated too easily with the foreign culture. Second, I cannot believe that an independent "success story" existed with Joseph as the hero's name. This is the name of an ancestor of the "house ofJoseph" that stood for the Northern Kingdom and whose destiny is bound up with this region. The limits of this success story give no clue as to how this Joseph, a completely assimilated Ef.,))'ptian has any relationship with such an ancestor. The situation is not much better for the next stage in Uehlinger's development. '1'he story ofJoseph is an ancestor story and remains such no matter how much it is developed and refined. 'fhird, there is no group of exiles in Egypt that to my knowledge ever identified themselves as the remnants of the "house of Joseph," and Uehlinger has not fllrnished any evidence of such. On the contrary, fi'om the Elephantine documents onwards they always identified themselves asJews. The witness ofJeremiah 43-44 suggests that the exiles of the Eastern Delta region were predominantly Jews who migrated there after the destruction ofJerusalem. This is the region that is the background for the Joseph story, but there is nothing of Uehlinger's reconstruction that would fit such a setting. The social and religious

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history that he reconstructs is based upon his interpretation of the text and its various strata which are then seen to fit this history. Quite apart from these general considerations of his theory, Uehlinger's reconstruction depends at the very outset upon a rather dubious literary judgment about P's relationship to the Joseph story.39 He asserts that P has no knowledge of the Joseph story and this means for him that the incorporation of the Joseph story into the Pentateuch came about after P. If his position regarding P can be maintained, then his very late development of the Joseph story must be taken seriously, even if one cannot accept his view of the piece as a "diaspora novellalroman." If, however, he is wrong about this, then the whole of his reconstruction must be scrapped. What are the texts, therefore, that he attributes to P? These consist of the following: Gen 37: 1 (2a?); 41: 54!; 46:6b-7; 47:(7b-l0) 28; 49:1a?, 29-33; 50:12-13 ... (Exod 1:1-5a etc).40 This sequence of texts, in his view, sets forth the movement of Jacob's family from Canaan to Egypt and there was nothing prior to P that made the connection between the Patriarchs and the sojourn in Egypt so that these texts told the whole story. Let us look at them. There is no dispute about Gen 37: 1 but Uehlinger admits to a problem with v. 2, which most Pentateuchal scholars accept as belonging to P. At most he accepts only 2a: "this is the history ofJacob's descendants," which he says is a little inconvenient for his hypothesis since it is hardly appropriate for what follows. Verse 2b introduces Joseph and some of his brothers and gives Joseph's age in typical P fashion: 'joseph, seventeen years old, was keeping sheep with his brothers." This is similar to another statement in 41 :46a: 'joseph was thirty years old when he entered the service of Pharaoh, king of Egypt," a text that Uehlinger also excludes from his list of P texts. Uehlinger does include 41 :54b in P, not because it has any marks of P's style or vocabulary but because it is necessary for his hypothesis to account for Jacob's descent to Egypt in this source. In fact, this verse is an obvious link between the "success story" and the following account of Jacob's sons in chap. 42. The remark in 41 :54b states that there was a famine not merely in Canaan (cf. Gen 12: 10) but in all the lands, thereby extending the Egyptian famine of the "success story" to Palestine and the larger story ofJoseph and his brothers. There is Ibid., 310-11. I have tried to represent his style of listing as closely as possible even though it is not always clear what he means by his parentheses and other symbols. 39

4D

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food in Egypt because Joseph has made special arrangements for the famine which "all lands" are experiencing. With some surgical skill Uehlinger includes only 46:6b-7 in order to getJacob to Egypt. But this is very abrupt after 41 :54 (which is not P anyway), and v. 6a has all the vocabulary marks of P. Yet v. 6a is linked closely to what precedes, which is part of the Joseph story. Uehlinger also excludes the obviously Priestly genealogy of 46:8-27 because it expressly recognizes Joseph's prior presence in Egypt and for the same reason he excludes Exod I :5b. These can all be attributed to a late P redactor. No sooner does Uehlinger have Jacob arrive in Egypt but he has an audience with Pharaoh (47: 7b-1 0) for no apparent reason since he eliminates Joseph's introduction in v. 7a. Uehlinger includes 47:28 in P but not v. 27 even though it has such obvious P terminology in it: "Israel settled in the land of Egypt, in Goshen and they acquired property in it and were fruitful and increased greatly." This statement, however, clearly depends upon all the prior deliberations about how it was that Jacob settled in Goshen. The unit in 48:3-7 is likewise not included in Uehlinger's P, but it is so obviously in P's style and themes that its exclusion is made simply in the interests of his hypothesis. There is no dispute about 49: 1a, 29-33; 50: 12-13 as part of P, but they cannot be taken as separate from their contexts. Thus 50: 12-13 has all the brothers returning to Canaan to bury their father. P therefore does not have any statement about the return to Egypt such as we have in 50: 14, which is clearly part of the account ofJoseph's burial of his father in 50: 1-11. P's remarks are obviously built into the older version. This is enough to show that the hypothesis ofUehlinger that P contains no Joseph story and can be constructed as an account ofJacob's descent into Egypt without reference to the Joseph story is unworkable. This failure to demonstrate the independence of P from the Joseph story seriously calls into question the notion of a "diaspora novella" that was developed through successive stages from the Saite to the late Persian period and only at the latest stage inserted into the Pentateuch by a post-P redactor. This brings us to a consideration of the relationship of the Joseph story to the rest of the Pentateuch.

TIe Joseph Story within the Pent(lteuch There have been a number of studies recently that have advocated the notion oflate post-P "Pentateuchal" or "Hexateuchal" redactors and it is the influence from such proposals that have encouraged Uehlinger

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to construct his hypothesis of a P source without a Joseph story and the incorporation of the Joseph story into the Pentateuch only at this late redactional stage. 41 I should point out that Redford anticipated much of this discussion by his notion of a "Genesis editor. "42 This source includes much of P but also much that is non-P and what I have elsewhere attributed to the larger Pentateuchal source J. Redford left rather vague the way in which his "Genesis editor" incorporated the independent Joseph story into the Pentateuch so that subsequent approaches to the Joseph story that were not encumbered with the Documentary Hypothesis could work out the details of this editorial level. Let us turn to a recent attempt at those details in the work of K. Schmid. 43 Schmid rejects the long-established view that within the pre-P Patriarchal stories the Joseph story represents a bl;dge to the Exodus tradition. He considers Gen 48:21-22 and 50:24-26 as part of the post-P redaction, but he disputes that Gen 46: 1-4 makes any reference to the Exodus. Following Blum's reconstruction of the development of the Patriarchal tradition in Gen 12-50, Schmid regards Gen 46: 1-5a as the integration of the Joseph story into the Patriarchal history (Vatergeschichte) before its union with the Exodus tradition. The text tells of the deity's appearance to Jacob to reassure him that despite his imminent descent into Egypt he will still become a great nation. God further states: "I will go down with you to Egypt, and I will also bring you up again." Schmid interprets this statement to refer to Jacob's personal sojourn in Egypt and his return to the land to be buried after his death along with the permanent return of all his family. ThusJacob's becoming "a great nation" is entirely limited to the few years that Jacob was alive in Egypt. This seems to me to be a very strained interpretation of this text. All the promise texts that refcr to the patriarch becoming a great nation have to do with the future destiny of the ofI<;pring far beyond the limits of the patriarch's

,11 Most recently, T. C. Romer and M. Z. Brettler, "Deuteronomy 34 and the Case for a Persian Hexateuch," .lBL 119 (2000) 401-19; see my critique of some earlier attempts in]. Van Selers, "Is There Evidence of a Dtr Redaction in the Sinai Pericope (Exodus 19-24, 32-34)?" in Those Elusive Deuterollomists: The PherlOme1101l qf PallDeuteronomism (L. S. Schearing and S. L. McKenzie, eds.; JSOT SS 268; Sheflield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 160-70. 42 Redfi)rd, ,r;;tudy, 179-80. 4:l K. Schmid, Erzviiter und Etodus (wrvIAI\rr 81; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1999) 56-63.

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own lifetime. As support for his view of a more immediate fulfillment Schmid points to the statement in 47:27: "Thus Israel dwelt in the land of Egypt, in the land of Goshen; and they gained possessions in it and were fruitful and multiplied exceedingly." This, in turn, is followed by a statement in v. 28 about the length of Jacob's stay in Egypt of 17 years, which leads Schmid to inteqxet v. 27 within the limits ofv. 28, i.e., within Jacob's lifetime and to understand 46:3-4 in the same way. This argument is seriously flawed. First, Gen 47:27-28 is by P and therefore has no direct bearing on the interpretation of the earlier text. Secondly, "Israel" does not mean the patriarch Jacob, as it does elsewhere in the Joseph story, and it is very doubtful that P means that the growth of "Israel" refers only to the proliferation of Jacob's family during his 17 years in Egypt. Since P admittedly does make a connection with the later Exodus tradition, this is just a prolepsis of the longer sojourn. It therefore would point to exactly the opposite view of Schmid's position, i.e., that in both cases (Gen 46: 3 and 47:27) the statements point ahead to the longer sojourn. However, if Gen 46: 1-4 does make a connection with the Exodus, then it links the whole theme of the Patriarchal promises to the Exodus and destroys Schmid's basic position. Furthermore, the self-presentation of the deity to Jacob in 46:3: "I am the God, the god of your father," has many interconnections with other such divine appearances both in what precedes in the Patriarchal stories and in what follows in Exodus. It consists of two components. The first of these, "the God" ('~;"T), using the definite article with the divine name El, is a rather distinctive designation used within the Jacob stories in connection with the divine revelations of the god of Bethel ("house of El").44 It also occurs in one other instance outside of Genesis, in Second Isa (Isa 42:5) in which '~;"T is identified with Yahweh and means the only deity. The second component in the deity's self-disclosure to Jacob is as "god of your father," which means "the god of his father Isaac" (v. 1). This has a link back to the revelation to Isaac in 26:24: "I am the god of Abraham, your father," and to Jacob in 28: 13: "I am Yahweh, the god of Abraham, your father, and the god oflsaac." It also provides a link with the revelation to Moses in Exod 3:6: "I am the god of your

44 Sec my discussion of these texts in "Divine Encounter at Bethel (Gen 28, 10-22) in Recent Literary-Critical Study of Genesis," ZA Jt' ) ) 0 () 998) 503-\3.

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father, the god of Abraham, the god ofIsaac, and the god ofJacob." He also introduces the divine revelation in the same way with the summons: 'jacob, Jacob" (Cen 46:2) and "Moses, Moses" (Exod 3: 4). There can be no doubt that the same author has formulated all of these self-disclosures and in so doing has created the composite designation of "Yahweh, the god of Abraham, the god of Isaac and the god of Jacob," which is so important in the rest of Exod 3. The theme of Yahweh as the god of the three Patriarchs is not actually complete until its full form in Exod 3: 15, in which it is declared that this is Yahweh's distinctive name and title in perpetuity. In Cen 50, Schmid interprets the narrative regarding Jacob's death and burial as a story originally about the return of the brothers and their families to Canaan, which has been supplemented by his late redactor (vv. 5b "and I will return," 8b, 14, 22, 24-26) in order to have the Israelites return to Egypt for the period of the sojourn. This is, likewise, a very forced interpretation of the episode. Joseph's request to Pharaoh is limited only to the obligation to bury his father and he is to be accompanied by a large Egyptian entourage, including a military escort as befits his position. Nothing in this description fits a general return ofJacob's descendants. Furthermore, the whole dialogue between Joseph and his brothers (vv. 15-21), in which they are afraid of some reprisals from him, makes no sense if all of the brothers and their families have returned to Canaan to live there. Joseph would no longer pose a threat, becoming merely one brother among many without any special authority. It is only as a high Egyptian official that such a threat exists. The episode is certainly a doublet of the earlier one in 45:4-6 (7), with special emphasis on Joseph's providential role. Yet there is an important difference. In the earlier instance in 45: 4-6, the stress is entirely upon Joseph's role in preserving his family in time of famine. In 50:20 the famine is no longer in view; instead it is the preservation of "a great people" (::11 OIl), using precisely the same language that occurs in Exodus 1 to describe the Israelites in Egypt. The connection is clear. It is the non-P, exilic Yahwist who has integrated the ending of the Joseph story into the larger Pentateuchal narrative as a bridge to the Exodus. Furthermore, Schmid's view that Exodus 1 has been composed by a post-P redactor using the P source (Exod 1: 1-5, 7, 13-14), rest entirely upon the argument that the non-P narrative in vv. 8-12, 15-22 is dependent upon the statement of the proliferation of the people in v. 7, which is attributed to P. The connection between v. 7 and what

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follows and the fact that P language is present in v. 7 is not in dispute; however, what is disputed is that the whole qf v. 7 belongs to P. I have discussed this matter thoroughly elsewhere,45 but Schmid chooses to ignore my arguments in his treatment of this text. So I must repeat them briefly here. The only connection made to the terminology of v. 7 in what follows is to the verbal pair ~::1' and 0::t17 and their adjectival equivalents. However, it is noteworthy that in the whole series of P formulae that include the pair ~':l and ~::1' (Gen 1:22,28; 8:7; 9:1,7; 35: 11; 47:27), neither the verb 0::t17 nor the adjective 01::t17 is ever used. There is not a single other occurrence in P, but it does occur elsewhere in] (Gen 18:18; 26:16; Num 14:12; 22:6) and in a fIxed pair with::1' it is common in Deuteronomy (Deut 4:38; 7: 1; 9: 1, 14; 11 :23; 26:5). In Exod 1:8-12, 20, the fact that Israel has become "great" and "mighty" is seen as a threat to Egypt's security. This is parallel to the situation in the Isaac story in which Abimelech tells Isaac to leave his territory because "you are much mightier' (0::t17 , vb) than us" (Gen 26: 16). In the Balaam story, the Moabite king wants Balaam to curse Israel because the people are too "mighty" (01::t17) for him. It is also likely that one should read in Exod 5:5 (following Noth): "Pharaoh thought, they (the Israelites) are now stronger/more numerous (0'::1') than the people of the land. '" This would agree exactly with chapter 1. Both in terms of language and perspective, the unit in Exod 1:8-12, 15-22 fIts that of the rest of exilic], but has nothing in common with P. Therefore, it is entirely reasonable to suppose that] originally had a statement in v. 7: "The Israelites increased and became very mighty," and v. 8 follows directly from that. This fits much better after v. 6 than after v. 5, as the sequel to the Joseph story. The reference to "sons of Israel" also connects with the same phrase used in Gen 50:25 as those addressed by the aged]oseph. P then subsequently embellishedJ's statement in Exod I: 7 with his own formulaic language to conclude his own series with the Exodus account. To suggest that the P account in Exod 1: 1-5, 7*, 12-13 makes sense as an earlier independent introduction to the Exodus account seems to me incredible. The independence of a P document cannot be sustained in this and many other instances and should be abandoned.

45

J. Van Seters, The Life qfAfoses (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox,

15-21.

1994)

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JOHN VAN SETERS

7he r ahwist and the Story qfJoseph The current tendency within Pentateuchal scholarship is to identify an independent Joseph story that has been incorporated into the larger Pentateuchal narrative. I have argued for the view that the non-Priestly author of the Pentateuch, identified as the exilic Yahwist, was responsible for incorporating this independent story into the larger narrative setting. There is general agreement about the additions of chapters 38, 39 (with its editorial connections in chap. 40), 49, and P as discussed above. The difficulty is trying to separate the basic Joseph story from the J additions used to incorporate it into the Patriarchal corpus and connect it to the Exodus that follows. In place of the older source analysis separating J from E, the current supplementary or redactional methods look for clues to literary strata in the doublets and tensions in the actions of Reuben and Judah in chapters 37, 4245 as well as the parallel role of the Midianites and Ishmaelites and the use of the patriarch's name, Jacob and Israel. None of this has proven to be very decisive and is scarcely helpful in the second half of the story, chapters 46-50. It is with the second half of the Joseph story that one must begin because here the most direct connections are made with the larger Yahwist narrative. A<; indicated above, the Joseph story is familiar with the tradition of Jacob and his twelve sons, oflspring of more than one wife with the two youngest being those of his favorite wife. It also knows of the sojourn in Egypt and explains how this descent into Egypt came about. These are traditions shared by the Yahwist. So it is only in certain texts that the concerns of the Yahwist himself are spelled out. First and foremost of these is Gen 46: 1-5. This text, or a part thereof, is generally taken as an intrusion from the larger Patriarchal traditions. The text is clearly marked off by the itinerary in which Jacob sets off and arrives in Beersheba where he experiences the vision and then in v. 5a departs again "from Beersheba." The deliberate connection with the Isaac story of Beersheba in Gen 26 by mentioning the deity as "the god of his father Isaac" to whom Jacob sacrifices at the very place where Isaac has built an altar and from whom Jacob receives a similar promise of becoming a "great nation" makes it clear that we are dealing with the author of the non-P version of the Patriarchal stories, the Yahwist. Furthennore, as Blum points out,46 the language and form 46

Blum, Komposition, 24·6-49.

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of the vision is particularly close to that of Gen 31: 1 1,13, especially in the deity's self-identification as "~;"1, "the God." This clearly identifies this with the exilic Yahwist's rendering of the Jacob storyY At the same time the unit establishes a link with the Exodus tradition by affirming that it is in Egypt that Jacob is to become a "great nation," using the language of the Patriarchal promises but also that of Deut 26:5 and anticipating the theme of a "numerous and strong people" in Exodus 1. The remark about the deity accompanying Jacob into Egypt and later bringing him back is clearly meant to have a twofold reference, both to him personally with his burial in Canaan but also with his offspring in the future. The unit in Gen 46: 1-5 has been integrated into the Joseph story by the direct reference to joseph's role in his father's burial and by linkingJacob's descent into Egypt within the events of the Joseph story. It is quite possible, as Willi-Plein suggests,4B that v. 4b ("and Joseph's hand shall close your eyes") was the final part of jacob's statement in 45:28 with the second person suffix, "your eyes" originally a first person sutIix, "my eyes." Thus, the night vision becomes an interlude and Beersheba a way-station on the route to Egypt. However, the departure notice in 46:5 is very peculiar. It states: "So Jacob arose from Beersheba and the sons oflsrael set jacob their father and their dependants and wives on the wagons that Pharaoh had sent to carry him." Blum draws attention to the similarity between this verse and Gen 31: 17: "So jacob arose and set his children and his wives upon camels."19 Both verses have the same pair of verbs, Cl1P and ~ft)J followed by a similar action of putting people on wagons or camels. But in Gen 31: 17 the verb Cl1P is used as a coordinate verb in the sense of beginning an action, to get up and do something. Thus REB renders the verse "At once J aeob put his sons and wives on camels." But this use of C1P will not work for 46:5 because the verb C1P is being treated as a verb of motion parallel to 170J in v. 1, "Israel journeyed ... to Beersheba." That would strongly suggest that "from Beersheba" is an addition and that without it v. 5 followed 45:28. Let us reconstruct this unit of the Joseph story without Gen 46: 1-4a, beginning at 45:28:

4i 43

49

See Il. 44 above. "Historiographische Aspekte," 307. Blum, l(omposition, 248-49.

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45:28 Israel said, "It is enough. Joseph, my son, is alive. Let me go and see him before I die, and Joseph's hand shall close [my] eyes. " 46:5 So Jacob arose ... and the sons ofIsrael carriedJacob their father, their children and their wives in wagons that Pharaoh had sent to carry them.

If we also exclude the P text in 46:6-27 and the subsequent connections with Goshen we are left with the following sequel: 47:29-30 ThenJoseph mounted his chariot and went up to meet Israel, his father. ... When he arrived in his presence, he embraced him and wept on his shoulder a long time. Israel said to Joseph, "Now I am ready to die, having seen your face while still alive." 47:5 LXX-6a When Jacob and his sons had come to Joseph in Egypt, Pharaoh king of Egypt heard and Pharaoh said to Joseph, "I see your father and brothers have come to you. The land of Egypt is before you. Settle your father and your brothers in the best part of the land." 11-12 So Joseph settled his father and his brothers and gave them property in the land of Egypt, in the best region, in the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh had ordered. Joseph provided his father and his brothers and his father's whole household with food for each dependent.

This reconstruction eliminates the addition of the rather clumsy effort by Joseph and his brothers to acquire the land of Goshen as the region of setdement in anticipation of the Exodus story (Gen 46:28, 31-34; 47:1-4, 6b). It is a doublet to the account reconstructed above in 46: 29-30; 47:5 LXX-6a, 11-12. The suggestion in the addition is that because the brothers present themselves as shepherds they can live in this border region separate from the rest of the Egyptians. This concern for the fact that the Israelites setded in the land of Goshen separate from the rest of the Egyptians is very important for J's treatment of the plagues story in which the rest of Egypt is affected by the plagues but not the land of Goshen. It is an obvious expansion of the motif in the original story in which Pharaoh generously offered Joseph's family the best of the land of Egypt. J identifies the "best of the land of Egypt" as Goshen (47:6b). This means that all the references to Goshen are clues to J's modification of the Joseph story. 50 The original story also has Joseph summoned by Jacob his father just before his death and makes Joseph alone swear that he will bury

50 The reference to Goshen in 47:27 belongs to P as a slight modification of 47: 11 where land of Ramescs is likewise interpreted as Goshen. It simply follows J in this as it does in the Exodus story.

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his father in Canaan. The brothers are not involved in this at all (47: 29-31). At this point in the novella Jacob dies. The immediate sequel is 50: 1-7, 9, 14*. Verse 8, with its mention of Goshen, and 10-11, with its etiology, are additions. J has added w. 8, 10-11 and the references to the brothers in v. 14.5\ In the additionJ is concerned to place the burial site "beyond the Jordan" so that the family ofJacob retraces the route of the conquest by approaching Canaan from the east. 52 The original account almost certainly presupposes the most direct route. There is also some irony in the fact that the dependents and animals are left behind because the people are to return. In the plagues story, when Moses asks for the right to make a pilgrimage into the desert Pharaoh tries unsuccessfully to get Moses to leave the dependents and animals behind in order to be sure that they will return (10:9-11; 24-26). P tries to correct the expanded burial account by means of a second oath in 49:29-33 that includes all the brothers and the proper burial place at Mamre in 50: 12-13. Where does the Joseph novella end? As Humphreys suggests, the earliest level, the success story, could have concluded with the death of the vizier at a ripe old age and his burial in a tomb in Egypt. 53 The Joseph story would have taken this over in v. 22 and perhaps in v. 26 in modified form. J has further expanded this ending in a number of ways. In the unit 50: 15-21 J imitates the previous scene in 45:4-6 (711). However, there is a fundamental difference. The hand of divine providence is not limited here to the family's deliverance from the famine which has long past. It now has to do with the larger destiny of the people, the "many people" (v. 20) that will be the theme of Exodus 1.54 Likewise the appeal to "the god of your father" and to forgiveness are constant theological themes of the Yahwist. The final farewell speech ofJoseph combined with his death notice together with the transition statements in Exod 1:6, 7*, 8 have been modeled on the same transition from the time ofJoshua to that of the Judges in Josh 23; Judg 2:6-10. 55 Within the farewell speech of Gen 50:24-25 there

51 All the pronominal sufftxes refer only to Joseph, "all who went up with him to bury his father." 52 Burial on the east side of the Jordan, as some understand this text, would not be burial in the land of Canaan. See Westermann, Cen 37-50, 201. 53 Humphreys, Joseph and Izif Famiry, 135-53, esp. 147. 54 The usual focus upon a political interpretation of this unit misses the point in J's larger scheme. 55 See Van Seters, Life rif Moses, 16-21.

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are two concerns. The one is to connect the Exodus with the land promise to the three Patriarchs, the full triad that will be repeated in Exodus 3. The second is the oath placed upon the Israelites to carry up Joseph's bones to his inheritance plot. This looks back to Gen 33: 19 as a special gift ofJacob to Joseph and looks ahead to the carrying out of this oath at the time of the Exodus in Exod 13: 19 and their final burial inJosh 24:32. The death bed blessing by Jacob ofJoseph's two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh in Gen 48: 1-2, 8-21 (22?) also belongs to]. It emphasizes the theme of numerous progeny and future national greatness. It ends in v. 21 with a reference to the Exodus similar to that of 46:4 and 50:24. In addition the reference to the two sons must be connected with the anecdote about their birth in 41 :50-52 and the final remarks about them in 50:23. This brings us to the place ofJudah in]. The role ofJudah has been regarded by many as secondary. So also does Redford who regards some of the references to Judah as replacements for Reuben. 56 The parallel between Reuben and Judah in chap. 37 seems clear enough, with vv. 25-27, 28a?, b as the addition, but this does not explain why the Ishmaelites were added as a parallel to the Midianites. If the Midianites were the ones who took Joseph out of the cistern and brought him to Egypt, then Reuben is as guilty as the rest of them and his remarks in 42:22 difficult to explain. Judah is presented as a rival in a less favorable light. It may be, as some have suggested, that the Midianites have been introduced to mitigate the crime of the brothers. The introduction of Judah into the story has allowed the later J author to expand on his role in the story. Thus chapters 43-44 highlight the role ofJudah to the detriment of Reuben, in some cases, such as 43:3, 14 and 16, as substitutions for Reuben. The intrusion of Judah with his new proposal (vv. 8-10), however, adds nothing and is only intended to anticipate 44: 18-34. The confession in v. 16 could lead into chapter 45. Verse 17, however, clearly sets the stage for the speech ofJudah in 44:18-34. It is a moving speech and some are reluctant to see it as secondary, but it is not necessary to the plot.

56 Redford, Study, 138-64-. Against the stream H.-C. Schmitt (Die nichtpriesterliche JosepllJgeschichte) views the Judah version as primary and the Reuben version as secondary. He is followed in this by U. Schorn, Ruben und das ,~stem der zwo!l Stiirnme Israels (BZA W 248; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1997), 225-48. Space does not permit a debate on this issue here.

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The closest parallel to such a long speech that recapitulates the past, including the recounting of dialogue, is the servant's speech in Gen 24: 34-49. This strongly suggests that it is by the same hand, J. Chapter 45 has been viewed by many as overly redundant with expansions. The remark in v. 2 seems unnecessary. In Joseph's speech in vv. 4-13, the phrase "For God has sent me before you to preserve life" (v. 5b) is repeated in v. 7: "God has sent me before you to preserve for you a remnant on earth and to keep alive for you numerous survivors." The remark about five more years of famine (v. 6) is repeated in v. 11 and v. 9 is a repetition in longer form of v. 13b.These repetitions suggest that vv. 7-11 are an expansion and the original went from v. 6 to verse 12.57 The reference to settling in Goshen (v. 10) also goes together with the other references in chaps. 46-47. Within 45:4-5 it is not easy to eliminate the reference to Joseph's being sold by the brothers into Egypt, which seems necessary for the contrast between human and divine activity. This would confirm the originality of the Judah text in 37:25-27, 28a?,b. The unit in vv. 1620 with the friendly instructions by Pharaoh follows 45: 1, 4-6, 12-14 and fits very well with 47:5LXX-6a, 11-12. The rest of the chapter, without the awkward statement in v. 21 a: "The sons of Israel did so" and the insertion of "Israel" in v. 28, all belongs to the early novella. Thus we have come full circle in our literary observations ofTs additions to the Joseph story. Conclusion

The literary observations that I have attempted to set forth above are heavily indebted to Redford's study of the Joseph story modified by my own understanding of the larger composition of the Pentateuch. It was an independent story of northern provenance in tlle late monarchy that combined the Jacob traditions to the questions of the origins of the sojourn in Egypt, imitating a tale about a foreign slave's rise to power in Egypt. This entertaining and edifying story, like a Greek drama, was taken up by J in his larger historiography of the Patriarchs and used as a bridge to the Exodus. The story attracted other embellishments, such as the attempt at moral edification in chapter 39 as well

57

texts.

See Redford, Study, 170-71. He proposes a somewhat different division of

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as additional links to the Patriarchal tradition in chapter 49 and P's additions. All of this works well within the supplementary model of the composition of the Pentateuch without the need for a "Genesis editor" or various other late Pentateuchal redactors.

I:IZQ, KBD, QSH LEB, THE HARDENING OF PHARAOH'S HEART IN EXODUS 4:1-15:21 SEEN NEGATIVELY IN THE BIBLE BUT FAVORABLY IN EGYPTIAN SOURCES Nili Shupak Recently there has been vigorous debate among scholars surrounding the origins of the people of Israel. Some of the questions that have arisen in this regard are the following: Did all the Israelites originate in Canaan or did at least some of them come from Egypt? Or did they perhaps originate among the nomadic tribes of the Shasu or the ffabiru? Finally, does the appearance of the name "Israel" on the Memeptah stela attest to the existence of the people of Israel in Canaan at the end of the 13th century BeE? At the heart of the debate are archaeological findings, both material and epigraphic, that were discovered especially in Canaan and in ancient Egypt. However, some details, namely the Egyptian elements recurring throughout the Oppression and Exodus narratives (Exod 4: 1-15:21), which can also serve as tools in resolving the problem, have been neglected and have not received the attention they deserve. I

I The following is a selective list of studies published in recent years on the Egyptian background of the Book of Exodus: D. B. Redford, "An Egyptological Perspective on the Exodus Narrative," Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (cd. A. F. Rainey; Tel Aviv, 1987) 137 -61, who emphasizes the paucity of the Egyptian coloring in the Exodus narratives, and argues that the account of the Oppression and the Exodus may be a remembrance of the Hyksos occupation of Egypt. A different approach is taken by K. A. Kitchen, "Exodus," ABD 2 (ed. D. N. Freedman; New York, 1992) 700-708; idem, "Egyptians and Hebrews, from Ra'amses to Jericho," The Origin 0/ Early Israel--Current Debate, Biblical, Historu.;al, and Archeological Perspectives (ed. S. Al:Iituv and E. Oren; Beer Sheva 12; Beer Sheva, 1998) 65-131; and J. K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Agypt (N ew York, 1996). Both these authors assume the existence of authentic Egyptian elements in the narratives and suggest that one should not lightly dismiss the authenticity of the Biblical tradition regarding the origin of Israel as a nation in Egypt. J. K. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament (Grand Rapid~, 1997); idem, "Why Did God Harden Pharaoh's Heart?" BR 9/6 (1993) 46-51; idem, "The Egyptian Setting of the Serpent," B.:( 39 (1995) 203-24, goes too far in assuming that the biblical author was well versed in Egyptian culture and tradition. His thesis is accepted by S. B. Noegel, "Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus," JANES 24 (1996) 45-59.

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Still, it is clear that even this tool does not promise a sure solution to the problem. For even if what we have here is authentic Egyptian background and not just some vague Egyptian colors whose time and place are unknown, then one needs to ask if it can be located within a specific chronological setting. And yet even if we succeed in doing so, we have still not established the historicity of the account in its entirety. Nevertheless, these Egyptian features constitute an integral part of the Oppression and Exodus narratives and deserve our attention. Indeed, most have already been noted in earlier scholarship, touching upon various aspects of life. 2 They constitute words and terms: Pharaoh, Mrtummim,y'ar, tebiih, sup, game'; first names: Moses, Phinehas, Miriam; toponyms: Rameses, Pithom; daily life customs and activities: forced labor, storage-cities, building with bricks, field work, adoption, circumcision, practicing magic and women's work as wet nurses and midwives. These same features also include typical Egyptian expressions such as "a strong hand" and "an outstretched arm," "the finger of God," "an abomination to the Egyptians," and "heavy" (kbdj, "strong" (~zq), "hard" (q§h) "hearted" (feb). These expressions, however, were so successfully translated and adapted to Biblical Hebrew that it is now difficult to detect their foreign origins. Yet, while they would seem to be understood in their new context, it is possible to arrive at their true essence only after exposing their Egyptian roots. We can then more fully comprehend what the biblical author meant, when he made use of an Egyptian expression instead of another phrase more commonly used in the Bible. The discussion that follows takes as its subject three of these expressions recurring in the Oppression and Exodus narratives (Exod 4: 1-15: 21 ). 3 These are "heavy" kbd, "strong" bzq, and "hard hearted" qfh feb, that pertain to Pharaoh's stubbornness and disobedience. We shall examine, on the one hand, the Egyptian background of these expressions, their meaning and context in the Egyptian sources, and on the

2 I intend to study extensively the complex of the above-listed Egyptian features elsewhere. Most of them have been dealt with in the publications of Hoffmeier and Currid mentioned in n. 1 above. :; To simplify the discussion in the following, I treat Exod 4: 1- 15:2 I as one integral literalY unit. But in fact, this unit consists of several sections, diverse in structure, content, and vocabulary. On this issue, see the extensive investigation of D.]. McCarthy, "Moses' Dealings with Pharaoh: Ex 7,B-IO,27," CBQ27 (1965) 336-47; idem, "Plagues and Sea of Reeds: Exodus 5-14," JBL 85 (1966) 137-5B.

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other, the evolution of their usage in the Bible. In addition, we shall attempt to answer why the biblical author used expressions originating in Egyptian when he had at his disposal synonymous expressions commonly used in his own language. Does the usage of the Egyptian signify some special meaning or purpose? Pharaoh's hard-heartedness serves as one of the major motifs in the Oppression and the Exodus narratives (Exod 4: 1-15:2 I). In the passage under study, this motif is particularly prevalent in the story of the Ten Plagues (Exod 7:14-12:36), appearing fifteen times out of a total of nineteen in the whole episode. The account of the Ten Plagues in its complete version is a rigorously written text, consistent in style, and symmetrical in structure as is evident in literary patterns, motifs, and identical vocabulary, which recur in the various plagues. Pharaoh's response to the demand by the God of the Hebrews to let his people go, that is, the hardening of his heart, which is expressed interchangeably in three different ways~-"heavy," "strong" and "hard-hearted"-constitutes an integTal part of this story. This motif is interwoven in the text (a) in the uniform structuring of the plagues and (b) in their escalation. (a) Hard-heartedness is one of the four elements of the first nine plagues, set forth in the following order: God's command to Moses to appear before Pharaoh; implementation of the plague by Moses, Aaron or God; Pharaoh's reaction, namely the effectiveness of the plague; and hardening of Pharaoh's heart. 4 (b) The motif of hardening the heart can also be seen in the pattern of escalation that makes its mark on the tale, as the plagues escalate in their grievousness, so that Pharaoh now begins to realize the power of God of the Hebrews: with the first five plagues, Pharaoh is the agent of the hardening of the heart (8: 1 1,28; 9:34) or the heart itself is (7:13,14,22; 8:15; 9:7, 35). However, from the sixth plague (boils, 9: 12) onwards, it is God who hardens Pharaoh's heart (locusts, 10:20; darkness, 10:27). A comparison may be drawn with the introductory chapters to the cycle of the Ten Plagues. There God fulfills a similar role, 4:21; 7:3). It is thus clear that the hardening of Pharaoh's heart serves as a central

'I The hardening formula does not always come at the conclusion of the plague, i.e., after its removal; at times it comes when the plague is still in effect (Exod 7:22, 8:15,9:7-12).

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motif in the Plagues narrative, 5 although it is not always clear whether Pharaoh's obstinacy follows as a result of the plague or, whether the plague comes as a consequence of his obstinacy. Whatever the case, this hardening of the heart of the king of Egypt functions as a motivating force that fuels the plot. In the past, most of the studies published dealing with the hardening of heart motif and its related terminology in Exodus were dedicated to clarifying these terms in the biblical context,6 while some attempted to elucidate them in the light of their Egyptian background. 7 However, it would seem that only a combination of the two could succeed in shedding light on the use of these expressions in the Bible, as we shall attempt to demonstrate in what follows. The use of terminology expressing hardening of heart in the Book of Exodus gives rise to two main questions: 1. Why are three idioms used-"heavy" (kbd) , "strong" (bzq) , "hardening of heart" (qfh)--to describe one and the same thing? 2. Why does Pharaoh appear sometimes as the agent of the hardening of the heart (three times, 8:11, 28; 9:34), while other times it is the heart that fulfills this role (six times, 7:13, 14,22; 8:15; 9:7, 35); but, for the most part, it is God who is responsible for hardening Pharaoh's heart (ten times, 4:21; 7:3; 9:12; 10:1,20,27; 11:10; 14:4, 8, 17)? (See table no. 2 below.)

" I believe that today it is impossible to reconstruct the history of the development of the hardening motif in the different sources. Therefore, I prefer to relate to the fmal complete text or version now in our hands. For such an investigation, see R. R. Wilson, "The Hardening of Pharaoh's Heart," CBQ. 41 (1979) 18-36. 6 A comprehensive list of biblical studies published until 1979, devoted to the theological, literary, and terminological aspects of this issue, is to be found in Wilson, "Hardening," 18-19, nn. 2-6. The following later publications may be added:]. I. Durham, Exodus (Jt'BC 3; Waco, Texas, 1987) 99-130; T. E. Fretheim, Exodus (L)Uisville, 1991) 96-103; D. M. Gunn, "The Hardening of Pharaoh's Heart: Plot, Character and Theology in Exodus 1-14," Ar' and Meaning: Rhetoric in Biblical Literature (ed. D.]. A. Clines et al.; ]SOTSup 19, Sheffield, 1982) 72-96; W. H. C. Propp, Exodus 1-18 (AB; New York, 1998); N. M. Sarna, Exploring Exodus (New York, 1986) 64-65;]. L. Ska, "La sortie d'Egypte (Ex 7-14) dans Ie recit sacerdotal (Pg) et la tradition prophe6que," Bib 60 (1979) 191-215;J. Van Seters, 171£ Life cif Moses (Kampen, 1994) 87-91. 7 A. S. Yahuda, the Language cif the Pentateuch in ltf Relation to Egyptian (London, 1933) 68-69, was the first to indicate the analogy between the biblical and the Egyptian terminology. Later, the Egyptian background of the hardening of heart motif was discussed by H. Hermann, "Das steinharte Herz," Jahrbuchfiir Antike und Christen tum 4 (1961) 77-107; S. Ben Reuben, "And He Hardened the Heart of Pharaoh," Beth Mikra 97/2 (1984) 112-13 (Hebrew); and Currid, "Why Did God," 46-51; idem, "The Egyptian Setting," 216-24; idem, Ancient Egypt, 96-103.

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The usage of three difIerent roots to describe the same motif of the hardening of Pharaoh's heart is resolved by source criticism, an approach that is still widely accepted today by the majority of scholars working on the book of Exodus. 8 kbd leb which appears six times in the hiph'il (8: 11, 28; 9:34; 10: 1) or in the qal (7: 14; 9:7) belongs to J. kbd does not appear in any other source with the exception of the redactional passage, R(d), in Exod 10: 1. The agent of the action is always Pharaoh or his heart. /:tzq leb occurring twelve times, appears most of the time in the pzYel with God as the agent, but also four times in the qal when the agent is the heart (7:13,22; 8:15; 9:35). bzq belongs to E where it appears four times (4:21; 9:35; 10:20, 27) and to P where it recurs eight times (7: 13,22; B: 15; 9: 12; 11: 10; 14: 4, 8, 17). qfh leb, which appears only one time (7:3) in the hiph'il, where the subject is God's hardening of Pharaoh's heart, belongs to P. Source criticism is capable of explaining this usage of different expressions to convey Pharaoh's obstinacy, but it is unable to elucidate the appearance of different agents in the action of hardening Pharaoh's heart. One of these agents, the God of the Hebrews, occupies a very special place. Scholars generally find a theological development here: 9 in the early sources,] and E, Pharaoh is the agent of the hardening of heart while in the later, in P, it is God who hardens Pharaoh's heart. But this theory is open to discussion, for as we can see in table no. 2 below, along with the appearance of God as the agent of action in E and P, there is also mention of the heart hardening itself. Moreover, the heart appears as an agent only one time in the early E source, indeed, a theowhile in the later P source it appears three times. logical development was in evidence here, as scholars have assumed, we would expect the situation to be just the opposite. In this respect, the solution offered some time ago by Wilson does not withstand the test of criticism. to In his opinion, the appearance of God as the agent

If:

8

For a standard form critical analysis of the hardening formula see S. R. Driver,

The Book qf Etodus (The Cambridge Bible, Cambridge, 1929) 55-57. But during the last twenty years this commonly accepted theory has been refuted by some scholars, who reject the division of Exod 1-14 into three sources, Hoffmeier, Israel in egypt, 107-108, 145. 9 H. Raisanen, The Idea qfDivine Hardening (Helsinki, 1972) 54-55; F. Hesse, Das Verstockungsprohlem im Allen Testament (Berlin, 1955) 44-53. 10 vVilson, "Hardening," 33-34. Another weak point in Wilson's argumentation is the fact that in the verses cited by him to prove the assumption that bzq llb belongs to the context of holy war, bzq I£b appears only once (Josh 11 :20). Furtheml0re, the locution qsn leb, which is also used in P to express the hardening motif, may be

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who hardens Pharaoh's heart accords with the view of the Priestly source, which regarded the Ten Plagues as the start of a holy war led by God, its climax being the parting of the Red Sea. Indeed, a holy war does take place between the messengers of God and Pharaoh, the god-king of the Egyptians. But this motif does not belong to a later layer of the story, namely, the Priestly source. Rather, it constitutes, from the beginning, one of the components of the plagues narrative, as I shall try to demonstrate, in what follows, by explaining the biblical terminology in the light of Egyptian parallels. II Two of the idioms kbd leb and !lZq leb are not common to the language of the Bible. The collocation kbd leb, in which kbd, "heavy," is used metaphorically appears only once outside of the Book of Exodus in I Sam 6:6 and here too in reference to the exodus from Egypt: "Why should you harden your hearts as Egypt and Pharaoh hardened theirs?" 12 the Philistines are asked by their priests and diviners. ~zq feb carrying the negative meaning of obstinate and stubborn appears, once only, outside the Book of Exodus in the account of Ezekiel's call. Here, the stubborn and rebellious people of Israel are described as "stiff of face and hard of heart" (Ezek 2:4).13 This is, however, not the case with the third idiom, q.(h leb, "hard hearted," which appears only once in Exodus, but more often in other books. The hardness of heart of the Israelites is mentioned in conjunction with an act of rebellion at the time of the exodus from Egypt (Ps 85:8). It also appears in passages that have no connection to Egypt: "Hard of heart" are the people who refuse to hearken to the words of the prophet (Ezek 3:7);

expected to relate to war too. For a different approach, assuming that the hardening motif is based on the prophetic tradition of the stubbornness and disobedience of the people ofIsrael, see, e.g., Ska, "La sortie d' Egypte," 198-205, and Van Seters, Lye rifMoses, 87-91. II The following focuses on the analop;y between Ep;yptian and Biblical terminolop;y. An extensive semantic analysis of the Biblical terms falls outside the scope of our discussion. For such an investigation, see the extensive studies of Ska, "La sortie d'f:p;ypte," 199-202; Hesse, Verstockungsproblem, esp. 7-14; idem, "biizaq," TDOT 4 (1980) 301-308; H.J. Fabry, "Ieb, lebiib," TDOT7 (1995) 427-28. 12 The collocation of kbd with other bodily organs is more common; mouth and tongue (Exod 4: 10), eyes (Gen 48: 10), ears (Isa 6: 10; 59: I etc.). I:, Cf the collocation of bzq with other objects indicating obduracy and stubbornness: face (fer 5:3; Ezek 3:8); forehead (Ezek 3:7, 9). A distinction should be made between a negative (in Exodus and Ezekiel) and a positive connotation of bzq leb, the latter meaning "to gain strength," "to take courage" (Ps 27:14; 31:25). InJosh 11:20 the connotation of the term is ambivalent and may be explained negatively (Propp, El(odus, 217) or positively (Wilson, "Hardening," 23).

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and about the man who "hardens his heart," it is said that misfortune will befall him (Prov 28: 14). From the above analysis, we can conclude that words that carry the meaning of heaviness, strength and hardness, when used in the Bible, in combination with "heart," carry a negative connotation and mean stubbornness and disobedience. Pharaoh, king of Egypt thus characterized, and hence cast in a negative light is clearly represented as a sinner, "And when Pharaoh saw ... he sinned yet more; and he hardened his heart, he and his servants" (Exod 9:34). The picture that emerges from the Egyptian sources is just the opposite. There, the quality of stout heartedness, and consistency of character attributed to someone who practices restraint, who exercises self-control and who shows courage in the hour of need this quality is highly esteemed. This same quality is conveyed in collocations similar to those of the Bible, and which are also composed of words indicating heaviness, strength, hardness and the term, "heart." The equivalent of kbd lib is dns ib (Harzn~f!, 982; JiVb V 468,13-469,4), "level-headed," (lit. heavy-hearted) which describes a man who is restrained and is able to hold his tongue. 14 Thus, the high official is "level-headed" (dns ib) who "hides his intentions" (hrp sbr ht; Urk VII 64,7). The governor takes pride in himself in similar terms: "I am one, who rules out oflove, who is level-headed (dns ib), who hides his intentions" (hrp sbr hI; Siu! I, 81 ).15 "Keep firm your heart (dns ib.k), steady your heart (smn ~~ty.k), do not steer with your tongue," that is, keep your thoughts to yourself~ do not blabber to one and all, the sage, Amenemope, warns his son (TIle Instruction qfAmenemope 20,3). And his colleague, the scribe, Any, gives his son similar counsel, "Keep steady your heart (dns rib), when someone speaks, do not answer hastily" (The Instruction rif Any, 15, 6-7).16 The antonym of dns is is light, and is ib is the lighthearted, thoughtless man (cC The Eloquent Peasant, B 1, 209). Less frequently, the idiom dns ib appears in a negative context: for example, regarding the pupil who steels his heart toward his teacher

14 The phrase dns ib is synonymous with imnlhrp lb, meaning one who cancels his thoughts; see].J. Clerc, "L'expression dns mhwt des autobiogTaphies egyptiennes," lEA 35 (1949) 38-42, who rejects the meaning given to dns lb in lVb V 468,14, i.e., "ernst," grave. IS The translation is based 011 the hieroglyvhic text given by Yahuda, The Language qf the Pentateuch, 5*: 69,11. IG See J. F. Quack, Die Lehren des Ani (OBO 141; Freiburg, 1994) 86-87, 151, 281.

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refusing to heed his words, it is said: "How conceited you are! You do hearken to me when I speak! Your heart is weightier (dns ib.k) than a great monument...which has been completed and is ready for loading... " (Pap. Llnsing 2,4). Heaviness of heart (dns ... m b3tyj) is also a negative trait of the hot-tempered man who "does not know the clam of clam-of-heart" (Ostracon Deir el Medineh 1265 II 6-7). The term equivalent to bzq lib is s!Jm ib (Hannig 745; Wb IV 246, 15-17), "stout-hearted." Senmut, one of Hatshepsut's noblemen, takes pride in being "stout of heart (s!Jm ib)" and showing "no weakness" (iwty b;:ggf; Urk IV 410,5). Thutmosis III is depicted as "stout of heart in pursuing whoever attacks him" (Ibid. 556,1), while Intef is "stout of heart" with those who are "stout of heart" (Ibid. 968, 16). s!Jm ib also appears as standing for precision and honesty in the description of an 18th Dynasty official who is likened to a pair of balancing scales: "(He is) the scales of the Lord of the Two Lands (Egypt), stout hearted (s!Jm ib) of the good god (Pharaoh)" (Ibid. 454, 2). However, like dns lb, so too, s!Jm ib can function in a negative context when calling for violence and insolence, just the opposite of "fear" and "respect." The nobleman, Ineni, from the time of Thutmosis III, takes pride in being "taciturn (gr)," and showing "no insolence (§w m s!Jm ib)" (Ibid. 66, 11-12; cf. Ibid. 64,6). s!Jm ib is he who is "violent," whose opposite is he who is smjw, "timid." "The lord loves the timid more than the violent (s!Jm ibY' (Rekhmire, Ibid. 1082,17; 1092,13-14). And in the Admonitions if an Egyptian Sage, the god Re is criticized for not discerning, at the time of Creation, between a violent man (s!Jm ib) and a timid one (sngw) (11,13). Other expressions that are used less frequently also belong to the Egyptian, semantic field of hardening the heart. Rwg lb, "firm, persistent" (Hannig 463; Wb II 411, 32) are traits attributed to various kings. About Osorkon and Takeloth II it is said, that they were "firm of heart (rwg ib) while serving Thebes" (Wb II, Belegstellen 411, 32; Jansen- Winkeln, 2.1.25). Amenophis II adored horses and "was persistent (rwg ib) in working them" (Urk. IV 1281,11; and see Wb II, Belegstellen 411,32 for additional examples). The epithet, n!Jt ib (lit. "strong-hearted"), carries a similar meaning, that is, "stout-hearted" (Hannig 428; Wb II 314, 16). See, for example, the inscription of Pepy from the Old Kingdom (Urk. I 133,17).'7 17 To this semantic field also belongs mn ib, i.e., "firm, fixed-hearted," which is common in the royal court phra~eology and in the literature of the dead. Mn ib

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The overall picture that emerges, then, from an analysis of the relevant, Egyptian material is as follows: The Egyptian expressions equivalent to "heavy," "strong," and "hard hearted" in the Bible, when used with a positive connotation, represent exemplary, praiseworthy behavior. These expressions were commonly used in the Egyptian sources. They are especially prevalent in the phraseology of the royal court, in the Wisdom Literature and in autobiographies. On the other hand, use of terms meaning "strength" combined with "heart" is not common in the Bible (and, to the best of our knowledge, not in either Akkadian or in Ugaritic). Rather the use of these expressions in the Bible is generally limited to passages having an Egyptian background. In the light of this, the question arises as to whether the combined form in Hebrew indicates an influence or borrowing from Egyptian terminology. Indeed, two of these kbd leb and /.zzq leb apparently reflect use of the Egyptian motif. The first is always associated in the Bible with Egyptian background, and the second appears outside Exodus only in Ezekiel, in whose prophecy Egyptian elements are more evident than in any other prophet. 18 Yet, these two collocations in Hebrew do not indicate a mechanical borrowing of Egyptian terminology but an adoption and adaptation of the Egyptian material to a Hebrew outlook as follows: 1 - "Hardness of heart," which in Egypt generally symbolized reserved behavior and self control, was transformed in the Bible into a disagreeable characteristic, standing for obduracy and disobedience. 2 - The terms sbm ib and dns ib in the Egyptian sources mostly serve as adjectives. The root dns can also act as a verb when combined with "heart," which functions as its object (e.g., Amenemope 20,3, "Harden your heart") or its subject (Lansing 2,4, "Your heart is heavy"). Both these usages appear also in the Bible, but in

usually denotes a courageous, brave man, and appears in the context of war or other aggressive action. See, for example, the application to the bodyguard of Thutrnosis III at the battle ofMeggido Urk IV 656, II = 661,9; cf. the epithet of the winner king, Sethi I (F. Hinze, "Die Felsenstele Sethos' I bei Qasr Ibrim," ZAs 87 [1962] 34-35), and similarly the title of Thutmosis III (Urk IV 616, 3). For more references in the Literature of the Dead, see n. 25 below. However, mn ib is not the semantic equivalent of the three biblical idioms, so it is not dealt with in this comparative study. IS See n. 29 below.

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the biblical text, God's appearance as he who hardens the heart of Pharaoh is far more frequent. This latter usage appears to be absent from the Egyptian sources. While the two collocations, bzq lib and kbd lib originate in the adoption and adaptation of the Egyptian motif to its new context in the Bible, it would seem that the third idiom, q§h lib, which appears in this context in Exodus only once, serves as the Hebrew equivalent for the Egyptian terms. For the combination of the root q.fh with "heart" (lib) or with some other organ is used widely in the Bible to convey stubbornness and is not at all limited to passages with Egyptian background. (See "hard of heart," Ezek 3:7; Ps. 95:8; Prov 28: 14; "stiff necked," Deut 10:16; 2 Kgs 17:14;Jer 7:26; Neh 9:16-17,29 etc., "hard of face," Ezek 2:4). q.fh lib is, thus, an independent Hebrew expression bearing no relation to the Egyptian terminology.19 Let us now return to the unique formulation of the biblical story that presents the God of the Hebrews as hardening Pharaoh's heart. What does this special emphasis signify? This formulation becomes clear, on the one hand, in light of the role reserved for the king in ancient, Egyptian tradition, and on the other, in light of the significance of the heart in Egyptian sources. From ancient times on, the Egyptians regarded their king as god on earth, the flesh and blood son of god of the heavens. Along with this god-king on whom their well-being depended, the Egyptians believed in the existence of the will of god and his inspiration in the human heart. 2o Indeed, the heart is the organ that transmits god's will. So, for example, it is said in the texts, as early as the time of the Middle Kingdom, that the heart guides man on the path of life (Ies. 72,15). This declaration recurs in the writings of the 18th Dynasty (Urk. IV 119,1; 504,7). From the time of the New Kingdom onward, the heart 1.<; depicted as that place where god resides in man, and the heart itself is compared to god (Neb-neteru of the 22nd Dynasty etc.). In the Late Period, one speaks of "the way of god" as imprinted in man's heart (Petosiris) and god appears as that which 19 The {(}llowing collocations with leb, heart, also belong to the semantic field of stubbornness and obduracy in the Bible: 'ama.) (encourage) the heart (Deut 2:30,15: 7; Ps 27:14); ffinit (firmness) of heart (Deut 29:18;Jer 3:17,7:24,9:13; Ps 81:13), 'abhlr ("stout") heart (Isa 46: 12; Ps 76:6), qiiJiiJ:l ("hard") heart (Isa 63: 17), and saman ("fat") heart (Isa 6: 10). 20 For a discussion on the heart concept in the Bible and ancient Egypt see my book ft7zere Can ~t'isdom Be Found? Ilze Sage's Language ill the Bible and in Ancient Egyptian Literature (OBO 130; Freiburg, 1993) 297-311 and the bibliography cited there. 21 For a survey of the relationship between heart and god, see my Where Can

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guides and leads the heart (e.g., Pap. InJinger 31,11).21 Monotheism rejects from the outset, the role of the heart as a kind of personal god. However, in the Bible just as in Egypt, the heart acts as an intermediary in transmitting god's will (e.g., Ezra 7:27; Neh 2: 12; 7:5). But, at the same time, the heart itself must not be seen as a god. In those verses where the heart is brought into confrontation with God, it is God who emerges triumphant (e.g., Prov 16:9; 19:21; cf. 16: 1). Quite possibly these verses may reflect a concealed polemic against the Egyptian concept. Such a controversy is unquestionably present in Prov 21: 1, "The king's heart is as channels of water in the hands of Yahweh; He turns it wherever He will." What is abundantly clear is that the background for this verse, conveyed in imagery taken from an agriculture based on irrigation canals, is Egyptian (cf. Deut 11: 10). The biblical text here takes dispute with the Egyptian conventions: neither is the heart God, nor the king. It is not the heart which guides man, but God alone. Thus, the heart of the Egyptian king is in the hands of God, who directs it according to his will, just as the farmer directs the channels of water in accordance with the needs of the land. This debate with the Egyptian concept is best formulated in a way that recurs in Exod 4: 1-15:21, presenting the God of the Hebrews as hardening Pharaoh's heart. This formulation undercuts the credibility of the Egyptian belief. Not only is Pharaoh not omnipotent; neither is his heart, wherein resides the spark of god in man-it is nothing but a tool in the hands of the God of the Hebrews to do with as he pleases. The divinity of Pharaoh thus becomes an object of derision, reflected in the play on words of the roots "heavy" (kbd) and "strong" (bzq) dispersed throughout the episode. Pharaoh's "heavy (kabed) heart" only serves to bring "honor (kiibod) to God (Exod 14:4,) while his "strength (Mzeq) of heart" allows God to demonstrate his "strong hand" (yii,d biiziiqiih; Exod 3:19; 6:1; 13: 3,9, 14, 16).22 In the struggle betw-een the God of the Hebrews and the Egyptian god, the former emerges victorious. Finally, Hermann was the first to seek to relate those expressions in Egyptian denoting "hardness of heart" to the belief in the hereafter and the EgyptianJudgment of the Dead. 23 In this judgment, the heart plays an important role: it pronounces the "Negative Confession,"

Wisdom Be Found, 308-1 1 and the additional examples and references there. 22 Cf. Frethcim, Exodus, 97. 23 Hermann, "Steinhartc Hcrz," esp. 105-106.

400

NIL! SHUPAK

with which the decea.'led declares his innocence and it is then weighed on the scales against the symbol of the goddess Ma'at. Against this background, the Egyptians took several precautions to ensure that the heart would arrive safely in the hereafter and faithfully fulfill its role in the Judgment of the Dead. In addition to making use of oaths and spells-whose purpose was to obstruct the heart's negative testimony at the time of judgment, keep the heart from being snatched away, and prevent the heart from deserting its owner -- the Egyptians (from the time of the New Kingdom onward) engaged in the practice of placing heart-shaped scarabs in the tomb, on or inside the mummy's wrappers. 24 The purpose of this artificial heart, made of precious or semi precious stone, was to assist the true, flesh and blood heart to provide convincing testimony at the Judgment of the Dead. According to Hermann, the motif of the hard heart, the heart of stone, was transferred from the religious sphere to that of daily life, becoming a symbol of correct behavior, as reflected in the Egyptian expressions denoting "hardness of heart." Yet, however appealing this claim may be, it is difficult to find a basis for it in the Egyptian sources. The use of these expressions, as we have seen above, is for the most part evident in the phraseology of the royal court, in the Wisdom Literature and in the autobiographies

24 C. Andrews, Amulets qfAncient Egypt (British Museum; London, 1994) esp. 56-59, 72-73; D. Ben Tor, The &arab: A ,Mirror qf Ancient Egyptian Culture Gem salem: Israel Museum; 1989) 17-18, 52-55 (Hebrew); E. Feucht "Herzskarabaus," LA' 2 (ed. W. Heick and W. Westendorf; Wiesbaden, 1997) 1168-70; Currid, "Egyptian Setting," 219-23. 25 For the terminology relating to the EgyptianJudgment of the Dead, see C. Von Seeber, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Totengerichts im Allen A"gypten (Munich, 1976). To the best of my knowledge, only the collocation of mn ib relates to the weighing of the heart in the Literature of the Dead, e.g., "That he (the deceased) may go stout-hearted (mn lb) to the sky" (CT II 14d ,I 7g); "He (God) has established my heart (smn lb.i) on the great standard" (Ibid. IV 80e; also sec Ibid. VII 452d). But mn ib does not constitute an equivalent to the Hebrew idioms appearing in Exodus; cf. n. 17 above. Also som ib/som m lb, which generally indicates in the Coffin Texts a negative characteristic, i.e., the aggressive man (cf., e.g., CT VI 3c; 17a-b [BD 153a]; 23f; 29b; 37k; 431; BD 27;68), does not appear in the context of weighing the heart, except perhaps one, unique, case (BD 27;5). There, the deceased declares that his heart belongs to him and that "he has power over it (somi imi) and he (the heart) will not say what he (the deceased) has done" (E. A. W. Budge, 771£ Book qf the Dead: The Hieroglyphic Transcript qfthe Papyrus I!fAni [New York, 1960] 452). See also D. Muller, "Die Zeugung durch das Herz in Religion und Medizin del' Agypter," Oricntalia 35 (1966) esp. 261, 265-266.

THE HARDENING OF PHARAOH'S HEART IN EXODUS

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and they do not appear in the context of the Judgment of the Dead in the Literature of the Dead. 25 Other scholars go still further, explaining the expression kbd leb "heavy hearted," in the light of the Egyptian dns lb, which, they argue, relates to a negative weighing in the Judgment of the Dead; that is, Pharaoh's heart weighed more than a feather, the symbol of A1a'at, so that the God of the Hebrews, who sat in judgment, found him guilty.26 This idea is utterly wrong. The term dns does not appear in Egyptian writings in the context of the process of weighing the deceased heart or determining what the judgment i" to be. The verdict, whether for better or worse, is expressed by other terms, such as--for better, "the heart weighs the same as Ma'at," "the scales are evenly balanced," his deeds are balanced on the grand scales;" and for worse, "the plummet inclines to one direction."27 Thus, even if the author of the story in the book of Exodus knew Egyptian and could read the Egyptian Literature of the Dead, as scholars who advocate this theory assume, it is still not possible that the expression "heavy hearted" (kbd leb) was borrowed from there. The connection, then, between those expressions denoting "hardness of heart" in the Bible with the EgyptianJudgment of the Dead is thus found to be dubious. This, however, is not the case for the idiom lef2. 'ef2.en, "a heart of stone," also mentioned by Hermann. 28 This particular expression belongs to Ezekiel, in whose prophecies Egyptian elements are more evident than in any other prophet. 29 Here the stubborn and rebellious Israelites, are called "hard of heart," just like Pharaoh (Ezek 2:4). And to express the idea of a new covenant to be sealed, at the End of the Days, between God and his people, the prophet uses the 26 This theory is maintained by Ben Reuben "And He Hardened;" Currid, "Why Did God Harden," esp. 51; idem, "The Egyptian Setting," 224; idem, Ancient Egypt, 102. But it is refuted by J. R. Huddelstun ("Who Is This that Rises like the Nile? Some Egyptian Texts on the Inundation and a Prophetic Trope," Fortunate the F!}'es that See, Essqys in Honor qf D. N. Freedman in Celebration q/His Seventieth Birthday [ed. A. B. Beck et at.; Grand Rapids, 1995] 347, n. 25), whose arguments differ from mine (see above). 27 Seeber, Untersuchungen, 77-80. 28 HermaIll, "Steinharte Her.l," 104-106. 29 The Egyptian traces in the prophecies of Ezekiel are the following: a. Phrases and telIDS: "Pharaoh's arm" (;:.ero'a ; 30:21ff.); "a staff of reed" (mi.f'enet qaneh; 29:6); "rivers" (Vl'iMm; 29:5; 30: 12); b. figures and descriptions: the crocodile (29:3ff; 32: 21f.); the destruction of the land (32:7ff.; cf. the Egyptian Wisdom texts: The Prophecies qf Niferti and the Egyptian Admonitions qf an Egyptian Sage); c. toponyms (29: 10,14; 30:6, 14-16).

402

NIL! SHUPAK

following image: "Then I will ... take the heart of stone from out of their flesh and give them a heart of flesh" (Ezek 11: 19; 36:26).30 This image was later borrowed by the prophet Zechariah, who uses it in a similar way to describe the obstinacy of the Israelites, "and making their hearts like adamant, they refused to hearken ... " (7: 12).31 This image probably reflects the Egyptian custom of burying heart-shaped scarabs made of stone in the tombs of the deceased. 32 The idiom "heart of stone" is then going back to the Egyptian sources and the Israelite tradition with Pharaoh seen as the exemplification of human obduracy. Like whoever authored the Oppression and Exodus narratives before him, Ezekiel turned things around, so that whatever was regarded in Egyptian texts as a symbol of exemplary behavior became, in the words of his prophecy reprehensible conduct, deserving blame and censure. It is not the "heart of stone" --the artificial heart whose task it is to testify in favor of the deceased even if this testimony is false~-that serves as a symbol of renewal; it is the "heart of flesh." In conclusion, the expressions, "strong (bzq) heart," "heavy (kbd) heart" and "heart of stone," which in the Bible represent hardness of heart as a negative quality, were most likely borrowed from the language, imagery, and custom of ancient Egypt.

30 "Heart of stone" appears only once more, in Job 41: 16: "His heart is as hard as a stone." There it is applied to the description of the crocodile, a description probably also rooted in the Egyvtian environment. 31 On the idea of "heart of stone" as part of the prophecy of a spiritual and physical revival of Israel, and its sources in the Biblical tradition, see M. Weinfeld, ':Jeremiah and Spiritual Metamorphism of Israel," ;Z,er Li:gevurot: The Zalman Shazar .Jubilee Volume (ed. B. Z. Luria; Jerusalem, 1973) 258-60 (Hebrew). :)2 Egyptian beliefs and practices concerning death and posthumous life were apparently known in the Israelite sphere. This is attested by Biblical and extra-Biblical evidence: the idioms token libbOt and bOMn libbOt in Proverbs (21 :2, 24: 12; cf. 16: 2, 17:3) and the image of the balance inJob (31 :6) havc a link \-vith the Judgment of the Dead. 'The great "Avowal of Integrity," which follows the la.~t image in the same chapter in Job, has an analogy with the Confession of the Dead (see Atque Pontes, Eine Fes~gabefi1r H. Brunner [AAT 5; Wiesbaden, 1983] 186-204; and my article "EgyVtian Idioms and Imprints in Biblical Wisdom," Tarbi;;: 54, [1985] 479-83 [Hebrew]). To these one should add a unique archeological finding, a heart scarab of 18th-19th Dynasties, found by F. Petrie at Tell el Jerisheh, A. Rowe, A Catalogue if Egyptian Scarabs, &araboids, Seals and Amulet, in the Palestine Archeological Museum (Cairo, 1936) 152-153, no. 641, pI. 16.

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ABBREVIATIONS

It is an honor for me to dedicate this essay dealing with one aspect of the comparative research between Israel and Egypt to Prof Redford, who has made a lasting contribution to this field. Please note the following abbreviations: Hannig

Jansen- ~Vinkeln Les K. TDOT

R. Hannig, Die Spradle dC7 Pharaonen: Grosses Ha71dworterbw:h Agyptisch-Deutsch (2800-950 v. Chr.). Mainz, 1995. K. Jansen-Winkeln, Agyptl:,che Biographien der 22 und 23 Dynastie, Teil II: Phraseologie. AA T 8/2. Wiesbaden,1985. Sethe, it"gyptische Lesestiicke, Texte des Alittleren Reich Hieldesheim,1959. Theological Dictionary qlthe Old Testament, cd. G.J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren. Trans.J. T. Willis et at. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1977 ff.

TABLES Table I. Distribution of Terminology Relating to Heart Hardening by Sources Root

Verb Conjugation

Source J

kbd bzq qsh

5

Total

5

E

P

4

8 1

4

R(d)

Qal

pi'el

+ +

+

Total

hiph'il

+

6 12

+

1 19

9

Table 2. The Agents of Hardening Pharaoh's Heart of Harclening Source

J E P R(d) Total

Verb collocated with "heart"

kbcl bzq bzq qsh kbd

Agents Pharaoh

Pharaoh's heart

3

2 3

3 5

6

10

1

3

God

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT IN THE LATE SEVENTH TO SIXTH CENTURIES B.C.l John S. Holladay, Jr.

Abstract Late seventh/early sixth century decanters (highly stylized jugs; pl. I), variously made of native Egyptian andJudaean clay sources, have been found at a number of sites in the Nile delta. In the absence of otherJudaean ware-forms or other visible imports from southern Palestine, this poses a problem for archaeological explanation. On the basis of inscribed Judaean examples and the distribution of this vessel inJudaean archaeological settings, it is proposed (a) that they are wine-decanters, the personal property of heads of families, and therefore archaeological "markers" (Holladay 2001) ofa residentJudaean trading and refugee diaspora (Curtin 1984; below) broadly dispersed over the delta, and, presumably, up the Nile; (b) that they functioned in rituals (Sabbath meals) serving to maintain the communities' characteristic religious beliefs and practices with the tacit goal of uniting the community and ensuring its long-term survival in a foreign environment. It is not impossible that a continuation of rituals involving female figurines and their appurtenances (model animals, horse-and-rider figurines, model lamps in model trees, doves, etc.) is also part of some members of the community's religious praxis, although the characteristic Judaean pillar-based figurines have not yet appeared. These goals, together with native language retention, doing long-range business on an extended "family" basis, and communal enforcement of quality and trading standards, are typical for all trading diasporas. It is further proposed that (c), these expatriate traders resided in company with other "foreign" diasporas: in the present instance, with a dominant Phoenician diaspora. This, too, is a regular characteristic of trading diasporas.

I For a compelling survey of the mechanisms and conduct oflong-distance trade in world history see Curtin (1984). While Curtin is understandably general with respect to the ancient Ncar East, some of the mechanisms of foreign diasporas involved in ancient long-distance trade and attendant craft specializations, together with their "markers" in the archaeological record, are explored in Holladay (1997) and with more direct attention to economic theory in Holladay (2001, with references).

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JOHN S. HOLlADAY, JR.

Fonvard Except in specific instances, the Old Assyrian (OA), Phoenician, and overseas Greek trade, the logistics of ancient trade have remained murky. Following Polyani (1957; 1971; 1975) and Oppenheim (1957; 1967), most Near Eastern specialists have focused upon patterns of royal "gift-t,riving" and temple-managed trade witnessed in official records. While these undoubtedly existed, they probably were not the dominant movers of goods or skilled crafts in the ancient Near and Middle East. The OA trade (whose documents were not court or temple records) witnesses to an entirely different monetized system, which just as easily could have accepted other forms of exchange (e.g., blue-dyed wool, low-bulk high value luxury products, etc.) in payment for tin and textiles. Other even older parallels can be cited (Curtin 1984:64-67; Holladay 1997:203). Although the OA merchants resident (Curtin 1984:5-6) in krums ("harbors") and wabartums ("stations"?) in Anatolia (Larsen 1976:371; Veenhof 1995:864) blended well into their local environments, their homes were "marked" by the presence of OA tablets and seals. Similarly, small Phoenician and Carthaginian trade colonies were marked by their burials, red-slipped and burnished "mushroom-lipped" jugs, and other characteristic pottery (e.g., Bierling 2002; passim) and images (below), and Greek mercenary (and trading) colonies by Greek pottery, including fine wares and domestic cooking wares (Naveh 1962), graffiti, and burial practices (Oren 1984:30). Given better analysis and publication, other markers would certainly become apparent (see n. 1, above). The archaeolo,gisf'Sjob is to analyze and "explain" the distribution of artifacts in time and space. Given sufficient knowledge, distinctive artifacts usually can be localized with respect to time and "characteristic" space. In particular, wheel-made, trapezoidal, beaked rim, ribbon-handled decanters may be narrowly limited to the "Iron IIC" period in Judaea and, with some differences, the Transjordan. This period is currently thought to commence in the last third of tlle eighth century (that is, after widespread destruction attributed to the 701 B.C. campaign of Sennacheri b) and to end with the destruction and depopulation ofJudaea in the first two decades of the sixth century B.C. Under closer analysis, these particular vessels would seem to originate in the terminal portion of this already restricted time frame, often termed the "Lachish II" horizon. Conventionally, when such "foreign" items are found at some distance from their production centers, they are

JUDAEANS (AIW PHOENlCIANS) IN EG\'PT

407

usually considered trade items, though, upon reconsideration, such an explanation is difficult to sustain for isolated low-value artifacts thinly spread over a broad area, with no accompanying evidence for the accompanying trade on the crest of whose wave they are considered to have been riding. Trade goods are often invisible, however, as are some (most?) varieties of associated craft or professional specializations. Nor is "trade" the only possible mechanism involved in the relocation of goods or styles; reality is usually more complex than first-order explanations generally admit. A number of these vessels found at Egyptian sites are currently regarded as "Egyptian." In the first place, they are made of a "greenish-grey ware" visually (and probably petrographically) identical to that found in wide variety of vessels made of marly clays found in the Upper Egyptian desert, particularly in the region of Qena. In the second place, they have a much longer history as a recognizable "type" in Egypt than in the Levant, due l
barly Evidence from E,'gyptian E\'((lvatiorzs The first decanter of this type (above; fig. 3: 1, below) was published from Defenneh in the northeastern Nile Delta (Petrie 1888:67, pI. xxxv.44); Bourriau 1981 :81; Aston 1996, fig. 239.44). Petrie (1888: 64) thought it was Greek: "some types are cormnon at Naukratis, and are therefore presumably Greek: such as [pI. xxv.] 44." Although we may infer from this that more than one example was found at Naukratis, the form was not illustrated in }/aukratis I (Petrie 1886). Petrie (1888:67) further noted that the Defenneh example, among others, was not found in the palace or fortress, but "in the camp in general, reaching perhaps to the end of the sixth century B.C. were [some 19 types, including no. 44]." Two others (fig. 3:3-4) quickly followed from Lahun (Petrie 1890, pI. xxiv.20, 23). One of the Lahun vessels, restudied by Bourriau (1981 :81), has been characterized as "Egyptian" on the basis of its ware. In any case, this instantly-recognizable form was already "established" in

408

JOHN

s.

HOLLADAY, JR.

the Egyptian repertory prior to Petrie's revolutionary stratigraphic section and essentially correct pottery seriation from Tell el-Hesi (1891) which, unfortunately, was inadequate to establish even the broadest outlines of Palestinian ceramic typology because it was so inadequately illustrated (cf. however, the decanter in Bliss 1894: 118, no. 226). Another example of the general form appeared in Petrie's excavations at "Gerar" ITellJemmeh (1928 xlvii:8; lviii:65c) in levels dated to the ninth-seventh centuries (cf. Albright 1932:83). As a Palestinian form, however, it seems to have been overlooked largely because it did not appear in Macalister's groundbreaking publication (1912) of the (misdated!) pottery from his 1902-1909 excavations at Gezer (Albright 1932:82). A fourth "Egyptian" example, fig. 3:9, came from a series of tombs at Kafr Ammar, a site identified by a then-modern railway station of that name about 21 miles south of Heliopolis (Petrie and Mackay 1915, no. 60). Within the broad parameters of his day, Petrie (1888: 12-13) was correct in his dating of the Defenneh exemplar, and his dates still remain acceptable (Aston 1996:91, n. 469): "The pottery from Defenneh dates from the Reigns of Necho II Amasis (610-526 BC)." Bourriau (1981: 81) attributes the Lahun examples to "a fortress built by Psammeticus 1(664-610 BC)," and by Aston (1996:38) to "no earlier than the Saite period." Taking the Palestinian data into consideration, the probable range for exemplars found in Egyptian contexts narrows somewhat: probably to between 610-550 B.C.; although, if the form became frozen and iconic, an extension to the Persian invasion (525 B.C.) would not be out of the question. Following the "Vienna System," Bourriau (1981 :81) describes the ware of one Lahun exemplar as "Fine marl A, variant 3 [Aston's Marl A3, below], section pale yellow (5 Y 7/3), surface light grey (5 Y 7/2)." That from Kafr Ammar, described as being found "in the Animal Necropolis at Saqqara," is dated to "levels earlier than Dynasty XXX (380-343 B.C.)" by Bourriau (1981:81, no. 156). In an involved argument, Aston (1996:36) writes: Wainwright divided the pottery [from Kafr Ammar] into native Egyptian and foreign Greek types assuming that the tombs which contained the Greek vases were chronologically the latest perhaps even dating to the early part of the XXVIth [Saite] Dynasty.' To this foreign class, following Petrie, [Wainwright] erroneously attributed a series of handled jugs of a greenish-grey ware, [A'iton's] fig. 77.60-69, rightly pointing out that type 60 was identical with Defenneh whieh he then used to date nine

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

409

of his graves to chronologically the latest period of the cemetery's use. In addition to these marl clay (Marl A3) jugs [etc.].

Decanters .from Recent Excavations in Egypt To the above we can now add three or four new specimens, one from Oren's excavations at "T-21"/Tell Qedwa, possibly ancient Migdol, one, probably two, from our excavations at Tell el-Maskhuta, and one from Mumford's excavations at Tell Tebilla.

Tell Tebilla The Tebilla exemplar (fig. 3:2) was found with a group of other materials in a very tight, deep, excavation area in "mudbrick fill between two large walls," in an area of the site given over to a Saite necropolis. The fabric is described as "upper Egyptian marllimestone inclusions?, 5Y pale olive' 6/3." The vessel itself is fully intact, 15 cm high; the base diameter is 5.3 cm. It is wheel-made with handle added, and decorated with "very shallow exterior ridges that look burnished" [emphasis added]. Stylistically, it differs from the lateJudaean type in having a rather poor strap handle, apparently lacking in ridges (although the section was not taken at the proper point), and the disk base would appear to have been produced by turning, rather than being wheelfolded (e.g., Mazar et al. 1966:72-73, fig. 20:5) or an (attached?) ring base, as in several Tell el:Jurn (Tel Goren)/En Gedi examples (Mazar et al. 1966:72-73, fig. 20:1-4; cf. fig. 3:7 here). T21/Tell O!dwa/"Aligdol''(?) Oren's decanter (his fig. 21 :8, our fig. 3:6) is listed as "T21 /N Jug (fragt.) levigated clay, tempered with many minute chalky grits and grog [probably misidentified ferruginous/hematite inclusions], fired light brown with gray core, very hard baked, smooth surface." With the addition of "large chalky inclusions" and the omission of any reference to a core, this ware description would fit a typical squat Phoenician amphora (1984:8, Oren's fig. 21:7). Two typically Saite vessels, Oren's fig. 20:17, 18 [made of upper Egyptian marly clays, though not so-identified] have closely similar ware descriptions: "Ievigated clay, tempered with minute grits, fired buff, very hard baked, smooth surface" (1984: 16-1 7). Stylistically, the form fits in well with larger versions of the lateJudaean form, including its ribbed handle. Nothing is said about burnish, which often requires rubbing and close visual

410

JOHN S. HOLLADAY, JR.

inspection to determine. Although Oren's ware description neither supports nor invalidates his judgment, he claims a Palestinian origin, almost surely on the basis of it<; shape (1984:24). The ware itself may well be Palestinian since "levigated clay ... with many minute chalky grits and [ferruginous inclusions]" corresponds well to descriptions of various Palestinian marl deposits, including the Mozah formation (see the description of Maskhuta ~181.L2.324B.85, below).

Tell el-/vlaskhutal Per AtumlPithom After one clear decanter fragment, M81.L3.443.55A ("late 7th c./ early 6th c."), was identified from Tell el-Maskhuta (fig. 3.5), others, more poorly preserved, were tentatively identified on the basis of ware similarity. The ware of the rim, neck, and handle of the first (fig. 1, below) is characterized as "2.5YR red' 4/6," with a thick (75%) "7.5R dark grey' 4/" core. Despite the red' ware color, it also had a thin red slip, which was circularly hand-burnished (originally termed "wheel-burnished") inside the mouth, over the rim (worn), and perhaps down the neck toward the handle attachment (badly worn, if burnished). Where burni<;hed, the color was" 1OR red' 5/6." The fabric was classified as a high 8' on a scale of 1 (very coarse) to 10 (very fine). It was velY hard-fired. Geologist Ricardo Nieto made the following analysis using a binocular polarizing microscope [Nikon Eclipse E400 POL, Type 104] (fig.l): ferruginous silty clay. Silt = Quartz and Muscovite. Inclusions: Quartz 10% polycrystalline, undulose and straight under crossed polars. Plaf,rioclase 1%; Orthoclase 4%; Microcline 2(7'0; Pyroxene I 'Xl; Opaques 1%; Carbonate (Micrite) 1%; Chert 1%; Voids 4%. The section did not react to dilute hydrochloric acid. (Franco-Nieto n.d.)

A second example, M81.L2.324B.85 (fig.3:8), while different in ware and surface color, is similar to other Judaean decanter wares, as well being so closely similar with respect to its diameter, stance, profile, and barely discern able shoulder and handle remnant that it seems unlikely to be any other familiar fonn. This example was of "2.5Y pale yellow' 714" ware, with an exterior value of "1 OYR yellow' 71 6. It, too, is very hard. While the ware is relatively thick, it is finely wheel-made, and neither slipped nor burnished. Subjectively, the ware color is close enough to "bufr' to allow comparison with several of the J udaean examples in table I, below. Under thin-section analysis, the ware was characterized (cf. photomicrograph, fig. 2, left) as:

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

411

72%: fossiliferous marly clay, slightly silty, where silt is mostly quartz or opaques. Inclusions: (b.lartz 4% in bimodal distribution: < (less than) 0.02 mm, or silt size, and> (greater than) 0.2 mm, up to 0.25 mm, in both straight and undulose extinctions under crossed polars. Brownish Amphibole and Pyroxene: 0.05% each, grain size = 0.1; Opaques 2%, some bluish; Carbonates 12%: shells (spartic calcite) and calcite: .02 to 0.5; Chert 2%; Lumps 2%, Ferruginous silty lumps, Marly fossiliferous lumps: 0.04 to 0.8 mm; Voids 5%. The section reacted to dilute hydrochloric acid. (Franco-Nieto n.d.)

All but the organic inclusions (voids) would appear to be native to the marl itself, probably part of the widely exposed Mozah formation. While there are more than twenty other fragments field-classified as resembling the same general ware types as the above, and some may be remnants of other decanters, their analysis must await final preparation for publication.

Late Judaean Decanters Before proceeding further, we must review the Palestinian evidence. The "historical" reasons for the Judaean decanter's late recognition as a type are addressed in Albright (1932:82-83, pI. 59). Differences between the J udaean and Egyptian groups emerge when we compare the ware descriptions in table 1 (below) with the Egyptian marly examples, which involve "grayish-green" or "pale white to yellow" wares and never mention surface treatment (therefore, except for the Tebilla example, presumably lacking burnish). For convenience and ease of comparison, more detailed ware descriptions are presented in table 1.

Tell Beit Mirsim Tell Beit Mirsim's decanters, and, apparently, most of those known to Albright and Kelso up to 1943, were typically wheel-burnished below the handle, but, for obvious reasons, hand-burnished from the lower handle attachment up. We find only three descriptions involving color: "the most beautiful burnishing is done on a heavy buff pinkish slip with a rather narrow tool that leaves relatively deep furrows which overlap or nearly so." This generalizing description of five decanters, which conforms well to the present writer's knowledge of one group of the type, is contrasted with two other decanters. One is characterized as having "a thin dark grey slip [with] wider, lighter strokes of burnishing made with a flat tool." The other is a '"toy'''

412

JOHN

s.

HOLLADAY,

JR .

. . . covered with a rich deep red slip, but is unburnished . . . [In contrast to the usual carefully made, often wheel-folded, ring base,] it has a string-cut bottom, only roughly hand-smoothed" (Kelso in Albright 1943: 130).

Tell ed-Duweirl Lachish Although published in terms of "types," more late decanters are published in Tufnell (1953) than in any other fmal report volume. According to Tufnell, all of the decanters from Str. III and II were pink or brown. Stratum III forms sometimes had dark red or brown slips, with vertical hand burnishing early, and only becoming ringburnished in destruction materials of Str. III rooms. "The handles were oval in section, without ridges" (Tufnell 1953:292). Tufnell subdivides her Str. II examples (n=49) into seven types: 264 [n=2], 273 [n=l], 274 [n=7], 275 [n=25], 276 [n=11], 277 [n=2], and 278 [n=l], the last two probably being equivalent to Kelso's "toy" decanter. Types 277-278 also have string-cut bases. Type 665 seems to be another horizontally burnished red-slipped version of the general ridged ribbon-handled "Lachish II" type (1953, pI. 103.665). The majority (64%) of these, but none of the very large decanters, came from tombs. This statistic is, however, imperfect in that sherd materials were undervalued by excavators of the period. Tufnell (1953:292) says that these Str. II forms: were nearly all made of hard pink paste containing some grits, very unevenly fired, so that the surface varied in colour from cream [not mentioned in any description of the type examples] to deep red. The body was horizontally wheel bumished, with or without a slip, and the neck usually finished with vertical strokes. The ribbon handle displayed marked ridges. One example of type 276, found in the [area of] the courtyard of the Solar Shrine was made of hard pink ware with a thick cream slip, unbumished [cf. Jerusalem, Gezer, and Dever's inscribed decanter attributed to Khirbet (Kh.) el-Qam, below]. From its position about 50 cm below the floor it should belong to the underlying stratum, which has still to be equated with Levels III or II. The small decanters 277 and 278 seem to end the series at Tell ed-Duweir [apparently because they were poorly made and finished].

Beer-Sheba Twenty-three decanters were found (Lily Singer-Avitz 1999: 17) in Aharoni's excavations (1973) at Tell es-Seba/ancient Beersheba, all from Str. II, the terminal Iron II layer. Of these eight have been

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published: four, including one large unburnished non-standard type (pI. 62:99), [not really a 'judaean Decanter" in our opinion] with greenish exterior, a pink core, and white and grey small grits, came from Locus 221 in one of the "storehouses" [or stables]. The other three from that "storehouse" locus were, respectively, made of brown clay [62: I 00] or red clay [62: 101 and 102]. All were wheel-burnished. 61: 10 I has lost its rim and upper neck. It appears to have been neatly trimmed off for continued use. In the well-excavated houses of the "western quarter" (Beit Arieh), roughly similar vessels were found in Locus 75 (pI. 64: 17: brown-buff ware with a grey core) and in Locus 74 (pI. 74:17, 18, 19: brown-grey ware, red-brown ware, and redbrown ware). While Singer-Avitz publishes another one, from Locus 282, in her petrographic source analysis (utilizing Yuval Goren's petrographic determinations [1999: 13]) of materials found at Beersheba, this particular item seems to be included, without description, merely as a "known" Judaean type (1999: fig. 2, "Group of vessels with Judean' characteristics"). Tell el-Jum/Tel Goren/En-Cedi In the preliminary report of their excavations at Tel Goren/EnGedi, B. Mazar, T. Dothan, and I. Dunayevsky (1966) published five classically late Judaean decanters, all with strap handles and beaked rims (20:3 missing its rim), and all wheel-burnished (73: fig. 20: 1-5). Respectively, their wares were: 20: 1 "reddish-brown clay;" 20:2 "brown clay;" 20:3 "brown clay;" 20:4 "reddish-brown clay;" and 20:5 "grey clay." Given that 20:2 was brown outside and "grey" inside, it seems probable that 20:5 is a reduction-fired (or smoked) version of the same clay. The only "greenish-grey" or "yellowish-grey" wares illustrated belonged to two [imported] flat-bottomed wavy-sided mortaria (fig 16: 1, 2). Materials from the Clark collection, attributed to En-Gedi and probably stemming from tombs in that region, and therefore on the whole earlier and less homogeneous than pottery from destruction deposits (Holladay 1976:255-59), include three decanters: one with a more oval handle and two with strap handles. figure 31: 1 is made of brown clay, 31:2 is reddish-brown, and 31:3 is brown. No red slip is mentioned or indicated by hatching. No "greenish," "yellowish," or "white" wares (or surfaces) appeared among the Iron Age materials within the collection.

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JOHN S. HOLLADAY, JR.

Tell Q,asile While the early strata at Amihai Mazar's Tell Qasile were heavily Philistine in character, the terminal Iron II Str. VII appears almost entirely 'Judaean," particularly in contrast to Ashdod (below). Four typically Judaean decanters are illustrated (~lazar 1985; fig. 57: 1619). Respectively, they are made of brown, brown, reddish-brown, and brown clay. Nos. 16 and 19 have "orange-red horizontal[ly] burnish[ed]" slips, and no. 18 has a "brown-reddish grey continuous burnish." "Grey-yellowish" clays, or the like, appear in Str. VII only with respect to figs. 55:24 (possibly a misstanced imported mortarium), 27 (a flared-rim "Assyrian Bowl" type), and 56:6 (an imported mortarium). "White"-Slipped or "ll'hite"-Suifaced Decanters ]erusalem Tushingham published six fragmentary decanters from the Armenian Garden in Jerusalem (1985:290-91, 299, 354=fig. 2: 10-13, 362=fig. 3:30-31). "Vhere preserved, all had ribbon handles with ridges, and five could be characterized as beaked-rim, the sixth (p. 354, fig. 2: 12) having a broadly flared rim. All but 2: 10 were burnished. The wares were, respectively: 2: 10 "coarse, gritty grayish brown ware;" 2: II "pinkorange ware ... pink-orange slip, horizontally burnished on body, neck and rim;" 2: 12 "pink-orange ware pink-orange slip, wheel-burnished on top of rim and on neck below ridge" [misidentified hand-burnish, given the handle]. Three examples stood out because of their white slip (cf. also Gezer and the inscribed Kh. el-Qom decanter, below): 2: 13 "brown ware white slip outside and inside mouth, wheel-burnished on top of rim and above neck ridge [as above];" 10:30 "grayish brown ware creamy white slip, poorly preserved, traces of vertical burnish on neck;" and 10:31 "reddish brown ware white slip, traces of horizontal burnishing on rim and neck." Gezer While Gitin's publication (1990) of Field VII at Gezer yielded only one secure ribbon-handled decanter, it is white surfaced [slipped?]. A similarly surfaced beaked rim with a probably ridged handle came from another locus. The secure "decanter" is pI. 25: II, "paste 10YR red' 5/6 surface: (Int.) 10YR white' 8/2; (Ext.) as interior." The beaked rim and handle stub, pI. 25: 10, is "paste: 2.5 YR red' 5/6 surface: (Int.) 10YR white' 8/2; (Ext.) as interior." Although there may have

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been a gap in the recording process, neither of the above appears to have been burnished. Two other candidates may also lean in this direction; another beaked rim looks like a late decanter, though it is simply titled 'jug:" pI. 45: 1, "paste 2.5YR red' 4/8 surface: (Int.) 5YR pink' 7/3; (Ext.) lOYR white' 8/2 to lOR light red' 6/6 to 2.5YR red' 5/6; wheel burnish." pI. 45:3, "Decanter/Flask," mayor may not be a decanter: "paste: 2.5YR red' 4/8 surface: (Int.) 2.5YR light red' 6/8; (Ext.) 5 R pink' 7/4." Note, in three of the above four instances, that I OYR "white" 8/2 is very close to 2.5Y "white" 8/2, or 5Y "pale yellow" 8/4, which in turn are in the same general range as Bourriau's "light grey 5Y 7/2" surface on a "pale yellow 5Y 7/3" section. Note also the decanter "made of hard pink ware with a thick cream slip, unburnished" found beneath tlle Persian Solar Temple' at Lachish (above) and Dever's Kh. el-Q6m inscribed example (below). This characteristic sets these items apart, in terms of surface treatment, but not in terms of "wares," from all the other 'judaean" examples reviewed above.

Non-]udaean Sites

TIze j\;fixed ]udaean and Greek A1erchant Colony at A1ezad Hasha1!vahu So far, except for the non-standard (non-"decanter") example from Beersheba (Aharoni 1973, pI. 62:99) we have not yet encountered the sorts of marly clays that characterize the Egyptian exemplars. Naveh, the excavator of the late-seventh (to early sixth?) century B.C. small Greek merchant colony at Mezad Hashavyahu, published four classic 'judaean" decanter ware-forms, together with a good range of other late Judaean ware and a large quantity of Greek wares (Naveh 1962). One of the decanters was "greenish grey, white grits," that is, probably made of non-ferruginous marly clay, with a sharply ridged strap handle. Its rim was missing (Naveh 1962: fig. 5.14). fig. 5: 15 was red-slipped, to judge from the hatching and description: "red, yellow core, burnish", with a good beaked rim and too short a handle stub to show ridging. fig. 5: 16 was "yellow, grey core, white grits" with a strap handle and beaked rim, probably a candidate for being made either of marly clay or ferruginous marly clay. fig. 15: I 7, lacking a rim, was made of "reddish buff [clay with a] gTey core and yellow slip," possibly imitating marly exemplars (?).

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JOHN S. HOLLADAY, JR.

The Philistine Ciry of Ashdod Not unexpectedly, given the great differences between the seventh century pottery corpora of near-neighbors Lachish and Ashdod (M. Daviau n.d.), there were no examples of the 'Judaean" decanter published in Ashdod I (Dothan and Freedman 1967), and II-III (Dothan 1971 ). Phoenician Ijre and Sidon Trapezoidal jugs, all red-slipped and burnished, appear only in Str. II, III, and IV, which Bikai (1978:68) dates to "740-700 B.C." (II-II!), and "?760-740" (IV-V). None is close to the judaean form. Where drawn, the handles are oval to round, the necks, where preserved, are swollen and the only preserved rim is emphatically "mushroom" in character (1978: PIs. V.19-23, all "Str. III;" VI.4-5, both "Str. II"). The wares are uniformly various shades of "reddish yellow," with one case (V1.5) of "light reddish brown." In all, 21 fragments of this form, 'Jug 5," were found in materials attributed to Str. II-IV, with this particular form representing .27 % of the total diagnostics from Str. II, .38% from III, and .05% from IV. It seems to have been extremely rare or absent at Sarepta (Anderson 1988:203, nn. 352, 355; see also the jug type-series on pI. 49), which probably says something about the degree of cultural (and economic?) independence of the great Phoenician port-cities. Interim Conclusions Given the above, particularly the data on "wares," it seems almost certain that the light grey-green etc., "Egyptian" decanters were made in Upper Egypt, in accord with Bourriau and Aston's conclusions. Neutron activation and petrographic analyses would be helpful, but probably unnecessary. Since those "Egyptian" versions are, materials and surface decoration aside, exact duplicates of the late judaean Decanters, the simplest explanation (since "local" copies of foreign ware rarely approach the level of the originals) is that Judaean potters were actually mantifacturing these vessels either somewhere in the viciniry of Q§na or of Q§na clays transported to some other manufacturing center. Bearing in mind the judaean military garrison in Elephantine (which, however, may not have been established at the time), my colleague Taber james, a student of military history and familiar with both Egyptian and Roman-British archaeology, reminded me that when a military detachment (or, for that matter, an archaeological mission

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

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or a diaspora) finds itself on extended duty in a foreign location, one of the first things it does is to arrange with a local supplier for things wanted or needed. Given that the original J udaean decanters were important with regard to some aspect of the soldiers' or other Judaeans' lives (below), they could either have given an example to a local potter for duplication, or, given the high degree of faithfulness to the original design, delegated that duty to a craftsman potter or potters within their own expatriate community. That conclusion does not, however, explain why a few of the latest (?) Palestinian finds shift from "red" slips to "white" slips or surfaces. Nor does it shed any light upon why these highly characteristic vessels should be showing up in very low numbers across a good deal of the eastern Nile delta and lower Nile valley. In what follows I will address only the last of these questions.

Further Data: Function qf the "Judaean Decanter" and its Northern Analogues 1. Based upon a wide range of data, these distinctively styled and carefully made vessels, together with another small jug of the same general date, seem: (a) specifically to have been designated as personal property to a greater degree than any other Judaean vessels (wine-jars might be a close second) and (b), where instanced, to have contained wine. Both characteristics are exemplified in a decanter published by Nachman Avigad (1972: 1-9). Probably robbed from a tomb in the vicinity of Kh. el-Q6m, it bore on its shoulder a carefully chiseled inscription: 'm;:, r~ ';"l~rn~' "Belonging to al:zzryahu, wine of kl;.l followed by an "enigmatic symbol." For the otherwise unknown place-name "kI;.il," Demsky (1972:234) quickly suggested reading the descriptor "dark" (from the root kl;.l or &kl; cf. Akk. ekelu) , that is, "dark wine." Other inscribed decanters had already been published. One, probably also from the looted tombs in the vicinity of Kh. el-Q6m and Idnah, and truer to type, though with a "Cream" slip, was published by Dever (1969-1970:169-172, fig. 13, pl. VIII; for description cf. table 1, below). On its shoulder was the inscription 'on~' "Belonging to 'YIpnf' (Dever 1969-1970: 169). Although the photograph is poorly reproduced, the inscription would appear to be of the 'judahite" rocker-chiseled technique first described by Avigad (1972). Since then a large number of similarly executed late-Iron Age inscriptions on sherds or vessels have appeared from late Judaean sites (refs. in Ariel 2000; refs. and catalogue in Nadelman 1990), and particularly from

r

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JOHN S. HOLLADAY,

JR.

the City of David excavations at Jerusalem (Ariel 2000). Another, with a curious triply cross-slashed ridged strap handle, came from Arad. Awkwardly rocker-chiseled on its shoulder was: "Belonging to Zadoq" (Pi~'; Aharoni and Naveh 1981: 107). From Beersheba, a shoulder and sidewall body sherd inscribed, on the shoulder, in the same technique: "Belonging to ST' ('~'; Aharoni 1973:74, fig. 5, pI. 33.2). One, a small round jug, not a decanter, from the Area A cave at Jerusalem published by Kenyon (1968:97-111, pI. xxxvi:C), read li1"~', "belonging to Eliyahu." It was rocker-chiseled inscribed in large letters along its horizontal midline. The ware was not described; no scale was provided. It has a rounded handle, with a rim similar to the late Judaean decanters' beaked rims. Two other inscriptions upon decanters come from Ussishkin's excavations (1978:83-84, 88) at Lachish. First, on the shoulder of a large complete Str. II decanter, one finds: 1~1' 1", "\'\line of 'A"han" (1978:83) or, according to Demsky (1979:163), "Smoked (or tasting of smoke) wine." Ussishkin notes: "A layer of white lime covers the interior of the vessel up to its neck" (1978:83; see also below). Second, on the shoulder of a broken, but restorable, decanter, just below the handle, one finds: nin~, "§brt", probably a personal name according to Lemaire (1978:81), although the two middle letters are "partly obliterated" [understandably, the drawn traces seem to support the reading], since the personal name "§br" appeared on a seal impression from the same excavations. "The decanter has a ridged neck and a double-ridged handle. The clay is grey with white grits, and on the outside the vessel is covered with a pinkish-beige slip [that is, a "white" slip]. Remains of a layer of white lime can be seen on the inside" (Lemaire 1978:88; see also below). Two other decanters, presumably robbed from tombs in the Kh. el-Qt)m area, were published separately by Lemaire (re(". in Nadelman 1990:40). Support for these vessels specifically being wine decanters may come from the (also) late J udaean rosette-stamped jar handles that replaced the earlier "LMLK" handles on similar large four-handled jars during the last years of the Judaean monarchy. Both sets are considered to be wine-jars by the majority of scholars. The rosette stamp probably was introduced in the reign of Jehoiakim (609/608-598/597 B.C.), although some authorities would opt for the time of his father Josiah (ca. 640-609 B.C.). With variations, it continued until the destruction of Jerusalem in 587/586 B.C. (Cahill 2000:98-99). Out of the 86 stamped handles found at Jerusalem, and those from 25 different sites in Judah

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and the Transjordan, all but one came from large four-handled jars. Only two of the rosette stamps appeared on any other pottery form, both on decanters: one unpublished (notice in Cahill 2000: 10 I), and one, impressed at the bottom of the doubly-ridged strap handle of a large decanter ("pinkish gray in color. .. contain[ing] many small, medium and large white and black inclusions"), published by Cahill (2000: 10 1, R 16). 2. In southern Palestine, decanters often form part of the funerary offerings in tomb contexts (cf. Tufnell's discussion of her '}.8" type: 1953: vol. 1:292; vol. II: pI. 87: 264, 273-279, 281). This is not the simple matter it appears. Some pottery types rarely appear in "standard" tomb contexts, while others appear only in anomalous tombs featuring other finds (Holladay n.d.). One of the "Egyptian" decanters came from a tomb group at Kafr Ammar, and the Tell Tebilla specimen may have come from a disturbed mortuary context (G. Mumford, personal communication). The fact that all the other "Egyptian" decanters excepting the Tell el-Maskhuta and Migdol fragments seem to have been either intact or essentially restorable may point in a similar direction. 3. Given that these items are widely spaced across the eastern delta and upper Nile valley, their find-spots, if known, might prove useful for further thinking. Aside from one certain inclusion in a tomb, and another possibly from a burial context (out of only 8 exemplars), we can say something about the two decanter fragments already cited from Tell el-Maskhuta and, somewhat more inferentially, their wider social environment: (a) The fossiliferous marly clay sidewall fragment M81.12.324B.85 was found in Area L2, in basal riverine sands disturbed by the building of a wall (2009/2027) of the "601 B.C. House," the first building in the excavated area within the enclosed settlement (Holladay 1982: plan on p. 158). That settlement's massive wall represents a radical departure from the original town plan, occasioned by a rapidly deteriorating Egyptian situation in the Levant vis-a-vis Babylonia associated with the Egyptian campaigns of 610, 609, and 605 B.C. It was constructed toward the end of the seventh century B.C., probably around 605-604 B.C. (Holladay 1982: 19-20 revised in accord with an oral communication of Grant Frame). That house, whose highest preserved wall height ("Reduced Level" [RLJ) was 9.99m, was massively destroyed

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during Nebuchadrezzar's fIrst campaign in 601 B.C. (Holladay 1982: 17-18,21-22). (b) The rim-to-shoulder fragment M81.L3.443.55A was found in Locus 3202: broken bricks and decomposed plaster of second-floor walls, roof- and second story floor-makeup collapsed, as a result of deliberate destruction, into a short-lived room bounded on four sides by walls in Field L, Area 2, adjacent to the massive western enclosure wall. This part of the "586 B.C." house (highest surviving wall RL=10.76) was built on the debris of the previous 601 B.C. destruction (1982:21). Its destruction, then (there is some, but not much, difference in the material culture complex), must be attributed to the second Egyptian campaign of Nebuchadrezzar in 568 B.C. (Holladay 1982:22; Grayson 1975: 101). At least ten broken vessels lay smashed, caught at various levels, as it were, in situ during the collapse, although neither the mudand-brush roof nor the second-story floor (possibly represented by wood fragments and a "whitish coloring in bricky [collapse]") could be distinguished from the rest of the detritus. These materials were characterized by a large quantity of bones: cow, fIsh, and bird. In the NE quadrant at RL 1O.47m there was one smashed pot (others at or just below 1O.56m) and at 1O.52-10.39m there was "broken bone and pottery charcoal. Small bird bones-everywhere!!. .. No coherent skeletons." The fIrst-story floor appeared in the SE corner at RL 10.38: "None of the pottery found [and saved to that pottery basket] was ... on that floor." Elsewhere there was very little pottery on the floor, and no restorable material, and no bone, until the clearance reached the NE corner, where there was "much pottery and some bone," as if some of it had rained down here when the floor above began to give way. All the pottery readings from this operation were consistent and characteristic of one pottery "horizon" (Holladay 1976:259), that is, the above-mentioned destruction level. (c) That same restricted neighborhood, in this case Field 12 (which included the eastern portion of House 2009), was later characterized by the presence of, at a slightly higher level, a small, narrow broadroom mudbrick and limestone shrine with, almost surely, a bent-axis entryway, Locus 12035D (fIg. 4, above). Except for its mid-room "altar rail" and lack of benches, this building is closely similar to Pritchard's "Shrine 1" at Sarepta (1975: fIgs. 2, 33-34) also oriented E-W, with the focal point (the top section of a Phoenician trade-amphora versus Sarepta's "offering-table" and incense stand [?]) being to the east, as opposed to the Sarepta shrine's westward orientation.

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(d) Within the small shrine we found the mutilated remains of one of the characteristically Phoenician "Seated Pregnant Goddess" figurines (Cullican 1969; Pritchard 1975:30-37; 1988:50-55). See figs. 5-7. Thus, it seems reasonable to suggest that this is that portion of the settlement in which "foreigners" lived. Cf. Herodotus' "Camp of the Phoenicians" at Memphis, and Petrie's comments (1888:67), cited above, regarding the find-spot of Defenneh no. 44. Note also that of the "42 catalogued examples" of the seated pregnant goddess from Sarepta, all but two were found in, or in the immediate vicinity of, the two shrines (Pritchard 1988:50). Versions of these figurines, of which ours was a crudely hand-modeled version (although originally gessoed and painted: figs. 4-6) over against the beautiful hollow-cast Sarepta exemplars, have been found at numerous coastal and overland transit (trade-related) sites throughout Syria, Palestine, and Cyprus. In addition to the Palestinian seated Pregnant Goddess statuettes listed by Pritchard (1988), see also the atypical enthroned/seated starkly nude pregnant statuette from the Persian Period at Tell Mevorakh (Stern 1993: 1034). Pritchard lists, for Lebanon, in addition to Sarafand/ Sarepta: Kharayeb, near Sarafand, one from Byblos, and two in the Louvre. From Palestine he list~: Tel Sippor, Tell Abu Hawam, Makmish, Tell es-Safi, Beth-Shan, Achzib, and Tell es-Saidiyeh (1988:51). That is, these figurines or small statues may reasonably be interpreted as direct evidence for the presence of locally-settled members of the eastern Mediterranean Phoenician diaspora. About the date, Pritchard (1988:51) says: "Although these figurines have generally been assigned to the Persian period, none has corne from a context [presumably even including Sarepta] which can be dated precisely." Within the usual limits of archaeological evidence, Tell el-Maskhuta does provide a date, although, pending more data, the figurine type may well be considered to have had a reasonably long lifespan. On the negative side of the dating process, our few pottery readings from the structure's thin soil overburden pointed to parallels with our 486 B.C. destruction phase (the rebellion associated with the deliberate blockage of the Persian stone-lined well). On further analysis, those readings of (hardly definitive) materials would seem to have been either incorrect, or ba~ed on inadequate material (as was the case), or representative of later phases' infilling and rebuilding programs. Two more robust lines of evidence may be pursued: (1) dating the associated Phoenician amphora, and (2) dating the shrine itself on the basis of (a) its level relative to other structures in the immediate area

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or (b) on the basis of a macro-analysis of the stratigraphic column in this particular sector. (1) According to Patricia Paice, who, for this period, bases herself on the extensive stratified series from Tell el-Maskhuta (which, however, lacks major break-points between the Neo-Babylonian invasion of 568 B.C. and the Persian invasion of 525 B.C., or between 525 B.C. and the 486 B.C. rebellion), the shrine's amphora segment, M79 LI2.24.2A, its most characteristic portion, should not date before the second half of the sixth century B.C. (verbal communication). It is, however, typologically earlier than Phoenician amphorae from the blocked well (Holladay 1982: 130-31, pI. 27: 1-4), and it is closely similar to the most typical examples from the 525 B.C. Persian invasion (1982: lO4-5, pI. 14:5, 7), when this sector of the town site was massively destroyed (1982:24-25). (Note: in light of the above, we should probably reassess the "525 B.C." Locus L2130, with its distinctive rim and shoulder [Holladay 1982, pI. 14:61, which is completely indistinguishable fi"om items from the 486 B.C. blocked well [1982, pI. 27: 1-3].) (2) The first point to be made in this context is that preserved wall heights for the "525 B.C. House" average RL II.32m (n=2), with the best-preserved wall being RL 11. 3 7. Floor levels average RL 10.66m (n=2). There is only one RL (presumably the high point of a wall) listed for the Phoenician shrine: RL 11.15, which, given the lighter nature of the shrine's walls, places it reasonably on a par with the "525 B.C. House." Second, it should be observed that the highest preserved wall remnants for our three superimposed phases in the immediate area were 60 I B.c.=9.99m, 586 B.C.= 10.76. and 525 B.C.= 11.37, making the average stratigraphic increment of a major destruction in this area 0.69m. Hence, we arrive at much the same conclusion as the above. If the Phoenician shrine were earlier, it should be in one of the lower ranges (-10m, or -10. 70m). Similarly, if it were one destruction phase later, it should be somewhere in the range of 12m. At 11.15, liS. a theoretical" 11.39," with something ofT for lighter wall-construction, it fits neatly into place as the third member of a local series. And, since it was massively destroyed, with its "amphora installation" neatly in place and its defiled cult-statue lying within the ruined structure, it should have been destroyed at the same time as its nearest neighbor, the L2 "525 B.C. House", with its hidden "Isis and Horus" bronze figurine (Holladay 1982, pI. XX: 29, 30)

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and its closely similar Phoenician amphorae rowed up against its southern wall (1982:156, pI. 44; XIX: 27, cf. also 28). In Syro-Palestinian archaeological circles in general, the NeoBabylonian period is regularly subsumed under the heading "Persian." Such a dating would fall within Pritchard's intended range, even if not literally within the Egyptian "Persian Period" per se. Thus, the shrine is indicative of the presence of settled Phoenicians in this sector somewhere during the period 568-525 B.C., but not necessarily earlier, whereas theJudaean presence, with original 'Judaean" decanters, is witnessed from the period prior to 601 B.C. down to at least 568 according to thif one particular ethnic "marker." After that, we have no reason to doubt that J udaeans are still resident; but, pending working through a reasonably large body of field-typed 'Judaean decanter" sherds (ca. two dozen), or finding some other "marker," we have no direct evidence. Dl~fcuJJion

and Tentative Conclusions

From the above, it would appear reasonably clear that, in Egypt, we seem to be dealing with a scattered Judaean diaspora, presumably isolated small groups or families. That is, the refugees from "the poorest of the land ... vinedressers and plowmen" (2 Kgs 25: 12, RSV) left in the land together with Transjordanian refugees Ger 40:6-13) after "the rest of the people who were left in the [ruined] city and the deserters who had deserted to the king of Babylon, together with the rest of the multitude [were carried into exile by] N ebuzaradan the captain of the guard ..... " (2 Kgs 25:11, RSV). From 2 Kgs 25: 22-23 and Jer 40:6-13 it would appear that a substantial number of people other than "vinedressers and plowmen" actually survived the war and escaped exile. These bound themselves to the Babylonian governor Gedaliah. Predictably, however: In the seventh month, Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, son of Elishama, of the royal family, came with ten men, and attacked and killed Gedaliah and the Jews and the Chaldeans who were with him at Mizpah. Then all the people, both small and great, and the captains of the forces arose, and went to Egypt; for they were afraid of the Chaldeans. (2 Kgs 25: 22-26, RSV; d., at greater length, .Jer 40: 13-44-:30.)

InJer 43: 13-44: 1, Heliopolis/Tell I:Ii~n is mentioned, although without reference to Judaeans, while the cities initially sheltering Judaeans

424

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s.

HOLLADAY, JR.

are listed as "Migdol" [Tell Qedwah or Tell el-Heir?], "Tahpanhes" (Daphnae/Tell Defenneh), "Noph" (Memphis/Mit Rahneh), and "the land of Pathros" (Upper Egypt, including, given the later Aramaic papyri, Elephantine?). How many Judaeans actually descended into Egypt is unknowable. But given thatJer 52:30b, considered by King and Stager (200 I :256) to have a more authentic ring to it than the parallel account in 2 Kings, lists only 745 Judaeans carried captive in the third wave of deportations by Nebuzaradan the commander of the guard, the figure would most probably be in the hundreds, rather than in the thousands. In this connection, we might note that the Egyptian diaspora plays no part in the accounts of the Restoration, although, contrary to general opinion, at least some editorial activity took place on the basis ofJudaean experience of the topography and "archaeology" of the eastern Delta (Holladay 1988:6-8). From another perspective, these refugees almost certainly were not the firstJudaeans ever to move to Egypt. In fact, it is far more probable thatJudaean trading entities were already in place in Egypt and known to theJerusalemite andJudahite community as friends, family, co-religionists, and, in many cases, as the "Egyptian" end (better, ends) of an already extant trading entity / diaspora (better, entities/ diasporas, since individual diasporas, or individual strands within colonies and along trade routes within a broader diaspora, seem to have specialized fairly narrowly). Although inferable from first principles, this scenario is, in fact, attested by the find-spot of our earliest decanter fragment, in sterile (Pleistocene) riverine sands disturbed by the earliest building program, somewhere around 605 B.C., within the newly-fortified site of Tell el-Maskhuta/Pithom (above). What is of considerable historical interest is that in these happenings we are seeing the raw beginnings of the Egyptian diaspora, which eventually became a great intellectual and economic force in Alexandria. In itself, this attests to the fact that the diaspora persisted in Egypt, since the Septuagint was translated for that community probably beginning already somewhere within the third century B.C., as witnessed by numerous papyri of the early second through first centuries B.C. (conveniently, Peters 1992: 1094). In opposition to most of the earlier trade diasporas (Cohen 1971; Curtin 1984: 1-14), which retained strong links with their land of origin, after 582 B.C. these Judaeans, like Jews after 71 A.D., had no "home territory" to which to relate. But they had skills, such as the capability, for at least some of them, to write in Aramaic, the lingua .franca of the late Syro-

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

425

Palestinian Iron age, a necessity to survive, preferably as a people, in a strange land, and a long-term acquaintance with international and middle-range trade. Curtin's description of what was typical in diasporas is instructive: Commercial specialists Uudaean refugees had the option of either becoming economic clients/servants or remaining independent by developing professional, commercial, or craft specializations, not unlike economic migrants the world around] [removed] physically from their home community and Oived] as aliens in another town lbecoming] important in the life of the host community. There, the stranger merchants [and craftsmen] could settle down and learn the language, the customs, and the commercial ways of their hosts. They could then serve as cross-cultural brokers, helping and encouraging trade between the host society and people of their own origin who moved along the trade route. [In this pursuit, they] tended to set up a whole series of trade settlements in alien towns an interrelated net of commercial communities forming a trade network, or trade diaspora a term that comes £l'om the Greek word for scattering, as in the sowing of grain. (Cohen 1971; Curtin 1984:2, my insertions.)

And: Professional traders were necessarily a minority in preindustrial societies. Since they were not, in any very obvious way, a productive class, they tended to earn the suspicion of others [who played a useful role in society]. .. [and], if people tend to be suspicious of merchants, they are even more suspicious of foreigners. In any case, long-distance trade required someone to go abroad and become a foreigner. (1984:5-6; my insertions, Curtin's emphasis.)

Being a perpetual "outsider" required adherence to a number of ingroup traits and disciplines: By virtue qf maintaining their ethnic identiry, language and religion, they were able to survive for generations, in some cases for scores and hundreds of generations. In anyone port, colony, or residential quarter, one group generally had the upper hand, although in smaller settings groups often worked closely together. In the large colonies or ports [e.g., later Alexandria, or Renaissance Europe], a diaspora generally was highly specialized and stratified, from merchant princes, rich bankers and ship owners down to craftspeople and on down to rough caravaneers and market traders. Elsewhere, there might be only one or two families at any particular node of an extended trading network sueh as the jewelry, dry-goods, restaurant, rug and grocery trades in

426

JOHN S. HOLLADAY,

JR.

small-town North America. In my boyhood [in the midwestern United States] these businesses were dominated respectively by Jewish, Greek and Chinese, Armenian, and Syrian families. [As "outsiders" ourselves (my father was a minister, a former missionary, and, during \Yorld War II, an Office of Strategic Services Brevet tvfajor serving underground in Japanese-occupied Thailand) we had close connections across many of these "divides."] These few families [and ours], however, would know other families across a network of connections covering many states and ofIt?ring many Ireligious], marriage, financing, distributing, and partnership opportunities, and these are what gave substance to each diaspora or sub-diaspora and made it viable through time. Business often was conducted on a handshake' basis. They governed themselves through specialized councils, which helped to ensure [their acceptability] to their host community and that trade and quality standards were maintained. They always maintained their own language and specialized traders' dialect [and] their own defining and fencing customs, keeping 'kosher' being a prime example, and were all of one religious community, with their own special protective deity or saint. This deity was often regarded as a trickster' by the locals, who mistrusted people who made their living buying and selling, rather than through honest work.' This same mistrust, of course, left the field to the diaspora merchants. (An expanded version of Holladay 2001: 142, with major indebtedness to Curtin 1984, emphasis added.)

Decanters and the Early Judaean Diaspora Phenomena such as the religiously oriented "Deuteronomistic History," the foundational "document" of 1-2 Kings, and a renewed interest in the newly-discovered or rediscovered "book of the law" (2 Kgs 22:8-23:25) witness a religious reformation in late seventh-century Judah (Cogan 1998:258-61). At the same time, this religious fervor gave rise to the greatest effiorescence of religiously affective images (female pillar figurines, "horse-and-rider figurines," etc.) in the history of either Israel or Judah (Holladay 1987:276-81; Dever 1984; 1994; 1999), a schism carried over into the descent of the Judean diaspora into Egypt (Jer 44: 11-30), and, presumably, into Babylonia, where many of these images were more at home. Religiosity, whether turning back to an idealized past or outward toward a "world view," is a frequent accompaniment of desperate times, and wears many faces. What faced the refugee community was the twin problem of separating itself from the highly religious and suffocatingly all-encompassing Egyptian communities in which it was forced to dwell and earn its

JUDAEA1~S (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

427

living (the Greeks and Romans simply joined the crowd), and being simultaneously forced if it was not to be assimilated to bind itself together with positive symbols and ceremonies. Much of those had been stripped away inJosiah's refc)rms and offering temple sacrifices or observing the great annual feasts, a genuine possibility for tiny seventh.:century Judah, was impossible because (a) the highest forms of orthodox worship had been centered in the Jerusalem temple, though smaller sanctuaries and shrines still existed in places like Arad (and at one time or another a true "subsidiary" temple was built in Elephantine, and, probably, at Tell el- Yehudiyeh, so the notion was not antithetical to at least some branches ofYahwism) and, (b) the temple was completely destroyed, and (c) it is unlikely that particularly given the history of the Elephantine temple that the new settlers' Egyptian hosts would long have tolerated a prominent imageless, monotheistic, animal-sacrificing local "temple" serving, for example, the highly suspect foreign scribes, peddlers, weavers, and craftsmen. In any case, the high holy days were lacking in suflicient regularity to nourish a true sense of belonging. What was wantcd was something simple that could be performed behind normally closed doors. In its full form, the Synagogue was probably far in the future, although it might already have been forming in guise of the, probably all male, local communities' specialized councils. There was, however, the weekly Sabbath observance, newly reinforced by the "book of the law" (Miller 2000: 70, 141, 14-3, and especially 247, n. 132), and with it, the possibility of a sacred bonding rite: the Sabbath Meal, at which, when we do know something about it, the father of the household pours the wine and blesses the cup, and the family and all their guests partake. It is a moving and embracing ceremony, requires no priests or Levites, and probably would not invoke the wrath of even the most fanatical devotee of Amon-Re, the Persians, or, in the case of Elephantine, Khnum, the Ram-god. To my knowledge, we know absolutely nothing about the historical origins of this meal. It may be mentioned, though not by name, in the New Testament (Hasel 1992:855b), but not explicitly in the Hebrew scriptures. See, however, Exod 16:25-30, credited to the early 'T' source by S. R. Driver (1897; 1956 edition: 30-31), which deals proscriptively with the provision of food for Sabbath days of rest. A quick scan suggests that Karel van der Toorn did not consider the topic in his recent study (1996). 'J'he Sabbath meal was, and is, a simple, regularly repeated ceremony binding the family and its friends

428

JOHN S. HOLLADAY, JR.

into one household of faith and faithfulness to tradition and practice within sacred time. It was not for public display. Yet the eillorescence of inscribed wine decanters and personal names upon those decanters during the late seventh century and the early sixth century B.C., together with the interment of those inscribed and uninscribed wine decanters in the familial burial vaults of Kh. el-Qom and its vicinity and in the larger tombs of Lachish conceivably with the death of each head of an observant family, strongly suggest that not only was it in place during the years of the Josianic Reform, but also that it had already evolved into something of a prototype of the meal as observed in traditionally religious households of the Jewish diaspora wherever we can observe them. If the above is a correct reading of the data, this ceremony was already available for the smallJudaean diaspora community spread so thinly and precariously amidst the splendors of late Egyptian templeoriented and popular religion over the breadth of the Egyptian delta and up the length of the Nile. Where and why were the "Egyptian" decanters themselves made? Given the wares, we must look to the south. Perhaps even to Elephantine, remembering the Jewish Temple there (not destroyed until 410 B.C.), and the "Passover Papyrus" of 419 B.C. (Pritchard 1955:491), together with the community'S later claims to the temple's antiquity stretching back into the time of the Egyptian monarchs (1955:491-92; texts: Sachau 1-2,3,4; Ungnad 1, 2, 3,4; Cowley 30, 31, 32, 33). We have, however, no assurance that the colony was established this early (nor evidence that it was not). Nor, as far as I know, have any 'judaean Decanters" have ever been identified at or published from Elephantine (there are none in Aston 1999), but it would be interesting to see if any unpublished examples or fragments exist among the remains excavated in the areas in which the Aramaic papyri were found. Among those families who practiced the further worship of "the Host of Heaven", including the goddess represented by the Judaean pillar-based figurines and the menageries of horses-and-riders, flying doves, various quadrupeds, and tiny lamps caught up in the limbs of modeled trees with lopped-off branches (a model treelike "Asherah"?), these ceremonies were also familial household events Oer 7: 17 -18; 44: 1-25), and possibly sufficiently understandable to most Egyptians as to cause no offense. On the other hand, someone took it upon himself to mutilate the Phoenician Seated Pregnant Goddess. Given that human babies and infant lambs were offered to Tanit through the fire, the

JUDAEANS (AND PHOENICIANS) IN EGYPT

429

person may well have been a Persian. Suffice it to say that various female figurines, some clearly "Egyptian," and others less clearly so, and horse- and rider figurines, etc., also appeared in some quantity in Field L. As I remember, all were broken. But that must be another story, to be told only when we have progressed more nearly toward final publication. REFERENCES

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430

JOHN S. HOLlADAY, JR.

Bikai, P. M. 1978-17le Pottery Bliss, F.]. 1894-~~A Mound tion Fund.

I!! T)re.

I!! Many

Warminster: Aris & Phillips.

Cities; or, Tell el Hesy Excavated. London: Palestine Explora-

Borriau, ]. 1981-Umm el-Ga'ab: Pottery from the Nile Vallry bifore the Arab Conquest. Catalogue ky ,Janine Bourriau; Exhibition Organised ry the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 6' October to 11 December 1981. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cahill,]. 2000- Rosette-Stamped Handles.

pp.

85-108 in Ariel (2000).

Cogan, M. 1998--Into Exile: From the AssYTian Conquest to the Fall of Babylon. pp. 242-75 in 17le O>ifOrd History I!! the Biblical fiVodd, eel. Michael Coogan. New York: Oxford University Press. Cohen, A. 1971--Cultural Strategies in the Organization of Trading Diasporas. Pp. 266-81 in 17le Development I!! Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa, cd. C. Meillassoux. London: Oxford University Press. Cullican, W. 1969-The "Dca Tyria Gravida." Australian ,Journal 35-50.

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I, no. 2:

Curtin, P. D. 1984-~Cross-cultural Trade iJI World Hist(1)': Studies in Comparative f;}in-ld History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Daviau, P. M. Michele n.d.-Unpublished paper. Demsky, A. 1972-'Dark Wine' from Judah_ llrael Exploration ,Journal 22:233-34. 1979--A Note on 'Smoked Wine.' Tel Aviv 6: 163. Dever, W. G. 1969-70- IrOll Age Epigraphic Material from the Area of Khirbet el-Kam. Hebrew Union College Annual 40-41 : 139-204. 1984----Asherah, Consort of Yahweh? New Evidence from Kuntillet 'Ajnld. Bulletin I!! the American Schools I!! Oriental Research 225:29-37. 1987 -The Contribution of Archaeology to the Study of Canaanite and Israelite Religion. Pp. 209-47 in Ancient lrraelite Religion: EfS~Y.f in Honor I!! Frank lv/oore Cross, cd., P. D. Miller, P.D. Hanson, and S. D. McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress. 1994-The Silence of the Text: An Archaeological Commentary on 2 Kings 23. Pp. 143-68 in Scripture and O')ler Artf/iu,ts: l:.js~ys on the Bible and Archaeology in llonor I!! Philip ]. King, cd. M. D. Coogan,]. C. Exum, and L. E. Stager. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press. I 999-Archaeology and the Israelite Cult: How the Kh. El-Qam and Kuntillet 'J\irud 'Asherah' Texts Have Changed the Picture. Pp. 9*-15* in The Frank .Moore Cross Volume, cd. B. Levine, P.]. King, J Naveh, and E. Stern. Eretz-Israel 26. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society_

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Dothan, M. 1971--Ashdod II-III: 77le Second and Third 5'easons qf Excavations 1963, 1965, Soundings in 1967. Atiqot, English Series IX-X. .Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Department of Archaeology, Hebrew University, the Israel Exploration Society. Dothan, M. and D. N. Freedman 1967--Ashdod I: The First Season qf E"cavations 1962. Atiqot, English Series VII..Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Department of Archaeology, Hebrew University, the Israel Exploration Society. Driver, S. R. 1956--An Introduction to the Literature qfthe Old Testament. The Meridian Library. York: Meridian Books. Franco-Nieto, n.d. Wadi Tumilat. Unpublished paper. Gitin, S. I 990--Gezer III: A Ceramic Ijpology if the Late Iron II, Persial1 and Hellenistir Periods at Tell Gezer. Vol. I, Text. Vol II, Data Base and plates. Annual if the Nelson Glueck School if Bib&al Archaeology, Vol. III. Jerusalem. Hebrew Union College. Grayson, A. K. 1975--Babylonian Hiftorical-literary Text\'. Toronto Semitie 'Texts and Studies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Hasel, G. F. 1992--Sabbath. pp. 849-57 in 77le Anchor Bible Diction(1)l, 5, ed. D. N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. Holladay,.J. S.,.Jr. 197&----01' Sherds and Strata: Contributions toward an Understanding of the Archaeology of the Divided Monarchy. pp. 253-293 in Alagnalia Dei.' 77le Afighry Acts qf God, Esso:,ys 011 the Bible and Archaeolo,t!;Y in Afemol]! if G. Emest JVnght, F. M. Cross, W. E. Lemke, and P.D. Miller, Jr. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. 1982--Cities qfthe Delta, Part III. Tell e1-Maskhuta: Preliminary Report on the Wadi Tumilat Project, 1978-1979. American Research Center in Egypt Reports, 6. Malibu: Undena Publications. 1987---Religion in Israel under the Monarchy: An Explicitly Archaeological Approach. Pp. 249-99 in Ancient Israelite Rel~J"rion: Essays ill Honor qf Frank lvloO/oe Cross, ed. P. D. Miller, P. D. Hanson, and S. D. McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress. 1988---A Biblical! Archaeological Whodunit. Bulletill.· Canadian Mediterranean Institut.e 8.2:6-8. 1997-- --The Eastern Nile during the Hyksos and Pre-Hyksos Periods: Toward a Systemic/Socioeconomic Understanding. Pp. 183-226 in 77le Hyksos: '/Vew Histonwl and Archaeological Perspectives. University tv'luseum MonogTaph 96; University Museum Symposium Series, 8. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 200l--Toward a New Paradigmatic Understanding of Long-Distance Trade in the Ancient Near East: .From the Middle Bronze II to Early Iron IIA Sketch. pp. 136-98 in the ~torld if the Aramaealls II: Studies in History and Archaeologp in Honour qfPaul-Eugbze Dirm, ed. P. M. MichCle Daviau, J. 'V. Wevers, and 1\1. Weigl. Joumalfor the Stur!v of the Old Testament Supplement Senoes 325. Shellield: Sheflield Academic Press. n.d. - Ellidence for Religious DichotoTr!Y in ]udaean Bunal Pattems. Unpublished paper. o

432

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JR.

Kenyon, K. M. 1968-Excavations in Jerusalem, 1967. Palestine Exploratwn OJtarterty 100:97-111. King, P. and L. E. Stager 2001-LifC iii Biblical Israel. Library czfAncient Israel. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press. Larsen, M. T. 1976~~ The Old As.ryrian Cil:J-State and its Colonies: Mesopotamia. Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology, 4. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. Lemaire, A. 1978-Les BeneJacob: Essai d'interpretation historique d'une tradition patriarcale. Revue Biblique 85:321-37. Macalister, R. A. S. 19l2~-The Excavation if Gezer: 1902-1905 and 1907-1909: Vol 1-2 Text, Vol. 3 plates. London: Murray. Mazar, A. et al. 1985-~Excavations at Tell Qasile: Part Two, The Philistine Sanctuary: Various Finds, the Pottery, ConciusioTLf, Appendixes. Q§dem 20. Jerusalem: the Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University ofJerusalem.

Mazar, B., T. Dothan, and I. Dunayevsky 1966-~En-Gedi: The First and Second Seasons ifEtcavations 1961-1962. Atiqot VJerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Museums in the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Department of Archaeology, Hebrew University, the Israel Exploration Society. Miller, P. D. 2000- The Religion czfAncient brael. Louisville KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Mumford, G. 2001 - Concerning the 2000 season at Tell Tebilla (Mendesian Nome). The Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter. 1. Nadelman, Y. 199O--~ "Chiselled" Inscriptions and Markings on Pottery Vessels from the Iron Age II. Israel Exploration Journal 40: 31-41. Naveh,j. 1962-The Excavations at Mezad Hashavyahu: Preliminary Report. brael Exploration Journal 12:89-113. Oppenheim, A. L. 1957~A Birds-Eye View of Mesopotamian Economic History. pp. 27-37 in Trade and Market in the Earty Empires, ed. K. Polanyi, C.M. Arensberg, and H. W. Pearson. Glencoe: Free Press. 1967 -Ancient Mesopotamia (completed by Erica Reiner). Revised Edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Oren, E. D. 1984-Migdol: a New Fortress on the Edge of the Eastern Delta. BASOR 256: 7-44.

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Peters, M. 1992-Septuagint. pp. 1093-1104 in 17le Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, ed. D. N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Sir, 1886--Naukratis; Part I., 1884-5; ltrith chapters ~y Cecil Smith; Ernest Gardner, and BarclO)' V. Head. Third Memoir if the Egypt Exploration Fund. London: Triibner. 1888-Tanis; Part II: Nebesheh (AM) and Difenneh (Ta/tpanhes), with chapters by A. S. Murray and F. Ll. Griffith. Memoirs if the Egypt Exploration Fund; nos. 2, 4. London: Triibner. 189(}--/(i'lhun, Gurob, and Hawara; with chapters by F. 11. Griffith and Percy E. Ncwben-y. London: K. Paul, Trench, Triibncr. 1891-Tell ef He~ (Lachish). London: Palestine Exploration Fund. 1928-Gerar. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt. Petrie, W. M. Hinders, Sir, and E. Mackay, 1915-Heliopolis, Kqfr Ammar and Shurafa. Publications if the E.1,.'Yptian Research Account, 43. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt. Polanyi, K. 1957-Marketless Trading in Hammurabi's Time. Pp. 12-26 in Trade and Market in the Early Empires, cd. Karl Polanyi, C. M. Arensberg, and H. W. Pearson. Glencoe: Free Press. 197 I-Primitive, Archaic and Modem Economics. EssO)!s if Karl Po/a1!yi, cd. George Dalton. Boston: Beacon Press. 1975-Traders and Trade. Pp. 133-54 in Ancient Civilization and Trade, ed.Jeremy A. Sabloff and C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky. School of American Research. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Polanyi, K., C. M. Arensberg, and H. W. Pearson (cd.) 1957-Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Glencoe: Free Press. Pritchard,]. B. (cd.) 1955----Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 2nd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1975-Sarepta: A Preliminary Report on the Iron Age. Excavations if the Universiry Museum if the Universiry if Pennsylvania, 1970-72. Museum Monographs. Philadelphia. The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. 1988-Sarepta IV: The Olljects from Area II, X. 17le Universiry Museum if the Universiry if Pennsylvania excavations at Sarqfand, Lebanon. Publications de l'Universite Libanaise, Section des Etudes Archeologiques II. Beyrouth. Sabloff,]. A. and C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky (cd.) 1975--Ancient Civilization and Trade. School of American Research. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Singer-Avitz, Lily I 999--Beershcba-A Gateway Community in Southern Arabian Long Distance Trade in the Eighth Century B.C.E. Tel Aviv 26:3-74. Stern, E. 1993-Tell Mevorakh. Pp. 1031-34 in The Nez£) Enryclopedia if Archaeolflgical Excavations in the Holy Land 3, ed. E. Stern, A. Lewinson-Gilboa, andJ. Aviranl. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

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van der Toom, K. 1996-Famiry Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious life. Studies in tile History and Culture of the Ancient Near East, 7. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Tufnell, O. et aI. 1938-Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir): Volume II: The Fosse Temple. Text and plates; Volume III: The Iron Age. Text and plates (1953); Volume IV: The Bronze Age. Texts and plates (1958). Wellcome-Marston Archaeological Research Expedition to the Near East, 2-4. London: Oxford University Press. Tushingham, A. Douglas 1985-Excavations in Jerusalem, 1961-1967, I. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. Ussishkin, D. 1978-Excavations at Tel Lachish 1973-1977, Preliminary Report: F. Selected Finds and Problems. Tel Aviv 5:74-93. Veenhof, K. R. I 995-Kanesh: An Assyrian Colony in Anatolia. Pp. 859-71 in Cilnlizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. J. M. Sasson. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Judaea.

Table 1 Slip

Burnish

Burnished Pink Buff Buff Red

(Burnished) Ring Burnished Ring Burnished Ring Burnished Burnished

Brown

Hand Burnished

Red Red

Ring Burnished Irreg. Horiz. Bur.

Site, Volume

Plate

No

nExx

Ware

87 87 87 87 87 87 87 87 87 87 103

264 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 665

2

II

Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish III Lachish 111

Bro\Vn Buff Pink Bro\\
12

Beer-sheha I

62

99

Greenish ext, pink core, sm white & grey grits

13 14

Beer-sheba I Beer-sheba I

62 62

100 101

Brov-n "ith brown core, sm white grits Red with rcd core, Ig & sm white grit,

15

Beer-sheba I

62

102

Red with red core, Ig & sm white gdts

16

Beer-sheba I

74

17

Bro"11-grey "ith grey core, Ig & sm white grits

Wheel Burnished

17 18

Beer-she ba I Beer-sheba I

64 74

17 18

Brown-buff with grey core, sm white grit, Red-brown "ith grey core, sm white & grey grits

Wheel Burnished Wheel Burnished

19 20

Beer-sheba [ En-Gedi, :>\liquot V

74

19

Red-brown \Vith light-grey core, sm grey & white grits Reddish-brown, sm grey & white grit>

Wheel Burnished Wh(,el Burnished

21 22 23

En-Gedi, 'Atiquot V En-Gedi, ~\tiquot V En-Gedi, ;>\tiquot V En-Gedi, 'Atiquot V

Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

2

Brown outside, grey inside, Ig & sm grey grits Brown, thick grey core, sm grey & white grits Reddish-brown, Ig & sm white grits Grey, Ig & sm grey grits

Wheel Wheel Wheel Wheel

Sort I

2

3 4 5

6 7 8 9 10

24

Fig. 20

20 20 20 20

3

4 5

I

7 25 II

2 I

2 9 8

Firing

Comments

H

M M H H H H H H H M

Wheel Burnished Wbecl Burnished

Burnished Burnished Burnished Burnished

Rim, neck & handle only Biform: similar to a large decanter, not like type Applied or turned ring base Applied or turned ring base \Vheel-folded? ring base Turned? ring base Applied or turned ring base Turned disc base Applied or turned ring base Applied ring base Applied dng base Applied ring base Wheel-folded ringba~e

Table I. Cont. Plate

No

nExx

Sort

Site, Volume

25 26

Clark Collection, Clark Collection,

~tiquot

~tiquot

V V

Fig. 31 Fig. 31

I 2

Brown clay with grey core, white sm & Ig grit Reddish-brown clay, white sm & Ig grit

27

Clark Collection,

~tiquot

V

Fig. 31

3

Brown clay, white sm & Ig grit

28

Tell d-Qasilc II

57

16

Brown, dk, grey core, white grits

29

Tell el-Qasile II

57

17

Brown, grey core, white grits

30

Tell d-Qasile II

57

18

31

Tell el-Qasile II

57

32

Jerusalem (1985)

33

Jerusalem (1985)

Ware

Firing Slip

Burnish Horiz. Bur. Horiz. Bur., Vert. Hnd-Bur. Horiz. Bur., Vert. Hnd-Bur.

Orange-red

Horiz. Bur.

Reddish-brown, grey core

Brn-reddish

Continuous Bur.

19

Brown, dk, grey core, white grits

Orange-red

Horiz. Bur.

Fig. 2

10

Fig. 2

II

Coarse gritty gry-brn; sm, med, Ig WI, med. bm. gry grits Pink-orange, many sm, med white & dk gry grits

None Self-slipped Pink-orange

Horiz. Bur.

34 35

Jerusalem (1985) Jerusalem (1985)

Fig. 2 Fig. 2

12 13

Pink-orange, sm, med, 19 white grits Brown, sm and med white and grey grits

Pink-orange ""'hite

Wheel Burnished

36

Jerusalem (1985)

Fig. 10

30

Gry-brown, med & 19 white grits

Vertical Bur. Neck

37 38

Jerusalem (1985) Gezer 1Il

Fig. 10 25

31 10

Reddish-brown, med & Ig white grits 5YR"pink"7/3; few vsm crystal, SIn wadi gravel & lime; no core; Surface: IOYR"white"8/2 H

Creamy White White

39

Gezer III

25

II

10YR"lt red"5/6; very many vs-med lime, few sm Ig "ceramic" [hematite nodules?]: Surf.IOR"lt red"6/8

40

GezerIII

45

H

2.5YR"red"4/8:mny sm, few med-Ig lime, few sm wadi H gravel; core5YR"reddish-yellow"616; Ext. Surf. IOYR''white 8/2 ... to ... 2.5YR "red" 5/6

""'heel Burnished

CODl.Dlents

Vertical Hand Burnish [!] on neck Rim, neck & handle only Rim, neck & handle only Rim, neck & handle only Wheel-folded (and turned?) ring base Inner surface very pitted Burnished on rim, neck and body Rim to neck-ridge Rim, neck very short handle stub Rim to lower handle attachment Rim and neck only Rim, short handle stub, 2-ridged handle Neck-ridge to mid-body, 2 ridged handle Rim and upper third of neck

Table 1. Coot. Sort 41

Site, VolUBle

Plate

No

Gezer III

45

2 (?)

oExx

Ware

Firing Slip

IOYR"very pale brn"8/3; mny sm-med wadi gravel, few sm organic, few Ig ceramic [hematite nodules?], lime & crystal; no core; Surf (Ext) IOYR''-white''8/2

H

H

42

Gezer III

45

3 (?)

43

M. Hashavyahu IE] 12:2

Fig. 5

14

2.5YR"red"4/8; some sm-med lime, many vs crystal, few sm organic; gry core; Surf (Ext) YR"pink"i 14 Greenish-grey, white grits

44

M. Hashavyahu IE] 12:2

Fig. 5

15

Red, yellow core

45

M. Hashavyahu IE] 12:2

Fig. 5

16

Yellow, grey core whie grits

46

M. Hashavyahu I~J 12:2

Fig. 5

17

Reddish buff, grey core

47

Kh. el-Qom, Dever

Fig. 13

N/A I

2.5 YR "light red" 6/8

Burnish

COlDD1ents

Rim to shoulder, rounded "hogback"handle"

Rim and neck only

Burnished

Yellow

VeryH

Cream

Wheel Burnished body, below handle to tun of belly

Neck to mid-body, 2 ridged handle Rim to neck strap handle (stub only) Rim to top of body, 2 ridged handle Neck-ridge to top 2/3rds of body, 2-ridged handle Entire, inscribed, Ridged strap handle

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP IN ATHENS AND THE rvlEDITERRANEAN WORLD Baruch Halpern In the fifth century BGE, Judah underwent an important transition. Sometime in the period of Ezra and Nehemiah, probably between 458 and 444, the authorities in the Persian province ofJudah (Yehud) introduced a new system of genealogical reckoning. Formerly, children ofJudahite fathers had been reckoned asJudahites. Furthermore, male coresidence over a number of years or perhaps generations apparently conien'ed citizenship on children, quite possibly by adoption into the cognate line. In the late seventh century, Deuteronomy introduced an interdiction on the incorporation into the sacral community of the ofl:.,pring of Ammonite and Moabite fathers (Deut 23:4). But it equally permitted membership to the grandchildren of transplanted Edomites and Egyptians. Thus, in the world of the authors of Deuteronomy, adoption or matrilocal coresidence sufficed for eventual incorporation into the state-defined community. I At least some change, then, was probably underway at the time of Deuteronomy. Correspondingly, the Deuteronomistic History and P (Num 33:50-56) both emphasize an interdiction against intermarriage with (long-dead) indigenous Canaanites: they blame these elements--specifically, reciprocal exchange of women with them--{or the introduction of Canaanite cult practice into Israel, as though the aboriginal populations programmed Israelite popular religion (note that, atypically, it is exchange, not just population import, that creates the problem). P also furnishes a polemic about miscegenation with Moabites (Num 25: 1) that indicates an extension of the alleged taboo to contemporary cultures, as in Deuteronomy. The seventh-century cases, focused on isolating Israelites fl'om the theoretically indigenous peoples of Canaan, may have had earlier anteI Cf.J. Milgrom, "Religious Conversion and the Revolt Model for the Formation of Israel" ]BL 101 (1982) 169- 176. Milgrom supposes that this situation held fClr the entire pre-exilic period, which is possible but unlikely. A less restrictive rq,>i.men for foreit,'l1 males is suggested by the incorporation of Gittites, Ammonites and others into David's staff.

440

BARUCH HALPERN

cedents. Certainly, Deut 7:3-5, Deut 29: 15-28,Josh 23: 13,Judges 1-3 and 1 Kgs 11: 1-6, as well as the account of his reform, reflect authorship fromJosiah's time;2 still, the religious xenophobia directed against Jezebel and parts of the polemic of 2 Kgs 17:7ff. may have earlier origins, as perhaps does Exod 23:32-33: the theme of the extinction of the Amorites, after all, already characterizes Amos 2:9-10. Thus, there was a progression in the Iron Age. To become Israelites, males had to be adopted or matrilocal. That is, in any such cases, foreign males were paid to detach themselves from their families. Whether they could, in the first generation, participate in sacral rites is unclear, but seems probable, given the cases of Shechem, Joseph's wife, Jethro and Moses's wife in E, and given P's inclusion of circumcised gerim in the ritual of the Pesah. 3 This may have been the rule until Deuteronomy prohibited ritual access in the case of the nations descended from Lot, and limited it intergenerationally for Edomites and Egyptians. Notably, at more or less the same time, P, like Deuteronomy, prescribes a regimen of legal beneficence toward the resident alien. 4 P (Num 33:50-56), Deuteronomy and the Deuter-

2 For Judges 1-3 and I Kings II, see Halpern, The First Historians: TIe Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988; University Park: Penn State Press, 1996) 134-137, 150-57,220-28. 3 For E, Cen 34; 41:45, 50; Exod 18; Num 12. For P, Exod 12:19,48; P also includes Joseph's Egyptian wife in Cen 46:20. For the alien in other ritual and legal contexts, in H, see Lev 17:8-16; 18:26; 20:2; 22:18; 24:15-16. The general principle is articulated in Lev 24:22. The gnfm in P are by defInition not (yet) adoptees, and need not be Israelite (as the Israelites were gnfm in Egypt; see also Lev 25:35, reading "like a get", with LXX). Lev 25:47(MT)- 54 even prescribes redemption of debt-slaves of descendants of gmm, whereas Lev 25:35-46 prescribe periodic release of Israelite slaves (on a diflerent schedule, of course, from the Deuteronomic law), but permit perpetual maintenance of foreign slaves. Neither gmm nor 18§abfm in P hold land, at least in perpetuity (Lev 25:23), although it is probable that the latter are formal clients of some sort, in that one need not make provision against their indigence. Outside H, in Num 9:14; 15:14-16,26-30; 19:10; 35:15, the same relation of the gerfm to ritual and regulation holds. Whereas P calls the Israelites in Egypt gmm, however, D calls them "slaves", and D allows gerfm, but not widows or orphans, to eat impure flesh (14:21), in contradistinction to P's insistence on uniform cocies for all. (Deut 24: 14 also indicates the view that gmm are aliens.) Still, Deut 29:10 includes gmm in the covenantal community. 4 See Peter Schmidt, "De Vreemdeling in Israel," Collationes 23 (1993) 227-240; cf. C. Bultmann, Der Fremde im antiken Juda: eine Untersuchung zum so::;ialen Tjpenbegriff ''ger'' und seinen Bedeutungswandel in der alttestamentlichen Gesetzgebung (FRLANT 153; Cottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992). On the date of P, aside from arguments as to its relative priority to Ezekiel developed mainly by Avi Hurvitz, note that most of its legislation reflects the milieu immediately following Josiah's reform, and preceding

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

441

onomistic History, on the other hand, begin the process of focusing on intermarriage with foreign females, who might mediate worship of gods other than Yhwh to the Israelites (and who are blamed for the traditional Israelite cult). In the seventh century, of course, the argument against intermarriage with foreign females is relatively restricted-the issue is the cultic outcome of such marriages. But in the fifth century, there was a change. With the reforms of Ezra and perhaps Nehemiah, citizen mothers as well as citizen fathers defined membership in the Jerusalem community. Ezra arrived in Judah (Persian Yehud), according to Ezra 7:7-8, in the seventh year of Artaxerxes (I), 458 BCE. Ezra 7: 12-26 stipulate that he was to commandeer materials for sacrifices, and to subject the population of Syria-Palestine to the law of his god and of the Persian king. Scholars, naturally, have debated whether the subordination to the law was to extend only to Judaeans, or was to embrace a larger group, such as the denizens of Samaria or even the general population in the vicinity ofJudaea. Minimally, Ezra was appointed with broad powers of oversight in Jerusalem--according to one very attractive proposal, the equivalent of an Athenian episkopos, in terms of the semantic content of his charge as well as in terms of his mandate. 5 Further, it is rarely doubted that Ezra led a contingent to Jerusalem with a large quantity of silver and gold; some of his escort were priests, and others Levites and other cultic personnel, in addition to elements of the laity (Ezra 8). The importance of Ezra's mission is in evidence from the quantity of rare earths that he brought with him. And this in turn sheds light on the nature of the reform: the Persian authorities were invested in the mission. One therefore has to ask whether the implementation of the reform did not reflect a concern with a broader horizon than Judah alone. In fact, scholars have argued that the not dissimilar mission of Udjahorresnet in Egypt-aimed in part at establishing cultic purity and shrines-furnishes a context for Ezra's reform that involves the

Jeremiah, who cites it. Note that P's insistence on the inclusion ofgerim in ritual (above, n. 3) does not comport with a date contemporary with or after Ezra and Nehemiah, unless one supposes P to be a Samaritan or pro-Samaritan source. sR. C. Steiner, "The mbqr at Qumran, the episkopos in the Athenian Empire, and the Meaning of lbqr' in Ezra 7: 14: On the Relation of Ezra's Mission to the Persian Legal Project," ]BL 120 (2001) 623-46.

442

BARUCH HALPERN

reestablishment oflocallaw, particularly religious law, in the provinces of the Persian empire. 6 The account in Ezra concentrates on the maintenance and regulation of worship at the Jerusalem temple. But scholars have puzzled over the nature of Ezra's citizenship reform. According to Ezra 9, local officials complained to him that "the people of Israel, priests and Levites" had not been divided (bdO from the peoples of the lands: Canaanite, Hittite, Perizzite,Jebusite, Ammonite, Moabite, Egyptian and Amorite/Edomite (probably, Edomite).7 The issue was that the 10caiJudahite males took foreign women as wives, and mixed "sacred seed" with the peoples of the lands; naturally, officials and the upper echelons of the elite were the first to do so. The list of foreigners consists of some of the peoples named in Exod 34: 11-16, Deut 7: 1 and Deut 23:4-9. The first two of those passages prohibit marriage to aboriginal females (Deut 7: 1 prohibits female Israelites from marrying aliens as well). The third passage limits access for children of (male) aliens into the sacral community. But Ezra's reform embraces females. Deuteronomy 23 in fact allows access to Edomites and Egyptians, for descendants of males in the third generation of co-residence. The news of miscegenation, reputedly, devastated Ezra. All the god-fearers (literally, the word-of-god-of-Israel-fearers) gathered. Ezra announced that, having shamed Israel for its sins, ynwh had now given it a ;ViilM, or stake, in his holy place, and influenced the king of Persia to raise the temple, restore the ruins ofJerusalem (a reference to the fortification wall, probably), and "give us a giider (cf: epigraphic Gibeon gdr/" in Judah andJcrusalem." In consequence, Ezra argued, it would be an elemental error to revert to the practice of intermarriage with local inhabitants, the "peoples of the lands" with their "abominations" (9: 11-12). The text evinces heavy reliance on Deuteronomy and the 6 See J. Blenkinsopp, "The rvIission of Udjahorresnet and Those of Ezra and Nehemiah",JBL 106 (1987) 409- 21; Steiner, "Ezra's Mission and the Persian Legal Project," 634ff.; cf. L. L. Grabbe, "What Was Ezra's Mission?" in Second Temple Studies 2. Temple Communify in the Persian Pen'od (cd. T. C. Eskenazi and K. H. Richards; JSOT'Sup 175; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994) 286-99. 7 The list's order, in terms of the aboriginal populations, is identical, with omissions, to the order in Exod 3:8, 17; 33:2; 34: 11; Josh 3: 10; II :3; Nehemiah 9:8 and, signifIcantly, Judges 3:5. See below, and conveniently, T. Ishida, Histor), and Historical Writing in Ancient lrrael: Studies in Biblical H£,toriography (Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Ncar East, 16; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999) 8-36. B See J. B. Pritchard, HebTe1v Inscriptions and Stamps-ji-om Gibeon (Museum Monographs; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum, 1959) 1-7.

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

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Deuteronomistic History.9 It nevertheless applies specific prohibitions in Deuteronomy (7: 1; 23:4-9) to a contemporary situation in the fifth century, willfully misinterpreting the source to apply even to children, in each generation, of Edomite and Egyptian females. In response to the revelation 0) that citizens of Yehud were miscegenating with foreign e1ements---the list including long-gone aboriginal elements mainly in an effort to stigmatize other foreign alliances-- Ezra prayed at the temple, where elements "from Israel" allegedly gathered to him in support. Shechanya ben-Yehiel suggested expelling foreign wives along with their children. So Ezra made them all swear to do so,10 and went to the office ofJohanan son of Elyashib to fast. Meanwhile, Ezra summoned all members of the Golah community throughout Judah to a three-day congress in Jerusalem, on pain of losing their property and being expelled from the sacral assembly (qh~ of the Golah (cf. 2 Chr 15: 13). So, on the twentieth day of the ninth month, they convened in the square of the temple. Ezra demanded a separation (bd~ from foreign women, to which all agreed. But as it was the rainy season, officials, all of them with foreign \vives, were to come to Jerusalem at appointed times with the elders of each town (Ezra 10:7-14). In the following narrative (Ezra 10:15-44), priests, Levites and the non-priestly members of the Golah comply. Ezra and the lineage heads investigated from the first day of the tenth month until New Year's Day. Priests with foreign wives included sons ofJeshua ben-Yozadaq and his brothers-that is, the high priestly line. These expelled their wives, and paid shame offerings. Various Levite clans, temple singers and gatekeepers, and clans in "Israel" were also found to have taken foreign wives. Related to, and perhaps to be interweaved Mth, this account are

<j Note 9: II: the Israelites violated Yhwh's prophets' command, namely: thc land you are entering to inherit her (pI. you = Deut 4:5; In'th stems from Deuteronomy and dependent literature, possibly excepting Gen 15:7, but it looks identical: you [sg.] entering land to inherit it, roughly, Deut 7:1; 11:10,29; 23:21; 28:21, 63; 30: 16) is a ndh land (female impure, mainly Pl. Ezra 9: 12 cites an injunctioIl against the exchange of daughters with the aborigines, and an enjoinder to eat the good of the land (Ier 2:7!), so future generations will inherit. Ezra 9: 13-14 then express the sentiment, "Can we now again abrogate your commands, marry in these peoples of abominations, won't you finish us?" The whole complex accepts the argument of Judges 1-3 that intermarriage with the aborigines was the cause of the corruption of Israelite religion and, ultimately, of the exiles. 10 Ezra 10:1-5. Note the pun on "foreign" wives (nkrywt) and "making" (nkn) a covenant to be riel of them.

444

BARUCH HALPERN

Nehemiah 7-10, which form a background for Nehemiah 13. 11 In these chapters, after a repetition of Ezra 2-3: 1, Ezra presides over a ceremonial renewal oflsrael's relation with Yhwh (Ezra 7-10; Nehemiah 7-10 tend to use the term, Israel, for the sacral community focused on Jerusalem, whereas Nehemiah elsewhere prefers the term,Judah). This takes place at New Year (as Ezra 10 culminates there), and involves a proclamation of (probably) the Pentateuch during Sukkot. Immediately after the festival, on the twenty-fourth day of the seventh month, the assembly mourned, "and the seed of Israel were separated (nbdlw) from all the sons of aliens (bny nkr)": this rubric, in Nehemiah 9: 1-2, describes the ceremony that follows in Nehemiah 9-10. The ceremony consists of a lengthy recitation detailing Israel's ingratitude to Yhwh, followed by the sealing of a contract, cementing a community of "every one who was separated (hnbd~ from the peoples of the lands", including their wives, sons and daughters. These committed themselves to cultic observance, but first and foremost neither to give their daughters to "the peoples of the lands" nor to take those peoples' daughters. They also agreed to regularize the sabbatical year, possibly including internal debt release, although it looks as though debt-slavery was abolished in the (sequentially) earlier release in Nehemiah 5. 12 In Nehemiah 13, finally, there is renewed enforcement of the injunction against foreign wives, based more strictly on the injunctions of Deuteronomy 23 (Neh 13: 1-3). The emphasis on Ashdodite, Ammonite and Moabite wives, with the inclusion of San ballat (NehI3: 23-30), recapitulates for the most part the list of enemies found in Nehemiah 4: 1, but introduces an element of linguistic nationalism, railing against the introduction of Ashdodite. This almost surely reflects II For scholarship on the relationship of the chapters to the account in Ezra, see H. G. M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah (Word Biblical Commentary; Waco: Word, 1985) 284-86 and ad loe. 12 A ban on debt slavery had earlier been enacted in Athens together with a "shaking off of obligations" by Solon in 594 or so: Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 2.4; 6.1; Plutarch, Solon 15.3; 15.5-note the descriptions of reforms in Ath. Pol. 5-12; Plutarch, Solon 15-25. For the regularization of debt release in Judah in the 7th century, see R. Westbrook, "Codification and Canonization" in La Codification des Lois dans L'Antiquiti. Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg 27-29 novembre 1997 (ed. E. Lev)'; Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur Ie Proch-Orient et la Grece Antiques, 16; Strasbourg: de Boccard, 2000) 33-47, esp. pp. 42-43. The issue here is that P seems to envision generalized debt release only in the Jubilee year (Leviticus 25). 13 Inscriptional evidence, especially from Ashdod's southern neighbor, Ashkelon, indicates that the coastal dialect of the Persian period was southern Phoenician. This

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

445

the adoption of Phoenician dialect among elite elements (13:24).13 And the interpretation of Deuteronomy 23 is different from that in the account of Ezra's reform, inasmuch as it does not cite the cases of Edomites and Egyptians. Noteworthy, too, is the fact that there is no effective interdiction on the introduction of males to the community: did adoption of foreign males remain a possibility? The most common response to the stigmatization of miscegenation, and perhaps the most compelling in the literature, has been that theJudahite returnees represented by Ezra were' xenophobic or even "racist." 14 More fully expressed, the view has been thatJudahite culture would be "watered down" by neighboring peoples, and that, practically speaking, land holdings might be compromised by the marriages of returnees to non:Judahite women. IS Note that this view presupposes inheritance by wives (further below). This traditional view is certainly justified in theory. And yet, two questions arise. The first is why, suddenly, marriage in a patrilocal society was somehow threatening, when previously it never had been. This is particularly puzzling in that the highest ratios of intermarriage to numbers of males who returned in 538-522 BCE are found among a limited number of clans, concentrating particularly in the elite (Levites), and, as the text of Ezra says, among the leading families of the other lineages. 16 To be "racist" in motivation, rather than in pretext, the reform needs to have been directed against foreign women. Yet these women were among the elite, and evidence squares with the political data from KAI 14: 18-19 indicating domination by Sidon down to Jaffa and with Greek sources identif)1.ng Ashke\on with the Tyrians (Pseudo-Scylax in M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews andJudaism Oemsalem: Israel Academy, 1984] 10; see also Pausanias 1.14.7). See on the Phoenician presence L. E. Stager, "'Vhy Were Hundreds of Dogs Buried at Ashkelon?" in Ashkelon Discovered. From CaJlaanites and Philistines to Romans and Moslems (ed. idem; Washington: BAS, 1991) 22-36. For a review of contrary positions, see Williamson, Azra, NehemiaJl, 397. I'~ Joel Weinberg, The Citizen- Temple Communiry aSOTSup 151; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992). 15 For a particularly enlightened example, see Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah, 160. 16 See Ezra 9:2. For a rough guide to the ratios, tile following will serve, remembering that those who returned with Ezra (chap. 8) will not have had time (or the inclination or daring, probably) to intermarry. The numbers probably reflect geographical as well as social location, with Ncbo, for example, being on the border of Moab, whereas Pahat Moab and Par'osh seem to have resisted intermarriage, possibly on the basis of the ideological grounds that lead a member of the lineage of Elam (Ezra 10:2) to urge the reform. Note that not all the returning lineages are named in this apparently comprehensive list, so that we are entitled to presuppose either that they were not intermarried or that they were victims of the reform (see table in the Appendix).

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BARUCH HALPERN

presumably could have called on the political protection afforded by status and wealth as easily as their opponents could do. Moreover, there is no emphasis on prohibiting the adoption of foreigners, though one may argue that this is implied afortiori (see below). The second question is why, at roughly the same time, Athens also made it a condition of citizenship that mothers as well as fathers be Athenian citizens, or, rather, the daughters of Athenian citizens (see below). As Jerusalem and Athens are the two city-states of the era on the vicissitudes of whose governance we are best informed, it is possible that the same phenomenon was also taking place elsewhere. The two nearly contemporary events, at any rate, permit mutual illumination. The amount of wealth that Ezra carried from Mesopotamia to Israel makes a change in the direction of bilateral citizenship logical. Sometime betvveen 458 and 444, Ezra forbade intermarriage in Judah; around 432, Nehemiah reinforced the prohibition. The evidence would seem to suggest that the enforcement of this new regimen was directly linked to the importation of wealth and the development of enterprise in the new center. In other words, the representation of the text that Ezra undertook this reform in the year of his arrival rings true, although the phenomenon of antedating and chronological distortion in Ezra should give us pause about a final verdict: Ezra 1-6 actually present two disparate chronologies, silently recognizing that only chapter 1 refers to 538 BCE, whereas the rest of the segment to 6: 14 refers to events in 522-520, after the second return under Zerubbabel; at the same time, by changing means for dating events and creating a misleading impression especially in chapter 4 of linear sequence, it implies that the temple construction started in 538, and was impeded by the opposition of neighboring communities. In fact, this opposition is documented starting only in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, with respect to the refortification of Jerusalem. It may have had much to do with the citizenship reform. 17

17 On the chronolof.,rical issues, sec Halpern, "A Historiographic Commentary on Ezra 1-6. Achronological NaITative and Dual Chronology in Israelite Historiography," in TIe Hebrew Bible and its Interpreters (cd. W. H. Propp, B. Halpern and D. N. Freedman; Biblical and Judaic Studies from the University of California, San Diego, 1; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 81-142. Further, S. Talmon, "'Exile' and 'Restoration' in the Conceptual World of Ancient Judaism" in Restoration. Old Testament, }mish, and Ch,irtwn PersjJedives OSJSuP 72; Leiden: E..J. Brill, 2001) 107-146, esp. pp. 132-33, to the origins of the conflict with the Samaritans.

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

447

The contemporary international situation also casts light on this development. Probably, when Ezra was installed in Jerusalem, Megabyzus was en route to suppressing a revolt in Egypt, under Inaros (458). The suggestion has the merit of explaining why Ezra was in no need of a military escort. 18 Both Inaros's revolt and Ezra's trip, perhaps in the wake of an army, came at a time when the Athenian threat to the coastlands was at its height, and Athens was implicated in the Inaros revolt as well. In fact, Dor appears in the Athenian tribute list for 454. As Dor was formally a dependency of Sidon, at the time, and Athens was in conflict with Persia's proxies in Phoenicia and Cyprus, this suggests a signal Athenian success, either military or diplomatic, and most probably both-quite possibly in or shortly before 458. 19

]ewish Communities after Ezra Could Arjjust A1embership Onry According to the Father's Origin Two facts correlate with the international situation. First, Jerusalem was granted permission to rebuild its fortification walls roughly at this time, despite the opposition of neighboring polities. Second, the prohibition of intermarriage, and indeed of holiday commerce with foreigners, which is the second emphasis of these passages, creates a break with neighboring communities. That is, the policy that Ezra implemented was an isolationist one, and was bound to trigger reciprocal isolation on its borders. One might even say that the policy Ezra put into play was calculated to erect boundaries that prevented political collaboration, certainly in the short term. In fact, it recapitulates the agenda underlying Cyrus's original repatriation of deportee elites, an agenda of division and conquest. It evinces an imperial stamp reflecting calculation on the part of the Persian chancellery based on the local nature of xenophobia. Indeed, the repatriation and the policy of respecting local law were in that sense 18 Thucydides 1.109. See Christopher Oves, Diodonls and 'fllUcydides: Another Look at the Hi,loriograpky and C'llronology of the Pentek()ll/aetia (1V1.A. thesis) Pennsylvania State University) 2000). Oves speculates that Megabyzus actually installed Ezra on his way to suppress the revolt. C[ M. Noth) The hll.lJS ill the Pentateuch alld Other ElSl?Ys (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd) 1966) 76-78. 19 That is, it might well coincide with the Cyprian expedition ofThucydides 1.104·, involving 200 ships, which was cut short in order to sail to Inaros's aid in the Delta. See for Dor, B. D. Merritt, H. T. Wade-Gel), and M. F. McGregor, 771eAthenian Trihut.e Lists (Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1939-1953).

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merely deportation in reverse, achieving the same aim by ostensibly more beneficent means. The crucial difference was this: the Assyrians, and probably the Babylonians, attempted to erase ethnic loyalties and create a homogeneous international culture, certainly at an elite level; by contrast, the Persians cultivated and counted heavily on those loyalties as an engine of pacification. They adopted an overarching strategy of harnessing the ethnic mosaic rather than fighting that mosaic with a melting pot. 20 Review of the reform in Athens adds further perspective. In 451-450 (the year of Antidotus's archonship), Pericles sponsored a law making citizenship bilateral; he simultaneously abolished the institution of bride-price. The law, according to Aristotle, restricted citizenship to sons of citizen mothers and citizen fathers because there were simply too many citizens. Plutarch relates that the cause of the reform was that the Egyptian king (which is to say, presumably, Inaros) shipped grain to Athens to be distributed among the citizenry. Pericles therefore arranged to strike five thousand of these off the rolls as false. The five thousand were sold into slavery, their estates confiscated, leaving 14,040 citizens. 21 The resemblance to Ezra's reform is close, and the arrival of treasure from Persia makes a plausible reason for the community to adopt what was, contemporaneously, a Periclean policy. It bears incidental note that this reform is probably the origin of the tradition that children of a Jewish mother are Jews. Significantly, Aristotle reports that some democracies confer full citizenship, which implies eligibility for office, on children of citizen-mothers, or even on those of slaves. He opines that when numbers of citizens are higher, the state strips citizenship first from children of slaves, then from those of citizen-mothers, and fmally even from those of citizen-fathers whose wives are not citizens. Whether or not Aristotle's analysis of motivation is accurate, it has two implications. It reiterates and perhaps inspires Plutarch's analysis of Pericles's motivation. And, it attests, through direct or indirect observation, the conferral of citizenship on citizen-

20 For a similar view with regard to Persian Yehud a~ a counterweight to the neighboring Philistine powers, and for Assyrian antecedents, see E. A. Knauf, ""''ho Destroyed Beersheba II?" in Keil! Landfor .rich allein. Studien zum Kulturlwntalct in Kanaan, Israeli Paliistina und EbimO.rifor Marifred Weippert zum 65. Geburstag (ed. U. Hubner and E.A. Knauf; OBO 186; Freiburg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2(02) 181-95, esp. p. 190 and 11. 58. 21 Aristotle, Athenian Constitution 26.3; Plutarch, Pericles 37.3. See Herodotus 6.130131 for an example of the earlier practice of tracing citizenship patrilaterally.

EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

449

mothers' children. The latter probably implies co-resident children, that is, cases in which foreign males relocated to the mother's polity, in effect becoming adoptive members of her elite (by definition) family. Thus the lack of emphasis in Nehemiah on co-resident fathers may reflect the continuing practice of adoption in Judah, despite a silence on the subject that permeates both Biblical and post-Biblical texts. 22 In Judah, as in Athens, the real issue was the number of citizens entitled to shares of inducements coming from abroad. And the Athenian citizenship reform suggests that Ezra's was meant to reduce the number of citizens; perhaps those excluded from the community were also sold into slavery, in part explaining Nehemiah 5. But why did Athens adopt what appears to have been a Persian policy of encouraging nativism? Could it be that it was a reaction to Athenians serving abroad in colonies and taking local brides, as Ernst Badian has speculated? Studies in the social embedment of resistance to intermarriage argue that it is a mechanism for increasing solidarity or resisting external domination and assimilation. 23 Yet perhaps part of the logic here was also nationalistic: Athens, certainly, was gearing up to fight both Persia and Sparta in 451, though it temporarily enjoyed a truce (the Five Years' Truce, probably 454-449) with the latter. In 451, too, Cimon was leading his final campaign to Cyprus. The peace of Callias with Persia came only later, perhaps in 449; likewise, the Thirty Years' Truce with Sparta was a product of the 440's. So, in 451, Athens was actively competing for a foothold in western Asia, and fearful of a Spartan strike on its flank. Is the citizenship reform, then, an articulation of nativism, as it is typically understood to have been in Ezra? The coincidence with Ezra's reform and reduction of the citizenship rolls in Jerusalem suggests that none of these explanations holds, though they may have been invoked as means to persuade the populations of Jerusalem and Athens. Rather, there were social and economic 22 See D. Daube, Sons and Strangen (Boston: Institute ofJewish Law, Boston University School of Law, 1984) 47-48. 23 For these interpretations, respectively, E. Badian, "The Peace of Callia~, JHS 107 (1987) 1-39; From Ptataea '£I Potidaea: Studies in the History and Historiography if the Pentacontaetia (BaltinlOre: Johns Hopkins, 1993) 1- 72; R. K. Merton, "Intermarriage and the Social Structure: Fact and TheOly" Psychiatry 9 (1941) 361-74; E. L. CerroniLong, "Marrying Out: Socio-Cultural and Psychological Implications of Intermarriage" Journal if Comparative Famiry Studies 15 (1984) 25-46. The sociological literature, of course, responds principally to individual articulations of motivation, rather than the motivations of a leadership interested in mobilizing popular support.

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dimensions of reform. First, because those with foreign wives were likely members of the wealthiest class to begin with, the confiscation of their estates also offered an incentive-parallel to the Sybarite law stripping the city's five hundred wealthiest citizens of their assets (Diodorus Siculus 12.9.2-3): those families sold into slavery in Athens, and deprived of property in Jerusalem, no doubt had their lands, goods and persons redistributed to the remaining citizens. And there are indications that the lawmakers anticipated additional ramifications as well. In Athens, the abolition of bride-price was a formal trade-off of political concessions: what would otherwise have become a form of fiscal monopoly, the market in domestic brides, was theoretically reduced to a monopoly on social capital. Clearly, Pericles recognized that the introduction of bilateral citizenship would so escalate prices for women as to make the innovation intolerable economically and potentially redistributive. Arguably, in fact, the impact of bilateral citizenship would be to rein in demand for and expenditure on the most desirable families' daughters, at home and abroad, for the benefit of the many, since domestic prices would rise high enough to create a positive inducement for Athenians' sons to look abroad for their WIves. In theory, thus, the abolition of bride-price is a form of protectionism for native daughters! And it did usher in a change of attitude: Aristotle could speak of the practice of purchasing brides as barbaric (Pol. 1268b). Still, bride-price probably just assumed new forms, including that of wedding gifts, although these could in theory not be contractually guaranteed. And it is easy to imagine that the rising price of Athenian daughters made the prospect of wealthy, paying foreign sons-in-law attractive. This is also why Ezra and Nehemiah were at pains to prohibit the export of native daughters: their form of protectionism was to try to ensure that domestic supply sufliced to meet demand. Jerusalem applied a supply-side, Athens a demand-side solution to the problem bilateral citizenship presented. One other element merits consideration in this regard. The rise in the status of women in Deuteronomy, in theJudahite Reformation of the seventh century, wa<; a key antecedent to the demographic transition in Judah. \Vomen were protected not as property, but as people.2
21 See especially ~f. vVeinfeld, Deuteronorn.y and the Deuteronomic School (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972) 282-97.

EZRA'S REFORM A,"ID BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

451

And if the role of women changes over time, such that it becomes economical to educate women for the increment in bride price, then either the supply must be limited or social (and especially reproductive) choices must have changed (including deferral of childbearing entailing greater participation of women in the economy). Under such circumstances, parents have the incentive to invest in educating their daughters and to fight for increasing legal protection and even some degree of enfranchisement, such as the right of inheritance by females. It is true that Zelophehad's daughters, for example, are taken care of within the kinship system, by a variety of the levirate. Still, this late seventh-century P text (Num 27:1-11; 36:1-12, as well as the book of Ruth) attests patterns of succession (also witnessed in the Greek world slightly later) that are not clearly attested in earlier Israelite materials, where females do not inherit from their fathers, but enjoy the usufruct of their husbands' estates, as in other Near Eastern legal contexts. The original purpose of this elevation of the status of females was probably to reduce the in11uence of male lineages in Judah. 25 But like all other social innovations, it had unanticipated collateral consequences, especially for the mentality of the people at whom it was directed. By Ezra's time, these attitudes had afIectedJudah's elite as much as the changed circumstances introduced by Pericles's reform later worked their way into Aristotle's consciousness: for him, the selling of daughters, formerly normal, was inconceivable. That is, the cultivation of women's commercial skills, re11ected in Proverbs 31: 10-31 (and certainly attested for elite households from the Middle Assyrian period fOIward), begins in the seventh century and accelerates with the developments of the mid-fifth century. Meanwhile, other polities around the Mediterranean must have been imposing similar strictures, if only as a matter of economic self-defense. But what would induce the father of daughters in Athens to forego the bride-price due him? Why would Athenian
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for women correlates to a change in reproductive strategy, and a lower birth rate. Specifically, members of societies in which female status rises invest in grandchildren, maximizing wealth per child in order to maximize the number of prospective grandchildren. 26 Naturally, this postponement of reproduction represents a form of capital (Marx's "postponed pleasure"), and the realization of potential reproduction can be deferred generation after generation. But just such a change in strategy must have characterized Jerusalem and Athens in the mid-fIfth century. It is likely that the strategy embraced much of the Mediterranean world, particularly in Phoenicia and Cyprus. Thus, birthrates were probably falling in the Jerusalem community of the fifth century, and perhaps had started falling as early as the seventh century. At the same time, the education of indigenous females was probably advanced in a way unprecedented in West Semitic culture. The same probably holds for contemporary Athens. Ezra's reform was not "racist" in inspiration. Like Pericles's, it employed racism cynically, as a pretext for maximizing wealth. Chances are, similar reforms were occurring around the Mediterranean basin at the same time. Which of these came earliest is a question-and it is a question which of the two documented cases is the earlier. However, one thing is clear: citizenship reform in Athens and Jerusalem cannot be analyzed solely from the documentation provided in each culture's literary legacy. Only a bird's eye view furnishes the perspective necessary to understand the nature of the phenomenon. First, it was encouraged by an imperial center. Second, as Richard Hofstadter almost said, citizenship reform was "a pecuniary institution."

26 See especially M. Borgerhoff Mulder, "Optimizing offspring: The qualityquantity tradeoff in agropastoral Kipsigis," Evolution and Human Behavior 21 (6) (2000) 390-410. Further see B. Luttbeg, Borgerhoff Mulder and M. S. Mangel, "To marry or not to marry? A dynamic model of marriage behavior and demographic transition," in Human Behavior and Adaptation: An Anthropological Perspective (ed. L. Cronk, N. A. Chagnon and W. Irons; New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 2000) 345-68; D. W. Sellen, M. Borgerhoff Mulder and D. F. Sieff, "Fertility, offspring quality and wealth in Datoga pastoralists: Testing evolutionary models of intersexual selection," ibid. 91114; note further Borgerhoff Mulder, "Demographic transition: Are we any closer to an evolutionary explanation?" Trends in Ecology and Evolution 13/7 (1998) 266-70; "Bridewealth and its correlates: Quantifying changes over time" Current Anthropology 36 (1995) 573-603.

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EZRA'S REFORM AND BILATERAL CITIZENSHIP

APPENDIX Intermarriage by family

Intermarriage by familY

# in Ezra 2

Ratio

Jeshua b Yozadaq: 4/5 Immel': 2 Harim: 5 Pashhur: 6 Levites: 6 singers: I / 2 gatekeepers: 2 / 3 from Israel: Par':oTM: 7 Elam: 6 Zatu': 6 Bebay: 4 Bani: 6 Pahat Moab: 8 Harim: 8 Ha~hum: 7 Bani: 12 / 18 / 27

I / 973 (latter is Yedayah) 1052 1017 1247 74 128 (Asaph) 139

4/5:1 / 1:194.6

2172 1254 945 623 642 2812 320 223 2056 if Bigvay

1:310.29 1:209 1:157.5 1:155.75 1: 107 (if not Binnui) 1:351.5 1:40 1:31.86 I: 171.33 / 114.22 / 76.15

Binnui: 0 / 4 / 13 Azzur: 0 / 8 Nebo: 7

52

1:7.43

# in Ezra 8

1:526 1:203.4 1:207.67 1:12.33 I: 128 / 1:64 1:69.5 / 1:46.33 150 70 28 160 200 70

The numbers probably reflect geographical as well as social location, with Nebo, for example, being on the border of Moab, whereas Pahat Moab and Parcosh seem to have resisted intermarriage, possibly on the basis of the ideological grounds that lead a member of the lineage of Elam (Ezra 10:2) to urge the reform. Note that not all the returning lineages are named in this apparently comprehensive list, so that we are entitled to presuppose either that they were not intermarried or that they were victims of the reform.

EGYPT AND PHOENICIA IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD: PARTNERS IN TRADE AND REBELLION John \,y. Bedyon

Introduction The close connections between Egypt and Phoenicia are well documented as far back as the Late Bronze age, if not further. The Lebanon range of mountains was an important source for timber, and cities such as Byblos were famous for their purple dye valued by Near Eastern and Egyptian royalty. Trade benveen the Nile Delta and the Canaanite city-states of the Levant followed the political and military developments of the time. In the Iron Age and Persian Periods, both Egypt and Phoenicia sought commercial power and stability-nothing more, nothing less. The changes which engulfed the region after the fall of Assyria swept the merchants of the eastern~fediterranean along with them. Once partners in trade, Egypt and Phoenicia would find themselves enemies in war and allies in rebellion by the time Alexander's Hellenistic armies took overall control.

Persian Conquests and Administration: ca. 539-470

BCE

By 574 BCE, Nebuchadnezzar ruled the Near East from Babylon. Although he attempted to conquer Lower Egypt, his efforts failed. Providing for his army across long desert supply lines meant certain failure. Had the Babylonian king sought and favored Bedouin assistance in his Egyptian campaign, he might well have been successful. By the end of his reign, problems in the North preoccupied his mind, including the threat of war between Cyxares of Medea and Alyattes of Lydia. Nebuchadnezzar negotiated a truce between the'nvo sides, and put himself in a position of power and political leverage in the region (Roux 1992:380). But reaching that point had not been easy. Egypt did not hide its anti-Babylonian position. In 592 BeE, Psammetichus II led a procession of his priests, court, and army to Philistia andJudah. Then they traveled up the coast to Tyre and Byblos, "to lift the spirits of the anti-Babylonian resistance and to cement alliances"

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JOHN W. BETLYON

(Redford 1992:464). Phoenician city-states continued to supply timber to build ships, and Judah was to be the focal point of Babylonian opposition in the southern Levant. But Psammetichus II fell ill, and died in 589 BeE. His successor and son, Wahibre (called Apries by the Greeks), immediately went to Sidon to raise more support for the resistance. It was in this context that Nebuchadnezzar launched his 588 campaign against Judah~·-a campaign well documented in the ostraca written in Hebrew, found in Lachi~h (Stratum II). The ostraca show vividly that theJudeans could not defeat the Babylonians without Egyptian military aid. Apries marched with an expeditionary force in the fall of 588 (Torczyner 1938; Albright 1969:321). The Babylonian response, however, was swift and strong, intimidating Apries and forcing the Egyptians to withdraw without helping Jerusalem-and Zedekiah-withstand Nebuchadnezzar's forces (Redford 1992:466). Judean fortresses-such as Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kakbri-were lost to the Babylonians along with their East Greek mercenaries, and Nebuchadnezzar's victory was complete (Niemeier 2001 :22-23). Nothing stood in the way of his total domination of the eastern ~lediter­ ranean seaboard. But Nebuchadnezzar had other problems to deal with only a few years later. After Jerusalem fell in 587/586 BeE, theJudean Gedaliah was put in power as "governor" acting on behalf of the Neo-Babylonian throne. He ruled with Neo-Babylonian protection from Mizpah (identified with Tell en-Nasbeh just north of Jerusalem). Although there were probably Babylonian soldiers protecting him, an armed band ofJudeans attacked and killed him in 582 BGE. Nebuchadnezzar wa~ forced to campaign a third time in Judah (after 596 and 587/6) to restore order (Bright 1986:344-346; Wiseman 1983:38; Galling 1964: 51 fl). This action probably did not require massive military force. Judah, as recent studies have shown, was in a state of complete collapse and disrepair following the terrible wars of Babylonian conquest in 597/6 and 587/6 BeE. Many people had already been deported to places in Babylonia. As in Assyrian times, deportation was the punishment reserved for those who stood in the way of imperial policy (Oded 1979: 43). The Babylonians did things differently than the Assyrians did. The Assyrian rulers built fortresses and assigned troops to carry on "military operations other than war," operations which reestablished the peace and built internal security. These operations also supported the rulers chosen to govern the provinces (Betlyon forthcoming). The Babylonians' rise to power had been meteoric. Babylon went

EGYPT AND PHOENICIA IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

457

from being a province of the Neo-Assyrian Empire to ruling the Mediterranean world in a very short time period. The Babylonians may not have been ready to take on this great responsibility. Nebuchadnezzar appears to have been a man "in the right place at the right time" (cf. Sack 1978). But his successors were ill prepared for the responsibilities they faced. In short, Babylonian policies of conquest, which included the wholesale destruction of Jerusalem, Lachish, and other parts of the region, were ill-fitted to a scheme of imperial administration in a post-war Levant. Judah was so weakened that the population appears to have been reduced by nearly 70% due to the military activities of the 590's and 580's (Carter 1999:246-48). Except for the large public building at Tell en-Nasbeh, there is little evidence of public administration or possible military occupation in this southern Levantine region. Although the Babylonians did fortify regions in the north and east, military concerns in the south focused on attacking Egypt-an attack which failed. Babylonian governance differed significantly from Neo-Assyrian rule. Only a few military posts were occupied by troops (such as Mizpeh) and there is no evidence of substantial rebuilding in Judah to reinvigorate the economy. Instead, a unique pattern of Babylonian "administration" was established in the southern Levant. It was a lai.I:,ez-:/aire approach to provincial governance. So long as tribute was being paid, the Babylonians appear to have allowed provinces to rule themselves. The border incursions and rebellions which erupted in the wake of the Neo-Assyrian collapse were contained by the 550's BCE. Nebuchadnezzar's successors-Amelmarduk, Nerglissar, Labashi-Marduk, and Nabonidus-however, were weak and too often corrupt. These rulers do not seem to have learned the "tricks" ofNeo-Assyrian statecraft, which insisted on loyalty to the throne and assistance to help rebuild economies (Oded 1979:43; Stem 2000:46-47). However, Nabu-na'id had other pressing concerns. He was keenly aware of his nation's religious traditions leading him to excavate the ruins of the temenos of the Temple of Marduk in Babylon and rebuild it. He also focused on remodelling the Temple of Sin in Harran, to which he had a significant family attachment (Beaulieu I 989:205ff.; Roux 1992:381-82). Nabonidus was devout, but there is little evidence to suggest that he was politically or militarily astute or aware of the implications of his "benign neglect" of imperial problems. His son was unable to control affairs in the Babylon while his father was resident and campaigning in the faraway Arabian oasis of Tema. Nabonidus' invitation to the

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Persians to expel the Medes from Harran simply invited them to pursue further action in the region. But there were the mid-sixth century economic problems, such as double-digit inflation, which also significantly contributed to Babylon's downfall (Saggs 1962: 147 -48, 261 fr.). Cyrus conducted a series of successful campaigns to enlarge his Persian kingdom. He turned west into Lydia, occupying Cilicia. Breaking his alliance with the Babylonians, he established Persian hegemony over the northern parts of Mesopotamia, and the East Greek cities of Ionia and Asia Minor. Before turning south, Cyrus solidified his hold on the Eastern frontier, taking Parthia, Aria, Sogdia, and Bactria (Roux 1992:385). By the time Cyrus moved on Babylon, a Babylonian pro-Persian party was lobbying for peaceful submission to his rule. Some ancient sources depict him as Babylon's "savior," who restored traditional religion and freed Babylon from the oppression of their own ruling family. Cyrus' attack came in the fall of 539 BCE. Babylon fell without a fight, the god Marduk marching beside Cyrus to occupy the city (Grayson 1975: 109-10; Beaulieu 1989:228-29). Acting immediately, Cyrus extended Persia's borders to the West, launching forays into Egypt and throughout Asia Minor. Cyrus was unsuccessful in the Nile Delta. But his successors, Cambyses and Darius I, carried on the fight later in the sixth century. Persian policies toward her subject peoples seemed to allow certain "freedoms," such as returning from exile to their homelands. The most famous example of this policy is the edict of Cyrus, recorded in Ezra 1, which dictated that the Jews would be permitted to return from Babylon to Yehud. Cyrus was neither an innovator nor a particularly benign ruler, as recent studies have shown (Hoglund 1992:23; Van der Spek 1982:278-83). But from the perspective of the biblical writer, Cyrus' actions came about when "Yahweh stirred up the spirit of Cyrus" to do Yahweh's will. In other words, the biblical point-of-view understands all that happened from a religious, theocentric perspective. But how did this policy affect the western provinces of Babylon's former empire? As early as 876 BCE, Assurnasirpal received tribute from the Phoenician cities of Tyre, Sidon, Byblos and Aradus. Specifically, Phoenicia sent tribute to Nineveh in the form of silver and gold ingots, fine polychrome cloths and ivory (Harden 1971 :49). A few years later, Shalmaneser III received further tribute and defeated the king of Aradus, who thought he could act independently of Nineveh. All this is illustrated on the gates of Balawat and the Black Obelisk, now in the

EGYPT AND PHOENICIA IN THE PERSIAN PERIOD

459

British Museum. The Black Obelisk depicts ships from Tyre bringing tribute to the mainland, while other Levantine monarchs watch from the seashore, including Jehu ofIsrael (Harden 1971 :49). The relationships between the Phoenician city-states and their Assyrian overlords were sometimes "rocky." In about 672, Tyre joined with Egypt to resist Esarhaddon. A stele f()Und at Zinjirli depicts the Assyrian king with the kings of Tyre and Egypt on leashes doing obeisance at his feet (Harden 1971 :50 fig. 11). On the other hand, there can be little doubt that the Tyrians and other Phoenician states provided invaluable service to the Assyrians manning the merchant marine, which helped to fuel the Assyrian economy. Throughout the late eighth and seventh centuries, Assyrian royal policy sought to build up the economy to the benefit of the kingdom, rather than to tear it all down (Stern 2000:53-54). When Nineveh fell to the Babylonians and Nebuchadnezzar extended Neo-Babylonian rule to the ,,,,est, it was inevitable that problems would arise with the independently motivated Phoenicians. In ca. 574, after a long siege, Nebuchadnezzar defeated Tyre and finally brought all of Phoenicia under his rule (Harden 1971 :50). Thirty-five years later, Cyrus moved into the Levant, and all of Phoenicia, Syria, and Cyprus formed the fifth satrapy of his new empire. Although Phoenicia was not really independent, her city-states' naval power became the mainstay of Persian power at sea-both military and commercial. In particular when Persia faced off with the Greeks, the Phoenician navy was central to the "order of battle." The Phoenicians were no strangers to conflict with the Greeks, who were their maritime and commercial rivals. In 539, Sidon was the principle city of the Phoenicians; 'ryre was weak, and recovering from Nebuchadnezzar's siege. Apparently for a time, Sidon was the site of a palace for the Persian king; and excavations have unearthed several capitals in the Susan Persian style, "in the form of bull-protomai" (Harden 1971 :50). This palace may have been the Persian forward "command post" ncar the via maris and the sea routes to Lower Egypt. Initially, Persian interests focused on promoting a thriving economy and on extending boundaries to the nortllwest and southwest. Cambyses waged a major campaign to extend Persian rule into Egypt. The Greeks were already there, with their trading emporium and fortress at Naukratis in the Nile Delta (Gray 1969: 17; Niemeier 2001:21-24). Amasis, the Egyptian king, was pre-eminently Philhellene; he married into the dynasty of Psammetichus II whom he overthrew, and he

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also married Ladice, a Greek woman from Cyrene. He strengthened Egyptian ties with Greece, making "rich presents to various Greek shrines after the destruction of the temple at Delphi (548 BCE), including a thousand talents weight of alum for its rebuilding" (Gray 1969: 17). Amasis made his intentions clear when earlier he had forged alliances with Croesus of Lydia, Polycrates of Samos and Nabonidus of Babylon-all enemies of Persia (Boardman 1973: 140-41). Cambyses had problems to solve at home before embarking on a campaign against Egypt. He distrusted his own brother, Smerdis (Bardiya), and had him killed (according to the Behistun inscription of Darius I). He pressured Cyprus to ally with him against their Egyptian friends. According to Herodotus, a Greek renegade, Phanes, assisted him in securing water supplies for his army as they moved along the coastal road from Gaza to the city of Pelusium, where the Egyptian forces, with their Ionian and Carian mercenaries, were deployed for battle. With Arab help, the Persian forces attacked the Egyptians at Pelusium and routed them, forcing them back on Memphis. With the capture of the capital city, Psammetichus III, who had been king of Egypt for only six months, was lost. By May 525 BCE, Cambyses was recognized as king of Egypt. His plans to continue his campaign to the West, into Libya, Cyrene, and perhaps even Carthage, ended in disaster-apparently a sandstorm in the el-Khargeh oasis (Herodotus 3.26). The archaeological evidence shows the effects of Persia's invasion on the Greek presence in Egypt. The fort at Daphnae was abandoned. The importation of Greek pottery to N aukratis practically ceased (Boardman 1973: 129). The garrison which was stationed there as early as the sixth century was undoubtedly destroyed (Niemeier 2001:21-22). Unlike Cyrus' policies in Syria, Babylonia, and Yehud, where the local gods were worshiped or acknowledged by the Persian Great King, Cambyses desecrated the corpse of Amasis, and openly mocked the religious customs of the Egyptians. The papyri from Elephantine mention the destruction of Egyptian temples, "while the Jewish temple at Elephantine was left unharmed" (Cowley 1923:30; Gray 1969:22). Before returning to Persia, Cambyses received the name of Re-mesuti, "born of Re;" he worshipped and made offerings to all the great gods in Sais, as all good Egyptian kings had done before him. Still, his less than tolerant attitude towards Egyptian religious traditions stands in sharp contrast to that of Cyrus. Herodotus attributes these anomalies in policy to a mental breakdown on the part of Cambyses. Indeed

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as he traveled to Persia in the spring of 522, he took his own life. But before doing so, he had established Persian rule further to the south and west than any Near Eastern ruler had ever done, and he administered Persian rule with a thoroughness matched only by his conquest of Egypt (Gray 1969:23). In periods of interregnum, subject populations often found excuses to revolt against their distant Persian overlords. The Egyptians, however, took little part in the revolts against the Achaemenids which broke out in 522 BCE, and which took Darius I months to subdue. Aryandes, the Persian whom Cambyses chose to rule Egypt, remained in his position until Darius removed him from office and put him to death on the suspicion that he had plans to take imperial power to himself. A first small revolt in ca. 485 BCE led to a brief enthronement of a native Egyptian, although Darius quickly restored power to Persia. Darius maintained Persian hegemony in Egypt with the establishment of strong garrisons of troops at Memphis, Daphnae in the eastern Delta, Marea in the western Delta, and at Elephantine in the south on the Nile. A naval force was also stationed in Lower Egypt. Persians made up the bulk of this military force, but Jews and other Semites were part of it, as were some Egyptians (Gray and Cary 1969: 190-91). Evidence suggests, however, that Darius significantly softened the negative attitude toward Egyptian religion, mollifYing the bad feelings engendered by his predecessor. He also adopted an Egyptian name, Stitu-Re, proclaiming his devotion to Re (Gray 1969:24-25). He repaired the temple ofPtah in Memphis, and built a great temple in the oasis of Khargeh. He made offerings to the gods and provided funds to the priests to maintain their rituals and the priesthoods. In an inscription found at Sais, the Egyptian priest, Uzahor, described how Darius commanded him to re-establish the city's "Temple-school," because this would awaken "to new life all that was falling into ruin, in order to uphold the name of all the gods, their temples, their revenues, and the ordinances of their feasts forever" (Gray 1969:25). Darius was also busy rebuilding the infrastructure of the Egyptian economy. Among these projects was the completion of a canal linking the Nile with the Red Sea, a project which Neccho had begun nearly a century earlier, but had abandoned. The Persians were keenly interested in economic growth and amassing wealth. By the end of the sixth century, trade witll Greece was increasing, as the appearance of Athenian wares in Naukratis and elsewhere attests (Boardman 1973: 139). Athenian silver coins also appeared, probably coming into Egypt

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from East Greek merchants, travelling via Phoenicia. Although Egypt paid a very high annual tribute to Persia-more than 700 talents, the country's agricultural wealth far outweighed the tax burden. In his early years, ca. 522-520 BCE, Darius dealt with revolts in the eastern provinces of the empire. The prophet Haggai used this opportunity to prophesy that the earth was "shaking," and proposed that Zerubbabel, the Jewish prince over Jerusalem, assert himself as the "chosen," -lvlessiah- of Yahweh. It is probably a tribute to Darius that nothing came of this prophecy and Zerubbabel and Haggai disappeared from history. Darius I very capably administered his conquered realms. The Great King ruled in consultation with his counselors from Persia; local satrapies were governed by satraps and their councils. While the king's authority was absolute, Persian government was tolerant of local concerns and traditions. No native vassal kings were created in subjugated countries, for this would only engender rebellion. As "King of Egypt," Darius I was able to claim continuity of the royal traditions of the Egyptians. This was surely the case until the revolt of the 460's.

The Egyptian Revolt Leads to C'hanges in Persian Imperial Poliq Sources used to reconstruct the events of the Egyptian revolt of the first half of the fifth century BCE vary extensively in their understanding of what happened. Some scholars have labeled the sources "tendentious"(Hoglund 1992:97; Hill 1951 :343-44). Still, a careful reading of various ancient authors can yield a better understanding of the revolt. Kenneth Hoglund has carefully reviewed the material. The Egyptian revolt, he argued, came on the heals of Persia's defeat by the coalition of Greek city-states under Athenian leadership at Marathon and Salamis (Starr 1989:29-34). To Egypt, it must have appeared that Persia was weakening, particularly when Darius I died and Xerxes I came to power. \Ve \viII not be concerned here with the details of the various sources, whether Greek or Egyptian. Diodorus Siculus' claim that the revolt began when the death of Xerxes became widely known in Egypt seems not only plausible, but highly probable. By 464 BCE, the garrison at Elephantine was aware that Artaxerxes was the new king (Cowley 1923:15-17; Horn and Wood 1954:8-9; and Porten 1980:6-7). When news of Darius I's death spread through Egypt in 486 BCE, some parts of the nation immediately revolted, "suggesting that once news of a

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change in monarchs had spread rapidly from the Iranian plateau to Egypt, the effort to seize the opportunity for national independence was soon to follow" (Hoglund 1992: 138-39). Diodorus claims that the rebels immediately expelled Persia's leadership and made Inaros the king; the year would have been ca. 464 BeE. Inaros is a Hellenized form of the Egyptian irt-~lr-itw, meaning "May the eye of Horus be against them" (Hoglund 1992: 139; GuentchOgloueff 1941: 11 7). He is identified as a Libyan, apparently one of the powerful chieftains of the Libyan tribes from the Egyptian \Vest. He is, interestingly, not identified as "king of the Egyptians" until after the revolt. Herodotus' assertion that he was a son of Psammetichus is probably a reference to a non-royal Psammetichus-the name being quite popular during the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty (cf. Redford 1983:90 n. 171). So Inaros was a leader of one of the large ethnic groups resident in the western Delta. So also was Amyrtaeus, his associate, who was called "Great Chief of the Meshwesh," the western Delta "marsh dwellers" (Thucydides 1.110). All of this means that the Egyptians revolted against Persia internally-without outside help or instigation. Following Hoglund's reconstruction (1992: 142), the revolutionary army, after assembling loyal forces, "moved down the Canopic branch of the Nile." The Persian Satrap mustered his forces and advanced to meet the revolutionaries. Achaemenes, one of Xerxes' brothers, was killed in action at Papremis, a site probably located along the westernmost branch of the Nile (Lloyd 1975:270-72). Inaros' forces won an early victory there, and he called on Athens for aid to completely defeat the Persians in Egypt. Persian forces took refuge in Memphis, which was the satrapal seat of government and the site of a Persian military garrison (Porten 1980:29, 53-54; Kraeling 1953:32). Kraeling estimates that 10,000-12,000 troops may have been stationed in Memphis, basing his estimate on Herodotus' discussion of the rations consumed by the troops. Ctesias estimated that up to 200,000 Persian troops were in Egypt at the time-a figure which must be grossly inflated. News of the Persian naval defeats at Salamis (479 BCE) and Eurymedon (ca. 466 BCE) circulated widely throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Further news of the battlefield death of Achaemenes in the Delta may have given Athenian and Delian League allies hope that Persia's hold on Egypt was nearly over. The factors which convinced Athens to lead an expeditionary force to Egypt to fight the Persians, however, remain unclear. The economy was expanding, and Athens's leaders may have seen an opportunity to

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solidify their leadership of the Delian League with a sweeping victory. This military action would also open Egypt's markets for Athenian exploitation (Meiggs 1972: 102-3). Even with the arrival of Athenian forces in the Delta, however, the "White Fortress" at Memphis did not fall easily, frustrating Inaros' claims to the Egyptian throne and Athenian aspirations to dominate the eastern Mediterranean trade zone. Persian Imperial efforts to stifle the rebellion initially focused on an emissary from Artaxerxes to Sparta, who attempted to entice the Spartans to revolt, which would have forced the Athenians to return home. Sparta refused the Persian bribes (Lewis 1977:50-51). The Great King had no alternative other than to muster an expeditionary force to crush the revolt in the Delta. Persia perceived the Athenian presence to be more dangerous than the native Egyptian rebels. Diodorus noted that Persian and allied forces gathered in Cilicia and Phoenicia, where they rested and trained for the campaign to follow (Diodorus 11.75). The palace at Sidon may have been a part of this campaign, serving as a forward "command post" during the mobilization and reception of forces embarking for the "theater of operations" in Egypt. Sites in the southern Levant, such as Tell el-Hesi, Tell esh-Shariah, and Tell Jemmeh, were also used as logistical bases and "power projection platforms," from which Persian forces were supplied and projected into the area of operations in the Nile Delta (Betlyon forthcoming). We have discussed these logistical bases elsewhere--bases which supplied food, clothing, weapons, and all the necessary combat service and combat service support the Persian armed forces may have required in their campaign against Egypt (Betlyon 1991 :39-42; Bennett and Blakely 1990: 134-37). Persian forces moved south along the coast, while naval forces, presumably Phoenician war ships, sailed offshore protecting the army from potential raids by Greek marines (Diodorus 11. 77.1). 'Akko was used by the Persians as a marshaling area for forces against Egypt in ca. 374 BeE and it may have been a rally point to suppress this 464 BeE rebellion as well. There are no clues in the ancient sources to suggest how the forces moved to the south, whether along the coast around Mount Carmel, or through the passes at Yoqne'am or Megiddo (cf. Hoglund 1992: 152). It may be that all three routes were used to facilitate movement of forces on such a massive scale. The concentration of logistical bases just northeast of Gaza may indicate that this area near 'Ashdod was the final staging area for the invasion.

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The forces moved on Egypt in ca. 457/456 BCE, and immediately broke the Greek/Egyptian siege of Memphis. This battle was decisive, destroying Inaros' forces. The Delian League's troops retreated north into the Nile to the island of Prosopitis, where they came under siege by other Persian forces (Herodotus 2.41; Hoglund 1992: 154-55). The Greeks were overwhelmed, and most died. The loss of so many troops and over 200 ships was devastating to the Athenian state and its economy, hampering Athens' ability to collect its Delian League tribute in later years (Meiggs 1963:4-9). Following the Egyptian disaster, Athens took extraordinary steps to heal its wounds with Sparta and to reassert control over the Delian League (Hoglund 1992: 156-57). At the same time, Persian forces occupied Egypt, and expanded their efforts to hold on to other areas of the Near East, including Syria, Phoenicia, and Yehud. At least in the southern Levant, with potential future problems in Egypt, the Persians began construction of a series of fortresses in all major population centers and other areas requiring special security considerations. These forts-the Chronicler's blriinryyot---were the keystone in the Persian army's "military operations other than war," including peace keeping operations, guarding industrial sites, patrolling major highways and road junctions, support for local authorities, rebuilding infrastructure, and caring for important public installations such as water supplies, and tax collection (cf. Betlyon forthcoming; US Army Field Manual 100-20). These operations significantly changed Persia's approach to imperial satrapal governance. With military forces, albeit small units, stationed throughout the region, the likelihood of revolts was greatly reduced. Professional military forces helped Persia to maintain its imperial control after the Egyptian revolt. With little fear of more rebellion, the Persians turned their attention to more pressing economic issues and moved to increase their market share of the eastern Mediterranean trade. This share, after all, was another viable weapon in the fight against Athenian efforts to control the monetary economy in the Aegean/Mediterranean sphere of influence.

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Sidon, Tyre, Byblos, and Aradus were the principle city-states of Phoenicia in the period following the Egyptian revolt. Phoenicia's naval forces played an important part in the deployment which defeated the Egyptian rebels and their Athenian allies. In return for

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Phoenician loyalty, it is reasonable to expect that Persia granted the Phoenicians some extra liberties. We doubt that the Phoenicians were particularly interested in the political machinations of their Persian overlords. The Phoenicians had always been more interested in economic development and profits. Phoenician merchants and tradesmen built their reputations on receiving raw materials and processing them into luxurious, high-priced goods. Phoenician markets included the entire Mediterranean basin, with colonies as far west as Carthage, Sardinia, Marseille, and Cartagena on the Iberian peninsula (cf. Boardman 2001: 36-41 ). As early as the Late Bronze Age, Phoenician (or Canaanite) merchants were travelling throughout Asia Minor to Greece and westward. Phoenician commercial settlements were built in the Delta and in Memphis in the Iron Age, where Herodotus mentioned a part of the city called the "Tyrian Camp," in which a temple of 'Ashtart was founded (2.112; Harden 1971 :55-56). A monetary economy was evolving rapidly in the region. This new economy required increasing supplies of coined money from mints in Greece and East Greece. Now in the mid-fifth century, Persian authorities began to strike coins in gold and silver, supporting this new economic and monetary grmvth. Smaller denominations were needed to facilitate more readily commercial growth and the inherent payment of tariffs, taxes, and tribute (Betlyon 1992: 1079-BO). Mints opened in Tyre and Sidon in the mid- to late-fifth century, with other mints to follow in Byblos and Aradus. These new mints struck coins in silver and bronze denominations bolstering the Persian economy. Initially the mints struck small silver denominations. Over time, more denominations appeared, struck on weight standards which supported Persian economic initiatives in Asia Minor and EgylJt-that is, coins struck on the Persian and Phoenician standards. Phoenicia had always been an important trading partner with Egypt. The cessation of hostilities in the revolt and the beginnings of coinage no doubt increased the possibilties for trade between the two longtime commercial partners. These coins were probably also used to pay the mercenary soldiers garrisoning Persia's fortresses throughout the Levant (Machinist 1994:365-BO). Sidon ian and Tyrian local mints struck silver types which included ethnics unique to the Phoenician mints: Sidon, f()l' example, always depicted a war galley on the obverse types (Betlyon 19B2:4ff.). Tyre, on the other hand, struck coins bearing the likeness of Ba'al Milqart riding on the back of a seahorse on the obverse, and the Athenian-style

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owl with the Egyptian crook and flail-symbols of authority and kingship in ancient Egypt on the reverse (Betlyon 1982:42ff.). These types identified the Phoenician mints in the regional economy. The Egyptian artifacts on the Tyrian series raise certain questions: ''''hy did Tyre use Egyptian symbols to identify its own coin series? Furthermore, why did it employ the Athenian owl---a symbol of its principle economic competitor? Sidon depicted the Great King of Persia on the reverse of her coins. The King is followed by the Sidonian king in his role as chief priest of the Great King's cult. That is not so unusual; however the Sidonian king was usually dressed in "traditional Egyptian style" (Betlyon 1982:9-10). Do these types ref1ect the close commercial ties between the satrapies? There was the Ophir trade via the Red Sea port of Ezion-Geber, by which the Phoenicians brought African goods to the Mediterranean coast to tempt the growing markets of Greece, East Greece, and Italy. Phoenician goods often exhibited Egyptian characteristics, particularly their metalwork (Harden 1971: 155, 188-92). Even some of their stone sarcophagi and stelae from the Phoenician mainland depict rulers and deities in Egyptian style (Harden 1971: 180-82; Bey and Reinach 1892). We may ask how close the E6'Yptians and Phoenicians were in the mid-fifth century BCE and later. \Vhat factors brought them together as vassals of the Great King, or as commercial partners, or even as allies in rebellion against the Persians? All three of these possibilities presented themselves. In the Egyptian revolt of the 460's BeE, the Phoenicians were simply part of the Persian expeditionary force sent to quell the rebellion. We agree with Gerhard Herm that Phoenician participation was probably "reluctant" at best (1973:155). The Egyptians were among the Phoenicians "oldest friends," people who had helped to shape Phoenician civilization. Following this military action when Cambyses sent forces into the western desert to take Libya and Cyrene and possibly Carthage, the Tyrians refused to go along. Enough was enough, and the Phoenicians were not going to threaten their own colonies in the central and westesn Mediterranean. Herodotus reminds us that the entire Persian f1eet was made up of ships from Sidon and Tyre; "Cambyses' whole navy was dependent upon the Phoenicians," and the Great King knew this. The Phoenician tax burden was apparently lighter because of this important military requirement levied by the Persians. From a purely economic perspective, the Pax PeTsica gave the merchants of Lebanon precisely what they needed to prosper-peace and order. The excellent Persian post and road network also helped,

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as did the gold daric issued by Darius I to stabilize and standardize the monetary system (Herm 1973: 154-56). By 464 BeE, the Egyptians were again vassals under Artaxerxes I, vassals with the Phoenicians, with whom trade was reinstated. The Phoenicians maintained their separate city-states under Persia. Their commercial ventures prospered, except in periods of imperial interregnum. The nature of Persian kingship lent itself to this volatile predicament. In ancient Iran, as among other Indo-European peoples, a king was elected from a certain family which had the charisma of kingship. The ruler was elected by the warriors, making the king a "king of many kings" (Frye 1963:91; Widengren 1959:242-57). The king was said to be descended from the gods and to be divine. He was a priest and chief among the religious leaders of the nation. When the king died, his "personal fIre" was extinguished and mourning by his family or servants sometimes took the most extreme forms of suicide or mutilation. It is no wonder that revolt sometimes broke out when word of a Great King's death reached the outer extremities of the realm.

Phoenician, 0priot, and Egyptian Resistance to Persian Dominion Periods following the death of a king were often times for rebellion. Artaxerxes I died in 424 BeE. He was succeeded for a short time by Xerxes II, who died in 423 BeE, to be succeeded by Darius II (423404 BeE). Artaxerxes II became king in 404 and ruled until 359, when Artaxerxes III reigned until 338 BeE. At that time, Arses ruled for two to three years to be followed by Darius III, who fought Alexander the Great in the period 333 to 330 BeE (Frye 1961:281). To maintain control during these unstable periods, the Persians imposed a sort of military organization over and above the satrapal governments. Units of approximately 100 soldiers-usually mercenaries from vassal nations-were stationed in many places. In Yehud, the size of the small bfriiniyyot, or "fortifIed towerslfortresses," is even smaller suggesting that these units (called degeL in Old Persian) were probably subdivided into smaller units of 10 or 20. These units were tasked with the daily "operations other than war" maintained the peace and stability the merchants desperately wanted (Frye 1961: 105). The Persians, under Darius I and his successors, developed a complex system of taxation. Taxes were paid by nobles and by military leaders on holdings of land granted to them by the Great King. This was the institution of the qashtu, a piece of land granted to a military

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servant of the king as part of his remuneration, a portion of the profits from which go to the crown (Frye 1961:107-9). Taxes on the land were dependent upon the land's potential yield in crops. Texts preserved from the late fifth century BCE in Babylon provide a detailed account of this system and the collection of taxes for the imperial government (Cardascia 1951:7 foll.). The taxes imposed by the Persians covered everything from harbor fees, market tolls, tolls on gates and roads, to tolls on frontier crossings, taxes on domestic animals, as well as corvee labor. Corvee was imposed to provide labor to construct roads, public buildings and the like, and was employed both by satrapal and imperial officials. Public works were usually paid for by local authorities and local taxes, while gold and silver streamed to Persepolis and Susa. Gold remained the domain of the Great King, and only he could authorize striking coins in gold. Satrapal mints struck silver coins, but usually with the same figures of a royal archer on bended knee on the obverse type (Frye 1961: 11 0). Autonomous cities, such as the Phoenician city-states, struck silver and copper of a different form, and potentially on different standards for economic reasons. We have little information to prove economic cooperation between Phoenicia and Egypt in the years following the 464 BCE revolt. However, there is also little doubt that this economic cooperation occurred. The growing economic ties with Athens and Corinth strengthened all of the coastal Mediterranean economies. While the Persians failed militarily to conquer Greece, their great wealth gave them ample gold with which to bribe local Greek and East Greek rulers, making it difficult for Athens to build a unified Greek federation, and keeping the empire safe from Greek attack. However, it was not "safe" from Greek influence. In Anatolia and elsewhere along the coast, Greek language and customs became more and more prevalent. Xerxes I, in the wake of Darius I's death, wa5 much less lenient with Egypt than his predecessor (Herodotus 8. 7). He no longer pretended to be a successor to the Pharaohs, nor did he respect native customs or religious practices. Similar treatment was meted out to Babylon after it revolted and this may be the reason that Egyptian and Babylonian influence were on the wane throughout the region (Frye 1961: 118). Xerxes' personal interests focused on rebuilding Persepolis and building up his harem. He was assassinated in 465 BCE. Artaxerxes I came to power by this intrigue. The Egyptians apparently again revolted against the crown. But this time the Persians had forces in place, and

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by 455 BeE, the Egyptian rebellion was put down. Darius II stabilized affairs for a while, although he had rebellions to put down as well. Upon the death of Darius II in ca. 404 BeE, Artaxerxes II had to fight Cyrus, Darius II's younger brother, to secure the throne. The Egyptians were quick to capitalize on this instability, revolting yet again. Problems at home and elsewhere particularly in East Greece, meant that the Persians were never able to reconquer Egypt. It remained free under a native dynasty. The southern provinces of 'Abernahara,' such as Yehud and the city-states of 'Ashqelon and Gaza, became even more important in this period, forming the new frontier with Egypt. The troops and logistical bases in the region provided critical security to guard the border. \l\Then the satraps of central Anatolia revolted in the 360's, it must have seemed as if the entire Persian empire was about to collapse. Artaxerxes III, however, rose up in 359 and, with a blood thirsty zeal, saved the empire. Satraps who had revolted and issued their own coinage were won back to Achaemenid allegiance. But then, some of the Phoenician city-states revolted. This period of history is difficult to follow because the sources are few, and usually written long after the fact. The varying fortunes and allegiances of the leaders in the region seemed always to involve Greeks and Greek interests (Frye 1961: 118-19). In the coinage of the Sidonian king Abd'ashtart I, who reigned from ca. 372-362/361 BeE, there is evidence of rebellion against the Great King. In the eighth year of 'Abd'ashtart 1's reign, according to his monetary dating system, new coin types were struck which changed the silver "double-sheqel" reverse to delete the image of the Great Persian King riding in a chariot followed in obeisance by the Sidon ian king. The new reverse depicted 'Abd'ashtart's head, with the abbreviation of his name written in Phoenician characters ('ayin-bet) (Bedyon 1982: 13-14). Moreover, 'Abd'ashtart I changed the standard on which he struck coins, ceasing to issue coins on the Phoenician standard and switching to the Athenian standard (Bedyon 1982: 13 no. 32). The year was 365/364 BeE, precisely the time when Sidon sheltered the Egyptian king Tachos, who was trying to escape Persian capture (Judeich 1892:166,209). This revolt, engineered by Tachos, coincided with the end of Artaxerxes II's reign. It was another war in which Egypt enticed Cyprus and Sidon to participate. This effort by Egypt and Sidon to thwart Persian control may have been their first unified attempt to do so, but it was not their last. 'Abd'ashtart I is remembered as a wealthy, powerful monarch. He

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received an Athenian embassy on its way to the Persian court and consequendy was "granted the honor of proxenia by the Athenians" (Bey and Reinach 1892-1896:390). The numismatic evidence from Sidon suggests that the satrap, Mazday, took over the mint for a few years, instituting military rule over the city state. From ca. 362/361358 BCE, coins were once again struck on the Phoenician standard with the Aramaic inscription Mazday, prominently displayed on the coin's reverse. The reverse tYVes reverted once again to the Great King receiving worship from the Sidonian leader (Betlyon 1982: 14-15). Under Artaxerxes III a new loyal king, Tennes, was put on Sidon's throne. Tennes ruled for approximately five years when Cyprus and Egypt again tried to throw off Persian domination. Tennes stopped issuing standard coins types in ca. 352 BCE. \Vith the death of Artaxerxes II, Egypt's revolt gained momentum and Tennes apparently again led Sidon to war. The first campaign of Artaxerxes III to put down the revolt in 351/350 BeE failed (Ghirshman 1954: 2-11; Kienitz 1953; Vandier 1954: 189-90). This revolt was serious. Sidon seems to have fallen to Persian arms either during this first campaign or early in the second attack in 345 BCE-----an attack which finally crushed Egyptian resistance as well. The coins suggest the latter, because it was Persia's failure to subdue the revolt at its inception which enticed Tennes to join the fray, taking parts of neighboring provinces down with him. Dan Barag has suggested that destruction layers identified {rom Hazar, Megiddo, 'Atlit, Lachish, andJericho may all be connected with this revolt (Barag 1966: 7). Isocrates (To Philip 101-102) urged Philip of :Macedon to attack Persia in ca. 347/346 BCE, since the satrapies were able to hold out so long against a weak central government. Isocrates wrote that Cilicia, Phoenicia and Cyprus revolted only after Artaxerxes III htiled to subdue Egypt early in the struggle (ca. 351/350 BCE) (Bedyon 1982:35 n. 66). In this same period, the Tyrian mint struck coins using new methodologies and a new standard. 'fhe new 'fyrian series included Atticstandard didrachms, struck on new types with thinner, better made flans (Betlyon 1982:52£T.). Some have suggested that this change of weight standard did not occur until r\lexander the Great conquered the region in 332 BCE. However, some of these Attic-standard Tyrian coins have been discovered in pre-Alexandrine archaeological context'l, cementing our insistence that these standard changes occurred as early as 352 BCE (Bedyon 1982:53-54; Cross 1969:53-54; 1974:57 -59). The mint at Aradus participated in this insurrection as well, shift-

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ing its minting standard from the Persic to the Attic in ca. 352/351 BeE (Betlyon 1982:86-88). This change of standard was short lived, perhaps limited to only a few months. Aradus was close to the mouth of the Orontes River-one of the principle "highways" leading into the Persian hinterlands. Massive military action along the coast quickly restored the Aradian mint to the Persic standard, with which Persepolis was much more comfortable (Betlyon 1982: 106 nn. 92-93; Rainey 1968-1971: 70-71). When the smoke cleared, Sidon had been burned, betrayed by its own king to the Persians. T ennes defected, resulting in his own death and the deaths of some 40,000 Sidonians, who are said to have died in their own burning of the city, ca. 348/347 BeE (Diodorus 16.45.46; Betlyon 1982: 18). Captives from Sidon were sent to Babylon and Susa, continuing the policy of deporting rebellious populations to distant places (Frye 1961: 119). Mazday again was put in charge of the Sidon ian mint-it was just too important economically to close it permanently (Betlyon 1982: 18). Eventually local dynasts loyal to Persia were restored to the Sidonian throne. Mter Artaxerxes III subdued Sidon, he pressed the attack to the South where he saw the road open to Egypt. For a brief period, Persian authority over Lower Egypt was reestablished. The fighting in the Delta was probably not so much Persian fighting Egyptian but Greek mercenary fighting Greek mercenary. A native Egyptian dynasty continued to rule in most of Upper Egypt. However, Artaxerxes III managed to restore some of Persia's tarnished past glory (Frye 1961: 119), if only for a fleeting moment. Mter Bagoas assassinated the Great King and much of the Achaemenid royal house, Darius III Codommanus, a distant family member, was made King. Darius III kept control of Egypt, but was ill prepared to thwart the oncoming Macedonian armies (Frye 1961: 120). When Alexander the Great reached Phoenicia in ca. 332, Aradus, Byblos, and Sidon surrendered to his authority, and their mints were closed. Tyre resisted his advances, was besieged and fell. 'Uzzimilk-the Tyrian king--and his son died fighting the Hellenistic onslaught (Betlyon 1982:58-59; Rawlinson 1889:511-29). Only the mint of Byblos escaped these fourth century problems. Byblos was the smallest of the major Phoenician cities, and continued to support trade and commerce as it had for centuries.

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Conclusions The fIfth and fourth centuries BCE were not a time of Persian-Egyptian enmity. They were a time of tremendous rivalry between the Persian and Greek worlds. In many respects, Phoenician and Egyptian economic and political interests were nearly the same, resulting in a number of failed collaborations against Persepolis in the early fourth century. Persian control of the eastern Mediterranean seaboard and the Nile Delta, however, was ultimately impossible with expanding Greek interest in the riches of the Orient and the lucrative spice trade coming from the East. On several occasions, Egyptian and Phoenician forces joined together to resist Persia. Egypt fought valiantly for many years, seeking any excuse to fIght for independence from her foreign rulers and oppressors. Perhaps it was the very success of the Persians' administration of their empire that laid the basis for Alexander's dominion in the late fourth and third centuries BCE. Despite many rebellions and problems, the Persians maintained power for over two hundred years. The Persians did not have a great affinity for the people of the Mediterranean seaboard or the Nile Delta. Their interests were "for profIt." Taxes, tribute, and increased commerce satisfIed the Persian kings. It was not their ideas or their political savvy that increased Persian influence in East Greece throughout the fIfth and fourth centuries BCE. What won them friends was their money, which was liberally used to bribe vassals and other states into situations that kept the city-states of mainland Greece "off balance" until Philip of Macedon united the Greeks under his own banner. This was the beginning of the end for Darius III, whose forces could not match the tactical military skills of the Macedonian hoplites. The Egyptians and Phoenicians had long been friendly, both interested in commerce and in living stable, peaceful lives. Close relationships with Athens and the other leading Greek cities were to their advantage. It is no wonder that both regions prospered under Hellenistic rule.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Albright, W. F. 1969-Palestinian Inscriptions. pp. 320-22 in AlVET, 3rd ed.,]. B. Pritchard, ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Barag, D. 1966-The Effects of the Tennes Rebellion on Palestine. BASOR 183:6-12. Beaulieu, P.-A. I 989~-- The Reign ifNabonidus, Kmg qfBal?Jlon 556~539 B.C. Yale Near Eastern Researches 10. New Haven: Yale University Press. Bennett, W.].,Jr., and Blakely,]. A. 1990---Tell el-Hesi: The Persian Period, in The Joint Archaeological Expedition to Tell el-Hesi, vol. 3. K. G. O'Connell, ~J, ed. Baltimore: ASOR. Betlyon,]. W. 1982- The Pre~Alexandrine Coinage and Mints qf Phoenicia. HSS 26. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. 1991- Archaeological Evidence of Military Operations in Southern Judah during the Early Hellenistic Period. BA 54:39-42. I 992-Coinage. pp. lO76-89, in ABD I, D. N. Freedman, ed. New York: Anchor Doubleday. Forthcoming---Military Operations Other Than War in Persian Period Yehud, ca. 525-332 B.C.E., in From Judah to rehud: New Perspectives on the Neo-Babylonian, Persian, and Hellenistic Periods, G. N. Knoppers, ed. Bey, H. and Reinach, T. 1892-1896-~Une nicropole royale

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Boardman, ]. 1973-17le Greeks Overseas. 2nd ed. New York: Penguin Books. 2001--~-Aspects of "Colonization." BASOR 322:33-42. Bright,]. 1986-The History qf Israel, 3rd ed. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Cardascia, G. 1951-Les archives des Nlura.fu, une fomille d'hommes d'ciffoires babyloniens (455~403 avant J.-c.). Paris: Imprimerie Nationale.

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Cross, F. M. 1969-Papyri from the Fourth Century B.C. from Daliyeh. Pp. 45-69 in Nell) Directions in Biblical Archaeology, D. N. Freedman and]. Greenfield,eds. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books. I974-The Papyri and their Historical Implications, in Discoveries in the Wadi ed~Daliyeh, P. and N. Lapp, eds. AASOR 41:17-29.

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Galling, K. 1964--Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter. Tubingen: J. C. Mohr. Ghirshman, R. I 954--Iran. Baltimore: Penguin Books. Gray, G. B. 1969--The Foundation and Extension of the Persian Empire. Pp. 1-25 in The Cambridge Ancient History. Volume IV. The Persian Empire and the West,j. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, and F. E. Adcock, eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gray, G. B. and Cary, M. 1969-The Reign of Darius. pp. 173-228 in The Cambidge Ancient History. Volume IV. 17u Persian Empire and the West,j. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, and F. E. Adcock, eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grayson, A. K. I 975--As.ryrian and Babylonian Chronicles. Texts from Cuneiform Sources 5. New York: J. Augustin. Guentch-OglouefT, M. 1941-Noms propres imprecatoires. Bulletin d'Institut.fi'anyais d'archiologie Orientale 40: 117-33. Harden, D. 1971-The Phoenicians. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. Herm, G. 197 5---The Phoenicians: The Purple r.mpire if the Ancient World, C. Hillier, trans. London: Victor Gollancz. Hill, G. F. I 951-S'ounes jor Greek Histo~'Y between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, R. Meiggs, ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Hoglund, K. G. I 992--Achaemenid Imperial Administration in ~ria-Palesti7le and the Missions Nehemiah. SBLDS 125. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

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Lewis, D. M. 1976-Sparta and Persia. Cincinnati Classical Studies n.s. I. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Uoyd, A. B. 1975-Herodotus Book II: Introduction and Commentary. Etudes prclirninaires aux religions orientales dans !'Empire Romain, 43. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Meiggs, R. 1963-The Crisis of Athenian Imperiali~m. Haroard Studies in Philology 67: 1-36. 1972-The Athenian Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Niemeier, W.-D. 2001-Archaic Greeks in the Orient: Textual and Archaeological Evidence. BASOR 322: 11-32. Oded, B. I 979--Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert. Porten, B. I 968-Archives }Tom Elephantine: The Lift University of California Press.

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Rainey, A. F. 1968-1971-The Satrapy "Beyond the River." AJBA I: 51-78. Rawlinson, G. 1889--History '!! Phoenicia. London: Longmans, Green, and Co. Redford, D. B. 1983-Notes on the History of Ancient Buto. Bulletin,!! the Efoptological Seminar 5: 67-lOl. 1992-Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Roux, G. 1992-Ancient Iraq, 3rd cd. New York: Penguin Books. Sack, R. 1978--Nergal-sarra-usur, King of Babylon, as seen in the Cuneiform, Greek Latin and Hebrew Sources. ZA 68: 129-49. Saggs, H. W. F. 1962-The Cmamess that was Babylon. New York: Hawthorn Books. van der Spek, R. J. 1982--Did Cyrus the Great Introduce a New Policy Towards Subdued Nations? Cyrus in Assyrian Perspective. Persica 10: 278-83. Starr, C. G. 1989---The Influence Press.

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Torczyner, H. 1938-Lachish I· The Lachish Ostraca. London: Oxford University Press. United States Army 1979--MIS52018-1, Military Operations Other Than War. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: US Army Command and General Staff College. N.D.-Field Manual 100-20 [Air Force Pamphlet 3-20}, Military Operations in Low Intensity Coriflict. Washington, DC: Departments of the Army and the Air Force. Vandier,]. I 954--Review of F. K. Kienitz, Die politische Geschichte Agyptens vom 7. bis 4. Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende, Bibliotheca Orientalis II: 189-90. Widengren, G. 1959-The Sacral Kingship ofIran. pp. 242-57, in The Social Kingship. 8th International Congress for the History of Religions (Rome, 1955). Leiden: E.]. Brill. Wiseman, D.]. 1983-Nebuchadnezzar and Babylon. The Schweich Lectures. London: The British Museum.

"A TRAVELER FROM AN ANTIQUE LAND": SOURCES, CONTEXT, AND DISSEMINATION OF THE HAGIOGRAPHY OF MARY THE EGYPTIAN Paul B. Harvey Jr. The late antique landscape of religious praxis and historical geography exhibits significant, prominent personalities and institutions in lower and upper Egypt. Christian ascetic activities, communities, and personalities were in the fourth and fifth centuries C.E. the topics of many an hagiographic, pilgrimage, and theological treatise studied with renewed interest during the recent scholarly rediscovery of "late antiquity". I Contemporary scholarship has been particularly concerned to identify the various roles women played in the eastern Mediterranean Christian ascetic landscape, from the influential communal (cenobetic) foundations in upper Egypt of "n unneries"-parallel to the male monastic institutions established by Pachomius 2 .. to the women in village associations and women living apart or in continent marriage in Egypt and Syria. 3 But however significant in their own time I For example (and this is a very selective list): P. Rousseau, Ascetics, Authori!)1 and the Lnurch in the Age qf Jerome and Cassian (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978); Douglas Burton-Christie, The Word in the Desert: i;"cripture and the OJlCstfor Holiness in Early Christian ,Monastidsm (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); James E. Goehring, Ascetics, Sociery, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian A10nasticism (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1999); Georgia Franks, The Mem01J' qf the Eyes: Pilgrims to Living Saints in Christian Late Antiquiry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Marilyn Dunn, The Emer:gence qfA1onasticism:ftom the Desert Fathers t() the Early lvfiddle Ages (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001). See especially the collection of primary sources translated in Vincent L. Wimbush (cd.), Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman AntiquiIJl: A Sourcebook (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990) and the magisterial summary discussions by Peter Brown, "Asceticism: Pagan and Christian 601-31," Cambridge Ancient History n. 13 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 601-31; P. Rousseau and Peter Brown, "Monasticism" and "Holy Men," CAH 14 (2000) 745-810. 2 See especially Philip Rousseau, Pcu:homius: The lvfaking qf a Comrnuniry in .FourthCentul)1 Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985) 57-118, with Susanna Elm, 'Virgins qf God': The Making qfAsceticism in Late Antiquiry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994) 283-310, and Rebecca Krawiec, Shenoute and the Women qf the J1'hite Monastery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 3 Susanna Elm, 'Virgins qf God' (1994) 311-30; David Brakke, AthaTlasius and The Politics qfAsceticism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) 17-79; sec also Goehring, Ascetics, Sociery, and the Desert (I 999) I I 0- 33.

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and place, few of these ascetic women had the impact on Christian tradition of an Egyptian woman of mythic stature who was thought to have lived out a penitent, ascetic life in Judaea. Hippolyte Delehaye published, in 1927, a study of the formation of the traditions of "saints who never existed" in which the critical hagiographer included a typically succinct and authoritative review of some of the multi-layered sources which contributed to the formation of the legend of Mary the Egyptian. 4 Delehaye noted that Egyptian Mary's legend was worthy of study if only because of this fictitious holy woman's popularity in the medieval and modem eras. For example (and to extend Delehaye's observations): in the summer of 1992, London afficionados of modem opera were treated to a spectacular production ofJohn Tavener's musical hagiography, "Mary of Egypt: A Moving Icon". "Treated", however, may be the wrong word, for Tavener has devoted his artistic career, after his conversion to the eastern Orthodox tradition, to representing in music and the spoken word a devotional tradition he believes the western soul lacks and needs. That soul was not entirely comforted by this opera: more than one critic remarked that audiences in a secular setting were not prepared for Tavener's attempt to put them into immediate contact with the divine. s For an another example, we need only read the compelling chapter on Mary the Egyptian in Kathleen Norris's Cloister Walk. 6 In addition, readers could encounter Mary in scholarly studies elucidating feminist concerns in hagiography, 7 in two distinct, fine translations of the received text 4 Hippolyte Delehaye, "Les saints qui n'ontjamais existe," Sanctus: Essm sur Ie Culte des Saints dans l'Antiquiti (Subsidia H~giographica 17; Brussels, 1927) 208-32. See also: A. T. Baker, "Vie de Saint Marie l'Egyptienne," Revue des langues romanes 59 (1916/17) 145; Derwas Chitty, 'TIle Desert a Ciry (Oxford: Blackwell, 1966) 153; K. Baus, "Maria von Agypten," LTK7 (1962) col. 36; BHG 1041 z-1044e; BHL 5415-5421; a selection of the older literature is listed in Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptiaca (1974) 195-204. :) Paul Griffiths, "Desert Song," TWUiS literary Supplement 3 July 1992: 22; Octavio Roca, "Her Majesty's Mystic," Classical Pulse! 7 (12/1994) 42. 6 Kathleen Norris, 'TIle Cloister Walk (New York: Riverhead, 1996) 164-66; Norris' discussion of Mary is based largely on Benedicta Ward's treatment of the tradition (next note); see also W. M. Walsh, "The Ascetic Mother Mary of Egypt," Greek Orthodox 'TIleological Review 34.1(1989) 59-66. On a vernacular level, I note as well that those attending the annual conference on medieval studies at Western Michigan University may purchase clothing displaying a lucid reproduction of Egyptian Mary as portrayed in a fine wood-block print of an early English printed edition of a martyrology. 7 For example (and notably): Lynda L. Coon, Sacred Fictions. HolY Women and Historiography in Late Antiquiry (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997) 71-94: a discussion of Mary the Egyptian as an example oflate antique sanctity, within the context of a feminist discourse; note that Coon cites an earlier version of the present study. On the formation of the Magdalen tradition, with distinct reflections

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of the vita published in English,S and (a very different topic) in treatises examining the influence, circulation, and dissemination of vernacular versions of her hagiography in the British Isles and Italy.9 Why the popularity and interest in a holy woman now acknowledged as a fictitious construction? Benedicta Ward, in her discussion and translation of hagiographies of female penitents, Harlots qf the Desert, 10 diagnosed Mary's popularity as indicative of the perennial appeal of the theme of repentance of sexual misconduct. We may add, with Jacques Le Goffand Richard Bernheimer, that the figure of the solitary ascetic woman also appeals as an exotic, marginal creature, and therefore cause, in our urban communal existence, for both revulsion and attraction. Hence, the tradition of Mary the Egyptian also exemplifies a motif common in early Christian ascetic accounts: the sexually-attractive wild woman who tempts the ascetic in the wilderness (diagram #3).11 In addition, the literary and iconographic representations of the nude, hairy, female ascetic also evoke the Judaeo-Christian image of natural innocence or, in the instance of this Mary, the image of the penitent attempting to regain, by living the life of John the Baptist, the innocence of Eve in the Garden of Eden. 12

in western and eastern Christian traditions, see also Susan Haskins, Jo.lary 1vlagdalen (New York: Riverhead, 1993) 95-188; Katherine LudwigJansen, The Mal.,ing qfthe Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the LaIRr lvliddle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999) 21-35. 8 BHG 1042; Migne, PC 87 cols. 3697-726. Benedicta Ward, Harlots qfthe Desert. A Study qf Repentance in Early Monastic Sources (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1987) 26-56; Maria Kouli, "Life of St. Mary of Egypt," Holy ~Vomen a/Byzantium: Ten Saints' Lives in English Translation (cd. Alice-Mary Talbot; Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1996) 65-93. 9 Erich Poppe and Bianca Ross (cds.), TIle Legend q/Mary qf Egypt (Dublin: Four Courts, 1996); Silvia Isella Brusanlolino, La leggenda di ,Santa Maria Egiziara nella Redazione Pavese di Arpino Broda (Milano: Ricciardi, 1992), with Giovanni Pozzi, "Una nuova edizione della leggenda di Santa Maria egiziaca," Bollettino della SocietiJ Pavese di St.oria Patria n.s. 48 (1996) 155-68. 10 Ward, Harlots (1987) 26-34. 11 Ward, Har/.ots (1987) 26. ; Jacques Le Goff, Medieval Imagination (trans!. Arthur Goldhammer; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 47 and 117; Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952) 121-27. 12 Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalen. 1vJyth and Metaphor (New York: Riverhead Books, 1993) 230-36. On Mary's sexuality, see Coon, Sacred Fictions (I 997) 89, on Gen 3:21. John the Baptist and Elijah were, of course, the archetypes of Christian asceticism for patristic writers: see, e.g., Jerome, Vita Pauli I and Epist. 22.36 and 58.5; Cyril, Vita Euthymii 6 = R.M. Price and John Binns, ()ril qlScytllOpolis: the Lives q/the Monks ql Palestine, CS 114 (1991) 256-58 = Eduard Schwartz, Texte und Untersuchungen zur

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I discuss here the traditions and the identifiable literary elements~-including an early source and Semitic motif previously unrecognized-which contributed to the formation and diffusion of the tradition about Mary the Egyptian. I conclude with a brief consideration of an ecclesiastical place and event which may have provided impetus for the redaction of the tradition into its primary, Greek written form. A precis of the basic narrative may be useful for reference: Mary, a prostitute of Alexandria in Egypt, learns that pilgrims will set sail to visit Jerusalem. She decides to join them, but has no money for passage. She therefore pays her passage with this pious group with the coin of her body. On arrival in Jerusalem, she supports herself by plying her flesh. On a festival day (the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross in mid-September), 13 she joins the throng approaching the great Church of the Holy Sepulcher. 14 An unseen force prevents her Geschichte der Allchristlichen Literatur 49.2 (Berlin and Leipzig: 1939) 13. Tintoretto's painting, in the Scuola Grande di San Rocco (Venice), of "Santa Maria Egiziaca" on the banks of the riverJordan captures well the biblical associations Mary's life evokes: Hans Tietze, Tinloretta: paintings and drawings (London: Phaidon, 1948) 378 #260. 13 Pilgrims there/ore assemble in Alexandria to visit Jerusalem for a late summer's festival: VG 19 and 22 = VL 13 and 15. The liturgical date of the festival is 14 September; see, for example, H. Dclehaye (cd.), ,~'ynax. Ecel. CP, Acta Ss. Prop'ylaeum }I(ov. (1902) cols. 42-44; Dclahaye (cd.), Comm. Mar!)'r. Hieron., Acta SS. Nov. t.2, (1931), pars posterior 506, "additamenta." The original date of the festival of the consecration of the church appears to have been 17 September 335: Chronicon Paschale, sub anno 335 = Michael and Mary Whitby, G'lmmicon Paschale 284-628 AD (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1989) J9-20 6 J-62, with Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.43-47, in the edition of Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall, .tusebius: Lift qf Constantine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) 330-34; Eusebius, Orat. de laude Constantini II, with H. A. Drake, In Praise qf Constantine: A Historical Study and .New Translation qfEusebius' "Tricennial Orations" (University of California Publications in Classical Studies 15; Berkeley: University of California Press 1975) 30, 40-42; Ch. Coiiasnon, Ihe Church qlthe Hory Sepulchre inJcmsalem (transl..J.-P. B. and Claude Ross; The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy; London: The British Academy, 1974) 14; T. D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981) 388 .120. H The Church of the Holy Sepulchre---the Constantinian basilica (the "Martyrium") with the rotunda Church of the Resurrection (the "Anastasis") seems to have contained a reliquary with a fragment of the cross. See Robert Milburn, fArry Christian Art and Architecture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988) 10 I-I 03. Note that when Mary enters the church, she sees and venerates "the living cross" VG 24 = VL 17. On this church: R. Krautheimer and Slobodan CurCic, Ear(y C'hristiall and Byzantine Architecture 4th rev. cd. (London: Penguin, 1986) 50-64 73-75 ; Coiiasnon, C'hurch qlthe Ho(y Sepulchre (1974). These works should now be supplemented with P. W. L. Walker, Holy City, Hofy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Hory Land in the Fourth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) 235-81, and Joan E. Taylor, Christians and the Holy Places: The Myth qfJewish-C'hristian Origins (Oxford:

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entrance,15 no matter how hard or how frequently she attempts to cross the threshold of the church. She notices an icon of the Virgin outside the Church. The icon prompts reflection: the prostitute's life oflust forbids entrance into holy space. Mary expresses contrition and vows repentance. On the next day, she is permitted entrance to the church, where she venerates the cross, then promptly goes into the Judaean desert to live an ascetic life for 47 years. Zosimas, an aged Palestinian monk, prays for guidance: he seeks to learn from someone more accomplished in the angelic life, but he knows of no one more spiritually-perfected than himself. A vision commands that he seek knowledge and purity at a secluded monastery. So he does, but meets there brothers no more pure nor knowledgeable than himself. He withdraws further into theJudaean desert, indeed beyond the Jordan river itself He fasts; he prays. He encounters a sun-burnt creature-surely a demon. But the appropriate prophylaxis of the sign of the cross avails naught. The creature stares at Zosimas, then passes by. Only now does Zosimas recognize no devilish apparition, but an elderly naked woman. Zosimas calls out to the woman; she flees. He follows until both collapse from exhaustion. She will not face him and thus expose her femininity. She tells him of her past, beginning with her lurid Alexandrine profession. Zosimas' spirit is refreshed at this encounter with repentance in an ascetic feminine form. He inquires whether he can supply any needs: tunic, food? Nothing but the Body and Blood for Communion, for Mary lives in the manner of John the Baptist, but lacks the necessities of a mortal and spiritual life. Zosimas departs.

Oxford University Press, 1993) 113-42. Recent archaeological work is summarized by Joseph Patrich, "The Early Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the Light of Excavations and Restoration," Ancient Churches Revealed (ed. Yorasm Tsafrir; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1993) 100-117, and Shimon Gibson and Joan E. Taylor, Beneath the Church qf the llo£y Se/llIldzre Jentsalem: The Ardtaeolog)} and l:.ar(v Histo~}' of Traditional Golgotha (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1994). 15 A pious explanation reflecting historical circumstance: J. B. Hunt, Hofy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire AD 312-460 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) 119-120, on Itin. Elf,eriae 24.8, commented that the throng of worshippers at the entrance to the Anastasis on a festal day reflects attempts at "crowd control" at this shrine. Hunt drew attention to Codex 7heodosianus 16.2.26 (381 C.E.)dergy responsible for saneta 10m granted tax exemption ("custodes ecclesiarum vel sanctorum 10corum ae religiosis obsequiis deservire")-ancl to the olEce of "guardian of the Cross" (o'tuuPOcjl'l)AW;) at Jerusalem: Mark the Deacon Vita Porpf~yr. 10 (ed. Gregoire and Kugener [1930]), referring to events of 392 C.E.; see Cyril of Scythopolis Vita Eutl!}1m. 37 = PI'ice and Binns, CS 11+ (1991) 52.

484

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Zosimas returns to the desert a year later. He brings provisions and the Communion offering in a small chalice. Mary takes Communion, offers a prayer of thanksgiving, refuses most of the provisions, and instructs Zosimas to return in a year. Zosimas returns when and as instructed. He [mds Mary praying in the remote desert or, rather, he finds her in a prayerful stance. For as he kneels down to pray with her, he observes written in the sand a testament: "Bury me here; dust unto dust. I have made Communion." Zosimas now recognizes that his companion in prayer is dead. How shall he comply with her will? He has no shovel, no tool to excavate a fitting grave. He tries to form a grave with a piece of wood, but the soil is too hard. A lion appears. Zosimas fears and prays. The lion excavates with its paws a grave and assists Zosimas in burying Mary. Zosimas returns to communal monastic life. His report of Mary is an inspiration to all.

Fonnation if the Tradition We may identify the following distinct strata in the formation of this tradition: The fundamental stratum of the various traditions of a prostitute who repents in ascetic withdrawal from the corrupting world is the early conflation of three women who appear in the Gospels: (1) Mary of Magdala, out of whom Jesus expelled demons (Mark 16:9; Luke 8: 2); (2) the attentive acolyte ofJesus , Mary of Bethany, sister of Martha (Luke 10:39-42; John 11: 1-45, 12:3); (3) the anonymous female sinner (Luke 7:37-50; diagram #1).16 Conflation of these three women, one of whom (3) was assumed to have been a prostitute, occurred relatively early in Christian tradition, as we may observe in the Nag Hammadi Gospel of Philip 59 and 83, where we meet a sexually-active (and extremely sensual) Mary who repents. 17 This conflation of NT women into Mary the penitent prostitute was ratified by a sermon

16 The NT texts are reviewed by Ward, Harlots (1987) 10-25. See also Haskins, Mary Magdalen (1993) 3-32 and 134-91, on the formation of the tradition and its medieval expressions; S. Baring-Gould, The Lives if the Saints new revised ed., vo!' IV Edinburgh: John Grant, (1914) 15-24. 17 James BrashIer and Douglas M. Parrott (trans!.), The Nag Hammadi Library in Anglish, 3rd rev. ed. (ed. Richard Smith and James M. Robinson; San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988) 145-48.

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preached at San Clemente in Rome in 591, by Gregory the Great, who asserted the identity of these three Marys. Thenceforth western Latin Christendom simply accepted (until Vatican II) the equation of the three. IS But even before Gregory's influential sermon, eastern Christian traditions had drawn on the Magdalen tradition to construct a life for Mary of Egypt. First, Cyril of Scythopolis, who retired, ca. 555 C.E, to a Palestinian monastic life at the "New Laura" in theJudaean desert and composed a series of pious biographies of Palestinian holy men, reports in his Life of Cyriacus (449-ca. 554) that travelers in the Judaean desert encountered an ascetic they thought a male anchorite. They were wrong. She lived a solitary existence (for eighteen years) in a cave in the cliff walls (as did many of the Palestinian holy men). As presented by Cyril, this female anchorite is extremely suspicious of men. She had fled Jerusalem after criticism (phrased in terms of the devil's prompting) of her role as a cantor in the Church of the Resurrection, that is, the Anastasis, the rotunda Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Her name was Mary (Cyril, Vita Gyriaci 18-19; diagram #4). 19 Cyril's account includes no explicit mention of sexual misconduct, solely an emphasis on the scandal engendered by a woman acting in a traditional male role. The underlying motif in Cyril's report--women who tempt men to turn their thoughts away from contemplation of divine purity-is not rare in late antique ascetic sources (diagram #3).20 Evelyne Patlagean, however, is correct, I think, in viewing Cyril's notice as one of several literary texts indicating an increasing rigidity 18 Gregory Homilia 33 in Evangelw.: PL 76 (1849) cois. 1238-40. The significance of Gregory's sennon for Catholic doctrine is discussed by Jansen, MaJring if the .Magdalen (1999) 33-35. 19 Cyril, Vita (:)riaci 18-19 = Price and Binns, CS 114 (1991) 256-58 = Eduard Schwartz, Texte und Untersuchungen 49.2 (1939) 233-34. See also K. Bauss, "Kyrillos von Skythopolis," LTK6 (1961) col. 711;John Binns, Ascetics and Ambassadors if Christ. The ivlonasteri.es if Palestine, 314-631 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994) 23-40. Cyril's account of the female a'>Cetic from Jerusalem would later be elaborated, as in the 16th-century anecdote of a nude deaconess in a patristic compilation recorded in a manuscript dated 1592: BHG I 449.x = Cod. Veneto Marc.II.1O I, If. ISO-52, translated in Ward, Harlots (1987) 29-32. That anecdote, while clearly reflecting the circumstances of Cyril's report, may well, in the late fonn in which it appears, have been influenced by the developed tradition about Mary the Egyptian; diagram # 11. 20 For the motif, see Palladius Historia LausUzca #5: Alexandra withdraws to a tomb to avoid encouraging the sexual attention of a male; the Gnostic "Act of Peter" (BG 8502, 4) = BrashIer and Parrott, The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 3rd rev. ed. (1988) 528-31: Peter's virgin daughter is afflicted with paralysis to protect her from the sexual attention of one Ptolemy.

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JR.

in gender roles in the eastern Christian tradition. 2 ! Note especially the following elements in Cyril's account: a female solitary ascetic named Mary in the Judaean desert and her association with the Church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem. The next stage in the literary construction of Mary the Egyptian can be traced in the early seventh-century work of John Moschos of Damascus. Readers of John's ascetic florilegium, AEtJ.lWV or AnJ.lwvciptov (Pratum spirituale = "Spiritual Meadow''), encounter two pertinent anecdotes. First, John reports the discovery by traveling monks of an ascetic in a cave in the Judaean desert; the monk" attempt to converse with the ascetic, only to ascertain that this person is dead. As they prepare the body for burial, they discover her gender (Pratum jpirituale 170; diagram #4A). The second anecdote introduces the figure of the repentant prostitute. John Moschos relates that two elderly men traveling in southern Anatolia stop at a tavern and read the Gospel; three young men and their companion, a female prostitute, are present. The woman draws near at the reading (oral, of course, as was typical in the ancient world). She is rebuffed by the elders. She seeks redemption in terms implicitly evoking Mary Magdalene of the Gospels. l'he elders take her in hand and turn her over to a female monastic establishment. John met this woman. Her name was Mary (Pratum spirituale 3 1; diagram #5).22 John Moschos in time fled to Rome (after the Persian occupation ofJerusalem in 614) and apparently completed his Spiritual A1eadow in that great metropolis. With him was his friend Sophronios, a Christian rhetorician and probably the later patriarch of Jerusalem, to whom

21 Evelyne Patlagean, "L'histoire de la femme deguisee en moine et revolution de 1a saintete feminine a Byzance," Studi medievali 17 (1976) 597-623 = Patlagean, Structure Sociale, F'amille, Chretiente a Byzance (London: Variorum, 1981), XI. Contrast Hippolyte Delehaye, the Legends if the Saints (trans. D. Attwater, P. Peeters and Th. O'Lough1in; Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1998) 51-154 = us Ugendes Hagiographiques ed. 4 (Brussels: Societe des Bollandistes, 1955) 59-62, 174-92. 22 John Moschos' Pratum Sprituale: Migue, PC 87 (1865) col. 2851-3112; PL 74 (1850) cols. 119-240; edition and translation by John Wortley, CS 139 (1992), 22-23 and 139. The Latin translation of the Pratum in PL 74, from Heribert Rosweyde's 1615 edition, is, in fact a Latin edition of the Pratum by the Florentine humanist Ambrogio Traversari (1346-1439): see the comments by Wortley, CS 139 (1992), xixii; H. Leclercq, DACL 7 (1927) co\s. 2190-96; H.-G. Beck, L7K5 (1960) col. 1063. H. Chadwick, 'john Moschus and his friend Sophronius the Sophist," ]TS25 (1974) 41-74-, notes (56) that John has an especial interest in and knowledge of southern Anatolia in general and Cilicia in particular.

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is attributed the extant Greek hagiography of Mary the Egyptian (diagram #7).2?> \Vithin a century of John Moschos' death, traditions of Mary the Judaean ascetic and Mary the repentant prostitute were transformed into a coherent narrative with a specific Tendenz. For Mary next appears as an illustrative example in a sermon combating iconoclasm by John of Damascus. In John's sermon, delivered about the year 730, Mary is prevented from entering a holy place in Jerusalem (the church is not specified) by the power of an icon of the Virgin Oohn, de imaginibus 111.135). John's exemplum implies the existence of a fully-elaborated vita of Mary; indeed, John elsewhere in his anti-iconoclastic sermons cites a vita of Mary the Egyptian (1.63, 11.59) and refers to Sophronios (I. 64). That vita appears to be the extant Greek life attributed to John Moschos' friend and disciple Sophronios (diagram #7). For the account of Mary given by John is, with minor variations, identical to the parallel section in the "Sophronian" lift' Oohn, de imaginibus 111.135 = PC; 73, cols. 3713-3716 = VC; 22-25). For present purposes, the identity of the author/redactor of this hagiography is less important than the fact that the elaborated, anti-iconoclastic Greek hagiography of Mary existed by ca. 730, and was used by John for dogmatic purposes (diagram #7 A).24c Mary's next literary manifestation is in the deliberations of the 23 Sophronios the monk, "sophist" (= Christian rhetorician), and companion of John l'vloschos may well be the same person as the contemporary bishop of Jemsalem who surrendered the city to the Islamic conquerors; see Part III, belmv. The identification is traditional-the Synaxarium of COllstantinople, for example, identities Sophronios as bishop ofJemsalcm, rhetorican from Damascus, and author of the vita of Mary: ,rrynax. Ecc!. CP (ed. Delehaye) cols. 527-28, March II-and nothing in the available evidence forbids, and the balance of scholarly opinion now favors, that identification: see esp. H.-G. Beck, "Sophronios," LTK 9 (1964) col. 888; Chadwick, JTS 25 (1974) 49-53; H. Delehaye, L'Allcienne Hagiograplzie l~yzantille (cds. G. Dagron, B. Joassart, and X. Lequex; Subsidia Hagiographica 73; Brussels, 1991) 53-54. \"'hether or not, Sophronios was in f~lct the author of the VG is another matter but we may readily identify reasons why the vita might have been attributed to him: again, see Part III. H Bonifatius Kotter, Die Schriflell des Johannes von Damaskos III. Contra Imagillum Calumniatores Oratione.1 TtfS (Patristische Texte und Studicn 17; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1975) 24, 162, 198-99 (l\lary of Egypt = PG 94 col. 1417); 165 (Sophronios). John docs not cite an author for his exemplum of Mary; that circumstance 71W)' indicate that John was unaware of any attribution of the Vita Alanae to Sophronios. See also J,M. Hoeck, 'Johannes von Damaskus," LTK 5 (1960): cols. 1023-26; H. Leclerq, ':Jean Damascene," DACL 7 (1927) cols. 2186-90;Jaroslav Pelikan, Imago Dei: the B.vzantine Apologia for Icons (Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts, Bollingen Series 35: Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990) 135-37 and 170-82.

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JR.

Council ofNicaea, held in 787 to reaffirm-against the iconoclasts-the validity of venerating images. The iconophiles compiled a florilegium of two categories of evidence as authoritative witnesses to the doctrinal point concerned: first, learned comments and polemic from the fathers as to the efficacy of venerating images (John Chrysostom and the Cappadocian fathers figure prominently here); second, exempla from the lives of diverse saints demonstrating the positive value of veneration. Among these exempla the acts of the council included a near-verbatim quotation from the "Sophronian" life of Mary the Egyptian. 25 The Sophronian version, incorporating earlier traditions of the Magdalene, redeemed traveling prostitutes, Palestinian ascetics and redacted with an emphasis favoring icons, now became the standard version and a paradigm for the hagiographic tradition: an abbreviated version of the Sophronian vita was included in the entry on Mary in the Constantinopolitan Synaxarium (diagram #9),26 for example, while Niketas' popular tenth-century account of Theoktiste of Lesbos, who escaped her Arab captors to live an ascetic life on the island of Paros, until found by a hunter, is clearly based, as Delehaye and Halkin have pointed out, on the Sophronian vita of Mary the Egyptian (diagram # 10).27

25 Council of Nicaea of 787: J.D. Mansi, S(uTorum Concilwrum Nova et Amplissima Collectio 13 (Paris: Hubert Weiter, 1902/1913) Act. 4.85E-88A: the introductory sentence, then #22fin-25 of the Sophronian vita are quoted; the author of the vita is not specified. This council cited and revered John of Damascus as a staunch defender of doctrine, but little use was made of his three orations on the images: P. Van den Ven, "La patristique et I'hagiographie au concile de Nicce de 787," Byzantion 25-27 (1955-57) 325-62, esp. 357 #66, on Mary; 336-38, for the influence on the proceedings of this council of John's eclectic citation of holy exempla. On the Council, in general: Karl J. von Hefele, A History if the Councils if the Church, vo!' V (trans!. W. R. Clark; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1896), 359-62 and 366-70; Kotter, Schri.ften des Johannes von Damaskos III (1975), 24 and 198; for the theological politics of this council, see Patrick Henry, "Initial eastern assessments of tlle seventh oecumenical council," JTS 25 (1974) 75-92. 26 Synax. Eccl. CP(ed. Delehaye) col 577.1 (April I: Mary); cols. 527-28 (II March: Sophronios). 27 Theoktiste of Lesbos: BHC 1723-24: Acta Ss. Nov. 4 (1925) 224-33; see also Delehaye, Sanctus (1927) 221-26; F. Halkin, "La passion de Saint Theoctiste," Anal. Boll. 73 (1955) 55-65 = Halkin, Martyrs Crees Ile- VIlle s. (London: Variorum, 1974) II; Alexander Kazhdan and Nancy P. Sev-cenko, Oiford Dictionary ifByzantium 3 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) 1480-81, 2055-56; B. Fiusin, "L'hagiographie Monastique it Byzance au IXe et au Xe siecle," Revue Benedictine 103 (1993) 30-51. For an accurate translation of the Greek text in Aeta SS Nov. 4 (1925) 224-33, see Angela C. Hero, Holy Women qf Byzantium (1996) 95-116.

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The Sophronian version was also the primary (although surely not the sole) vehicle by which the legend of Mary the Egyptian made its way into Latin Christendom. Several scholars have suggested that the tradition entered Italy in the seventh and eighth centuries as part of the cultural baggage carried by the various groups of iconophiles who fled political disruptions and the intermittent iconoclastic policies of church and state in the eastern Mediterranean. 28 We can but speculate as to exactly when Mary's legend reached the Latin west;29 what can be documented, however, is the extent of knowledge of Mary the Egyptian in central Italy by the end of the ninth century. Before 800, for example, western observers at the Council of Nicaea of 787 had returned to Rome and included in a Latin summary of the conciliar acta notice of Egyptian Mary.3o By that same date communities of Greek iconophiles were settled in central Italy, including a group in Rome about S. Maria in Cosmedin. 31 That church is of some significance for the knowledge in Rome of .M.ary, for across from S. Maria in Cosmedin are located in the Forum Boarium two, small, well-known Roman temples. One of those late Republican structures, the rectan-

28

Kunze, Studien lv/aria Aegyptiaca (1969) 21, 26-29 (with additional bibliogra-

phy). 29 Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptiaca (1969) 26, and others have suggested that Palestinian Christians fleeing the Sassanian occupation ofJerusalem in 614 (see below, Part III) brought Mary to Italy- possibly, but awareness in Italy of Mary the Egyptian cannot be documented at that early a date. ''''e should note, moreover, that relations between central Italy (especially Monte Cassino, Campania, and Naples) and the Byzantine world on political as well as literary-artistic levels were erratic, but frequently close, from the late 7th through the 13th centuries: Herbert Bloch, Monte Cassino in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986) 3-112. 30 Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum 13 (1902) 86-90 = PL 129 (1853) cols. 314-15-·the Latin transcript of "Anastasius Abbas et Summae Apostolicae Sews Bibliothecarius"; Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptiaca (1969) 26-8; Henry, ]TS 25 (1974) 75-83. 31 The Schow Graeca (or Graecorum) at S. lvIaria in Cosmedin, in the Forum Boar;um at Rome: G. B. Giovenale, in G. Massimi, S. Maria in Cosmedin (Rome: Multigrafica editrice, 1953) II; sec also TCI Guide d'ltalia: Roma e dintorini ed. 7 (Milan: Touring Club Italiano, 1977) 426-28. A Greek refugee community may have been present there shortly after 754. Beginning with Paul I (757-67), bishops of Rome in the late eighth century overtly favored iconophiles and S. Maria in Cosmedin: L. Duchesne, liber Pontificalis 2nd ed., 3 vols.; Paris: Boccard, 1955-57 1.95.4 (Paul I) = Raymond Davis (trans!. and ed.), The Lives rf the Eighth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis) (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992) 82 and 84 17; 96.23 (Stephen III, 752-57) = Davis, 100; 97.2 (Hadrian I, ca. 781) = Davis, 159-160 and 142-438; 98.29, 70 and 99 (Leo III, 795-816) = Davis, 194, 209 and 226. Other Greek (iconophilic) communities in and near Rome: John the Deacon, Vita Gregor. Mllglli 1.9 and 4.85; Davis, 93 (Greek/Syriac monks).

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gular Ionic tetrastyle temple, was dedicated to S. Maria Egiziaca ca. 872 and decorated (at some early medieval, but uncertain, date) with . f'rescoes.·32 appropnate Furthermore, by ca. 870, Mary had been included in a liturgical calendar at Naples 33 and "Paul the Neapolitan deacon" had translated the Sophronian Greek vita into literal and literate Latin (diagram #8).3+ Through this translation in particular the tradition of Mary the 32 This is the tetrastyle, prostyle rectangular temple of the first-century c.E., in the forum boarium, traditionally identified as the aedes Fortunae ~>irilis or as a dedication to Mater Matuta, but (in the light of recent scholarship) should surely be identified as the temple of Portunus: S. B. Platner and Th. Ashby, A Topographical Dictiona~)1 qf Ancient Rome (London: Oxford University Press, 1929) 330-31; L. Richardson, jr., A New Topographical Dictionary qf Ancient Rome (Baltimore: johns Hopkins University Press, 1992) 320; F. Coarelli, Guide Archeologiche Laterza: Roma, nuova edizione (Bari: Laterza, 1997) 358-60. This temple was later dedicated to S. Maria Egiziaca as S. Maria in Gradellis. ChI'. Huelsen noted and demonstrated, in Le chiese di Roma nel media evo: cataloghi ed appunti (Florence 1926; repro Rome: Quasar, 2000) 336-38 #48, firm evidence fe)!' dedication to Mary of Egypt appears only in a catalogue of 1492. As for the frescoes (seen by the present writer), their date may be conservatively assigned to the ninth century; Kunze, Studien Maria Aeg),ptiaca (1969) 26 n. I, cites opinions for an early (before 850 C.E.) date; Krautheimer more plausibly suggests "872-882" as a tenninuJ non ante quem for this pictorial evidence of Mary the Egyptian in Rome: Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Prrgile qfa City, 312-1308 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980) 128 and 215. 33 H. Delehaye, "Hagiographie napolitaine," Anal. Boll. 5 7 (1939) 5-64, esp. 18-19 (Mary; 9 April), 56-59. This marble calendar reflects eastern Greek Christian practices and dates to the middle or late ninth century: Mallardo, II Calendario A1annoreo di .Napoli (Rome: Edizioni liturgiche, 1947), 431'., with F. Halkin, Anal. Boll. 66 (1948): 321-25, esp. 323. M. Fuiano, La cullum a JI(apoli nell'alto medioevo (Naples: Giannini, 1961) 131-39, and Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptiaca (1969) 26, following others, have suggested a knowledge of Mary the Egyptian in Naples by ca. 800. The marble liturgical calendar noted above certainly indicates some awareness of Egyptian Mary in Naples by ca. 900, and a papal privilege of 1188 attests an ecclesiastical possession of Monte Cassino identified as "Santa Maria Aegyptiaca," but the locus is unknovm: Bloch, Monte Cassino (1986) 935, #91 b. The earliest identifiable church dedicated to her in Naples is S. Maria Egiziaca ajorcella (or all'olnzo), located just inside the medieval Angevin walls, along the present Corso Umberto. Founded in 1342; the present church (severely ravaged by theft and vandalism in 1993) is a baroque refashioning of 1684·: F. Savoja di Cangiano, Napoli anlica (1885: ed. V. Uliva; Naples: Editrice Gazzetta di Napoli, 1993) 189; Leonardo Di Mauro, Guide d'Italia: Napoli (Milan: Touring Club Italiano, 1994) 63. This church was established as part of an extensive ecclesiastical and ascetic architectural program for Naples by Queen Sancia of Majorca (1286-1345), with churches and female ascetic establishments dedicated to Mary the Egyptian and Mary Magdalen: see, in brief, Caroline Bruzelius, in Enrico Bacco et al., Naples: an Early Guide (eds. E. Gardiner and R. G. Musto; New York: Italica Press, 1991) lxxiii; jansen, Making qfthe Alagdalen (1999) 181-82,322-24. 34 Students ancient and modern have assumed that this "Paul" is the well-known Carolingian scholar and historian Paul the Deacon: jane Stevenson, Legend qf Mary qf

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Egyptian was difIused widely in Latin Christendom and contributed to a curious phenomenon, wherein the ascetic life of 1\1ary of Egyptincorporating, as noted above, traditions about the Magdalen-influenced, in turn, the reception of the cult of the l\:fagdalen in Europe, especially in France. 35 For example, when preaching on Mary of Magdala, Honorius of Autun informed his audience of the identity of the three Gospel Marys and indicated here and elsewhere his belief that Mary Magdalene had suffered penitence in terms we recognize as deriving from the Mary of Egypt tradition: a prostitute who repented in a desert cave and was visited by a pious priest. 36 Particularly influential in the dissemination of the tradition of Mary the Egyptian would be two collective biographies: the late twelfth-century magnum legendarium, a florilegium of patristic and hagiographic texts influential in Germanic areas, and a well-studied text of the thirteenthcentury: the Genoese DominicanJacopo de Voragine's compilation of concise hagiographies, the legenda aurea, where Egyptian Mary receives pious, ahistorical notice (#56; diagram # 12).37 £gyPI (1996) ,4-41; but neither genre nor style suggest the historian of the Lombards: Kunze (1969) 26-27; M. Oldani, "Paolo Diacono," IHonler:assino dal/a prima alla seconda distruzwne. jHomenti et aspetti di stOlia cassinese (feCc. VI-IX) (eel. F. Avagliano; Montecassino: Pubblicazioni Cassinesi, 1987) 231-58. Paul's translation contains a dedicatOIY preface to "Rex Carolus", presumably, Charles the Bald (840-877), rather than Charlemagne: PL 73 cols. 671-72---a better text in Ernst Dummlcr, MGH. Epistulae 6 (1925) 193-94, #29. See also Albert Siegmund, Die Ueberliqerung der griechischen christlichen Literatur ill del" lateiniscfum hirche bis zum zwiifjlen Jahrhundert (Munich: Filser, 1949) 269; A. Manser, L7K 8 (1963) col. 232; M. Manitius, Geschichte del' /,ateinischen Literatur des Mitte!alters I (Munich: Beck, 1911) 620 and 6:~ 1. Paul's version of the Sophronian vita is one of a number of Latin translations of Greek hagiogTaphies by scholars at or associated with Naples in the ninth and tenth centuries: Mallardo, II calendario mamlOreo di .Napoli (1947) 186-87. 35 For example: Haskins, l\4a~'Y Magdalen (1993) 95-130; Jansen, .Halfing of the Magdalen (1999) 124-42. 36 Honorius of Autun, "Speculum Ecclesiae: de S. Maria Magdalena; de omnibus sanctis," PL 172 (1854) cols. 979-82, 1018. Honorim preached ca. 1125: sub quinto Hemuo floruit = Henry V [Hohenstaufcn], (d. 1125), so Honorius on himself; in his continuation of Jerome's De Viris Illu,ltribu.5: De ScnjJtoribus Ecc/esiasticis IV.17 = PI, 172 col. 234. 37 For the ,Magnum Legendarium (Austriacum) see Ana/. Boll. 17 (1898) 24-96, esp. 54: one version of the magn. legend. included on Mary's feast day (2 April) an abbreviated version of Paul the Deacon's viln; see also Kunze, Studien Alaria Aegyptiaca (1969) 33. Jacobus (Jacopo) de Voragine (d. 12H8), 1ke Golden Legend (William S. Ryan, ed. and trans!'; Princeton 1993) 227-29 #56; see also Alain Boureau, La l~f!,ende doree: Ie ,~YJtime narrat?fde Jacques de Voragine (Paris: de Cen, 1984) 75-108 and 275; Maria von Nagy and N. Christoph De Nagy, Die Legenda aurea ulld iltr Verfasser Jacobus de Voragine (Bern and Munich: Francke Verlag, 1976) 9-21 and 77-93; Kunze, Die Elsiissil'che 'Legenda aurea'

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Nor was Mary confined to prose accounts. Flodoard (fl. ca. 900), the episcopal chronicler of Reims, included in his metric compositions on Christian folk and themes, a work de Mana Aegytiaca et -
New Sources A protean figure then, is Mary the Egyptian, the elements of whose composition we can identify: First, the repentant fallen woman who partakes of the Gospel character of Mary of Magdala interpreted as a repentant prostitute (diagram #1 and 5).40 Second, the motif of the sexual temptress of the desert ascetic,

vol. II (Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 1983). For the role of the legenda aurea in disseminating the legend of Mary, see, for example, Th. Wolpers, Die Engliscke Heiligenlegende des Mittelalters. Eine Formgeschidlte des Legendenerziihlers von der Spdtantikn Lateinischen Tradition his zur Mitle des 16. ]ahrhunderLr (Tiibingen: Niemeyer, I 964) 237, 370-402. 38 Flodoard (ca. 894-963): PL 135 (1853) cols. 541-48; BHL 5418. Flodoard knew well his hagiographic sources: compare his metrical version ofJerome's vita Hilarionis (PL 135 cols. 531-42), which is sensible only if the reader knows well both Jerome's vita Hilarionis and vita Maleki. Hildebert of Le Mans (I 056-ca. 1133), de vita Mariae Aegyptiacae, PL 171 (1893) 1321-1340; BHL 5419; see also Manutius, Geschichte der lat. Lit. III (1931) 853 and 861. In addition to his epic poem on Mary, Hildebert composed several other holy verse epics: de invent jane sanctae crucis and vitae of the Maccabees, S. Susanna, S. Vincentius, and S. Agnes. See also Manutius III (1931) 171-72, on the hymns of Nizo the monk at the St. Laurence cloister at Liittich. 39 Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptit.zca (1974) 9-39; Wolpers, Die Englische HeiLigenlegende des Mittelalters (1964) 151 and 169. '10 L. Duchesne, Fastes episcapaux de l'ancienne Gaule, I, ed. 2 (paris: Boccard, 1907) 346-59, demonstrated that, by the twelfth century, the legend of Mary of Egypt was, in Latin Provencal, effectively conflated with the elaborated life of Mary Magdalen. Both legends experienced cross-fertilization: Haskins, Mary Magdalen (1993) III; Wolpers, Die Englische Heiligenlegende des Mittelalters.(1964) 279.

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readily melded with local, Palestinian traditions of male ascetics who chance upon a woman--living or dead--who has pursued, contrary to expectation, the male vocation of desert anchorite (diagram #3, 4, 4A and 11). Third, the passion and death of Mary the Egyptian was elaborated with episodes and themes drawn from (the Greek translations) of what, by ca. 500, had become a basic text of asceticism: Jerome's Life qf Paul the First Hennifl-a work itself a literary construct, one fabricated out of elements of the Athanasian vita Antonii and Jerome's fertile imagination. Thus, Zosimas' wandering and discovery of Mary is based on Jerome's description of Antony's search for Paul; Zosimas' encounter of a desert creature first assumed to be demonic parallels Antony's meeting with two frightening creatures (one of whom turns out to be a good Christian); Mary's inquiry of the state of the Christian world echoes Paul's inquiry to Antony; Zosimas' discovery of the dead Mary and his burial of her with the aid of a lion recapitulates Antony's discovery of the dead Paul and his burial of him with the aid of two lions (see diagram #6).42 The exchange (giving) of the cloak by Zosimus, however, is not obviously owed to the Jerome: in the vita Pauli, the cloak is symbolic of the transfer of holy ascetic authority: VP 12, derived from the vita Antonii 91- ultimately from I Kings 19: 19: Elijah hands his cloak to Elisha-andJerome had already advertised in this vita the significance of Elijah and Elisha for his literary construction of a later holy man: VP 1. In the Life of Mary the Egyptian, the giving of the garment is nothing more than an attempt by an embarrassed male to clothe (and therefore conceal! deny) a woman's sexuality. We may expect, in a Near Eastern (especially Semitic) context, to

41 F. Delmas appears to have been the first to publish an explicit connection with Jerome's vita Pauli: "Remarques sur la vie de Sainte Marie L'Egyptienne," Echos d'Orient 4 (1900-1) 35-42; "Encore Sainte Marie I}Egyptienne," Echos d'Orient 5 (1901-2) 15-1 7. 42 Zosimas' wandering in the desert: see VPauli 7-8 = Harvey, 363-64; Zosimas' encounter of a desert creature: VP 7-8 = Harvey, 363; state of the Christian world: VP 10 = Harvey, 366; Zosimas' and the helpful lion: VP 15-16 = Harvey, 368-69. For the several Greek versions of Jerome's zrita Pauli: K.T. Corey, Studies in the Text Tradition qfSt.Jerome's Vitae Patrum (ed. W. A. Oldfather; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1943) 143 and 158. Latin text: Jerome, Vita Pauli primi eremitae, PL 23 (1865) cols. 17-30. Translation in Paul B. Harvey Jr., 'Jerome: Life of Paul, the First Hennit," Ascetic Belzazrior in Greco-Roman Antiqui!y (cd. Vincent L. Wimbush; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990) 357-69. 43 For this eastem Mediterranean mythopoetic commonplace, seeJudith M. Hadley,

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encounter lions in the company of a holy woman43 and the helpful lion is a recognized topos in early eastern Mediterranean hagiogTaphy,44 but the distinction in the number of sepulchral lions in the vita of Mary the Egyptian is of some interest. Perhaps the number of lions required to bury an ascetic is owed to pure sexism: a woman requires but one lion; a man such as Jerome's Paul, two. 45 But there may be another reason. For we can identify an early and (as far as I know) previously unrecognized tradition contributing to the formation of the legend about Mary, a tradition that includes an ascetic woman of the Palestinian desert and a lion. About the year 570, a pilgrim from Placentia (modern Piacenza, in Lombardy) journeyed to the holy land. En route to Sinai, the pilgrim Antoninus visited Nabataean Elusa (Khalasa), a caravan city in the northern Negev, southeast of Gaza and south of Beersheba. Elusa was a significant locus in the economic and religious landscape of late antique Palestine: 46 the town was a terminus for caravans coming from the south and east, contained a flourishing slave market, and maintained traditional Hellenic culture within a Christian urban context. From Elusa came a rhetorician famous at Antioch, in the very era (the early to mid-fourth century) the town was evangelized by Hilarion, a Palestinian holy man usually resident in his preferred ascetic locus of

17le Cult qf Asherah in ancient Israel and]udalz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 28, 36, 176; G. W. Bromiley et al. (eds.), SBE (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1986),3.141-42, esp. 142; Steier, "Lowe", RE 13 (1927) co1s. 968-990 esp. 970 and 982-84. The resonance of the association oflions-symbolic ofthe independent, martial character of divine women-for a Latin-literate audience may be illustrated by Catullus Carmen 63, Lucretius 10.253, Virgil Aeneid 3.113, where lions prominently accompany the awesome goddess Cybele (as they do in Greco-Roman artistic representations). See also Walter Burkert, Greek Religion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985) 149 and 154. 44 Lions in the Judaean desert: Pierre :Maraval, Lie/LX Saintf et pel£n·nages d'Orient (Paris: Cerf, 1985) 174. The ability of the ascetic to enjoy the friendly assistance of lions is a motif common to early hagiographic accounts: see, for example, Cyril, Vita Eutftymii 13 = Price and Binns, CS 114 (1991) 13 and nt. 38 on xxxiii; see also Jerome 1!ita Malchi 9 PE 23 (1865) cols. 60-62; in brief, Chadwick, ]TS 25 (1974) 68. 4.'1 lowe this perceptive observation to Karen.J. Harvey. IG Nabataean Elusa (Khalasa): A.H.M. Jones, Cities if the Eastem Roman Provinces cd. 2nd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971) 280 and 464-74; G.W. Bowersock, Roman Arabia (Cambridge, .MA: Harvard University Press, 1983) 179-85; Yoram Tsafir, Leah Di Segni and Judith Green, Tabula Imperii Romani: Iudaea.Paiestina Gerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994) 119. n Antiochene rhetorician: Libanius' predecessor, Zenobius ofElusa: Libanius Oral. 36.10; Apist. lO(H and 102; 407.9 (dead by 355); A. H. M.Jones,J. R. Martindale

=

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a garbage dump outside of Gaza.+ 7 From the late fourth-century, the religious and social importance of the bishop is attested well at Elusa; to the bishop did Antoninus apply when he stayed en route to Sinai. We gather from other pilgrimage accounts (from the garrulous Egeria of the late fourth century to the credulous \Villibald of the early eighth century) that bishops in the holy land were expected to serve as genial hosts and informed guides for the pious pilgrim. +8 The anonymous bishop of Elusa did not disappoint: he introduced Antoninus to a group of local nuns who lived in the desert to the east of Elusa, in the general direction of the Dead Sea. These virbrins impressed the Italian traveler with their pet lion and their ascetic life. They, in turn, told him, with the bishop's firm endorsement, that they were as nothing compared to one who lived apart. A young girl of a noble family of Elusa had married a local boy; on their wedding night, the husband died. The new bride grieved by selling all her worldly goods within a week, distributing the proceeds to the local poor and to the local communities of ascetics. She then went into the desert to live in solitude "among the reeds and palms of the Dead Sea" and survived by occasional gifts of food and clothing from the nuns~-at least she did when they could find her. Antoninus was so impressed by these ascetic women that he sent to Jerusalem for a suitable gift: lamp-oil, beans, and tunics to clothe the nuns. Surely, Antoninus affirmed, that was appropriate recompense for the edifying story of the woman who lived in the desert. Her name was Mary (Antonin. Placent 34; diagram #2):19 Here, in a sixth-century pilgrim's report, are several of the basic elements of the elaborated legend of Mary the Egyptian: lion, desert, and J. Morris, Prosopography if the Later Roman Empire I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) 991; Paul Petit, Libanius et La Vie Municipale cl Antiodle au IVe Siecle apres].C. (~aris: Geuthner, 1955) 326 and 341; Petit, us etudiants de Libanius (Paris: Nouvelles Editions latines, 1957) 92. Christianization of Elusa: Jerome vita Hilarionis 25 = PL 23 (1865) col. 42; see also Nilus of Ancyra. ".Narrationes," PC 79 (1865) cols. 589-694, esp. Narrat. 4, cols. 626-40, 6.673-79, and 7.692-94. "Nilus" certainly portrays a plausible portrait of the caravan city ill the early fifth century, regardless of well-argued doubts as to the authenticity of the author: K. Heussi, "Neilos 2," RE 16 (1935) cols. 2186-87; Chitty, The Desert a Ci~y (1966) 220; Quasten, Patro{og)' III (1950) 497-98. 48 Bishops as local hosts: HUllt, Ho!y Land Pilgrimage (19B4) 60-61; see also Itin. Egeriae 19.5, 20.2 etc. = P. Geyer (cel.), Itineraria et alia geograj)/iiw, Corpus Cll1istianorum Series Latina 175 (Turn holt: Brepols, 19(5) 60 and 62. 49 Antonin. Placent. #34 = Geyer, CCSL 175 (1965) 181-82. On Antoninus, sec Hunt, Holy Land Pi(fJrimage (198,4) 48, 130-31.

496

PAUL B. HARVEY JR.

gifts of clothing from a pious male, an ascetic named Mary. Here, I suggest, is an early stratum of a 10calJudaean tradition which contributed to the formation of the legend of Mary the Egyptian.

Motivating Contextf The legend of Mary the Egyptian achieved a perfected form in the Sophronian vita, a hagiography emphasizing the power of an icon of the Blessed Virgin; the life of Mary the Egyptian could thus be read and employed as a refutation of iconoclasm. In its developed form, especially in its Latin translation and the western vernacular versions thereon dependent, the Sophronian vita became, east and west, an appropriate text, and Mary an appropriate figure, for the theme of repentance in the Lenten liturgy, a theme enhanced by the implicit association of a form of ascetic withdrawal by the cleansing of the mortal body during the Lenten ritual. 50 An even earlier liturgical association, moreover, may be identified. Considering, first, the date (ca. 730), by which the Sophronian VG existed in the form which the VL of "Paul the Neapolitan Deacon" translates and, second, the repeated emphases in the vita on a specific feast at a specific church in Jerusalem, I suggest that the Sophronian account, in origin, aimed at affirming the significance of the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross 5l at the Holy Sepulcher Church in Jerusalem within the context of the iconoclastic controversy as that conflict occurred in and around Jerusalem. In May of 614, the Church of the Holy Sepulcher was burned 50 Ward, Har/{)ts (1987) 26 and 35, stressed Mary as "the liturgical icon of repentance" with reference to Mary the Egyptian's place in the Lenten liturgy, east and west. Kunze, Studien Maria Aegyptiaca (1969) 22-26, discusses the ascetic element as "Hauptmotive und Zweck". For the iconoclastic context: Georg Ostrogorsky, "Studien zur Geschichte des byzantinischen Bilderstreites," Hiswrische UnwSlJchungen 5 (Breslau 1929) [reprint: Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1964] 46-60; Paul J. Alexander, The Patriarch Nuephorus if Constantinople: Ecclesiastical Policy and Image Worship in the Byzantine Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958); Peter Brown, "A Dark Age Crisis: aspects of the iconoclastic controversy," English Historical Review 88 (1973) 1-34 = Brown, Socie!y and the Holy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982) 251-301; Stephen Gero, "Iconoclasm," in Late Antiquiry: a Guide to the Postclassical World (cds. G. W. Bowersock, Peter BrO\vn, and 01eg Grabar; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999) 507-9. 51 This festival is mentioned, but not stressed, in later accounts, such as Hildebert's poem and the legenda aurea; Flodoard's epic poem on Mary is, by contrast, unspecific as to the Jerusalem festival concerned (n. 38).

"A TRAVELER FROM AN ANTIQUE LAND"

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(but not destroyed) in the Sassanian sack of Jerusalem. 52 A tradition recorded in Arabic and Greek sources recalled that the Virgin had prayed to protect Jerusalem: her intercession was ineffective because of the need of the populace ofJerusalem for repentance. 53 The Church's relic of the Cross was carried off by the Persians, to be recovered and triumphantly returned by the Roman emperor Heraclius, by 629. 54 Meanwhile, the Church underwent repair and restoration. In February of638, the patriarch ofJerusalem, Sophronios, surrendered the city to the caliph 'Vmar (Omar), who preserved the Church unharmed. 55 Perhaps the Sophronian redaction of the vita should be located within this historical and geographical context and the attribution of the vita to Sophronios understood as a reflection of that patriarch's role in preserving the integrity of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. The Sophronian vita, however, transcended its dogmatic and liturgical purposes: the vita, in its original Greek redaction as well as in its Latin versions, constructed of a variety of early Christian traditions the identity of one of the most popular holy women of the Christian heritage. 56 I offer below a schematic representation of the relationship of the various elements contributing to the literary formation of the life of Mary the Egyptian. (For the late medieval vernacular tradition, see Kunze, Studien A1aria Aegyptiaca [1969] 166-67.) 52 Couasnon, Church qf the Ho~y Sepulchre (1974) 17; Patrich, Ancient Churches Revealed (1993) 113. 53 Chadwick, ]TS 25 (1974) 66. 54 Couasnon, Church qfthe Holy Sepulchre (1974) 17; Moshe Gil, A History qfPalestine, 634-1099 (trans!. Ethel Broido; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) 9. 55 Couasnon, Church qfthe Ho!y Sepulchre (1974) 18; Gil, History qfPalestine (1992) 51-56, 67 nt. 70. 56 This study originated in a seminar discussion at the Departimento di scienze dell'Antichita, Universita di Pavia; a version of this paper was presented at the 31st Congress on Medieval Studies, at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, in May 1996, under the auspices of the Hagiography Society. I appreciate learned response at that conference and critical comments from several readers, notably Elizabeth Dachowski, Karen]. Harvey, Petcr Pottcr, Patricia Cox Miller, and Virginia Burrus. The present study is part of a larger project to explore the sources and influence ofJerome's hagiographic writings, supported in part by the Institute for Arts and Humanisties at Penn State, the National Endmvment for the Humanities, and the American Philosophical Association. It is an honor, and a pleasure, to offer this study to a colleague and scholar who has always savored the mythic resonance for Mediterranean (and European) societies of Egyptian origins, locales, and institutions and who has frequently instmcted us on the significance of religious belief and praxis as formative influences on the literary record.

498

PAUL B. HARVEY JR.

ABBREVIATIONS

Acta 8S BHG BHL CS Kunze

VG VL

Acta Sanctorum (Antwerp: 1643-; Brussels: Editions culture et civilisation 1963-): April 1,68-90 for Maria Aegyptiaca (see also BHL 5415-21). F. Halkin el al. (eds.), Bihliotheca hagiographica graeca (Subsidia Hagiographica 8a; Brussels: Societe des Bollandistes, 1957), 3 vols. Socii Bollandiani (eds.), Bibliotheca hagiographica latina (Subsidia Hagiographica 6; Brussels: Soci{:te des Bollandistes, 1949), 2 vols. Cistercian Studies (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications). Studien }vlaria Aeg)'/Jtiaca (1969) Konrad Kunze, Studien zur Legende der heil~f!,en lv/aria Aegyptiaca im deu/schen Sprachgehiet(Philologische Studien und Qpellen; Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag 1969). the Grcck llita Mariae AegJ,ptiacae: attributed to Sophronios, in J-P. Migne, Patrologia Gracca 87.3 (1865) cok 3697-726. the Latin vita ivlariae Aegyptiacae: translation of the Sophronian vita by Paul thc Deacon of Naples, in Migne, Patrologia Latina 73 (184·9) mls. 671-90. A better critical text and translation by Jane Stevenson, 771e Legend qfAlary qf Egypt (rds. E. Pope and B. Ross; Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1996) 51-98.

Abbreviations of classical and patristic primary and secondary sources follow the standard rekrences: S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (eds.), O>:!ord Classical Didionary, 3rd cd., (Oxford: OxfC)rd University Press, 1996);Johannes Quasten et al. (cds.), Patr%gy, 4 vols, (Westminster, MD: Christian Classics, 1986-91); G. VV. Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar (cds.), Late Antiqui!T A Guide to the Po.stdassical ~'Vorld (Cambridge, !\IA: Harvard University Press, 1999).

DONALD BRUCE REDFORD - BIBLIOGRAPHY Prepared by Susan Redford

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1967 - "The Literary Motif of the Exposed Child," Numen 14:209-28. - Review of The Chronology of the Amarna Letters, by E. F. Campbell, Journal qf the American Oriental Sociery 87:650-53. -- "The Father of Khnumhotpe II of Beni Hassan," Journal qfEgyptian Archaeology 53: 158-59. - History and Chronology qf the Eighteenth pynasry qf Egypt: Seven Studies. Near and Middle East Series 3. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

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1968 "Excavations at Buto in Lower Egypt," Ro..yal Ontario Museum Archaeological Newsletter, no. 39 (August 1968): [4 pp.]. "Buto, 1968," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 67 (October 1968):1-2. 1969 Review of TIe Hyksos: A NeuJ Investigation, by]. Van Seters, UniverJ19' if Toronto Qyarterly (July 1969):409-10. "Notes on the Inscriptions from Buto," Journal if E-gyptian Archaeology 55: 18-22. 1970 "The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition," Orientalia 39: 1-51. Contributor in W. McLeod, Composite Bows from the Tomb qf Tutankhamen. Oxford: Griffith Institute. (Editor with]. W. Wevers), Euays on the Ancient Semitic Jl'orld. Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Contribution: "An Old Kingdom Relief of a Fan-Bearer in the Royal Ontario Museum," in Essays on the Ancient Semitic World (see previous entry), 29-34. with K. S. Freedy, "The Dates in Ezekiel in Relation to Biblical, Babylonian and Egyptian Sources," Journal if the American Oriental Socie9' 90:462-85. "A Visit to Osiris, Lord of Eternity," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 74 (July 1970):25. A Stut[y if the Biblical Joseph Story (Genesis 37-50). Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 20. Leiden: E.]. Brill. 1971 "The Earliest Years of Ramesses II and the Building of the Ramesside Court at Luxor," Journal if Egyptian Archaeology 57:110-19. "The Clearing of the Forecourt of the Temple of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Karnak," Newsletter qfAmerican Research Center in £..l!:Ypt 79 (October 1971): 12-13. "Reconstruction of the Temples of the Sun-Disc at Thebes," Newsletter qfthe Socie9' for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 2, no. 2:3-6.

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1972 (Editor with J. '-\T. Wevers) Studies on the Ancient Palestinian ~t'orld; Presented to Prqfessor F. V ~t'innett on the Occasion if his Retirenlent 1 }u9! 1971. Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. "Studies in the Relations between Palestine and Egypt during the First Millennium B.C., I: The Taxation System of Solomon," in Studies on the Ancient PaLestinian World (see previous entry) 14156. "Report on the Third Season of 'Vork at the Shrine of Osiris, Heqa I~Jet. Karnak," AnnuaL Report (Zf the Society.for the Study qfEgyptian Antiquities (Toronto): 11-20. "Progress Report on the ,-\Tork of the Akhenaten 'Temple Project of the University .M useum," Nczf)sletter qf the American Research Center in f-'g}1Jt 83 (October 1972):31.

~

1973 "Notes and News from Egypt," ]v('U),\letter if the Sorie{Ji jar the 5'tur[y qfEgyptian Antiquities 3, no. 2: 1-5. Review of Les Cuenes d~1mosl:\', Ponda/eur de La ,XJi7lle l~}'n(L}tie, by C. Vandersleyen, Bihliotheca Orienta/is: 614,-16. "An Interim Report on the Second Season of\Vork at the Temple of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Karnak," }oumal (!f Egpptian Archaeolog)! 59: 16-30. Review of 771e Ancient Egyptian l)ramid Texts, by R. O. Faulkner, }ournal q/ the American ()rien tal Socie{v 93: 77-78. "Studies in the Relations Between Palestine and Egypt during the First Millennium B.C., II: The 'T\venty-second Dynasty," }oumaL qf the American Oriental Socie~JI 93:3-17. Co-author with A. K., Grayson, Pa/U'rus and tablet. Englewood Clifls: Prentice-Hall. "A Newly Dated Inscription from the Reign of Horemheb," Newsletter q/ the Socie~y]or the ,)'furly qf Egyptian Antiquities 4, no. 1:6-23. "The Akhenaten Temple Pr(~ject of the University Museum, Philadelphia (Pro~Tress Report for 1972-73)," .!Vculsletta (1' the American Research Center in EgyjJt 87 (October 1973): 11-15. Review (with A. K. Grayson) of The Ancient NearE'ast: A Histo~y, by \V. H. Hallo and 'V. K. Simpson, Journal r?f the American Oriental Sociefy 93:575-76. "New Light on the Asiatic Campaigning of Horcmheb," Bulletin

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"Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes. I. A Report on the Work of the Akhenaten Temple Project of the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 10: 77-94. "Asiatic Place-names on the Dismantled Gate of the Early 18th Dynasty at Karnak," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 87 (October 1973):31. 1974 "Report on the Work of the Akhenaten Temple Project, 1974," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 91 (Fall 1974):33. 1975 "Reconstructing the Temple of a Heretical Pharaoh," Archaeology 28, no. 1 Ganuary 1975):16-22. "The Ship-wrecked Sailor's Snake," Newsletter if the Sociery jor the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 6, no. 2: 13-16. "Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes, II: A Report on the Work of the Akhenaten Temple Project of the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania for the Year 1973-74," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 12:9-18. 1976 Co-author with R. W. Smith, The Akhenaten Temple Prqject, I: Initial Discoveries. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. "Notes and News from Egypt," Newsletter if the Sociery jor the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 6, no. 3:5-6. "The Akhenaten Temple Project: The First Season of Excavation in East Karnak," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 96 (Spring 1976): 10-13. "The Sun-Disc is Found .... ", Royal Ontario A1useum Archaeological Newsletter, no. 139 (December 1976): [4 ppJ. "The Oases in Egyptian History to Classical Times-Part I: To c. 2100 B.C.," NezlISletter if the Sociery jor the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 7, no. 1:7-10. Review of The Tenth Generation: The Origins if the Biblical Tradition, by G. Mendenhall, Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 13: 160-6l. "The Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and Antecedent';, I," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 13:47-61.

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1977 "The Oases in Egyptian History to Classical Times-Part II: To c. 2100 B.C. to c. 1650 B.C.," Newsletter qf the Society for the Study qf Egyptian Antiquities 7, no. 2:2-4. -- "The Oases in Egyptian History to Classical Times~Part III: To c. 1650 B.C. to c. 1000 B.C.," Newsletter qf the Society for the Stuqy qf Egyptian Antiquities 7, no. 3:2-6. - "The Oases in Egyptian History to Classical Times-Part IV: To c. 1000 B.C to c. 630 B.C.," Newsletter qf the Society for the Study qf Egyptian Antiquities 7, no. 4:7-10. - "Herihor." Cols. 1129-33 in uxikon der Agyptologie, eel. W. Heick and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. - Review of Akhenaten and Nifertiti, by C. Aldred, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 72: 19-21. -- "Some Observations on Egyptian Chronology of the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B. C.," American ]ournal qf Archaeology 81 :8283. - "The Latest Phase in the History of East Karnak," Newsletter qf the American Research Center in Egypt 99/100: 11. - "The Excavations of the University Museum, Akhenaten Temple Project, at Karnak," Expedition 19, no. 4 (Summer 1977):33-38. ~ "Notes and News," Newsletter qf the Society for the Study qf Egyptian Antiquities 8, no. 2:2-3. - Review of" The ]uridical Terminology qf International Relations in Egyptian Texts through 0nasty 18," by D. Lorton. ]ournal qf Egyptian Archaeology 63:183-84. ~ "Preliminary Report of the First Season of Excavation in East Karnak, 1975- 76," ]ournal qf the American Research Center in Egypt 14:9-32.

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1978 Review of The Sea Peoples and Egypt, by A. Nibbi. Bulletin qf the American Society for Orient,al Research 229: 74-75. - "Son of Sun-Disc", Royal Ontario Museum Archaeological Newsletter, no. 154 (March 1978); [4 PpJ - "Two Notes on Talatat," Newsletter ifthe .society for the Study ifEgyptian Antiquities 8, no. 3:81-83. -- "The Razed Temple of Akhenaten," Scientific American 239, no. 6: 136-47. - "Classement geographique des decouvertes S 1 2 Karnak East,"

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(Fouilles de l'Universite de Toronto) in Bulletin de liaison du Groupe internationaL d'etude de La ceramique Egyptienne 3:9. "Osorkho ... Called Herakles," Journal rif the Society for the Study rif Egyptian Antiquities 9, no. 1:33-36. 1979 - "The Akhenaten Temple Project and Karnak Excavations," Expedition 21, no. 2 (Winter 1979):54-59; - Letter of rejoinder, Scientific American 240, no. 5 (May 1979):8. . ~ "Once Again the Filiation of Tutankhamun," Journal rif the Society for the Study rif Egyptian Antiquities 9, no. 3:107-15. "The Historical Retrospective at the Beginning of Thutmose Ill's Annals." Pp. 338-42 in Festschrifi Elmar Edel. March 12, 1979, ed. M. Gorg and E. Pusch. Agypten und Altes Testament 1. Bamberg: Kurt Urlaub. - "The Historiography of Ancient Egypt." pp. 3-20 in l!.gyptology and the Social Sciences, ed. K. Weeks. Cairo: American University Press. "A Gate Inscription from Karnak and Egyptian Involvement in Western Asia during the Early 18th Dynasty," Journal rifthe American Oriental Society 99: 70-71. -~ "Report on the 1979 Season of Excavations at East Karnak," Newsletter rif the American Research Genter in Egypt 109 (Winter 1979). - "Egypt and Asia in the New Kingdom: Some Historical Notes," Journal rif the Society for the Study rif Egyptian Antiquities 10, no. 1 (December 1979):63-70. -

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1980 "Menkheperre." Cols. 42-43 in Lexikon der Agyptologie IV, ed. W. HeIck and W. Westendorf Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Review of The Impact qf Egypt on Canaan, by R. Giveon. Religious Studies Review 6, no. 1 Uanuary 1980):60. "Meretaten." Cols. 90-91 in Lexikon der Agyptologie IV, ed. W. HeIck and W. Westendorf Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. "Mitanni." Cols. 149-52 in Lexikon der Agyptologie IV, ed. W. HeIck and W. Westendorf Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Review of Isis My the et Mysteres, by F. LeCorsu, Religious Studies Review 6, no. 1 Uanuary 1980):63-64. Review of Tell ed-Dab'a II, by M. Bietak, Bibliotheca Orientalis 37, no. 1/2 Uanuary-March 1980):46-47.

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"The Red Mound of East Karnak," Royal Ontario Museum Archaeological Newsletter 179 (April 1980): [4 pp.]. "East Karnak Excavations-Summer 1980," Newsletter if the American Research Center in Egypt 113 (Winter 1980):51-52. Review of The Protocol if Niferty by H. Goedicke, Journal if the American Oriental Society 100:369-71. "The Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and Anteceden ts, II," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 17: 2138.

1981 Review of Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts, by J. F. Borghouts. Religious Studies Review 7, no. 1 (January 1981):65. - "A Note on the Shipwrecked Sailor, 147-148," Journal qf l!.gyptian Archaeology 67: 174-75. - "Interim Report on the Excavations at East Karnak, 1977-78," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 18: 11-44. -- "A Note on II Kings 17,4," Journal if the Society for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 11, no. 2:75-76. - Review of Egypt Bifore the Pharaohs, by M.A. Hoffman, Queen's Qyarterly 88:398-99. - "Necho I, II." Cols. 368-71 in Lexikon der Agyptologie IV, ed. W. Heick and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. - "Interim Report on the Excavations at East Karnak (1979 and 1980 Seasons)," Journal if the Society for the Study ifEgyptian Antiquities II, no. 4 (August 1981 ):243-62. - "The lowly glyph: Its Role in Egyptian Archaeology," Royal Ontario Museum Archaeological Newsletter 195 (August 1981): [4 pp.]. -- "The Acquisition of Foreign Goods and Services in the Old Kingdom," Scripta Mediterranea 2:5-16. "Gli scavi del Tempio di Gm(tJ-p3-itn nella zona Est di Karnak," Bollettino d'lriformazioni (sezione Archeologica. Instituto Italiano di Cultura per la R.A. E.) 57: 8-1 O. "A Royal Speech from the Blocks of the 10th Pylon," Bulletin qf the Egyptological Seminar if New York 3:87-102. -

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1982 "Pithom." Cols. 64-67 in Lexikon der A"gyptologie IV, ed. W. Heick and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Review of The Palermo Stone: Chronology if the Palermo and Turin Canons, by P. O'.tvlara. The American Historical Review 157-58.

508 ~

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SUSAN REDFORD

"A Bronze Age Itinerary in Transjordan: Nos. 89-101 ofThutmose Ill's List of Asiatic Toponyms," Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 12:55-74. (Librettist for opera) Ra [based on The Litany of Re]. Murray F. Shafer, composer. Toronto: Comus Music Theater. "An Offering Inscription from the 2nd Pylon at Karnak." Pp. 125-31 in Studies in Philology in Honour of Ronald James Williams: A Festschrift, ed., G. E. Kadish and G. E. Freeman. Toronto: SSEA Publications. "An Inscribed Inkwell." pp. 60-61 in]. S. Holladay, American Research Center in Egypt Report: Excavations at Tell el-Maskhuta the Wadi Tumilat Prqject. Malibu: U ndena. "Texts from East Karnak and the Wadi Hammamat," Royal Ontario Museum Archaeological Newsletter 210 (November 1982): [4 pp.]. "Contact Between Egypt and Jordan in the New Kingdom: Some Comments on Sources." Pp. 115-19 in Studies in the History and Archaeology ofJordan I, ed. A. Hadidi. Bath: Pitman. Review of Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, by W.]. Murnane. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 69: 181-83.

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1984 Akhenaten: The Heretic King. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984 (Reprinted Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1989). "The Meaning and Use of the Term Cnwt, 'Annals'." Pp. 327-41 in Studien zu Sprache und Religion A'gyptens, 1: Sprache Zu Ehren von Wolfhart Westendorf, ed. F. Junge. Gottingen: Hubert & Co. Review of La Reine Hatchepsout, by S. Ratie. Journal if the American Oriental Sociery 104:357-58. "Thutmose IlL" Cols. 185-93 in Lexicon der Agyptologie VI, ed. W. Heick and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. "The Akhenaten Temple Project in Egypt," Bulletin if the Canadian Mediterranean Institute 4, no. 3: 1-4. "Heretic Pharaoh: The Akhenaten Temple Project," Rotunda (Royal Ontario Museum) 17, no. 3:8-15. Review of Amarna Reliifs aus Hermopolis, by R. Hanke. Journal if Egyptian Archaeology 70: 162-63. Historical Maps of the Ancient Near East, London: Times Books. "Tagebuch." Cols. 151-53 in Lexikon der A'gyptologie VI, ed. W. Heick and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

1985 "The Relations between Egypt and Israel from EI-Amama to the Babylonian Conquest." pp. 192-205 in Biblical Archaeology Today (proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, April 1984). Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. --- "The Name Manetho." pp. 118-21 in Egyptological Studies in Honour if Richard A. Parker, ed. L. Lesko. Hanover and London: Brown University Press. - Review of Pharaoh's People, by T. G. H.James. BiblicalArchaeological Review 11, no. 4 Guly-August 1985): 17. "Sais and the Kushite Invasion," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 22:5-15. - Review of The A1astaba if Mereri and Wernu, by W. V. Davies, A. EI-Khouli, A. B. Lloyd, and A.]. Spencer. Journal if the Sociery for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 15, no. 1:42-43. ~-

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1986 -- "N ew Ligh t on Temple J at Karnak," Orientalia 55: 1-15. -- "Egyptian Religion: Literature." pp. 54-65 in 77ze Encyclopedia if Religion 5, ed. M. Eliade. New York: Macmillan. - "The Ashkelon Relief at Karnak and the Israel Stela," Israel Exploration Journal 36: 188- 200. "Egypt and Western Asia in the Old Kingdom," Journal if the American Research Center in Egypt 23: 125-43. - Pharaonic King Lists, Annals, and Daybooks: A Contribution to the Egyptian Sense if History. SSEA Publications 4. Mississauga, Ont.: Benben Publications. 1987 "The Monotheism of the Heretic Pharaoh: Precursor of Mosaic Monotheism or Egyptian Anomaly?" Biblical Archaeology Review 13, no. 3: 16-32. -- Review of The l)ramid Builders if Ancient Egypt, by A. R. David, in American Historical Review (December 1987): 1183. - "The Tod Inscription of Senwosret 1 and Early 12th Dynasty Involvement in Nubia and the South," Journal if the Sociery for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 17:36-55. - "An Egyptological Perspective on the Exodus Narrative." Pp. 137-61 in Egypt, lI'rael, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period, ed. Anson Rainey. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University. --

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1988 The Akhenaten Temple Project, Vol. 11: Rwd-j\1nw, Foreigners and Inscriptions. Aegypti Texta Propositique 1. Toronto: Akhenaten Temple Project. The Akhenaten Temple Project; East Karnak Expedition 1986-1987. 77ze Excavation if Temple C. Cairo: Canadian Embassy, 1988. "Excavations at Kom el-Ahmar, Karnak, 1985." Pp. 257-63 in Akten des 4ten Int. Agyptologen- Kongresses Miinchen 1985, ed. S. Schoske. Hamburg: International Congress of Egyptologists.

1989 --- Review of Stranger in the Vallry if the Kings, by A. Osman. Biblical Archaeology Review 15, no. 2:8. - with Susan Redford, "Excavations of the Akhenaten Temple at East Karnak 1987 and 1988: the Search for the North Wall,"

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Canadian Mediterranean Institute Bulletin 9, no. 2:3-5. with Susan Redford, "Graffiti and Petroglyphs Old and New from the Eastern Dessert," .Journal qf the American Research Center in Egypt 26:3-49. 1990

"Egypt." Pp. 184-87 in Dictionary qf Biblical Interpretation, ed. R. J. Coggins and J. L. Houlden. London: SCM Press. -- Egypt and Canaan in the New Kingdom (ed. S. Ahituv). Studies by the Department of Bible and the Near East 4. Beer-Sheva: Ben Gurion University of the Negev. - "The Sea and the Goddess." Pp. 824-35 in Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam lichtheim, ed. S. Israelit-Groll.Jerusalem: Hebrew University. -

1991

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Review of Akhenaten: King qf £.gypt, by C. Aldred. American Historical Review (Febmary 1991):142. "Excavations at Karnak-The Akhenaten Temple Prqject," Bulletin qf the Canadian Niediterranean Institute 11, no. 2 (April 1991): 1-2. "A Report from the Director", Akhenaten Temple Prqject Neu)sletter, no. 3 (September 1991): [4 pp.] . with S. Orel and S. Redford, "East Karnak Excavations, 19871989," Journal qf the American Research Center in Egypt 28: 75-106. "Egypt Beyond the Fringe," Diplomat 3, no. 5 (December 1991): 14-22. 1992 "Canadian Institute in Egypt; Update on Activities," Bulletin qf the Canadian Mediterranean Institute 12, no. 1 Ganuary 1992):5. "A Ramesside Stela from East Karnak," Bulletin qf the E.gyptological Seminar 10: 1-4. Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Review of Topos und Mimesif, by A. Loprieno. Journal qf the American Oriental Society 112: 134-35. "Three Seasons in Egypt," The Journal qf the Society for the Stu4y qf E.gyptian Antiquities 18: 1-79. 1993 "The 1992 Excavations at Mendes, Lower Egypt," Bulletin qf the Canadian Mediterranean Institute 13, no. 2:4.

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"The 1993 Summer Expedition to Mendes," 17ze Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, no. 3 (September 1993): [4 pp.]. "The 1993 Expedition to the Sinai," 17ze Akhenaten Temple Prrject Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1993): [4 pp.]. "Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya." pp. 188*-191* in Avraham Malamat Volume, ed. S. Ahituv and B. A. Levine. Eretz-Israel 24. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. 1994 The Akhenaten Temple Project III: The Excavations if Kom el-Ahmar and Environs. Aegypti Texta Propositaque 2. Toronto: Akhenaten Temple Project. Co-author with S. Redford, The Akhenaten Temple Project IV 17ze Tomb if Re-'a (T. T 201). Aegypti Texta Propositaque 3. Toronto: Akhenaten Temple Project. "Some Observations on the Northern and North-Eastern Delta in the Late Predynastic Period." pp. 201-10 in Essays in Egyptology in Honor if Hans Goedicke, ed. B. Bryan and D. Lorton. San Antonio: VanSiclen Books. "The Mysterious Red Mound of East Karnak," The Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, no. 2 (May 1994); [4 pp.]. Co-author with D.]. Brewer and S. Redford, Domestic Plants and Animals: The Ancient Egyptian Origins. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. "The Director's Report on the 1994 Field Season at Mendes," 17ze Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1994): [4 pp.). "East Karnak and the Sed-Festival of Akhenaten." pp. 485-92 in Hommages aJean !.eclant I, ed. N. Grimal. Cairo: Institut Fran<;ais D' Archeologie Orientale. 1995 "The Concept of Kingship during the 18th Dynasty." pp. 157-84 in Ancient Egyptian Kingship, ed. D. O'Connor and D.P. Silverman. Leiden: E.]. Brill. "Ancient Buto: a memory revived," The Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 2 (May 1995). "Interim Report on the Second Campaign of Excavations at Mendes (1992)," 17ze Journal if The Society for the Study if Egyptian Antiquities 21/22: 1-12. "Kedwa and Mendes as 'The Iranian Connection'," Newsletter if the North Texas Chapter if A.R.C.E. 3, nos. 2 and 3 [4 pp.].

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"Ancient Egyptian Literature: An Overview." Pp. 2223-41 in Civilizations if the Ancient Near East IV, ed. J. M. Sasson. New York: Scribners. "The Fifth Season of Excavation at Mendes," The Aklzenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1995): [4 pp.]. 1996 "A Response to Anson Rainey's 'Remarks on Donald Redford's

Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times," Bulletin if the American Society if Oriental Research 301: 77-81 . "Crucified," The Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 1 (February 1996): [4 pp.]. "Mendes, Une Capitale ephemere," L'Egypt,e Du Delta. Les Capitales Du Nord: Les Dossiers d'Archiologie 213:78-81. "Le Wadi Tumilat", L'Egypte Du Delta: Les Capitales Du Nord, Les Dossiers d'Archiologie 213:50-53. "Five Years of Excavation at Mendes," The Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 2 (May 1996): [4 pp.]. "The Sixth Season of Excavations at Mendes," the Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 3 (September 1996). "East Karnak, 1994," The Journal qfThe Society for the Study ifEgyptian Antiquities 23: 1-5. "The Land-Bridge Between Africa and Asia," The Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1996): [4 pp.]. "Mendes and Environs in the Middle Kingdom." Pp. 679-82 in Studies in Honor if William Kelly Simpson, ed. P. DerManuelian. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. 1997 "Egypt and the World Beyond." pp. 40-57 in Ancient Egypt, ed. D. P. Silverman. London: Duncan Baird. "Textual Sources for the Hyksos Period." Pp. 1-44 in The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Penpectives, ed. E. D. Oren. University Museum Symposium Series 8. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum. "The Ancient Egyptian 'City': figment or reality?" pp. 21-20 in Aspects qf Urbanism in Antiquity: From A-fesopotamia to Crete, ed. W. Aufrecht, N. A. Mirau and S. W. Gauley. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 244. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

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"The War Reliefs at Medinet Habu," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 2 (May 1997): [4pp.]. "Observations on the Sojourn of the Bene-Israel." Pp. 57-66 in Exodus: the Egyptian Evidence, cd. E. S. Frerichs and L. Lesko. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. "Epigraphic Discoveries in Theban Tomb # 188," 77ze Akhenaten Temple PrqJect Newsletter, no. 3 (September 1997): [4 pp.]. "The Monotheism of Akhenaten." pp. 11-26 in Aspects qf Monotheism: How God is One (Symposium at the Smithsonian Institute, October, 19, 1996), cd. H. Shanks and]. Meinhardt. Washington D.C.: Biblical Archaeology Society. "Report on the 7th Season of Excavations at Mendes (Tel erRub'a)," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1997): [4 pp.]. 1998 "The Janus Report," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 2 (June 1998): [4 pp.]. "Report on the 1993 and 1997 Seasons at Tel Kedwa," Journal qf the American Research Center in Egypt 35:45-60. "The Eighth Campaign of Excavations at Mendes," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 3 (October 1998): [4 pp.]. "The Tomb of Parennefer: Epigraphy and Texts," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 4 (December 1998): [4 pp.].

1999 "The 1998 Season at Tel Kedwa, North Sinai," 77ze Akhenaten Temple PrqJect Newsletter, no. 1 (March 1999): [4 pp.]. - Contributor in E-ncyclopaedia qf the Archaeology qf Ancient Egypt, ed. K. Bard. London: Routledge (1999): "New Kingdom, Overview," 57 -61; "Cult Temples of the New Kingdom," 201-4; "Karnak: Akhenaten Temples," 391-94. "A Note on the Chronology of Dynasty 25 and the Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var," Orientalia 68:58-60. - "The Beginning of the Heresy." pp. 50-60 in Pharaohs qf the Sun: Akhenaten, Nrftrtiti and Tutankhamun, ed. R. Freed, Y. Markowitz and S. D'Auria. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. - "New Perspectives on Ancient Egyptian Texts," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 2 (May 1999): [4 pp.]. "The Ninth Campaign at Mendes (Summer, 1999)," 77ze Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 3 (October 1999): [4 pp.].

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

515

2000 "New Kingdom Overview and the Egyptian Evidence on the Sea Peoples." Pp. 1-20 in The Sea Peoples and 7heir World: A Reassessment, ed. E. D. Oren. University Museum Symposium Series 11. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. - "Scribe and Speaker: the Interface Between Written and Oral Tradition in Ancient Egypt." Pp. 145-218 in Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Propheqy, ed. E. Ben-Zvi and M. H. Floyd. SBL Symposium Series 11. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. - "New Light on Egypt's Stance towards Asia." Pp. 183-95 in Rethinking the FoundationJ~ Historiography in the Ancient World and in the Bible: Essays in Honour if John Van Seters, cd. S. L. McKenzie and T. Romer. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fUr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 294. New York: Walter de Gruyter. - "Report on the Mendes Excavations 2000 (10th Season)," TIe Akhenaten Temple Prriject Newsletter, no. 3 (September 2000): [4 pp.). - "Epigraphic Commentary on This Season's Finds (in the Tomb of Parennefer)," The Akhenaten Templ.e Prqject Newsletter, no. 4 (December 2000): [4 PpJ

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2001 (Editor-in-chieD TIe O:ifOrd Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Vols. 1-3. New York: Oxford University Press. Contributions: "Annals", 1: 95-97; "Contendings of Horus and Seth," 1:294-95; "Historical Sources: Textual Evidence," 2: 10 1-8; 'Joseph," 2:208-9; "Manetho," 2:336-37; "Mendes," 2:376-77; "Moses," 2:438-39; "Petosiris," 3:38-39; "Taharqa," 3:346-47. - "The 11 th Season of Excavations at Mendes (Summer 2001)," The Akhenaten Temple Prqject Newsletter, no. 3 (September 2001): [4 pp.]. "New Perspectives on Ancient Egyptian Texts." Pp. 104-10 in Archaeology and Society in the 21st Century, ed. N. A. Silberman, E. S. Frerichs. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and the Dorot Foundation. - "The So-Called "Codification" of Egyptian Law under Darius I." Pp. 135-59 in Persia and Torah: TIe Theory qfImperi£ll Authorization if the Pentateuch, ed. J. \\T. Watts. Symposium 17. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.

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2002 (Editor) 77ze Ancient Gods Speak: A Guide to Ancient Egyptian Religion. New York: Oxford University Press. "Egyptian" in Beyond Babel: A Handbookfor Biblical Hebrew and Related Languages, cd.]. Kaltner and S. L. McKenzie. Resources for Biblical Studies 42. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. "Report on the 11 th Season of Excavation at Mendes", Akhenaten Temple Project Newsletter, No. 3 (September 2002): [4 pp.].

2003

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77ze Wars in ~ria and Palestine qf 77zutmose III. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 16. Leiden: E. J. Brill. In Press: 2004

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From Slave to Pharaoh: 77ze Black Experience qfAncient Egypt. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. "The Medinet Habu Records of the Sea Peoples," in 77ze Philistines and other Sea Peoples, ed. A. Killebrew and G. Lehmann. Atlanta: SBL/Leiden: E. J. Brill. With S. Redford, "The Sacred Animal Necropolis at Mendes," in Ancient Egyptian Animal Mummies, ed. S. Ikram. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. "The Northern Wars of Thutmose III," in 77zutmose Ill: 77ze Biograplry, ed. D. O'Connor and E. Cline. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 17ze Excavations at Mendes, 1. 77ze Royal Necropolis and the T emenos Walls. Leiden: EJ. Brill. In Preparation

- with S. Redford, the Tomb qf Parennefer (T.T. 188). - Ciry qf the Ram-Man: 77ze Story qf Ancient Mendes. -- the Excavations at Mendes, II. 77ze Temple and Acijacent Areas. Leiden: EJ. Brill. - Akhenaten, 77ze Heretic Pharaoh, (revised edition) Princeton: Princeton University Press.

INDEX OF AUTHORS Abd el-Maksoud, Mohamed 131, 132n. Adam, K. D. 86n. Adams, W. Y. 43-44, 126. Adamson, S. 62, 81. Aharoni, Y. 312n, 415. Albright, William Foxwell 129n,408, 411-412,456. Aldred, Cyril 19911, 200n, 231. Alexander, Paul, G. 49611. Alexander, R. E. 340n. AJIen,]. P. 157n, 352, 354. Altenmueller, H. 165n. Amer, Amin 140. Amiran, Ruth 49-50, 128-129. Andelkovic, B. 49n. Anderson, W.P. 416. Andreu, G. 170n. Andrews, C. 400n. Annesley, George (Lord Valentia, Earl of Mountnorris) 65,67. Ariel,D.T. 418. Arnold, D. 272n, 274-277, 27911, 283, 310n. Ashton, S.-A. 291n. Assman,Jan 9-10, 144n, 150, 155156,162, 185-186, 189,265-266, 351-352. Aston, D. A. 311, 316n, 318-319, 323n, 326-327, 329-330, 406-408, 416. Aufrere, Sydney 47,56n. Avigad, Nachman 417. Avituv, Shmuel 135. Badian, Ernst 449. Badawy, A. 274n. Baines,]. 145n, 149n, 157, 159-160, 163-165, 167n, 169-170, 173-174. Banning, E. B. 82n. Barag, Dan 47 I. Baring-Gould, S. 484n. Barnes, T. D. 482n. Barr,]. 345n, 352. Barquet, P. 300n. Barrett, C. K. 355. Barucq, A. 150, 155-156.

Baus, K. 480n. Beaulieu, P.-A. 457-458. Beck, H.-G. 487n. Beit-Arieh, I. 49n, 50-52. Bell, Lanny 55, 264-265, 299. Bennett, W.]. jr. 464. Benson, M. 295. Ben-Tor, Amnon 49n, 129n, 400. Berg, D. 295n. Bernheimer, Richard 48l. Berman, L. 198n, 225. Betlyon, John 16. Bey, H. 467,47l. Bianchi, R. 291-292. Bickel, Susanne 182n. Bienkowski, Piotr 125. Bierling, M. R. 406. Bietak, Manfred 77, 132, 346. Bikai, P. M. 416. Binns,John 485n. Birch, S. 143,155-156. Blanton, R. E. 42. Bleiberg, Edward 7-8, 136-137, 139n, 290n. Blenkinsopp,]. 442n. Bliss, F.]. 408. Bloch, Herbert 489-490. Blum, E. 365-366, 369, 378, 382383. B'naity,j. 62-63, 68, 81. Boardman,]. 460-461,466. Boeda, E. 86n. Bonnet, C. 54. van den Boom, G. P. F. 170n. Borchardt, Ludwig 263. Bordes, F. 86n, 42. Borgerhoff-Mulder, M. 451-452. Botero,Jean 205n. Boureau, Alain 491 n. Bourriau,j. 334n, 339, 406-408, 415-416. Bowersock, G. W. 494n. Burkert, Walter 494n. Boydell, P.]. 85. Bradbury, Louis 123n. Brakke, David 479n. Brand, Peter 11-12, 259n, 262n, 265, 360.

518

INDEX OF AUI'HORS

BrashIer, James 484-485. Breasted,J. H. 143n, 151, 155,24511, 352,353. Breiner, S. 9111,95. Bright,]. 456. van den Brink, Edwin 26811, 346. Brovarski, Edward 264n. Brown, Peter 47911, 496. Brugsch-Bey, Emile 67. Brunner, Helmut 119n, 120. Brunner-Traut, E. 233,235-236, 239-240, 241-246, 248, 2+911, 250251. Brusamolino, Silvia Isella 481 n. Bruun, B. 194n. Bruyere, B. 27311. Bryan, B. 22511, 298. Budge, E. A. W. 150n, 155-156, 161, 'WOn. Bultmann, C. 44011. BUl1l1ens, G. 167, 17311. Burckhardt,Johl1 L. 66. Burstein, S. 293. Burton,James 66-68, 73, 83. Burton-Christie, Douglas 47911. Butler, AlfredJoseph 67. Butzer, K. W. 69, 77, 26811, 28311. Caminos, Richard A. I, I 70n, 258. Cal1eva, I. 77 Cannuyer, Christian 23111. Capart,J. 233, 240. Cardascia, G. 4·69. Carr, D. M. 369. Carter, C. 457. Cassuto, U. 359n. Castle, Edward 25811. Cauville, S. 29911, Cerny,J 52-53, 54n, 55, 159, 169, 172. Cerroni-Long, E. L. 449n. Chaban, M. E. 26911, 271. Chadwick, H. 486-487,494'11,497. Chartier-Raymond, M. 52, 53n. Chassinat, Emile 18811. Chevereau, P. M. 55-56. Chitty, Derwas 48011,495. Clark, S. 272,274, 277n. Clere,JJ 395n. Cline, Eric H. 145n. Coarelli, F. 490. Coats, G. W. 36511,369.

Cochavi-Rainey, Zipporah 137. Cogan, M. 426. Cohen, Abner 203n, 424-425. Cohen, Raymond 21011. Cohen-Weinberger, A. 339. Collier, S. 289-290,297, 298n. Collins, A. L. 86n. Collins, BillieJean 218n. Collon, Dominique 218. Condon, V. 171 n. Connan,J 86. Cooley, W. W. 71. Coon, Lynda L. 480-481. Cooney,]. D. 199n. Copeland, E. 17 4n. Corcoran, Lorelei 199n. Corey, K. T. '193. Coueasnon, Ch. 482,49711. Couroyer, B. 171. Cowley, A. 460, 462. Cross, F. M. 471. Cruesemann, F. 369. Cullican, W. 421. Currid,J K. 389n, 392, 401n. Curtin, P. D. 405-406, 425-426. Damell,John 56n. D'Andrea, A. C. 62-63,6411, 77-78. Danios, A. 67,94. Daressy, M. G. 269n, 273, 280-281, 298n. Daube, D. 44911. Daumas, F. 150,155-156. Davidson, James 203n. Davies, Norman de Garis 146-147, 152n, 15611, 160, 170, 18811,20911, 212-213,214-216, 217n, 221, 233, 240n, 242, 250n, 328. Davis, Raymond 48911. Delehaye, Hippolyte 480, 482, 486488,490n. Demsky, A. ·418. Derchain, M.-T. 290n. Dessort, D. 8611. Dever, W. G. 417, 426. DietIer, Michael 203n, 205n, 206208, 212, 221. Dietrich, W. 363,366-367,369. van Dijk, Jacobus 30 I. Dills, Peter 258n, 260-261, 263n, 288, 292-293. Dodd, C. H. 347,355-356.

INDEX OF AUTHORS

Dodson, A. 272n. Donadoni, Sergio 118n. Donohoe, V. A. 149. Dothan, M. 312n, 317n, 332, 413, 416. Dothan,T. 131,310-311,313-314, 319n, 322, 324, 328-332, 335-336. Drake, H. A. 482. Driver, S. R. 393n, 427. Dubberstein, W. H. 88. Dunayevsky, I. 413. Dunham, D. 312. Dunn, Marilyn 479. Eaton-Krauss, Marianne 215-216. Edel, Elmar 140. Edgar, M. C. C. 269, 278, 280n. Edwards, I. E. S. 145, 184n. Egberts, A. 167n, 169, 173. Ehrenberg, E. 294, 315-316. El Din, Azza Sarry 22n, 37-38. Elm, Susanna 479n. Emery, W. B. 125, 128n. Engelbach, R. 272,274,277,313, 318,320,322-325,328-329, 332n. Erfan, Moshera 22n. Erichsen, W. 250. Ennan, A. 155-156, 158n. Ertman, E. 10, 11. Eyre, C . .J. 167,173-174. Farag, S. 130. Farquhar, R. M. 62-63, 64·n, 69, 71, 81,87. Faulkner, R. O. 136,155,159,237. Fazzini, Richard 12,294-295,297300. Fecht, G. 144n, 150,156,158,184185. Feucht, E. 400n. Firchow, O. 260. Fischer, Henry G. 30n, 243, 245. Fischer-Eifert, Hans-Werner 130. Fitzgerald, G. M. 312,314-315,322, 331, 333n. Fleming, S . .J. 340. Foster,]. L. 150-153,155, 157, 162n. Fox, M. V. 364, 373. Frandsen, P.]. 44Frangipane, M. 77. Frank, A. 43.

519

Franks, Georgia 479. Franken, H.]. 334. Frankfort, H. 244-245, 248. Freed, Rita 216, 290. Fretheim, 1'. E. 392, 299. FlUechtcl, U. 347,352, 356n. Frye, R. N. 468-470,472. Gabe, Luc 259. Gabe, Marc 264. Gabolde, 1'\'larc 259. Galling, K. 456. Gardiner, Sir A. H. 53n, 5\ 88, 99, 125, 128, 130-131, 158, 161, 168, J70-17I, 173, 179n, 220o, 237, 303,347. Garland, G. D. 91,95. Garnot,]. Sainte Fare 150, 155-156. Garnsey, Peter 219-220. Gasse, A. 170. Gaster, Th. H. 346. Gauthier, H. 114,116-118, 269n, 280n. Gauthier-Laurent, M. 238. Germer, R. 171. Gero, Stephen 496. Gesenius-Buhl 349. Ghaznavi, H. A. 85. G hirshman, R. 471. Gibson, Shimon 483. Gitin, S. 414. Giveon, R. 52, 54-55, 171 n. Glanville, S. R. K. 171. Glanzman, W. D. 340. Goebs, K. 290,297-298. Goedicke, Hans 123,164,172-173. Goehring,James E. 479. Goffer, Z. 85. Gohary, Jocelyn 210. Goldberg, P. 336-337. Golden,]. 49. Golvin,J.-C. 288. Gomaa, Farouk 114. Gophna, Ram 49, 314n, 346. Gould, B. 311,323, 331n, 334-335. Gourlay,]. 295. Grabbe, L. L. 442. Grace, V. R. 328-329. Graefe, E. 215-216. Gray, G. B. 459-4-61. Grayson, A. K. 458. Green, Lyn 10.

520

INDEX OF AUTHORS

Green, M. 167, l7In, 173. Griffith, F. ll. 267n, 315, 320. Griffiths,]. Gwyn 236. Guentch-Ogloueff, M. 463. Gunkel, H. 349-350. Gurney, O. R. 218-219. Guy, P. L. O. 314n, 321,327. Habachi, L. 77, 83-84. Hadley,judith M. 493. Halkin, F. 488, 490. Hall, E. S. I 29n. Hall, Stuart G. 482. Halpern, Baruch 15- I 6. Hamilton, William Richard 65. Hancock, R. G. V. 62-63,81, 86n. Hansen, D. P. 93-96. Harden, D. 458-459,466-467. Harris,]. R. 171. Harvey, Paul B.jr. 16 Hasel, G. F. 427. Haskins, Susan 481, 484, 491-492. Hassan, Ali 225. Hawass, Zahi 6, 21. Hayden, Brian 203,205-208, 211212. Hayes, W. C. 170. Hazzard, R. 293. von Hefele, Karl]. 488. Hegazy, Eisayed 296. Hein, Irmgard 132. Heick, Wolfgang 150, 155-156, 170172,209n, 263,290n. Henniker, Sir Frederick 66. Herm, Gerhard 467. Hermann, A. 149. Hermann, H. 392, 399-40 I. Hero, Angela C. 488. Herodotus 421,448,460,465,467. Hesse, F. 393-394. Higginbothom, Carolyn 130, 309310. Hill, G. F. 462. Hill, M. 46. Hillman, G. C. 79-80. Hinze, F. 397. Hirmer, M. 197n. Hobsbawm, E. 42. Hobson,]. A. 42. Hoch,]. E. l70-l71. Hodel-Hoenes, Sigrid 212. Hodges, Henry 85, 336.

Hoelbl, G. 291. Hoelscher, G. 359. Hoffmeier, james 8. Hofstadter, Richard 452. Hoglund, Kenneth G. 458,462-465. Holladay,john S.jr. 15,82. Hollis, S. T. 171. Holmberg, M. S. 352. Holmes, W. H. 86. Holthocr, R. 310,312-320,321-324, 325-327, 331n, 332-333. Holz, R. K. 93-96. Horn, S. H. 462. Hornung, Erik 154, 157n, 182-183, 221, 298n. Houlihan, P. F. 194, 197n, 235, 242244, 248n. Huddelstun,]. R. 401. Humphreys, W. L. 364,385. Hunt,]. B. 483, 495n. lerullo, S. 62-63, 81. Ikram, Salim a 211, 220, 272n. Ishida, T. 442. Iverson, E. 353-355. jacobs,]. A. 91,95. jacquemin, M. 171. james, T. G. H. 133. jansen, Katherine Ludwig 481,485, 490-491. janssen,].]. 137, 140, 168-171, 246n, 312n, 318. jenni, H. 294. joffe, A. H. 43. johnson, W. R. 198,26In. jones, A. H. M. 494. jones, D. 56. jonsson, G. A. 355. judeich, W. 470. judge,]. W. 86. julig, P.]. 62-64,68, 70, 81. junker, H. 250, 352. Kadish, G. E. 125,297. Kantor, H.]. 77. Karlshausen, Christine 265-266. Kebekus, N. 367. Keel, O. 351. Kelley,A.L. 310. Kemp, Barry]. 44-45, 126, 170n, 207,211,220-221,314.

52l

INDEX OF AUTHORS

Kenyon, Dame Kathleen 3,418. Killebrew, Ann 13. King, P. 424. Kingery, D. W. 82. Kitchen, Kenneth A. 131,173,184, 188,258n,269, 346-347, 389n. Kipling, Rudyard 113. Kleindienst, M. R. 69, 83. Knauf, E. A. 448. Knoppers, Gary N. 1-17. Knudstad,James E. 128. Koch, K. 352. Kienitz, F. K. 471. Korsham, Carolyn Higgin 130. Kotter, Bonifatius 487-488. Kouli, Maria 481. Kozloff, A. 225n. Kraeling, E. G. 463. Krautheimer, R. 482,490. Krawiec, Rebecca 479. Kuhlmann, P. 186. Kunze, Konrad 489-492,496-497. Kurth, D. 147,295. Kysar, R. 355. Lacau, P. 146n, 264. Lanciers, E. 291,299. Lange, K. 197. Lapp, Guenther 113-114,116-117. Larronde,]. 288. Larsen, M. T. 406. Lebrun, R. 220. Leclant,]. 260, 294n, 297. Leclerq, H. 487. Lefebvre, G. 114-118, 170n, 269n. LeGoff, Jacques 481. Lehner, M. 22, 268n, 279. Lemaire, A. 418. Lemche, N. P. 350. Lepsius, Karl Richard 67, 360n. Leprohon, Ronald 9, 221. Levy, Thomas E. 129,346. Lewis, D. M. 464. L'Hote, Nestor 296 Lichtheim, Miriam 125, 150, 152, 155-157,161,172, 236n, 250-251, 269n. Limme, L. 288. Liverani, Mario 137, 167, 173. lloyd, A. B. 463. Lord, Keat 52n. Loret, V. 17 1.

Lorton, D. 172. Lovell, N. C. 83. Lucas, A. 171, 332. Lundager Jenson, H.].

349.

Macalister, R. A. S. 408. McCarthy, D.]. 390n. McDowell, A. 172. McElhinny, M. W. 91n, 92, 95. McGovern, P. E. 312-315,317,330333,335-336,339n, 346. Machinist, Peter 466. McKane, W. 365. MacKay. P. 64,68,96,270, 29n. McKenzie, S. L. 368n. Malamat, Avraham 14. :Malek, Jaromir 130,226,267. Manniche, Lise 164n, 17 1, 217-219, 248. Manning,]. 299-300. Mansi,]. D. 488-489. Maraval, Pierre 494. Mariette, A. 298n. Markoe, G. 225. Marrouf, A. 298. Martin, Geoffrey T. 211. Mathieu, B. 162. Mazar, A. 314,318,321,323,329, 339n, 360. Meeks, D. 170. Megally, M.159. Meiggs, R. :1-64-465. Meinhold, A. 372-375. Mercier, N. 86. Meron, D. 314. Merrill, T. 91-92,95. Merritt, B. D. 447. Merton, R. K. 449. deMeulenacre, D. 64,68,96,270, 288, 291 n, 300. Michalowski, Piotr 205, 209. Milburn, Robert 482. Milgrom,J. 439. Millard, A. 128. Miller, P. D. :1-27. Miller, R. L. 333. Millet, Nick 13. Minas, M. 300. Moens, M. F. 77. Mogensen, M. 235. Mommsen, T. 42. Montet, P. 269n, 280-281.

522

INDEX OF AUTHORS

l\,Ioortgat, A. 247. Moran, William L. 138, 213. Morchauscr, Scott 30, 134-135. Morenz, S. 235, 251. Morkot, R. 42,44. rvfoschos,John ,t86. Moss, R. L. B. 267,280. Mousa, Ahmed M. 165. Mueller, Ch. 171. Mueller, D. 400. .Muhesen, S. B611. Mullins, R. A. 310. Mumford, Gregory 12, 41, 49, 5053, 55n, 63, 99,409,419. Murnane, W. A. 43, 134, 144, 150, 155-157,215,263. Murray,Oswyn 218-219. l\lysliwiec, Karol 161, 167, 290. Na'amal1, Nadav 124n, 135-136. Nadelman,Y. ·417-418. Nagel, G. 310,312-313, 315-3IB, 327-329, :)31-332. von Nagy, Maria 4·91. Naveh,j. 406, 415. Naville, Heni Edouard 67-68. Needler, Friedl I. Nelson, Harold H. 258, 261, 263n. Newberrv, P. 295. Nicholso~, P. T. I 71. Niederberger, W. 274-275. Nielsen, Inge 218. Niemeier, W. D. 456, 4-59-460. Nijagunappa, R. 84. Nissenbaum, A. 341. Nocgd, S. B. 389. Nord, Katerina 30. Nordstrom, HA. 339. Norris, Kathleen i~8(). Noth, M. 365,447. Notter. V. 352. Oakley, K. P. 82n. Ochsenschlager, E. 93-96. O'Connor, David 125-126, 128n, 145n. Olmstead, A. T. BB, 99. Omlin,j. A. 235, 2,t I. Oppenheim, A. L. 406. Ordcmlich, 1. 51 . Oren, Eliezer D. 49n, 130-131, 312, 315,317,319,323,346,406,409410.

Ostrogorsky, Georg Owen, R. 42.

496n.

Paice, Patricia 422. Palmieri, A. 77. Parcak, Sarah 6-7, 41. Parker, A. 88. Parkinson, R. 161, 16/t. Patlagean, Evelyne It85. Patrich,Joseph 483 . Pavlish, Larry 7,41n. Peacock, D. P. S. 335-336. Pearsall, D. M. 77. Peck, W. H. 233, 240, 294-295. Peet, T. E. 313-318, 320n, 322-328, 331. Pelikan, J aroslav 487. Pendlebury,j. D. S. 24-4-245. Peters, M. 4·24. Petit, Paul 495. Petrie, Sir W. M. Flinders 316, 319, 321-327,329-333,407-408,421. Pierret, P. 14-3,155-156, 160. Pinnock, Frances 209. Poppe, Erich 48 I. Porten, B. ·462-463. Porter, B. 267,280. Posener, Georges 190. Pozzi, Gioval1l1i 481. Pringle, D. 82n. Pritehard,J B. 421, 428 Propp, W. H. C. 392,394. Quack,j. F. 395. (.,bJaegebeur,Jan 2B8-29I , 293-294, 296-299. Quirke, Stephen 130, 158, 163,170, 274n. Raavcn, M. 229. von Rad, G. 361-362,364. Rainey, A. F. 472. Ranke, H. 160n. Rawlinson, G. 'l·n. Redf(xd, Donald, Bruce I, 7, 9-11, 13-14, Hi-I 7, 21,4In, 44-45, 48n, 51,54-55,62-64,68-69,77,81-83, 87, 123n, 125-126, 129, 133-I:H, 15211,162, 167, 173, 179, 193,203, 207, 210-211, 217, 223, 230, 233, 250n,257,297n,309,345-347, 350,352-353,361-365,371-372, 374,378,386-387,38911,456,463.

INDEX OF AlfrHORS

Redfixd, Susan I 7, 98. Reeder, Greg 160, 165n. Reeves, Nicholas 207,209. Reisner, George Andrew 23. Rendtorff, Rolf 361. Reubeni, A. 359. Revez,]ean 160. Richardson, L. jr. 490. Ricke, H. 296. Robins, Gay 150,160, 199. Roccati, A. 30n. de Rodrigo, A. 63. Roeder, G. 298. de Roller, G.J. 77. Rose, P.J. 316, 318, 323-325, 328, 331,333n. Rossellini, H. 235, 241. Rothenberg, B. 49, 50-51, 55. Rousseau, Philip 479. Roux, G. 455,457-458. Rowe, A. 402. Russell, F. 61 Rutten, M. 246-24-7. Ryholt, K. 34-6. Sack, R. 457. Saeve-Soederbergh, T. 128, 133. Saggs, H. W. F. 4-58. Sandman, Major 152-153, 185n, 190. Sassi, D. 196. Sasson, jack 204, 206, 208-209, 212. Sauneron, S. 279, 296, 304-. Scharff; A. 155-156, 160n. Scheepers, A. 167, 170, 173. Schiaparelli, Ernesto 118. Schipper, B. U. 360. Schmid, H. H. 361. Schmid, K. 378-381. Schmidt, Peter HOn. Schmitt, H.-C. 369, 386. Schneider, Th. IB2. Schoegl 352. Schorn, U. 386. Schoske, Sylvia 113. Schubert,J. 351. Schulman, A. R. 129, 139, 171. Schulz, R. 195. von Seeber, C. 4-00-401. Seidel, M., 195. Sellen, D. W. 4-51. Van Seters,john 14,365,367,378,

523

381, 385, 392, 394-. Sethe, Kurt 113n, 123, 126, 173, 182n, 188. Seybold, K. 350, 352. Shafer, B. E. 274-. Shaliv, G. 338. Shaw,!. l7ln. Shea, William 125. Shec1id, A. G. 195. Sheppard, P.J. 69,83,86. Shubert, Steven Blake 9. Shupak, Nili 14-. Siegmund, Albert 491. Simons,J. 359-360. Simpson, W. K. 161. Singer-Avitz, Lily 412-413. Sinopoli, C. M. 4-2-43. Smith, H. S. 128. Smith, Ray Winfield 210-211,217. Smith, Stuart Tyson 42-4-5, 126-127, 226n. Smith, W. S. 4-5. Spalinger, Anthony 140. Spanel, Donald 114, 116. Sparks, K. L. 368. van der Spek, R.J. 458. Spencer, A,J. 125, 163. de Spens, R. 167, 170. Spiegel,J. 265. Spiegelberg, W. 250-251,303. Stager, L. E. H5. Stanley,J. D. 61, 69. Starr, C. G. 462. Steiner, R. C. 441-442. Stern, E. 457,459. Stern, vVilma 4. Stevenson, jane 490. Stewart, H. M. 147, 154, 162. Stieglitz, D. 93-96. Strange,John 13. Sutclifle, B.42. Talmon, S. H6. Taschen, Benedikt 270n. Taylor,Joan, E. 'W2-'~83. Thompson, Th. L. 350, 352, 361. Tietze, Hans 4B2. Tiradritti, F. 46. Tiserat, N. 86. Tite, M. S. 336. Tobin, V. A. 174. van der Toom, Karel 4-27.

524

INDEX OF AUTHORS

Torczyner, H. 456. Traunecker, C. 295. Trigger, Bruce 77, 125-126. Troy, L. 298n. Tsafrr, Yoram 494. Tufnell, O. 312,317, 321n, 412, 419. Tushingham, A. Douglas 414. Tylecote, W. E. S. 85. Uehlinger, C. 351,372,374-377. Ussishkin,D. 418. Valbelle, Dominique 54, 131n. Valladas, H. 86. Vallogia, M. 48. Vandier d'Abbadie,Jacques 212213,238,240,242n,243-245, 246n, 249n, 471. Varille, A. 143,147,156,259. Vassilika, E. 289. Vaughan, S.]. 337. Veenhof, K. R. 406. te Velde, H. 160. Verhoeven, U. 182. Verner, M. 272. van WaIsem, R. 229. Walsh, W. M. 480. Ward, A. W. 45, 129n, 170. Ward, Benedicta 481,484-485, 496n. Warne, A. G. 61. Weinberg,Joel 445. Weinfeld, M. 402n, 450. Weinstein,James 124, 129, 135n, 309. Weiss, Harvey 41. Wenham, G.]. 359. Wenke, Robert]. 77. Wente, Edward F. 122, 173. Werbrouck, M. 238. West, S. 250-251. Westbrook, Raymond 210, 444. Westendori~ W. 164,290.

Westermann, C. 349-350, 359n, 365-366,385. Wetterstrom, W. 77. Wevers, John 5. White,]. B. 160. Wild, H. 300. Wildung, Dietrich 113. Wilkenson, Sir John Gardener 67, 71,86. Wilkinson, T. 47,274,276,279-280, 281. Willems, Harco 114-115. Williams, Ronald]. 1,345,347-348. Williamson, H. G. M. 444-445. Willi-Plein, Willi 363, 365, 383. Wilson,John A. 124,140,144,146, 150, 155-156, 173,352. Wilson, K. 83-84. Wilson, R. R. 392-394. Wilson, W. 359. Wimbush, Vincent L. 479. Windengren, G. 468. Winlock, H. E. 139n. Winter, E. 292,298-299. Wiseman, D.]. 456. Woldering, I. 240. Wolpers, Thomas 492. Woolley, C. L. 313-318, 320n, 322n, 323-328, 330-331. Wreszinski, W. 238,240-241, 243n. Wright, G. E. 317. Wuerfel, R. 235-237, 240n, 243, 245-247, 251. Yahuda, A. S. 392,395. Yannai, E. 314. Yoyotte,]. 269, 280. Zaccagnini, C. 173. Zaidman, Louise Bruit 203n, 206, 220. Zandee,Jan 147n, 186, 188. van Zeist, Willem 77 . Zivie, Alain 10, 11,227.

PROBLEME DER AGYPTOLOGIE

The Probleme der Agyptologie, founded in 1953 by Hermann Kees, are concerned with the religion, literature, history - political, social and economic - and language of ancien t Egypt, both pharaonic, Ptolemaic and Roman, including manifestations abroad and in later times. The series accepts all serious methodological approaches. I Kees, H. Das Priestertum im agyptischen Staat vom Neuen Reich bis zur Spatzeit. IndicesundNachtrage. 1958. ISBN 90 04 06231 9 Outqfprint 2 Otto, E. Die biographischen Inschriflen der agyptischen Spatzeit. Ihre geistesgeschichtliche und literarische Bedeutung. 1954. ISBN 90 04 01 780 lOut qf print 3 HeIck, W Zur Venvaltungdes Mittleren undNeuenReichs. Register. Zum 60. Geburtstag des Verfassers zusammengestellt von den Mitarbeitern der Agyptologischen Abteilung an der Universitat Hamburg. 1975. ISBN 9004043624 Outqfprint 4 Kees, H. Die Hohenpriester des Amun von Karnak von Herihor bif zum Ende der Athiopenzeit. 1964. ISBN 90 04 017828 Outqf print 5 Stadelmann, R. Syrisch-paliistinensische Gottheiten in Agypten. 1967. ISBN 90 04 01783 6 Outqf print 6 Velde, H. teo Seth, god qf confosion. A sturfy qf his role in Egyptian n1:.ythology and religion. Reprint with corr. of the 18t (1967) ed. 1977. ISBN 90 04 05402 2 Out qf print 7 Guglielmi, W. Die GiJitinMr.t. Entstehungund Verehrungeiner Personiflkation. 1991. ISBN 90 04 08814 8 8 Bonneau, D. Le regime administratif de l'eau du Nil dans I'Egypte grecque, romaine et lryzantine. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09687 6 9 O'Connor, D. & D.P. Silverman (eds.). Ancient £.gyptian Kingship. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10041 5 10 Loprieno, A. (ed.). Ancient Egyptian Literature. History and Forms. 1996. ISBN 90 04 099255 11 Hasel, M. G. Domination and Resistance: Egyptian .Military Activiry in the Southern Levant, 1300-1185 BG. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10984 6 12 Doxey, D.M. Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets in the Middle Kingdom. A Social and Historical Analysis. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11077 1

13 Kahl, J. Siut - Theben. Zur Wertschatzung von Traditionen im alten Agypten. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11441 6 14 Grunert, S. & I.Hafemann (eds.). Textcorpus und Wiirterbuc/z. Aspekte zur agyptischen Lexikographie. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11536 6 IS Molen, R. van der. A Hierog!Jphic Dictionary qf Egyptian Criffin Texts. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11654 0 16 Brand, PJ. The ~1onuments qf Seti I. Epigraphic, Historical and Art HistoricalAnalysis. 2000. ISBN 90 04 117709 17 Peden, AJ. The Grqifiti qf Pharaonic Egypt. Scope and Roles of Informal Writings (c. 3100-332 BC). 2001. ISBN 90 04 12112 9 18 Torok, L. The Image qf Ordered Hlorld in Ancient Nubian Art. The Construction of the Kushite Mind 800 Bc-300 AD. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12306 7 19 Moers, G. Fingierte Welten in der agyptischen Literatur des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. Grenzuberschreitung, Reisemotiv und Fiktionalitat. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12125 0 20 Knoppers, G.N. & A. Hirsch (eds.). Egypt, IsraeL, and the Ancient Mediterranean Hlorld. Studies in Honor of Donald B. Redford. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13844 7. 21 Miiller-Wollermann, R. Vergehen und Strqfen. Zur Sanktionierung abweichenden Verhaltens im alten Agypten. 2004. ISBN 9004 139060 ISSN 0 169-960 1

FIGURES AND PlATES

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HAWASS, THE POTTERY

Figure 8. Burial shaft 3. Comments: beer jar rim - scale? - diameter: 8 em20% remaining - handmade - Nile silt

Figure 9. Burial shaft 1. Comments: red-slip ware (red slip on exterior only) scale? - diameter: 24 em - 5.3% remaining - handmade - Nile silt

Figure 10. Burial shaft 4. Comments: rim - scale? - dianleter: 7 em - 30% remaining - wheel-made jar - Marl clay

Figure 11. Burial shaft 2. Comments: beer jar rim - scale? - diameter: 10 em - 15% remaining - handmade - Nile silt

Figure 12. Burial shaft 7. Comments: beer jar rim - scale? - diameter: 9 em15% remaining - handmade - Nile silt

PAVLISH

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PAVLlSH

Figure 2. Location of the cores and the section profiles in both the Outer Harbour and the Medesian KOill.

PAVLISH

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PAVLISH

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PAVLISH

MENDES, EGYPT Map Survey A.I'lI!QmcJIer

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Figure 5. A contour map for each of the ten Survey Areas along with their location on the site.

PAVLISH

MendC!B. Egypt.; Maanelomeler Survey of

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PAVLISH

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PAVLISH

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HOFFMEIER

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Plate 1. Remains of Amarna-Ramesside period fort at Tell el-Borg. Field IV, areas C & D, April 2001

SHUBERT

TABLET

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ERTMAN

Figure 1. Limestone relief of birds from a Figure 2. Offering scene from TT 52, tomb of private collection (Photograph by Richman Nakht. (Photograph by author) Haire)

Figure 3. Fragment of an offering scene, Temple of Figure 4. Fragment of an offering Tuthmosis III, Deir el Bahari. (Courtesy of Dr. Jad- scene, Temple of Tuthmosis III, Deir wiga Lipinska, photograph by G.Johnson) el Bahari. (Courtesy of Dr. Jadwiga Lipinska, photograph by G. Johnson)

Figure 5. Detail of an offering scene, Temple of Figure 6. Detail of an offering scene, Temple Hatshepsut, Deir el Bahari. (Courtesy of Dr. of Hatshepsut, Deir el Bahari. (Courtesy of Jadwiga Lipinska, photograph by G.Johnson) Dr. Jadwiga Lipinska, photograph by G. Johnson)

ERTMAN

Figure 7. Detail from the south wall of a structure of Hatshepsut, Temple of Amun, Karnak. (Photograph by author)

Figure 8. Detail from the south wall of a structure of Hatshepsut, Temple of Amun, Karnak. (Photograph by author)

Figure 9. Wall relief from the reign of Tuthmosis III, Temple of Amun , Karnak. (Photograph by Otto Schaden)

Figure 10. General view of an offering scene, Figure 11. Detail of Figure 10. (Photograph by Pylon of Tuthmosis IV, Karnak. (Photograph author) by author)

FLORES*

gure 1. Fragment of wall painting. Monastery of St. Apa Apollo at Bawit. Coptic period. optic Museum, Cairo, 8441. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 16; cf. Bmnner-Traut 1955: Plate I 1, 1963:98, 1968:figure 34; Houlihan 2001: 112, figure 123.

i I

gure 2a. Wall painting from 1mb of Sebeknakht at el-Kab. Dyasty 18/19. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1965:183, figure 6.

Figure 2b. Wall painting fmm tomb of Bebi at el-Kab. Dynasty 17. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1965: 184, figure 7.

\.11 illustrations are drawn by the author (based on published photographs of originals whenever possible).

FLORES ....

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......

Figure 3a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Frant;:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3829. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959: Plate CXVIII 2847; cf. Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 22 .

Figure 3b. Frog-backed scaraboid. Gla2 steatite. Provenance unstated. New Kil dom or later. Musee du Louvre, Paris, 6950. Photo: Houlihan 2001:91, figure'

..

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.1 Figure 4. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Priv;; collection (Musee du Louvre, Paris, E.17229, per Houlihan 2(01). Drawing: Vandi d 'Abbadie 1946: Plate XCIII 2724 = Houlihan 2001 :74, figure 69.

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d

Plate lao Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19/20. Musco Egizio, Turin, 55001. Photo: Omlin 1973: Plate I (detail) and Plate Iljdetail); b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir eI Medina. Dynasty 19/20. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 21475. Photo: Brunner-Traut 1956: Plate XXXIV 97; cf. Wiirfel 1953: 158, figure 23; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Private collection. Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXIX 2304; cf. Brunner-Traut 1968: figure 28 = Houlihan 2001 :84, figure 86; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Medelhausmuseet, Stockholm, MM 14049. Photo: Houlihan 2001 :85, figure 87; e. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir eI Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran{:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3398. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937:Plate XLIV 2305; j Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' eI Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Franl,;ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3776. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1946: Plate XCIV 2727.

FLORES

a

c

Plate 2a. Painted papyms (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 20 (Bmgsch dates it to Dynasty 22). Egyptian Museum, Cairo,jdE 31199. Photo: Omlin 1973: Plate XXb; d. Bmgsch-Bey 1897: Plate I; Curto 1965:figure 13; Bmnner-Traut 1968:figure 2; Houlihan 2001 :66, figure 62; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, prs>bably Deir el Medina. Dynasty J9/20 (based on style). Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich, AS 1549 (destroyed). Watercolor: Brunner-Traut 1956: Plate II 95; cf. Wurfel 1953:158, figure 18; Bmnner-Traut 1968:figure 32 = Houlihan 2001:79, figure 76; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran{:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, lFAO 3494. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLVI 2306; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Private collection. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLVI 2307.

FLORES

d

Plate 3a. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Ramesside period. British Museum, London, EA 10016. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 12; cf. Omlin 1973: Plate XXa; h. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19 (based on style). Pelizaeus Museum, Hildesheim, 3988. Photo: Houlihan 2001:79, figure 77; cf. Brunner-Traut 1956: Plate XXXIV 96; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6727. Photo: Paris & Brussels 2002:187 #131; cf. Werbrouck 1934:139, figure 32; De Morant 1937:34, figure 3; Wiirfel 1953:158, figure 19; Brussels 1966:22 #55; Malek 1993:118, figure 93; Houlihan 2001:80, figure 78; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Brooklyn Museum, New York, 37.51E. Photo: Brooklyn 1989 #62; cf. Wiirfel1953:158, figure 20; Carpart 1957:171, figure 22; Peck 1978:147, figure 78; Malek 1993:113, figure 88; e. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Museo Egizio, Turin, N.Suppl. 6296. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 7.

FLORES

Plate 4a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Thebes. D}11asty 19/ 20. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MFA 1976.784. Photo: Boston 1987:51 '" Houlihan 2001 :81, figure 80; cf. Boston 1982:279 #383; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown. New Kingdom. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Photo: Brussels 1989:68, figure 40; r:. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19/20. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, £6379. Photo: Houlihan 2001:80, figure 79; d. Gauthier-Laurent 1938:695, figure 13; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 33; d. Ostracon. Painted limesLOne. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Franl,":ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3504. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937:Plate XLV 2298; e. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Frant;ais d'Archeologie OIientale, Cairo, IFAO 3263. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937:Plate XLVIII 2315; d. Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 3 '" Houlihan 2001:77, figure 74.

FLORES

c

:Ite Sa. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musee du Louvre, ris, E.14306 (IFAO 3022). Photo: Paris & Bmssels 2002: 186 #130 and Drawing: Vandier ~bbadie 1937: Plate XLVI 2308; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. _messide period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3126. Watercolor: _ndier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXVII 2309; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el ::dina. Ramesside period. Institut Fraw;ais d'Archeologic Orientale, Cairo, U'AO 3095. -awing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLV 2300; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el ~dina. Ramesside period. Institut Franr,:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, U'AO 4050. -awing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959: Plate CX1X 2852; e. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el ~dina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran.;:ais d'Archeologic Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3666. awing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLVIII 2316 = Houlihan 2001:101, figure 112; c[ IUnner-Traut 1968:figure 17; f. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside :riod. Egyptian Museum, Cairo? (U'AO 3125). Watercolor: Vandicr d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXVII 2297.

Fl.ORES

•

Plate 6a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Mec Ramesside period. Oriental Institute Museum, University of Chicago, OIM 13951. Pt Malek 1993: 1 14, figure 89; d. Bmnner-Traut 1955: Plate II 1, 1963:90, 1968:figure 9; C 1965:figure 9; Peck 1978:147, figure 77; Boston 1982:279 #382; Janssen 1989:61, figun Houlihan 2001:75, figure 71; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unkn. probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 29-12/: Drawing: Bmnner-Traut 1968: figure 1 I = Houlihan 2001:76, figure 73; cf. Brunner-I 1955:25, figure 5; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DE Medina. Ramesside period. Medelhausmuseet, Stockholm, MM 14060. Photo: Houl 2001 :76, figure 72.

FLORES

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Plate 7a. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19/20. Museo Egizio. Turin, 55001. Photo: Omlin ] 973:Plate I (detail) and Plate II (detail); cL Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 29; b. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Ramesside period. British Museum, London, EA 10016. Photo: Peck 1978: 146, figure 76; c[ Curto 1965:figure 12; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Egyptian Museum. Cairo, JdE 65429 (IFAO 3020). Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXIX 2266; d. Wii rfe I 1953:157, figure 15; Peck 1978: Plate XIII; Houlihan 2001:82, figure 81; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Musee Agricole. Watercolor: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXVII 2264; cL Brunner-Traut 1963:86, 1968:figure 7.

FLORES

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Plate 8a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Private collection. Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 193: Plate XXXIX 2271; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran(,:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3129. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXVIII 2269; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran(,:ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3249. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XXXVIII 2267; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. New Kingdom. Museo Egizio, Turin, N.Suppl. 6286. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 6; e. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6369. Photo: Paris & Brussels 2002:189 #133; cf. Werbrouck 1932: 106, figure 2; Boston 1982:280 #384; Houlihan 2001 :82, figure 82; f. Fragment of faience figurine (Bes crown). Provenance unknown. Third Intermediate Period. Musee du Louvre, Paris, E.17339. Photo: Brussels 1989:68 #41; cf. Houlihan 2001: 108, figure 119.

FLORES

Plate 9a. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Ramesside period. British Museum, London, EA 10016. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 12; cf. Bnmner-Traut 1968:figure 30; Omlin 1973: Plate xXa; Peck 1978: 145, tlgure 74; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramcssidc period. Musee du Louvre, Paris, E.14368. Photo: Peck 1973: 143. figure 73; d. Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLIII 2294; WiiIid 1953:157, figure 13; Brunner-Traut 1955:14, figure 1, 1963:87, 1968:figure 5; Curto 1965:figure 8; Houlihan 2001:89, figure 95; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Gayer-Anderson Collection, Fitzwilliam Museum, University of Cambridge, EGA 4291.1943. Photo: Brunner-Traut 1979: Plate XXII #26; cf. Houlihan 2001 :83, figure 83; d. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 20 (Ikugsch dates it to Dynasty 22). Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JdE 31199. Photo: Omlin 1973: Plate XXh; cf. Brugsch-Bey 1897:Plate I; Curto 1965:figurc 13; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 18 '" Houlihan 2001:69, figure 64.

FLORES

a

c

Plate lOa. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Ramesside period. British Museum, London, EA 10016. Photo: Peck 1978:145, figure 75; cf. Curto 1965:figure 12; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 6; Omlin 1973: Plate xXa; Houlihan 2001:65, figure 60; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Franpis d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, HAO 3628. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLII 2285; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Medelhausmuseet, Stockholm, MM 14048. Photo: Houlihan 2001 :84, figure 85; cf. Bnmner-Traut 1986:figure 35; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3976. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959: Plate CXVIII 2855.

FLORES

Plate 11 a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Museo Egizio, Turin, N.Suppl. 6333. Photo: Curto ] 965:figure 4 and Drawing: BrunnerTraut 1963:81; cf. Brunner-Traut 1955:Plate II 3, 1968:figure 14 =' Houlihan 2001:97, figure 108; b. Ostl'acon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Drawing: Davies 1917:Plate I (JEA Plate L); cf. Wurfel 1953:160, figure 31; Capan 1957:174, figure 25.

FLORES

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a

b

c

Plate 12a. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Ramesside period. British Museum, London, EA 10016. Photo: Curto 1965:figure 12; cf. Brunner-Traut 1963:89, 1968:figure 21; Omlin 1973: Plate XXa; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6376. Drawing: Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 20 = Houlihan 2001:86, figure 90; d. Werbrouck 1953:110, figure 35; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3496. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLVII 2314 = Wiirfel 1953:159, figure 28; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3485. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLVII 2313.

FLORES

Plate 13a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6764. Photo: Vandier d 'Abbadie 1966: 194, figure 53; d. Werbrouck 1953: 111, figure 36; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 19 == Houlihan 2001:86, figure 89; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Musee du Louvre, Paris. £.25312. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959:Plate XCVIII 2743 == Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:150, figure 8; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Egyptian Museum, Cairo? (IFAO 3017). Watercolor: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XL 2283; d. Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:157, figure 18.

FLORF:S

Plate 14a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside petiod. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3417. Watercolor: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XL 2281 and Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:186, figure 46; h. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bmsscls, E6765. Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:185, figure 45; cf. Werbrouck 1934:139, figure 31; Brussels 1966:23 #57; Houlihan 2001:90, figure 96; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Medelhausmuseet, Stockholm, MM 14047. Photo: Paris and Brussels 2002:188 #132; cf. Houlihan 2001 :88, figure 94.

FLORES

a

c

e

Plate 15a. (upper)Cylinder seal. Limestone. Giza. Dynasty 5. Drawing: Junker 1938:269, figure 2; cr. Fischer 1959:252, figure 20. (lower)Cylinder seal. Old Kingdom. Provenance unknown. British Museum, London, 59430. Drawing: BlUnner-Traut 1955:18, figure 3; c[ Fischer 1959:252, figure 20; b. Blue glazed bowl. Provenance unstated. New Kingdom. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:188, figure 48; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Musee du Louvre, Paris, E.25309. Photo: Peck 1978:143, figure 72 and Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959: Plate CXVlI 2845; cr. Janssen 1989:61, figure 50; Houlihan 2001 :92, figure 100; Paris & BlUssels 2002:185 #129; d. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO no number. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1959: Plate CXVlI 2846; e. Ostracon. Painted ceramic sherd. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3127. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLIV 2292; f. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Franpis d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3118. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1936: Plate VII 2045; g. Ostracon. Painted limestone. DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 3489. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XLIV 2291.

FLORES

Plate 16a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance l!n kn own , probably Deir el ~edina. Dynasty 19/20 (based on style). Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich, AS 1540 (destroyed). Watercolor: Brunner-Traut 1956:Plate III 100; cf. Brunner-Traut ] 968:figure 25 = Houlihan 2001:87, figure 91; b. Ostracon. Painte~. limestone. Provenance ullknown. Dynasty 19/20 (based on style). Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich, AS 1541 (destroyed). Watercolor (reproduced in black and white): Brunner-Traut 1956:Plate XXXV 101; c. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably DeiI' el Medina. Ramesside period. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels, E6836. Photo: Houlihan 2001:90, figure 97 and Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:187, figure 47; cf. Werbrouck 1953: 109, figure 32; d. Wall painting from tomb of Serlka at Sheikh Said (tomb 24). Dynasty 5. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1964:169, figure 32; cf. Fischer 1959:250, figure 17; Houlihan 2001:21, figure 10; e. Wall painting fi'om tomb of Djehuti at Thebes (IT 11). Dynasty 18. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:192, figure 51.

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Plate 17 a. Wall painting from tomb of Djeserkere'sonb at Thebes err 38). Dynasty 18. Drawing: Davies 1963: Plate VI; b. Painted papyrus (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19/20, Museo Egizio, Turin, 55001. Photo: Omlin 1973: Plate I (detail)and Plate II (detail).

FLORES

o

Plate 18a. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Institut Fran~ais d'Archeologie Orientale, Cairo, IFAO 4010. Photo: Peck 1978:142, figure 71; cf. Vandier d'Abbadie 1959:P1ate CXVI and CXVII 2244; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 26 = Houlihan 2001:88, figure 93; Manniche 1991:113, t~gure 68; h. Fragmentary ceramic vessel. Provenance unstated. Greco-Roman period. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 12686. Photo: Wiirtd 1953:156, figure 9a; cf. Brunner-Traut 1955: Plate II 6, 1968:figure 24.

FLORES

a

b

,~W 00000 DODD

Plate 19a. Cylinder seal impression. Ur. Early third miIlennnium BC (predates "Royal" cemetery). Drawing: Rutten 1938:104, figure 10; d. Moortgat 1949:21, figure 34; Wiirfel 1953: 156, figure 12; h. Cylinder seal. Provenance unstated. Hyksos peliod. Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels. Drawing: Bnmner-Traut 1955:28, figure 6; d. Rutten 1938:113, figure 19; c. (left) Cylinder seal impression. Ur. Early third millennium BC (predates "Royal" cemete1)l). Drawing: Rutten 1938:] 05, figure II. (light) Cylinder seal impression. Fara (urupak). Early third millennium Be. Drawing: Rutten 1938:108, figure 13; cf. Wiirfel 1953:156, figure 11; (L Scarab seal. British Museum, London, 53269. Photo: Brunner-Traut 1959:89. figure 26; e. Seal impression. Uruk. Second half of fourth millennium BC (Uruk Schicht III,Jamdat Nasr peliod). Drawing: Rutten 1938:98, figure 3.

FLORES

Plate 20a. Front panel of bull-headed lyre. "Royal" cemetery at Ur (tomb 789). Middle of third millennium BC. University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, B17694. Drawing: Rutten 1938:lO6, figure 12; cf. Omlin 1973: Plate XXVIlb; Frankfi:>rt 1979:75, figure 78; b. Limestone orthostat. Tell Halaf. Ninth century BC (?). Photo: Moortgat 1955: Plate 100; cf. Moortgat 1949:Plate 47; Omlin 1973: Plate XXVIIc.

FI.ORES

a

/ b

Plate 21 a. Block of sandstone relief. Temple at Medamoud. Dynasty 25. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JdE 58924 (IFAO 5277). Photo: Houlihan 2001:106, figure 116; d. Bisson de la Roque 1931:73, figure 54 and Plate VI; Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 31; Omlin 1973: Plate XXUlb; b. Block of sandstone relief. Temple at Medamoud. Dynasty 25. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JdE 58925 (IFAO 5282). Photo: Bisson de la Roque 1931:74, figure 55; cf. Houlihan 2001:107, figure 117; c. Column relief. Hathor temple at Philae. Ptolemaic period. Photo: Houlihan 2001: 109, figure 120; d. Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 37.

FLORES

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d

Plate 22a. Painted papyms (detail). Provenance unknown. Dynasty 19/20. Museo Egizio, Turin, 55001. Photo: Omlin 1973 :Plate II (detail); d. Bmnner-Traut 1963:88, 1908:figure 8; Houlihan 2001 :72, figure 08; h. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Musee Agricole. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1937: Plate XCII 2717; [. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir eI Medina. Ramesside period. Egyptian Museum, Cairo,JdE 69410. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1946: Plate XCIV 2726; d. Bnmner-Traut 1968:tigure 15 = Houlihan 2001:77, figure 75; d. Ostracon (detail). Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1938.914. Photo: Davies 1917: Plate II (lEA Plate LI); cf. Houlihan 2001:95, figure 104.

FI.ORES

a

b

d

Plate 23a. Relief. Temple at Dakka. Roman period. Photo: Roeder 1930 (Volume 2): Plate 115; cf. Wurfel1953:l60, figure 32; b. Ostracon. Painted limestone. Deir el Medina. Dynasty 20 (based on style). Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 21443. Watercolor: Brunner-Traut 1956: Plate XXXIII 92 and Frontpiece and Photo: Paris and Brussels 2002:190 #134; cf. Spiegelberg 1916: Plate 4; WurfeI1953:153, figure 1; Brunner-Traut 1968: figure IO;Janssen 1989:62, figure 52; Berlin 1991:159 #97; Houlihan 2001:104, figure 113; c.Ostracon (detail). Painted limestone. Provenance unknown, probably Deir el Medina. Ramesside period. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, MMA 60.158. Photo: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966:159, figure 19; cf. Brunner-Traut 1968:figure 12; Houlihan 2001: 105, figure 114; d. Stela. Provenance unstated. New Kingdom. Drawing: Vandier d'Abbadie 1966: 184, fi{.,TUre 43.

BRAND

Figure 1. Recut image of Amen-Kamutef with renewal inscription of the High Priest Menkheperre. Luxor temple, west exterior wall of the solar court of Amenhotep III.

Figure 2. Facsimile drawing of the relief by author, inked by William Schenk.

BRAND

Figure 3. A constellation of divine images on the east exterior wall of Luxor temple including Amen-Opet-the-one-who-answers-the-poor.

Figure 4. More icons of varying sizes on the east exterior wall of Luxor temple. Some of these have drill holes to secure veils over them.

Figure 5. An isolated icon of Amen-Re on the west exterior wall of Khonsu temple with drill holes to secure a veil.

Figure 6

MUMFORD

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Figure 1. Map of Tell Tebilla and its environs, with the postulated location of harbours and the temple in relation to a now defunct east-west branch of the Nile.

MVM}>'ORD

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Figure 2. 14 Limestone sarcophagi.

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Figure 3. 1-6. Limestone basin, mortars, fitting, "homed altar"(?}, and anchor.

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Figure 4. 1-8: Granite and limestone architectural pieces.

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Figure 5. Hypothetical plan ofTebiIla temple (based on ex-situ blocks).

FAZZINI

TEMPLES DE

KARNAK

Figure 1. Map of north half of the Mut Precinct; A = Temple A; D = Chapel D; E = Structure E; T = Taharqa Gateway

FAZZINI

Figure 2. Block with remains of an image of Queen Arsinoe II.

Figure 3. SUUcture E and the group of blocks that included the block of Fig. 2.

FAZZINI

Figure 4. Block with relief of Ptolemy VI offering to two of his deified ancestors.

Figure 5. Chapel D viewed from the north.

FAZZINJ

Figure 6. Relief on the north face of the west half of the door way between the middle and rear rooms of Chapel D.

MILLET

Figure 1. Reverse

Figure 2. Obverse

Figure 3. Edges

KILLEBREW

FormEG la

FormEG Ib

FormEG2

FormEG3

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FormEG5a

Form EG5b

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10cm

Figure 1. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Bowls (Forms EG 1 - EB 5b) (Drawn by Heather Evans; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KtLLEBREW

FormEG6

FormEG7

FormEG8

FormEG 10 FormEG9

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Figure 2. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Bowls (Form EG 6), Juglets (Form EG 8), and Jars (Forms EG 9 and EG 10) (Drawn by Heather Evans; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLEBREW

Form EG 11

Form EG 12

FormEG 13

FormEG 14

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10cm

Figure 3. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Jars (Form EG 11), Bottles (Form EG 12), and Storage Jars (Forms EG 13 and EG 14) (Drawn by Heather Evans; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLEBREW

Form EG 16 FormEG 15

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Figure 4. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Storage Jar (Form EG 15) (Drawn by Heather Evans; CopyIight Ann E. Killebrew)

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Figure 5. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Storage Jar (Form EG 16) (Drawn by I-leather Ev.ms; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLEBREW

FormEG 17

0i::::.==-__ 1Oem Figure 6. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Storage Jar (Form EG 17) (Drawn by Heather Evans; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLKBREW

FormEG 18

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Figure 7. Major Egyptian Pottery Types Found in Canaan: Spinning Bowl (Form EG 18) and Beer Bottles (Forms EG 19a and 19b) (Drawn by Heather Evans; Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLEBREW

Figure 8. Ware Group DB-AI (Petrographic No. 35; width: 1.75 mm crossed polarizers). Calcareous matrix with large quantities of well-sorted silty quartz (ca. 30%) and a small amount of sub-angular to sub-.rounded quartz sand (ca. 1 %). Note numerous voids in ware (Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

Figure 9. Ware Group DB-C (Petrographic No. 49; width: 1.75 mm crossed polarizers). Non-calcareous clay with significant amounts of well-sorted silty quartz (10-20%) and a very small amount of sub-rounded quartz sand (ca. 1 %) (Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

KILLEBREW

Figure 10. Ware Group BS-A1 (Petrographic No. 164; width: 3.5 mm crossed polarizers). Calcareous clay matrix with a very small amount of quartz silt (<1 % ); it includes a small amount of sand-sized grains of carbonate (upper left corner) and travertine (ca. 1-3%) (Copyright Ann E. Killebrew)

MALAMAT

Figure 1.

HOLLADAY

Thin-section: crossed oolars Figure 1. Tell el-Maskhuta M81.L3.443.55A. Rim handle , and neck of Judaean decanter: quartz-feldspar petrofabric.

Figure 2. Tell el-Maskhuta M81.L2.324B. 85. Sidewall fragment of a Judaean decanter. Fossiliferous marly clay.

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1. Tell Oef8nneh

2. Tell Tebilla

3. Lahun

5.Tel ef-Maskhuta

4. Lahun

8. Tell ~8SkhulB

6. 'sae T.21'

7. Tel Golen (1staeI)

9.Kafr Ammar

Figure 3. Judaean decanters from excavations in Egypt. No.7 is from Judaea.

HOLLADAY

Figure 5. Seated Pregnant Goddess figurine from Phoenician Shrine at tell el-Maskhuta

Figure 4. Tell el-Maskhuta: Phoenician Shrine, looking east.

Figure 6. Intentional mutilation to left brow and eye, nose, mouth and chin. Slah on left hair/ veil and neck.

• M97 LlU'UA

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Figure 8. Amphora segment installed in Phoenician Shrine

Figure 7. Left breast: multiple radial slash marks.

Plate 1.